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Tobacco marketing and public policy in Canada, 1960-2002 : the role of sponsorship Dewhirst, Timothy 2003

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T O B A C C O M A R K E T I N G AND PUBLIC POLICY IN C A N A D A , T H E R O L E OF SPONSORSHIP  by TIMOTHY  DEWHIRST  B.P.H.E., University of Toronto, 1993 M . A . , Queen's University, 1995  A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T O F THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in T H E F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES (Interdisciplinary Studies) We acceptJbis-Hpesis a>co1Tl^rmjrijj*t6 the required standard  T H E UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH C O L U M B I A July 2003 © Timothy Dewhirst, 2003  In  presenting  degree freely  at  this  the  thesis  in  partial  University  of  British  available for  copying  of  department publication  this or of  reference  thesis by  this  for  his thesis  fulfilment  scholarly  for  her  I further  purposes  of  financial  l^Wii'Al^lM\j  The University of British C o l u m b i a Vancouver, Canada  Date  DE-6  (2/88)  requirements  gain  HyJlO  that the  agree  may  representatives.  permission.  Department  the  Columbia, I agree  and study.  or  of  It  shall not  that  Library  permission  be  granted  is  understood be  for  allowed  by  an  advanced  shall make for  the that  without  it  extensive  head  of  my  copying  or  my  written  ABSTRACT U s i n g an interdisciplinary and multi-method approach, this thesis examines Canadian tobacco industry practices that were responses to federal advertising regulations, with a specific focus on the role that sponsorship has played. B y analyzing internal industry documents publicly accessible as a result o f Canadian court proceedings, it is apparent that there were two defining periods for when sports and cultural sponsorship became an increasingly important component o f the promotional m i x for Canadian tobacco manufacturers. First, tobacco sponsorship became more prominent during the late 1960s and early 1970s when cigarette advertising was voluntarily withdrawn from television and radio. Second, expenditures substantially increased during the late 1980s and early 1990s with the implementation o f the Tobacco Products Control A c t ( T P C A ) , which severely limited conventional forms o f advertising. Case studies are provided for the marketing strategies o f Player's, Export ' A ' and Rothmans, thus a dominant trademark from each o f Canada's three principal tobacco manufacturers is represented. Each case study employs a different framework to understand the persuasive elements o f cigarette promotion and the importance o f message repetition, continuity, and consistency. The effectiveness o f Player's promotions are made clear b y integrated marketing communication efforts, while Export ' A ' and Rothmans promotional activities are understood i n terms o f rhetoric and intertextuality, respectively. The review o f industry documents discloses that the primary objectives for sponsoring events are to increase brand awareness (through continued brand exposure) and to enhance or reinforce brand image. Tobacco brands continue to gain widespread exposure on television through event sponsorship, and i n effect circumvent supposed  iii  bans on broadcast advertising. In an attempt to enhance or reinforce brand imagery, tobacco firms identify sports and cultural events that possess complementary symbolic properties, seeking a transfer o f the imagery associated with the event, participants or sponsorship partners to the sponsoring cigarette trademark. Content analysis is a second research methodology employed i n order to assess whether the character o f the content o f Canadian tobacco promotions has changed as a result o f the T P C A ' s implementation. This thesis examines the consistent or changing nature o f advertising content as the tobacco industry's marketing strategy shifted from traditional product advertising to sponsorship. This is done b y comparing the content o f print media promotions from the p r e - T P C A era (1973-1988) with those from the postT P C A era (1989-2002). It was found that Player's and Export ' A ' represent two Canadian trademarks that have been effectively positioned toward the "starters" segment. Player's is positioned as a symbol o f masculinity, independence, freedom, self-reliance, tradition, and modernity. The trademark attributes and personality o f Export ' A ' are masculinity, ruggedness, independence, self-determinedness, adventurousness, and escapism. Rothmans has been promoted as an expression o f internationalism, premium quality, upward status and tradition, yet youth widely perceive the trademark as unpopular, ' o l d ' , and lacking contemporaneous.  It is demonstrated that the Player's trademark is particularly effective  i n its communication strategies, abiding by key promotional principles relating to message repetition, continuity, consistency, and relevance.  T A B L E OF CONTENTS  Abstract  ii  Table o f Contents  ;  iv  List o f Tables  viii  Acknowledgements  ix  Chapter One  Introduction  1  K e y Principles o f Advertising and Promotion  4  Research Methodology  8  A Thesis Overview  10  P A R T I: R E V I E W O F T O B A C C O I N D U S T R Y D O C U M E N T S Chapter T w o  Tobacco Sponsorship and Regulatory Issues i n Canada  ....16  A Shift to Sponsorship Once Broadcast Advertising Was Withdrawn (1972)  17  The Tobacco Products Control A c t Takes Effect (1989)  20  The Tobacco A c t : Another Policy Facing a Constitutional Challenge  28  Conclusion  42  Chapter Three  Player's™ Cigarette Brand Marketing: Sponsorship as Part o f an Integrated Marketing Commumcations Plan  46  Introduction  46  The Target Market o f Player's: Segmentation as a Marketing T o o l  47  Sport Sponsorship: A n Increasingly Important Communications T o o l  60  Brand Image Enhancement: A K e y Sponsorship Objective o f I T L  61  Discussion  67  Conclusion Chapter Four  75 Export ' A ' ™ Cigarette Brand Marketing: M a l e Youth, Extreme Sports, and the Gendering o f Smoking .... 79  Advertising and Rhetoric  80  Export ' A ' : Segmentation as a Marketing Tool  83  Export ' A ' Brand Marketing (1972-2002)  86  Sponsorship: Becoming an Important Part o f the Tobacco Marketing Plan  89  Discussion  93  Conclusion  100  Chapter Five  R o t h m a n s ™ Cigarette Brand Marketing: Intertextuality and the Decline o f a Flagship Trademark  103  Intertextuality and the Nearly Infinite Promotional Chain  104  A n Overview o f R o t h m a n s ™ Promotional Strategies  107  Rothmans Sponsorship Properties  113  Static i n the Communication Process  118  Discussion and Conclusions  128  P A R T II: C O N T E N T A N A L Y S I S O F T O B A C C O P R O M O T I O N S Chapter Six  Content Analyses o f Cigarette Advertising: A Critical Review o f the Literature  134  Literature Review  137  Discussion  166  Chapter Seven  Hypotheses  Content Analysis Study Comparing Traditional Product Advertising and Sponsorship Promotions: Persistent Lifestyle Messages i n the Face o f Regulation ... 174 175  Methodology  181  Results  189  Discussion and Conclusions  197  Chapter Eight  Conclusion  Future Directions for Research References  205 212 217  Appendix 1  Player's Filter ad: Couple Fishing (1977)  248  Appendix 2  Player's ad: Four Skiers (1980)  249  Appendix 3  Player's Light ad: M a l e Hiker (1988)  250  Appendix 4  Team Players Member: Mountain B i k e r  251  Appendix 5  Team Players Member: R o c k Climber  252  Appendix 6  M o l s o n Take Care ad: Greg Moore  253  Appendix 7  Export ' A ' ad: Good Companions  254  Appendix 8  Export ' A ' ad: Export, eh?  255  Appendix 9  Export ' A ' ad: Feeling Satisfied!  256  Appendix 10  Export ' A ' ad: A Taste for Adventure  257  Appendix 11  Export ' A ' Sponsorship ad: Motocross  258  Appendix 12  Export ' A ' Sponsorship ad: Loud, Fast, Hard  259  Appendix 13  Rothmans Packaging  260  Appendix 14  Rothmans ad: Horse and Coach  261  Appendix 15  Rothmans ad: Tobacco Leaves as Backdrop  262  Appendix 16  Rothmans Special M i l d ad: Sailing  263  Appendix 17  Rothmans Extra Light ad: Eating Food on Yacht  264  Appendix 18  Rothmans Plus ad: 1:15 A M  265  Appendix 19  Rothmans ad: Porsche Race Car  266  Appendix 20  Rothmans/Castrol ad  267  Appendix 21  Rothmans Racing ad: Jacques Villeneuve  268  Appendix 22  Rothmans International F i l m ad  269  Appendix 23  Rothmans W o r l d F i l m ad: Special Preview  270  Appendix 24  Reviewed Content Analysis Studies  271  Appendix 25  Content Analysis Coding Categories and Definitions  272  Appendix 26  Data Set Coding Form  283  Appendix 27  Intercoder Reliability (Percentage Agreement) by Advertisement  284  Intercoder Reliability (Percentage Agreement) B y Instrument Item  285  SPSS Data Analyses Pertaining to A l l Data-coding Instrument Items  286  Export ' A ' Sponsorship A d and Packaging  345  Appendix 28  Appendix 29  Appendix 30  viii  LIST OF T A B L E S  Table 1  Longitudinal Data Set (1973-2002) Sample Sizes  183  Table 2  Confirmation o f ' V a r i a t i o n Over T i m e " Hypotheses  193  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  First and foremost, I would like to thank R i c k Pollay for being the ultimate supervisor and mentor over the past five years. I am grateful for your warmth, generosity, and encyclopaedic knowledge o f tobacco marketing. Thanks for the continuously inspiring conversations (pertaining to tobacco and everything else). I w i l l always be on the lookout for additions to the A C M E collection. I would also like to express special gratitude to the additional members o f m y dissertation committee: B o b Sparks, Patricia Vertinsky, and J i m Frankish. Y o u r expertise, support, and attention to detail were much appreciated. I am grateful to those at the Sauder School o f Business. A s a student enrolled i n interdisciplinary studies, it was possible to experience feelings o f dislocation. Yet, professors and students i n the marketing division (such as Chuck Weinberg, Peter Darke, Darren Dahl, Laurence Ashworth, and Robin Ritchie) were very supportive and welcoming. Margaret M a c N e i l l deserves thanks for first advising me to pursue this field o f study, and encouraging me to seek out R i c k Pollay as a supervisor. I have now conducted research on tobacco marketing and public policy issues for roughly ten years, and I am grateful for insight provided by Bruce K i d d and Hart Cantelon during the initial stages o f m y research endeavours. During m y first year at the University o f British Columbia, Chris Lovato provided guidance about research grant writing, which is gratefully acknowledged.  X  I would like to express special thanks to those who remind me about having fun: N i c k Rintoul, Kate H a l l , Laurence Ashworth (second mention), Matt Farish, Aaron Hunter, Maged Senbel, A n n a Stokke,' Paul Janzen, Clare Mochrie, D a v i d Capie, the guys at Osborne G y m , A n n a Tremp, Jessica Vexler, T i m Woodman, Brian Cook, E m m a Cornish, Dave Cherry, Steve McCarthy, Michael Blecher, and L l o y d Grinham. Green College and St. John's College were m y places o f residence while in'Vancouver, which provided great settings for inspiration. I am grateful to Madeleine Thien for helping me make the move. Thanks to Jameson for the calming influence. Thanks to E m i l y L a i for your support and affection during the early stages o f the research process. Thanks to Wonkyong Lee for giving me excitement about what the future holds. Thanks to m y M o m , Dad, and sister (Tobi)—each o f you have been incredibly supportive and patient. Finally, I am grateful for funding received from Health Canada/Canadian Institutes o f Health Research. Financial support through a National Health P h . D . Fellowship permitted m y efforts to be focused on the task at hand.  1  CHAPTER ONE  Introduction  The regulation o f tobacco advertising involves debates between two powerful players in the marketplace, with the tobacco industry a representative o f the private sector and the federal government a representative o f the public sector. Regulation, according to C . L l o y d Brown-John, is defined as "any constraint imposed upon the normal freedom of individuals by the legitimate activity o f government" (1981, p.7). Since regulation involves government activities that limit the choices available to individuals within society, it is typically controversial (Meier, 1985). The regulation o f tobacco advertising is no exception. It is a debate grounded i n the structure o f the modern welfare state. To what extent can and should the government intervene i n the lives o f citizens? Moreover, which government activities should be regarded as legitimate? The federal government justifies its regulatory role i n the creation o f tobacco control policies since cigarette smoking represents the single most important cause o f preventable illness and premature death i n Canada. Smoking has been linked to a number o f health problems, including chronic bronchitis, emphysema, strokes, heart disease, and cancer o f the lung, lip, oral cavity, pharynx, larynx, esophagus, pancreas, bladder and kidney (U.S. Department o f Health and Human Services, 1992). It is estimated that 45,000 Canadians die prematurely each year as a result o f smoking. Tobacco product use is attributable to a greater number o f deaths among Canadians than  2  the total caused b y car accidents, suicides, murders, A I D S , and illicit drug use combined (Cunningham, 1996). In legal proceedings assessing the constitutionality o f Canadian federal tobacco control policies, the Crown has successfully argued that the "peace, order, and good government" clause o f the Constitutional A c t o f 1867 gives the federal government the right to intervene i n a public health issue for the public good. Y o u t h are considered to 1  be a group particularly worthy o f protection from tobacco inducements since smokers usually begin during their pre-teen or teenage years, and are known to highly underestimate the addictiveness o f cigarettes. Industry-commissioned research indicates that adolescents who start smoking do not disbelieve the overall health consequences o f smoking, but they almost universally assume these risks are non-applicable since they do not anticipate becoming addicted (Kwechansky Marketing Research, 1982). The health effects o f smoking go beyond looking at the smoker per se. Secondhand smoke, also known as environmental tobacco smoke, is the combination o f smoke produced b y the burning o f tobacco and the exhaled smoke from a smoker. Second-hand smoke is comprised o f gases and particles that contain greater than 4,000 chemicals and at least 43 o f these chemicals are cancer-causing agents (Cunningham, 1996). It has been estimated that within Canada more than 1,000 deaths per year among non-smokers can be attributed to second-hand smoke. Smoking can no longer be considered an individual right or personal choice under all circumstances. The health consequences o f smoking act as an important factor i n government deliberations about the role that health care costs can and w i l l play in the reduction o f the federal deficit. A reduction i n overall tobacco consumption levels is regarded as a  3  valuable objective toward health care reform efforts and offsetting ever-increasing health care costs. The social and economic costs o f tobacco are noteworthy. Economic costbenefit analysis studies reveal that while government tax revenues from tobacco sales are substantial, they are largely outweighed by the costs attributable to smoking.  Collishaw  and Myers (1984) found that smoking led to a C$1.12 billion increase i n Canadian health care costs during 1979, representing 0.4% o f Canada's G D P . During 1991, Kaiserman (1997) estimated that the total costs o f tobacco use in Canada were roughly C$15 billion ($2.5 billion were attributable to additional health care costs) while tax revenue amounted to $7.8 billion. Single, Robson, X i e , and Rehm (1998), meanwhile, approximate the 1992 economic costs o f tobacco i n Canada to be C$9.56 billion ($2.68 billion for direct health care costs). A rationale for government intervention has been outlined. The Tobacco Products Control Act, and the Non-Smokers' Rights Act that was enacted the same day (i.e., June 28, 1988), were the first Canadian federal laws to regulate the tobacco industry since 1908 (Brown, 1991; Cunningham, 1996). Considering the amount o f research and knowledge surrounding the health consequences o f smoking and the concern about the ever-increasing health care costs, it is remarkable that federal laws regulating the tobacco industry took nearly eighty years to modify. The Tobacco Products Control Act ( T P C A ) prohibited tobacco product advertising, but the sponsoring o f cultural and sporting events by tobacco companies was still permitted, a convenient loophole in that existing legislation. The Tobacco Act, including its amendments (Bill C-42), replaced the T P C A and w i l l prohibit sponsorship promotion as o f October 2003. Canada's three major tobacco manufacturers  4  have challenged the legislation on constitutional grounds, with trial court upholding the  Act (Denis, 2002).  Key Principles of Advertising and Promotion In addition to assessing the implementation o f Canadian federal tobacco control policies, this thesis addresses the various promotional plans and strategies employed by Canada's principal cigarette firms. Promotion involves the seller communicating information to a potential buyer, with a goal o f influencing their attitudes and behaviour. The primary purposes of promotion are to inform, persuade, and remind. Informing is considered particularly essential for newly developed or 'introduced' products, in which communications efforts are meant to tell potential customers something about the product. Promotions with an aim of persuading often focus on reasons w h y one brand is better than competing brands. The promoter seeks to develop a favourable set o f attitudes among customers so that they w i l l buy and keep buying the product.  Persuasion-based  promotions commonly link products with desirable attributes, images, and 'personalities'. Finally, promotions with the goal o f reminding are typically directed toward buyers that already have positive, well-established attitudes about a product, including its price, features or availability (Shapiro, Wong, Perreault, & McCarthy, 2002). Promotional planning starts with a clear target market i n mind, and the audience may consist of potential buyers, current users, those who make the buying decision, or those who influence it. Few products are promoted i n an undifferentiated manner, where the total potential market is treated as a whole. Rather, promotions tend to be directed toward welldefined consumer groups according to dimensions such as age, gender, ethnicity, income,  5  occupation, religion, family life-cycle, place o f residence, lifestyles, interests, and values. The message is typically encoded such that it has reasonably broad appeal (i.e., referring to 'popular' culture), yet at the same time w i l l be most salient to a specific cluster or segment. The target audience w i l l heavily affect communication decisions regarding what w i l l be said, how it w i l l be said, when it w i l l be said, where it w i l l be said, and who w i l l say it (Shapiro, W o n g , Perreault, & McCarthy, 2002). Promotional planning, then, involves establishing advertising objectives and determining the target audience. There are several ways o f communicating to consumers including advertising, event sponsorship, packaging, coupons, personal selling, sampling, contests, publicity, product placement, and public relations. For conventional advertising, the copy platform entails the formation o f creative promises (i.e., communicating what benefits the product w i l l provide, or alternatively, what problems the product w i l l solve). According to Kapferer (1997, p.30), one primary consumer benefit served by brands is "to have confirmation of your self-image or the image that you present to others." Brands can help provide an identity for consumers, making them feel as though they belong to a special group (D'Alessandro, 2001). When selecting a particular brand o f cigarettes, a consumer is engaging in an act o f distinction (i.e., it says something about them, much like the clothes they are wearing, the music they listen to, or the car they drive). Communicating brand image is considered particularly crucial for product categories such as cigarettes and beer, which consist o f several brands possessing minimal product differentiation, yet have a high degree o f social visibility. Such characteristics are the basis for these goods being coined "badge products."  6  Several principles are considered cornerstones for successfully communicating brand identity or image. Repetition, both over time and across multiple media, lends to 'friendly familiarity' being created. A dense environment o f cigarette promotion and imagery gives the impression that tobacco use is socially acceptable, desirable, and prevalent (Pollay, 2002). The persistence and pervasiveness o f tobacco promotion is notable. In the United States, for example, more than U S $ 1 0 billion is spent annually on marketing cigarettes (Mackay & Eriksen, 2002). Having a highly repetitious message obviously requires a considerable advertising budget. It is also considered important among marketers to have promotional messages that are continuous and consistent (Aaker, 1996; Ries & Ries, 1998; D'Alessandro, 2001). According to Wells, Burnett, and Moriarty: Because the effects o f images advertising build up over time, consistency is critical to the process. Y o u can't say one thing today and something different tomorrow... every ad contributes to the image. The message must focus on what the image is supposed to be, and should be consistent over a long time. (1989, p.207) Marlboro serves as a good example o f a brand/trademark that has been successfully linked to consistent imagery over a long period of time. Wernick (1991) explains that: .. .the meaning o f any single message is modified by, and depends on, the ones that came before. The same is true for sub-campaigns, where even the launching o f a new product may build on meanings previously achieved. During the 1980s, for example, ads for Marlboro Lights projected a soft focus version o f the leathered cowboy which had already become ultra-familiar i n previous advertising for its parent brand, (p.92)  7 Yet, while the image(s) communicated may remain the same, different symbols may be . employed to remain relevant, contemporary, and appealing to an ever-changing audience (D'Alessandro, 2001). The brand's identity or image is collectively constructed through the use of brand names, logos, taglines, typography, pictorials, and primary and secondary colours (Perry, 2003). In pursuit o f effective communication, advertisers attempt to create a message that w i l l be simple, familiar, easily recognized, and comprehensible. Acknowledging that many ads get limited and indirect attention from the viewer amidst all o f the 'clutter', messages are often designed to draw attention or stand out, yet do not require large amounts o f time and effort to understand. This is facilitated through visual imagery predominating in many ads, with its function illustrated by the aphorisms, " A picture is worth a thousand words" and "Seeing is believing." Market research is typically conducted that both informs (i.e., pre-testing) and validates (i.e., post-testing) promotional planning efforts. Brand imagery is further reinforced or enhanced in ad visuals through the use o f lifestyle portrayals, which do not necessarily require depictions of people. Co-branding, event sponsorship, and endorsements exemplify three ways o f enriching the symbolic value of brands or trademarks. Distinct trademark meanings (and implied product users) w i l l be communicated i f one ad features tickets for an opera performance on the dashboard o f a Mercedes, while another ad depicts tickets for a stock car race on the dashboard o f a Chevy pick-up truck. Product endorsement from a recent gold medallist at the Olympics would potentially associate a trademark with qualities o f nationalism, leadership, and high performance. The personality o f the particular athlete might also be transferred to the  8  endorsed brand. Clearly, associating a brand/trademark with other objects, settings or people that are rich i n meaning can effectively convey lifestyle imagery.  Research Methodology U s i n g an interdisciplinary and multi-method approach, this thesis examines Canadian tobacco industry practices that were responses to federal advertising regulations, with a specific focus on the role that sponsorship has played. Case studies are provided for the marketing strategies o f Player's, Export ' A ' and Rothmans, thus a dominant trademark from each o f Canada's three principal tobacco manufacturers is represented. These three trademarks are considered "major" brands, having had a substantial presence on the market for an extended number o f years, with similar target markets (Player's and Export ' A ' are particularly comparable with male youth identified as the segment o f primary interest). Each case study employs a different framework to understand the persuasive elements o f cigarette promotion and the importance o f message repetition, continuity, and consistency. The effectiveness o f Player's promotions are made clear by integrated marketing communication efforts, while Export ' A ' and Rothmans promotional activities are understood i n terms o f rhetoric and intertextuality, respectively. Studying the marketing strategies o f tobacco firms is unique, considering that numerous internal corporate documents, previously confidential, are now available to the public as a result o f litigation. For Part I o f this thesis, internal tobacco industry documents were reviewed, accessible primarily as a result o f two sets o f court proceedings i n Canada: (1) the 1989 Canadian trial to decide the constitutionality o f the  9  T P C A , and (2) the 2002 Quebec Superior Court trial in which Canada's three major tobacco manufacturers challenged the constitutionality o f the Tobacco Act. Physicians for a Smoke-Free Canada and the Canadian Council for Tobacco Control (available at www.smoke-free.ca and www.cctc.ca, respectively) house many o f the industry documents from these two trials.  4  A n analysis o f internal corporate documents is a well-suited research methodology for exploring how tobacco manufacturers have intentionally coordinated their communication efforts toward the target customer. The corporate documents provide valuable insight for encoding the production o f promotional messages. The early 1960s were selected as the starting point o f m y historical analysis, reflecting that the Canadian Tobacco Manufacturers' Council ( C T M C ) was established in 1963 and adopted its first voluntary code on marketing practices i n 1964. The C T M C was comprised o f Canada's major tobacco manufacturers, with the purpose o f establishing cigarette advertising guidelines and representing its members on matters o f common interest pertaining to health, taxation, defining product standards, exchanging statistical information, support for technical research, liaison with other sectors o f the tobacco industry, and international industry relations ( C T M C , 1994). Part II o f the thesis utilizes content analysis as a research methodology, where it is assessed whether the content o f Canadian tobacco promotions changed as a result o f the T P C A ' s implementation. This thesis examines i n what respects advertising content remained consistent or changed as the tobacco industry's marketing strategy shifted from traditional product advertising to sponsorship promotions (by comparing the content o f promotions from the p r e - T P C A era with those from the p o s t - T P C A era).  10  A Thesis Overview Part I o f the thesis consists o f Chapters 2 through 5. In Chapter 2, internal corporate documents are reviewed to provide a historical overview o f how sponsorship became an increasingly important component of the promotional mix for Canadian tobacco firms. It is revealed that sport and arts sponsorship became more prominently utilized by the industry during the early 1970s to compensate for cigarette advertising that had been voluntarily withdrawn from television and radio. Expenditures on sponsorship increased considerably during the late 1980s, which was an industry response to the implementation of the T P C A . Sponsoring sports and cultural events (and related promotions) provided tobacco companies with opportunities to circumvent existing advertising regulations. Moreover, the documentary evidence demonstrates that youth have been an important target market for the promotional campaigns o f several cigarette brands, and that tobacco sponsorship promotions are best classified as 'lifestyle' advertising. A primary objective o f sponsorship is to enhance or reinforce brand imagery, thus tobacco firms select to sponsor sports and cultural events possessing symbolic imagery or 'personalities' that are transferable to their respective brands. Chapter 3 examines how Imperial Tobacco Ltd., Canada's largest tobacco manufacturer, effectively utilizes integrated marketing communications to construct brand imagery for Player's, a leading cigarette trademark i n Canada. Internal industry documents show that Player's has been positioned to appeal to the attitudes and desires o f male youth. Promotional taglines such as " A Taste Y o u Can C a l l Y o u r O w n , " " A Tradition o f Excellence," and "It's Y o u r W o r l d , " complemented with visual images o f  11  outdoor settings and athletic activities such as windsurfing, mountain climbing and kayaking, consistently linked the trademark with images o f youthfulness, masculinity, freedom, independence, quality, and tradition. Auto racing is the major sponsorship property o f Player's, with a core objective o f enhancing the trademark's essence through images being transferred from the sport, participating athletes, and various co-sponsors. Chapter 4 assesses how conventional notions o f masculinity have been exploited in promotional efforts to construct brand imagery for Export ' A ' , a Canadian cigarette trademark manufactured by JTI-Macdonald Corp. B y reviewing trade press and tobacco industry documents, it is indicated that Export ' A ' has been positioned to appeal to the attitudes and desires o f male youth through three decades. U t i l i z i n g promotional slogans such as " A Taste for Adventure" and " G o Y o u r O w n W a y , " the cigarette trademark has been linked with images o f ruggedness, adventure, escapism, independence, and rebelliousness. In 1997, Export ' A ' began sponsoring an extreme sports, and it is demonstrated that this sponsorship property is an effective means o f communicating virtually the same symbolic meanings as previous traditional product advertisements no longer permitted according to legislation. Since persuasion is a basic objective o f promotion, Export ' A ' marketing activities have been analyzed i n terms o f rhetoric. In Chapter 5, industry documents are reviewed to reveal the promotional strategies utilized for the Rothmans trademark. The concept o f intertextuality, as proposed by Julia Kristeva (1984), is used to demonstrate how the meaning and identity o f Rothmans has been inconsistently communicated to consumers. Rothmans, Benson and Hedges Inc., Canada's second largest tobacco manufacturer, has positioned the Rothmans trademark as an expression o f internationalism, eminence, tradition, and  12  premium quality. These 'intentional' constructions o f Rothmans narratives do not correspond with other sources o f consumer information, however. W i t h a dearth o f promotional spending directed toward the trademark, Rothmans lacked visibility and was perceived b y consumers as unpopular. Moreover, few updates were made to the package design, which led consumers to identify the Rothmans trademark as ' o l d ' and outdated. Ultimately, the profile o f the typical Rothmans smoker became a retirement-aged person, thus those at the stages o f smoking onset did not perceive the trademark to be an appealing alternative. Rothmans, once a prominent trademark, has seen its market share decline substantially during the past few decades. Part II o f the thesis consists o f Chapter 6 and 7. In Chapter 6, content analysis is defined, and it is made clear that 'objectivity', 'systematization', and 'quantification' are important characteristics. A thorough and international review o f English-language content analyses (that are specific to cigarette advertising) published i n academic journals is provided. The studies reviewed for this chapter include content analyses o f cigarette magazine ads and cigarette billboard ads. A general overview o f the reviewed studies is presented, with emphasis placed on research methodology and key findings. C o m m o n study limitations are identified and several directions for future research are offered. This literature review is meant to inform current and future content analysts about important methodological decisions and enable research on cigarette advertising to be further improved i n the areas o f objectivity, systematization, and quantification. Chapter 7 consists o f a content analysis study that assesses whether the content or character o f Canadian tobacco promotions was shaped b y the implementation o f the T P C A . It is determined which advertising content dimensions remained consistent, or  13  alternatively which ones changed, as the Canadian tobacco industry's marketing strategy shifted from traditional product advertising to sponsorship. The data set consists o f English-language print ads for Player's, Export ' A ' , and Rothmans that circulated from 1973 through 2002. Thus, the content analysis study findings could be substantiated with the disclosures o f the internal corporate documents. It was found that 'lifestyle' advertising persisted despite the enactment o f the T P C A , as sponsorship ads remained predominantly image-based and emphasized physical activity i n outdoor settings. Little information was found to be present in both traditional product advertising and sponsorship promotions. Chapter 8 concludes the thesis with conclusions and recommendations regarding the regulation o f tobacco advertising and sponsorship. It is argued that Canadian cigarette trademarks are successfully marketed to youth, including consumers who are classified as 'starters' or 'new smokers'. A primary objective o f tobacco promotion, as well as sponsorship, is the reinforcement or enhancement o f brand image or 'personality'. Tobacco promotions are commonly dominated b y visual imagery, with colour playing an important role i n distinguishing trademarks and communicating both imagery and product characteristics. Message repetition is another important characteristic o f promotion, whereby persistent and pervasive communication suggests social acceptability, popularity, and builds 'friendly familiarity'. Tobacco firms also recognize the importance o f linking their cigarette trademarks with consistent images over a sustained period o f time. Considering that 'lifestyle' advertising and sponsorship promotion w i l l be prohibited i n October 2003, the future directions o f the tobacco industry are assessed. Suggestions for future study are also provided.  14  Endnotes 1  Stanbury (1979) effectively categorized 25 different definitions o f the "public  interest." The first category o f definitions considered the public interest to be "resulting from the aggregation, weighing and balancing o f a number o f special interests" (p.213). Other definitions considered it to be " i n terms o f the common or universal interests which all (or at least almost all) members o f society/nation/political unit share" (p.214). 2  C o m m o n costs attributed to smoking include lost productivity among  employees who are smokers (due to higher levels o f absenteeism), the value o f life lost as a result o f premature death (both i n the workforce and household sectors), litter, fires, and health care expenditures. 3  The decision to use three different frameworks for understanding the  promotional efforts o f Player's, Export ' A ' , and Rothmans reflects that these case studies were adapted from three separately prepared manuscripts. A n adapted version o f the Player's chapter is currently under review at the Journal o f Sport Management (i.e., a special issue on "Issues i n Sport M e d i a " called for manuscripts that included themes o f integrated marketing communications). A modified version o f the Export ' A ' case study is " i n press" as a chapter for the book entitled, Sexual Sports Rhetoric Globally. Sections o f the Rothmans case study were adapted from an " i n press" manuscript (co-authored by Robert Sparks) that w i l l be found i n an upcoming issue o f the Journal o f Sport and Social Issues. 4  In 1998, as a result o f the trial involving the Minnesota State Attorney General  (and insurers) as plaintiffs and the U . S . tobacco industry as defendants, the Guildford  15  Depository and the Minnesota Tobacco Document Depository were established. Academics, lawyers, as well as representatives from various government agencies and interest groups have conducted searches at both depositories, making many o f the collected documents accessible at Internet websites (e.g., www.librarv.ucsf.edu/tobacco, http://roswen.tobaccodocuments.orR, www.tobaccodocuments.org).  Part I:  Review of Industry Documents  16  CHAPTER TWO  Tobacco Sponsorship and Regulatory Issues in Canada  Sponsorship o f sports and cultural events has been a part o f the promotional m i x for Canadian tobacco manufacturers throughout the twentieth century. In 1903, for example, the R e d Cross tobacco brand was a prominent sponsor o f a high wire act, i n which a person crossed the Montmorency waterfalls i n the province o f Quebec (Cunningham, 1996). RJR-Macdonald began sponsoring the Brier, a men's curling championship, sanctioned by the Canadian Curling Association, i n 1929 (W. Proctor, personal cornmunication, October 18, 1994). A 1932 promotional campaign for Turret, a tobacco brand oriented toward the blue-collar class according to Imperial Tobacco documentation, offered cash prizes to those correctly estimating the number o f goals that would be scored by National Hockey League ( N H L ) teams. Sweet Caporal, another brand offered b y Imperial Tobacco, sponsored the first Canadian football radio broadcasts during the 1930s (Cunningham, 1996). Despite these examples from the earlier part o f the twentieth century, there have been two later defining periods for when sports and cultural sponsorship became an increasingly important component o f the promotional mix for Canadian tobacco manufacturers. First, tobacco sponsorship became more prominent during the late 1960s and early 1970s when cigarette advertising was voluntarily withdrawn from television and radio. Second, expenditures substantially increased during the late 1980s and early 1990s with the implementation o f the T P C A , which severely limited conventional forms  17  of advertising. In the current political-legal context, key issues being debated are whether youth remain an important target o f tobacco promotional activities and whether tobacco sponsorship promotions are most aptly classified as lifestyle or informational advertising. This chapter focuses on these issues by reviewing academic literature, trade press, annual reports and policies, as well as by examining internal industry documents publicly accessible as a result o f Canadian court proceedings.  A Shift to Sponsorship Once Broadcast Advertising Was Withdrawn (1972) It was not until the late 1960s and early 1970s that the sponsorship o f sports and cultural events became an increasingly significant part o f the promotional m i x for Canadian tobacco manufacturers. The shift toward sponsorship reflected the reality that many other important means o f promotion were no longer viable options. Starting i n 1964, Canadian tobacco companies voluntarily agreed to confine cigarette advertising on television to hours after 9 p.m. ( C T M C , 1964). In 1970, incentive programs were a marketing practice discontinued i n response to government pressure. Incentive brands those offering redeemable coupons, prizes or gifts - had become an important marketing strategy considering that they accounted for greater than 50 percent o f the total Canadian cigarette market i n 1969 (Imasco Ltd., 1970; Imasco Ltd., 1971). Effective January 1, 1972, cigarette advertising was voluntarily withdrawn from the broadcast media altogether ( C T M C , 1971). This industry initiative could be seen as a public relations move aimed at warding off impending government regulation, considering that the federal Health Minister at the time, John Munro, had introduced B i l l C-248 - an A c t that  18  included stipulations to ban cigarette advertising - on June 10, 1971 (Imasco Ltd., 1972; Cunningham, 1996). Tobacco companies turned toward sponsoring broadcast sports and cultural events as a means to compensate for lost broadcast advertising exposure. Imperial Tobacco, Canada's largest tobacco manufacturer, recognized in its marketing plans that "as a result of current and possible future T V restrictions, the opposition [competitors] has become increasingly active in the sponsorship of major events across Canada. Therefore we can as a company foresee the possibility of sponsoring most of these events with one of our own brands" (1970, p.566628113). In a review of its competitors' promotional activities as of July 1970, Imperial Tobacco claimed, "we can certainly see a big swing towards sponsorship of national or regional events" (1970, p.566628132). Within this corporate document, Rothmans was used as an example of a competitor with prominence since it was the sponsor of special events caravans, Canadian Open Tennis Tournaments, and the Canadian Equestrian Team. Roughly four years later in an annual report, the parent company of Imperial Tobacco stated that, "marketing activities, particularly for cigarettes, have changed significantly since the industry's withdrawal from broadcast advertising. More advertising is now associated with spectator events, although total advertising expenditures are down" (Imasco Ltd., 1974, p.8). There were several examples of new or expanded sponsorship properties during the early 1970s. Anticipating the withdrawal from broadcast advertising, Imperial Tobacco signed a five-year contract with the Royal Canadian Golf Association during November 1970 in order to link its Peter Jackson cigarette brand with the Canadian Open Golf Championships, and the agreement also included the sponsorship of provincial tournaments.  19  Another Imperial Tobacco cigarette brand, Player's, began sponsoring auto racing in Canada i n 1961, yet announced that this support would be extended toward regional events in 1971 (Imasco Ltd., 1971). Also i n 1971, the tobacco manufacturer formed the du Maurier Council for the Performing Arts to provide grants toward music, ballet, and theatrerelated performing groups on behalf o f their du Maurier brand (Imasco Ltd., 1972). Similar trends were being observed elsewhere. In fact, it has been noted that the tobacco industry's involvement in sports and cultural sponsorships during the 1970s and 1980s was a significant factor in the general development o f sponsorship as a marketing discipline (Otker & Hayes, 1987; Meenaghan, 1991; Cornwell, 1995). Cigarette advertising was banned from the broadcast media i n the United K i n g d o m i n 1965, for example, and the resulting shift i n tobacco industry promotional spending largely contributed toward the overall growth o f sponsorship expenditures that was observed during the 1970s (Taylor, 1984; Marshall & Cook, 1992). In the United States, federal legislation - the Public Health Cigarette Smoking A c t - stipulated that broadcast advertising for cigarettes was banned, commencing January 2, 1971. While the primary response o f American tobacco manufacturers was to forward their advertising spending toward the print media, there was also a notable shift toward sponsorship (Feinberg, 1971; Teel, Teel, & Bearden, 1979; Warner, 1985; Stoner, 1992). Notably, Virginia Slims began sponsoring women's professional tennis i n 1970, while Winston Cup auto racing and Marlboro Cup horse racing debuted in 1971 and 1973, respectively (Wichmann & Martin, 1991; Crompton, 1993; O'Keefe & Pollay, 1996).  20  The Tobacco Products Control Act Takes Effect (1989) The late 1980s and early 1990s marked a second defining period i n which tobacco sponsorship o f Canadian sports and cultural events grew substantially. The dramatic increase i n sponsorship expenditures was primarily driven by the T P C A , which was enacted in 1988 and took effect on January 1,1989. U p until this time, the tobacco industry selfregulated by establishing a voluntary advertising code in 1964, with amendments being made to the code in 1971,1976, and 1984. Although the T P C A stipulated that tobacco product advertising was banned, sponsorship remained permissible i f the full name of the manufacturers (rather than the brand names) were placed on promotional materials. In response to the imposed advertising regulations, the Canadian tobacco industry invested heavily in the sponsorship of various events, and advertising and promotional support remained a significant component of this investment. Documentation from the C T M C (1987,1997) indicates that sponsorship contributions grew more than six-fold from 1987 to 1995. Sponsorship became an attractive promotional tool once conventional advertising was no longer permitted.  "Shell" Companies Were Formed for Sponsorship Purposes The T P C A stipulated that tobacco products offered for sale in Canada were not to be advertised. The A c t did go on to note, however, that this statement did not apply to foreign media or to the sponsorship o f sports and cultural events. Sponsorship was still allowable i f the name o f a company was used on promotional materials. Thus, as the T P C A took effect, Canadian tobacco firms hastily registered their various brands or trademarks as separate corporate entities for sponsorship purposes. RJR-Macdonald formed Vantage Arts Ltd. and  21 Export ' A ' Inc. as subsidiary companies. Vantage and Export ' A ' are cigarette brands offered by RJR-Macdonald.  14  Rothmans, Benson & Hedges formed Craven " A " Ltd.,  Belvedere Ltd., Rothmans Ltd., and Benson & Hedges Inc. as subsidiary companies for sponsorship purposes. Imperial Tobacco created four new companies for the purpose of advertising and promoting the sponsorship of sports and cultural events. The new corporate entities were Player's Ltd., du Maurier Ltd., Matinee Ltd., and du Maurier Council for the Arts Ltd. (Descoteaux, 1989). Player's, du Maurier, and Matinee are cigarette brands manufactured by Imperial Tobacco. In its 1988 annual report, Imperial Tobacco acknowledged that the TPCA was being challenged on constitutional grounds, but while awaiting the outcome they were "prepared to make the best of the few communication opportunities that are still available. We have, for example, incorporated a number of associated entities that will serve as vehicles for the sponsorship of a variety of sports and cultural events" (Imasco Ltd., 1989, p.8). During the same year, an internal document for Imperial Tobacco stated that "in a very real sense the company's expectations are that [the TPCA] C-51 will not end tobacco marketing, but will bring about very major changes in how that exercise is conducted... Imperial's extensive sponsorship portfolio is being restaged under new corporate names that will allow them to continue exploiting the huge equity in their investments in this area" (cited in Pollay, 2002, p.ll). In a press release, Imperial Tobacco's Chairman and CEO, Jean-Louis Mercier claimed that the entities were formed to eliminate an unfair disadvantage imposed upon the company by the TPCA. It was argued that RJR-Macdonald and Rothmans, Benson & Hedges had already formed corporate names that were directly related to one or more of its  22  major trademarks, thus Imperial Tobacco publicly justified the newly formed "shell" corporations as a means to remain competitive with the other two major tobacco manufacturers (Descoteaux, 1989). Despite their public position, internal documentation revealed that Imperial Tobacco was i n fact the forerunner i n this strategic move: " I T L led the way with brand corporations under which to conduct sponsorship activities" (Imperial Tobacco, 1994, p.38). This statement reaffirmed British American Tobacco's (1991) claim that RJR-Macdonald followed Imperial Tobacco's lead with respect to forming "shell" companies. It should be evident that sponsorship companies, such as Player's Ltd. and du Maurier Ltd., were easily identifiable as cigarette brand names. The omission of Ltd. or Inc. was often apparent in the news coverage of the events that were sponsored by tobacco companies. For example, newspaper articles ("Canadians suffer," 1994; Davidson, 1994) routinely referred to the Matinee Ltd. International women's tennis tournament as the Matinee International. Such an omission might not seem significant, but by not including Ltd., this tournament appeared to be sponsored by a tobacco brand name product. This was not permitted according to the T P C A . Tobacco companies could obviously avoid responsibility for such omissions by stating that they were not responsible for journalists who were ignorant o f the regulations. The corporate entities that were formed by tobacco manufacturers for sponsorship purposes had logos, trademarks, typography, and colouring that closely resembled those on the brand name packages. Thus, the colours and designs used on particular tobacco brand packages became the key mechanisms of promotion under the restrictions of the T P C A .  23 Unlike conventional tobacco product advertising, health warnings were not necessary for ads promoting the sponsorship arrangements of tobacco "shell" companies.  