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I feel Canadian : affective practices of nation and nationalism on Canadian television Bociurkiw, Marusya 2004

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I FEEL C A N A D I A N : A F F E C T I V E P R A C T I C E S O F N A T I O N A N D N A T I O N A L I S M ON CANADIAN TELEVISION by  MARUSYA BOCIURKIW  B.F.A., Nova Scotia College of Art and Design, 1982 M.A., York University, 1999  A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S FOR THE DEGREE OF  DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDIES  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 2004  © Marusya Bociurkiw 2 0 0 4  -11 -  ABSTRACT In this dissertation, I examine how ideas about the nation are produced via affect, especially Canadian television's role in this discursive construction. I analyze Canadian television as a surface of emergence for nationalist sentiment. Within this commercial medium, U.S. dominance, Quebec separatism, and the immigrant are set in an oppositional relationship to Canadian nationalism. Working together, certain institutions such as the law and the corporation, exercise authority through what I call 'technologies of affect': speech-acts, music, editing. I argue that the instability of Canadian identity is re-stabilized by a hyperbolic affective mode that is frequently produced through consumerism. Delimited within a fairly narrow timeframe (1995 -2002), the dissertation's chronological starting point is the Quebec Referendum of October 1995. It concludes at another site of national and international trauma: media coverage of September 11, 2001 and its aftermath. Moving from traumatic point to traumatic point, this dissertation focuses on moments in televised Canadian history that ruptured, or tried to resolve, the imagined community of nation, and the idea of a national self and national others. I examine television as a marker of an affective Canadian national space, one that promises an idea of 'home'. I discuss several overlapping texts: the television programs themselves, their political and cultural contexts, and their convergence with other forms of media. More specifically, I privilege television's speech acts, its generic repetitions and compulsive returns, particularly in the context of recent trauma theory. As part of the larger text of television, I also ponder the flow- between television and body, between program and commercial, between TV, telephone and internet, and between television and the spaces of home, the workplace, and the street. Using an interdisciplinary methodology informed by post-structuralist thought, and a writing style inflected by autobiographical modes, I argue that collective affect frequently operates in relation to media representations of nationalism, producing national practices framed by a television screen.  - Ill -  TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract  ii  Table of Contents  iii  Dedication  iv  Acknowledgements  v  INTRODUCTION  1  C H A P T E R I Affect Theory: Becoming Nation C H A P T E R II  27  W h o s e Child A m I? T h e Q u e b e c Referendum and the L a n g u a g e of Affect and the Body 67  C H A P T E R III  Haunted A b s e n c e s : Reading " C a n a d a : A People's History"  C H A P T E R IV  A n Otherness Barely T o u c h e d U p o n : A Cooking S h o w , A Foreigner, A Turnip and a Fish's Eye  94  127  CHAPTER V  National Mania, Collective Melancholia: T h e T r u d e a u Funeral.. 152  CHAPTER VI  H o m e l a n d (In) Security: Roots a n d Displacement, F r o m N e w York, to Toronto, to Salt Lake City 181  AFTERWORD  Empty Suitcases  215  Endnotes  228  Bibliography  239  In memory of my brother, Roman Hilary Bociurkiw 1960-2002  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I w o u l d like to thank friends, colleagues and family w h o provided vast quantities of moral support, feedback, encouragement, food, drink, shelter, and t a p e d T V p r o g r a m s during my belated return to graduate studies, in particular: Lydia Bociurkiw, V e r a Bociurkiw, Billie Carroll, Chrystia Chomiak, J o a n n a Clarke, Penny Goldsmith, A n h Hua, Bobbi Kozinuk, Haida Paul, Larissa Petrillo, Kelly Phillips, D e a n n a Reder, Terri Roberton, Jacky Sawatzky.and Kim Stewart. I thank P e n n y Goldsmith for careful editorial reading of the first and final drafts. I a m grateful to BJ W r a y for scholarly attentiveness to my project, and for loving support.  T h a n k s are also d u e to professors w h o s e courses inspired and informed m e , or w h o s e response to m y work w a s invaluable: A n n Kaplan, Janine Marchessault and Elspeth Probyn. My research w a s immensely aided by Arthur Schwartzel of the C B C N e w s Archives in Toronto, by the staff of the National Archives of C a n a d a in O t t a w a , and by the peaceful environment provided by a writing retreat at Gibralter Point on Toronto Island.  I w o u l d also like to thank the organizers of conferences and symposia I attended, w h e r e I w a s able to w o r k s h o p versions of chapters found in this dissertation, and learn f r o m other scholars: Sneja G u n e w , co-ordinator of the Transculturalisms seminars at U B C , 2 0 0 1 - 2 ; A y s e Lahur Kirtunc, organizer of the Seventh International Cultural Studies S y m p o s i u m in Izmir, Turkey, May 2 0 0 2 , and Dorota G l o w a c k a , w h o organized the sessions on G e n o c i d e and T r a u m a as part of the C S A A meeting at the National Congress in Halifax, May 2003.  Finally, thanks are due to m y Ph.D. supervisory committee for the breadth of their scholarly input, and their solidarity: Sneja G u n e w (supervisor), Z o e Druick, Helen Hok-Sze L e u n g , and S u n e r a Thobani.  INTRODUCTION  / know this place is where I am No other place is better than No matter where I go I am Proud to be Canadian I am. I am lam. I am  You know I am. Canadian, You know I am. Canadian.  - f r o m a T V ad for Molson's "I A M C a n a d i a n " b e e r  1  In 1999, just months after the anti-globalization protests at the World T r a d e Organization meetings in Seattle, Molson brewery developed a new T V ad for its 2  " C a n a d i a n " line of beer. Molson d u b b e d this ad "The Rant." In it, Joe C a n a d i a n takes to the stage before an unseen audience and delivers an emotional tirade in w h i c h he politely, but proudly, distinguishes C a n a d a from the U.S. via a litany of everyday C a n a d i a n artifacts and practices: "I believe in peace keeping, not policing, diversity, not assimilation, and that the beaver is a truly proud and noble animal. A t o q u e is a hat, a chesterfield is a c o u c h , and it is pronounced 'zed' not 'zee', 'zed'!!!!"  Behind Joe C a n a d i a n , a rear-screen projection s h o w s flickering images of dog sleds, beavers, a n d , of course, beer. T h e pounding music score (Elgar's " P o m p  -2and Circumstance") rises in v o l u m e as Joe's voice gets more emotive and the audience begins to cheer.  This ad has s p a w n e d d o z e n s of fan sites, countless c o n s u m e r spin-offs, and is popularly referenced on C a n a d a Day and at hockey g a m e s . Aniko Bodghorozy c o m m e n t s on the ad's widespread appeal: T h e ad b e c a m e a sensation a m o n g Canadians. T h e actor w h o played Joe b e c a m e an instant celebrity, m o b b e d at shopping malls [...] C a n a d i a n s e-mailed each other the text of Joe's rant, while Molson set up a website w h e r e Canadians could rant their o w n tirades about being Canuck. Even Heritage Minister Sheila C o p p s tried to appropriate J o e in her ministerial address (110). A s e c o n d edition of the Joe Canadian a d , quoted above, repeats this performative s p e e c h act but laminates it to space: "this place is w h e r e I a m " . Most of the images in this second ad are shot off of a T V screen. Ira W a g m a n notes that this s e c o n d ad appeared just m o n t h s after the World T r a d e Organization's meetings in Q u e b e c City, w h e r e anti-globalization demonstrations caught the attention of international m e d i a (2002). Here, c o n s u m e r i s m , television and affect w o r k together to produce a s e n s e of mastery over national s p a c e - not to mention the desire for a cold b e e r .  