Brand Exposure Was Maintained on Television and Radio Sponsoring sports and cultural events provided tobacco companies with several opportunities to circumvent the existing advertising regulations. Sponsorships allowed tobacco companies to gain access to various media that, according to the TPCA, would otherwise not have been permitted. Sponsorship programs were considered critically important since they were a means of providing "broadcast brand i.d." (RJR-Macdonald, 1996a, p.80150 3496). Export 'A' Inc., for example, sponsored The Skins Game that included premiere male professional golfers (such as Jack Nicklaus, Fred Couples, Greg Norman, Ernie Els, Nick Faldo, John Daly, Mike Weir, and David Duval) and was televised nationally by the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC). According to RJRMacdonald (1996b), "The Skins Game has become one of the top televised golf events in Canada over its three year existence... The event gives Export 'A' Inc. an unparalleled opportunity to 'own' five hours of weekend television and represents a leveragable [sic] advertising opportunity in the two to three month window leading up to the event" (p.80151 3320). Imperial Tobacco (1993a) observed that, "a solution to the quality of viewership [sic] is available through the hour or more broadcast of our major events. With appropriate on-site signage, they become one hour commercials" (p.014723). Player's, a leading Canadian cigarette trademark, has been a long-time and prominent Championship Auto Racing Teams (CART) sponsor for Canadian Champ car racers such as Jacques Villeneuve, Greg Moore, Patrick Carpentier, Alex Tagliani, and  24 Paul Tracy. Villeneuve won the Indianapolis 500 and the 1995 C A R T championship while sponsored by the corporate entity, Player's Ltd. In recognition of Villeneuve's achievements in 1995, he was awarded the Lou Marsh Trophy for being voted Canadian athlete of the year. Exposure for Player's Ltd. was obviously not limited to television coverage of the auto racing events since photographs of the wirining driver often appear in magazines, newspapers, and television newscasts. Competing tobacco manufacturer, Rothmans, Benson & Hedges, observed that, "over the past 23 weeks and with three quarters of the Player's season completed, Imperial [Tobacco] has amassed an average of 4 broadcast hours a week that does not include Player's advertising and news coverage" (cited inPollay,2002,p.47). Imperial Tobacco monitored the minimum exposure that would be attained for Player's during C A R T races according to the placing of its drivers and whether they controlled the television coverage: Controlling Television: There is no magic to controlling television, the concept is quite simple and based on being in control of what the audience sees. As an outline let me review what a team sponsor might expect of a car running in 6 place. th  IndyCar will make all efforts to cover each team twice, once when they announce the race and once when the race is on. Clearly if you are not part of the lead group your coverage is limited. However, with control of television one can guarantee oneself the following: Promotional Bumpers by Network prior to race  4 minutes  Show Opening Segment  1 minute  Commercial Bumpers  1 minute  25  Leader Boards  1 minute  In show segments  2 minutes  Pit Action with dedicated cameraman  2 minutes  Post Race Interviews with driver  2 minutes 13 minutes  This then w i l l quadruple your coverage on the air. (cited i n Pollay, 2002, p.47,48) Clearly, brand exposure is maximized in auto racing sponsorship i f the sponsored driver is a front-runner or successful. A n d as a primary sponsor o f the M o l s o n Indy C A R T races that are held annually in Toronto and Vancouver, Player's is able to exercise 'control' o f the television coverage for events located i n Canada. Canadian tobacco companies continued to place their promotional efforts on radio as well. In 1993, Craven " A " Ltd. began sponsoring country music on 59 radio stations as a means o f circumventing the ban on broadcast cigarette advertising. According to Rothmans, Benson & Hedges, "Craven ' A ' Ltd. Today's Country was launched June 5 , 1993. Radio th  broadcast grid has 59 affiliates for a 90% placement rate, ahead o f our 60% estimate for this point in time" (cited in Pollay, 2002, p.46). Within a few years, Craven " A " Ltd.-sponsored country music concerts were being taped for rebroadcast on 74 radio stations across Canada (Rothmans Inc., 1995). Meanwhile, Belvedere Ltd. and Export ' A ' Inc. were sponsoring various rock concerts. Rothmans, Benson & Hedges proceeded with a music-based promotion of Belvedere by developing "a media program for Quebec and the Maritimes to deliver on-going image and awareness to 18-24 target consumers through the use o f mediums such as Musique Plus and Radiomutuel" (cited in Pollay, 2002, p.40). R J R Macdonald, through its Export ' A ' "Smooth" line extension, sought to "reinforce brand  26  imagery by utilizing N e w M u s i c Series... Innovative tour sponsorship which has supported 175 bands performing over 1000 shows across Canada utilizing the Smooth Plugged N e w Music tour bus... Media Support: Radio, Urban newspapers, Posters, Retail Pamphlets, Internet, Street Banners, Club advertising" (cited in Pollay, 2002, p.40, 41). There are several reasons why it is desirable for tobacco manufacturers to have the broadcast media (most notably, television) persist as a part o f the communications mix. Rothmans, Benson & Hedges explains the relevance o f television coverage for its Belvedere Rock program: "Television was chosen to form part o f the total communication mix for this program. Its role was to provide the perception o f mass, total reach and credibility" (cited in Pollay, 2002, p.47). This is consistent with the commonly cited advantages o f selecting television as a media choice for promotion. Television allows for extensive market coverage considering that 98% o f American households have at least one television and an average viewing time o f eight-and-a-half hours per day (Arens, 1999). The reach o f television is also impressive, which is illustrated nicely by the fact that the attendance for the 2002 Formula One race held in Montreal was 117,000, yet the number o f television viewers for each Formula One race is estimated to be 300 million ("Race report," 2002; Hawaleshka, 2001). Television is perceived to be the most authoritative and influential medium, thus it offers advertisers a prestigious image. Although the production and airtime costs o f television advertising are potentially quite high, promoting on television communicates to viewers that the brand is a 'major player'. Sight, sound, and movement may also be combined on television, which allows product use or brand imagery to be demonstrated with impact (Arens, 1999).  27  Additional Loopholes Exploited Within Existing Advertising Regulations Canadian tobacco manufacturers exploited several other loopholes among the stipulations of the T P C A . The T P C A did not permit tobacco companies to promote tobacco products on billboards, but sponsoring sports and cultural events allowed billboards to be constructed that supposedly advertised the tobacco company's association with the event. In some cases, however, sponsorship billboards continued nmning long after the events being promoted were finished. Imperial Tobacco was scrutinized i n a newspaper article by Mellor (1992) for a du Maurier Ltd. billboard that promoted an equestrian event taking place in October yet remained standing the following January. The T P C A also did not allow the purchasers o f tobacco products to be offered the right to participate i n a related contest, lottery or game. B y sponsoring sports and cultural events, however, tobacco companies were able to stage contests. Export ' A ' Inc., through its sponsorship o f a salmon fishing showdown in 1992, held a contest offering C$50,000 cash as 1 prize. Benson & Hedges Inc. serves as another example since its Symphony of st  Fire contest (reflecting the "shell" company's sponsorship o f fireworks) gave contestants an opportunity to w i n a one-week cruise vacation. The T P C A prohibited the use of tobacco brand names on non-tobacco items, yet logos o f the "shell" companies were placed on items such as T-shirts, hats, and towels. From 1994 to 1996, the Player's Ltd. Racing Team issued catalogues through direct mailings, magazines, bars, and various race events that enabled consumers to purchase branded items such as rugby and polo shirts, jackets, key chains, knapsacks, and cargo bags. The Canadian tobacco industry's voluntary advertising codes ( C T M C , 1964, 1971, 1976, 1984) stipulated that all models used i n cigarette ads were to be at least 25 years old, yet  28  tobacco sponsorship promotions often depicted athletes, celebrities, or other event participants that were younger.  The Tobacco Act: Another Policy Facing a Constitutional Challenge The Tobacco Act (Bill C-71) was implemented in 1997, and established as a replacement o f the T P C A and the Tobacco Sales to Young Persons Act. The T P C A needed to be replaced because i n September 1995, i n a five-to-four decision, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled that it was unconstitutional. Imperial Tobacco and RJR-Macdonald had legally challenged the T P C A , claiming that it was an infringement o f commercial expression as stated by Section 2(b) o f the Canadian Charter o f Rights and Freedoms. Following the Supreme Court ruling, the Canadian tobacco industry adopted a new voluntary advertising code and resumed conventional advertising i n February 1996. Thus, conventional cigarette advertising continued for roughly one year before Canadian tobacco companies had to adhere to the stipulations o f the Tobacco A c t . The Tobacco A c t places a ban on lifestyle advertising, while informational advertising remains permissible assuming that it is placed in adult establishments, in publications with a minimum adult readership o f 85% or in mailings addressed to adults by name. This legislation has been adopted to protect a specific marketing segment (i.e., youth) that is deemed to be particularly vulnerable to manipulative advertising. With respect to tobacco sponsorship activities, amendments were made to the Tobacco A c t (i.e., B i l l C-42) in December 1998, which stipulated a five-year transition period before a total tobacco sponsorship ban is imposed. Imperial Tobacco, JTI-Macdonald, and Rothmans, Benson & Hedges have challenged the constitutionality o f the Tobacco Act, but a Quebec Superior  29  Court decision in December 2002 upheld the legislation (Denis, 2002). Canada's three largest tobacco manufacturers have appealed the Quebec court ruling, and it is expected that the Quebec Court o f Appeal and the Supreme Court o f Canada w i l l eventually hear the case. According to the tobacco industry, the Tobacco Act places unreasonable limits on commercial expression. Under the broader title o f "Fundamental Freedoms," Section 2(b) of the Canadian Charter o f Rights and Freedoms guarantees everyone the "freedom o f thought, belief, opinion and expression, including freedom o f the press and other media o f communication" (Laskin et al., 1994, p.CA-1). Section 1 o f the Charter, however, does allow reasonable limits or restrictions on expression assuming that the policy objectives are pressing and substantive. W i t h tobacco use representing the single most important cause o f preventable illness and premature death i n Canada, smoking is clearly a national health problem and a pressing and substantive concern. Establishing what are reasonable limitations on commercial expression proves more contentious. K e y issues before the court include (1) justification that youth currently remain a target o f tobacco promotional activities and thus represent a specific segment worthy of protection; and (2) distinguishing between lifestyle advertising and informational advertising, as well as establishing which classification best describes sponsorship promotions (Sparks, 1997).  Youth: A Key Target of Tobacco Promotional Activities The promotion o f tobacco products has long been a hotly contested issue, stimulating questions about whether youth are targeted b y specific marketing campaigns. The Tobacco A c t states that one o f its purposes is "to protect young persons and others from inducements to use tobacco products and the consequent dependence on them." Thus, in a  30  legal context whereby it is being justified as appropriate and necessary to severely restrict tobacco promotions, attention is often drawn toward establishing whether many promotional activities are in fact directed toward youth. The rationale for why tobacco companies would direct their promotions toward youth is that the pivotal period for smoking initiation i n Canada is 13 to 14 years o f age, with very few smokers beginning beyond adolescence (Health Canada, 1996). According to industry research, "Recall o f cigarette adoption among respondents suggests that peer pressure and image are/were the key motivational factors... Most indicated that they had their first cigarette between the ages o f 10-15" (Rothmans, Benson & Hedges, 1991, p.27365). Smokers are also known to be extremely brand loyal, so the brand choice o f consumers during the early stages o f their smoking 'careers' becomes crucial. Market research prepared for RJR-Macdonald recognized that "smokers exhibit extremely high levels o f brand loyalty," and "loyalty to cigarette brands remains very strong... Only 3% o f all smokers are considered 'convertable' [sic] " (Harrod & M i r l i n , 1995, p.80154 2410). In the United States, brand switching among smokers is less than 10% annually, with less than 8% switching companies (Cummings, Hyland, Lewit, & Shopland, 1997). Comparable estimates for Canada could likely be lower considering that merely three manufacturers account for more than a 99% share o f the domestic cigarette market, and Imperial Tobacco alone, commands a 70% market share. Tobacco industry representatives have publicly denied that they market their products to youth, yet internal corporate documents indicate otherwise. Pollay and Lavack (1993), Cunningham (1996), Pollay (2000), and Dewhirst and Sparks (in press) reviewed Canadian tobacco industry documents that were manifest i n proceedings  31  assessing the constitutionality o f the T P C A and found that youth are a target o f tobacco marketing activities. Internal documents from the British tobacco industry and its leading advertising agencies also reveal that youth are a key group for marketing purposes (Hastings & MacFadyen, 2000). Glantz, Slade, Bero, Hanauer, and Barnes (1996), Perry (1999), and Cummings, Morley, Horan, Steger, and Leavell (2002) have examined U . S . tobacco industry documents and reached similar conclusions. To cite some specific examples, two Imperial Tobacco planning documents from the early 1980s, Fiscal  '80 Media Plans and Fiscal  '81 National Media Plans, included  the age segment 12-17 years old among the identified target groups for several o f the company's brands and trademarks. Another Imperial Tobacco (1987) document, Overall Market Conditions-F88,  states that:  If the last ten years have taught us anything, it is that the industry is dominated by the companies who respond most effectively to the needs o f younger smokers. Our efforts on these brands w i l l remain on maintaining their relevance to smokers in these younger groups i n spite o f the share performance they may develop among older smokers, (p.6). A few years later, another internal document for the company revealed that, "I.T.L. has always focused its efforts on new smokers believing that early perceptions tend to stay with them throughout their lives. I.T.L. clearly dominates the young adult market today and stands to prosper as these smokers age and as it maintains its highly favourable youthful preference" (cited in Pollay, 2002, p. 19). RJR-Macdonald, the third largest tobacco manufacturer i n Canada, recognized that "new smokers are critical to continued growth i n the market" (1989a, p.80108 9826) and " i n  32  order to make further inroads into the younger segment, we must continue to project an image that is consistent with the needs and values o f today's younger smokers" (1989b, p.80118 3934). The company claimed that, "the younger segment represents the most critical source o f business to maintain volume and grow share i n a declining market. They're recent smokers and show a greater propensity to switch than the older segment. Export [the best-selling cigarette brand manufactured b y RJR-Macdonald] has shown an ability to attract this younger group since 1987 to present" (RJR-Macdonald, 1989, p. 80118 3930). Another internal document entitled, Export "A " Brand Long-term Strategy, included "new users" under the sub-title, "Whose behaviour are we trying to affect?" (RJR-Macdonald, 1987, p.800230290). Acting as an indicator that the marketing practices o f Canadian tobacco manufacturers have not changed during more recent times, a Rothmans, Benson & Hedges document states that, "a strong regular length business is key to attracting younger users and ensuring a healthy future franchise" (cited in Pollay, 2002, p. 19). Another m i d 1990s document for the firm recognized the need to "identify products and activities which w i l l strengthen R B H ' s position among the key 19-24 age group to gain a much larger share o f starters," and "although the key 15-19 age group is a must for R B H there are other bigger volume groups that we cannot ignore" (Rothmans, Benson & Hedges, 1996, p.002756, 002757). According to Imperial Tobacco documentation, "marketing activities have historically been and continue to be targeted at younger smokers due to their greater propensity to change brands" (1995, p.018110). When reviewing the corporate documents, it is important to recognize that references to 'younger smokers', 'younger users', 'starters',  33  'potential starters' or 'new smokers' indicates that adolescents are likely the age segment being discussed. Despite an obvious interest in recruiting new smokers, the tobacco industry maintains that their promotions do not influence overall consumption levels, but rather affect the market share o f each brand. The basis for sponsorship expenditures, it is argued, is to defend existing share and to increase it at the expense of the competition. The C T M C (1997) states that, "a 1% market share o f the cigarette market is worth approximately $22 million i n annual net sales revenue to a manufacturer, not including any federal or provincial tobacco or sales taxes" (p.8). A British American Tobacco (1984) document, however, contradicts the argument that merely market share is.influenced by stating the company's objective is to expand industry volume by maximizing instances o f starting through relevant products and attitude change. Attitude change can be facilitated through promotional activities, and academic research has shown that youth disproportionately smoke heavily advertised brands (Pollay et al., 1996). Even i f one was to accept the argument used by the tobacco industry that its promotions are only aimed at existing smokers - encouraging them to either remain loyal to the brand they smoke or to switch brands i f they are smoking a competitor's brand - it seems dubious that the promotions would reassure smokers about choosing a particular brand, yet not reassure them about continuing to smoke more generally. Overall consumption levels would be affected i f promotions encourage smokers to continue smoking rather than quit. The aforementioned documents reflect the marketing practices o f the respective tobacco companies generally. It seems reasonable that numerous sponsorship campaigns would be directed toward similar targets as part o f an integrated marketing plan. Inter-office  34  correspondence at RJR-Macdonald (1996b) indicates that, "generally younger smokers tend to be more aware o f sponsorship events than older smokers" (p.80151 3337). Tobacco-  t  sponsored events that include young spectators, volunteers, and participants have been the source o f criticism. Dewhirst (1999) demonstrated that a mascot representative o f the Craven A cigarette brand was interacting with young children at the Craven A-sponsored Just F o r Laughs comedy festival i n Montreal. When Imperial Tobacco sponsored the Canadian Open tennis championships i n Toronto and Montreal, teenage volunteers (including the ball-boys and ball-girls) wore uniforms bearing the trademarks, logos, and colouring o f cigarette brands (Physicians for a Smoke-Free Canada, 1996). Tobacco control groups and many health practitioners have also expressed concern about the age of the participants for events that are promoted b y tobacco companies. In women's professional tennis, for example, many o f the world's top players are teenagers. Jennifer Capriati was the champion o f the 1991 Matinee Ltd. International tennis championships when she was 15 years old, and as a result was featured i n several ensuing promotional materials. Interestingly, when Martina Hingis w o n the 1999 du M a u r i er Open i n Toronto at 18 years o f age, she was still not o f legal smoking age in the province o f Ontario. RJR-Macdonald (1996a, p.80150 3496) has described sponsorship as being equivalent to advertising, thus it is perhaps not surprising that studies indicate youth recognize advertising o f tobacco-company sponsored events as advertising for tobacco products (Rootman & Flay, 1995; Health Canada, 1996). A study by Charlton, While, and K e l l y (1997) has found that English boys, aged 12-14, who enjoy watching Formula One auto racing, are nearly twice as likely to smoke compared to those who do not follow Formula One. Sparks (1999), after assessing the relative contribution o f sponsorship to  35  brand awareness among 14 year old boys and girls in N e w Zealand and reviewing previous research on tobacco sponsorship and youth, concludes that "selectively targeted cigarette sponsorships can help to build positive brand associations and awareness i n the youth (starter) market and thereby contribute to the customer-based equity o f the sponsoring brand" (p.256).  Tobacco Sponsorship Promotions: A Form of 'Lifestyle' Advertising A second key issue during recent court proceedings has been to make a distinction between lifestyle advertising and informational advertising. Making such a distinction was suggested by the decision o f the Supreme Court o f Canada during the T P C A trial. The majority judgement identified that by not distinguishing between "brand preference" and "lifestyle" advertising, it was not clear whether the objectives o f the T P C A could have been met with less intrusive measures (Wyckham, 1997; Manfredi, 2002). The Tobacco A c t defines lifestyle advertising as "advertising that associates a product with, or evokes a positive or negative emotion about or image o f a w a y o f life such as one that includes glamour, recreation, excitement, vitality, risk or daring." Informational advertising, meanwhile, is described as a promotion that provides factual information to a consumer about the product's characteristics, price or availability. Looking to leading marketing and advertising textbooks, lifestyle is considered to establish the ways i n which one's time and money is spent and reflect which activities are most valued. Lifestyle is defined as a person's pattern o f living that becomes manifest i n their activities, interests, and opinions (Wells, Burnett, & Moriarty, 1989; Kotler, Armstrong, & Cunningham, 1999; Lamb, Hair, & McDaniel, 2000). Lifestyle advertising,  36  then, involves the association o f products and brands with particular activities, interests and opinions, appealing to a specified segment o f consumers. The activities, interests, and opinions that are depicted in an ad may reflect the actual or desirable lifestyles o f either current or prospective consumers. According to Tuckwell (1988), i n an attempt to match the lifestyle o f the product user, one may appeal to "their looking-glass self." Lifestyle advertising can be accomplished through the portrayals o f people, settings, and objects (or combinations thereof). Some leading textbooks on marketing and advertising do not make extensive use o f the phrase "lifestyle advertising," however, preferring to use terminology such as "image advertising" and "transformation advertising." Transformation advertising has an objective of building a product/brand personality or image and making the experience of consumption seem richer, warmer, and more enjoyable (Wells, Burnett, & Moriarty, 1989). Consumers often use the same terminology to describe brands and people, such that particular brands are perceived as expressing excitement, success, sophistication, ruggedness, and so on (Aaker, 1996). Brand imagery or personality has traditionally been seen by the tobacco industry as very important to communicate. According to an Imperial Tobacco document, 1971 Matinee Marketing Plans, "without price differentials and without easily perceptible product differentiation (except for extremes, e.g. Matinee versus Player's) consumer choice is influenced almost entirely by imagery factors" (1970, p.566628090). Roughly 25 years later, Rothmans, Benson & Hedges claims that, " i n the cigarette category brand image is everything. The brand o f cigarettes a person smokes is their identity. Cigarettes tell others who they are as a person. There is a strong emotional connection to the brand, the image it projects about the smoker, not only to themselves but to others" (cited in Pollay,  37  2002, p. 13). Another internal document indicates that the taste qualities o f cigarettes are developed only after an appropriate brand personality has been selected: "Must think imagery/brand personality first and then develop the products with taste qualities/product and package attributes that reinforce image" (cited in Pollay, 2002, p. 14). The role o f lifestyle, meanwhile, is to "promote and reinforce the social acceptability among the peer group to smoking as a relaxing, enjoyable self-indulgence" (Imperial Tobacco, 1979b, p.13). Contemporary Canadian industry documents indicate that the function o f many tobacco sponsorship promotions is consistent with the objectives o f lifestyle advertising. Canadian firms recognize that lifestyle creative and imagery is conveyed by sponsorship communications. According to Imperial Tobacco, "opportunities to utilize image advertising in Sponsorship communication should be exploited" (1992, p.013870). Rothmans, Benson & Hedges (1993) considers sponsorship to be "one o f the few imageenhancing marketing tools available," and looks to "use sponsorships as a means to establish and build upon lifestyle image associations through targeted selection, strong promotional programmes and professional execution, all of which reflect the desired character and image" (p.005381). RJR-Macdonald recognizes that, "our sponsorship approach must be consistent with our brand position to enhance image reinforcement" (1996b, p.80151 3317). W i t h conventional cigarette advertising severely restricted i n Canada, tobacco manufacturers have directed their promotional dollars toward sponsorship, and attempted to have the content o f the sponsorship promotions resemble their previous conventional ads as much as possible. In 1992, Imperial Tobacco acknowledged that, "we have already begun the transition from event advertising to more image based advertising. W e still need to fully exploit the communications value inherent i n our sponsorship  involvement. U n t i l further regulatory change, this is the means b y w h i c h we w i l l replace traditional brand/trademark image advertising" (cited in Pollay, 2002, p . l 1). To exploit a trademark's link with a particular image, several tobacco sponsorship promotions communicate that the cigarette trademark is a general supporter o f an activity (i.e., Export ' A ' sponsors an extreme sports series, Player's sponsors auto racing, Matinee sponsors fashion, and du Maurier claims to sponsor music, photography, and nightlife) without specifying any details about the particular events being sponsored. Tobacco companies have found that a challenge with event sponsorship advertising is the duration that the accompanying promotional campaign can effectively run. In other words, i f a one-day event is being sponsored, it proves difficult to justify promoting the event throughout the year. RJR-Macdonald specified that sponsorship vehicles should be selected that "spread throughout the year to provide continuity" and "support the brand sell message that is the same in non-event periods" (cited in Pollay, 2002, p.9). Similarly, another document from the company included "duration" and "timing seasonality" as important criteria forjudging sponsorship opportunities (cited in Pollay, 2002, p.9). According to Imperial Tobacco, " i n terms o f understanding, it is very clear that while the event itself is a communications vehicle, the true value is the amount o f targeted imagery communications which surround the event. It gives us the legitimate excuse to promote. In analyzing event operation costs, the goal w i l l be to identify expenditures which w i l l not effect our image, and re-channel to communications" (1992, p.013835). The objectives and budgets sections o f tobacco industry documents, pertaining to sport and cultural sponsorship, are dominated by the importance o f enhancing or reinforcing brand imagery. Reflecting on the implementation o f the T P C A , Rothmans, Benson &  39  Hedges claimed that, "today (1988-) sponsorship is the only means whereby company trademarks can be exposed to the public. The image o f the activity and the broadcast exposure received in large part determine trademark awareness. I T C O event inventories are being streamlined and investment is being made in broadcast programming and broad scale image communication" (1995, p.008593). One Imperial Tobacco (1993b) document bluntly states that the primary objective o f sponsorship advertising is to communicate image, while selling tickets to the sponsored event is only a secondary objective: "Specific Objective: To communicate relevant sponsorship imagery to its target group - national versus local. To maintain year-round presence o f this imagery on a national basis... A secondary objective is to promote ticket sales for the events" (p.014435). Canadian tobacco sponsorship promotions, in many cases, link a cigarette brand with a particular image at the expense o f providing important information about the actual event being sponsored (i.e., neglecting to indicate which athletes or teams are participating, the cost o f attending the event, where tickets may be purchased, or where the event is being held). Tobacco companies select to sponsor sports and cultural events possessing symbolic imagery or 'personalities' that are desirable to link with their respective brands. The objective is to have the image o f a sports or cultural event transferred to the sponsoring brand: "Borrowed Imagery: Association with sporting events creates a situation where, because o f the perceived 'personality' o f the sport, sponsoring corporations can 'borrow' imagery from that personality i n order to strengthen their own public perception" (cited i n Pollay, 2002, p. 13). According to Imperial Tobacco: With regard to the brand or corporate image, the sponsor gives the impression o f seeking to associate itself with the image o f the event or o f those who participate in  40  the event. When a company sponsors a tennis or golf tournament, a regatta or the classical arts, this is interpreted by the public as a kind o f expression (by the sponsor) o f the temperament o f the company. Depending on the event sponsored, the company appears young, self-assured, master o f itself, classical, adventurous, etc. (cited in Pollay, 2002, p. 13) D o n Brown, Chairman, President and C E O o f Imperial Tobacco, claims that, "sponsorship is still limited in the degree to which it delivers a specific product attribute message. The value lies i n matching imagery o f the event to that of the product or service" (cited in Gross, 1994, p.67). To illustrate the matching o f a cigarette brand and a sponsored sports event along imagery dimensions, du Maurier - the best selling cigarette brand family i n Canada and described by an industry insider as "a high quality, upscale, young brand in Canada with a solid image" (Bingham, 1992, p.500028180) - has sponsored prestigious tennis, equestrian, and golf events. D u Maurier was the title sponsor for the professional men and women's Canadian Open tennis championships that alternated annually each summer between Toronto and Montreal (both o f these tournaments were categorized as top-tier tournaments, and only the four Grand Slam tournaments were considered to be o f greater importance), as well as the Ladies Professional G o l f Association ( L P G A ) tournament held i n Canada. The du Maurier Ltd. Classic represented one o f the four major championships on the L P G A tour. The apparent objective with these sponsorship properties was for the upscale, aspiring, high quality, and classy dimensions associated with the events (and sports) to be transferred toward the du Maurier brand.  41  For the title sponsor, the process o f image matching and transfer is also applicable to the event's participants (i.e., celebrities) and the co-sponsors. Popular auto racer Jacques Villeneuve, for example, has been characterized as a ' w i l d child', rebel, and daredevil (and meanwhile engages in a very high risk sport) which makes h i m a desirable person to link with cigarette brands that are marketed with such imagery (Dewhirst & Sparks, i n press). When du Maurier sponsored the Canadian Open tennis championships, B M W was a cosponsor, which exemplifies co-branding and image matching opportunities being exploited with sponsorship partners. D u Maurier and B M W complement one another with respect to how the brands are positioned i n their respective product category. Such brand matching is consistent with McCracken's (1988) concept o f Diderot unities, which emphasizes that the meaning o f goods is largely determined by their relationship to other goods. Player's, du Maurier, Matinee, Benson & Hedges, and Export ' A ' currently represent the Canadian cigarette brands most prominently depicted i n sponsorship promotions. Player's continues to sponsor C A R T auto racing, while du Maurier supported 271 art groups during 2002. B y promoting grants that are provided to Canadian fashion designers, Matinee is linked with images o f relaxation, youthfulness, self-expression, and indulgence (Imperial Tobacco, 1993a). Benson & Hedges sponsors the G o l d Club Series, which features leading DJs performing i n club settings. Export ' A ' , which is positioned according to dimensions o f adventure, masculinity, and independence, sponsors an extreme sports series (Pollay, 2001; Dewhirst, i n press). It has been observed that the extreme sports series consists o f activities involving competitors who succeed because o f  42  their willingness to take extreme risks, and the promotions for these events appeal to the viewer's desire for independence because the selected activities are all individual sports. It should be apparent that Canadian tobacco companies sponsor a diversity o f events, yet the majority o f sponsorship expenditures are toward sports events (the budgets for arts and cultural sponsorship are considerably less). This weighting reflects sponsorship spending generally, as it is estimated that sports events account for at least two-thirds o f sponsorship expenditures (Linstead & Turner, 1986; Shanklin & K u z m a , 1992; Copeland, Frisby, & M c C a r v i l l e , 1996). During the mid-1990s, the annual contributions by Player's toward auto racing accounted for roughly one-sixth o f the total sponsorship expenditures by all Canadian tobacco companies (Gross, 1994; C T M C , 1997).  Conclusion It has been demonstrated here that tobacco sponsorship largely evolved once other elements o f the promotional or communications mix were no longer permissible. Put simply, sponsorship became one o f the best 'available' promotional options for Canadian tobacco companies. The industry quickly found that despite cigarette advertising being withdrawn from the broadcast media in 1972, cigarette brand exposure could persist on television and radio i f broadcast sporting and cultural events were sponsored. The Canadian trend toward sponsorship was consistent with the U . S . experience. Despite cigarette advertising becoming prohibited on U . S . television i n 1971, B l u m (1991) and Siegel (2001) have illustrated that by sponsoring sports such as auto racing, U . S . tobacco  43 companies continue to receive millions o f dollars worth o f low-cost national television exposure. In 1988, the T P C A was legislated, which was significant due to the restrictions it upheld. Under the stipulations of this Act, tobacco product advertising was not permitted. Advertising that promoted the sponsorship arrangements of tobacco companies could not reveal tobacco products. The capacity of the T P C A to ban tobacco advertising i n Canada was limited, however. This relative powerlessness was largely due to the Act's numerous loopholes, the most notable of which allowed the formation o f corporate entities by tobacco companies. Used for sponsorship purposes, these corporate entities employed logos and trademarks that closely resembled those found on the tobacco products (i.e., packages) o f their parent companies. Obviously, such a strategy allowed the ostensibly prohibited dissemination of these logos and trademarks in the mass media. After reviewing internal tobacco industry documents from all of the major Canadian firms, it is revealed that the primary objectives for sponsoring sports and cultural events are to increase brand awareness (through continued brand exposure) and to enhance or reinforce brand image. Tobacco brands continue to gain widespread exposure on television through the sponsorship o f sports and cultural events, and in effect circumvent supposed bans on broadcast advertising. In an attempt to enhance or reinforce brand imagery, tobacco companies identify sports and cultural events possessing complementary symbolic properties, with a common goal o f having the image that is linked to the event transferable to the sponsoring brand. The Tobacco A c t has replaced the T P C A , but like its predecessor, it faces a constitutional challenge. The Supreme Court o f Canada is expected to eventually hear the  44  case. The Tobacco A c t appears to place reasonable limits on expression considering that its objectives are pressing and substantive, while internal corporate documents reveal that youth remain a key target of tobacco promotional activities and many tobacco sponsorship promotions are a form o f lifestyle advertising. If the Tobacco A c t and its amendments (i.e., B i l l C-42) are upheld, tobacco sponsorship w i l l become banned i n Canada, effective October 2003.  45  Endnotes 1  RJR-Macdonald Inc. was re-named JTI-Macdonald Corp. after Japan Tobacco  Inc. purchased R . J . Reynolds International i n 1999.  46  CHAPTER THREE  Player's™ Cigarette Brand Marketing: Sponsorship as Part of an Integrated Marketing Communications Plan  Introduction Imperial Tobacco L t d . (ITL) is Canada's largest tobacco manufacturer, accounting for more than two out o f every three cigarettes sold domestically. The major trademarks owned b y I T L are Player's and du Maurier, which collectively hold an impressive 60% share o f the Canadian tailor-made cigarette market. Player's has a long and well-established history, predating the incorporation o f I T L i n 1912. The logo o f the Player's trademark dates back to the late 1800s, described i n marketing trade press as "a ship's life belt framing an antiquated naval scene depicting a 19 century sailor with a th  George V beard and the word 'Hero' on his hat" (cited i n The Manitoba Educational Research Council, 1966, p . l 10). During both the First and Second W o r l d War, a naval theme was apparent i n much o f Player's advertising, i n an effort to communicate patriotism, dependability, and strength o f reputation. The naval motif is also evident i n Player's packaging, where blue and white colouring is utilized i n the form o f marine flags. Today, the Hero logo remains in use, and the Player's brand family consists o f Plain, Filter, M e d i u m , Light, Light Smooth, Extra Light, Special Blend, John Player Special, and Silver. The market share held by I T L has impressively risen over the past 25 years, reflecting a strong performance by the Player's trademark. The company's market share  47  o f the Canadian cigarette market was 37% i n 1975, yet by 1988 it was 56%, and by 1998 surpassed 68% (ITL, 1989; Imasco Ltd., 1989, 1999). It is demonstrated here that I T L has linked its Player's trademark with images o f youthfulness, masculinity, independence, freedom, tradition, and modernity on a consistent basis, effectively utilizing integrated marketing communications, which involves "the intentional coordination o f every communication from a firm to a target customer to convey a consistent and complete message" (Shapiro, Wong, Perreault, & McCarthy, 2002, p.433). The emerging popularity o f Player's is largely explained by I T L ' s well-integrated marketing communication efforts (relative to competitors' trademarks), and the firm's ability to appeal to the all-important youth market. The target customer o f Player's has consistently been identified as males less than 25 years o f age, with conventional ads commonly portraying sports scenes in an effort to communicate brand imagery and to appeal to the core consumer. Following the implementation o f the T P C A , sport sponsorship became an increasingly important part o f the communications m i x .  The Target Market of Player's: Segmentation as a Marketing Tool Shapiro, Wong, Perreault, and M c C a r t h y ' s (2002) definition o f integrated marketing communications  indicates that a target customer needs to be established for a  product or service. Segmentation is a commonly used marketing strategy for determining who w i l l be targeted, i n which specific audiences are identified for a product b y dividing a mass market into subsets on the basis o f variables such as demographics, geography, psychographics, and product benefits. Thus, many advertising campaigns (including those for Player's) are not meant to influence behaviour on a one-to-one basis nor have  48  mass appeal, but rather be directed toward a subgroup o f consumers that are homogeneous according to factors such as age, gender, ethnicity, education, socioeconomic status, marital status, lifestyle, and/or geographic location. The objective is to meet the needs typified by a specific group o f consumers in an efficient manner, whereby the product's characteristics and promoted attributes can clearly match what is desired from the user(s) (Rothschild, 1987; Lamb, Hair, & M c D a n i e l , 2000). B y reviewing internal documents o f I T L from the m i d 1970s through 1990s, it became apparent that the primary target audience for Player's promotions has been male youth who aspire to be masculine, independent, self-reliant, and modern.  Demographic Dimensions Age and gender are the primary segmenting dimensions utilized i n the marketing of Player's. The Player's trademark has been strategically positioned to appeal to the attitudes and desires o f male youth, and i n particular, those that are still at a fairly early stage o f their smoking 'careers.' During the late 1970s, the overall target market for the Player's brand family was identified as those less than 24 years old (Spitzer, M i l l s & Bates, 1977). Similarly, i n 1980, the media target group was defined as "young people under 35 years o f age with major emphasis on under 24 year old males" (ITL, 1980a, pp.684451897-912). While a primary objective o f the advertising creative was to appeal to male youth, I T L did not want to exclude women. It was outlined that "all Player's advertising w i l l focus their appeal on young males* 24 years old and under. *Activities and scenarios should be seen as inspired by the male but appropriate for feminine participation" (Ibid., asterisk i n original).'  49  To appeal to those less than 24 years old, I T L sought models for the ad creative that appeared to be among the same peer group. Under industry self-regulation, however, all models used i n Canadian cigarette ads were to be at least 25 years old ( C T M C , 1976). Thus, internal documentation outlining creative guidelines for Player's indicated that an activity should be featured "which is practiced b y young people 16 to 20 years old or one that these people can reasonably aspire to i n the near future" (ITL, 1980b, p.000001), while casting requirements were "models i n Player's advertising must be 25 years or older, but should appear to be between 18 and 25 years o f age" (Chacra, 1980, p. 17). During the early 1990s, the target market o f Player's was male smokers aged 18 to 25 ( B A T , 1989). This segment seemingly reflected the prototype Player's consumer, as Player's was the most popular trademark among Canadian smokers aged 18 to 24 (The Creative Research Group, 1992). In 1988, 39% o f smokers i n this age group were consuming Player's, with Player's Light clearly the leading choice o f the brand family. Beyond Player's, du Maurier and Export ' A ' (manufactured b y competitor, R J R Macdonald) were the only additional trademarks considerably consumed b y this age segment, accounting for a 29% and 20% market share, respectively (The Creative Research Group, 1988). From 1990 through 1994, Continuous Market Assessment ( C M A ) data clearly revealed that Player's, du Maurier, and Export ' A ' were still the trademarks with the largest market share o f the key target group o f smokers less than 25 years o f age. It was noted, however, that Player's consumers were now most commonly represented b y the age segment 25-34, reflecting that its 'user share' was aging (ITL, 1994a). I T L did not  50  want to convey an image that its typical customer was getting older, considering it desirable to position Player's such that the "trademark is to be perceived as the most youthful and popular and as having the most tradition" (1995, p . l 1). The target market for Player's has remained nearly identical over a 25-year period. The rationale for why I T L would continuously select 'youth' as the desired target market is that the pivotal period for smoking initiation in Canada is 13 to 14 years o f age, with very few smokers beginning beyond adolescence (Health Canada, 1996). I T L recognizes that, "Generally, smokers start smoking i n their teens and usage grows as a smoker ages" (1993, p.017969). Industry insiders consider the initial brand choice to be crucial since smokers are known to be extremely brand loyal. One internal document o f a competitor reveals, "I.T.L. has always focused its efforts on new smokers believing that early perceptions tend to stay with them throughout their lives. I.T.L. clearly dominates the young adult market today and stands to prosper as these smokers age and as it maintains its highly favourable youthful preference" [emphasis added] (cited in Pollay, 2002, p. 19).  Geographic Dimensions Considering that Canada is a bilingual country, Player's is marketed to both French and English audiences. When developing ad copy, I T L does not merely translate from one language to the other. For the launch o f I T L ' s Player's G o l d L e a f brand in 1963, for example, the communication process was described as, "though title, package, and symbol are the same i n both languages from there on i n Imperial - and its major agency, M c K i m , Montreal - go to great pains to ensure the approach i n French is purposeful and to the point without having to adhere to any English principles" (cited i n  51  The Manitoba Educational Research Council, 1966, p.82). Jacques Bouchard, head o f Montreal-based B C P Advertising Ltd., explains that, "French translations o f English slogans not only don't make much sense most o f the time; they don't s e l l . . . Quebec is a different place, with different values, habits, instincts and tastes" (cited i n Fraser, 1977, p.69). For promotions that were to run i n Quebec, a predominantly French-speaking province, "Models used in our French advertising are selected to ' l o o k ' Quebecois. . Typically Anglo/American featured (blond, blue-eyes) models are avoided" (ITL, 1980a, pp.684451897-912). M e d i a plans outlining the target groups for various Player's brands commonly divide English- and French-speaking people into separate categories. I T L (1995, p.50) has also identified that, "Quebec and the Atlantic continue to be full-flavoured markets; British Columbia and Ontario tend to be milder markets," indicating which line extensions are most favourably received i n various regions o f Canada. Although geographic segmentation has played a role i n the advertising strategy o f Player's, I T L recognizes the importance o f communicating a consistent brand image: "When image advertising is used i n response to specific regional strategies, creative w i l l continue to reflect a lifestyle realization o f youthful self-expression, independence and freedom, with subject matter that is particularly relevant to young males" ( I T L , 1980c, p.4).  Psychographics (Lifestyle Dimensions) Psychographics, also referred to as lifestyle analysis, is another commonly used segmentation approach in which the personality, activities, interests, and opinions o f the target market are considered. I T L advised that, " A l l Player's advertising w i l l use  52  lifestyle imagery to relate product to its core target group b y association" (1980c, p.2). The Player's Family: A Working Paper document, among its media objectives, proposed developing a media program that specifically spoke to those with a youthful, masculine lifestyle. According to Spitzer, M i l l s & Bates, "Relevant lifestyle is the key to the brand's positioning, and the youthful emphasis is a psychological not a chronological one" (1977, p.12). Positioning  is defined as the place a product, brand, or group o f products occupies  in consumers' minds (with respect to brand identity and value) relative to competing offerings (Aaker, 1996; Shapiro, Wong, Perreault, & McCarthy, 2002). According to a marketing firm representing I T L , "Freedom and independence are at the core o f Player's positioning" (Marketing Strategy & Planning, 1985, p.102692367). The first advertising objective for Player's Filter was "to communicate that the brand is for those who make their own choice about what they do, for people who want to assert their own individuality, and who are seeking a more independent lifestyle" (Spitzer, M i l l s & Bates, 1977, p . l 1). Marketing plans for the Player's trademark reveal that, "Since 1971, I T L ' s marketing strategy has been to position Player's as a 'masculine trademark for young males.' It has been our belief that lifestyle imagery conveying a feeling o f independence/freedom should be used to trigger the desire for individuality usually felt by maturing young males" (ITL, 1983). Reflecting this positioning, the commonly used tagline for Player's ads during the late 1970s and through most o f the 1980s was A Taste You Can Call Your Own. B y the mid-1990s, the brand positioning and communications strategy o f Player's was defined as " M a l e Mainstream achiever through success based on independence/heroism (knight o f 90's)" (Bateman et al., 1994, p.32).  53  Consumer research for I T L has revealed that self-reliance is a logical extension o f the freedom and independence dimensions. "Self-reliance seems to offer good opportunities for extending the positioning o f Player's" (Marketing Strategy & Planning, 1985, p.102692366). The Player's 1988 document states that, "In order to move Player's Light up on the masculinity dimension, we w i l l continue throughout F ' 8 9 to feature creative which reflects freedom, independence and self-reliance i n a relevant fashion for young males" (ITL, 1987, p.4). Modernity, considered an expression o f a brand's vitality, is another lifestyle dimension purposely communicated in Player's promotions. W h i l e modernity has multiple meanings, it is defined by I T L for marketing purposes as "successfully adapting to the times" (Saine Marketing, 1990, p. 18). I T L stipulates that, " A l l Player's brands are to be seen as up-to-date" (1995, p. 11).  Reaffirming the Social Acceptability  of Smokins  Finally, an important objective o f Player's promotions has been to reaffirm the social acceptability o f smoking. The Player's Trademark F"81 Advertising  document  indicates that lifestyle imagery is to be maintained for each o f the Player's brands, with ads continuing to: ... reflect the brand's popularity among young people, to demonstrate the social acceptability o f these brands among the target consumer's peer group, and to place the products i n scenarios and settings which invite the target consumer to easily associate a Player's brand with a pleasant lifestyle to which he w i l l identify (Chacra, 1980, p. 1).  54  Such promotional content counters the defensiveness that is often demonstrated b y smokers (i.e., some feel the need to rationalize why they are doing a behaviour with severe health consequences). Some smokers perceive themselves as 'social pariahs,' considering that it is increasingly difficult to find a public space where it is legal to smoke. American tobacco firm, R . J . Reynolds (1985, p.80) claims that, " W h i l e smokers may identify with each other on a personal level, they do not on a group level. A major factor inhibiting the development o f group cohesion among smokers is a sense o f shame. One way o f mitigating this sense o f shame is to build on the positive functions o f smoking." M a n y tobacco promotions, including those for Player's, serve the goal o f normalizing smoking (while many tobacco control efforts have 'denormalization' as an objective).  Sport Portrayals in Advertising  Creative  To augment the desired lifestyle dimensions, sport portrayals have been commonly used i n Player's advertising. Despite the irony o f linking tobacco use with exercise, sports are an effective way to appeal to a target market o f male youth and to communicate brand imagery. Player's creative was to portray sport activities that "should not require undue physical exertion... the chosen scene should ideally depict a pause or moment o f relaxation... However, the scene may show participants i n action i f the moment o f product consumption can be assumed to be close to the scene depicted" (ITL, 1980b, p . l , 2). Athletic pursuits perceived as aerobically taxing or strenuous were avoided i n an apparent effort to minimize counter-argumentation among readers (i.e., relative to those fishing, it is less believable or credible that runners are smokers or  55  smokers are runners). I T L is likely attempting to curtail the possibility o f reminding consumers about the link between smoking and shortness o f breath or other respiratory problems. During the late 1970s, advertising creative commonly featured portrayals o f horseback riding, fishing, canoeing, and downhill skiing (see Appendix 1). T w o people were usually depicted, one man and one woman, who were presumably a couple. B y the early 1980s, advertising executions began to frequently feature windsurfing, sailing, white-water rafting, hang-gliding, downhill skiing, cycling, hiking, and mountain climbing (see Appendix 2). Initially, the ads depicted people participating i n largely individual sports, but identifiable in a group o f four (two men and two women). During the latter part o f the decade, the typical ad showed an individual male smoking a cigarette while taking a break from a sports activity (i.e., hikers were often shown smoking at the top o f a mountain, which also signified cigarettes as a reward) (see Appendix 3). W i t h the ad depictions often being in the 'great outdoors' or wilderness settings, the notion offreedom was seemingly communicated. According to Saine Marketing (1990), the mountains and the sea are traditional Player's symbols. The creative guidelines for effectively communicating freedom and independence included the portrayal o f people who were "free to choose friends, music, clothes, own activities, to be alone i f he wishes" (ITL, 1985, p.60). Overall, Player's ads have effectively communicated the values that are typically seen as important to male youth, including the desire for independence, the ability to exercise freedom, haying contact w i t h nature, being adventurous and recognized for those efforts, and possessing a certain masculine vitality (Saine Marketing, 1990).  56  Product Benefit Dimensions E d Ricard, an executive i n charge o f I T L ' s strategy and product development, explained during testimony at the 2002 Quebec Superior Court trial: "Benefit segmentation really allows us to identify where there might be opportunities for either an improvement to a current brand or a new brand to be able to go i n and satisfy those particular needs o f those smokers" (1379).  1  I T L indicates that, "Based on a segmentation  study done in Boston and N e w York, we have found that consumers describe and differentiate between cigarette products in a very similar fashion to Canadians. Their basic needs are also similar as they are characterized by such attributes as youth, popularity, masculinity, full flavour, mildness, aftertaste and irritation" (1993, p.017989). It has already been demonstrated that Player's is linked with youth, popularity, and masculinity. These dimensions may be classified as both lifestyle portrayals and product benefits (i.e., Player's may be seen by its user as an expression o f desirable imagery). The remaining product attributes that were listed are largely based on the physical or taste characteristics o f cigarettes. Cigarette strength is a partial determinant o f initial brand selection. According to I T L (1995), 79% o f males less than 25 years o f age prefer cigarettes falling i n the strong, medium, or mid-light strength category (accompanied by suitable imagery), and Player's, du Maurier, and Export are the only trademarks perceived to match these desires. When discussing the deep-blue colour o f Player's Filter packaging, Paul Pare, from I T L , claimed that the "particular blue was chosen because respondents indicated it best represented good flavour" (cited in The Manitoba Educational Research Council, 1966,  •  57  p.89). M a l e adolescents often choose brands with a high taste impact (i.e., full flavour) and express a strong dislike for brands with very low tar deliveries (Kwechansky Marketing Research, 1977). Strong tasting, higher tar brands are viewed as a w a y to display one's maturity and toughness, and to indicate among peers who are more experienced smokers. Player's has traditionally been recognized as having a strong taste and high tar content compared to most other Canadian cigarette brands. Player's Filter, for example, currently has a machine-measured tar delivery o f 16 mg, while I T L ' s Matinee Ultra M i l d (with a target market o f female smokers aged 18 to 35) delivers 2 mg. Relative to Player's, Export is the only cigarette brand family perceived b y smokers as stronger. Taste does not appear to be the all-important factor for initial brand selection, however. According to Spitzer, M i l l s & Bates (1977, p.12): A t a younger age, taste requirements and satisfaction i n a cigarette are thought to play a secondary role to the social requirements. Therefore, taste, until a certain nicotine dependence has been developed, is somewhat less important than other things. Indeed strength o f taste has not been a factor i n the current creative strategy for Player's Filter. The brand has been positioned so that people can apply their own taste qualities to it. Ultimately, it is the brand's image or essence that is considered paramount.  2  A defining moment for I T L was the launch o f the Player's Light line extension, which occurred i n 1976. When Player's Light was entered into the marketplace, the primary target market was identified as those i n their early twenties to early thirties, yet adolescents were also included i n the marketing strategy: " V e r y much a secondary  58  market, but one that we anticipate w i l l increase in importance as the brand gets better known is young people starting the smoking habit and looking to start with a milder m i d range brand" (Spitzer, M i l l s & Bates, 1977). A n evaluation o f the marketplace i n 1978, however, revealed Player's Light had quickly become appealing to youth. "Recent C M A data shows that the brand profile has settled considerably younger than was originally defined for the target market, and is one o f the youngest i n the cigarette market as a whole" (Spitzer, M i l l s & Bates, 1978). To reflect and reinforce the line extension's popularity among youth, marketing objectives for Player's Light were revised to "more firmly establish Player's Light as a milder version o f Player's Filter - the brand for modern young smokers" (Spitzer, M i l l s & Bates, 1978, p.689451877). In I T L ' s (1979) Fiscal  '80 Media Plans for Player's Light, the age segment receiving the highest media  placement weighting among English-speaking groups was 12-24. Although Player's has been largely positioned as a 'masculine' trademark, Player's Light proved popular among young women as well. According to Kwechansky Marketing Research (1982, p.66): The single most popular brand, and the one that seems to have become the customary badge among young males i n particular, but among females very commonly too, was Player's Light. That this brand went from introduction to this incredibly lofty posture i n so relatively few years is truly a marketing success story... Players, which by virtue o f Players Light has moved from malestream to mainstream. Player's Light was regarded as a 'light' cigarette (even though it had a higher tar delivery than most cigarettes i n the 'light' category) that still offered acceptable taste and flavour.  59  Player's Light and Player's Filter are clearly the strongest performers o f the brand family. Player's M e d i u m , meanwhile, has under-performed since its 1988 launch, with its market share eroding largely due to the popularity o f Export M e d i u m among those under 25 years old i n the province o f Quebec. I T L claims, "Player's has suffered somewhat recently due to a perceived lack o f taste relative to strength... Player's M e d i u m has been ineffective i n competing in the medium strength segment which accounts for 20% o f the market" (1994a, p.502596051). Player's Extra Light also does not meet the expectations o f I T L , as smokers resist shifting from the Light brand to the Extra Light line extension (Saine Marketing, 1990). Thus, I T L is worried that 'health concerned' smokers contemplating a switch to a lower tar deliver brand might choose a competitor's offering. Other line extensions i n the Player's brand family include Special Blend, Light Smooth, and Silver. Player's Special Blend is perceived as exotic relative to the other 3  brand family members (Qualitative Science Inc., 1994). Player's Light Smooth was introduced b y I T L i n 1992, attempting to fulfill the commonly expressed consumer desire for reduced irritation or harshness i n the cigarette brand they smoke. I T L claims that, "Reduced irritation, reduced aftertaste, the area o f health remain key product needs where we must be innovative" (1993, p.017966). Within a year o f its launch, the Light Smooth line extension possessed a market share o f more than 2%, but it quickly stagnated. E d Ricard, testifying at the 2002 Quebec Superior Court trial, clarified that the meaning o f smooth is meant to be "reduced irritation," although the message is not w e l l understood by consumers relative to product descriptors such as 'light' and 'extra light.' Anticipating that Tight' and ' m i l d ' descriptors may no longer be permitted for tobacco  60  products i n Canada, Player's Silver was launched i n M a r c h 2002, possessing a machinemeasured tar delivery o f 8 mg (ITL, 2002). Again, the positioning o f Player's has remained remarkably consistent over time. The Player's 1980 positioning objective was "to maintain the trademark's established image as a full-flavoured, masculine trademark for young people," and i n 1995, I T L ' s stated objective was to "establish image as a popular, masculine trademark with a tradition o f offering the highest quality, full flavoured products for young male smokers."  Sport Sponsorship: A n Increasingly Important Communications Tool During the late 1980s and early 1990s, sponsorship o f sports events became an increasingly important component o f the promotional mix for Canadian tobacco manufacturers. From 1990 through 1994, I T L had registered or applied for 54 tobacco trademarks, with 24 o f them being sponsorship-related (ITL, 1995). One subsidiary company formed by I T L for sponsorship purposes was Player's Ltd., which utilized colours, designs, typography, and logos closely matching what was found on brand packaging.  4  Complementing the formation o f 'shell' companies was a substantial increase in sponsorship expenditures, such that sponsorship contributions b y Canada's three major tobacco manufacturers grew more than six-fold from 1987 to 1995 ( C T M C , 1987, 1997). The major sponsorship property o f Player's Ltd. was open-wheeled, 'Champ car' auto racing, otherwise known as the Championship Auto Racing Teams ( C A R T ) series. Rothmans, Benson & Hedges (1995), Canada's second largest tobacco manufacturer, estimated that I T L spent C$34.2 million during 1995 on the Player's Ltd. racing sponsorship, which was a significant contribution considering that the total sponsorship  61  expenditures o f Canadian tobacco companies that year was roughly C$62 m i l l i o n ( C T M C , 1997).  5  Brand Image Enhancement: A Key Sponsorship Objective of I T L A key objective o f sport sponsorship is to reinforce or enhance brand image (Irwin & Asimakopoulos, 1992; Copeland, Frisby, & M c C a r v i l l e , 1996; Cornwell & Maignan, 1998). Indeed, the objectives and budgets sections o f I T L documents pertaining to sport sponsorship are dominated by the importance of reinforcing or enhancing brand imagery. According to ITL, "In terms of understanding, it is very clear that while the event itself is a communications vehicle, the true value is the amount of targeted imagery communications which surround the event" (1992, p.013835). I T L documentation also reveals that imagery dimensions play a particularly important role i n appealing to the age segment 18-24, which is the primary target market o f Player's, and that "the brands which are the most developed among the 18-39 have the strongest and clearest image platforms and personality attributes attached to them" (Bateman et al., 1994, p.8).  Player's and the Image(s) Transferred From Sponsoring Sports Events To fulfil the objective o f enhancing or reinforcing brand imagery, I T L selects to sponsor sports events possessing symbolic imagery or 'personalities' that are desirable to link with their respective brands. The objective is to have the image o f a sports event transferred to the sponsoring brand. D o n Brown, Chairman, President and C E O o f ITL, claims that, "Sponsorship is still limited in the degree to which it delivers a specific product  62  attribute message. The value lies in matching imagery o f the event to that o f the product or service" (cited i n Gross, 1994, p.67). According to ITL: 6  With regard to the brand or corporate image, the sponsor gives the impression o f seeking to associate itself with the image o f the event or o f those who participate in the event. When a company sponsors a tennis or golf tournament, a regatta or the classical arts, this is interpreted by the public as a kind o f expression (by the sponsor) o f the temperament of the company. Depending on the event sponsored, the company appears young, self-assured, master of itself, classical, adventurous, etc. (cited i n Pollay, 2002, p. 13). When speaking about image matching, Player's and auto racing were described as "an excellent fit." Under the sub-title Brand Image Association, I T L claimed that: •  Racing is ideally consistent with existing imagery and desired brand profile: strong, masculine, young, adventurous, human  •  It symbolizes man on his own, independent, self-reliant (ITL, 1992, p. 011811).  Another internal document reveals several questions that were asked about the sponsorship campaigns of the Player's trademark: " H o w do the sponsorship events contribute to Player's image (stressing modernity) and lifestyle portrayal (freedom and independence)? H o w does the advertising for the sponsorship events contribute to Player's image and lifestyle portrayal (freedom and independence)?" (Saine Marketing, 1990, p.9). Auto racing sponsorship secures an association with a dynamic and exciting sport, and it was anticipated by Canada's second largest tobacco manufacturer that Player's would "update pack graphics i n keeping with the chevron and the speed and emotion o f their new sponsorship promotion pieces" (Rothmans, Benson & Hedges, 1996, p.002744).  63  The spectators o f auto racing also nicely match the lifestyle interests o f the Player's target market, as the "speed and excitement suggests a young, adventurous audience. Skews male both i n terms o f imagery and interest" (Qualitative Science Inc., 1994, p.24).  7  Player's and the Image(s) Transferred From Sponsoring Athletes/Celebrities The process o f image matching and transfer is also applicable to the participants (i.e., athletes, celebrities) o f a sponsored event (Kahle & Homer, 1985; McCracken, 1989; M i s r a & Beatty, 1990; Kamins & Gupta, 1994; Lynch & Schuler, 1994). Player's initiated its sponsorship o f auto racing i n 1961 with the Player's 200, and the event allowed I T L to utilize celebrity appeals. Stirling Moss and Olivier Gendebien, both world-renowned auto racers, were featured i n Player's promotional materials during the early 1960s (The Manitoba Educational Research Council, 1966). In 1975, Jackie Stewart was the spokesperson o f the Player's Challenge Series (Schuler, 1997). During the past decade, Player's has sponsored Canadian Champ car racers such as Jacques Villeneuve, Greg Moore, A l e x Tagliani, Patrick Carpentier, and Paul Tracy. Facilitated b y the strong results o f its sponsored drivers, Player's leadership and quality images are reinforced. Villeneuve was the rookie o f the year i n 1994, a victor o f the Indianapolis 500 i n 1995, and the C A R T series champion i n 1995. In recognition o f his achievements, Villeneuve was the 1995 recipient o f the L o u M a r s h Trophy, being voted Canadian athlete o f the year. Villeneuve moved on to Formula One auto racing i n 1996. Meanwhile, Greg Moore won the Indy Lights circuit i n 1995, winning a record 10 o f 12 races; He entered C A R T i n 1996, and during the following season, became the youngest driver to ever w i n a race. Moore died i n 1999, however, as a result o f a crash during the  64  Marlboro 500 race. During the 2002 season, Player's sponsored Patrick Carpentier and A l e x Tagliani, with Carpentier placing third i n the overall C A R T standings. Player's has signed Paul Tracy for the 2003 season and he represents the fifth Canadian driver to race for the C A R T team. When Player's Ltd. signed Villeneuve, he was identified as "the next Canadian hero." In the eyes o f I T L , Villeneuve and Player's Ltd. possessed consistent imagery along leadership, independence, self-confidence, and youth dimensions. The Villeneuve father-son association (Gilles Villeneuve, Jacques' father, is regarded as Canada's best known car racer, and he raced i n the Player's Challenge Series during the early part o f his career) was also seen as an appropriate match for the Player's theme, Tradition of Excellence ( I T L , 1992). Moreover, in the popular press, Villeneuve has been characterized as rebellious and adventurous (and meanwhile engages i n a very high risk sport) which makes h i m a desirable person to link with a brand marketed with such imagery (Dewhirst & Sparks, i n press). The TeamPlayers.ca  website communicates that  when drivers such as Tagliani and Carpentier are " o f f track," they still enjoy participating in adventurous and thrilling activities. Current print ads for Player's sponsorship o f auto racing have the tagline, It's your world, and feature the various racing-team members in their 'spare time,' shown kayaking, white-water rafting, mountain biking, and rock climbing (see Appendix 4 and 5).  Player's and the Image(s) Transferred From Sponsorship Partners Finally, the process o f image transfer can occur between the title sponsor o f an event and various co-sponsors or partners (Dewhirst & Hunter, 2002). B y forming partnerships  65 and strategic alliances through the sponsorship o f sports events, co-branding opportunities are facilitated, whereby the functional or symbolic value o f cigarette brands may be enriched. Co-branding is defined as placing two or more brand names on a product, its package, or additional elements o f the promotional m i x (Lamb, Hair, & M c D a n i e l , 2000). One form o f co-branding is complementary  branding, which involves marketing  that suggests how products may be used together (Aaker & Joachimsthaler, 2000; Lamb, Hair, & M c D a n i e l , 2000). Brands can be 'complements' on the basis o f functional or symbolic properties. A promotion featuring Player's cigarettes and a Zippo lighter would exemplify functional complements, and a purposeful attempt to borrow upon one another's reputation as quality products. W i t h respect to symbolic properties, Budweiser beer would represent a suitable complement to Player's since alcohol consumption and smoking often happen concurrently and both brands have consistently been linked with masculine and independent dimensions. Such brand-matching observations are consistent with McCracken's concept o f Diderot unities, which emphasizes that the meaning o f goods is largely determined by their relationship to other goods. According to McCracken, "The meaning o f a good is best (and sometimes only) communicated when this good is surrounded by a complement o f goods that carry the same significance. Within this complement, there is sufficient redundancy to allow the observer to identify the meaning o f the good" (1988, p.121). Considering the high operating costs that characterize the sport o f auto racing, multiple sponsors are nearly inevitable. Player's and M o l s o n Canadian (a popular brand o f beer i n Canada) are primary sponsors o f the M o l s o n Indy C A R T races held annually i n  66  Toronto and Vancouver. The partnership between Player's and M o l s o n Breweries, Canada's largest producer o f beer, has facilitated cross-promotional/co-branding opportunities. A M o l s o n Take Care advertising campaign from 1998, for example, depicted Greg Moore i n his Player's racing,gear and the Player's racing car alongside, with the ad copy stating, "This isn't a racing poster. It's a don't be stupid poster. Don't drink & drive" (see Appendix 6). Other Take Care responsible drinking campaigns illustrated Moore i n his Player's uniform with the tagline, " M o o r e common sense: Don't drink and drive." Player's potentially gains credibility from such promotional campaigns by linking itself with a 'responsible' message. M o r e recently, Player's and M o l s o n Canadian were partners for the canada.com  Ultimate Racing Challenge, w h i c h gave  contestants a chance to w i n authentic racing gear or a trip to Australia with drivers Patrick Carpentier and A l e x Tagliani. Player's and M o l s o n Canadian can be considered suitable complements i n many regards. The two brands have corresponding target markets since "the entry level drinker" is considered the main source o f volume i n Canada's beer market. Promotional campaigns for M o l s o n Canadian have been directed at those aged 19-24, w i t h the objective o f being "the voice that defines the identity o f Canadian youth" (Durnan, Fitzgerald, & Davis, 1997, p.2). MacLaren M c C a n n , the ad agency handling the M o l s o n Canadian account during the late 1990s, claimed that, "a compelling brand image is allimportant - because beer drinkers wear their brand choice as a badge" (Ibid.). The ad agency strategically positioned M o l s o n Canadian as an expression o f personal discovery, self-confidence, patriotism (toward being Canadian), and popularity.  67  These kinds o f cross-promotional opportunities can 'leverage' the value o f sponsorship for any single firm. The objectives o f co-branding are best realized i f the link between the two brands is long-standing and well promoted. According to the president o f Co-Options, an American firm that specializes i n seeking out co-op marketing prospects, " W e want to be matchmakers for brands, but we don't want these to be flings. Our goal is to build long-term relationships that last at least a few years, giving brands maximum benefit from connections with other marketers and brands" (Fitzgerald, 1994, p.30). Both M o l s o n and Player's have been long-time sponsors o f Champ car racing in Canada. The inaugural M o l s o n Indy was held i n Toronto i n 1986, and the Player's Challenge was included as one o f the feature races (Schuler, 1997).  Discussion From a managerial and marketing perspective, I T L can be considered a success story. The firm's market share has impressively increased during the past 25 years, with I T L now possessing nearly a 70% share o f the Canadian tailor-made cigarette market. In explaining why I T L was the unmistakable market leader, Canada's second largest tobacco manufacturer claimed I T L was consistent in their communication, recognized the importance o f product benefits and imagery, and placed heavy investment behind everything that was done (Rothmans, Benson & Hedges, 1996). Reviewing internal industry documents has also revealed that I T L , largely through its Player's trademark, has been successful i n appealing to the all-important 'youth' segment.  Player's Light is  clearly the preferred choice among the brand family, and is representative o f the Player's trademark for most consumers.  68  Building a Strong Brand With Consistency A key guideline for building strong brands is to have an identity, position, and execution that are consistent over time (Aaker, 1996; Ries & Ries, 1998). The Player's trademark has consistently been linked with youthful, masculine, independent, traditional, and modern (up-to-date) dimensions. For example, a 1939 print ad for Player's depicted a naval battleship, with ad copy indicating that, "the sailor trademark on the package is recognized as a guarantee that its contents w i l l uphold Player's traditional standard" (Stephenson & McNaught, 1940, p.201). During the m i d 1990s, promotions for Player's sponsorship o f auto racing utilized the tagline, A Tradition of Excellence.  W h i l e the conventional ad from 1939 implies that Player's is a quality  product with an extensive history, the sponsorship promotion communicates that the trademark has a long-standing association with auto racing, accompanied b y quality events and impressive performances b y sponsored drivers. I T L attempts to ensure that the various line extensions o f the Player's brand family have cohesive meanings. Saine Marketing (1990) explored the extent i n which the Player's trademark was "unified," and considered the role o f elements such as the use o f the colour blue, the Hero logo, and additional graphics. According to I T L , "The hero, the word Player's, and the colour blue should continue to be aggressively exploited" (1995, p.9). The entire Player's trademark is associated with blue, thus a "visual w a l l " is created at retail, w h i c h gives the brand a degree o f prominence and visual impact. In harmony with the target market o f the Player's trademark, market research indicates that the Player's package design is appreciated overall, although more so by males. "Player's  69  was often described as having a young sporty look" (Qualitative Science Inc., 1994, p.29). The sailor on the Player's package, known as Hero, also contributes to consumer perceptions that the brand is positioned primarily toward males (Kwechansky Marketing Research, 1982). I T L has also communicated a consistent, complementary message to the target consumer through different elements o f the promotional mix. While the T P C A was i n effect, I T L claimed that: Traditional communication channels are now virtually eliminated. W e must be more aggressive i n exploiting new ways o f communicating trademark images and new brand launches... Corporate entities, database marketing, trademark diversification, unique packaging formats must all be reviewed i n the context o f our new marketing environment (1993, p.017966-7). The corporate entity, Player's Ltd., was successfully utilized as I T L focused its sponsorship portfolio toward auto racing (i.e., a few other sponsorship properties were discontinued). Recent sponsorship promotions, however, feature Player's racing-team members doing activities such as white-water rafting and rock climbing, where the ad creative is very reminiscent o f conventional advertising seen during much o f the 1980s. The promotion o f auto racing sponsorship became an effective means o f communicating virtually the same symbolic meanings as previous traditional product advertisements no longer permitted according to legislation. Sponsoring auto racing has also enabled I T L to collect demographic data from target consumers that is usable for direct marketing or relationship marketing purposes. Databases have been generated b y staging contests, with entrance ballots accessible  70  through magazine ads or at the sponsored event sites. Direct marketing is increasingly used by I T L to continue communicating with its consumers. I T L has launched a lifestyle magazine called Rev, which contains content that is indicative o f M a x i m or Gear, but is specifically designed to improve the brand profile o f Player's. The magazine, which is glossy and roughly 100 pages thick, is distributed by direct mail to those on the tobacco company's database list (McLaren, 2001). Finally, package design and retail signage remain important parts o f the communications mix.  The Importance of Capturing the Youth Market Those representing I T L have publicly denied that their firm markets its products to youth. For example, both the chairman and president o f I T L , i n reporting to shareholders, claimed that, "In the marketing o f its products the Company has always regarded smoking as an adult custom. Its advertising has been directed to adults and has been unfailingly motivated by good taste" (ITL, 1964, p.6). Under the heading smoking and youth, the website o f I T L currently states that, "Imperial Tobacco Canada believes the choice tp smoke should be made only by adults." Contradicting these statements, internal documentation for I T L (1995, p.50) indicates that, "Marketing activities have historically been and continue to be targeted at younger smokers due to their greater propensity to change brands." Moreover, The Creative Research Group (1988, 1990, 1991), on behalf o f I T L , extensively researched males and females, aged 13 to 24, assessing their attitudes, values, lifestyle interests (music and sport preferences), media watching habits, ownership o f items, and discretionary income. Rothmans, Benson & Hedges (1995, p.45), when assessing the  71  primary strengths that contribute to the success o f I T L , stated that I T L "owns the 14-17 age segment with over 90% o f consumers smoking du Maurier or Player's." Player's is a widespread choice among youth and regarded as the dominant brand among male smokers. Player's advertising is considered "suited to young people, because it shows one or more young people who like their independence and who live their lives confidently" (Saine Marketing, 1990, p.29). M a l e youth demonstrate a need for independence, such that, " Y A M [young adult male] members want to be 'on their o w n ' . . . and they view independence as a key sign o f their transition to adulthood" (Ibid.). L i n k i n g the Player's trademark with independent dimensions reflects the market research findings for I T L : The adolescent seeks to display his new urge for independence with a symbol, and cigarettes are such a symbol since they are associated with adulthood and at the same time adults seek to deny them to the young. B y deliberately flaunting out this denial, the adolescent proclaims his break with childhood, at least to his peers (Kwechansky Marketing Research, 1977, p.i, ii). Ultimately, adolescents use cigarettes as a symbol (as they may also use coffee, alcohol, marijuana, or other drugs) to indicate they are growing up and ready to make the transition from childhood to adulthood. Focus group research, regarding Player's creative depicting horses, generated responses such as " Y o u ' r e in the country, aye, and you're free and everything's going all right. I f you buy Player's that could be y o u " (Kwechansky Marketing Research, 1977, p.566627927). A m o n g the various ads reviewed, Kwechansky Marketing Research (Ibid.) found that the one with horses was "perceived as the most teen-oriented cigarette  72  ad, and as teen-oriented as any other ad." Interestingly, ads for Player's Filter repeatedly featured horses i n 1979. I f I T L was genuine about marketing its products only toward an adult market, it seems inappropriate to have independence and freedom at the core o f Player's positioning.  Player's as a Big Player Player's is also purposely positioned to be the trademark with the highest perceived popularity relative to all other cigarette trademarks i n Canada (Armada, 1999). Popularity is an additional dimension important to youth who are contemplating which brand to smoke. According to market research conducted for Rothmans, Benson & Hedges, " M a n y respondents saw the brand [Player's Light] as the starter brand for youth due to its popularity generally" (Segmentation Marketing Ltd., 1993, p.28). According to Kwechansky Marketing Research (1982, p.59), "The boys almost exclusively pick Players Filter or Players Light (the latter because it is so popular, not because it is 'light'.". Contributing to the success o f Player's is the fact that, "The overwhelming and most influential factor i n determining a brand's ' c o o l ' is perceived popularity. Nothing makes a brand seem uncool [sic] more than the perception that nobody smokes it, especially young people" (Rothmans, Benson & Hedges, 1999, p. 18). Y o u n g consumers typically select cigarette brands that are strong sellers and mainstream, taking minimal social risks. Firms often spend a large proportion o f advertising expenditures on one or two leading brands (i.e., those that have demonstrated popularity). I T L is no exception, spending a considerable proportion o f its promotional dollars on the Player's and du  73  Maurier trademarks (Rothmans, Benson & Hedges, 1996). Thus, high volume communication for the Player's trademark is likely, with high quality ads also to be expected. Since the Player's trademark is advertised with such frequency, consumers are likely to believe that it is popular and a better buy relative to other brand offerings. Nelson (1974, p.50) claimed that: The consumer is right i n his belief that advertised brands are better. The better brands have more incentive to advertise than the poorer brands... Those brands that get a lot o f repeat purchases find it more profitable to advertise than brands that w i l l not get repeat purchases. Simply put, it pays to advertise winners rather than losers. In consequence, the amount o f advertising gives consumers a clue as to which brands are winners and which brands are losers.  9  Similarly, academic research findings by Kirmani and Wright (1989) suggest that consumers often consider newly introduced products to be higher quality i f accompanied by large advertising expenses. Sponsorship has increasingly become an important element o f the promotional m i x for Canadian tobacco manufacturers, and the trademark leader i n sponsorship spending is clearly Player's. There are no trademarks from competing manufacturers that rival the promotional expenditures o f Player's. During 1995, Player's sponsorship spending was estimated at C$34.2 million, while the top-spending trademarks for Canada's second and third largest tobacco manufacturers had expenditures o f C$6.8 m i l l i o n and C$10 million, respectively. In outlining I T L ' s strengths, Rothmans, Benson & Hedges (1995, p.46) listed "high profile sponsorships with b i g ticket ($84 million)." Meanwhile, RJR-Macdonald (1996, p.13) observed that, "Sponsorship dollars invested  74 do not correlate with market share performance. DuMaurier/Players disproportionately overspend relative to Rothmans & R J R Macdonald." Market research also found that the majority o f respondents anticipated Player's as the most likely cigarette brand to sponsor a ' b i g ' event (Segmentation Marketing Ltd., 1993). In a separate study, it was discovered that, "Males also see and appreciate Player's as the most active brand i n the sponsorship arena" (Rothmans, Benson & Hedges, 1999, p.20). When RJR-Macdonald reviewed various sponsorship properties, the Player's Racing Series was regarded as the most established and highest profile (Harrod & M i r l i n , 1996). Not surprisingly, Player's sponsorship properties were well recognized, with the Player's Racing Series generating the highest levels o f awareness across all age segments. Awareness o f the Player's Racing Series was highest among the age group 19-24, which was consistent with the overall finding that, "Generally younger smokers tend to be more aware o f sponsorship events than older smokers" (RJR-Macdonald, 1996, p.801513337).  10  Player's Light has become the Player's Trademark Due to regulatory stipulations, tobacco sponsorship advertising i n Canada has typically featured a trademark (i.e., Player's Ltd., Player's) rather than a branded line extension such as Player's Light or Player's Extra Light. Interestingly, however, it was discovered by I T L during the early 1980s that, "The Players family identification now seems to be centered upon the image o f Players Light" (Kwechansky Marketing Research, 1982, p.66, 67). Over the years, consumer perceptions about the Player's trademark have not changed much in this respect. In-depth interviews with males and females from Toronto, primarily under the age o f 25, revealed that, "Player's Light is the  75  pivot and anchor o f the entire trademark" (Marketing Strategy & Planning, 1986, p. 18). During focus group research, consisting o f Quebecois males aged 16-24, it was found that, " W h e n these young men think o f Player's, they think o f Player's Light first" (Saine Marketing, 1990, p.61). For focus group respondents i n Toronto, Vancouver and Montreal, ranging from 18 to 21 years o f age, Qualitative Science Inc. found that, "When smokers think o f the various trademarks they tend to think o f a particular version. W i t h Player's they are most likely to bring to mind the Player's Light" (1994, p.18). Finally, i n a market review and business assessment for 1994/1995, Bateman et al. (1994, p.28) concluded that, "Parent brands which inherently embody the core values o f the trademarks remain very important to the young smokers. Player's Light can be judgmentally considered as the Parent brand o f the Player's trademarks."  Conclusion This chapter has reviewed the marketing activities o f I T L for their major cigarette trademark, Player's. Internal industry documents reveal the segmentation strategies that have been utilized, i n which Player's promotions have consistently targeted Canadian male youth who aspire to be masculine, self-confident, independent, and modern. To effectively meet the desires o f the target consumer, conventional ads for Player's have commonly portrayed sports activities in outdoor settings, while sponsorship properties are largely centered on auto racing (albeit Player's racing team members are still shown rock climbing, hiking, camping, and so on). I T L is increasingly utilizing other marketing strategies (such as trademark diversification and direct marketing campaigns) i n an attempt to continue  76  comrnuriicating that the Player's trademark is an expression o f youthfulness, popularity, masculinity, freedom, independence, quality, tradition, and modernity. This case study of Player's brand marketing demonstrates that the connection between cigarettes and sport is well established. In an editorial on sport sponsorship, Wenner (1993) termed such an association, "patently oxymoronic," claiming that, "Athleticism and smoking clearly do not go together" (p. 146). Indeed, the statements that smokers are mountain bikers and mountain bikers are smokers seem odd. Interestingly, however, visual associations o f athleticism and cigarette brands appear to undergo less counter-argumentation from readers than verbal claims that make the link. Given the seriousness o f the public health issue, any promoted association o f tobacco with athleticism seems inappropriate.  77  Endnotes 1  This quote is taken directly from court transcripts, thus the statements reflect  precisely how it was phrased during legal proceedings. W i t h the exception o f 1985-1986, a period dubbed the "price war," price segmentation has not seemed to be a differentiating factor in consumer decision-making for Canadian cigarettes (Audet-Lapointe, 1991). 3  Player's Premiere was a line extension fully launched early i n 1997, but was  withdrawn from the Canadian marketplace in 2001 due to lingering sales (Pollay & Dewhirst, i n press). 4  Player's is presently identified as the sponsor o f various properties rather than  Player's Ltd. 'Shell' companies were no longer required for sponsorship purposes once the Supreme Court o f Canada ruled the T P C A unconstitutional in September 1995. 5  It is difficult, however, to ascertain whether the same criteria were used for the  sponsorship figures cited. The C$34.2 million estimate for Player's Ltd. was based on advertising, merchandising, and operation costs related to auto racing sponsorship. The C T M C did not specify how the C$62 million figure was determined. Nevertheless, auto racing attracts a large proportion o f sponsorship spending. Turco (1999) claims that American tobacco firms allocate more than 90% o f their sport sponsorship budgets toward motor-sports. 6  Gladden and Wolfe (2001) describe image matching as "the extent to which a  sponsored sport property and a sponsoring corporation project consistent images" (p.41). The notion o f a sporting event's image being transferred to a brand through event  78  sponsorship promotional activities is consistent with the academic research findings o f Ferrand and Pages (1996), M i l n e and M c D o n a l d (1999), Musante, M i l n e , and M c D o n a l d (1999), and Gwinner and Eaton (1999). 7  C A R T audience demographics are defined as 78% male (J. Horwood, personal  communication, August 10, 2001). 8  Player's was classified as a "starter brand" b y Pollay (2000), after he reviewed  internal industry documents that were the basis o f an expert witness report prepared for the proceedings assessing the constitutionality o f the T P C A . 9  Given the addictiveness o f tobacco and the fact that many cigarette brands have  minimal product differentiation, the applicability of Nelson's argument is unclear. 1 0  Crompton (1993) notes that a central issue surrounding tobacco sponsorship o f  sport is whether it enables tobacco firms to penetrate the youth market.  79  CHAPTER FOUR  Export ' A ' ™ Cigarette Brand M a r k e t i n g Male Youth, Extreme Sports, and the Gendering of Smoking  Manufactured by JTI-Macdonald Corp., Export ' A ' is currently the third bestselling cigarette brand i n Canada, holding an approximate 11 percent share o f the Canadian cigarette market. Considering that all o f the tobacco manufacturer's cigarette brand offerings combined account for less than 13 percent o f the total Canadian market, the success o f Export ' A ' is extremely important toward JTI-Macdonald's bottom-line (Physicians for a Smoke-Free Canada, 2002). This chapter examines how conventional notions o f masculinity have been exploited in promotional efforts to construct an identity for the cigarette brand, Export 'A'.  1  The cigarettes were provided to Canadian troops fighting i n the Second W o r l d  War, and b y 1945, one-half o f the Canadian forces were smoking Export ("The Blue Book o f Canadian Business," 2002). Today, the Export brand name identifies plain cigarettes, while the Export ' A ' brand family consists o f filtered full flavour, medium, m i l d , light, extra light, and ultra light line extensions. During the early and m i d 1980s, advertising for Export ' A ' began to link the brand with adventurous, action-based sports, and more recently, it has been the title sponsor o f an extreme sports series. To further understand how the tobacco firm sought to make the brand attributes and 'personality' o f Export ' A ' both masculine and appealing to male youth, trade sources and internal industry documents have been  80  analyzed. The industry documents provide valuable insight for encoding the production of promotional messages, and in this chapter, both the written and visual persuasive aspects of advertising for Export 'A' are explored.  Advertising and Rhetoric Rhetoric, a term derived from the Greek rhetor, which literally means 'orator', is defined as the art of persuasion, using language to influence other people either in terms of their future actions or beliefs (Edgar & Sedgwick, 1999; Danesi, 2000). Rhetorical analysis has traditionally been limited to assessing the use of written or verbal language; yet, studying the persuasive aspects of advertisements needs to also account for the importance of visual imagery. Cigarette advertising studies using content analysis as a methodology, for example, have typically assessed both visual and verbal assertions. Ringold (1987) and Ringold and Calfee (1989) represent notable exceptions by not considering pictures and images for coding purposes (i.e., coding was limited to the information conveyed in headlines, subheadings, and ad copy), considered a significant omission since the majority of cigarette advertising layouts are visually oriented. In discussing how rhetorical figures are defined, McQuarrie and Mick (1999, p.39) state, "Nothing in the fundamental definition of a figure either requires a linguistic expression or precludes a visual expression." Durand (1987) was a pioneer in proposing a comprehensive list of visual figures, and since that time research has increasingly accounted for visual elements of rhetoric with an application to advertising (McQuarrie & Mick, 1999), responding to Scott's (1994) call for developing a theory of visual rhetoric when studying advertising imagery.  81  Leading textbooks on marketing and advertising recognize that persuasion is a basic objective o f promotion (Arens, 1999; Semenik, 2002). According to Shapiro, Wong, Perreault, and McCarthy (2002, p.435), "When competitors offer similar products, the firm must not only inform customers that its product is available but also persuade them to buy it. A persuading objective means that the firm w i l l try to develop a favourable set o f attitudes so that customers w i l l buy—and keep buying—its product." Persuasion is a particularly important promotional objective for product categories such as cigarettes, where differences among various brands are often very intangible. According to documentation from Imperial Tobacco (1970, p.566628090), Canada's largest tobacco manufacturer, "Without price differentials and without easily perceptible product differentiation (except for extremes, e.g. Matinee versus Player's) consumer choice is influenced almost entirely by imagery factors." Roughly 25 years later, Rothmans, Benson & Hedges, the second largest tobacco manufacturer i n Canada, maintained that, "In the cigarette category brand image is everything. The brand o f cigarettes a person smokes is their identity. Cigarettes tell others who they are as a person. There is a strong emotional connection to the brand, the image it projects about the smoker, not only to themselves but to others" (cited in Pollay, 2002, p. 13). Abstract qualities are commonly associated with products, such that brands are considered to have personalities much like people. Particular brands are depicted as expressions o f success, sophistication, femininity, rebellion, and so on. Marlboro, for example, represents masculine, rugged, tough, and no-nonsense qualities, while Virginia Slims tends to be feminine, sexy, and glamorous in comparison. Using a non-cigarette  82  example, Harley-Davidson is a symbol of personal freedom, patriotism (toward being American), rugged individuality, and being macho (Aaker, 1996). Those critical o f advertising often express concern about how products become arbitrarily associated with attributes that are socially desirable. Some advertisements present something magical since it is suggested that the featured product w i l l do something special for those who purchase it (Leiss, K l i n e , & Jhally, 1997). According to Gossage (1967), who worked a l l his life i n the advertising industry, the appeal o f advertisements became more basic as there was an attempt to persuade more people o f the worthiness o f the promoted product. H e stated: When, i n addition, the product advertised is virtually identical with its competitors, or when the product's value to its user is largely subjective, the appeals become so basic that they slide away from fact as we know it. They go beyond reason into something even more basic, the most common denominator o f all, magic (1967, p.364). Leo Burnett, the creator o f the Marlboro man, explains the work process for those at an advertising agency: After all the meetings are over, the phones have stopped ringing and the vocalizing has died down, somebody finally has to get out an ad, often after hours. Somebody has to stare at a blank piece o f paper. This is probably the very height o f lonesomeness. Out o f the recesses o f his mind must come words which interest, words which persuade, words which inspire, words which sell. M a g i c words. I regard h i m as the man o f the hour i n our business today (cited i n Twitchell, 1999, p.56; Simpson, 1964, p.83).  