3  Television is a marker of an affective C a n a d i a n national space, o n e that promises an idea of 'home'. Sally Munt writes, "It b e c o m e s clear how invested  -3 s p a c e s are with emotion; the stakes are fraught with the intensity of the longing, as t h o u g h the self can s o m e h o w be ' h o m e d ' , rested and resolved" (164). Like the train to w h i c h it is so often c o m p a r e d , C a n a d i a n television travels through national space, connecting Canadians to e a c h other. It imagines this national s p a c e as unified, perhaps in a similar w a y that tourists do, as they look out the w i n d o w s of a train. Kieran Keohane, in writing about the Molson's a d , states: "What is significant about these advertisements is the w a y in w h i c h 'nation' and the threats typically associated with its survival, b e c o m e s the rhetorical surrogate for 'competition' and the threats typically associated with the c o m p a n y ' s survival" (78-79). A s Joe Canadian's rant demonstrates, the fact that C a n a d a is a contested s p a c e (contested by the apparitional others of US d o m i n a n c e , First Nations claims, Q u e b e c separatism, and 'foreign' immigration) serves only to heighten t h e necessity a n d possibilities of affective m o d e s , produced via consumerism.  With this dissertation, I will examine the w a y s in which affect operates in relation to these factors, producing national practices framed by a television s c r e e n . I will analyze h o w television operates as an organized system of knowledge that is in turn m a r k e d by the nation, via the filaments of history, politics, technology and e c o n o m y . A s s u c h , it contains apparati of discipline within it, w h e t h e r it's the discipline of highly g e n d e r e d broadcast schedules and flow, or the discipline of festive viewing in which mandatory viewing and collective affect occur.  -4 In Archaeology  of Knowledge, Michel Foucault posits three criteria for t h e  forming of discourse: surfaces of e m e r g e n c e , authorities of delimitation, a n d grids of specification (45-47). A s a n e x a m p l e , he makes use of t h e discourse of psychopathology from the nineteenth century o n w a r d s , and notes that a multiplicity of n e w objects, or agreed-upon s y m p t o m s , of psychopathology appear at this time. In effect, he observes that discourse is unitary, but that its objects c h a n g e constantly. H e argues that it is important to observe t h e process of discourse formation in order to undercut and question the obviousness of certain discursive statements and their institutional power. T h e discourse of nationalism, for e x a m p l e , might e m e r g e at widely different surfaces, or sites: sporting events; schools; tourism. T h e s e sites m a k e discourse, in Foucault's w o r d s , "manifest, nameable, and describable" (46).  In this dissertation I will discuss Canadian television as a surface of e m e r g e n c e for nationalist sentiment. Within this c o m m e r c i a l m e d i u m , U.S. d o m i n a n c e , Q u e b e c separatism, a n d t h e immigrant are highlighted as nationalism's objects. Certain institutions, working together - t h e law, t h e corporation - delimit t h e s e objects, lending t h e m authority via w h a t I call technologies of affect: speech-acts, music, editing. T h e 'rules' of nationalist discourse prescribe certain w a y s of talking a b o u t these topics, and exclude others. For example, C a n a d a must be s p o k e n of as a peaceful tolerant nation, generally excluding mention of slavery, internment c a m p s , and so o n . A t different times, different objects are more or less important. Since 9 / 1 1 , for example, immigration has b e c o m e an object of  -5 k n o w l e d g e within t h e discourse of Canadian nationalism. Before 9 / 1 1 , U.S. d o m i n a n c e w a s a primary force in t h e construction of nationalist discourse. J o e C a n a d i a n ' s declarative statement, t h e n , "I A M C a n a d i a n " is a very rich o n e , e m b o d y i n g in a literal sense t h e rules of nationalist discourse at a particular m o m e n t in C a n a d i a n popular culture.  A s Flaherty a n d Manning suggest, "it m a y be in popular culture that C a n a d i a n sovereignty finds its most meaningful a n d potent expression" (xii italics mine). While perhaps not s o interested in sovereignty, I would concur with the importance of looking to popular culture a s a surface of e m e r g e n c e for discursive national sites of official m e m o r y a n d forgetting, a s well as for ethical s p a c e s of resistance a n d reparation. I have c h o s e n , however, to focus on C a n a d i a n television a s a primary surface of e m e r g e n c e for Canadian nationalist discourse. A s Morley points out, it is television, perhaps more than any other media, that enters into domestic space, "linking t h e national public into t h e private lives of its citizens, through t h e creation of both sacred a n d quotidian m o m e n t s of national c o m m u n i o n " (106). This domestic space is a highly affective one. This affective h o m e p l a c e stands in for the nation, b e c o m i n g both its metaphor a n d its reason for being. A n d it is television, I will argue, that is most interested in t h e m a i n t e n a n c e of h o m e a s an affective, passionately emotive place.  Barker argues that television is heavily invested in "the construction of identity projects" (3). Citing such e x a m p l e s as t h e South African Broadcasting  -6Corporation (whose slogan is " W e Are One"), and the Latin A m e r i c a n telenovela, he insists that television plays a crucial role in constructing national identity "through the circulation of national s y m b o l s a n d myths together with the creation of feelings of solidarity and simultaneous identity" (66). Caughie asserts that television theory has focused on gender to the exclusion of nation, ignoring the fact that the act of television viewing is specifically located within national a n d local social sites and histories. Within the context of television studies' current preoccupation with the global, he argues for "the embarrassingly persistent category of the nation" (47).  National television is, of course, inextricably linked to other technologies a n d to social sites. A s part of the larger text of television, I will also e x a m i n e its flow (or w h a t M c L u h a n might have called "extensions") between television and body, b e t w e e n p r o g r a m and commercial, b e t w e e n T V , telephone and Internet, and between television and the spaces of h o m e , the workplace, and the street. I concur with Silverstone w h o writes, in response to M c L u h a n , "[T]hrough its double articulation, the m e d i u m does b e c o m e the m e s s a g e , t h o u g h that m e s s a g e is not pre-given by technology. It is w o r k e d and reworked through the social circumstances under which it is both produced and received" (83).  -7From Traumatic Point to Traumatic Point: Uses of Trauma and Affect Theory  I will e x a m i n e Canadian television with a critical and s o m e w h a t anecdotal a p p r o a c h to history, using a genealogical approach that recognizes that there is no essential body or identity with a single origin. A s Judith Butler writes, "genealogy investigates the political stakes in designating as an origin and c a u s e those identity categories that are in fact the effects of institutions, practices, discourses with multiple and diffuse points of origin" (vii-ix). Such an a p p r o a c h d e m a n d s recognition of national television as a discursive practice that m o v e s across institutions, technologies, behaviours, forms of affect, and pedagogies.  