83  A magical spell is evident since the consumer is promised to get great results from purchasing the advertised product (Williamson, 1978). Advertising may instil in consumers the belief that satisfaction is obtained through purchasing commodities, yet those defending advertising counter that people want and desire the symbolism o f advertising since they do not consider products simply for their use. People interpret their interactions with products symbolically, and the need and desire for symbolism is considered a defining quality o f human nature (Leiss, K l i n e , & Jhally, 1997). Systems o f signification are necessary and inevitable. Persuasion is also considered to be a common part o f our society, thus some question w h y advertising deserves special attention. Whether the consumer has the same ability to detect truth among products o f differing characteristics and complexities remains contentious, however.  Export ' A ' : Segmentation as a Marketing Tool A s discussed i n Chapter 3, segmentation is a commonly used strategy in marketing, in which specific target audiences are identified for a product or service b y dividing a mass market into subsets on the basis o f variables such as demographics, geography, psychographics, and product benefits. B y reviewing internal documents o f RJR-Macdonald from the 1980s and 1990s, it became apparent that the primary target audience for Export ' A ' promotions has been male youth who aspire to be independent, adventurous, and rugged.  84  Male Youth as a Primary Target Market A document concerning the long-term strategy o f Export ' A ' included the subtitle, "Whose behaviour are we trying to affect?", with the following statements in response: Y o u n g adults who are currently i n the process o f establishing their independence and their position i n society. They look for peer group acceptance i n their brand selection, and may often be moderate or conservative i n their choices. A s young adults they look for symbols that w i l l help to reinforce their independence and individuality (RJR-Macdonald, 1987, p.800230290). In this document, young adults were identified as predominantly 18-24 year old males. " N e w users" were also listed as a subgroup i n which the company was hoping to have an influential effect on behaviour, a reference that is meaningful and significant by indicating that the age segment likely being discussed is those in the early or mid-stages o f adolescence. RJR-Macdonald (1982a, p.395552) hypothesized that, " V e r y young starter smokers choose Export ' A ' because it provides them with an instant badge o f masculinity, appeals to their rebellious nature and establishes their position amongst their peers." Younger smokers are considered essential to the Export market (RJR-Macdonald, 1982b). RJR-Macdonald (1989, p.801183934) stated that, "In order to make further inroads into the younger segment, we must continue to project an image that is consistent with the needs and values o f today's younger smokers." Within the same document, the company asserted that: The younger segment represents the most critical source o f business to maintain volume and grow share i n a declining market. They're recent smokers and show  85  a greater propensity to switch than the older segment. Export has shown an ability to attract this younger group since 1987 to present (Ibid.). In addition to its appealing brand imagery dimensions, Export ' A ' is likely to be desirable to the youth segment because it is a strong-selling, popular brand. Qualitative Science Inc. (1994, p.800939376), a marketing research firm representing RJR-Macdonald, acknowledges that, "When young consumers first experiment with smoking they are prone to select a brand which they perceive as having an image which is 'mainstream, youthful'."  Reinforcing and Enhancing Export ' A ' Brand Imagery The Export Family Strategy Document (RJR-Macdonald, 1982a, p.395552) contains a section entitled " H o w W e Want Consumers to V i e w the Brand," indicating that image dimensions for Export ' A ' w i l l appeal to "the breed o f men who are masculine, independent, adventurous and possess the qualities o f natural leadership... Women are attracted to these men because o f their youthful virility, independence and spirit o f adventure." In the Export Family—Marketing  Strategy document, it states that,  "The objective o f the family's copy strategy is to convince males that only the Export Family o f cigarettes provides the highest degree o f smoking satisfaction i n the range o f desired strength levels for individuals who aspire to be masculine, rugged, selfdetermined and independent" (RJR-Macdonald, 1980, p.45676). The Beaumont Organization, Ltd. (1982) recommended that RJR-Macdonald explore symbols that integrate the themes o f masculinity, peer group acceptance (among younger adult males), and pleasure into a single, comprehensible message. Export ' A ' and competing brand, Player's have a very similar brand positioning, and when  86  comparing the user image o f the two brands during the m i d 1980s, an ad agency representing Imperial Tobacco found that "the common ground shared b y Export ' A ' and Player's Filter is lone masculinity i n the context o f outdoor, physical activity" (Marketing Strategy & Planning, Inc., 1985, p.000019). In the late 1980s, RJR-Macdonald looked to "seek and exploit innovative promotional opportunities... based on Export's 'escapist' brand image" (cited i n Pollay, 2002, p.8). To summarize, over roughly the past 30 years, RJR-Macdonald (and now JTI-Macdonald) has positioned Export ' A ' to be an expression o f masculinity, independence, adventure, ruggedness, and escapism.  Export ' A ' Brand Marketing (1972-2002) From 1972 to 1988, the print advertising o f Export ' A ' progressed through four highly integrated periods. The year 1972 is used as a starting point o f analysis since Canadian tobacco companies increasingly directed their advertising spending toward the print media once they had voluntarily withdrawn advertising from the broadcast media, effective January 1, 1972. W i t h the enactment o f the T P C A i n 1988, Canadian tobacco firms, such as RJR-Macdonald, invested heavily i n the sponsorship o f sports and cultural events.  Export ' A ' as Man's Best Friend (Early 1970s) During the early 1970s, an advertising campaign for Export ' A ' had the slogan, Good Companions placed i n bold text, the subtext claiming, "Take time to relax. Take time for quiet companionship. Export ' A ' K i n g s . . . a good companion any time" (see Appendix 7). The ads were predominated by visual imagery, i n w h i c h a man was shown  87  seated outdoors i n the midst o f a leisurely activity with a dog, smoking an Export ' A ' Kings cigarette. The conveyed message was that smoking Export ' A ' cigarettes provided independent males with an opportunity to relax. W i t h the ad depictions being i n the wilderness or at a cottage, the notion o f 'escapism' was seemingly communicated. Export ' A ' cigarettes were presented as though they had a relationship with their user, much like a relationship one would have with a pet or a person. The exclusion o f women as potentially good companions is particularly noteworthy.  Big Flavour and Export ' A ' Satisfaction ( M i d and Late 1970s, Early 1980s) From 1975 to 1978, the slogan for Export ' A ' advertising campaigns was Export, eh?, containing the subtext, "When you know what you l i k e " (see Appendix 8). Again, individual males were depicted smoking a cigarette while engaged i n a passive leisure activity. During the late 1970s and early 1980s, the emphasis o f the advertising campaigns seemed to shift increasingly toward the high impact flavour o f Export ' A ' , one ad claiming, "I L i k e it! B i g Flavour. Export ' A ' Regular and K i n g Size." Advertising campaigns during 1979 and 1980 featured the slogan, "Feeling Satisfied!" and the ad copy, "Export ' A ' Satisfaction" (see Appendix 9). The slogan for the 1981 campaign was " M a n , that's satisfaction" with the remainder o f the ad copy stating, " Y o u know what you want and know where to get it. That's w h y you reach for the big bold taste o f Export ' A ' . " A green package was depicted i n these ads, which was representative o f the full flavour version o f Export ' A ' . When a blue package was portrayed, representing 'medium', the slogan was "That's smooth! That's satisfaction!" with the remainder o f the ad copy claiming, "That's what you want and you know where  88  to get it. So you reach for the satisfying smoothness o f Export ' A ' medium. M a n , that's satisfaction." For these advertising campaigns, individual males were commonly featured who were loggers and truckers (i.e., blue-collar occupations), shown smoking a cigarette i n wilderness settings, presumably taking a break while on the job. In 1981 and 1982, ads featured the slogan, "Satisfaction Country" and visuals that were similar to previous campaigns.  3  A Taste For Adventure and Aspiring Imagery (Mid 1980s) In an attempt to revitalize the brand, ad campaigns from 1983 to 1985 ran with the slogan, " A Taste for Adventure", and featured males i n 'active' pursuits such as white water kayaking and canoeing, hydroplaning, downhill skiing, and windsurfing (see Appendix 10). RJR-Macdonald also signed a five-year agreement with the Canadian S k i Association ( C S A ) i n 1983. The modified approach reflected the recommendations o f 4  The Beaumont Organization, Ltd., who found that the Export ' A ' user was becoming commonly associated with older, macho, blue-collar men. To gain market share, they claimed Export ' A ' must be dissociated from such overtones and become more appealing to the younger adult male peer group. While the blue-collar truck driver image o f Export ' A ' may have been accurate, it did not capture the aspirations o f youth (Bang & K i m , 2001; Pollay, 2001). When assessing the lifestyle interests o f many Export ' A ' users, market research found that they were likely to enjoy attending rock concerts and sports events, as well as spend time i n bars and clubs. It was recommended that Export ' A ' should be positioned toward younger males who were sports-oriented, drink beer, enjoy  89  popular music, and commonly wear blue jeans and T-shirts (McCann-Erickson Advertising o f Canada Ltd., 1986).  Meeting the Entire Export ' A ' Brand Family (Late 1980s) In 1987, an advertising campaign for Export ' A ' extra light had the slogan, "Export ' A ' . Where you want to be", with visual imagery o f a city skyline and nightfall beckoning. Interestingly, this ad campaign was digressing from the traditional positioning o f the trademark, yet the ad platform was more consistent the following year. Export ' A ' extra light ads i n 1988 featured "Export Y o u r s e l f as ad copy along with visuals o f a computer with a wilderness scene and flying eagle projected on the screen. A 1988 advertising campaign presented Export ' A ' ultra light as a new product line extension. Other ads utilized the slogan, " ' A ' Smooth N e w L o o k , " and depicted packaging o f the parent full flavour brand, as well as the medium, m i l d , light, and extra light members o f the brand family.  5  Emphasis on all o f the various product line  extensions likely reflected that 1988 was the final year o f conventional tobacco product advertising being permissible i n Canada, i n accordance to the T P C A .  Sponsorship: Becoming an Important Part of the Tobacco Marketing Plan During the late 1980s and early 1990s, sponsorship o f sports and cultural events became an increasingly important component o f the promotional mix for Canadian tobacco manufacturers, shifts in promotional spending toward sponsorship largely reflecting that conventional forms of promotion were no longer viable options due to legislative stipulations. In addition to improving corporate/brand awareness, a key objective o f  90  sponsorship has been to enhance or reinforce brand imagery. According to RJR-Macdonald (1996, p.801542472): Associative marketing allows us to associate the brand with images which we are prevented from using in brand advertising. In other words, the actual sponsorship is simply the price we pay in order to feature a particular image i n our advertising. Although there are many additional benefits to traditional sponsorship programmes such as promotional extensions, our primary concern is with the image advertising potential around the sponsorship. W e are attempting to alter a brand's image and, in our view, this is best achieved through advertising which we control. Considering that Export ' A ' has a long-standing association with masculinity, independence, adventure, ruggedness, and escapism, sponsoring an extreme sports series would seem to be a particularly apt way o f enhancing or reinforcing the desired brand image.  Export ' A ' : Sponsor of the Extreme Sports Series Beginning in 1997, Export ' A ' became the title sponsor o f an extreme sports series, which has included activities such as free-skiing, skier-cross, snowboarding, snowmobile racing, mountain biking, jet-skiing, windsurfing, kayaking, water-skiing, wakeboarding, hydroplaning, and motor-cross and auto racing (see Appendix 11).  6  The  aforementioned list o f sponsored sports reflects that RJR-Macdonald wanted to select events that were distributed throughout the year. During 2001 and 2002, snowboard and free-ski events for the E x p o r t ' A'-sponsored extreme sports series continued to occur during the summer months as part of the Molson Canadian Snow Jam.  91  Interestingly, RJR-Macdonald also found it desirable to depict sports that were not perceived as too aerobically taxing, a 1997 document indicating that, "Associations o f Export ' A ' with (non-cardio) demanding sports with a social celebration angle is most credible and motivating" (cited i n Pollay, 2002, p.45). This observation might explain why mountain biking was discontinued as an event after the inaugural year o f the extreme sports series. To augment the 'independent' brand image o f Export ' A ' , the extreme sports series features exclusively individual sports, despite the popularity o f (non-cardio) team/group sports such as baseball or white-water rafting (Pollay, 2001). F o r the advertising campaigns running from 1997 to 2000, independence, individualism, and self-reliance dimensions were further conveyed by the slogan o f the Export ' A ' extreme sports series, which was " G o Y o u r O w n W a y . " The promotions have typically depicted one person i n primary focus. Notions o f self-expression, freedom, and rebellious youth are communicated since many o f the extreme sports events epitomize resistance to dominant sport cultures. Several o f the extreme sports events are distinctive from 'mainstream' sports according to their less rigid and controlled rule structure. For example, downhill ski racing requires participants to take a prescribed route (that is, the path is dictated by the gates that are set) and each run is timed, whereas free-skiing participants may negotiate their own pathway (among couloirs, cliffs, and non-groomed terrain that is typically 35 to 50 degrees steep) and are judged according to their fluidity, route selection, aggressiveness, and dynamic turns (Lee, 2002).  92  'Adventure' is expressed since the extreme sports series activities involve competitors who succeed and generate attention because o f their willingness to take extreme risks. According to Webster's dictionary, extreme means "going to great or exaggerated lengths; exceeding the ordinary, usual, or expected." F o r the Big Hit Contest, which was sponsored b y Export ' A ' and Ripzone at the 2002 M o l s o n Snow Jam, it was emphasized that C$1,000 would be awarded to the first place finisher, yet nothing in recognition for second place. W i t h simply first place being rewarded, and only the best 'trick' among several attempts being counted (that is, scores were not tallied cumulatively), participants were encouraged to 'push their limits.' Moreover, with the sponsorship o f extreme sports by Export ' A ' , the link o f cigarette smoking and its own role toward risk-taking is seemingly implied. For adolescents who are smoking i n defiance o f their parent's wishes, initial experiences with cigarettes can be exciting or thrilling. Smoking may constitute a rebellious act that is meant to undermine adult authority (Dewhirst & Sparks, i n press).  i  During 2001 and 2002, promotions for the extreme sports series have included the following edgy slogans: fast enough";  "Gravity is for sissies";  " I f it ain't broke, you're not going  "Sure it's all a blur. That's the point";  ones before every race. Usually on the hood"; what's the point?";  "Competitors kiss their loved  " I f you can't wrap it around a tree,  "It's loud. It's fast. It's hard. Questions?";  They bleed" (see Appendix 12).  "Real men don't cry.  These slogans further imply the need for thrill seeking,  'going to the edge', and the desirable stimulation resulting from an adrenaline-rush. The narratives relating to Export 'A'-sponsored extreme sports also communicate alpha  93 masculinity, whereby it is implied that these events provide male youth with opportunities to express ruggedness and machismo. Women, however, have a contrasting role i n the subculture o f Export ' A ' sponsored extreme sports. They have been largely unrecognized i n Export ' A ' promotions, i n which most readers o f the ads would be unaware that women are also participating i n the extreme sports events. During the few occasions that women are depicted i n Export ' A ' promotions, they are often presented as 'eye candy', framed as sexually desirable i n spectator or after-event socializing roles. L e i f Zapf-Gilje, a competitor i n the free-skiing event, claims that, "The rewards i n extreme skiing are women, money and free beer, but not necessarily i n that order" (cited i n Andreeff, 2000, p. 107). During the Big Hit Contest at the 2002 M o l s o n Snow Jam, lots o f free items were distributed to help maintain the crowd's enthusiasm. T o attain a few o f the coveted prizes, male event participants required women i n the audience to reveal their breasts.  Discussion  Youth as a Target of Export ' A ' Promotional Activities One key issue during tobacco-related legal proceedings has been the determination o f whether youth are targeted by specific marketing campaigns. Tobacco industry representatives have publicly denied that they market their products to youth; for example, John Wildgust, the director o f corporate affairs for JTI-Macdonald, has stated: "To set the record straight, JTI-Macdonald Corp. never undertakes any activity that  94  would encourage anyone to take up smoking. Y e s , we do compete for brand share among current adult smokers. But we do not market to children, period" (2002, p.A17). Contradicting Wildgust's statements, JTI-Macdonald ran television ads i n support o f the Export ' A ' extreme sports series events held from February to November 2000, i n which adventure and sex were central themes (i.e., internal documents indicated that a premise relating to adventure or sex was an effective way to appeal to those i n their early teenage years). One o f the 30-second ads commenced such that a bed mattress and springs could be seen moving up and down, while a bedside alarm clock was depicted with the time flashing and a television showing merely static. The vibration resulting from the 'bed activity' caused a drink on the bedside table to spill, while other objects (including a set o f downhill skis) fell to the floor. The 'dominant/preferred' meaning o f this ad seemed clear; during the initial segment o f the ad, most viewers were likely to assume that the bed mattress was moving due to sexual activity. It was later revealed, however, that a young adult male was jumping up and down on his bed, practicing ski moves that he would presumably use i n the extreme sports series. The question, "Feeling a little extreme?" was then posed, as well as the Export ' A ' slogan, " G o your own way." The ad aired even though market research testing for an Export ' A ' campaign i n 1996 indicated, "Respondents believed certain executions were more likely than others to appeal to the younger set, i.e. those under the age o f 19. Generally speaking, ads that identified with 'adventure or sex' were said to more likely appeal to the teen and even pre-teen segment" (cited i n Pollay, 2002, p.44). JTI-Macdonald is also a client o f M A S E V Communications, who claim to be an authority on youth lifestyle and culture, and who specialize i n communicating brand  95  messages through experiential events and promotion-based marketing. According to the website o f M A S E V Communications (see www.masev.com/corporate.html, which lists JTI-Macdonald as a client and discusses its involvement with organizing the M o l s o n Snow Jam), " W i t h over 18 years involvement i n music, action sports and events M A S E V has become the credible marketing message conduit for corporations to reach the vibrant 12-35 youth lifestyle demographic." When looking at the marketing strategies o f other sponsors for similar action sports events, teenagers (including those that are still not o f legal smoking age) are commonly among the target market. For example, the Telus World Ski and Snowboard Festival is a 10-day event held i n Whistler, Canada that includes ' B i g A i r ' snowboarding contests, which closely resemble the Export ' A ' sponsored ' B i g H i t ' contests held at the M o l s o n Snow Jam. Explaining w h y Telus (a large telecommunications firm based i n British Columbia) is the title sponsor o f the event, the company's marketing executive, John Mikkelsen, states: "To be honest with you, we are trying to be a little c o o l " (cited i n Ward, 2002, p . B l ) . H e claims that the snowboarding and ski festival is a way o f promoting the Telus brand to a target market o f young males, who are aged 16 to 24 (Ward, 2002). John Stouffer, editor o f Transworld's snowboarding magazine, also spoke about the audience at these events, and their familiarity with some o f the competitors' stances and sponsors: M o s t o f these kids down there are snowboarders. They're i n the pipes, i n the terrain parks. They are participants and so they know what it takes... These kids w i l l dial their set-up just like their favourite pro. T h e y ' l l want to wear their  96  beanie [toque] just at right angle with the logo showing. That's how infectious this is (cited in Ward, 2002, p.B2). Interestingly, Export ' A ' logo emblazoned items - such as key-chains, screen-saver C D R O M s , baseball caps, T-shirts, and C D cases - have been distributed at the extreme sports series events held at the M o l s o n Snow Jam. Glen Plake, a skier infamous for his cliff-jumping abilities, represents another early icon o f extreme sports. In describing Plake, Powder magazine indicates that he "smokes cigarettes, opens beer bottles with his ski edges and [spreads the word] that... the point o f skiing [is] not wholesome family fun, but to be extreme" (cited i n Chrzanowski, 1990, p.36). B y sponsoring extreme sports events, it seems dubious that JTI-Macdonald is genuine about only marketing toward an adult market o f current smokers.  9  Even if, implausibly, this were the only intent, it would not be the only effect.  Export ' A ' and the Exclusion of Women In early research on masculine-feminine dimensions o f cigarette brands, V i t z and Johnston (1965) found that consumer perceptions about the 'masculinity rating' o f brands was influenced b y physical characteristics o f the product, as w e l l as the advertised image. Cigarettes positioned for a predominantly male target audience, or meant to convey 'masculine' or rugged dimensions, are commonly higher i n tar content, strong tasting, regular length, and/or wide (McCracken, 1992; Pollay & Dewhirst, 2001). Conversely, cigarette brands positioned for primarily female use, or meant to be expressions o f 'femininity' or glamorous dimensions, are typically those that have very low tar deliveries, longer lengths (that is, 100 mm), or are billed as ' s l i m ' .  1 0  Recognized as a  97  relatively high tar and strong tasting brand, the Export ' A ' brand family consists o f various line extensions, yet the full flavour and medium versions are the most commonly promoted. Longer length, slim, or menthol cigarettes are not offered as part o f the Export ' A ' brand family. Women are rarely depicted i n Export ' A ' advertising. One marketing firm (Marketing Strategy & Planning, Inc., 1985, p.000007), when comparing the brand imagery o f Export ' A ' and Player's, indicated, "Player's Filter has a considerably softer masculine image than Export ' A ' which carries masculinity to an extreme... The Player's Filter image acknowledges and accomodates women. The Player's Lights image actually incorporates women. The Export ' A ' image excludes women." Although a small number o f entries for the Export ' A ' extreme sports series are women, their participation seems largely unwelcome and uncelebrated. Export ' A ' promotions are placed i n media most likely to be consumed by males. For example, television ads supporting the sponsorship o f the 1999 extreme skiing and snowmobile events aired on The Sports Network ( T S N ) - Canada's equivalent to E S P N from February 15 until A p r i l 5 . Auto Racing, Gallagher Live, Leafs Hockey, NBA th  th  Basketball, and Sports Desk (the program is now known as Sports Centre) were T S N programs that featured Export ' A ' extreme sports ads. Nielsen M e d i a data indicates that the gender breakdown o f T S N Sports Desk, Leafs Hockey, and N B A Basketball audiences is 73%, 70%, and 74% male, respectively ( L . Cameron, personal communication, September 25, 2001). Recent Export ' A ' promotions for the extreme sports series are to be found in Canadian magazines such as Shift (chronicles the impact o f technology on culture), Cycle Canada (stories about motorcycling i n Canada), and  98  Urban M a l e Magazine (its content is indicative o f M a x i m , Gear, or Stuff magazine), which have a male-skewed readership.  The Importance of Integrated Marketing Communications W h i l e Export ' A ' is presently the third-best selling cigarette brand i n Canada, its market share has been i n continuous decline over the past few decades. In 1978, the market share o f Export ' A ' was 17%, yet i n 1988 it had dropped to 12% and in 1997 rested at 11% (Pollay, 2001; Physicians for a Smoke-Free Canada, 2002). One explanation for the waning popularity o f Export ' A ' is that its marketing communication efforts have not been w e l l integrated, involving "the intentional coordination o f every communication from a firm to a target customer to convey a consistent and complete message" (Shapiro, Wong, Perreault, & McCarthy, 2002, p.433). Considering that Export ' A ' has been promoted as an expression o f masculinity, independence, adventure, ruggedness, and escapism for a lengthy duration, the objective o f its manufacturer should be to select events for sponsorship purposes that w i l l consistently link the brand with such symbolic imagery or 'personalities'. Sponsoring an extreme sports series seems to offer great potential for being integrative with previous Export ' A ' marketing communication efforts. Overall, however, the brand identity o f Export ' A ' has been inconsistently communicated through the selected sponsorship mix, which has also included The Skins Game (featuring premiere male professional golfers such as Jack Nicklaus, Greg Norman, and David Duval), The N e w Music Series (presenting rock music concerts by several promising Canadian bands), and salmon fishing showdowns. This inconsistency  99  with the selected sponsorship properties became particularly crucial once sports and cultural sponsorship took an increasingly important role i n the promotional m i x . The Export ' A ' package colour emphasized in the artwork o f promotions has also shifted over time. The green-colour package, which signify full flavour cigarettes, was prominent i n many Export ' A ' promotions during the 1970s and 1980s (including the " A Taste for Adventure" campaign that depicted various action sports), yet promotions for the extreme sports series (from 1997 to the present) have utilized the blue hue that resembles the packaging for medium cigarettes. The shift i n colour emphasis may reflect that smokers from the past decade have elevated health concerns, and are likely to prefer a brand extension without the highest tar content and delivery. It is probable that RJR-Macdonald (and JTI-Macdonald) has prominently depicted blue - as opposed to maroon, gold, silver, and baby blue - since the m i l d , light, extra light, and ultra light line extensions do not convey an image that is nearly as macho or rugged. The drawback o f using Export ' A ' medium as the headline extension, however, is that the competing Player's cigarette brand is already w e l l established with a similar shade o f blue. Pollay (2001, p.73) argues: Export ' A ' is adopting a 'me too' positioning, known to be a difficult task. B y imitating and extending that which has been so successful for Player's, they risk falling into the perceptual shadow o f Player's brand image, with some viewers confusing their effort with ads for Player's. The deteriorating market share o f Export ' A ' has been largely at the expense o f Player's, a competing trademark with similar positioning. It was mentioned that the market share  100  o f Export ' A ' dropped six percent from 1978 to 1997, yet the market share o f Player's improved an impressive 14% during the same period.  Conclusion This chapter has reviewed the marketing activities o f RJR-Macdonald (and JTIMacdonald) for their flagship cigarette brand, Export ' A ' . Internal industry documents reveal the segmentation strategies that have been utilized, i n which Export ' A ' promotions have been largely designed over the past 30 years to appeal to male youth who aspire to be masculine, rugged, self-determined, independent, rebellious, and adventurous. W h e n the tobacco firm attempted to invigorate the brand during the early and m i d 1980s, promotions utilized the slogan, " A Taste for Adventure" and began to commonly show individual males involved i n adventurous, alternative, action-oriented sports. Once conventional tobacco brand advertising was no longer permissible i n Canada, the tagline " G o Y o u r O w n W a y " was embraced, and sponsoring extreme sports events provided a valuable opportunity to maintain and enrich the brand identity o f Export ' A ' .  101  Endnotes 1  Export cigarettes - first known as British Consol Export - were introduced i n  1928.  " 2  See the criticisms provided by Cohen (1989), Pollay (1989), Dewhirst and  Pollay (2001). 3  The creative for these ads seem to lack imagination, as the slogan, "Satisfaction  Country" is highly similar to the very familiar and successful "Marlboro Country" campaigns. 4  A t the time, downhill ski racing was a high profile sport i n Canada due to the  impressive achievements o f the 'Crazy Canucks', which included Olympic and W o r l d Cup downhill skiers K e n Read (who retired i n 1983), Steve Podborski, Dave Irwin, J i m Hunter, and Dave Murray. W i t h the racers consistently reaching speeds o f more than 65 mph on an i c y course, many viewers perceived them as daredevils and adventurous. 5  E d Ricard, an executive i n charge o f Imperial Tobacco's strategy and product  development, clarified the meaning o f smooth as "less irritation and less harshness" during testimony at the 2002 Quebec Superior Court trial. 6  Export ' A ' was the title sponsor.rather.than Export ' A ' Inc. 'Shell' companies ,  were no longer required for sponsorship purposes once the Supreme Court o f Canada ruled the Tobacco Products Control A c t unconstitutional in September 1995. Snow Jam, which is the largest action sports and music festival in Canada, features competitions i n snowboarding, free-skiing, B M X freestyle, in-line demos, and skateboarding. The event is very reminiscent o f the popular U.S.-based, X-Games.  102  8  Health Canada has issued 16 different health-warning messages, i n which one  o f the warnings must be printed on each package o f cigarettes sold in Canada. Interestingly, it was observed that all o f the 2001 and 2002 Export ' A ' extreme sports series ads depicting a health warning message, and that were located i n the History o f Advertising Archives, utilize the same Health Canada warning: " C I G A R E T T E S L E A V E Y O U B R E A T H L E S S . Tobacco use causes crippling, often fatal lung diseases such as emphysema." In the context o f extreme sports, this warning is likely to have multiple meanings to the reader o f the ad. Breathless can be defined as gasping for breath, or alternatively, as taking one's breath away (i.e., breathless speed). ' T h r i l l i n g ' is a synonym for 'breathtaking'. 9  Pollay and Lavack (1993), Cunningham (1996), Pollay (2000), and Dewhirst  and Sparks (in press) have reviewed internal documents from RJR-Macdonald that were manifest i n proceedings assessing the constitutionality o f the T P C A , and have also concluded that youth are a target o f the firm's marketing activities. 1 0  Market research for British American Tobacco (1985, p.26) indicates, "There  is little question that a slimmer product, by its physical dimensions, clearly communicates style-fashion-distinctive-female imagery."  103  CHAPTER FIVE  Rothmans™ Cigarette Brand Marketing: Intertextuality and the Decline of a Flagship Trademark  Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc., formed i n 1986 following the merger o f Benson & Hedges (Canada) Inc. and Rothmans o f Pall M a l l Canada Limited, is Canada's second largest tobacco manufacturer. Benson & Hedges Inc. had initially entered the Canadian market i n 1906, becoming a Philip Morris subsidiary i n 1954. Rothmans o f Pall M a l l , meanwhile, moved into Canada i n 1957. The merged firm, which remains a Philip Morris and Rothmans International B . V . affiliate, enjoys an approximate 17% market share o f Canada's cigarette industry (Cunningham, 1996). The key trademarks 1  o f the tobacco company include Rothmans, Craven ' A ' , Benson & Hedges, Dunhill, Belvedere, Belmont, Viscount, and Canadian Classics. Internal industry documents are reviewed i n this chapter to reveal the promotional tactics o f Rothmans, Benson & Hedges ( R B H ) for the Rothmans trademark, which consists o f Rothmans K i n g Size, Rothmans Special M i l d , Rothmans Light, Rothmans Extra Light K i n g Size, Rothmans Extra Light Quality Blend, and Rothmans Ultra Light (see Appendix 13). The machine-measured tar delivery for each o f these brand family members is 15 mg, 12 mg, 11 mg, 8 mg, 8 m g and 6 mg, respectively. Overall, the Rothmans trademark has been promoted as a symbol o f internationalism, premium quality, upward status, and tradition.  104  The market share held by R B H has been eroding notably, however. The combined market share o f Benson & Hedges (Canada) Inc. and Rothmans o f Pall M a l l Canada Limited was 4 3 % i n 1975 (Cunningham, 1996). In 1988, the year that the T P C A was legislated, the market share o f R B H was approximately 28% (Rothmans Inc., 1988). R B H ' s market share is now 17%. It is demonstrated here that the declining market share is largely explained by the firm's inability to capture the highly valued youth segment. Largely due to deficient promotional expenditures and a lack o f packaging design updates, Rothmans was perceived b y consumers as unpopular, ' o l d ' , and lacking contemporaneous. Rothmans has been inconsistently linked with particular imagery, thus the firm has failed to effectively exploit intertextual relations i n its promotions.  Intertextuality and the Nearly Infinite Promotional Chain The term intertextuality is w e l l recognized among literary scholars, but only recently has its use become more common i n marketing communications and consumer studies literature. Developed and popularized by French literary critic, theorist and textual analyst, Julia Kristeva, intertextuality is defined as the passage o f one (or several) sign system(s) into another. According to Kristeva, this signifying process: .. .involves an altering o f the thetic [sic] position—the destruction o f the old position and the formation o f a new one. The new signifying system may be produced with the same signifying material... Or it may be borrowed from different signifying materials... If one grants that every signifying practice is a field o f transpositions o f various signifying systems (an inter-textuality), one then understands that its 'place' o f enunciation and its denoted 'object' are never  105  single, complete, and identical to themselves, but always plural, shattered, capable o f being tabulated. (1984, p.59, 60) In other words, there are manifold ways i n which any one text is inseparably interinvolved with other texts. For Kristeva, each text represents a site i n which a myriad o f other texts are intersecting. Thus, every text is in fact an "inter-text" (Abrams, 1993; Wernick, 1991). To determine the meanings generated from advertising, the concept o f intertextuality suggests that ads should not be studied i n isolation. Current promotions have an inter-textual relationship with all past, present, and future ads o f their respective campaigns. Brand name, logo or trademark elements, as well as the designs and colours found on packaging, are likely to reappear in nearly all o f the ads. Similarly, taglines often carry over from campaign to campaign. N o single ad can yield the reader a complete and full understanding o f the promoted product's intended and actual symbolic meaning. Advertising is better understood i f the reader has exposure to an entire ad campaign, and best understood i f there is familiarity with a long history o f ad campaigns for a particular brand or trademark. Meanings are produced through an interactive process between the texts (i.e., ads) and the reader, a process i n which the reader is actively involved. The advertising text is considered 'unstable', indicating that multiple readings o f the same text are possible. Indeed, all texts are polysemic to some extent, demonstrating that signs or texts have multiple, hierarchical meanings. Readers may respond differently to the same textual stimuli, resulting from their varying personal and cultural histories or simply how much time they spend reading the ad (Brown, Stevens, & Maclaran, 1999). Nevertheless, ads  106  are intentionally encoded with 'dominant' meanings, which are likely best understood by readers that exemplify the target market o f the brand being promoted. It is important to recognize that consumer knowledge, beliefs, attitudes and opinions are regularly and extensively researched by marketers, and i f pre-testing efforts o f a proposed ad campaign revealed that the 'dominant' meaning was not being 'realized', the ads would presumably be further refined or never put forward. To assist with creating an effective, relevant or understood message, the producers o f ads refer to market research findings, indicating that ad production does not occur within a closed system. In many ways, consumers are both the source and receiver o f a message. Another point to make about the meaning and symbolism o f brands is that consumers have multiple sources o f information. Wernick claims that, "the promotional chain to which any product and 'its' ad belongs is endless" (1991, p.94). The meaning generated from an ad is affected and further understood by the readings o f preceding ads from both current and previous campaigns, as well as through additional sources such as word-of-mouth communication, direct experience, novels, and portrayals i n television programming and film (Fiske, 1989, 1990; Hirschman, Scott, & Wells, 1998). The credibility o f particular ad appeals partially depends upon whether or not they are consistent with the consumer's other sources o f meaning.  107  A n Overview of Rothmans™ Promotional Strategies  Rothmans K i n g Size A historical overview reveals that the Rothmans trademark has been positioned as an expression o f upward status, premium quality and British heritage, which has international or global recognition. Rothmans also had an initial aura o f innovation and contemporaneousness, as its 1957 introduction by Rothmans o f Pall M a l l represented the first king-size filter cigarette i n the Canadian marketplace (The Manitoba Educational Research Council, 1966). The king-size descriptor drew attention to a longer length cigarette. A t the time, most cigarettes i n the marketplace were 72 m m i n length, yet Rothmans K i n g Size was 84 m m ("Plenty o f smoke billows," 1962). Value or 'more 2  bang for your buck' was the implied product benefit, with consumers getting an 84 m m cigarette for the same price as a regular-length one. Substantial promotional spending supported the introduction o f Rothmans K i n g Size. One year after Rothmans o f Pall M a l l entered the Canadian market, advertising spending by the Canadian tobacco industry more than doubled (Thomas, 1958). According to a spokesperson from competing tobacco firm, Tabacofina, Rothmans o f Pall M a l l ' s entry "hit like a bomb... W e think they must have spent about $10 million on their initial sales efforts" (Baxter & Touche, 1958). Rothmans K i n g Size is considered the trademark's parent brand. During the early and m i d 1960s, Rothmans was regarded by its account executive as: .. .a cigarette which achieved a very considerable success i n the market, is sold throughout the entire socio-economic scale... but primarily i n the 'upper-middle'  108  or 'lower-upper' income groups. It is described as 'an adult's cigarette' and 'a mature cigarette'; that is, it does not have a 'youthful' image and is generally smoked i n higher proportions i n the older age range, (cited i n The Manitoba Educational Research Council, 1966, p. 140) During 1964, Rothmans was advertised as " K i n g Size at regular price," "the greatest name i n cigarettes," "best tobacco money can buy," and "finer filter for better flavour. N o coupons." In 1965, ad copy claimed, "Canada's Best K i n g Size Cigarette," "Canada's Fastest Growing Cigarette," and "first i n Canada, first i n the world." The brand essence o f Rothmans was universality, dependability, and market leadership. The advertising appeals exuded self-confidence, and were largely informational, comparative, and competitive i n style (The Manitoba Educational Research Council, 1966). In 1970, the slogan, "The Greatest Name i n Cigarettes" was maintained, with the remainder o f the ad copy stating that, " A l l over the world the swing is to Rothmans K i n g Size. Rothmans extra length, finer filter and the best tobacco money can buy, give you true K i n g Size flavour. Rothmans K i n g Size really satisfies. W o r l d ' s largest selling most wanted - K i n g Size V i r g i n i a . " The Rothmans crest was prominently featured, as well as the right hand o f a male (with the cuff o f a white-collar shirt apparent) holding a package with cigarettes extended. For ads that circulated i n Maclean's during 1974, 'British heritage' was seemingly communicated as part o f the brand's personality (see Appendix 14). Rothmans o f Pall M a l l was declared as " W o r l d Famous F o r Quality Since 1890" and "Blenders o f fine cigarettes through six reigns." The visual image o f a horse and coach i n the streets o f London, England was supported by ad copy, which alleged, "Every day, from Pall M a l l through the West E n d o f London, Rothmans still deliver their  109  world-famous cigarettes to select Clubs and Embassies by coach and footmen. This timehonoured custom is a tradition o f the House o f Rothmans o f Pall M a l l . " In 1974 and 1975, the tagline for Rothmans K i n g Size advertising was "The best tobacco money can buy," and a Rothmans package (open with cigarettes extended) was shown i n the foreground with a set o f tobacco leaves as a backdrop (see Appendix 15). The ad copy pointed out that, "Rothmans cigarettes are sold today i n over 160 countries, on more than 100 airlines and 150 shipping lines." Similar visuals were used by 1978, with the prevailing ad copy stating, "Rothmans is Canada's favourite K i n g Size by far." Other written claims included, "Good taste and outstanding quality," and " W h e n you light up a Rothmans K i n g Size, you treat yourself to the smooth, satisfying flavour o f Canada's favourite king size." Rothmans advertising i n 1980 featured the right hand o f a male airline pilot (apparent with part o f the jacket sleeve shown) holding a package with cigarettes extended. The superseding written text stated, " W o r l d Leader," followed b y the assertion " G o o d taste and outstanding quality... these are the reasons for Rothmans success throughout the world." During the early 1980s, ads portrayed a man at sea on a sizable sailboat, with ad copy claiming, "Rothmans K i n g Size Really Satisfies." Consumers were encouraged to enjoy the great taste. When references are made to 'flavour', it is worthwhile noting that Rothmans K i n g Size is generally perceived b y consumers as relatively strong tasting, making it nearly comparable to Player's Filter and Export F u l l Flavour ( R B H , 1998).  no  Rothmans Special M i l d During the late 1970s, the brand family simply consisted o f Rothmans K i n g Size and Rothmans Special (Audet-Lapointe, 1991). A d s for Special M i l d encouraged consumers to "Enjoy the great taste of Rothmans i n a special m i l d cigarette," with the tagline, "extra Special extra M i l d . " The visual images were predominated by two packages, with cigarettes extended. B y the early 1980s, Special M i l d ads showed 'before and after' sequences, with the principal image portraying couples doing an activity together (such as sailing, crosscountry skiing or riding a sled pulled by horses), with a secondary image showing two couples (four people) meeting afterwards to recap their day, smoke cigarettes, and enjoy coffee at a marina or lodge setting (see Appendix 16). In 1983, ads portrayed two men and a woman cross-country skiing (taking a break from the activity) or on a yacht at sea, with the ad copy, "Great taste... and they're m i l d . " In 1984, one ad featured two men and a woman that were going hot-air ballooning. The principal colours i n the ads were red, blue, and white (including the clothing worn, equipment portrayed, etc.). The tagline, "The best tobacco money can buy" was still used, but sparingly. A 1985 ad showed one couple with tennis gear, meeting with another couple that were seated in a fine, antique-style convertible. The ad copy indicated that Special M i l d was also available in " N e w 100's" and "Menthol 100's."  Rothmans Extra Light, Light, and Ultra Light Relative to other Canadian cigarette trademarks, Rothmans has traditionally offered a short line o f extensions. So-called 'light' products were not introduced until the  Ill 1980s. According to an annual report o f Rothmans Inc., "ongoing research has helped to identify opportunities, and has led to a number o f well received initiatives including our expanded offering o f lighter cigarettes" (1991, p.4). The Extra Light line extension was introduced i n 1980, while Light and Ultra Light entered the marketplace i n 1986 and 1990, respectively (Audet-Lapointe, 1991). Another annual report indicated that, "Responding to consumer demand for a full-flavoured light product, Rothmans Light K i n g Size was introduced nationally i n early A p r i l 1988" (Rothmans Inc., 1988, p.4). Rothmans advertising presented Rothmans Extra Light (both regular and kingsize) as "new" i n 1981, claiming that it was "the first extra light cigarette with real Rothmans flavour," and that Rothmans was a "world leader i n quality and good taste." Visuals depicted middle-aged people (two men and one woman) playing g o l f or tennis. During 1982, advertising for Extra Light placed the reader's attention toward the package and extended cigarettes, claiming, "Enjoy Rothmans K i n g Size satisfaction i n an Extra Light cigarette." In 1984, Rothmans Extra Light advertising showed four people (2 couples) enjoying food on a yacht, which was docked i n a marina (see Appendix 17). The ad copy stated, "Great taste... i n an extra light cigarette." A d s for Rothmans K i n g Size Lights asserted, " A t Last, Full-Flavour Lights!" while other ads simply stated, "The Full-Flavour Lights!" A l s o i n 1984, Rothmans advertising introduced a 100 m m product line. The ad copy stated that, "Rothmans goes to great lengths to give you great taste," and indicated that mentholated versions were available. In 1985, Rothmans 100's (Extra Light) were still being 'introduced', with the claim that they were "longer, smoother, milder." The lozenge symbol, placed at the bottom o f the ad, enclosed a representation o f  112  the Rothmans o f Pall M a l l coach, which was known from previous advertising to deliver Rothmans cigarettes to select Clubs and Embassies i n London, England.  Rothmans Plus Rothmans Plus was entered into the Canadian marketplace during the early autumn o f 1996, and reported to shareholders as a new product initiative in 1997 (Rothmans Inc., 1997). This line extension was supported b y a conventional advertising campaign, possible since the Supreme Court o f Canada had ruled the T P C A unconstitutional i n September 1995. Advertising for this brand followed voluntary guidelines set by the industry, which stipulated that the use o f human figures was forbidden. A d copy gave specific late-hour times (e.g., 1:15 a.m.) and used the slogan, " A Prime State o f Plus" (see Appendix 18). Predominant visual images included a pool table i n a bar setting and the exterior o f a diner-style restaurant. Although no people were depicted i n the ads, the presence o f human figures was still implied. The photos were framed such that readers would likely presume someone was present at the scene, yet simply cut from the picture (e.g., the front o f a car was shown i n the foreground o f one ad, but cropped at the windshield so that people could not actually be seen). The photos, it could also be argued, took the perspective o f someone that was present at the scene. Regardless, Rothmans Plus was on the market for merely nine months. The brand was pulled after failing to capture more than a one-tenth o f one percent market share (Physicians for a Smoke-Free Canada, 1998a).  113 Rothmans Sponsorship Properties During the late 1980s, sponsorship became an increasingly important part o f the communications mix for tobacco manufacturers. Like Canada's other two major tobacco firms, internal documents for RBH reveal that they sought to sponsor events in which the activity was perceived to be anaerobic in nature: "Sporting activities considered least logical/appropriate for tobacco sponsorships are those most linked with health/aerobics and strenuous physical activity (tennis and skating vs. auto/horse racing)" (cited in Pollay, 2002, p.45). The major sponsorship properties of Rothmans were motor racing (including Formula One), thoroughbred horseracing, and film festivals held in Toronto, Vancouver and Montreal. RBH placed particular emphasis on the international aspects of these events, with an objective of having this image transferred to the Rothmans trademark. According to Rothmans Inc. (1993, p.5), Rothmans "will always be known 4  as an international, world-class cigarette." It was felt that "the term International communicates quality and status. It suggests a strong product, possibly with a distinct aroma and flavour, which may or may not be desired. However, the superior quality and social status inherent in international travel appear generally appealing to almost all smokers" (RBH, 1995c, p. 19). A competitor saw the creative positioning Of Rothmans sponsorship advertising as: "To adults 25-49 seeking international quality entertainment, Rothmans brings cultural events of world-class stature" (Armada, 1999, p.26011).  Motor Racing During the late 1980s, prior to the implementation of the TPCA, Rothmans sponsored multiple motor-racing events and teams. In 1987, for example, Rothmans and  114  Honda were sponsorship partners for motorcycle racing properties i n Canada. A t the time, the Rothmans Porsche Turbo Cup series, consisting o f eight events, was also held at major racing tracks i n Canada (Rothmans Inc., 1989). Conventional advertising for Rothmans, depicting packaging for K i n g Size, Special and Extra Light, leveraged this sponsorship initiative since the ads were dominated by visuals o f the Rothmans Porsche racing cars (see Appendix 19). Porsche was likely a highly desired sponsorship partner for Rothmans since the car is well recognized for being expensive and its high quality, upscale, class appeals. The typical demographics o f a North American Porsche owner have been identified as male, forty-something years old, a university graduate, and earning more than US$200,000 per year. Market research also reveals that the taxonomy o f Porsche buyers consists o f five personality types: Top Guns (i.e., driven, ambitious types who seek power and control), Elitists (i.e., old-money blue bloods), Proud Patrons (i.e., the car is a trophy for their hard work), B o n Vivants (i.e., worldly jet setters and thrill seekers), and Fantasists (i.e., the car represents an escape) (Lamb, Hair, & M c D a n i e l , 2000). A s a result o f a decision by British-based Rothmans International, the Rothmans trademark was also the primary sponsor o f Jacques Villeneuve during the auto-racer's first Formula One season. Notably, Rothmans owned the most 'real estate' on the car o f the Rothmans Williams Renault Formula One racing team. In 1997, Villeneuve won the Formula One world championship and was recognized as Canada's athlete o f the year for the second time, receiving the L o u Marsh trophy ("Canada's best," 1997). Rothmans obviously benefited from the media coverage that Villeneuve generated during his successful season, with brand visibility even produced from third party advertisers such  115  as Castrol motor o i l (see Appendix 20). Winfield, another R B H brand, replaced Rothmans as the sponsor during the following season.  5  Formula One auto racing is seen as an appealing sponsorship property due to its ability to generate brand visibility and reinforce brand imagery. According to Barrie G i l l , who was C h i e f Executive o f a major sporting consultancy operation called Championship Sports Specialists Ltd. (CSS), "After football, it's [motor racing] the Number One multinational sport. It's got total global exposure, total global hospitality, total media coverage and 600 m i l l i o n people watching it on T V every fortnight... They're there to get visibility. They're there to sell cigarettes" (cited i n Taylor, 1984, p. 101, 103). A t the time o f G i l l ' s statements, C S S had several tobacco accounts. M o r e recently, it has been estimated that the television viewer-ship for each Formula One race is 300 m i l l i o n (Hawaleshka, 2001). The ethos o f Formula One is associated with several images, many o f which are considered highly desirable for linkages to various brands or trademarks. Market research prepared for Marlboro reveals that Formula One is "highly targeted, heroic and international" (Philip Morris, 1990, p.5). According to Richard West (1993), marketing director o f Williams Grand Prix Engineering, "Formula 1 provides an ideal 'prestige image'," and is "recognised as high performance, glamorous, exciting and aspirational [sic]" (p.303593873, 303593875). The sponsorship positioning o f Formula One is considered higher class or more upscale relative to other forms o f auto racing (RJRMacdonald, 1996). Other dimensions associated with Formula One sponsorship include power, popularity (worldwide recognition), innovation (technological expertise), contemporaneousness, self-confidence, masculinity, and independence. W h e n drivers are  116  successful, as Villeneuve demonstrated while sponsored b y Rothmans, Formula One can link a trademark with dimensions such as leadership, quality, and excellence. Rothmans Racing promotions commonly depicted Jacques Villeneuve, particularly as the date o f the Canadian Grand Prix race i n Montreal approached, proclaiming h i m to be "Our Hero" (see Appendix 21). The ad copy called attention to Villeneuve's Canadian background and his successful performance on the international Formula One circuit. The tagline, " A N e w W o r l d To Conquer" was utilized. The top portion o f the ads featured various flags representing different countries, presumably representing the origins o f the various drivers on the circuit. A website, www.connect.ca, was also listed.  Thoroughbred Horseracing Another high profile Rothmans sponsorship property was a horseracing event held annually at the Woodbine Racetrack in Toronto. K n o w n as the Rothmans L t d . International T u r f Classic, entries competed for C$1,000,000 i n prize money during 1992, which was coined a "rich" purse i n Rothmans Inc.'s annual report. According to promotional material, this race represented the only Canadian event on the Grade 1 stakes calendar, and offered more prize money than any other thoroughbred horserace in Canada. The race was televised nationally on C B C . In 1992, Rothmans L t d . expanded its sponsorship o f thoroughbred racing into western Canada, with International  Days  taking place at Assiniboia Downs in Winnipeg and The Track i n Vancouver (Rothmans Inc., 1992).  117  Promotions for the Rothmans Ltd. International claimed that it was "a world class event." Jockeys were shown i n action, with a 'world map' visual as the backdrop. Sweepstakes were also held for an opportunity to w i n 'world class' holidays to international horse races. To enter the contest, contestants were required to fill out entry forms with their name, address, telephone number, and age. In a competitive market analysis prepared for RJR-Macdonald, the Rothmans horse racing sponsorship (and related advertising support) was considered to communicate the following images: "regal, traditional, British roots, older, established, gender neutral" (Harrod & M i r l i n , 1996b, p.80150 2756). Annual reports o f Rothmans Inc. repeatedly described the thoroughbred racing events as "prestigious," "world class," and featuring the "world's finest thoroughbreds."  F i l m Festivals and Special Screenings Rothmans sponsored international film festivals held annually i n Toronto, Montreal, and Vancouver. A d s promoting Rothmans' sponsorship o f the film festivals used the tagline, "Pictures that move the w o r l d " (see Appendix 22). The dates o f the film festival (e.g., October 4-20), and the fact that it was international in scope, were the only 'informational' aspects o f the promotions. The lozenge symbol was portrayed, with "Rothmans International F i l m " stated within. Reminiscent o f the trademark's positioning from the m i d 1960s to early 1980s, subsequent campaigns also included the ad copy, "The best the world has to offer," accompanied by depictions o f a globe and a superseding strip o f film. The lozenge symbol included "Rothmans W o r l d f i l m " within.  118 To leverage the link with film, Rothmans also sponsored an After Dark Series, which gave viewers an opportunity to have advance sneak previews o f various movies including The Matrix (see Appendix 23). The movies were shown at midnight, with the screen time complemented b y the slogan, "The W o r l d Comes Out After D a r k . " Ballot submission was required for the chance to w i n preview tickets, with requisite information being the contestant's name, address, daytime phone number, and evening phone number. The screenings were restricted to those 18 years o f age and older, even though the legal smoking age i n many provinces, including Ontario, was 19. This promotional initiative was i n partnership with M I X 99.9, N o w , and Warner Bros. Some o f the After Dark Series initiatives were also i n partnership with various movie video outlets, where tickets to the advance screenings could be acquired. Interestingly, during the same year o f this initiative, R B H observed that, "Targeting Y A M [young adult market] consumers may be increasingly difficult as their tastes (e.g. music) and leisure pursuits become more fragmented and less fad driven. A n exception may be movie rentals . . . with video stores emerging as a unique point-of-contact opportunity" (1999, p.4).  Static in the Communication Process Traditionally, communication theory proposes a sender—message—receiver framework, and a communication system involves the encoding and decoding o f messages. The 'intended' message consists o f the aims, goals and objectives o f the sender (i.e., R B H ) , as w e l l as the purpose behind their ad agency's creation. The 'intention' o f a message may include linking imagery or 'personalities' with a particular  119  brand/trademark, as w e l l as providing information about a product or service. The message itself represents the character o f the promotion as it is transmitted v i a a selected channel. Finally, the 'received' message epitomizes the receivers' interpretations, perceptions, and meaning construction. The meaning o f the message is arbitrary rather than given since the meaning constructed at each level o f the communicative system is not necessarily equivalent. The encoded message and the decoded message do not necessarily correspond, thus the sender and the receiver do not always arrive at common meanings ( A n g , 1996). According to H a l l (1980): The codes o f encoding and decoding may not be perfectly symmetrical. The degrees o f symmetry - that is, the degrees o f 'understanding' and 'misunderstanding' i n the communicative exchange - depend on the degrees o f symmetry/asymmetry (relations o f equivalence) established between the positions o f the 'personifications', encoder-producer and decoder-receiver, (p.93) H a l l later stated that, "since there is no necessary correspondence between encoding and decoding, the former can attempt to 'pre-fer' but cannot prescribe or guarantee the latter" (p.100). The 'intended' message surrounding the Rothmans trademark has been clearly demonstrated b y reviewing internal corporate documents, annual reports, and describing the various advertising campaigns. Rothmans has been positioned over the past forty years as symbolizing premium quality (i.e., "the best tobacco money can buy"), international prominence (i.e., i n 160 countries on six continents), upward status, and British heritage. Despite the 'intentions' o f R B H ' s message(s) about Rothmans,  120  consumers have developed an incongruous understanding o f the trademark. Project Ringo and Project Starr were qualitative research initiatives put forward by R B H during the late 1990s with an objective o f identifying how to rejuvenate or restore vitality to the Rothmans trademark. The rapidly declining market share o f Rothmans reflected the trademark being generally perceived by consumers as ' o l d ' , and lacking popularity, contemporaneous, and recognition.  The Principal Image Perception of Rothmans is ' O l d ' It was discovered that, among Canadian youth, Rothmans is considered to be what their grandparents or a retired person would select to smoke. Market research found that "the ultimate descriptor o f Rothmans was ' o l d ' " ( R B H , 1998, p. 14). According to R B H (1998), " R K S and the Rothmans trademark i n general continue to suffer from an exceptionally old, outdated image" (p.3). Unappealing and non-desirable imagery was the fundamental reason for the declining standing o f Rothmans as opposed to product characteristics: " R K S was known primarily for strength and secondarily for harshness... but product issues overall appeared less contentious than the brand's aging, conservative character" ( R B H , 1998, p. 13).. Rothmans is largely perceived as 'un-cool' among the young adult market. According to R B H (1999), cool is best defined as "an absence o f image negatives," while un-cool is considered "unpopular, old-fashioned and tacky" ( R B H , 1999, p. 18). Market research reveals that, "Perceptions o f Rothmans among Y A M smokers were decidedly negative. W h i l e the brand was viewed negatively as somewhat harsh and extremely o l d  121  fashioned, the key issue is its apparently entrenched uncool image because o f its perceived utter lack o f popularity among younger smokers" ( R B H , 1999, p.24). The perception that Rothmans smokers tend to be older is accurate. During the late 1980s, the overall market share o f Rothmans was precisely five percent, but when figures were provided for different age segments, it was revealed that its market share was merely 0.8% among 18-24 year olds, 3.0% among 25-34 year olds, and 8.2% among those 35 and older. W h i l e the greatest proportion o f sales are generated from the 25-34 age segment for Player's, Export ' A ' and du Maurier (the best-selling trademarks i n Canada), a whopping 77% o f the Rothmans franchise fall i n the 35 and older age category (RJR-Macdonald, 1990). V e r y few starter smokers select Rothmans, but for the few that do, many do not remain loyal to the trademark. "Rothmans' retention level is definitely lower among younger smokers. This partly explains the declining market share," and among smokers under 25 years old, "Rothmans is losing about 50% o f its franchise and none is going to another Rothmans' [sic] brand" (Audet-Lapointe, 1991, p.48, 49). During 2000, the entire Rothmans brand family possessed a market share o f less than one percent among the highly coveted 19 to 24 year old age segment ("Consumer shares," undated).  Rothmans Lacks Popularity and Visibility The qualitative research findings revealed that Rothmans now has an exceptionally low presence among consumers, possessing a low 'share o f m i n d ' . The trademark is presumed to be unpopular, and many focus group participants reported never seeing the brand. "The brand lacks presence or profile. Most see it as unpopular  122  and doing little to change that... no package change and, among English Canadians, no promotion or sponsorship. Lack o f profile appears critical to 19 to 24 year olds who seek the confidence and peer approval inherent i n a more popular, visible brand" ( R B H , 1998, p.3). When discussing the profile o f Rothmans, " a l l groups indicated it needs to advertise/promote/sponsor more. In fact, non-users were emphatic that a repositioned Rothmans Light would have to be more active/competitive in sponsorship and promotion... suggesting that 19 to 24 year olds want the sense o f legitimacy and peer approval that comes with a higher profile brand" ( R B H , 1998, p. 12). M a n y o f the Rothmans sponsorship initiatives had been discontinued, with Winfield becoming the Formula One sponsor o f Jacques Villeneuve and Benson & Hedges taking over as a lead sponsor o f the Vancouver and Toronto international film festivals. According to a detailed report prepared for Imperial Tobacco, which outlined the evolution o f switching among brands with varying machine-measured tar deliveries, Rothmans was best classified within the "Unpopular O l d " segment (Audet-Lapointe, 1991, p.24). This classification was based on information gathered from consumers during the late 1980s regarding image perceptions. Such perceptions were not apparent in 1977, thus there was roughly a ten-year window where the Rothmans image declined dramatically. This image change partially reflected the advertising resources being placed toward the trademark. When Rothmans o f Pall M a l l (the initial manufacturer o f Rothmans) first entered the Canadian marketplace, the firm was recognized for its large promotional expenditures. Over time, this strategy was abandoned, and it was Imperial Tobacco that became known for its substantial advertising budgets, largely directed toward the Player's and du Maurier trademarks.  123  Few Modifications Were Made to the Packaging Design The 'premium quality' image o f Rothmans suffered since R B H does not effectively demonstrate integrated marketing communications, nor effectively exploit inter-textual relations. Despite communicating quality dimensions in conventional advertising and sponsorship properties, few modifications were made to the package design. Rothmans was considered "uniquely static i n package design... virtually the only brand to have remained unchanged i n a market noted for packaging updates" ( R B H , 1998, p. 15). Thus, market research findings revealed that: Most consumers tend to view Rothmans' packaging as out o f date and unappealing... A s a result, the R K S image is linked with a lower quality, very strong, harsh product and a profile distinctly lacking in fun, contemporaneity [sic] and personality in general. The legacy o f the brand's international cache, heritage and premium quality status appears lost among younger smokers and any associations o f Rothmans with status appear linked more with the past than the present. ( R B H , 1998, p . l ) The lack o f packaging updates was a significant oversight on the part o f R B H considering the integral role o f cigarette packaging in communicating brand image, particularly i n an increasingly regulated advertising environment (Wakefield, Morley, Horan, & Cummings, 2002). Rothmans packaging also lacks visual impact, giving the trademark less presence at point-of-purchase. The large body o f white space that characterizes the packaging design contributes a generic or clinical essence. Moreover, the white-dominated  124  packaging contradicted the taste characteristics that are associated with Rothmans since "stronger cigarettes were more associated with brighter, darker, more visually impactful [sic] packaging... light/milder cigarettes were more linked with white" ( R B H , 1999, p. 16). According to John Digianni, designer and vice-president at Gianninoto Associates Inc., "red packs connote strong flavor, green packs connote coolness or menthol and white packs suggest that a cigaret [sic] is low-tar. White means sanitary and safe" (cited i n K o t e n , 1980, p.22). RJR-Macdonald (undated, p.80099 2050) observed that competing Canadian trademarks, most notably Player's and du Maurier, have "maintained the same colour across their families, depicting strength by varying the amount o f white space on their packaging," with lighter strength products possessing greater use o f white on the package. Interestingly, all o f the Rothmans brands have packaging that is predominated by white, including the parent brand, which is known to be a relatively strong tasting and high tar delivery cigarette. Focus group participants for R B H indicated that a more colourful design would be desirable for the Rothmans brand family. M o r e specific aspects o f design were also assessed. The lozenge, for example, was not w e l l received. This shape was "described as old, feminine and conservative... the lozenge emerged as second only to 'white' as a target among package critics" ( R B H , 1998, p. 15). There were a few design elements that did generate some favourable feedback, however. The signature script o f Rothmans was generally accepted b y consumers: " W h i l e occasionally criticized as too feminine, most appreciated its sense o f style and class and viewed it as inextricably linked with Rothmans" ( R B H , 1998, p. 15). The gold crest, depicting a crown and an ' R ' , was found to be "an important signal o f  125  quality and status, even to younger non-users," and "most embrace the heritage and tradition communicated by the crest. It communicates positive product messages (higher quality) as well as a sense o f respect" ( R B H , 1998, p.5, 15).  User Profile is Non-Aspiring Another factor o f Rothmans' declining market share is that the perceived user profile is non-aspiring (particularly to youth), and does not resemble the lifestyles conveyed i n advertising. "Findings suggest that those more involved i n the Rothmans franchise are more physically and intellectually sedentary" ( R B H , 1998, p.8). Relative to smokers o f other trademarks, Rothmans consumers are not regarded as being trendsetters or contemporary: Non-users appeared much more aware o f and 'into' popular trends... current and former Rothmans smokers were, for example, much more likely (usually half or more) to cite a traditional mainstream beer (e.g. Canadian or Budweiser) as their beverage o f choice i n a social setting. B y comparison, these brands were favoured by only a small minority among younger non-users who were much more likely to cite beverages which are currently ' i n ' . . . vodka, rum, M i k e ' s Hard Lemonade, micro beers and European imports. ( R B H , 1998, p.8) In this study, non-users were defined as smokers o f any non-Rothmans brand, although most were i n fact du Maurier consumers. Rothmans smokers were found to be over-represented i n the psychographic category Empty Nesters i n a segmentation analysis study conducted for competitor, R J R Macdonald. Empty nesters were defined as primarily women over 50 years old, with less  126  than average education and income, who held modern views about women i n the workplace and maintaining financial independence, yet traditional views toward sex and men being the head o f households (Harrod & M i r l i n , 1996). R B H (1998) confirmed that, "The user was more often linked with females than males but was invariably described b y both segments as very o l d " (p. 14). W i t h the 'older' profile, Rothmans smokers were associated with a lifestyle that entailed frequenting bingo halls, bowling alleys, and donut shops. The ' o l d ' perception was even found to transcend to the taste qualities o f Rothmans, with some focus group participants claiming that the cigarette is perceived as dry and stale, as though it has past its due date. Finally, the Rothmans user profile is inconsistent with common perceptions about who smokes strong-tasting, higher tar-delivery cigarettes. The market share held by Rothmans is higher among females than males, yet "the brands most often linked with excessive strength (Player's Filter, Rothmans, D u n h i l l and especially Export) were most often linked with older males" ( R B H , 1999, p. 16). Similarly, after reviewing internal documents from all o f the major U . S . firms, Pollay and Dewhirst (2002) found that women are more likely to manifest health concerns. Rothmans, with its relatively high tar delivery, is not positioned as a trademark for those demonstrating elevated health concerns.  Rothmans Line Extensions Don't Carry Their Weight During the eariy 1990s, it was noted by competitor, Imperial Tobacco, that smokers o f Rothmans K i n g Size were particularly loyal to their brand, with little switching occurring toward the trademark's lower (machine-measured) tar delivery line  127  extensions (Audet-Lapointe, 1991). One problem noted b y R B H (1998) was that 6  consumers were generally ignorant o f mild even appearing on the package o f Rothmans Special M i l d , referring to it as merely, Rothmans Special. W h e n R B H assessed w h y 7  smokers left Rothmans K i n g Size for another brand, it was also found that "almost none o f these former Rothmans smokers appeared aware o f lighter line extensions such as Rothmans Light, Extra Light and Ultra Light. Those who cited a variety o f 'product' reasons (too strong, too dry) had not considered a lighter version o f Rothmans... usually because they were unaware o f them" (1998, p.9). Those switching brands often selected the parent versions o f Player's, Export, Dunhill or du Maurier, which are all regarded as relatively strong tasting, popular, and have fairly established or appealing image platforms. The lack o f familiarity with Rothmans line extensions was important since "downswitching to lighter tar levels is a key dynamic i n the cigarette market" ( R J R Macdonald, undated, p.80099 2050). R B H observed that many smokers "appear to have gone through a lengthy, gradual and conscious move down the T & N ladder, often starting within a stronger, mainstream parent and making several stops/switches along the way. They do not know what determines T & N level (process, blend, filter) but that appears unimportant. They simply want a healthier product" (cited i n Pollay, 2002, p.26). According to market research prepared for Imperial Tobacco, the most common reason for smokers switching brands is they are looking for a "milder/lighter" product (Audet-Lapointe, 1991, p.465043182). Similarly, market research prepared for R J R Macdonald found that, " K e y switching motivators include wanting a 'lighter/milder'  128  cigarette, 'other cigarette too strong', 'wanted less tar and nicotine' and 'good taste'" (Harrod & M i r l i n , 1996, p.80150 2738). The Rothmans parent brand was not able to maintain its current franchise when current users contemplated switching brands. R B H (1998) observed that, "Compared to R K S and Rothmans in general, Rothmans Light was a virtual unknown. Indeed, few outside the franchise had ever seen the brand and many seemed surprised that lighter line extensions existed under the Rothmans trademark" (p. 12). One explanation for the lack o f familiarity was R B H ' s slow introduction o f so-called 'light' products for Rothmans. Rothmans Light entered the Canadian marketplace a full ten years after Player's Light and Export ' A ' Light (Audet-Lapointe, 1991). A n d strangely, Rothmans Extra Light was introduced six years before Rothmans Light. R B H seemingly missed an important market opportunity. Market research for Imperial Tobacco points out, "it is important to correctly monitor the consumers and to identify any new need. The first company to identify such opportunities and to answer smokers' needs, w i l l have a competitive advantage over the others just like when Player's Light was introduced, answering a need for a lighter cigarette i n a major trademark" (Audet-Lapointe, 1991, p.15).  Discussion and Conclusions The concept o f intertextuality provides a theoretical context for illustrating the image development o f particular cigarette brands, helping to explain the continually declining market share o f Rothmans, which was onCe the flagship trademark o f Canada's second largest tobacco manufacturer.  8  Conceptually, intertextuality insists that  suggestive relationships exist between texts (Brown, Stevens, & Maclaran, 1999).  129  According to Fiske, "the theory o f intertextuality proposes that any one text is necessarily read i n relationship to others" (1987, p.108), and that "the meanings generated b y any one text are determined partly b y the meanings o f other texts to which it appears similar" (1990,p.l66). The interdependence o f texts applies to both the encoding and decoding parts o f the communications process, which helps explain the particular usefulness o f considering the process i n inter-textual terms (O'Donohoe, 1997). The concept o f integrated marketing communications is constructive and important, but applies to the encoding aspects o f a message. Thus, to think o f messages i n inter-textual terms is all embracing and more comprehensive. While advertising has an objective o f reinforcing brand imagery, it is necessary to recognize that several additional sources o f meaning lend to the message being perceived as credible or reasonable. Although a Rothmans ad featuring Jacques Villeneuve i n his Formula One racing car is likely designed to communicate elements o f youthfulness and contemporaneousness, these meanings may be quickly dispelled according to the different experiences and understandings a reader brings to the text (i.e., the reader may be aware o f Rothmans' 'static' packaging, only know retirement-aged people that consume the trademark, and recently attended a comedic performance i n which the trademark was mocked). Nevertheless, the case history o f Rothmans promotional activities underscores the importance o f continuity, consistency, and repetition i n advertising. N o single text i n fact stands alone with respect to the meaning that is generated b y readers. It is demonstrated i n this chapter that inter-texts are not always complementary; rather it is possible for conflict or contradictions. For example, mentholated and extra length (i.e., 100s)  130  versions o f Rothmans were promoted, which is seemingly contradictory with the strong taste qualities o f the trademark. This contradiction likely lends confusion among consumers about whether the trademark is more aptly described as 'feminine' or 'masculine'. Strong-tasting, highly flavourful brands, such as Player's and Export ' A ' , which are offered b y Canada's other two principal tobacco manufacturers, do not include mentholated or 100 m m line extensions, thus contributing to their 'masculine' reputations. Rothmans clearly lacks visibility, which speaks to the importance o f substantial promotional spending toward maintaining the social acceptability o f both smoking and a particular brand. W i t h its present market share, Rothmans would be directly observed less often than other trademarks. When observed, Rothmans is likely reinforced as a cigarette that older people select. Since many younger smokers perceive Rothmans to be unpopular and lacking a mainstream image, they sense their peers would be disapproving o f the trademark. A m o n g the young adult market, Rothmans is looked upon as 'un-cool'. R B H regards the "young adult market" potential o f Rothmans as quite limited. The two main typologies o f cigarette consumers used b y cigarette firms are "new users" (young starters) and "latent quitters" (the reassurance o f concerned smokers) (Pollay, 2000). Having brands appeal to either o f these segments has the important objective o f maintaining or increasing market volume. Yet, the Rothmans trademark has been ineffectively positioned, such that it does not appeal to smokers who are at the stage o f initiation (i.e., typically adolescents) nor those who are more established smokers who are contemplating quitting. Rothmans is strongly (and accurately) perceived as an older person's cigarette. Moreover, the machine-measured tar delivery o f the parent Rothmans  131  brand is relatively high, making it unappealing to smokers that are regarded as "concerned" or "health conscious." For those smoking the parent brand and contemplating a switch toward a lower yield product, they rarely select a line extension from within the Rothmans brand family. Rather, another trademark is selected. A d s claimed that Rothmans was "Canada's Best K i n g Size Cigarette" and "Canada's Fastest Growing Cigarette" during the m i d 1960s. Today, such claims are not even remotely applicable.  132  Endnotes 1  Philip Morris has a 40% ownership stake i n Rothmans, Benson & Hedges,  while Rothmans Inc. - a Canadian holding company that is owned b y Netherlands-based Rothmans International B . V . - has a 60% stake (Cunningham, 1996). 2  The 84 m m length reflected the fact that higher federal excise taxes were  designated toward cigarettes with a length o f 85 m m or more. These taxes were later rescinded, paving the way for the introduction o f even longer length cigarettes, such as Benson & Hedges 100s. King-size cigarettes accounted for a 10% market share i n 1960, but b y 1966 this product category made up roughly 40% o f the cigarette market ("Plenty o f smoke billows," 1962; " N o w Craven A , " 1966). 3  Benson & Hedges (Canada) Inc. purchased Tabacofma i n 1962 ("Why small  cigarette firms," 1962). 4  According to R B H (1998), the perceptions toward the Rothmans trademark  generally appear to reflect viewpoints about the Rothmans parent. Thus, sponsorship ads featuring a trademark (i.e., Rothmans Ltd., Rothmans) made most consumers/readers think o f Rothmans K i n g Size. 5  Prior to Winfield's Formula One sponsorship o f Jacques Villeneuve, the  trademark was not distributed i n Canada. More than nine m i l l i o n Winfield cigarettes were shipped to the province o f Quebec, however, during the three months leading up to the 1998 Formula One race held i n Montreal (Physicians for a Smoke-Free Canada, 1998b). Villeneuve is now racing for the British American Racing ( B A R ) Honda  133  Formula One team, and British American Tobacco (the parent company o f Imperial Tobacco) is the primary sponsor. 6  Line extensions are defined as "new products introduced under existing brand  names" (Wells, Burnett, & Moriarty, 1989, p.74), where attempts are made to leverage the already established reputation o f the parent brand. 7  According to R B H , "This and other studies have consistently indicated that  'light' is viewed as a signal o f strength while ' m i l d ' is viewed as a signal o f smoothness" (1998, p.10). 8  h i terms o f sales volume, Craven ' A ' was identified as R B H ' s top trademark i n  1988, with Rothmans and Benson & Hedges ranking second and third, respectively (Rothmans Inc., 1988). The 1993 annual report for Rothmans Inc., however, referred to Rothmans as "our largest trade-mark" (p.5). In its 2002 annual report, Rothmans Inc. noted that the market share o f the Rothmans trademark continues to decline, and that " R B H ' s approach to building market share is to focus on brands that have demonstrated increased consumer acceptance within the marketplace" (p. 19). Benson & Hedges is now regarded as their most promising trademark.  Part II: Content Analysis of Tobacco Promotions  134  C H A P T E R SIX  Content Analyses of Cigarette Advertising: A Critical Review of the Literature  The second part o f this thesis utilizes content analysis as a research methodology. Chapter 6 reviews the existing content analysis literature that assesses the character o f cigarette advertising i n the print media. Chapter 7 offers an original content analysis study i n which the content o f Canadian conventional cigarette print ads from the preT P C A era (1973-1988) are compared with the content o f Canadian tobacco sponsorship ads from the p o s t - T P C A era (1989-2002). M o r e specifically, the trademark strategies o f Player's, Export ' A ' , and Rothmans are examined, whereby it is explored whether the results o f the content analysis study correspond with the findings from the internal corporate documents. Content analysis is a well-established method o f studying advertising messages and quantifying textual elements (Leiss, K l i n e , & Jhally, 1997; Dyer, 1982). Content analysis is defined as: .. .a systematic technique for analyzing message content and message handling - it is a tool for observing and analyzing the overt communication behavior o f selected communicators. (Budd, Thorp, & Donohew, 1967, p.2) .. .any technique for making inferences by objectively and systematically identifying specified characteristics o f messages. (Holsti, 1969, p.14) .. .a research technique for the objective, systematic, and quantitative description o f the manifest content o f communication. (Berelson, 1971, p.18)  135 A s indicated b y the definitions listed above, objective, systematic, and quantitative are distinguishing characteristics o f content analysis. To ensure "objectivity," coders undergo training and are presented with precise and detailed operational definitions, categories, rules, and procedures for analyzing communication content. Content analyses ideally involve multiple coders (including some separate from the authors) that assess communication content independently. Thus, judgements should not entail consultation with the researchers or other coders. A p p l y i n g the same operational definitions, categories, rules and procedures to the same data set, the various coders should secure highly replicable and reproducible results and arrive at similar conclusions. Inter-coder reliability is calculated to indicate the level o f agreement among coders (Holsti, 1969; Berelson, 1971; Kassarjian, 1977; K o l b e & Burnett, 1991; Leiss, K l i n e , & Jhally, 1997). "Systematization" implies that developed definitions, categories, rules, and procedures are to be applied to the data set consistently. To ensure a proper basis for comparison, descriptive categories should not be added after the coding process has commenced and definitions are not to be modified. The coders should proceed through the data set i n a different and ideally counter-balanced sequence to help minimize any potential learning and maturation effects. Biases may be further reduced b y having the data analyzed b y coders who are unaware o f the hypotheses established b y the researchers. Ideally, but not always possible, the data set is pre-selected through recognized randomizing procedures and represents an unbiased, representative sample o f defined communication content. In other words, the researchers should not actively search for ads ideally supportive o f their arguments. Content analyses are systematic  136  since scientific problems or hypotheses are examined (Holsti, 1969; Kassarjian, 1977; K o l b e & Burnett 1991; Leiss, K l i n e , & Jhally, 1997). The description o f communications content resulting from content analysis should have general applicability and theoretical relevance (Holsti, 1969; Berelson, 1971; Kassarjian, 1977). "Quantification" is another defining characteristic o f content analysis. Content analyses are utilized to measure the extent that analytic categories appear in communication content (i.e., relative emphases and omissions are determined) and the data generated is to be amenable to statistical methods. W h i l e researchers often equate quantification with strict frequency counts and the assignment o f numerical values, quantitative words such as "more," "always," "increases," and "often" may also be used (Berelson, 1971; Kassarjian, 1977). Having defined content analysis and its accepted methodological standards, a thorough and international review o f English-language content analyses (that are specific to cigarette advertising) published i n academic journals w i l l now be provided. The studies reviewed for this chapter (see Appendix 24) include content analyses o f cigarette magazine ads and cigarette billboard ads, with the studies pertaining to American cigarette magazine advertising content being categorized into two sections: (1) assessing the impact o f health/smoking controversy events and the broadcast advertising ban; and (2) assessing the impact o f Federal Trade Commission ( F T C ) regulation. Studies specific to non-American cigarette advertising content have been placed i n a separate category. Within each section, the studies under review are placed i n chronological sequence (according to date o f publication). A general overview o f the reviewed studies is presented, with emphasis placed on research methodology and key findings. C o m m o n  137  study limitations are identified and several directions for future research are offered. This literature review w i l l hopefully inform current and future content analysts about important methodological decisions and enable research on cigarette advertising to be further improved i n the areas o f objectivity, systematization, and quantification.  Literature Review  U.S. Magazine Advertising Assessing the Impact of Health'Smoking Controversy Events and the Broadcast Advertising. Ban The first known study to use content analysis specific to cigarette magazine advertising was done by Weinberger, Campbell, and DuGrenier (1981). They utilized content analysis, as well as media spending and market share data, to examine possible shifts i n U . S . tobacco industry advertising tactics resulting from various regulatory measures. Several dimensions were accounted for, including advertising volume, physical aspects, major appeals, models employed, product attributes, and brand extensions. Using Newsweek, Sports Illustrated, and Ladies Home Journal as sources for cigarette ads, three separate sampling years were selected (1957, 1967, 1977) to determine the possible impact o f various influential events and surrounding circumstances. First, beginning i n the early 1950s, scientific and popular articles more commonly associated lung cancer with smoking, leading smokers to become increasingly "health concerned." Second, i n 1964, the first Surgeon General's report specific to smoking was released. Third, cigarette advertising was removed from the broadcast  138  media in 1971. The authors were particularly interested i n changes that might be apparent i n magazine advertising as a result o f the broadcast ban. Weinberger, Campbell, and DuGrenier's three-year sample included a total o f 251 cigarette ads. The authors observed that, taken as a percentage o f the total advertising spending b y the six major U . S . tobacco manufacturers, the amount o f cigarette advertising found i n magazines dramatically increased from 1967 to 1977. Tobacco manufacturers also responded to the broadcast media ban by placing more resources toward print media advertising, evident by more frequent use o f special positioning, colour, and full-page or double-page ads. A d s were typically placed on right-side pages, and during the observed period (1957 to 1977) increasingly located on the back covers o f magazines. They noted, however, that some o f the observed changes, such as the increased use o f colour, might be reflective o f innovations being utilized by magazine advertisers i n general. Weinberger, Campbell, and DuGrenier observed several changes i n the use o f product attributes and appeals during the 1957 to 1977 period. Claims related to low tar, implied health benefits, and cigarette length became more frequent i n magazine advertising, whereas social appeals were uncommon i n the 1967 sample and the use o f taste claims diminished from 1967 to 1977. The decline among taste claims was not statistically significant, however. Meanwhile, claims or appeals became increasingly directed toward a female audience, evident by the emergence o f "slimness" claims, greater use o f female models, and the heavy upswing o f low tar claims found i n Ladies Home Journal. Although females were more frequently used as models, overall use o f human models declined with emphasis being placed on the cigarette package only. In the  139  1977 sample, brand comparisons were much more common and most o f these comparative ads were for low tar brands. Finally, brand extensions became more consistently used over the observed twenty-year period. There are study limitations that should be noted, however. For content analysis purposes, all magazine issues from the first three months o f each sampling year were used, thus indicating a seasonal limitation for the ads examined. During the first few months o f the year, the frequency o f cigarette advertising tends to be higher, and ads may more often account for the common N e w Year's resolution to quit smoking or display activities that are specific to the winter season (Basil, Basil, & Schooler, 2000). While Weinberger, Campbell, and DuGrenier found that cigarette advertising was increasingly directed toward women, this finding was largely based on their sample o f ads from Ladies Home Journal. A greater representation o f women's magazines would be useful for confirming this finding. In addition, intra- and inter-coder reliability was not reported for this study. Although the authors outlined all o f the measured dimensions within a table, definitions for the various dimensions and themes were not provided. Thus, it was unclear what did or did not constitute a major appeal such as health. Advertising claims such as filter, mildness, low tar, and menthol were accounted for under the coding category "product attribute," but it remained ambiguous whether such claims were also classifiable under the "major appeal" category pertaining to health. Discussion later i n this chapter w i l l make it apparent that defining health-related claims is a matter o f great debate. Warner (1985) also used content analysis to assess how the cigarette industry had responded to various significant events that publicized the association between smoking  140  and various health consequences. H e sought to identify whether tobacco advertisers' approaches had changed over time with respect to addressing the health concerns o f consumers. Several significant periods related to the publicity o f health concerns were identified within the study. First, the American Cancer Society released a major study linking smoking with lung cancer in 1951. Second, popular press articles, most notably in Reader's Digest, emerged in 1953 discussing the relationship o f smoking with cancer. The first Surgeon General's report on smoking and health was published i n 1964 and Fairness Doctrine anti-smoking messages were prominently shown on television from 1968 to 1970. In 1978, Health and Education Welfare ( H E W ) secretary, Joseph Califano, announced a new anti-smoking campaign. Moreover, the Surgeon General released a tVi  report i n 1979 that was given special attention since it marked the 15  anniversary o f the  1964 report. Warner used selected issues o f Time magazine from 1929-to 1984 to generate a total sample o f 716 cigarette ads. According to Warner: .. .we examined all cigarette ads, recording for each the brand name, whether or not the cigarette was filtered, the cigarette's length, tar category (regular, low, ultra-low), whether or not cigarettes were extracted from packs, whether or not lit, whether or not smoke was present, how the cigarettes were held (hands, mouths, suspended i n air), presence (and sex and number) or absence o f models, nonhealth [sic] themes (e.g., modern design, humor, rugged individualism, sophistication, romance, sex appeal, emancipation, femininity, nature, athletics, entertainment, expertise, fame), health theme (extent, from nonexistent to predominant message), and m i x o f written and pictorial material. (1985, p . l 16, 117)  141  Data was provided for the number of cigarette ads found per issue, as well as the percentage of ads containing filter-tipped cigarettes, low tar cigarettes, a predominant or exclusively health-related theme, mostly or all words, visible smoke, no models, and modern design. Like Weinberger, Campbell and DuGrenier (1981), Warner discovered that the number of cigarette ads found in each magazine issue dramatically increased during the 1970s, largely the result of the broadcast ban. Warner also found that during periods of elevated health concerns, cigarette manufacturers responded by increasingly utilizing ads that included health themes and "technological fixes." Filter-tipped cigarettes were introduced in the 1951 sample and became prominent. By 1968 and thereafter, all sampled ads were for filtered cigarettes. Meanwhile, low tar cigarettes initially became present in the 1967 sample and became more and more commonplace over time. Low tar cigarette advertising was often positively correlated with the use of health-related claims, but the 1984 sample represented a notable exception. Interestingly, visible smoke became less frequently observed in ads (with no observations after 1975), even in cases in which a cigarette was clearly lit. With the possible exception of the 1964 Surgeon General's report, cigarette manufacturers engaged in "responsive" advertising for each smoking-and-health controversy event by more frequently using health-related claims (most notably during the 1953 sample). "Responsive" ads were less likely to feature models and employed more verbal content. Ads conveying a health message relied more heavily on words as opposed to visual images. It also held true that ads placing greater emphasis on pictorial aspects typically had de-emphasized health themes. Warner concluded that through advertising "cigarette companies 'talk' with consumers about the  142  health issue, but only when 'necessary' (i.e., to counter visible adverse publicity)" (1985, p.124, 125). Once again, a formal listing o f coding definitions was omitted for the study and although it was acknowledged that the use o f health-related claims was measured according to a rating scale ranging from 1 (indicating no health content) to 5 (indicating message virtually all health-oriented), the necessary criteria for each rating remained unclear. In addition, intra- and inter-coder reliability was not reported, nor was the number o f people coding or the training procedures. Coding for the presence o f lit cigarettes and visible smoke i n advertising content was a unique contribution. It would be interesting to know whether or not this dimension was difficult to code. Rogers and Gopal (1987) examined cigarette ads from over a fifty-year period, 1936 to 1986, using Time and Life as sources for the data set. A d s were taken at five-year intervals for the first and sixth year o f each decade being assessed (i.e., 1936,1941,1946, and so on), thus 11 points in time were studied. To reduce potential seasonality effects, ads were taken from A p r i l , September, and December magazine issues. A total o f 216 ads were analyzed. The objective o f the study was to determine whether the content o f cigarette advertising was influenced by factors such as World W a r n , the development o f filtered and lower machine-measured tar delivery products, the broadcast advertising ban, and the requirement to include the Surgeon General's health warning. They considered whether the following eight ad appeals were present: taste/flavour, mildness or tar/nicotine/acid content, filter, good for health, experience o f manufacturer, bandwagon/endorsement, gift/present, and other. Other measured dimensions included layout type, ad size, colour use, visual style (i.e., illustration or photograph), human  143  presence, target audience (i.e., men, women, both, can't say), and smoking depictions. The key findings were that 1971 marked a dramatic increase i n the frequency o f cigarette advertising i n magazines, and a smaller proportion o f cigarette advertising was found i n the December magazine issues. The peak years for filtered cigarette ads were 1956 and 1961, while ads calling attention to mildness and low tar yields rose sharply i n 1971. Appeals relating to taste and flavour were quite persistent. A number o f study limitations are apparent, however. Both intra- and inter-coder reliability were not calculated, thus it is difficult to ascertain whether the results are highly replicable or reproducible. The number o f coders used for the study is unknown and the training procedures undergone were not stated. Furthermore, no definitions were provided for the various data-coding instrument items. " G o o d for health" was classified as a separate category from "filter" and "tar/nicotine content" even though all three categories imply elements o f healthfulness. The categories were not mutually exclusive, but without coding definitions being put forward, it is indeterminable how explicit health claims had to be for placement in the "good for health" category. The list o f ad appeals does not appear to be comprehensive considering that the "other" category was applicable to roughly 60% o f the ads in 1966. The authors concede that "other" refers to primarily lifestyle platforms, but further specification is not given. The failure to monitor 'lifestyle' dimensions seems to be a major omission. Overall, the data-coding instrument was simplistic (e.g., ads were measured for human presence, yet the number o f people and gender o f models i n each ad were not determined). The "smoking depictions" item consisted o f three categories (actually smoking, holding, and not smoking), thus cigarettes placed in an ashtray were not  144 accounted for, nor were open cigarette packages. The "ad size" item was futile since Rogers and Gopal admitted that, "a content analysis was conducted using full page advertisements" (1987, p.258). Airman, Slater, Albright, and Maccoby (1987) used content analysis to determine whether tobacco industry tactics differed among magazines with a youth or womenoriented readership. The sample was comprised o f ads from eight magazines with varied readership demographics, namely R o l l i n g Stone, Cycle World, Mademoiselle, Ladies Home Journal, Time, Popular Science, T V Guide, and Ebony. One issue o f each magazine was randomly selected for the years 1960 through 1985, with safeguards undertaken to avoid generating a sample that had limited seasonal variation. The sample analyses were largely limited to image-based ads with settings or models present (ads for low tar and l o w nicotine cigarettes were exempted from this requirement and represented 22% o f the ads i n the data set). In total, 778 ads were coded. According to Altman, Slater, Albright and Maccoby, four coders underwent training and overall inter-coder reliability was 95%.' Inter-coder reliability calculations were based on a 5% sample o f coded ads, and intra-coder reliability was not reported. Data was collected for seven variables that fell under three broad categories: act of smoking, presence of low tar and low nicotine theme, and vitality of smoking. More specifically, coding was done for the presence o f visible smoke, cigarettes being held or consumed, cigarettes within the ad photo, explicit low tar or low nicotine appeals, and appeals pertaining to adventure/risk, recreation and romance/eroticism. Coding for additional variables (i.e., number and type o f people featured, setting characteristics,  145  props used, activity featured) was conducted, but the data was not examined systematically. Formal definitions were not provided for the various coding variables. It was found that beginning i n the late 1960s, visible smoke became more and more infrequent among ads from all eight sampled magazines. In fact, the 1984 and 1985 samples contained no ads with visible cigarette smoke. Although ads with portrayals o f people smoking or holding a cigarette also declined over time, it remained a feature for 68% o f the ads i n the 1985 sample. U p until 1979, low tar and low nicotine cigarettes were increasingly emphasized. Since then, some ads began to emphasize additional brand extensions, such as those that were differing lengths or mentholated. Relative to youth magazines, a greater percentage o f women's magazine ads were with a l o w tar or low nicotine theme. Health and vitality were increasingly associated with cigarette smoking. While risk/adventure, recreation, and erotic images were more frequently depicted over time i n both youth and women-oriented magazines, recreation and adventure/risk-taking images were particularly emphasized i n youth readership magazines and erotic images were particularly emphasized i n women's magazines. The findings supported all three hypotheses—during the observed 1960 to 1985 period, the act o f smoking was featured less frequently, low tar and low nicotine cigarettes were increasingly emphasized, and vitality became a theme more prominent i n advertising content. The authors alleged that through advertising the tobacco industry differentially targets women and youth, and portray misleading images to reassure "health concerned" smokers.  