While a c o m p r e h e n s i v e theoretical overview of C a n a d i a n television has yet to be written, m y project will be delimited within a fairly narrow timeframe: roughly, 1995 - 2 0 0 2 . I will argue that the 1995 Q u e b e c referendum on sovereignty w a s a turning point in C a n a d i a n nationalism, a m o m e n t w h e n , via affective m o d e s of c o n s u m e r i s m (television, advertising, national products), C a n a d a began promoting itself as a unified, albeit multicultural, nation in an intensified manner.  I will begin by outlining certain methodologies to do with theories of nation and affect (Chapter 1). My chronological starting point is the televised lead up to and d o c u m e n t a t i o n of the Q u e b e c R e f e r e n d u m of October 1995 (Chapter 2 ) , followed by the launching of two very different but similarly nationalist T V series, "Loving Spoonfuls" (Chapter 3) and " C a n a d a : A People's History" (Chapter 4 ) ,  -8a n d a n e x a m i n a t i o n of other historical m o m e n t s a n d particular p r o g r a m s : t h e state funeral of Pierre T r u d e a u (Chapter 5), a n d , finally, Canadian television c o v e r a g e of the period from S e p t e m b e r 1 1 , 2 0 0 1 to the Salt Lake City Olympics in February, 2 0 0 2 (Chapter 6).  I will be moving f r o m traumatic point to traumatic point; m o m e n t s in televised C a n a d i a n history that ruptured, and then tried to resolve, the imagined c o m m u n i t y of nation, and the idea of a national self and national others. I will argue, finally, that the Salt Lake City Olympics, held only months after S e p t e m b e r 1 1 , w e r e a particular m o m e n t of unity and false closure in which hybridity t h  disappeared against images of triumphant nationhood. Much like the J o e C a n a d i a n p h e n o m e n o n , this unity w a s inscribed a n d delimited in part via a corporate logo: T h e Roots-designed (and logo'd) uniforms of the Canadian Olympic t e a m .  I begin with the English-language television coverage of the 1995 Q u e b e c referendum debate. This coverage provides an emotive narrative arc that, I will argue, constituted a 'super-text' (Browne). This super text w a s to e n d u r e for several years, a n d , I believe, served to introduce a new discourse of belonging and national identification on Canadian television. A s the "No" (federalist) side w o n and Q u e b e c lost its bid for sovereignty, C a n a d a lost its other. " C a n a d a is still here tonight - but just barely," a n n o u n c e d C B C news anchor Peter Mansbridge  -9immediately after the referendum vote. Other othered bodies then had to be invoked.  Official Omissions  Forgetting a n d denial are crucial to notions of belonging. In the introduction to Rude, a collection of Black cultural criticism, Rinaldo Walcott writes about t h e exclusions inherent within official representations of C a n a d a , noting that it is not t h e omission, but the denial of these omissions, that remains to b e fully theorized: But this nation o f ours d o e s not a d m i t to this exclusion easily; instead it m u s t continually demonstrate its benevolence and tolerance. S o both Aboriginals and Others are imagined in the nation in very specific and proscribed w a y s . (7) T h u s , t h e question is not so m u c h a matter of listing the omissions, but rather, asking why they exist. National m e a n i n g s are produced via a complex interplay of a b s e n c e and inclusion. W h a t are the effects of power that result f r o m certain questions not being asked? I would argue that these gaps or fissures of k n o w l e d g e within the narratives of nations are actually presences with their o w n epistemic regimes. In Discipline and Punish, Foucault examines p o w e r / k n o w l e d g e in relation to the prison: the body of the prisoner b e c o m e s an object o f k n o w l e d g e , a n d o n e o f m a n y vehicles o f institutional power. Power, in his terms, does not flow from a single source, but rather is a system of relations.  -10T h u s , I a m not examining one single source of power, such as a particular broadcasting network, or state regulation. Rather, I a m interested in scattered, multiple sites of power, and the w a y s in w h i c h television programs support, or act as conduits between and across, these sites.  Power, in Foucault's lexicon, is productive; it produces institutions, w h i c h in turn produce power. Power can even produce ethics. T o paraphrase Foucault, racialized representations are not simply about 'negative mechanisms'; the network of television's discursive practices is also linked to positive effects, as well as to pleasure ("The Will to Knowledge"). Progress, like history, is never linear, and certainly not on TV. Eva Mackey describes such contradictory representations, from First Nations stereotypes to defiant expressions of selfdetermination, as being constitutive of C a n a d a ' s "heritage of tolerance". M a c k e y traces this project back to 1 8  th  Century treaties that allowed for Aboriginal self-  g o v e r n m e n t and recognized Quebec's distinct society. She identifies these as m a n a g e m e n t strategies to deploy Quebecois against Indian, and to m a k e C a n a d a distinct from the US (23). She writes: This dual process of m a n a g e m e n t and representation is a complex and contradictory process of inclusion a n d exclusion, of positive a n d negative representations of C a n a d a ' s internal and external others. [...] Aboriginal people and non-British cultural groups are m a n a g e d , located, let in, e x c l u d e d , m a d e visible or invisible, represented positively or negatively, assimilated or appropriated, depending on the changing needs of nation-  -11 building. T h e 'heritage of tolerance is actually a heritage of contradictions, ambiguity, a n d flexibility. (25) T h e s e ambiguities also c o m e up in n e w s reportage of migrants a n d immigrants with their recurring t h e m e s of revulsion, fear, a n d half-hearted tolerance. A s S a r a A h m e d has noted, encounters b e t w e e n strangers c a n involve surprise, challenge to t h e familiar: " W h e n w e face others w e seek to recognize w h o they are, b y reading t h e signs o n their body, or b y reading their b o d y a s sign... [but]... we may not be able to read the bodies of others (Strange Encounters 8). T h e bodies of Fujianese migrants arriving on C a n a d a ' s shores in A u g u s t o f 1999 w e r e indeed surprising bodies, arriving without w a r n i n g o n "mystery ships". T h e y w e r e y o u n g , in contemporary dress; their faces did not a s s u m e t h e deferential expressions of t h e docile immigrant. T h u s it w a s , in part, television's j o b t o re-organize our encounter with these 'strange' bodies: to constantly frame t h e m in wire fences, a n d overlay t h e images with w o r d s like "squalor" a n d "filth". A t t h e s a m e time, it w a s necessary to deny their suffering, and t o celebrate t h e achievements of a singular Chinese immigrant, C a n a d a ' s newest Governor General. A h m e d calls this favouring of certain, but not all foreigners, "making friends with aliens": By allowing s o m e aliens to co-exist 'with us', w e might e x p a n d our c o m m u n i t y ; w e might prove our a d v a n c e m e n t into or outside t h e h u m a n ; w e might demonstrate our willingness to accept difference a n d m a k e it our o w n . It could e v e n allow us t o b e c o m e alien, to gain access to alien worlds. (Strange Encounters 2)  -12T h e alien, the immigrant, the Indian, also function as figures of desire. In Chapter 4, an analysis of the representation of t h e other within the Canadian cooking s h o w genre, I attempt to examine ethnic cooking s h o w s like "Loving Spoonfuls" (W) in the context of Canadian multicultural policy. Here, I focus on multiculturalism, as a disciplinary practice produced within the discursive field of C a n a d i a n nationalism. "Loving Spoonfuls" provides a compelling e x a m p l e of multiculturalism's affective m o d e s . A h m e d notes, "eating with aliens, or e v e n eating o n e (up) might enable us to transcend the limits and frailties of an all-tooh u m a n f o r m " (Strange Encounters 2). In this case, this form is the nation: its limits are the U.S. and Quebec, and the t r a u m a of boundary loss.  Theory, Memoir and Methodology: Contingent Relations  T o utilize t r a u m a theory and affect theory is also, at times, to remember, or e v e n re-experience certain traumatic emotions or experiences from one's o w n personal or cultural history.  While I w a s writing this dissertation my brother died a n d , shortly thereafter, m y mother e n d u r e d a reoccurrence of cancer. I w a s , at the s a m e time, reviewing the literature on t r a u m a theory for the purposes of this project. T h e boundaries of theory and lived experience began to blur for m e in a manner that w a s both productive and profound. A s I have written in a later chapter, following Derrida, "the past, which returns to the future in the figure of the ghost, must inform the  ethical responsibilities of the present" (Spectres of Marx 142). T h e t r a u m a of m y brother's death w a s indeed brought closer to resolution by a series of ethical actions - o n e of which involved taking care of m y mother, another of w h i c h involved ceasing w o r k o n m y dissertation for a time. W h e n I returned t o it, I felt more strongly than ever that m y work o n affect theory must be a c c o m p a n i e d by anecdotal writing. Like so m a n y others, there w a s , in fact, no w a y I could write about t h e traumatic aftermath of 9/11 without musing upon m y o w n losses. T h e 'real' of m y o w n affect broke t h e skin of m y theoretical work and m o v e d it into a wholly different territory, o n e less stable a n d more fragmented, a n d , I think, more aligned with Deleuze and Guattari's poststructuralist fantasy of w h a t a book (or, for that matter, a dissertation) c a n a n d can't d o . In their terms, a book is a multiplicity, a text with multiple roots that will not submit t o a single identity (A  Thousand Plateaus 3-4).  At t h e s a m e time, I developed more respect for theory, which had played an important role in m y o w n process of grieving. Similarly, Jane Gallop writes about having begun her project of writing about anecdotal theory - theory g r o u n d e d in "the subjectivity of t h e theorizing subject" (14) - and then being interrupted by a significant episode in her personal life. S h e writes, "although I can't s a y that I like it, I c a n s e e that it is precisely this ability to interrupt a n d divert a project conceived in theory which makes incident a force to be reckoned with" (15).  - 14While observing the current trend towards affect at academic conferences and in theoretical writing, it has often s e e m e d to m e that - certain exceptions notwithstanding - the affect of the a c a d e m i c goes largely u n a c k n o w l e d g e d . T h e contribution of feminist literature and analysis to the legitimation of affect within the a c a d e m y is worth noting, and represents a significant rationale for m y o w n a c a d e m i c writing style.  M e m o i r e m e r g e s out of the autobiographical tradition, and is s o m e t i m e s used interchangeably with that t e r m . Felicity A. N u s s b a u m discusses the genre's late 18  th  Century British roots and its provenance as a form popular with w o m e n ; she  describes autobiography a s "the assertion of a f e m a l e identity in public print" a n d argues for autobiography's importance as a site resistant to dominant g e n d e r relations (xi).  Feminist theory's early w o r k in the area of m e m o r y has helped to question w a y s of knowing and memorializing history, applying, as Hirsch and Smith have written, "feminist m o d e s of questioning to the analysis of cultural recall and within the original t r a u m a , but also via the identificatory reception of images and stories, "establishing connections between bodies" (342).  T h e form of this dissertation acknowledges the contingent relationship b e t w e e n analysis and m e m o r y , and thus between theory and memoir. In her s e m i -  -15autobiographical w o r k of theory, Outside Belongings, Elspeth Probyn d r a w s upon a Deleuzian methodology to explain her use of memoir: I strive to elaborate a writing practice that is at once theoretical, sociological, experiential and political. It is a practice focused on intervening in the social, an outside that is t h e condition of possibility for m y writing. [...] Taking to heart Deleuze's warning against 'applying' theory, I attempt t o w o r k through and with certain philosophical insights as I m o v e forward and out along other surfaces (7). Rosi Braidotti, following Foucault, uses t h e term "countermemory" to describe a theoretical m o d e that resists "dominant w a y s of representing t h e s e l f (25). S h e insists that transdisciplinarity is essential to this process, and that its strategies include "bricolage", extensive borrowing, a n d e v e n theft. S h e calls this "deterritorialization", or t h e b e c o m i n g - n o m a d of ideas" (36-37). J a n e Gallop cites precedents for t h e use of personal anecdote within theory, from J a c q u e s Derrida to Catherine Mackinnon, describing this strategy as "a broader shared project, the project of making knowledge that better o p e n s to the real - a project that c a n include aspects of both feminism a n d deconstruction" (9).  A n n e E. G o l d m a n , writing about t h e ethnic w o m e n ' s autobiographical writing, argues that defining a cultural self d e m a n d s an unconventional writing style, o n e which attempts to avoid t h e commodification of 'ethnic' experience that c a n transpire w h e n writing for A n g l o audiences (Take My Word). Drawing upon current post-colonial mestizo theories, Chicano performance artist a n d writer  - 16Guillermo G o m e z - P e n a discusses t h e w a y in which hybrid identities lead to hybrid f o r m s of writing: I w a n t to articulate t h e ever-changing parameters of m y multiple communities, but always from a multidimensional perspective, t h e border perspective, t h e only o n e I know. I crisscross from t h e past to t h e present, from t h e fictional to the biographical. I fuse prose a n d poetry, s o u n d a n d text art and literature, political activism and art experimentation. A s a result I find myself working with hybrid genres and interdisciplinary formats. [...] In t h e m , I try to exercise all the f r e e d o m s that m y t w o countries have denied m e . (16) For all of these thinkers, t h e autobiographical b e c o m e s a w a y to m o v e along t h e different surfaces of t h e self: inside and outside, theoretical a n d social, a n d , more importantly, t h e w a y s in which these surfaces overlap, bleed into e a c h other, inform o n e another, and then become something else. This flux, this instability at the heart of identity, m a y help to m a k e theory more accountable to t h e site of t h e social subject, less certain of itself: in Gallop's w o r d s , "to m a k e theorizing more a w a r e of its moment, more responsible to its erotics, and at the s a m e time if paradoxically, both more literary a n d more real" (11).  "Writing itself b e c o m e s a matter of b e c o m i n g " write Deleuze and Guattari; "in this w a y , t h e reader is drawn into t h e implicit a n d hitherto unimagined c o m m u n i t y which t h e text anticipates through its matter of expression" (Anti-Oedipus  22).  This dissertation, then, in a constant state of becoming - theory, b e c o m i n g -  1  -17-  memoir; m e m o i r b e c o m i n g theory. A s I write a b o u t the televised T r u d e a u funeral of 2 0 0 0 , I find myself writing against a limit - that of the unimagined c o m m u n i t y of the immigrant in C a n a d a ; a world of postwar t r a u m a , middle class aspiration and hope, multicultural festivals in sports arenas, the quiet, deadly x e n o p h o b i a of s u b u r b a n high schools and shopping malls, the bitterness and gratefulness of my elders t o w a r d s their new 'home'. Deleuze and Guattari see limits as sets of possibilities; there is not an end or a limit towards which lives m o v e ; rather, lives and bodies strive internally to maximize possibilities. A n ethnic childhood diverges into 'lines of becoming'. Its very proscriptions can produce new w a y s of thinking and writing about the nation.  