2  K i n g , Reid, M o o n , and Ringold (1991) analyzed visual aspects o f cigarette magazine advertising during the period 1954-1986. The magazines sampled included  146  Time, Ladies Home Journal Vogue, Sports Illustrated, Popular Mechanics, Redbook, Esquire, and Playboy. The selected magazines represented diverse readerships with regard to age, gender, and hobbies/interests. L i k e the study by Airman, Slater, Albright, and Maccoby (1987), one issue o f each magazine was randomly selected for each year examined, with safeguards being undertaken to avoid generating a sample that had seasonal biases. The resulting sample for analysis included 1,100 cigarette ads. The authors divided the 33-year period being studied into three distinct "event eras": the pre-broadcast ban era (1954-1970), the post-broadcast ban era (1971-1983), and the anti-smoking ideology era (1984-1986). It was anticipated that important changes i n visual content would be observed as tobacco manufacturers shifted their advertising resources from broadcast to print media. The coding instrument accounted for ad size, ad position, pictorial representations (i.e., use o f colour, type o f illustration, and visual/verbal balance), presence and gender o f human models, and activities portrayed (i.e., adventure, erotic/romantic, individualistic/solitary, recreation, sociability, and work). The methodology employed was thorough—procedures were undertaken to minimize order bias for coding, all variables had an inter-coder reliability score o f at least .80, and the overall inter-coder reliability was disclosed as .89. K i n g , Reid, M o o n , and Ringold found that the number o f cigarette magazine ads increased following the broadcast ban and over the three event eras the ads became larger in size and were more often printed i n colour. Meanwhile, artwork was used less frequently and photos became the preferred ad illustration class. Pictures, as opposed to words, became the predominant means o f communicating to consumers. The presence o f human models did not steadily increase over the three event eras (models were present  147  for 82% o f pre-broadcast ban ads, 65 % o f post-broadcast ban ads, and 84% o f antismoking ideology ads). Male models were more frequently depicted than female models during each event era, with male models typically appearing i n ads placed i n men's magazines and female models usually appearing i n ads placed i n women's magazines. Models were increasingly engaged in activities over the three event eras (reaching nearly 83%o during the "anti-smoking ideology" era), although the typical type o f activity portrayed differed among eras. During the three event eras, portrayals o f adventure and work steadily increased, while portrayals o f eroticism or romance declined. Overall, individualistic/solitary and recreation themes were depicted most frequently. The authors accounted for magazines with diverse audience orientations and concluded that youthoriented magazine issues did not contain a greater number o f cigarette ads or "targeted" attention with respect to the common themes portrayed. Some study limitations are worthwhile noting, however. First, the establishment o f three event eras (1954-1970, 1971-1983, 1984-1986) resulted i n analyzed ads being categorized i n a misrepresentative manner. A m o n g the total sample o f 1,100 ads, 842 were represented within the one "post-broadcast ban" category. Meanwhile, the 19841986 grouping, referred to as the anti-smoking ideology era, contained 163 ads. A n additional study limitation was that ads generated for the sample were not studied entirely as originals. Rather, some ads were accessed through black and white microfilm and thus not examined according to how initially seen b y readers. This procedure is problematic because the copy and imagery featured i n these ads would be less detailed as a result o f photocopying. It is difficult to ascertain the quality o f the ads that were viewed from black and white microfilm, but some may have been excluded for analysis purposes  148  considering that the tables accounting for the visual/verbal balance o f ads reported base samples o f 986 rather than 1,100. In other cases, data was not generated for the entire sample due to disagreements among those coding. Such data, however, is typically not dismissed because the senior investigator w i l l attempt to minimize coding disagreements by having coders resolve disputes. In the event that coders remain unable to reach agreement, the senior investigator may review the coding i n question and attempt to act as a tiebreaker. The researchers also could have developed a more comprehensive list o f activity portrayals. A category was not developed to account for visuals pertaining to success, high status, and sophistication. It also remained unclear which activities the authors regarded as health-related. The activity category recreation, for example, may include visuals with diverse meanings intended (e.g., someone pictured reading may express comfort and relaxation, while a portrayal o f beach volleyball may express physical activity and sociability). Finally, the variable ad position was defined according to three categories (inside page, back cover/third cover, and inside front cover). Alternatively, it would have been interesting to code for use o f left-sided and right-sided pages and page number location (i.e., front-half/back-half o f magazine). Pollay (1991) accounted for both the verbal and visual content o f cigarette ads, measuring the frequency o f claims made for 12 different attributes (i.e., w e l l made, good deal, enjoy, female, male, bold/lively, glamour/luxury, health/safety, relax, official, popular, and pure scene). A n additional variable called healthiness was established to integrate the health/safety, lively/bold, and pure scene claims. Definitions were provided for each o f the coding categories. The categories monitored the product-cost-benefit  149  reasons for purchase, sex role modeling, lifestyle portrayals, the consequences o f consumption, the nature o f social support for smoking, and associated physical environments. The sample was generated from 108 available back copies o f Life (from 1938 to 1983) and 26 back copies o f Look (from 1962 to 1971), yielding an overall sample o f 567 ads. While the total sample included the representation o f 57 different brands, 14 o f these brands (Camel, Chesterfield, Kent, K o o l , L & M , L u c k y Strike, Marlboro, O l d Gold, Pall M a l l , Philip Morris, Salem, Herbert Tareyton, Viceroy, and Winston) accounted for 75% o f the ads studied. Seventeen people were recruited for coding purposes (two additional people specifically coded for health/safety claims) and all intra- and inter-coder reliability calculations indicated a minimum agreement o f 80%, with the majority over 90%. Pollay found that throughout the 46-year period studied, healthiness was a manifest theme i n the vast majority o f American cigarette magazine ads. During the late 1950s and early 1960s, however, the typical means o f communicating healthiness shifted from verbal to visual. The frequency o f health/safety claims notably increased during the 1973-1983 period. Overall, well made and enjoyment claims were also featured in the majority o f ads. Moreover, data was generated for the joint appearance o f two attributes, with statistical tests being run to indicate which pairs were highly improbable by chance alone. It was revealed that official and health/safety assertions appeared hand-in-hand ("well made" was also commonly associated with both o f these assertions). W h i l e female-oriented ads were more likely to feature claims pertaining to enjoyment, glamour/luxury and popularity, male-oriented ads were commonly associated with bold/lively lifestyle portrayals. Lively/bold and pure scene assertions were often  150  associated, suggesting that such ads often displayed people engaged i n lively and robust activities i n outdoor, nature settings. Pollay provided a thorough account o f the study methodology, including the measures, the sample, judges for coding, and the procedures undertaken. A d s were numbered and divided into subsets to enable the judges to code i n a varied order sequence. The randomization o f coding sequence and starting-points protected the data from being impacted by learning and fatigue effects experienced b y the judges during coding. There remain, however, some study limitations that should be noted. Available back copies o f Life and L o o k were used to generate the ad sample, and while data was provided about the number o f issues used among various eras, it remained unclear whether seasonal variations were accounted for. In other words, it was ambiguous whether or not the available magazines utilized for the study were evenly represented according to the month o f the issue. Finally, the number o f ads generated for the 19731983 era does not appear representative o f the entire sample. Despite the continued growth o f cigarette advertising, 112 ads were studied for the 1970-1972 era, while 51 ads were studied for the 1973-1983 era (i.e., the data is more heavily weighted i n the pre1972 era).  Assessing the Impact of FTC Regulation For each o f the U . S . studies reviewed thus far, none o f the authors included within their rationale o f selected sampling years how F T C regulations might impact the cigarette  151  advertising content being studied. This was a factor, however, accounted for by Ringold 3  (1987) and Ringold and Calfee (1989). Ringold (1987) examined ads for six cigarette brands (Camel, Chesterfield, O l d Gold, Viceroy, L u c k y Strike, and Kent) using magazine issues dated 1926 to 1985. Ringold sought to determine the extent to which cigarette advertising was informative, focusing on the use o f health-related claims and the type typically employed. Information categories were established pertaining to taste, cigarette construction, health, pleasure, exhortation to purchase/slogans, tar and nicotine figures, reduced tar and nicotine, the Surgeon General's warning, hedonic satisfaction, price/availability, coupons/contests, and celebrity/athlete endorsements. Ringold's content analysis was a novel contribution since its sample was brand specific. Time was the preferred source for the ad sample, but when an ad for the desired brand could not be found, The N e w Yorker, The Saturday Evening Post, or Life were used. Referring to the Time issue dated closest to July 1 for each year o f the 60-year st  period under review, one ad for each brand was sought. Presumably, it was assumed that advertising content was not influenced by the July 4  th  Independence D a y holiday. T w o  coders examined a total o f 211 ads and inter-coder reliability was found to be .81. It was found that among the 211 ads, an average o f 5.6 claims were made (12 different claims were measured). From 1926 to 1954, the most frequently observed claims were health, taste, and cigarette construction. Health was the most common type o f claim during the 1926-1929, 1930-1939, and the 1950-1954 periods. Following 1955, as a result o f implemented F T C guidelines for cigarette advertising, health claims no longer remained a consistent and dominant advertising theme. Health claims continued  152  to be scarce until 1969 and i n the meantime claims related to taste, cigarette construction, and tar and nicotine were most frequent. However, Ringold's statement that the "commercial presentation o f health related information was virtually prohibited" (1987, p.273) for the period 1955-1969 should be interpreted with caution. Health-related claims, for the study, were exemplified by reference to reduced throat irritation, reduced coughs, and protection  against adverse health effects. Yet, several o f the separately  measured claims (i.e., cigarette construction, exhortation to purchase/slogans, tar and nicotine figures, reduced tar and nicotine, athlete endorsements, and even taste) were also likely meaningful for smokers with health concerns. Since the Ringold and Calfee (1989) study presents similar conceptual concerns, this issue w i l l be discussed more thoroughly at a later point i n this chapter. Ringold's study presents additional limitations. First, the overall inter-coder reliability o f .81 was low since according to Kassarjian (1977) it should preferably exceed .85. Second, coding was done only for information conveyed i n headlines, subheadings, and ad copy. A s a result, pictures and images were not considered for coding purposes and information revealed i n small print was overemphasized. The dismissal o f pictures and imagery from the coding process should be considered a significant omission since the majority o f cigarette advertising layouts are visually oriented. Ringold failed to recognize an important element o f cigarette advertising, an element that may have changed i n character or importance over the time period under consideration. Third, the sample was primarily restricted to Time magazine. Relative to several other magazines, Time readership is likely characterized b y a higher proportion o f  153  smokers that are classified as "health concerned," more highly educated, and elevated socio-economic status. Ringold and Calfee (1989) analyzed 568 cigarette ads that were sampled primarily from Time magazine. A d s for seven American cigarette brands were analyzed from 1926-1986, using eight mid-decade cross-sections (ads were sampled twice during the 1950s to assess the impact o f mounting cancer concerns and the implementation o f the 1955 F T C cigarette advertisement guidelines). The authors established 51 coding categories, including health claims, cigarette construction claims, exhortation to buy, slogan, taste, price, availability, competitive advantage, endorsements, premiums/contests, utility, and miscellaneous. In addition, 27 general ad characteristics were coded (e.g., size o f ad, whether a cigarette is portrayed). The depicted meanings in pictures and imagery were omitted from the coding process. Rather, coding was limited to the ad's headline, subhead, and copy. Ringold and Calfee found that health claims highlighting the negative health aspects o f smoking were prominent in ads, except during periods i n which such claims were not permitted due to regulation. Health-related claims emphasized and addressed the most common concerns o f the time among consumers, most notably health protection and tar and nicotine content commencing during the early 1950s and "smoker's cough" and throat irritation prior to the 1950s. A s previously mentioned, the early 1950s represent a significant distinguishing period because scientific and popular articles presenting lung cancer research findings became more commonplace and initiated what the tobacco industry referred to as a "health scare." According to Ringold and Calfee, health-related claims peaked during the early 1950s (in response to consumers being  154  increasingly concerned about the potential health risks incurred from smoking), but no longer remained a consistent and dominant advertising theme once F T C guidelines for cigarette advertising were imposed in 1955. The authors suggested that the F T C guidelines were i l l advised since tobacco manufacturers (particularly smaller ones) had typically engaged i n advertising with a "negative" approach that first reinforced consumer fears about smoking and then provided their product as a less harmful alternative. Such advertising claims, they argued, would hurt competitors and the industry as a whole, but benefit a small manufacturer i f its increased market share more than offset its portion o f the decrease in total industry sales. Solow (2001), however, has convincingly countered that it was industry collusion rather than F T C regulation that led to dramatic changes in the number o f health claims observed in cigarette advertising during the early 1950s. The study and arguments put forward by Ringold and Calfee drew considerable attention. Cohen (1989) criticized the content analysis conducted b y R i n g o l d and Calfee on three accounts. First, Cohen disagreed with Ringold and Calfee's argument that advertising using health-related claims reinforces consumer fears about the health consequences o f smoking. Rather, he argued that proposing a particular brand as a safer alternative is misleading and in fact reduces fear among consumers. Since nicotine is highly addictive and quitting is not an easy option, switching to a lower yield, or a supposedly safer, cigarette became an attractive and reassuring alternative for many "health concerned" smokers. According to Cohen, "the only way for an advertiser to reinforce consumer health fears is to correctly inform consumers that no brand o f cigarettes is safe" (1989, p.25).  155  Cohen continued his first argument b y stating that consumers were likely to assume governmental agencies would not permit use o f deceptive health claims. Meanwhile, tobacco manufacturers utilized F T C test results for tar and nicotine yields in ad copy in attempts to gain a competitive advantage. For example, ads claimed that among all cigarettes "Carlton is lowest" by referring to the most recent U . S . Government Laboratory test (Pollay & Dewhirst, 2002). W i t h F T C accreditation, consumers were likely to perceive the tar and nicotine ratings as precise even though tobacco manufacturers acknowledged within internal corporate documents that the F T C testing procedures were inaccurate.  4  Cohen's (1989) second criticism about Ringold and Calfee's content analysis concerned the limitations o f the study. In seeking objectivity and replication, Ringold and Calfee did not want coders to make any interpretations when analyzing the ads. According to Ringold and Calfee, the coders were instructed "to take claims literally, focusing on the words actually used, and were not to speculate on possible interpretations. This meant that some implied claims which nowadays would be considered 'obvious' might be lost, but we made this sacrifice i n order to maximize reliability" (1989, p.8). Cohen argued that the ads were analyzed as though inferences did not exist or were unimportant. Mildness and filtration claims were not classified as being related to health. Rather, "mildness" was regarded to be a claim about taste or flavour and "filters best" was considered to be a cigarette construction claim. It is worthwhile to note that cigarette construction claims represented the largest single category o f claims recorded i f voluntary and mandated health claims were considered as separate categories.  156  Cohen (1989) presented a third criticism, claiming that the purpose o f content analysis must be reconsidered. When conducting content analyses: One could simply decide to count the number o f times a certain word, or scene or type o f person appears i n advertising. If, say, we are interested i n minority group representation i n advertising, we could start by counting such instances. But, i f our hypotheses include role portrayals, how people are interacting, whether there is a dominance relationship among the people, etc., the coder must interpret the ads. I f one hypothesizes that certain themes (e.g., materialism, conformity) are becoming more prevalent i n advertising, there can be no escaping the need to record the latent as w e l l as manifest content o f the material... it really comes down to deciding whether one is more interested i n determining what was said or what was communicated.  (Cohen, 1989, p.28)  Cohen pointed out that i n an attempt to increase inter-coder consistency, Ringold and Calfee limited their coding to merely the direct verbal assertions made within the ad copy. Thus, pictures and images o f athletic people engaged i n sporting activities would not be recorded as health claims. L i k e Cohen, Pollay (1989) argued that health-related claims i n cigarette advertising were largely underestimated i n Ringold and Calfee's content analysis due to their conservative definition o f "health." Cigarettes introduced with newly constructed filters or described as mild, light, fresh, smooth, clean, pure, soft, and natural were not coded as health claims. Prominent athletes commonly endorsed cigarette brands from the 1930s until the 1960s, yet such endorsements were not coded as portraying healthfulness. Moreover, Pollay considered it a significant oversight to dismiss from the coding process  157  the messages communicated by pictures and images since the majority o f cigarette advertising layouts are visually oriented. Pollay also voiced disapproval toward Ringold and Calfee classifying the Surgeon General's warning as a "health" claim. Such classification misrepresents the intent o f the advertiser and credits the "advertisement" with the content o f the warning. Pollay observed that the data generated for Ringold and Calfee's content analysis focused on seven American cigarette brands over a 60-year period, a time span i n which the market position o f the brands studied changed dramatically. Chesterfield and O l d Gold, for example, moved from positions o f dominance to near extinction. L i k e Ringold and Calfee, Pollay noted that "top dogs" and "underdogs" face different advertising challenges, including the extent i n which health-related claims are to be used. This observation raises the question o f whether researchers should be constant i n the brands included i n a longitudinal sample, or alternatively, i f it is more appropriate to analyze the brands occupying particular market positions. Finally, Pollay stated that headlines and fine print should not be coded as equally important and claim repetitions should not be ignored. Ringold and Calfee (1990) responded to the critiques provided b y Cohen and Pollay, addressing several methodological issues and maintaining their position that there was little reason to regard mildness or filter assertions as health claims, unless they were accompanied b y explicit references to health. It was also still argued that smaller firms utilizing health-related claims i n their advertising would do so for their own benefit, yet suppress the overall demand for cigarettes i n the process. In an effort to induce consumers to switch brands, competition may lead to cigarette advertising that reminds  158 consumers about their own fears of smoking. A d copy placing emphasis on tar and nicotine yields, for example, might remind consumers there is something to fear in cigarettes. According to Ringold and Calfee, their study results supported the notion that advertising serves a useful informational role and more stringent regulation of tobacco advertising is unlikely to improve the market. A key methodological issue in the critique of Ringold and Calfee's study was whether it would have been preferable to analyze "manifest" or "latent" content. For manifest content analysis, coders limit their analysis to explicit advertising content rather than also interpreting the likely meaning conveyed by advertising messages. Ringold and Calfee defended their use of manifest content analysis, stating it is validated in a straightforward manner using objective criteria. As an example, they offered, "Was 'cough' stated or not within the advertisement?" Latent content analysis, they argued, would have been problematic for their study since it encompassed 60 years of cigarette advertising. Validation problems would have occurred because: However thoroughly the coders were schooled in evolving historical circumstances and shifting audience characteristics, their judgments would have to be validated using a naturally occurring audience (the only kind of audience that can assess what ad content means to an ordinary consumer in the informational context of the day). Such an audience is essentially unobtainable for the cigarette market of past decades. (Ringold & Calfee, 1990, p.31) While latent content analysis is useful for analyzing contemporary ads, it is very difficult to employ for a historical assessment of ads that span over several decades.  • 159  Cohen (1992) responded to the issues raised by Ringold and Calfee (1990), stating that to overcome the challenge o f utilizing latent content analysis to interpret ads covering an extended time period, it is the researchers rather than the coders that require background and preparation concerning evolving historical circumstances. Onus rests with the researchers to clearly define for the coders the requirements o f category membership. Cohen asserted that Ringold and Calfee overstated the responsibilities o f coders for latent content analysis. Once again, Cohen (1992) challenged the exclusion o f several mildness and filtration assertions from being coded as health-related claims. H e charged that by considering mildness assertions to be distinct from health-related claims, Ringold and Calfee's understanding o f such assertions were considerably different from the tobacco industry. Indeed, trade sources and tobacco industry documents publicly accessible through various court proceedings reveal that mildness and filtration claims are meant to communicate health-related messages to consumers. For yet one example, according to a 1977 British American Tobacco ( B A T ) document, communication strategies: .. .should be directed towards providing consumer reassurance about cigarettes and the smoking habit. This can be provided i n different ways, e.g. b y claimed low deliveries, by the perception o f low deliveries and b y the perception o f 'mildness'. Furthermore, advertising for low delivery or traditional brands should be constructed i n ways so as not to provoke anxiety about health, but to alleviate it, and enable the smoker to feel assured about the habit and confident in maintaining it over time. (Short, 1977, p.3)  160  A n additional B A T document claims that, "opportunities exist for filter and cigarette designs which offer the image o f 'health reassurance'" (1976, p.6). Finally, a Lorillard document assessed whether consumers perceived their Kent brand to have the best filter, stating '"best filter' is undoubtedly considered i n terms o f many different benefits including the taste the filter delivers, ease o f drawing, m i l d taste, as w e l l as health" (Kieling, 1964, p. 12). The selected industry document quotations are not exhaustive and clearly demonstrate that it was a dubious decision for Ringold and Calfee to not classify references to mildness and filtration as health-related claims.  U.S. Billboard Advertising Altman, Schooler, and Basil (1991) analyzed 901 billboards i n San Francisco, California, with specific attention being given to assessing how tobacco and alcohol billboard advertising differs in Asian, black, Hispanic, and white neighbourhoods. Billboard data collected included location, size, and advertising content (i.e., language, ethnicity o f models featured, and theme). The theme categories were romance, recreation, adventure/risk, health, product quality, price, comparison, style/packaging, fashion, other, and no theme. Unfortunately, the researchers did not provide the datacoding instrument or definitions for the theme categories. A m o n g all product or service billboard ads, tobacco was the most heavily advertised, representing 19% o f all billboard ads. The most prevalent theme among tobacco billboards was product quality, followed by no theme, romance, and recreation. Romantic themes were notably more common among billboards located i n black neighbourhoods. Moreover, black neighbourhoods had proportionately more tobacco ads  161  (per 1000 population) compared to Asian, Hispanic, and white neighbourhoods. The inter-coder reliability among the four coders was 92% (based on a random sample o f 18% o f the coded ads). Intra-coder reliability was not reported. Taylor and Taylor (1994) conducted a content analysis o f 705 billboards located along federally funded highways in the state o f Michigan. The study assessed the information content present in billboard advertising and the types o f corporations or businesses using this medium. The data-coding instrument included six product classes, 29 product categories (tobacco products were identified as one o f the product categories), and 30 information content categories (e.g., price, variety, quality, availability/location, components/content, taste). O n the basis o f the product or service promoted, billboards were classified into six different classes. "Manufactured goods" represented one o f the six product classes and tobacco billboards were included within this product class. While the average billboard contained 2.04 information dimensions, manufacturer billboards possessed 0.95 information dimensions. The figure 0.95 represented the lowest information content among the six product classes. Taylor and Taylor concluded that overall the assessed billboards contained a substantial amount o f information. However, this conclusion was based on the criterion that an ad was informative i f at least one information cue was present. Taylor and Taylor (1994) also found that alcohol and cigarette billboards represented a small proportion o f the total billboards located along federally funded highways. Combined, alcohol and cigarette billboards accounted for only 8% o f all billboards. Although these findings may appear to contradict the results o f Altaian, Schooler, and Basil (1991), neighbourhood-located billboards and those regulated by  162  local municipalities were not included for analysis. Taylor and Taylor did find that tobacco billboards were much more common i n urban locations compared to rural locations. Thus, for studies focusing on the content o f tobacco billboards, it may be a notable oversight to exclude neighbourhood-located billboards from the samples.  Studies Analyzing the Content of Non-American Cigarette Advertising Chapman (1986) made a unique contribution by using content analysis to analyze cigarette and hand-rolling tobacco ads from seven nationally distributed Australian magazines and three N e w South Wales newspapers. The magazines sampled were Australian Women's Weekly, N e w Idea, Australasian Post, Cleo, Australian Playboy, Bulletin, and Wheels. The Sydney Morning Herald, D a i l y Telegraph, and D a i l y Mirror represented the newspapers included in the sample. The 10 selected publications had diverse readerships. Nearly all issues from the year 1983 were used to gather the sample;resulting i n a total o f 1,026 ads i n which 23 different cigarette brands were represented. Five people were responsible for coding, with the senior investigator participating as one o f the coders. Coding was done for the following 17 themes: leisure; sport; high cultural activity; science/technology; sex; nature; prestige; history/nostalgia; product only; product and price claim; identification; identification sex role stereotype; identification celebrity; romance; adventure; taste, strength or flavour; and humour. Definitions were provided for each theme and data was also generated for the size o f the ad, the presence o f human models, the sex and estimated age o f any models depicted, and whether the brands advertised were regular or low tar. Inter-coder reliability was reported to be .82.  163  Chapman found that nearly 54% o f the ads were exclusively for "regular strength" cigarettes, 3 1 % were for low tar or m i l d blend cigarettes, and 14% presented brand families or extensions that included both regular and m i l d varieties. H u m a n models were featured i n 62% o f ads and couples or "men only" were the usual depictions. " W o m e n only" were featured i n merely 14% o f the ads i n which models were present. M e n were much more likely to be depicted smoking compared to women. O n average, 1.9 themes were recorded per ad and among the 17 different coding themes, nine accounted for 87% of the instances. The leading nine themes were price, prestige, nature, taste, leisure, humour, sex-role stereotypes, identification, and romance. Leisure, nature, prestige, sexrole identification, romance, and taste were themes more common i n women-oriented magazines. Humour and sport appeals were uncommon i n women's magazines. Price, humour, and product themes were more frequently found i n newspapers. Magazines that were classified as down-market featured a high concentration o f value appeals and a notable absence o f leisure, prestige, and taste appeals. T w o key study limitations are apparent. First, only 20 ads were randomly selected from the sample for the purpose o f calculating inter-coder reliability. While the mean inter-coder reliability was .82, the reliability coefficient was .57 for seven o f the 20 selected ads. To calculate inter-coder reliability, the five coders were asked to score the number o f themes present i n each o f the 20 ads. Comparisons were then made among the coders regarding the frequency o f different themes coded. A s a result, when discrepancies were apparent for the number o f themes found present, it remained unclear whether the discrepancies were repeatedly based on assessing a particular theme. A second limitation is that the sample included several "repeat" ads. A m o n g the total  164  sample o f 1,026 ads, only 214 different ads were represented. Thus, the study results largely reflect advertising content for a select number o f brands that possess the largest advertising budgets. One virtue o f such a study design, however, is that ads i n the analyzed data set were weighted according to their actual frequency and relative advertising budgets (i.e., share o f voice), reflective o f the consumer's typical experience. Pollay (1990) also made a unique contribution by using content analysis to analyze Canadian cigarette ads. Using 14 different magazines with varying editorial styles, target audiences and reach, a total o f 394 ads from 1987 were analyzed. Canada's three major tobacco manufacturers were each w e l l represented by ads i n the sample. To assess the information content o f the ads, dimensions were developed that measured availability, competitive advantage, contents/features absent, contents/features present, directions, guarantees/warranties, nutrition, packaging/product design, performance, personal safety, premiums/contests, price, product variations, product quality, research, and testimonials/endorsements. Pollay (1984) had previously developed these information dimensions to determine how informative advertising was for any product and with the exception o f nutrition, the 16 information dimensions were all deemed appropriate for analyzing cigarette advertising. U s i n g the same 12 themes as previously mentioned during the review o f Pollay (1991), Pollay (1990) measured for the presence or absence o f associated themes and images in Canadian cigarette advertising. A new variable, healthfulness, was established to integrate the information gathered from the pure scene, bold/lively, and health/safety themes. Pollay provided coding definitions for each o f the advertising themes.  165 Pollay found that overall there was little information conveyed in Canadian cigarette advertising during 1987. Ten of the sixteen information dimensions were not found among any of the sampled ads. The only information dimensions observed with relative frequency were contents/features absent (55% of ads), performance (58% of ads), product variations (52% of ads), and product quality (40% of ads). Ultra light and extra mild exemplified common claims about contents absent and references to taste accounted for nearly all assertions about product performance. Although product variations (e.g., indications of regular and king size) were evident in roughly half of the ads, the information was often conveyed in fine print or on displayed packages. Meanwhile, visual imagery accounted for the bulk of ad space and attention with healthfulness being a theme communicated in 68% of the ads (pure scene, bold/lively, and health/safety were themes present in 19%, 36% and 41% of the ads, respectively). Enjoy (featured in 59% of ads) and luxury (featured in 47% of ads) were the other most prevalent themes. Pollay concluded that four styles of cigarette ads prevailed: (1) portrayals of autonomy and independence; (2) outdoor, nature settings with people engaged in lively and robust behaviour; (3) professionals or affluent people to indicate success, wealth and sophistication; and (4) little depiction of human models, but use of descriptors such as light and extra mild to present the product as a safer alternative. Some study limitations must be acknowledged. Fourteen magazines were used to generate ads for the study, but they were not named. While Pollay recognized that nutrition was a non-applicable information dimension for cigarette advertising, it remained listed as information coded. Finally, the ad sample was not representative of each Canadian tobacco manufacturer's market share during 1987. Approximately 39% of  166  the observed ads were from Imperial Tobacco and precisely one-half o f the observed ads were from Rothmans, Benson and Hedges. Yet, according to the annual reports o f Imasco Ltd. and Rothmans Inc., Imperial Tobacco possessed a 55% market share while the market share for brands manufactured by Rothmans, Benson and Hedges had stabilized at approximately 28% (Imasco Ltd., 1987; Rothmans Inc., 1988).  Discussion  Summary of Research Approaches A total o f 12 content analysis studies specific to cigarette advertising were critically reviewed i n this chapter. Studies focusing on the information content o f magazine advertising have typically examined content changes i n relation to major "smoking and health controversy" events, assessed the repercussions o f F T C regulations, or focused on the impact o f the Public Health Cigarette Smoking A c t that banned cigarette advertising i n the U . S . broadcast media starting i n 1971. A m o n g the 10 content analyses pertaining to magazine advertising, all eight studies o f U . S . media utilized a longitudinal or historical approach while the two studies (Chapman, 1986; Pollay, 1990) restricting its data set to non-U. S. media or cigarette brands employed a cross-sectional approach. Chapman (1986) represents the only study conducted thus far that includes newspapers i n the data set. Content analysis has also been used to study cigarette billboard advertising, but all studies to date have been situated i n the U . S . and limited to American brands. Taylor and Taylor (1994) assessed billboards i n federally funded highway settings, while  167  Airman, Schooler, and Basil (1991) examined billboards sited i n different ethnic neighbourhoods to determine whether information content might differ according to the intended target group or segment. The sample for both studies was not limited to tobacco advertising (i.e., additional product categories were analyzed). A s stipulated by the U . S . Tobacco Settlement, billboard advertising was banned commencing i n A p r i l 1999 (Lubove, 1999). Thus, future content analyses specific to billboard advertising must either be historical i n nature, originate outside o f the United States, or consider other forms o f billboard advertising b y tobacco firms (e.g., advocacy, sponsorship).  Key Study Findings Despite reviewing studies with contrasting sample frames, sample sizes, time frames, data-coding instruments and coding category definitions, several robust findings are apparent. Several content analysis studies confirm that the number o f cigarette ads found i n American magazines dramatically increased during the 1970s, largely the result o f the U . S . broadcast ban i n 1971. A l s o evident were more frequent use o f special positioning, colour, and full-page or double-page ads. Healthfulness has been a consistent theme i n magazine advertising content, reflecting attempts by the tobacco industry to reassure smokers concerned about potential health risks. L o w - y i e l d products have become more frequently promoted over time and health-related themes are increasingly communicated through visual imagery. When cigarettes are depicted (even in cases where cigarettes are obviously lit), current ads are less likely to feature visible smoke. Prior to implementation o f the U . S . Tobacco Settlement, tobacco billboards were more commonly found i n urban settings.  168  Methodological Issues and Interpretation of Research Results A review o f the literature reveals several lessons are to be learned from previous content analyses specific to cigarette advertising. Ringold and Calfee's (1989) content analysis o f cigarette advertising, and the criticism and discussion that followed b y Cohen (1989), Pollay (1989), Ringold and Calfee (1990) and Cohen (1992), indicates careful consideration  must be given to how mildness and filtration  claims are coded. Ringold  and Calfee did not classify mildness as a health-related claim, yet other researchers such as Pollay (1990) have done so. Mildness and filtration exemplify claims that may have multiple meanings (i.e., claims that are potentially classifiable under more than one information category). Mildness, for example, may be classified as a claim about taste/flavour and "health." Content analysis is an effective method for assessing the common themes conveyed in a "universe" o f cigarette advertising. However, it appears contentious to conclude whether or not ads are informative based on the number o f dimensions conveyed, and thus may depend on the medium analyzed. Taylor and Taylor (1994) considered billboard ads to be informative i f at least one information cue was present, while Pollay (1990) concluded that cigarette advertising was not informative despite finding three information dimensions present i n the majority o f ads. Pollay's conclusion was based on the number o f information dimensions that were not present (i.e., 10 o f the 16 information dimensions measured were not found among any o f the sampled ads). Since cigarettes are a highly hazardous product, forthcoming information is considered to be especially important for consumers. Rather than merely attempting to pursue the  169  quantity o f information depicted, or alternatively how much information could have been conveyed, establishing a standard number for the dimensions required for deeming an ad "informative" would be useful. It is acknowledged that different standard numbers o f "informativeness" may be appropriate for the various advertising media. F o r example, fewer dimensions may be necessary for billboard promotions to be considered informative relative to magazine ads. It is also relevant to consider whether certain themes or information dimensions should be considered o f greater importance and thus given greater weight or merit. Furthermore, while the frequency o f themes is meant to indicate the intention o f the text's producer and the extent o f information provided within the message, content analysis does not indicate judgement about the accuracy or truthfulness o f claims (i.e., coded information may include deceptive claims). To counterbalance and minimize learning and maturation effects, coders should not proceed through the data set i n the same, strict chronological order. If possible, it is advisable to avoid using photocopies or reductions for coding purposes.  Researchers  should attempt to ensure that ads still resemble their original state and appear as initially seen b y readers. For ad samples, coding should not be limited to direct verbal assertions. Since the majority o f cigarette advertising layouts are visually oriented, pictures or visual imagery should be included in the coding process. When measuring visual aspects, researchers must account for how ads with multiple images w i l l be coded. Consideration should be given to whether headlines and small print w i l l be given similar emphasis i n the coding process. Moreover, it must be pre-determined whether claim repetitions w i l l be acknowledged and how mandatory health warnings w i l l be coded. W h i l e Ringold and  170  Calfee (1989) classified the Surgeon General's warning as a "health" claim, Pollay (1989) argued that such classification misrepresents the intent o f the advertiser. Although it is important to code for the presence o f mandated health warnings, the Surgeon General's warning and the ad copy should not be considered equivalent assertions. Study limitations commonly identified i n the reviewed literature include using a sample o f one magazine from the entire universe, using a sample that had limited seasonal variation, failing to calculate or report intra-coder reliability, categorizing ads i n a misrepresentative manner, and failing to provide coding definitions for the themes and dimensions measured.  5  Overall inter-coder reliability was commonly reported, but i n  some cases calculations were based on a small sample. In addition to reporting overall inter-coder reliability, it is helpful to provide reliability calculations for each o f the various dimensions or variables. To maximize overall inter-coder reliability, coders were instructed i n some o f the reviewed studies to take claims literally and avoid making interpretations about the likely meaning conveyed i n advertising messages. Reliability measures may be misleading because data that generates high percentage agreement among coders may reflect a simplistic data-coding instrument and mundane information collected. Great attention has been given toward maintaining a high inter-coder reliability and debate remains about the level o f percentage agreement needed to reflect adequate coding definitions. While 70% is conventionally used as an acceptable criterion for reliability, Kassarjian (1977) stated that 85% should be arrived at for content analysis.  171  Directions For Future Research A review o f the content analysis literature should inform methodological approaches undertaken for future studies. For example, future research should utilize different magazines (i.e., that may differ according to segmentation, price, recent popularity, or editorial approach) from those used i n previous studies. People, G O , Glamour. Cosmopolitan. Elle, U S , Spin, Gear, Entertainment Weekly, M a x i m , and Penthouse exemplify popular magazines that have not been included in previous analyses. In addition, when developing future studies pertaining to cigarette advertising, researchers may choose to utilize sampling frames and methodological approaches consistent with previous studies. Thus, study results may be compared with greater confidence. Two reviewed studies (Chapman, 1986; Pollay, 1990) analyzed the advertising content o f non-American cigarette brands and magazines. Further research that informs about cigarette advertising content from a greater array o f countries is needed. The absence o f studies from the United K i n g d o m and developing countries is particularly noteworthy. Meanwhile, recent F T C reports indicate that U . S . domestic cigarette promotional spending is at record levels. Given the persistence o f cigarette promotion and continuing public health concerns, more content analysis research is inevitable and desirable. One domain o f particular importance is the need for evaluating the effectiveness o f policies. Content analysis can be used to assess public policies that place restrictions on cigarette promotion b y comparing the character o f ads that precede a policy's implementation with those that follow.  