M e g a n Boler writes, "For all of cultural studies' talk about understanding the interrelationship of the subject and power, w e haven't yet developed a systematic theory to understand specific historical discourses in relation to p o w e r relations and social forces" (158). Boler contends that it has been feminist theory that has b e e n in t h e forefront of theorizing "emotions a s a site of social control a n d of political resistance" (161). I a m hoping that my use of creative non-fiction can be such a site of resistance: an affective check against the historical and affective limits of cultural studies and post-structuralist theory. Memoir as e m b o d i e d history; theory that ruptures the general or universal and b e c o m e s specific - skin, body, flesh and blood.  -18-  As a child of immigrants growing up in a tight-knit emigre community, most of what I ate at home Qellied pork hocks, garlic sausage) or did on the weekend (marching around in scout uniforms, trips to the graveyard) was certainly incomprehensible - and probably laughable - to my classmates at school. Thankfully, we were allowed unlimited access to TV in my family, and it was, perhaps, my deep familiarity with Canadian and American prime-time programming that provided me with enough Anglo-Canadian cultural capital to get by. From "The Friendly Giant," to the opening refrains of the national news, Canadian television evokes a world of nostalgic sensations for its citizens that puts into proximity otherwise distant sites of knowledge.  Television Theory: Privileging Content, Defining Text  Television theory defines itself along a limited number of theoretical binaries: sociology vs. cultural studies, American vs. British, Frankfurt School vs. Birmingham School, text vs. audience, quantitative vs. qualitative, ritualistic vs. ideological. I will argue for a more discursive methodology. I utilize a transdisciplinary approach to televised popular cultural forms, one in which it is  possible to utilize a wide range of textual and critical strategies to interpret, criticize, and deconstruct cultural artifacts. This approach brings media analysis into a contemporary global context, where pop cultural forms are re-territorialized into investment opportunity and, concomitantly, national identity. The struggle to reclaim public culture must then necessarily include, as Giroux argues, the  - 19theoretical w o r k of analyzing h o w seemingly innocent pop cultural products e n g a g e t h e ideology of nation using a variety of intertextual strategies (From Mouse to Mermaid). There are, however, certain sources or strategies I will rely upon more frequently than others.  In Understanding Media, Marshall M c L u h a n elaborates upon his infamous phrase, "the m e d i u m is t h e message." It is t h e f o r m rather than t h e content of a n y particular m e d i u m , he claims, that defines t h e scale a n d pace of h u m a n activity. H e writes, "the 'content' of a n y m e d i u m blinds u s t o t h e characteristics of t h e m e d i u m " (9). This dissertation, however, will privilege this much-maligned content. More specifically, I will e x a m i n e television's s p e e c h acts, its generic repetitions and compulsive returns.  While audience research a n d spectatorship theory have been crucial t o certain branches of communications theory, there n o w s e e m s to be a crisis of audience in cultural studies. Ethical/political questions surrounding ethnographic research, t h e complex i n t e r p e l l a t e strategies of m a s s m e d i a within global capitalism, a n d fragmentation of audience communities have necessitated, in m y m i n d , a considered return t o t h e text. T o this e n d , I will look at television programs, print m e d i a reviews, a n d related Internet sites, in addition to theoretical texts. T h e audience enters into discussion in a limited w a y via chat groups o n t h e Internet, and through anecdote a n d memoir.  -20W h a t t h e n , of the active audience, and its alleged ability to resist television's w e b of corporate and national signifiers? Stuart Hall w a s instrumental in conceptualizing a multiply situated reader for w h o m viewing is an active process e m b e d d e d within social relations. Depending on their social location, readers find different w a y s of "negotiating" the televisual text ("Encoding/Decoding"). Feminist cultural studies built on these findings, discovering the w a y s in w h i c h female audience m e m b e r s resisted dominant readings (Modleski, R a d w a y ) . Expanding on this, J o h n Fiske describes how active viewers make use of "cultural c o m p e t e n c e [which] involves a critical understanding of the text and the conventions by w h i c h it is constructed [...] a constant and subtle negotiation and re-negotiation of the relationship between the textual and the social" (19). Negotiation can produce a pleasurable reading; such a reading can be s e e n as resisting w h a t Fiske calls "the structure of domination" (19). He provides a useful critique of Stuart Hall's encoding/decoding theory, introducing complexities that Hall at the time overlooked: that readers do not so neatly divide t h e m s e l v e s into three roughly equal t e a m s (preferred, negotiated, oppositional), but rather e n g a g e in "structures of preference in the text that seek to prefer s o m e m e a n i n g s and close others off' (65). This set of ideas - that neither m a s s culture nor m a s s audiences are monolithic, that pleasure, and even power, can be found within commodified cultural products - w a s a reaction to the e n o r m o u s influence of the Frankfurt School and its condemnation of m a s s media as a product of industrial forces buttressing capitalist ideology. A t the s a m e time, the idea that power and pleasure are not mutually exclusive e c h o e s Foucault's dictum that "we m u s t  -21 c e a s e o n c e and for all to describe the effects of power in negative t e r m s "  (Discipline and Punish 194).  It is not within the scope of this dissertation to pursue the various a r g u m e n t s in favour of, or against, the notion of the active reader. Certainly, resistance can be overstated, as w h e n M e a g h a n Morris famously writes, "I get the feeling that s o m e w h e r e in s o m e English publisher's vault there is a master disk f r o m w h i c h t h o u s a n d s of versions of the s a m e article about pleasure, resistance, and the politics of consumption are being run off under different n a m e s with minor variations"(29). J o h n Caughie is also critical of an inordinate focus on audience, describing it as a kind of displacement: "The privileged objects of m u c h of television studies - the audience, the institutions, the market - are effective w a y s of displacing the theoretical problems of values, politics, and texts onto empirically testable bodies [...] the question of television's textuality - untestable, uncertain, repressed - will keep returning" (55).  T h e truth, as usual, lies s o m e w h e r e in b e t w e e n . This dissertation is aligned with w h a t Douglas Kellner has d u b b e d a "multiperspectival" approach to cultural studies, in which one can utilize a range of textual and critical strategies to analyze cultural artifacts. Intriguingly, Kellner advocates in favour of both the Frankfurt School a n d the cultural studies a p p r o a c h , arguing that, "certain tendencies of the Frankfurt School can correct s o m e of the limitations of cultural studies [....] [C]ultural studies has over-emphasized reception and textual  -22analysis while under-emphasizing the production of culture and its political e c o n o m y " (41).  