172  Endnotes 1  According to Ringold and Calfee (1989), the first three authors were among  those coding for the study, thus raising concerns about whether the data yielded from the coding instrument were replicable. Using the same eight magazines and similar methodology, Albright, Altaian, Slater, and M a c c o b y (1988) determined that the average number o f cigarette ads per magazine issue increased substantially from 1960 to 1985 (most notably following the broadcast ban in 1971). Initiating in the late 1960s and early 1970s, a greater proportion o f cigarette ads were placed i n magazines with a women and youth-oriented readership. The study accounted for the frequency o f cigarette ads found i n magazines with varied readerships, but coding was not reported for the information content o f the sampled ads. The F T C issued a set o f voluntary guidelines i n 1955, which were meant to curtail the tendency by cigarette manufacturers to associate smoking with deceptive "health claims" i n their advertising. U.S.. cigarette manufacturers were to abstain from using claims that suggested medical approval o f smoking, as w e l l as those related to the effects o f smoking on energy levels or various parts o f the body (including all parts o f the respiratory tract, digestive system, and nerves). Claims concerning lowered tar and nicotine yields (i.e., due to the length o f the cigarette, the addition o f a filter, etc.) were prohibited unless they were substantiated b y competent scientific proof. Assuming that the claim was true, the yield cited was also to be regarded as a significant difference. The F T C and U . S . cigarette manufacturers reached an informal agreement i n which tar and nicotine content claims became banned altogether from 1960-1965, but the F T C  173  rescinded this stipulation i n 1966 (Ringold & Calfee, 1989; M c A u l i f f e , 1988; Kluger, 1997). 4  Cigarette papers and filters were developed that enabled smoke to be "air-  conditioned" and the smoke column to be diluted through the entry o f side-stream air. These vents were placed in locations o f the cigarette commonly obstructed by a person's fingers or lips once being smoked. Thus, tar and nicotine yields generated for cigarettes smoked by machines during F T C testing were appreciably lower than yields delivered by those smoked by actual people (Canova, Myers, Smith, & Slade, 2001; K o z l o w s k i & O'Connor, 2002). F T C test results were inconsistent with actual tar and nicotine yields since the machines did not initially account for the compensatory behaviour demonstrated by people. To satisfy their addiction, smokers often compensate when smoking lower yield cigarettes (Cohen, 1989). Compensatory behaviour includes smoking the cigarette closer to the butt, taking deeper puffs from the cigarette, increasing the number o f puffs taken while smoking the cigarette, and smoking more cigarettes per day. 5  The common omission o f coding definitions for measured themes and  dimensions may reflect editorial decisions and word length limitations for many journals. In such cases, however, it is advisable that content analysts make it clear that their datacoding instruments are available upon request.  174  CHAPTER SEVEN  Content Analysis Study Comparing Traditional Product Advertising and Sponsorship Promotions: Persistent Lifestyle Messages in the Face of Regulation  Despite intense effort by tobacco control groups during the past few decades, legislation to control tobacco promotions in Canada has appeared limited i n its. effectiveness. Following the passage o f the T P C A i n 1988, expenditures on event sponsorship flourished, with advertising and promotional support remaining a significant component o f the industry's investment. This chapter consists o f an original content analysis study i n which the character o f Canadian cigarette print ads from the p r e - T P C A era is compared with those from the p o s t - T P C A era. The data set is comprised o f ads for the Player's, Export ' A ' and Rothmans trademarks, thus allowing the findings to be validated with the disclosures o f the internal corporate documents. The objectives o f the study reported i n this chapter are to assess whether the character o f the content o f Canadian cigarette print ads was appreciably changed b y the implementation o f the T P C A , as well as examine and compare the promotional strategies utilized for the Player's, Export ' A ' , and Rothmans trademarks over a 30-year period. It is determined which advertising content dimensions remained consistent, or alternatively which ones changed, as the Canadian tobacco industry's marketing strategy shifted from traditional product advertising to sponsorship. In evaluating whether tobacco promotional messages have been continuous or changing with respect to several content  175  dimensions, conclusions can be drawn about the effectiveness o f the T P C A .  Content  analysis is regarded as an appropriate research methodology for determining whether public policies have been effective in changing the content o f advertising (Kassarjian, 1977).  Hypotheses  Variation Over Time The review o f internal corporate documents revealed that sponsorship was viewed by the industry as a way o f maintaining image-based portrayals i n their advertising. It is also known that communicating brand image has historically been a primary objective o f cigarette promotional efforts. Thus, it is expected that, for many o f the measured content dimensions (particularly those relating to lifestyle), the character o f Canadian cigarette ads w i l l not differ significantly when making comparisons between those from the preand p o s t - T P C A eras. It is anticipated that tobacco promotional content w i l l persist among several themes, dimensions, and categories despite regulation. However, some observable content changes are anticipated, reflected i n the hypotheses listed below.  Hypothesis 1 During the p r e - T P C A era, the depiction o f tobacco products and packaging was allowable. In his cross-sectional analysis o f Canadian cigarette ads circulating in magazines during 1987, Pollay (1990) found that "contents/features absent," "performance," and "product variations" were the only information dimensions present i n  176  the majority o f the sample. Pollay noted that indications o f product variations were often conveyed on displayed packages, thus it seems reasonable to expect that tobacco products, including packaging, were depicted i n p r e - T P C A ads with relative frequency. The T P C A , meanwhile, "permitted promotion o f sponsorships using a corporate name, provided this was not done ' i n association with a tobacco product,' with the onus on the advertiser to show no such association" (Cunningham, 1996, p.97). To adhere to the stipulations o f the T P C A , it is presumed that ads from the p o s t - T P C A era did not include the depiction o f either tobacco products or packaging. HI:  Tobacco products, including packaging, will not be depicted in post-TPCA  promotions.  Hypothesis 2 Pollay (1990) found that 55% o f Canadian cigarette ads, circulating i n 1987, made claims about "contents/features absent" (e.g., ultra light or extra mild products), while 52% o f the ads contained assertions about "product variations" (e.g., regular and king size products). Thus, it is anticipated that ads from the p r e - T P C A era w i l l often include information about various brand types or line extensions (e.g., Player's Light) rather than merely presenting the trademark or brand family name (e.g., Player's). The T P C A , however, stipulated that the full name o f the manufacturer was required on promotional material as opposed to a tobacco brand name. A s discussed i n previous chapters o f this thesis, Canada's three principal tobacco firms responded by hastily registering their various trademarks as separate corporate entities. A d s from the p o s t - T P C A era w i l l  177  presumably present either a corporate entity (e.g., Player's Ltd.) or a trademark (e.g., Player's).  1  H2: Brand types or line extensions will not be depicted in post-TPCA promotions.  Hypothesis 3 Prior to the implementation o f the T P C A , a process o f industry self-regulation was in effect, with voluntary advertising codes ( C T M C , 1976, 1984) stipulating that, " N o advertising w i l l use, as endorsers, athletes or celebrities i n the entertainment world." A s Canadian tobacco firms shifted their promotional spending toward sponsorship, it is anticipated that celebrities were increasingly depicted i n ads, i n an effort to have the image(s) o f event participants transferred to the sponsoring brand. Specifying who is participating, performing or competing i n an event is also seemingly important information to convey to potential event attendees. H3: The presence of celebrities in tobacco promotions will significantly increase following the implementation of the TPCA.  Hypothesis 4 Amendments to the Tobacco A c t , B i l l C-42, stipulate that tobacco sponsorship w i l l be banned i n Canada, commencing October 2003. Other means o f promotion such as direct marketing remain permissible, however. It is anticipated that Canadian tobacco firms w i l l increasingly turn toward direct mailings as a way to continue communicating to consumers once tobacco sponsorship is no longer permitted. Methods o f collecting  .178  demographic data from target consumers (to further generate databases that are usable for direct marketing or relationship marketing purposes) include staging contests, utilizing mail-in offers, creating event guest lists, and forming magazine subscription lists. Reflecting the anticipated increase i n the frequency o f contests, it is expected that copy volume w i l l be greater i n p o s t - T P C A ads, since contest promotions are typically accompanied b y participant requirements and stipulations. H4a: The frequency of contests will significantly increase following the implementation of the TPCA.  H4b: Copy volume will significantly increase in post-TPCA promotions.  Hypothesis 5 The Internet was not widely accessible to consumers during the p r e - T P C A era, thus it is expected that no website listings w i l l appear on conventional product ads. When reviewing internal corporate documents and describing the various advertising campaigns pertaining to the p o s t - T P C A era, however, it was observed that website listings were provided i n some cases for Player's, Export ' A ' and Rothmans. Moreover, it is anticipated that relationship marketing (including the use o f toll free numbers) has become an increasingly important component o f the promotional m i x for Canadian tobacco firms. H5: Phone number and website listings will significantly increase following the implementation of the TPCA.  Hypothesis 6 Sponsorship objectives include cross-promotional/co-sponsorship opportunities, as well as enhancement o f trade relations and goodwill (Irwin & Asimakopoulos, 1992; Irwin & Sutton, 1994; Copeland, Frisby, & M c C a r v i l l e , 1996). Tobacco companies are seldom the exclusive sponsors o f an event. Through the formation o f partnerships and strategic alliances, there are opportunities to associate cigarette trademarks with other . products that possess complementary symbolic elements. It has also been observed that sponsorship partnerships are desirable for tobacco firms since cigarette trademarks may i n some cases gain credibility b y being linked with less contentious products (Dewhirst & Hunter, 2002). Thus, it is hypothesized that sponsorship w i l l facilitate an increase i n the strategic use o f cross-promotion and co-branding.  H6: The use of cross-promotion (i.e., identification of co-sponsors or additional advertisers) will significantly increase following the implementation of the TPCA.  Hypothesis 7 Voluntary advertising codes ( C T M C , 1976, 1984) stipulated that all Canadian cigarette print advertising would display the following: " W A R N I N G : Health and Welfare Canada advises that danger to health increases with amount smoked - avoid inhaling." Health warnings are not mandatory for sponsorship promotions i n the p o s t - T P C A era, however. A s a result, it is expected that the frequency o f health warning depictions w i l l decline substantially. Health warnings are still to be expected i n some p o s t - T P C A ads though, as it was observed i n Chapter 4 that several Export ' A ' extreme sports series promotions utilize the Health Canada warning: " C I G A R E T T E S L E A V E Y O U  180  B R E A T H L E S S . Tobacco use causes crippling, often fatal lung diseases such as emphysema." H7: The frequency of health warning depictions will significantly decrease in post-TPCA promotions.  Variation by Cigarette Trademark/Brand Hypotheses 8 and 9 The primary basis for anticipating content variations according to cigarette trademark is the review o f internal industry documents that was offered i n Chapters 2 through 5. Player's has been successfully promoted toward male youth, symbolically expressing independence, freedom, self-expression, and masculinity. Export ' A ' has been similarly positioned, such that the trademark has been linked w i t h images o f ruggedness, machismo, adventure, escapism, independence, and rebelliousness. . Rothmans has been traditionally promoted as a premium quality trademark that is internationally renowned, with its consumers often presented as upscale and worldly. The Rothmans trademark has a positioning that is not overtly 'masculine' or 'feminine', using appeals with cross-gender relevance. W i t h 'masculinity' being a central theme communicated i n the positioning o f Player's and Export ' A ' , it is anticipated that models w i l l tend to be exclusively males. H8: When models are portrayed, males exclusively will be the most common depiction for Player's and Export 'A', yet both males and females will be more frequent for Rothmans.  181 H9a:  The predominant lifestyle dimensions for Player's will be independence,  adventure/excitement,  and ruggedness.  H9b: The predominant lifestyle dimensions for Export 'A ' will be independence, adventure/excitement,  and ruggedness.  H9c: The wealth/prosperity lifestyle dimension will prevail for  Rothmans.  Hypothesis 10 The market share o f Player's has grown impressively over the historical period o f analysis outlined for this study. Player's, it has been argued, is a market leader due to the consistency demonstrated i n the trademark's communication, particularly with respect to brand imagery. W h i l e Export ' A ' and Rothmans remain prominent trademarks for their respective manufacturers, the market share o f both brands has been i n continuous decline over the past few decades. One explanation for the diminishing popularity o f both trademarks is that their marketing communication efforts are inconsistent relative to Player's. H10: Player's will demonstrate the greatest consistency with  communicating  lifestyle dimensions that correspond to its positioning.  Methodology  The Data Set The data set consists o f ads that were entirely acquired from The History of Advertising Archives, which is located at the University o f British Columbia i n  182  Vancouver, Canada. The Archives were considered a suitable data set source since it is purported to house the largest collection o f Canadian tobacco ads (Stueck, 1999). The data set was limited to English-language ads for three Canadian cigarette trademarks Player's, Export ' A ' , and Rothmans - representing each o f Canada's three major tobacco manufacturers. The three trademarks are comprised o f flagship or dominant brands, having had a substantial presence i n the Canadian marketplace for a considerable number o f years. These trademarks are competitors, and i n the case o f Player's and Export ' A ' , have been strategically positioned to appeal to a similar target audience. The data set represents a near census o f print ads held b y the Archives for the preselected Canadian cigarette trademarks, which circulated from 1973 through 2002. The starting point o f this historical analysis is 1973 because print advertising became an increasingly important part o f the promotional m i x once the Canadian tobacco industry voluntarily withdrew cigarette advertising from radio and television i n 1972. The archival search was exhaustive and no ads meeting the outlined selection criteria were excluded from the data set. The entire data set was initially retrieved from general 2  circulation magazines and newspapers, although several o f the ads have been widely disseminated and featured i n multiple media (i.e., point-of-sale ads, transit ads, billboards). There were no repeat ads included i n the data set. Campaigns, as w e l l as unique ads, were represented, with the final data set consisting o f 219 ads (see Table 1).  183  Table 1. Longitudinal Data Set (1973-2002) Sample Sizes.  Cigarette Trademark (Manufacturer) Player's (Imperial Tobacco Ltd.) Export ' A ' (JTI-Macdonald Corp.) Rothmans (Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc.) Total  Number of Traditional Product Ads (1973-1988)  Number of Sponsorship Promotions (1989-2002)  Total Number of Ads in Data Set  51  42  93  39  43  82  30  14  44  120  99  219  Proportionately, the data set representation o f the three cigarette trademarks roughly reflects their market share, popularity, and promotional expenditures (i.e., Player's would be expected to have the largest number o f ads represented, with Export ' A ' and Rothmans placing second and third, respectively). Once the data set was compiled, the 219 ads were randomized, with the order determined by lottery. The random sequencing o f ads was undertaken to minimize any learning effects that might be observed i f coders proceeded through the data set chronologically or trademark by trademark. Following the lottery process, each ad i n the data set was given an identification number. The ads were then separated into 11 binders for coding purposes (i.e., Binder A contained the ads identified as 1-20, Binder B contained the ads identified as 21-40, and so on).  184  Coding Categories To assess the content o f the 219 ads, a data-coding instrument was developed that consists o f 65 items, with each item having accompanying categories and definitions (see Appendix 25). The coding items are listed as Descriptor Dimensions (Q1-Q13), Social Portrayal Descriptors (Q14-Q26), Information Categories (Q27-Q43), and Value/Lifestyle Analysis Items (Q44-Q65). The 'descriptor dimensions' section, consisting o f 13 items, includes those pertaining to ad copy volume, the display o f cigarette packaging, product visibility, and demonstration o f product use. There are also 13 'social portrayal descriptor' items, accounting for factors such as the ad's seasonal setting, the number o f models portrayed, and what proportions o f models are male or female. The 'information category' section is comprised o f 17 potential claims, including those relating to taste/flavour, price, availability, and product variations. Finally, 'value/lifestyle analysis' items include 22 potential claims or depictions, such as relaxation, nationalism, prosperity, independence, and adventure. The content categories and definitions were largely adapted from a data-coding instrument previously established by Pollay (1984), i n which he measured the level o f information contained i n general advertising (i.e., the measured dimensions were suitable for a variety o f products). Modifications were made to the instrument so that it would have specific relevance for tobacco promotions; nutrition exemplified an information dimension i n Pollay's instrument that was deemed unsuitable for analyzing cigarette advertising. W h e n preparing operational definitions, it proved helpful to refer to dictionaries and thesauri.  185  To determine the adequacy o f the data-coding instrument, it was pilot-tested using a sample o f 40 cigarette ads that included both American and Canadian trademarks, but excluding those for Player's, Export ' A ' , and Rothmans. T w o doctoral marketing students were responsible for coding, and some minor revisions were made to the instrument as a result o f the pilot-test. F o r example, the physical activity dimension was modified since the basis for coding discrepancies was common. One coder consistently included auto racing as a depiction o f physical activity, while the other coder did not make such an interpretation. The modified definition for physical activity includes depictions o f auto racing since it is an activity that requires intense stamina, coordination, alertness, and quick reaction time.  Coding Procedures Following the recommendation o f Holsti (1969), a recording unit (also referred to as level of analysis) and a context unit were identified for the study. Holsti defines the recording unit as "the specific segment o f content that is characterized b y placing it in a given category... the item is the recording unit when the entire article, film, book, or radio program is characterized" (1969, p . l 16, 117), while the context unit is considered to be "the largest body o f content that may be searched to characterize a recording unit" (1969, p . l 18). The item was identified as the recording unit because virtually the entire ad was characterized. Coding was done for all information conveyed i n headlines, subheadings, ad copy, pictures and images, with only mandatory health warnings (i.e., from Health Canada) being excluded from the coding process. The presence or absence o f health  186  warnings was still monitored (i.e., Q13 o f the data-coding instrument), but the decision that Health Canada warnings and ad copy should not be considered 'equivalent' assertions followed the argument put forward by Pollay (1989). Three undergraduate marketing students were hired for coding purposes. The three coders underwent a one-day training session, in which they were presented with a booklet o f operational definitions, categories, rules, and procedures for analyzing the content o f tobacco promotions. To become familiar with the coding process, the coders practiced with an orientation sample o f 20 cigarette ads (all o f the ads i n the orientation sample featured different trademarks from the ones being assessed i n the final data set). During the training session, difficult coding decisions were discussed and attempts were made to resolve any questions that arose. For examining the final data set, the coders were instructed to consistently apply the operational definitions, categories, rules, and procedures to each o f the 219 ads. Ensuring a proper basis for comparison, no descriptive categories were added after the coding process had commenced and definitions were not modified. The coding process was done independently, thus judgements did not entail further consultation with the researcher or with the other coders. In situations that coders were doubtful about the appropriate response for a particular question or item, they were instructed to use their best judgement for which category best described the content o f the ad being examined. The coders were unaware o f the hypotheses established for the study. The coders were told to work at an unhurried pace and to take breaks whenever refreshment was needed. They were encouraged to code on successive days to ensure  187  that they would remain familiar with the process and continue to consistently adhere to the operational definitions, categories, rules, and procedures. The data set sequence varied for each o f the coders, i n an effort to counterbalance and minimize any learning and maturation effects that might be observed. Potential changes i n coding behaviour resulting from fatigue were also diminished through utilization o f this process. The first coder analyzed the ads i n strict numerical order (i.e., coding started with the ad identified as 001 and finished with 219). The second coder examined and coded the ads i n reverse order (i.e., coding began with the ads i n Binder K , then the ads i n Binder J, and so on). The third coder began the coding process with the ads i n Binder F , proceeding through the data set i n chronological order to Binder K (i.e., coding the ads identified as 101-219), and then coded the ads in Binders E through A . To summarize the data set sequence for each o f the coders: Coder 001  Binders A - K  Coder 002  Binders K - A  Coder 003  Binders F - K , Binders E - A  Coding was done question-by-question (item-by-item) for the prescribed sequence o f ads i n each binder (i.e., coding for all o f the ads within a designated binder was done for Q l , then for Q 2 , and finished with Q65). The coders were provided with data set coding forms for recording their responses to each o f the questions or items (see Appendix 26). The responses were later entered into both E x c e l and SPSS for data analysis purposes. The three sets o f responses were recorded for calculating inter-coder reliability, but one entry (representing each item o f the data-coding instrument for every ad in the data set) was utilized for testing the hypotheses and conducting further analyses.  188  The one entry was determined on the basis o f majority rules (i.e., when coder discrepancies were apparent, the response put forward b y two coders was selected). To deal with the 20 situations in which a different response was recorded by each coder, a meeting was arranged once the independent coding task was complete, and the coders were asked to review and discuss these few ads and codings to collectively identify the most suitable coding decision. Most o f these coding discrepancies were based on the Q7 item, which instructed the coders to decide whether package colour was depicted i n the artwork o f the ad scene. It was revealed by the coders that this determination was difficult for several reasons. First, package colours have evolved over time as packaging updates were made (e.g., the hue o f blue utilized for Player's packaging has been modified), making it uncertain about which colour (or hue o f a particular colour) was ' i n effect' for each ad under analysis. Second, the coders indicated that there was confusion about which colour(s) represented the Export ' A ' trademark (i.e., different colours are utilized for each member o f the Export ' A ' brand family, which consists o f filtered full flavour, medium, mild, light, extra light, and ultra light). Third, the coders expressed that it was unclear how precise the colour match should be when comparing the packaging and artwork o f the ad scene. This dilemma would be exemplified by a Player's ad depicting a noticeably clear, blue sky i n which the hue o f blue approximated but did not exactly match what was conveyed on the packaging.  Reliability Measures The three coders made judgements for all dimensions and all ads o f the data set so that inter-coder reliability could be measured thoroughly. Overall inter-coder reliability,  189  based on a criterion o f reproducibility, was calculated to indicate the level o f agreement between the three coders. Reliability calculations were also made for each o f the measured items so that it would be apparent whether coding discrepancies were repeatedly based on assessing a particular dimension. Moreover, inter-coder reliability was calculated for each ad in the data set. A p p l y i n g the same operational definitions, categories, rules and procedures to the same data set, the coders should secure highly replicable and reproducible results and arrive at similar conclusions. While Krippendorff (1980) and Hughes and Garrett (1990) note that it is difficult to set a minimum standard for acceptable inter-coder reliability estimates, Kassarjian (1977) claims that overall inter-coder reliability should preferably exceed .85. Percentage agreement, the most commonly used inter-coder reliability measure i n content analyses, was used for this study (Perreault & Leigh, 1989; Hughes & Garrett, 1990).  3  Results  Reliability Measures The overall inter-coder reliability score was .97 for the ,42,705 coding decisions made by the coders. Reliability scores were also calculated for each ad i n the data set. A l l ads i n the data set had reliability scores >93% (see Appendix 27). Moreover, reliability scores were determined for coding decisions based on each o f the 65 datacoding instrument items. It was found that 53/65 coding items had reliability scores >95%, 60/65 coding items had reliability scores >90%, and 64/65 coding items had reliability scores >85% (see Appendix 28).  190  Q7 (package colour), with a reliability score o f .70, represented the only datacoding instrument item that did not meet the .85 criterion. A s mentioned, once the coding task was complete, the coders were approached collectively to determine w h y the Q7 item had a substantially higher number o f disagreements relative to the other coding items. W i t h the exception o f Q7, reliability scores were w e l l above acceptable levels.  Confirmation of Hypotheses For tests o f significance, Fisher's Exact Test was used for items that generated coder responses falling into one o f two mutually exclusive categories (i.e., for coding items producing one o f two possible responses). Such items are exemplified by Q4 (colour) o f the data-coding instrument that categorizes ads as either black and white or with colour, as well as all information categories and value/lifestyle analysis measures (Q27-Q65) that involve determination o f whether a dimension is present or not present. Conversely, Pearson Chi-Square was used for items that generated three or more possible responses from coders. A s predicted i n Hypothesis 1, tobacco products, including packaging, were not depicted in p o s t - T P C A ads. There were no instances o f cigarettes or packages being displayed i n the 99 p o s t - T P C A ads, which are evident by the coding decisions for items Q6, Q8, Q9, and Q10 (SPSS data analyses pertaining to all data-coding instrument items and hypotheses are presented in Appendix 29; see Table 2 for a summary o f findings for hypotheses 1-7). Hypothesis 2 - brand types or line extensions w i l l not be depicted i n p o s t - T P C A ads - is also fully supported. Coding item Q32 measured depictions o f  191  product variations, and there were no p o s t - T P C A ads where this item was found to be present. In support o f Hypothesis 3, the presence o f celebrities i n tobacco ads significantly increased following the implementation o f the T P C A (Q39 o f the data-coding instrument measured celebrity depictions). Celebrities were not depicted i n any o f the p r e - T P C A promotions, yet 4 3 % (43/99) o f p o s t - T P C A promotions featured celebrities. When testing this hypothesis according to each trademark, very strong support was found for both Player's and Export ' A ' (p<.001), with significance also found for Rothmans (p<.01). Celebrities were depicted i n 50% (21/42) o f Player's ads from the p o s t - T P C A era, while 42% (18/43) o f Export ' A ' and 29% (4/14) o f Rothmans ads contained celebrities i n the p o s t - T P C A era. Support was shown for Hypothesis 4 (measured b y coding items Q l and Q38), as contest frequency significantly increased following the implementation o f the T P C A (p<.001), which corresponded with an increase i n copy volume. The Canadian tobacco industry voluntarily withdrew incentive programs in 1970, and apparently adhered to this guideline since no contests were evident i n p r e - T P C A era ads. D u r i n g the p o s t - T P C A era, however, 13% (13/99) o f ads featured contests, reflecting a means o f collecting personal data on consumers that can be used toward direct marketing mailings. F i r m specific analyses reveal that for Player's, Export ' A ' and Rothmans p o s t - T P C A promotions, 17% (7/42), 7% (3/43) and 2 1 % (3/14) featured contests, respectively. Statistical significance was found for the Player's (p<.01) and Rothmans (p<.05) trademarks, while marginal significance is apparent for Export ' A ' (p=.139).  192  In addition, copy volume significantly increased i n p o s t - T P C A ads (p<.001). For p r e - T P C A ads, 72% (86/120) contained less than 15 words, while 10% (10/99) o f postT P C A ads were i n this copy volume category. The most common copy volume categories for p o s t - T P C A ads were "15-30 words" (47%, 47/99) and "more than 75 words" (23%, 23/99), respectively. Merely 2 % (2/120) of p r e - T P C A ads contained more than 75 words. Statistical significance for copy volume differences between p r e - T P C A and p o s t - T P C A promotions was found for all three trademarks (p<.001 for Player's and E x p o r t ' A ' ; p<.01 for Rothmans). Measured b y coding item Q42, toll-free phone number and website listings significantly increased following the implementation o f the T P C A (p<.001). Website listings and toll free numbers, which were not apparent i n any p r e - T P C A era ads, were found i n 48% (48/99) o f p o s t - T P C A era ads. Most notably, 76% (32/42) o f sponsorship ads for Player's listed a website (i.e., www.teamplayers.ca). Imperial Tobacco and Rothmans, Benson & Hedges have built their databases b y establishing websites promoting various sponsored cultural and sporting events (Yakabuski, 1998). E x p o r t ' A ' ads characteristically listed a toll-free phone number rather than a website. A s predicted i n Hypothesis 6, overall, the use o f cross-promotion significantly increased following the implementation o f the T P C A (p<.001). Coding for the Q12 item indicates that 2 % (2/120) o f the ads during the p r e - T P C A era identified co-advertisers, partners or supportive organizational bodies, while 46% (46/99) o f ads during the postT P C A era were coded for the presence o f this item. The two ads utilizing crosspromotion during the p r e - T P C A era were for the Rothmans trademark. During the postT P C A era, 48% (20/42) o f Player's promotions, 53% (23/43) o f Export ' A ' promotions,  193  and 2 1 % (3/14) o f Rothmans promotions identified partners. W h e n testing Hypothesis 6 according to each trademark, however, strong support was found for both Player's and Export ' A ' (p<.001), but confirmation was not found for the Rothmans trademark (p=.151). Coding item Q40 also measured the frequency o f endorsements i n cigarette promotions. None o f the ads from the p r e - T P C A era were found to include a seal o f approval b y outside groups, nor assertions regarding product performance from named groups or informed experts. During the p o s t - T P C A era, however, 37% (37/99) o f promotions included the identification o f other supporting sponsors and organizations. Confirming Hypothesis 7, which is measured by coding item Q13, the frequency o f health warning depictions significantly decreased i n p o s t - T P C A promotions (p<.001). A s expected, all ads from the p r e - T P C A era contained the mandated health warning. For the p o s t - T P C A era ads, with the depiction o f health warnings being optional, merely 3% (3/99) contained a warning. The three p o s t - T P C A ads depicting a health warning were for the Export ' A ' trademark, utilized for its 2001 and 2002 extreme sports series advertising campaign.  Table 2. Confirmation of "Variation Over Time" Hypotheses Hypotheses  Operational Measures  Tests of Statistical Significance  HI  Q6 (package display), Q8 (product visibility), Q9 (product depiction), Q10 (product use demonstration)  Overall: p<.001*** Player's: p<.001*** Export ' A ' : p < . 0 0 1 * * * Rothmans: p<.01**  H2  Q32 (product variations)  Overall: p<.001*** Player's: p<.001*** Export ' A ' : p<.001*** Rothmans: p<.01**  194  H3  Q39 (celebrity depiction)  Overall: p<.001*** Player's: p<.00T*** Export ' A ' : p < . 0 0 1 * * * Rothmans: p<.01**  H4a  Q38 (purchase incentives, contests, premiums, coupons)  Overall: p<.001*** Player's: p<.01** Export ' A ' : p v a l u e = . 1 3 9 Rothmans: p<:05*  H4b  Q l (copy volume)  Overall: p<.001*** Player's: p<.001*** Export ' A ' : p<.001*** Rothmans: p<.01**  H5  Q42 (phone number/website listing)  Overall: p<.001*** Player's: p<.001*** E x p o r t ' A ' : p<.001*** Rothmans: p value=.096  H6  Q12 (identification o f partners, coadvertisers or supportive organizational bodies), Q40 (endorsements)  Overall: p<.001*** Player's: p<.001*** Export ' A ' : p<.001*** Rothmans: p value=.151  H7  Q13 (health warning depiction)  Overall: p<.001*** Player's: p<.001*** Export ' A ' : p < . 0 0 1 * * * Rothmans: p<.001***  Hypothesis 8, which considered whether the most common model portrayals were exclusively males for Player's and Export ' A ' , and most frequently both males and females for Rothmans, was measured by Q21 (sex o f people featured) o f the data-coding instrument. Hypothesis 8 was supported for the Player's and Export ' A ' trademarks, but not confirmed for Rothmans. Notably, 9 1 % (85/93) o f Player's ads featured models. A m o n g the 85 ads with people shown, 52 o f them had exclusively males visible, while 33 featured both men and women. Interestingly, 32 o f the ads portraying both men and  195  women were classified in the p r e - T P C A era. Merely 2% (1/42) o f the Player's ads i n the p o s t - T P C A era showed females, however. A s predicted, when people were portrayed i n Export ' A ' ads, males exclusively was the most common depiction. People were present in 76% (62/82) o f Export ' A ' ads, with females appearing i n merely 6% (4/62) o f the ads. For the four cases those women did appear i n Export ' A ' advertising, the ads were classified i n the p o s t - T P C A era. In Rothmans ads, people were portrayed i n 59% (26/44) o f the time. A m o n g the 26 Rothmans ads that included models, males exclusively were featured i n 13 o f them, while both males and females were represented i n the other 13 ads. There were no Rothmans ads i n the data set that exclusively featured women. Hypothesis 9, accounting for the predominant lifestyle dimensions that were expected for each trademark, was not fully supported. W h i l e adventure/excitement, independence, and ruggedness were themes with relative prevalence i n Player's and Export ' A ' ads, "friendship" and "physical activity" were the value/lifestyle items that occurred with the highest frequency. "Adventure/excitement" was a theme evident in 45% (42/93) o f Player's ads and 30% (25/82) o f Export ' A ' ads, while "independence" was apparent i n 30% (28/93) o f Player's ads and 32% (26/82) o f Export ' A ' ads. "Ruggedness" was communicated i n 16% (15/93) o f Player's ads and 24% (20/82) o f Export ' A ' ads. Notably, the "friendship" appeal was found to be present i n 60% (56/93) of Player's ads, which was a distinguishing dimension since it was manifest i n 4% (3/82) o f Export ' A ' ads. "Relaxation/escapism" occurred i n 26% (24/93) o f Player's ads, although most o f these occurrences were i n the p r e - T P C A era. "Physical activity" was the leading theme i n both Player's and Export ' A ' ads, appearing 83% (77/93) and 5 1 % (42/82) times, respectively. Surprisingly, no Rothmans ads were found to communicate  196  "wealth/prosperity." The most common value/lifestyle theme expressed i n Rothmans ads was "tradition," although this dimension was only evident i n ads from the p r e - T P C A era. Hypothesis 10, which outlined that Player's would demonstrate the greatest consistency with communicating lifestyle dimensions that corresponded to its positioning, was not fully supported. A marked increase i n "ruggedness," "adventure/excitement", and "tradition" appeals is apparent during the p o s t - T P C A era for the Player's trademark (p<.001). "Independence" and "nationalism" portrayals also increased with statistical significance in Player's sponsorship ads (p<.05). "Physical activity," however, has been a predominant theme over time (i.e., apparent i n 83% o f Player's ads), evident i n ads from both the pre- and p o s t - T P C A eras. For Export ' A ' , a notable change in appeals is apparent for "physical activity" (p<.001). This dimension was evident i n 3 1 % (12/39) o f Export ' A ' p r e - T P C A ads, yet communicated i n 6 1 % (30/43) o f p o s t - T P C A ads. From the p r e - T P C A era to the postT P C A era, the "relaxation/escapism" appeal declined with statistical significance for the Export ' A ' trademark (p<.05). "Independence," "adventure/excitement," and "ruggedness" were communicated lifestyle themes i n Export ' A ' advertising, although there were no noteworthy changes i n frequency from the p r e - T P C A era to the p o s t - T P C A era. Despite upward status being an important component o f the Rothmans trademark identity, the "wealth/prosperity" dimension was not evident i n Rothmans advertising. The "tradition" appeal that was found i n the majority o f p r e - T P C A Rothmans ads was not evident i n any p o s t - T P C A sponsorship ads.  197  Discussion and Conclusions This chapter makes a unique contribution to the academic literature since it consists o f the first content analysis study to examine non-American cigarette advertising with a longitudinal sample. To this date, Pollay (1990) provided the only comprehensive content analysis study analyzing the ad content o f Canadian cigarette brands and magazines, and the design was cross-sectional. To m y knowledge, the content analysis study reported i n this chapter is the first to draw comparisons between the content o f traditional product ads and sponsorship ads for tobacco products. When making general comparisons between ads from the pre- and p o s t - T P C A eras, it is revealed that tobacco sponsorship ads are persistent i n communicating lifestyle imagery. Physical activity portrayals, for example, have endured in Player's sponsorship ads and emerged as a prevalent theme i n Export ' A ' promotions. Despite sports, athletic pursuits and outdoor activities prevailing i n many p o s t - T P C A tobacco promotions, health warnings are not mandatory and rarely depicted. The only occurrences o f health warnings being shown in advertising from the p o s t - T P C A era were entirely accounted by Export ' A ' ads circulating for the 2001 and 2002 extreme sports series. It was pointed out i n Chapter 4 that this might be an orchestrated effort b y JTI-Macdonald to exploit the alternative meanings o f " C I G A R E T T E S L E A V E Y O U B R E A T H L E S S " when presented in the context o f extreme sports and risk-taking behaviour. This endeavour may also inoculate against the primary meaning o f the health-warning message. It is also evident from this study that brand types or line extensions are no longer explicitly depicted in the p o s t - T P C A era ads. Rather, trademarks are utilized for tobacco sponsorship ads. The review o f internal corporate documents revealed, however, that  198  when thinking about a trademark, consumers typically identify with a specific brand or line extension. Industry-cornmissioned research indicates that the brand family identification o f Player's is concentrated on Player's Light, while Rothmans K i n g Size is the focus o f the entire Rothmans trademark. Interestingly, the 'identifying' brand o f the Export ' A ' trademark is undergoing a transition. During the p r e - T P C A era, the Export ' A ' trademark was best known for its parent full flavour brand, yet 'medium' has become the distinguishing line extension i n many o f its sponsorship promotions. This point illustrates the importance and value o f establishing which primary and secondary colours are utilized i n the artwork o f promotions. While several p r e - T P C A ads for Export ' A ' depicted a full flavour package or portrayed green as a border colour, blue is the primary colour used i n the artwork o f extreme sports series ads (see Appendix 30). The border enclosing the Lassie logo and the statement "sponsored by: Export ' A ' " closely resembles the packaging design. W i t h each line extension o f the Export ' A ' brand family bearing a different colour, the colour that predominates i n ad visuals is rich i n meaning. For Export ' A ' , green communicates full flavour, while blue communicates medium.  4  The shift toward sponsorship advertising has prompted the presence o f celebrities. During the p r e - T P C A era, there was not a single ad that depicted a celebrity, reflecting that rule nine o f the voluntary advertising code(s) set by the industry was being followed. Celebrities were portrayed i n 4 3 % of p o s t - T P C A promotions, however. Reflecting that cigarette products are not depicted i n sponsorship advertising, featured celebrities are not engaging i n testimonials where direct product claims are made. Nevertheless, linkages between cigarette trademarks and celebrities may reflect both social approval (particularly i n cases where the celebrity is a smoker) and efforts to have the presented  199 persona o f the person transferable to the sponsoring brand. Recent sponsorship ads o f Player's, for example, specify the names o f auto racing team members even when they are depicted in non-auto racing settings (see Appendix 4 and 5). In addition to "celebrity depiction," "purchase incentives and contests" and "phone number or website listings," two other information dimensions notably emerged during the p o s t - T P C A era: "endorsements" and "availability." It is revealed that partner or other supporting sponsors and organizations are identified i n roughly one-third o f sponsorship promotions. Presenting co-sponsors may enhance the social acceptability o f tobacco products, and reflect efforts toward strategically using cross-promotion and cobranding. The growth o f availability appeals shows that approximately one-quarter o f sponsorship ads include assertions regarding when and where sponsored events can be watched (i.e., mention is made about which television network w i l l broadcast the event or the date and time o f the broadcast). Meanwhile, statements about when, where or how cigarettes could be purchased were very infrequent during the p r e - T P C A era. Finally, the shift to sponsorship advertising i n the p o s t - T P C A era has led to the disappearance o f taste appeals, which was once a central theme o f ad copy i n cigarette advertising. Claims related to taste or flavour were evident in 84% o f ads from the preT P C A era, yet no such appeals were observed in the p o s t - T P C A era. W h i l e this change in the frequency o f taste appeals is noteworthy, it is expected that taste or flavour would not be communicated i n sponsorship ads since the depiction o f cigarette products and packaging is disallowed. The implementation o f the T P C A seemed to prompt less information being communicated about product characteristics such as taste and line  200 extensions offered, with sponsorship advertising serving the primary purposes o f associating trademarks with particular lifestyles or imagery. W i t h respect to analyzing the various trademark strategies, Player's ads i n the p o s t - T P C A era have seemingly become more image-driven, with appeals central to the trademark's positioning (i.e., independence, ruggedness, adventure, and tradition) more frequently communicated. The identity o f Player's is increasingly masculine, with women rarely shown i n sponsorship ads. Success and nationalism appeals have also emerged, likely reflecting Player's sponsorship o f auto racers that are Canadian in origin, who have largely performed very well. I f nationalism were becoming a part o f the Player's trademark identity, the partnership with M o l s o n Canadian would appear very desirable for Imperial Tobacco. Physical activity portrayals were always common in Player's advertising, thus visual depictions o f sports in the era o f sponsorship advertising were not a transitory ad platform, nor jarring to the target consumer. The transition to sponsorship advertising may not have been so smooth for Export ' A ' , however. The frequency o f physical activity depictions nearly doubled from the preT P C A era to the p o s t - T P C A era. It is not clear from the data analyses whether the transition to sports portrayals largely occurred due to the implementation o f the T P C A , or alternatively shows a competitive ('me-too') response to Player's. The review o f internal corporate documents suggests that it was a competitive response, commencing with the " A Taste for Adventure" campaign. Success has emerged as a theme i n sponsorship ads for Export ' A ' , while pleasure has declined. This observation seems to reflect that sponsorship ads often consist o f more competitive narratives (e.g., athletes wearing bibs with numbers, recognition o f the winner with a trophy) than physical activity depictions  201  seen i n conventional advertising. Pleasure was an appeal commonly associated with the flavour o f cigarettes. The small sample size o f Rothmans sponsorship advertising echoes the l o w promotional spending and presence o f the trademark, as revealed i n the internal industry documents. Rothmans ads during the p r e - T P C A era placed particular emphasis on the worth o f the product, with 43% (13/30) including quality appeals and 90% (27/30) making taste or flavour claims. A s the transition to sponsorship advertising occurred in the late 1980s, direct product assertions were no longer permissible and the image platform o f the Rothmans trademark was already i n crisis. Admittedly, the overall results regarding Hypotheses 9 and 10 (i.e., determining predominant trademark images and assessing whether Player's demonstrated the greatest consistency with images being communicated) were not as compelling as anticipated. The results may reflect a key limitation o f this study. Information categories and value analysis items listed i n the data-coding instrument were assessed for mere presence, thus claim repetitions were not acknowledged. Consequently, an ad utilizing the tagline, " A taste you can call your o w n " and portraying one person doing an individual sport (yet wearing a knapsack revealing a sewn badge o f the Canadian flag) would likely be coded as depicting both "independence" and "nationalism." Attempts w i l l be made to address this 'weighting' issue i f further content analysis studies are conducted. Nevertheless, content analysis remains a useful research method since it allows qualitative data to be put i n quantitative terms, providing objective and systematic answers to the question, "What is going on i n the studied ads?" This research method also helps identify patterns within large amounts o f data that would be difficult to detect otherwise. Semiotics is an  alternative method that is valuable for studying texts, albeit this methodology comes its own set of limitations (i.e., it is problematic for studying large quantities of ads). Leiss, Kline, and Jhally (1997) propose a combined semiological/content analysis approach, which is worth pursuing further.  203  Endnotes 1  Ads from 1989 to 1995 will presumably use a corporate entity as a sponsorship  identifier. Once the Supreme Court of Canada ruled the T P C A unconstitutional in September 1995, however, corporate entities were no longer required for sponsorship purposes. 2  The only ads held by the Archives that were excluded from the data set were  traditional product ads that circulated in 1996. Following the 1995 Supreme Court of Canada ruling that declared the T P C A unconstitutional, the Canadian tobacco industry embraced a new voluntary advertising code and resumed conventional advertising in February 1996. Conventional cigarette ads circulated for roughly one year before the Tobacco Act was implemented. These ads, which amounted to roughly one ad campaign per trademark, were not included in the data set because the objective of the study was to compare the content of traditional product advertising from the pre-TPCA era with sponsorship ads from the post-TPCA era. Cohen's kappa, while not without its own limitations, is an alternative estimation approach that explicitly recognizes the likelihood of chance agreement between coders and withdraws it from consideration. However, this estimation approach is designed for measuring agreement between two coders. 4  Kool, an American trademark, employs a similar strategy of using colour and  sponsorship properties to communicate particular brands or line extensions. Kool sponsored two auto racing drivers competing in the C A R T circuit during 2002. One  204  K o o l racing car was painted green (suggestive o f 'Filter K i n g s ' ) while the other was painted blue (indicative o f the ' M i l d s ' line extension).  205 CHAPTER EIGHT  Conclusion  This thesis has utilized an interdisciplinary and multi-method approach. The review of internal corporate documents reveals that the two key typologies of cigarette consumers are "starters" (i.e., initiation typically happens during adolescence) and "prequitters" (i.e., the reassurance of existing smokers). Player's and Export 'A' represent two Canadian trademarks that have been effectively positioned toward the "starters" segment. Like most commodities, cigarettes are not a generic item since they are designated trademark and brand names that compete with one another for specific market segments. By choosing to smoke a particular brand, an individual engages in an act of distinction. Player's is widely seen a symbol of masculinity, youthfulness, independence, freedom, self-reliance, tradition, and modernity. The trademark attributes and personality of Export 'A' are masculinity, ruggedness, independence, self-determinedness, adventurousness, and escapism. While the two competing trademarks have similar image platforms, Player's is considered to have a softer masculine image (holding appeal for women despite its target market of male youth) and adventure themes that are more understated. Export 'A' has an edgier identity, with its users largely perceived as exclusively male who in some cases are daredevils. The advertising budgets of Player's are far superior to those demonstrated for Export 'A', thus reinforcing and elevating consumer perceptions about the popularity and social acceptability of Player's. Popularity is considered to be a crucial factor in brand desirability among youth.  206  Rothmans, on the other hand, exemplifies a Canadian trademark that is nonappealing to youth. The trademark has been promoted as an expression o f internationalism, premium quality, upward status and tradition, yet youth widely perceive Rothmans as unpopular, ' o l d ' , and lacking contemporaneous. Rothmans has a low presence or 'share o f m i n d ' among consumers, and youth generally (and accurately) consider Rothmans smokers to be remarkably older. The ineffectiveness o f Rothmans promotional efforts partially reflected that advertising budgets were insufficient and few modifications were made to the packaging design. The lack o f package updates was i n conflict with the trademark's supposed premium quality identity and contributed to the ' o l d ' perception. Consumers have multiple sources o f information about the meaning o f brands and trademarks, and i n the case o f Rothmans, the ad appeals were not consistent with consumer experiences. W i t h its relatively high tar delivery and strong taste, Rothmans is also a non-desirable selection for those demonstrating elevated health concerns and seeking 'reassurance'. The case studies o f Player's, Export ' A ' , and Rothmans also lend insight about how Canadian cigarette trademarks are uniquely positioned toward males and females. Both product features and the advertised image largely determine the masculine-feminine dichotomy o f Canadian cigarette brands and trademarks. Brands offering relatively high tar content and strong taste or full flavours are commonly perceived as 'masculine', which often correspond with promotional appeals that have an action, exciting, and adventurous orientation. Conversely, l o w tar, m i l d tasting, mentholated, longer length, and slim cigarettes are characterized as 'feminine' product characteristics, which often carry image platforms relating to relaxation, stress relief, self-indulgence, and inactive  207  pursuits.  1  Canadian trademarks and brands with cross-gender positioning often employ-  promotional appeals about upward status and being upscale. Player's and Export ' A ' clearly portray a masculine identity with their image platforms and the exclusion o f mentholated and 100 m m length line extensions (although so-called 'light' products are offered for Player's and Export ' A ' , the machine-measured tar deliveries are higher relative to other competing light brands i n the Canadian marketplace). Rothmans, however, communicates contradictory messages about whether the target consumer is male, female or both. The trademark is recognized as a high tar and strong tasting cigarette yet includes 100 m m and mentholated line extensions. The identity o f Rothmans is supposedly gender neutral, but industry research indicates that Rothmans consumer demographics are over-represented by women aged over 50. The content analysis study reported i n Chapter 7 revealed that when models were portrayed i n Rothmans advertising, males exclusively were depicted i n one-half o f the ads, while both males and females were represented i n the other half. Interestingly, no Rothmans ads featured exclusively women. Another point made known i n the review o f internal corporate documents is that colours characterizing a trademark and its packaging design are an important component o f the trademark's identity and essence. In the Canadian marketplace, hues o f blue are used for a remarkable number o f brands and trademarks, including Player's, Export ' A ' , Rothmans, Belvedere, Belmont, and Canadian Classics. According to Rothmans, Benson & Hedges, "Blue may be becoming over-used, especially i n Quebec" (1998, p.5). Blue is the predominant colour for the core brands o f the Player's, Export ' A ' and Rothmans trademarks, which are Player's Light, Export ' A ' M e d i u m and Rothmans K i n g Size,  208 respectively. In the trademark battle toward being 'top o f m i n d ' among consumers with the colour blue, Player's seems to be the clear winner due to its popularity and w e l l established history. In addition, hues o f blue are utilized for the entire Player's brand family, unlike the Export ' A ' and Rothmans trademarks which use an assortment o f colours for the various line extensions. Rothmans Special M i l d uses red as a defining colour, which seems unusual since red normally communicates strong flavour with cigarettes (or spiciness with food). Reflecting industry responses to the Canadian regulatory environment, sponsorship became a key component of the promotional mix for Canadian tobacco firms. Trademarks, rather than brand line extensions, were used to identify tobacco sponsorships. Industry research shows, however, that a particular brand comes to mind when consumers think o f a cigarette trademark. To maintain the credibility o f the message and prevent counterargumentation among consumers, tobacco firms purposely sponsor events or portray activities within sponsorship ad visuals that are not too aerobically taxing. The symbolic value of brands or trademarks maybe enriched through sponsorship by selecting events, partnerships or celebrities (i.e., event participants) possessing symbolic imagery or 'personalities' that are transferable to the respective trademarks. The enhancement or reinforcement of brand imagery is clearly a primary objective o f tobacco sponsorship promotions. Manufactured by Canada's largest tobacco firm, Imperial Tobacco, the Player's trademark is particularly recognized for its effective, integrated communication strategies, exploiting inter-textual relations i n its promotions. Effective communication o f brand image is based on principles relating to message repetition, continuity, consistency, and relevance. First, the repetitious principle is served  209  by the large advertising budget o f Player's, contributing to a persistent and pervasive communications m i x that evokes social acceptability, popularity, and builds 'friendly familiarity'. Auto racing, a sport characterized by high operating budgets and the ability to generate high visibility for sponsors, is the cornerstone o f Player's sponsorship properties. Second, Player's has a long, well-established history, predating the incorporation o f Imperial Tobacco in 1912, which adds to the continuous tenet. Third, Player's has been linked with consistent images (i.e., masculinity, independence, freedom, self-reliance, tradition, modernity) i n multiple media over a sustained period o f time. The content analysis study indicates that p o s t - T P C A era sponsorship ads for Player's have become even more image-driven. Individual sports are depicted to communicate independence and self-reliance, while freedom is expressed by portrayals of vast, outdoor settings. Fourth, while the image platform has been steady, the ways i n which the images are communicated have been relevant and contemporary. The Player's packaging design, for example, has been updated frequently and the trademark is associated with present-day athletes through its sponsorship initiatives. Canada's other two major tobacco manufacturers have demonstrated inferior image platforms with respect to continuity and consistency for their flagship trademarks. Following the implementation o f the T P C A , the major sponsorship properties for Export ' A ' (manufactured b y JTI-Macdonald Corp.) have been an extreme sports series, The Skins Game (feahrring premiere male professional golfers such as Jack Nicklaus, Greg Norman, and David Duval), The N e w Music Series, and salmon fishing showdowns. The Skins Game, which was once the highest profile event sponsored by Export ' A ' in terms o f promotional expenditures, did not communicate images o f adventure, a central part o f the  210  trademark's essence. Moreover, many of the golfers associated with Export ' A ' were unlikely to be inspiring for the trademark's target audience o f males less than 25 years old. Similarly, salmon fishing showdowns would be unappealing to many male youth. The N e w Music Series was comprised o f several bands performing at indoor settings, which conflicted with the independence and escapism (i.e., in the 'great outdoors') notions o f Export ' A ' . The extreme sports series, which is now the focal point o f Export ' A ' sponsorship plans, seems to be an effective way o f communicating the trademark's identity. Beyond Export ' A ' , JTI-Macdonald does not offer any trademarks that possess a substantial market presence. Rothmans, once the flagship trademark o f Rothmans, Benson & Hedges, has seen its market share decline considerably and sponsorship expenditures for the trademark are now nearly non-existent. During 1997, Rothmans sponsored Jacques Villeneuve i n the Formula One racing circuit. The objectives o f this high profile sponsorship initiative seemed unfulfilled since the association between Villeneuve and Rothmans was shortlived, lasting merely one season. It is hard to imagine that the link between Rothmans and Villeneuve would linger i n consumers' minds, especially since the auto racer has been sponsored b y several additional cigarette trademarks during his career, including Player's, Winfield, 555, and L u c k y Strike. In addition, Villeneuve and Rothmans did not project complementary images. During the season that Villeneuve was sponsored by Rothmans, Donaldson (1997) observed that: O n the track, Villeneuve's highly developed fighting spirit and daredevil approach to his profession invariably enlivened the proceedings... H i s penchant for speaking his mind was matched b y a colourful approach to his personal  211  appearance that seemed more suitable for a rock star than a race driver. W i t h his hair dyed blond and his high grunge clothing, Villeneuve might have upset elements o f the conservative F l establishment, but such antics further endeared him to a legion o f younger fans and his popularity soared. (p.C9) While Villeneuve's youthful, ' w i l d child' and rebellious image is a desirable match for several cigarette trademarks, it does not seem credible for Rothmans. Moreover, the Rothmans trademark is recognized for symbolizing British heritage, which contrasts with Villeneuve's French-Canadian background. Finally, sponsorship ads depicting Villeneuve utilized the lozenge logo, which communicates old, feminine and conservative images according to industry-commissioned research. A total Canadian tobacco sponsorship ban w i l l be imposed i n October 2003, however, in accordance to amendments that were made to the Tobacco A c t (i.e., B i l l C 42). The Tobacco A c t was implemented in 1997 and established as a replacement of the T P C A . The A c t w i l l set a ban on lifestyle advertising, yet factual, informational advertising on the basis o f the product's characteristics, price or availability w i l l remain permissible assuming that it is placed in adult establishments, in publications with a minimum adult readership o f 85% or in mailings addressed to adults by name. Canada's three largest tobacco manufacturers have challenged the constitutionality o f the Tobacco Act, appealing a Quebec Superior Court decision that upheld the legislation. It is likely that the Quebec Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court o f Canada w i l l eventually hear the case. The future of tobacco promotion i n Canada remains uncertain. Assuming lifestyle advertising and tobacco sponsorship are banned, Canadian tobacco firms w i l l undoubtedly utilize other marketing strategies i n an attempt to  212  continue communicating imagery for their respective trademarks. Richard Pollay, a marketing professor at the University o f British Columbia, remarks, "it's like squeezing a balloon. Y o u can shut down one media, but the problem just moves somewhere else" (cited in Herring, 1999, p.2). This point is echoed by Saffer and Chaloupka (2000), who argue that a limited set o f advertising bans do not slow down advertising output, but rather lead to shifts i n media spending b y the tobacco industry. In other words, when one media form is prohibited, the tobacco industry simply finds media "substitutes." It was observed that the exclusion or withdrawal o f other forms o f promotion precipitated the shift to sponsorship. A sponsorship ban is expected to bring about further emphasis on point-of-sale strategies, trademark diversification, and direct marketing campaigns. The tobacco industry's proven ability to circumvent the 'spirit' o f policies also points to the necessity for monitoring whether future factual information-based ads comply with the stipulations o f the Tobacco Act. Policy initiatives are likely to be ineffective i f proper enforcement procedures and resources are not put i n place.  Future Directions for Research This thesis has limited its focus to federal tobacco control policies i n Canada. One direction for future research is to account for provincial tobacco control policies and government jurisdictional issues. According to the Economic C o u n c i l o f Canada, "the growth o f government regulatory activity is the growth o f the interdependence between the federal and provincial governments... There are few areas o f policy making where one government acts alone" (1985, p.166). Schultz and Alexandroff (1985) observe that as the function o f regulation has evolved, intergovernmental conflict has either ensued or  213  increased. This intergovernmental conflict may take the form o f federal-provincial or inter-provincial dissent. Issues that are classified as both federal and provincial jurisdiction may result i n "duplication, overlap, inconsistency, and confusion i n regulatory requirements imposed on individuals and firms i n the private sector and i n the regulatory activities o f the two levels o f government" (Economic Council o f Canada, 1985, p. 166). These arguments certainly have relevance and applicability for tobacco control policies, as there are examples i n which federal and provincial policies are not necessarily consistent with one another. For example, the federal Tobacco Act stipulates that 18 and over are the legal ages to smoke, while some provinces such as British Columbia and Ontario require smokers to be at least 19 years old. A s inconsistencies such as these develop, intergovernmental conflict is more likely. Another policy-oriented area o f study that would have been interesting to expand upon, but was not within the realm o f m y thesis, includes utilizing a public policy analysis framework to examine the Tobacco Act. Such a framework would account for the determinants, the content, and the implementation o f a policy. Finally, a comparative analysis o f Canadian and Australian tobacco control policies would prove useful. Under the provisions o f the Tobacco Advertising Prohibition A c t o f 1992 (and amendments made i n 1995), tobacco advertising and sponsorship is now virtually prohibited i n Australia. Considering Australia exemplifies a jurisdiction at a more advanced stage o f advertising and sponsorship regulation, there are presumably many lessons to be shared about effectively implementing policy, as well as anticipating how tobacco firms w i l l likely respond to their regulatory environment.  214  Reviewing tobacco industry documents presents several additional opportunities for further research. For this thesis, the reviewed internal corporate documents were accessible primarily as a result o f the 1989 Canadian trial to resolve the constitutionality o f the T P C A and the 2002 Quebec Superior Court trial to decide the constitutionality o f the Tobacco A c t . M o r e Canadian tobacco industry documents are likely to be disclosed in time as a result o f further litigation. In addition, two document depositories - The Guildford Depository and the Minnesota Tobacco Document Depository - were established i n 1998 as a result o f a court judgement in Minnesota, a trial involving the Minnesota State Attorney General (and insurers) as plaintiffs and the U . S . tobacco industry as defendants. The Guildford Depository, located i n Guildford, England, possesses over six million pages o f internal documents (40,000 files) from British American Tobacco ( B A T ) and its subsidiaries. The Minnesota Tobacco Document Depository is located i n Minnesota, U S A and houses more than 33 m i l l i o n pages o f documents, representing the largest public collection o f tobacco industry documents in the world. A l l documents i n the Minnesota depository are from US-based tobacco manufacturers such as Philip Morris, B r o w n & Williamson, RJ Reynolds, and Lorillard. It should be obvious that a wealth o f information awaits researchers wishing to use industry documents as a resource. This thesis has provided case studies o f the marketing strategies employed for the Player's, Export ' A ' , and Rothmans trademarks. Priorities for future industry document research include an examination o f the marketing histories o f additional trademarks that are prominent i n the Canadian marketplace, including du Maurier, Matinee and Benson & Hedges. Considering that the focus o f this thesis has been Canadian cigarette trademarks  215  that are primarily positioned toward male youth, exploring the marketing strategies o f trademarks with a female target market would be useful for comparative purposes. The industry documents may also inform about the role o f other elements o f the promotional m i x (i.e., packaging, point-of-sale signage, direct marketing, and branding elements such as logos and trademark names), the meaning o f various product descriptors (i.e., light, mild, smooth, natural), the implications o f different product features and categories (i.e., menthol or slim cigarettes, products supposedly offering harm reduction), and additional segmentation strategies being utilized (i.e., approaches according to the consumer's sexual orientation or primary language spoken). A l l o f these research suggestions put forward have applicability beyond Canada. Content analysis is another research methodology that may be utilized for future research. Additional Canadian-based studies could include more trademarks i n the data set (particularly trademarks with a female target market) and a greater number o f eras under examination. B y extending the assessment o f cigarette advertising i n the Canadian print media to the 1950s and 1960s, conclusions could be drawn about the impact o f various health/smoking controversy events and the industry's withdrawal from the broadcast media i n 1972. In addition, content analysis can be used to measure tobacco use portrayals i n television, film, and literature. Following the recommendations o f Leiss, K l i n e , and Jhally (1997), a combined semiological/content analysis approach could be explored.  216  Endnotes 1  W h i l e menthol cigarette smokers are primarily women i n Canada, this is  inconsistent with consumption figures i n the United States. Mentholated cigarettes are particularly popular among African American smokers, with brands such as K o o l having 'masculine' image platforms.  217  References Aaker, D . A . (1996). Building strong brands. N e w Y o r k : The Free Press. Aaker, D . A . & Joachimsthaler, E . (2000). Brand leadership. 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Sponsorship objectives and strategies [inter-office correspondence from Nancy Marcus to Patrick Mispolef]. Exhibit D-200, JTIMacdonald Corp., Imperial Tobacco Canada Ltd., and Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc. v. The Attorney General of Canada. Quebec Superior Court. Bates N o . 801513317-801513338.  RJR-Macdonald Inc. (1996, September 12). Export " A " Inc. - how do we build a success story, 1997 & beyond. Exhibit D-192, JTI-Macdonald Corp., Imperial  Tobacco Canada Ltd., and Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc. v. The Attorney General of Canada. Quebec Superior Court. RJR-Macdonald Inc. (1996, September 16). Re: Export ' A ' brand - 1997 communications i n Quebec. Exhibit D-193, JTI-Macdonald Corp., Imperial  Tobacco Canada Ltd., and Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc. v. The Attorney General of Canada. Quebec Superior Court. RJR-Macdonald Inc. (Undated). Export family packaging design brief. Exhibit D-225,  JTI-Macdonald Corp., Imperial Tobacco Canada Ltd., and Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc. v. The Attorney General of Canada. Quebec Superior Court. Bates N o . 80099 2048-80099 2051. Rogers, M . & Gopal, A . (1987). Up. in smoke: Fifty years o f cigarette advertising i n . America. In T. Nevett & S.C. Hollander (Eds.), Marketing in Three Eras:  Proceedings of the Third Conference on Historical Research in Marketing (pp.257-272). East Lansing, M I : Michigan State University.  Rootman, I. & Flay, B . R . (1995). A study on youth smoking: Plain packaging, health warnings, event marketing and price reductions. Toronto, O N : Ontario Tobacco Research Unit. Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc. (1991, February). Segmentation - phase 1: Focus group research Ontario/Quebec. Prepared by Johnston & Associates. Exhibit D-201, JTI-  Macdonald Corp., Imperial Tobacco Canada Ltd., and Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc. v. The Attorney General of Canada. Quebec Superior Court.  Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc. (1993, October). Strategic plan - 1994/95: Sales and  marketing. Exhibit D-195, JTI-Macdonald Corp., Imperial Tobacco Canada Ltd.,  and Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc. v. The Attorney General of Canada. Quebec Superior Court. Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc. (1995, October). Strategic plan - 1996/97: Sales and  marketing. Exhibit D-174, JTI-Macdonald Corp., Imperial Tobacco Canada Ltd.,  and Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc. v. The Attorney General of Canada. Quebec Superior Court. Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc. (1995, August). Craven " A " Ltd. 1995 review. Exhibit  D - l 9 4 , JTI-Macdonald Corp., Imperial Tobacco Canada Ltd., and Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc. v. The Attorney General of Canada. Quebec Superior Court. Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc. (1995, June). Project 21. Exhibit D-230, JTI-  Macdonald Corp., Imperial Tobacco Canada Ltd., and Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc. v. The Attorney General of Canada. Quebec Superior Court. Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc. (1996). Strategic plan - 1997/98: Sales and marketing.  Exhibit D - l 7 0 , JTI-Macdonald Corp., Imperial Tobacco Canada Ltd., and  Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc. v. The Attorney General of Canada. Quebec Superior Court. Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc. (1998, April). Project Starr. Exhibit D-231, JTI-  Macdonald Corp., Imperial Tobacco Canada Ltd., and Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc. v. The Attorney General of Canada. Quebec Superior Court.  242  Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc. (1999, Spring). Project A p o l l o : A qualitative study o f opportunities i n the Y A M segment. Exhibit D-236, JTI-Macdonald Corp., Imperial Tobacco Canada Ltd., and Rothmans, Benson & Hedges Inc. v. The Attorney General of Canada. Quebec Superior Court. Rothmans Inc. (1988). Annual report 1988. Rothmans Inc. (1989), Annual report 1989. Rothmans Inc. (1991). Annual report 1991. Rothmans Inc. (1992). Annual report 1992. Rothmans Inc. (1993). Annual report 1993. Rothmans Inc. (1995). Annual report 1995. Rothmans Inc. (1997). Annual report 1997. Rothmans Inc. (2002). 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Cigarette advertising: Tactical changes i n the pre and post broadcast era. In H . K . Hunt (Ed.), Advertising In A New Age, Proceedings of the Annual Conference of the American Academy of Advertising,  1981 (pp. 136-141). Provo, Utah: American  Academy o f Advertising. Wells, W . , Burnett, J., & Moriarty, S. (1989). Advertising: Principles and practice. Englewood Cliffs, N J : Prentice Hall. Wenner, L . A . (1993). Tidings for the N e w Year: O n sport sponsorship without the smoke. Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 17, 146-147'.  Wernick, A . (1991). Promotional culture: Advertising, ideology and symbolic expression. Newbury Park, C A : Sage. West, R. (1993, June 11). Sponsorship o f major sporting events as a way to cross cultural divides. Prepared for British American Tobacco C o . Accessible at http://galen.libraty.ucsf.edu/tobacco/batco/html/500/559/omerp W h y small cigarette firms plan merger. (1962, M a y 19). The Financial Post. Wichmann, S . A . & Martin, D . R . (1991). Sports and tobacco: The smoke has yet to clear. The Physician and Sportsmedicine, 19, 125-131. Wildgust, J. (2002, September 17). Bashing big tobacco's a nasty habit. The Globe and Mail,  p.All.  Williamson, J. (1978). Decoding advertisements: Ideology and meaning in advertising. N e w Y o r k : M a r i o n Boyars. Wyckham, R . G . (1997). Regulating the marketing o f tobacco products and controlling smoking i n Canada. Canadian Journal of Administrative Sciences, 14, 141-165. Yakabuski, K . (1998, September 22). Tobacco giants use Web to collect personal data. The Globe and Mail, p . A 4 .  248  it  ^^^^^^^  1  W'mf  I  Player  Players filter, taste you can call your own.  Warning: Health and Welfare Canada advises that danger to health increases with amount smoked-avoid inhaling Av. per cigarette: Regular Size: 19mg "tar". 1.3mg nicotine.  Players. A taste you can call your own. Warning: Health and Welfare Canada advises that danger to health increases with amount smoked - avoid inhaling Av. per cigarette: Players Filter: King Size: 17 mg "tar", 1.1 mg nicotine. Reg: 17 mg "tar", 1.2 mg nicotine  2»50  Player's ©  A taste you can call your own  ISS; ' S Hea th 3  ' f ^ g ' e a H h increases with amount smoked - avoid inhaling Average per cigarette: Player s Light: Regular-13 mg " t a r , 1.0 mg nicotine; King Size-14 mg -tar". 1.1 mg nicotine. W  e  D  1 a r e C  1  n a  d a  d v , s e s  , h a t  d  a  n  e  t  0  h  1  /  -Vayw•  K3£.' is  HP WHEN TO SHIFT GEARS.  STEVE MOORE,  253  luxe <^are.  ' -> I p l i a racing poster, 8 a  It's a dort't b e  s t u p i d .  MOLSON isf Take Care.  254  Good Companions Take time to relax. Take time for quiet compamonship.  Export 'A' Kings... a good companion any time.  Warning: The Department of National Health and Welfare adv.ses that danger to health U r e a s e s w „ h  amounted"  255  Export, eh? When you know what you like.  Warning. Health and Welfare Canada advise that danger to health increases with amount smoked -avoid inhaling Averageperagarette: Regular: 18mg "tar", 1.2mg nicotine. King Size: 19mg "tar", 1.3mg nicotine.  /377  256  257  i- t  -My Macdonakt  ^  [  EXPORTAH  EXPORT K Q neaiwi increases increases wun amount ssmoked m o k e d-- avoid nhal na Averaae oer Ciaarpttpb' H P-^'g !" 9 - nicotine0.8mg. King Size "tar" 10.0 mg., nicotine0 8 m " " 9 per ugarerte A Extra Light Regular "tar" 8.0 mg.. nicotine 0.7 mg. King Size "tar" 9.0 m g , nicotine 0 8 mg. /MS  c v ^ " * " i - „ i , . hot  I  Export  i  1- ta  1 0 0 m  luanyBi lunediui  n  g  n  a  r  a  e  258  259 WARNING  CIGARETTES LEAVE YOU BREATHLESS Tobacco use causes crippling, often fatal lung diseases such as emphysema. Health Canada  EXTREIHE  SPORTS seriES sponsored by:  EXPORT A* /  «1  DON'T POISON US  260  LUNG CANCER  Every cigarette you smoke iocreases your chance of getting lung cancer. Health Canada  KING SIZE  Second-hand smoke contains carbon monoxide, ammonia, formaldehyde, benzo[a|pyrene and nitrosamines. These chemicals con harm your children. Health Canada  SPECIAL  CIGARETTES  t -^-.^ w  CIGARETTES CAUSE LUNG CANCER  Every cigarette you smoke increases your chance of getting lung cancer.  ' # ; C I G A R E T T E S ARE A HEARTBREAKER :  Tobacco use can result in the clogging of arteries in your heart. Clogged arteries cause heart attacks and can cause death. damaged hull muscle — mull al clogged arteiy  Health Canada  Health Canada  L I G H T  IDLE BUT DEADLY  Smoke from a lit cigarette contains toxic substances like hydrogen cyanide, formaldehyde and benzene. Second-hand smoke can cause death from lung cancer end other diseases. Health Canada  ft DON'T POISON US  Second-hand smoke contains carbon monoxide, ammonia, formaldehyde, benzo[aIpyrene and nitrosamines. These chemicals can harm your children. Health Canada  A  1  fftethmcuiA ••'MTimrliU  261  Every day, from Pall M a l l through the West End of London, Rothmans still deliver their world-famous cigarettes to select Clubs and Embassies by coach and footmen. This time-honoured custom is a tradition of the House of Rothmans of Pall M a l l ,  WORLD FAMOUS FOR QUALITY SINCE 1S?0 Warning: The Department ol National Health and Welfare advises that danger to health increases with amount  sinuivt  EXTRA LIGHT Warning: Health and Welfare Canada advises that danger to health increases with amount smoked - avoid inhaling Average per cigarette - Regular and King Size: "Tar" 8 mg Nic 0.8 mg. /SS^-  1H[ WORLD COMES OUT AT fER DARK* SPECIAL PREVIEW TICKETS  UJ  TO THE ADVANCE SNEAK PREVIEW OF  M MIDNIGHT MARCH 27 THE FAMOUS PLAYERS PLAZA CINEMA HUDSON'S BAY CENTRE  LxJ  To win one of only 50 pairs of tickets to the After Dark Series film. The MATRIX, E-Mail us at contest@now.com to: After Dark "The MATRIX Contest" or drop off your ballot c/o NOW Magazine, 150 Danforth Ave. Toronto, Ont. M4K INI, All ballots must be received no later than 5pm, March 24. Opens March 31st in theatres everywhere.  •_  I.  M/X99A* WARNER BROS. m  rll  V  W  V  T  ENTERTAINMENT COMPANY A TIME WARNER ENTTJ  N O W ^  Rothmans WORLD FILM Ii  i  Donations accepted r support olIheJoronB WBtiaoonalHmFeaMl Group i and the tWfenfJrn Centre. SpecdthantaB famous Pbywslnc Restricted B18 yean or oktec "  1 I  Name Address Day Phone  Eve. Phone.  Winners will be contacted by phone. One ballot per person.  271  Reviewed Content Analysis Studies Sample Time Number Media Sources Size Span of of Sampling (Cigs) Coders Period  Intercoder Reliability  Weinberger, Campbell, and DuGrenier (1981) Warner (1985)  251  19571977  Newsweek, Sports Illustrated, Ladies Home Journal  NR**  NR  716  Time  NR  NR  Rogers and Gopal (1987) Altman, Slater, Albright, and Maccoby (1987) K i n g , Reid, M o o n , and Ringold (1991)  216  19291984 19361986 19601985  Time, Life  NR  NR  4  95%  1,100  19541986  Rolling Stone, Cycle World, Mademoiselle, Ladies Home Journal, Time, Popular Science, T V Guide, Ebony Time, Ladies Home Journal, Vogue, Redbook, Sports Illustrated, Popular Mechanics, Esquire, Playboy  Teams of 3  89%  Pollay (1991)  567  Life, Look  17  >80%  Ringold (1987) Ringold and Calfee (1989) Altman, Schooler, and Basil (1991) Taylor and Taylor (1994) Chapman (1986)  211  19381983 19261985 19261986 19851987  Time (primary source)  2  81%  Time (primary source)  2  89%  Billboards (San Francisco, California)  4  92%  32  1992  2  >85%  1,026  1983  5  82%  Pollay (1990)  394  1987  Billboards (federal highways, Michigan) Australian Women's Weekly, New Idea, Cleo, Australasian Post, Australian Playboy, Bulletin, Wheels, 3 N e w South Wales newspapers 14 unnamed magazines  NR  NR  Authors, Year of Publication  778  568 171  **NR=Not Reported  272  Content Analysis Coding Categories and Definitions Section 1: Descriptor Dimensions Q01  Copy Volume 01- More than 75 words 02- 46-75 words 03- 31-45 words 04- 15-30 words 05- Less than 15 words Exclude copy volume o f health warning and cigarette package. A l l cigarette brand families (e.g., du Maurier, Export ' A ' , Craven A ) are to be counted as one word. Descriptors o f product type (e.g., mild, light) are to be counted as a separate word. Places such as La Malbaie are to be counted as 2 words; dates such as June 27-29, 1997 are to be counted as 3 words. D o not count dates i f they have been added for trial purposes.  Q02  Illustration 01- Single image 02- Multiple images or pictures Cigarette packages placed in a separately bordered photograph are to be considered as a second image.  Q03  Layout 01- Artwork/illustration(s) consumes <50% o f advertisement 02- Artwork/illustration(s) consumes 50-74% o f advertisement 03- Artwork/illustration(s) consumes 75% or more o f advertisement 0 9 - N / A , typographical only A ruler may be used i f necessary.  Q04  Colour 01- Black & white 02- Colour in all or part o f advertisement  273 QOS  Trademark and Logo Use 01-Use of trademark/logo 09-N/A (no use of trademark/logo) The logo is to be specific to a tobacco product or tobacco sponsorship company (e.g., Export ' A ' Lassie or red "X" symbol, Player's Hero or chevron, Rothmans coat of arms or rectangle with curved exterior that resembles what is found on package). Trademark/logo may be featured on cigarette package. Do not include trademark/logo of co-sponsors or organizations producing events. Do not include stylized text of tobacco brand.  Q06  Package Display 01 -One package displayed 02- Multiple packages displayed (i.e., same brand family, same brand type) 03- Multiple packages displayed of brand family (i.e., same brand family, different brand type) 04-Multiple packages displayed, including a competitor's brand (i.e., comparative advertising) 09-No packages displayed Export 'A', Player's, and Rothmans exemplify brand families. Filter, full flavour, mild, light, and ultra light exemplify brand types.  Q07  Package Colour 01- Present (only in package) 02- Present (featured in both display of package and artwork of ad scene) 03-Present (in artwork, no package featured) 09-N/A (no package colour featured) Refer to the cigarette packages that have been provided to confirm whether the package colour is depicted in the artwork of the ad scene.  Q08  Product Visibility 01- Package present, closed 02- Package present, at least one open with cigarettes extended 09-N/A (package not present)  Q09  Product Depiction 01- Product shown only 02- Product and people both depicted 03- People shown only 04- No product, no people shown Product includes packaging, components, and accessories. i  274  Q10  Demonstration of Product Use 01- Cigarette in hand, away from mouth 02- Cigarette in mouth 03- Cigarette in ashtray 04- Cigarette package only featured in potential usage environment 05- Multiple demonstrations of product use (combination of 01, 02, 03, and/or 04) 09-N/A  Qll  Depiction of Complementary Items or Products 01- Magazine or book displayed (i.e., implied that it is in use, being read) 02- Beverage displayed 03- Matches, lighter, or ashtray displayed 04- Multiple complementary items displayed (i.e., combination of 01, 02, and/or 03) 09-N/A  Q12  Identification of Partners. Co-Advertisers or Supportive Organizational Bodies 01- One partner identified 02-Multiple partners identified 09-N/A (no partners identified) Include logos/trademarks of partners or supportive organizations (e.g., Tennis Canada, Ladies Professional Golf Association), broadcasters (e.g., TSN, CBC), and co-sponsors (e.g., Goodyear may be visible on auto-racing car).  Q13  Health Warning Depiction 01- Mandated health warning is present 02- Health warning is absent (no warning is provided)  Section 2: Social Portrayal Descriptors If there are multiple images or pictures (e.g., before-after demonstrations; one illustration showing people doing an activity, and a second illustration showing people relaxing after completing the activity), code up to 3 images. Please code the dominant image first. Q14  Location 01- Interior (indoors) 02- Exterior (extension of building or structure such as patio, boat deck, or balcony) 03- Exterior (outdoors; e.g., nature scene) 09-N/A  275 Q15  Institutional  Setting  01- Residential 02- Workplace (offices, factories and stores, but does not include work settings listed below) 03- Recreational (bars, restaurants, country clubs, art galleries, sports events) 09-N/A (no institution present, e.g., beach, camping) Q16  Time of Day  01- Daytime scene 02- Transitional time (dusk, twilight, sunrise, sunset) 03-Night scene 09-N/A (product only featured; studio setting that is artificially lit) Include indoor scenes in which time of day is noticeable through windows. Q17  Seasonal Setting  01- Winter (presence of snow, activity such as skiing featured, reference made to Christmas, Santa Claus or New Year's) 02-Non-Winter 09-N/A Q18  Activity  Featured  01- Domestic work (including child care, shopping, cleaning, home maintenance for self) 02- Work for wages (activities normally financially compensated by employment including maids and other domestics, self-employment, and professional athletes or artists in competition or specified training) 03- Leisure or recreation (showing what someone does during their free time) 09-N/A (no artwork/illustration or model only—no activity) Q19  Depiction of Activity  Featured  01- Active (physical exertion for people engaged in activity) 02- Passive (relaxation, taking break or resting from activity) 09-N/A Q20  Number of People in Primary Focus (in Predominant Image)  01- None 02- One (alone) 03- Two (couples, friends, competitors) 04- Three to six (small group) 05- More than six (e.g., bar scene, larger crowd) DO NOT include depictions of people that are in the distant background (i.e., hardly legible, blurred) and not considered to be interacting or associated with those in primary focus. If in primary focus, the person does not have to be visible in entirety (e.g., a close-up photo of a hand that holds a cigarette) to be counted.  276  If 01 was coded for Q20, please skip to Q26 (i.e., Non-Humans Represented) Q21  Sex of People Featured 01- Male, alone 02- Multiple males 03- Female, alone 04- Multiple females 05- M i x e d 09-N/A For Q21-Q25, continue referring to only those people that are considered in primary focus (or i n the predominant image).  Q22  Product Use by Males and Females 01 -Male with cigarette 02- Female with cigarette 03-Both male and female with cigarette 09-N/A  Q23  Aee Spread of People Featured 01- 1 generation; roughly the same age, peers, siblings 02- Multiple generations; e.g., weddings with proud parents, family gatherings 0 9 - N / A (includes images showing just one person)  Q24  Relationship of People Featured 01 -Family (multi-generation context) 02- Supportive peers (friends, colleagues, teammates, neighbours) 03- Competitive peers (competitors i n sport or occupational context) 04- Strangers (large social gathering or scene) 05- Occupational scene depicting superior or supervisor 0 9 - N / A (no artwork or illustration, person featured alone)  Q25  Racial and Ethnic Diversity of People Featured 01-N o evidence o f racial or ethnic minorities 02- Presence o f a racial or ethnic minority member, alone 03- Presence o f one racial or ethnic minority member, in a couple or group o f people 04- Presence o f more than one racial or ethnic minority member 09-N/A Racial or ethnic minority may include Latino, Black, East Indian, and Asian.  277  Q26  Non-Humans Represented 01- Animals, Pets 02- Mythic figures 03-Mascots 04- Cartoon character 05- More than one type o f non-human representation (a combination o f 01, 02, 03, and/or 04) 09-N/A  D O N O T include logos and trademarks.  Section 3: Information Categories Code information categories that are featured in visual and written text, but D O N O T include content of the mandated health warning. If an information category is not present, please code 00. If an information category is present, please code 01. Q27  Quality Assertions regarding product characteristics, features, or properties resulting from engineering, workmanship, attention to detail i n manufacture, excellence o f ingredients (e.g., "the best tobacco money can buy"), and superiority o f personnel. Event features top-ranked/world class performers, classified as a top-tier event, first-rate facilities, superior personnel, or some other distinguishing attribute that communicates stature, merit, or excellence.  Q28  Taste/Flavour Reference made to mildness, smoothness, or good taste. The sensation o f flavour perceived i n the mouth. Includes assertions regarding the enjoyment or satisfaction derived from using the product.  Q29  Product Content Assertions regarding the features present or absent i n the product (e.g., additives, tar levels, natural ingredients, "light" cigarettes). Include assertions that emphasize the cigarette's filter.  Q30  Price/Cost Value Assertions regarding the price o f the product, the suggested retail price, special sale or limited time price offer, or reference to getting good value or the "best buy for your money". Include comparative pricing (e.g., "less expensive than other brands") and the price in reference to the number o f cigarettes per package (e.g., "more bang for your buck"). Assertions about the cost o f event tickets, as well as discounts or special offers i f tickets are purchased before a particular date.  278  Availability Assertions regarding when, where, or how the product can be purchased (e.g., mail, phone, all fine stores, at participating convenience stores). The hours o f operation for retailers may be mentioned. Manufacturer's address does not constitute "availability" information. Assertions regarding when, where, or how event tickets can be purchased (e.g., mentioning that tickets for the event are available at all Ticketmaster outlets) or when and where the event can be watched (e.g., mentioning which television network w i l l broadcast the event, and the date or time o f the broadcast). The mere mention o f the city and date for the sponsored event does not count as "availability". Product Variations Assertions regarding families o f product (varying flavours, strengths, lengths, or other features o f cigarettes). Product descriptors may be used such as 100s, slims, menthol, king size, regular, filter, full flavour, medium, mild, light, extra light, and ultra light (i.e., mentioning du Maurier Ultra Lights as opposed to du Maurier). Includes differing colour o f packaging for product family—e.g., Export ' A ' m i l d and Export ' A ' light have different colour packaging. Popularity Assertions regarding the product being well-known (commonly liked) and the preferred choice among consumers (e.g., "now the best-selling brand i n Canada"). Include assertions regarding the previous attendance for events. Claims about tickets or the product "selling fast" should be included. Packaging Features Assertions regarding the container (i.e., carton) or package as a product feature (e.g., choice o f package size, new flip-top box, protective exterior, or maintaining freshness o f product). Include mentions that the product is available in different sizes (i.e., packages o f 20 or 25 cigarettes). D o not include merely package being shown. Health Concerns and Reassurance Assertions regarding the product being a safer alternative (e.g., this brand is better for you; reduced coughing and irritation; health advantage by switching to a filtered or lower tar cigarette). Reference made to the absence o f additives or tar and nicotine levels. Health benefits implied (i.e., smoking is a source o f energy or helps with digestion, controlling body weight and dieting for health reasons). D o not include mere use o f the terms "light" and " m i l d " . Guarantees A n assurance that certain conditions w i l l be fulfilled, especially that the product w i l l be o f a specified quality. Assertions regarding post-purchase assurances that accompany the product (e.g., i f you're not satisfied, product or ticket can be returned for an exchange or refund). M a y refer customers to a toll-free number i f they are dissatisfied.  279 Q37  Competitive Advantage Assertions regarding advantages o f the product over specific competing products. The reference may or may not mention the name o f the competing brand, but might say " o f the three best selling brands..." or depict "Brand X " i n an identifiable or familiar-looking package.  Q38  Purchase Incentives, Contests, Premiums, and Coupons Assertions regarding competitions, contests, gifts and prizes, free instruction booklets, inserts for send-away information or memorabilia, and coupons. Purchase o f product does not have to be required. A d copy may request ballots to be submitted with demographic and contact details.  Q39  Celebrity Depiction A famous (identified or recognizable without identification) person is depicted. Prominent athletes, musicians, or performers featured i n promotion. Celebrities do not have to make product claims (i.e., testimonials).  Q40  Endorsements Assertions regarding product performance or satisfaction from named groups or informed experts. Includes seal o f approval by groups. For event sponsorship, includes the identification o f other supporting sponsors and organizations.  Q41  Research Assertions regarding results o f data collected by the company on product performance or satisfaction (and using the data to establish facts or reach conclusions). Data collected by independent agencies, except i f appearing above i n Q40 as endorsements from those external agencies.  Q42  Phone Number/Website Listing Include reference to phone numbers, toll-free numbers, or websites i n which additional information may be sought.  Q42b  New Product N e w offering, introduction, bringing into use for the first time, bringing to the consumer's attention for the first time, announcing a new product, a recent introduction, "better than before", renewed, reformed.  280 Section 4: Value/Lifestyle Analysis Code information categories that are featured in visual and written text If an information category is not present, please code 00. If an information category is present, please code 01. Q43 Beauty/Glamour Good appearance (including references made to being slim and maintaining an ideal body weight), pretty, attractive, fashionable, stylish, glamorous. Applicable to people rather than places (buildings/nature scenes).  Q44 Exotic Belonging to another part o f the world (i.e., not native), strikingly different, unusual (yet fascinating).  Q45  Relaxation/Escapism Comfort, restoring calmness, rest, absence o f effort, be at ease, opportunities to take a break from regular routine. Smoking to relieve stress and tension, calming your nerves. Passive activity featured. Peace o f mind, emotional security, stability. Freedom from strangeness or alienation. Diverting the mind to imaginative activity or entertainment as an escape from reality or routine. Include cottage or nature scenes i f the message implies getting away from the fast-pace lifestyle o f being i n a city. Vacationing and holidays.  Q46 Purity Cleanliness, absence o f dust, dirt and unpleasant smells. Neatness, a lot o f white visuals. Virginity, avoidance o f taboo sexuality, 'clean' thought.  Q47 Romance Physical sex, kissing, fondling, caressing, holding hands, flirting, sexual attractiveness, or intimacy. Feeling sexy or sexual. Being liked or loved by the opposite sex (presuming that the sexual orientation o f the people is heterosexual).  Q48  Family Love Love or companionship expressed to/from parent(s), sibling(s), or grandparent(s). Being at home with other family members. Having children, concern for offspring or next generation or parents. Concern for pets.  Q49 Friendship Offering or receiving friendship, sociable. Being accepted, being supportive, receiving approval, belonging (especially among same age and sex peers). Understanding, having a pleasant personality, showing kindly interest.  281  Q50  Community Relating to neighbourhoods, social organizations, and the community at large. Public spirit, group unity, making generous donations (i.e., giving to a good cause).  Q51 Nationalism Being patriotic and devoted to one's own nation. Examples include depictions o f a person waving a Canadian flag, being supportive o f Canadians in competitions, or encouragement to buy products made i n Canada.  Q52  Women's Liberation Women featured i n non-traditional and independent roles. Progression or social reform attained over time.  Q53  Physical Activity Sports, athletics, or outdoor activities featured. Auto racing is to be considered as a physical activity.  Q54 Rebellious Non-conforming,