In examining the p h e n o m e n o n of w o m a n - c e n t r e d sitcoms during the course of my Masters research, I found myself less and less interested in the audiences for these products, since the market for t h e m is so polysemic. T h e late 90's sitcom "Ellen", for e x a m p l e , provided pleasure to a w i d e variety of audiences: queer, middle class, and straight. In fact, it could be argued that, although the mainstream lesbian/gay media claimed "Ellen" as a cultural icon/product that s p o k e uniquely to its o w n concerns, the show's preferred audience w a s a white straight middle class demographic that w a n t e d to be hip without sacrificing any of its socio-economic privileges. This is certainly not to propose a return to a hypodermic notion of audiences as cultural dopes. However, I have c o m e to the conclusion that a more text-based approach can illuminate how genres like c o m e d y or m e l o d r a m a regulate, without wholly eliminating, the possibilities of diegetic transgression and audience resistance. Like Kellner, I a m calling for adventurous theorizing, which crosses borders "across disciplines from text to context and thus from texts to culture and society" (28).  Rather than engaging in traditional audience analysis, then, I a m interested in the affects that proceed from the text. I hope to read the televisual text in t e r m s of capacity, as a line of flight. Or, to borrow from John Hughes, to e x a m i n e m e d i a texts "in terms of becomings, not representations, with w h a t passes b e t w e e n  - 23 bodies a n d transforms t h e m in their multiple kinds of association" (9). Related to this are ideas about proximity and contagion, as in, for example, the w a y s in w h i c h grief concerning the death of T r u d e a u w a s passed on via the television, or rather, f r o m machine to body and then to other bodies: "identity effects that are produced by the becomings of body and soul as externally related through their encounters with other bodies and other minds" (Hughes 9-10).  Textuality, with regard to television, is of course different than that of literature or film. Film theory and literary theory are traditionally more reliant on linguistic analysis; television theory, while it m a y d r a w f r o m those modes, also overlaps with analyses of political e c o n o m y , with cultural studies (itself an interdisciplinary field) and with philosophy. T h e more intimate space of the h o m e as site of reception also places television in a different textual category. In part b e c a u s e of its commercial imperative, television is always intertextual and always interactive, in t h e s e n s e of allowing for multiple readings a n d e v e n , via f a n d o m , intervention. Here, o n e might concur with M c L u h a n , w h o described television as a "cool" m e d i u m because, carrying less detail than a "hot" m e d i u m like print, it allows for more participation (22). In a more insistent w a y than literature or film, television has always a c k n o w l e d g e d this interactivity (via the domestic site of reception), into the f o r m of its texts. Finally, the e c o n o m i c (advertiser-funded) nature of North A m e r i c a n television m e a n s that its texts are also more determinedly sutured into a commodity-oriented framework, and have e m b e d d e d within t h e m a flow of attention and distraction, unity and fragmentation. A television program, t h e n , can  -24never be s e e n as a discrete unit, but rather a s one of a series of texts w h o s e unity is designed to attract an audience for the longest period of time possible (Allen).  Specific to television, I have found Nick Browne's notion of the "super-text" useful. Distinct f r o m the mega-text, which is the s u m of w h a t appears on television - its history, logic and organization - the super-text is: "a text that extends b e y o n d the parameters of a single program and includes advertising, the sequencing of programs and the serial character of television programming (cited in Bailey 4 6 ) . But I hope nor to isolate television or even technology f r o m other sites of discourse, contingent upon the social and the ideological. Television's c o n v e r g e n c e with other forms of broadcast and digital transmission - the Internet, the telephone, the V C R , the radio - must be acknowledged in t e r m s of how they resituate the viewer within the h o m e . J o h n Corner, following Williams, discusses this convergence as productive of "a kind of domesticated individualism set within a complex of abstract, public systems [...]radically increasing the privatization of television" (17-18). A t the s a m e time, 9/11 provided a vivid and unprecedented e x a m p l e of the blurring of boundaries b e t w e e n the private site of the h o m e (which is w h e r e most people first s a w the bombing of the T w i n T o w e r s ) , and the public realm (the street, the workplace) w h e r e private grief and fear b e c a m e publicly shared and passed o n . T h e connections that linked these spaces w e r e , more often than not, digital; the Internet and the cell phone b e c a m e technical apparatuses that connected rather  -25 t h a n isolated people, and allowed for an interactivity and perhaps e v e n a cultural c o m p e t e n c y that T V w a s unable to facilitate at that time.  O n e could a r g u e then that 9/11 constituted a super-text, one that lasted intermittently for a year and will presumably continue to do so for s o m e time. From the actual coverage on the day, to fundraising ads by the A m e r i c a n Red Cross, to special dramatic episodes of "West W i n g " and "Third W a t c h " , to talk s h o w s featuring victims' families and news casts of the w a r on terrorism, 9/11 and its aftermath constitute one of the most interesting e x a m p l e s of intertextuality in the history of television.  But there is also a kind of super-text that extends beyond the T V f r a m e , w h i c h Bailey describes as. the simultaneous articulation of a set of highly ideological figures across a variety of discursive formations, centred in s o m e s e n s e in the diegetic content of television programming but permeating discourses seemingly far removed f r o m the mere fictional content of dramatic p r o g r a m m i n g . . . . this s e c o n d (super) text [...] might be conceived as vertical in the s e n s e that it slices across a set of varying m e d i a and discursive fields (46). This a p p r o a c h , t h e n , goes beyond f o r m or genre and begins to consider televisual diegesis and discourse: the play of power relations that overflow into the social site of the audience. It is a w a y , argues Bailey, to account for ideology, a n d t o address s o m e of the limitations o f British cultural studies' notions o f  -26cultural c o m p e t e n c e , in which an almost unlimited agency has, at times, b e e n attributed to the active a u d i e n c e .  4  In this sense, then, I a m writing about C a n a d i a n television from 1995 to 2 0 0 2 as a set of super-texts, a kind of super-genre distinct (though certainly not unconnected) from both A m e r i c a n and British television. This super-genre is distinct by virtue of its 'national' characteristics, however constructed, and its c o n v e r g e n c e with local spaces, global forces a n d cultural communities, including my o w n . A blockbuster historical d r a m a series back-to-back with patriotic ads for a C a n a d i a n beer; the funeral of a bisexual Canadian elder statesman juxtaposed against C u b a n socialism a n d my o w n q u e e r y o u t h . Lines of connection, lines of flight. Perhaps it is at this nexus of global e c o n o m i c interests that regulate the flow of bodies, the infantile desire for the dark, originary continent of the other, and the power of interpellation, that the Canadian imaginary is p r o d u c e d , flickering at the rate of sixty different light patterns per second on a T V s c r e e n .  -27-  CHAPTER 1 Affect Theory: Becoming Nation No matter h o w y o u w a n t to proceed, there is always the archive. Y o u m u s t obtain permission; it will take s o m e time to d o this. Y o u will be regarded with mild suspicion or, perhaps, b e m u s e m e n t . Y o u r body will pass, a metallic s h a d o w , through various security devices; y o u will enter a sterile, w i n d o w l e s s r o o m . Y o u are going h o m e as y o u d o this, though y o u d o not know it yet. A n unheimlich h o m e . Y o u a r e returning t o t h e place y o u thought y o u h a d left, w h e r e y o u h a v e dwelt s o uneasily: t h e space of t h e nation.  Y o u have spent days, even years in this archive. Y o u have spent your entire life there. It is an archive of memories, fantasies a n d spectral presences; a site of regulation, but also of desire.  A n e w s c a s t e r in a skinny tie grimly a n n o u n c e s a hostage taking in Montreal, October 1970; Pierre T r u d e a u in cinematic m e d i u m closeup shrugs, mutters, "Just w a t c h m e . " Switch channels a n d d e c a d e s , via a semiotic chain: Fidel Castro w a t c h e s patiently as Justin T r u d e a u delivers a maudlin eulogy t o his father, October 2000. Look away for a moment, a n d they're gone. A flurry of white d r e s s e s fills t h e screen. It is August, 1957. "Friends and neighbours, h o w are y a it's a real pleasure to have y a with us tonight", drawls Country Hoedown host Gordie T a p p . Live from a hay bale-strewn set in d o w n t o w n Toronto, fiddler  -28King G a n a m w i n k s roguishly to t h e c a m e r a . Y o u c a n hear A m e r i c a n folk music sung by C a n a d i a n country singers: t h e H a y n e s Sisters with their identical dresses and thick harmonies; a very y o u n g , tall T o m m y Hunter earnestly singing " T e e n a g e Love is a Losing G a m e . " East Europeans sneak in by virtue of their fiddle playing a n d passing-as-white skin: Eddie Gerky from W o o d s t o c k Ontario, with c o k e bottle glasses, c o w b o y shirt a n d cowlick, wins t h e fiddle playing challenge. Lorraine F o r e m a n sings t h e melodious w o r d s of a s q u a r e d a n c e caller: "Ladies in t h e lead, that's Injun style (she puts her hand up, miming a feather behind her head) a n d swing that gal behind y o u . "  Y o u are at t h e archives; y o u have finally gained entry. Nostalgia fills t h e air. Y o u feel a kind of pride as these ghostly images flicker in front of y o u . Y o u k n o w that the other side of this pride is s h a m e .  A s part of m y research for this dissertation, I w a t c h e d these programs a n d others at C B C ' s e n o r m o u s , panoptical headquarters in Toronto, and at t h e palatial National Archives set on t h e banks of Ottawa's Rideau River, metres f r o m Parliament Hill. T h e placement of these programs in a n archive m a r k s t h e m as public d o c u m e n t s , a n d yet it is also here that t h e nation a s s u m e s discursive control. For Foucault, t h e archive is s y n o n y m o u s with the rules of discourse: "it is that w h i c h differentiates discourses in their multiple existence a n d specifies t h e m in their o w n duration" (The Archaeology of Knowledge 129). T h e rules of t h e archive, he claims, govern how w e speak.  -29-  ln this dissertation, I e x a m i n e archival a n d contemporary footage from a variety of C a n a d i a n networks: C B C , C T V , W , K n o w l e d g e Network a n d Vision T V . M o s t of t h e p r o g r a m s I examine, however, are from C B C . There are t w o reasons for this. Firstly, t h e C B C offers a discursive site rich with nationalist speech-acts a n d identity claims d u e to t h e fact it is a state-subsidized and heavily regulated corporation. In 2003, C B C advertised itself as "Canada's Own"; historically, it has credited itself with (and been given credit for) nation-building while creating a simultaneous audience from coast t o coast. Media critic W a y n e S k e n e writes, for e x a m p l e , " C B C w a s a cultural church. It w a s a place to g o to feel m o r e C a n a d i a n , to learn more about being C a n a d i a n , to contribute our little bit t o national purpose" (4).  Secondly, t h e C B C archives is unique in that it offers selective scholarly access to its well-organized holdings. However, I m a k e no claims towards a scholarly analysis of t h e C B C as broadcaster. M y object of theory is neither institutions nor apparati, but practices, a s they intersect with power. T h u s , I have f o u n d it m o r e useful t o gesture towards the role of archives a n d archival d o c u m e n t s in t h e production of national discourse.  In Archive Fever, Derrida d r a w s upon t h e etymological roots of 'archive'. Archive originates f r o m t h e Greek w o r d , arkheon, which initially meant house or domicile, an e s t e e m e d site of power:  -30It is t h u s in this domiciliation, this house o f arrest, that archives take place. T h e dwelling, this place w h e r e they dwell permanently, marks this institutional passage from t h e private to t h e public, which does not always m e a n from t h e secret to t h e nonsecret. [...] T h e y inhabit this u n c o m m o n place, this place of election w h e r e law and singularity intersect in privilege. (2-3) T h e m e a n i n g s of public and private resonated in my mind a s I spent time at t h e C B C . It had taken m e m a n y months to gain entry t o a n archive that is heavily advertised o n t h e C B C website. While y o u c a n view clips of selected archival footage o n t h e Internet, unlimited access is usually provided only to t h o s e w h o pay considerable a m o u n t s for archival footage. T h u s , footage produced v i a public f u n d s is m a d e available almost exclusively through private (corporate) m o n e y . M y relatively free access (I had to p a y only for m y o w n airfare a n d e x p e n s e s ) w a s contingent upon t h e goodwill o f the archives coordinator, a fastidious, o v e r w o r k e d , a n d essentially good-hearted m a n w h o nonetheless m a d e it his business to obtain every program I asked for, himself, thereby keeping a close e y e o n m y research. In a sense, Derrida's progression, "from the private t o t h e public", w a s inverted. In a rather disturbing way, public d o c u m e n t s had b e c o m e privatized. Derrida cautions that any public d o c u m e n t can remain secret, a n d I would conjecture that the C B C ' s secretiveness about its d o c u m e n t s contributes t o w a r d s t h e significant lack o f critical scholarly writing about the C B C . In this way, the C B C ' s archival footage h a s acquired meaning not just as a 1  d o c u m e n t of history, but as history itself. In 2 0 0 2 , for example, t h e C B C  -31celebrated its 5 0  t h  anniversary, in part via a series of one-hour programs that  p a c k a g e d archival footage into decades, hosted by T V personality Rick Mercer. M u c h in keeping with t h e C B C Archives' website slogan, "Relive our history through C B C Radio and Television," this footage w a s presented as a snapshot of C a n a d i a n history itself, heavily mediated by t h e nostalgic patriotism of Mercer and his "streeter" interviews. In a Foucauldian sense, these d o c u m e n t s are m o n u m e n t a l i z e d ; history b e c o m e s archaeologized, interested only in t h e description, rather than t h e analysis, of t h e d o c u m e n t / m o n u m e n t (Archaeology  of  Knowledge 7).  My project b e c a m e o n e of de-monumentalizing these documents, and of finding a place for affect and bodies. A s I w a t c h e d this procession of flickering images, I tried to imagine t h e living rooms and rec rooms w h e r e these representations first revealed themselves, and the pride, nostalgia, grief, anger and fear that they m a y have e v o k e d . Bodies connecting t o machine, affects transforming other affects.  Television, with its proximity - its placement in t h e intimate, emotive s p a c e of t h e h o m e - has always been well suited to both t h e portrayal and t h e contagious spreading of collective affect. By w a y of introduction, this chapter will attempt an overview of t h e w a y s in which an idea of t h e nation is produced via affect, a n d television's role in this discursive construction.  -32A s I near the final stages of this project, I enter into a territory that is almost uninhabited by such critical writing. While C a n a d i a n cultural studies is r e n o w n e d for its analysis of the technological apparatuses of the nation, there exists almost no critical writing about the nationalist practices of Canadian television. T h e 2  reader will note, t h e n , that this is a dissertation c o n c e r n e d with C a n a d i a n television that d o e s not lean heavily on the c a n o n of Canadian m e d i a theory Innis, M c L u h a n , Kroker et al. In a sense, t h e s e figures appear cameo-like, transitional characters in a different story. Canadian media theory, with its modernist concern for technology and the material products thereof, in the context of t h e nation-state, constitutes a useful point of departure for questions regarding practices of nation. T h e s e questions d e m a n d , I would argue, a m e t h o d o l o g y oriented towards questions of discourse a n d power, w h i c h is also informed by feminist and queer epistemologies.  A s I disseminate this methodology in the following pages, I hope to maintain a dialogue b e t w e e n the nationalist c a n o n a n d m y o w n "postnational" (Appadurai) and interdisciplinary a p p r o a c h .  3  Affect Theory: Becoming Dog  "Affects are becomings" -Gilles Deleuze a n d Felix Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus 256.  -33Affect theory e m e r g e s from a nexus of disciplines: psychology, neurobiology, philosophy, deconstructionist and post-structuralist thought. In this s e n s e , it is an avowedly interdisciplinary theory: a crossing of disciplines, a breaking of binaries, and a m o v e m e n t into ontological and epistemological possibilities. Affect is, according t o Deleuze, "whatever c o m e s into being w h e n something is affected or affects something else." Deleuze and Guattari write, " W e know nothing about a body until w e k n o w w h a t it c a n do, in other w o r d s , w h a t its affects are, h o w they can or cannot enter into composition with other affects, with t h e affects of another body, either to destroy that body or t o be destroyed by it, either t o e x c h a n g e actions a n d passions with it or to join with it in c o m p o s i n g a more powerful body" (A Thousand Plateaus 257). Deleuze and Guattari apply ethology, originally t h e study of animal behaviour, to philosophy. In ethology, the organism under study is never separable from her/his relations to t h e world. Ethology is interested in intersections, in s p a c e s in-between. In the spirit of endless possibility, Deleuze a n d Guattari counsel t h e reader o n h o w t o b e c o m e a d o g : This will involve not imitating a d o g , nor an analogy of relations. I m u s t s u c c e e d in endowing t h e parts of m y body with relations of speed a n d s l o w n e s s that will m a k e it b e c o m e a d o g [...] For I cannot b e c o m e d o g without t h e d o g itself becoming something else (A Thousand Plateaus 258). In t h e s e t e r m s , becoming is flux. It refers to t h e post-structuralist, destabilized subject; t h e self in process, a self that has not submitted to regulation. "Becomings are minoritarian," write Deleuze a n d Guattari; a process, a rising up, as o p p o s e d to a minority, which is a fixed state (A Thousand Plateaus 2 9 1 ) .  -34Becoming is a n alternative to being; becoming is always relational. A s Rosi Braidotti writes, "the space of becoming is therefore a space of affinity a n d symbiosis b e t w e e n adjacent particles" (115). Languages of representation, like t h o s e on television - a n d , therefore, the self-produced through language - are constantly in a state of becoming, as they c h a n g e a n d develop over time. Braidotti maintains that this process is liberatory: "the affective as a force capable of freeing us f r o m hegemonic habits of thinking" (14).  Affect is, not, according to Deleuze a n d Guattari, a sentiment or personal feeling. Rather, it is "the encounter between the affected body and a s e c o n d , affected body" (A Thousand Plateaus xvi). T h e relationship of these t w o affected bodies can produce institutional power. In other w o r d s , affects are social practices, constitutive of power. Certain notions of C a n a d i a n nationalism - that w e are better than the U.S., that w e are a peacekeeping nation, that w e value ethnic a n d racial diversity - have gained the status of truth, making nationalist sentiment an acceptable practice. Affect - extreme emotion at sports events, state funerals, national crises and t h e like - is a social practice that supports these 'truths', a n d television helps to relay these emotions, in turn affecting other bodies. Foucault argues that this "will to truth" is a powerful system of exclusion.  Affect theory, with its emphasis on c h a n g e a n d relationality, is a useful tool with w h i c h to discern h o w certain people become part of a nation. I will argue that television's role in this is neither o n e of simple mimicry, nor of c a u s e a n d effect,  -35but rather, that nationalism e m e r g e s out of a complex series of relationships: of the body to disciplinary power; of television to the body; of pleasure to television; of citizenship to pleasure; of citizenship to s h a m e . None of these pairs of terms exist as stable entities, but rather, circulate, e x c h a n g e meanings, and f o r m new combinations and relationships. In this sense, I write about the nation f r o m w h e r e I live: from my living room, with its 16-inch television set next to bookshelves with their w e i g h t of theory; from the narrative of my so-called 'ethnic' identity and its necessarily othered relationship to Canadian identity. My o w n critique of roots, and of the t e r m s of power e m b e d d e d within the nation, intersects with desire: for roots, for citizenship, for power, for h o m e . In this w a y , I too, b e c o m e n a t i o n a l .  4  The 'Ethics Lag': Theoretical Overlaps and Becomings  Affect theory, interested as it is in intensity, overlaps with t r a u m a theory. Both produce ethical possibilities, actions, and passions that can join with other bodies. Both are anti-memory, in the s e n s e of m e m o r y as repetition, a compulsive response to t r a u m a . For Deleuze and Guattari, m e m o r y represents a desire for a lost origin. If interested in m e m o r y at all, Deleuzian thought invokes short-term m e m o r y , a kind of collective, historical memory, which I see as not unlike the ethical 'working through' of recent t r a u m a theory.  T r a u m a theory's interest in remembering about the nation that which has not been r e m e m b e r e d , represents an ethical turn in deconstructionist t h e o r y  5  For  -36Derrida, hauntology takes t h e place of m e m o r y : spectral presences that will return t o t h e future, destabilizing ontologies, rather than staying in t h e past. This is in opposition to t h e archive, which is a site of "memorization, of repetition, of reproduction, of reimpression [...] which incites forgetfulness, a m n e s i a , t h e annihilation of m e m o r y [...] the archive takes place at t h e place of originary a n d structural b r e a k d o w n of the said memory" (Archive Fever 11). This turn to ethical r e m e m b e r i n g c a n also be heard in LaCapra's notion of the intellectual a s o p p o s e d t o t h e scholar: "The intellectual goes beyond an area of professional expertise t o address problems that a r e of broader social a n d cultural interest, a n d in that s e n s e h e or s h e d o e s not simply mind their o w n business" (Writing History 218).  Moving into t h e site of the social c a n create fissures, or instabilities, within theory, and provides further rationale for t h e u s e of autobiography, memoir a n d anecdote. E v e Kosofsky Sedgwick, in h e r critique o f w h a t s h e calls "paranoid theory", is o n e of those w h o takes theory to task: it is possible that t h e very productive critical habits embodied in w h a t Paul Ricoeur memorably called t h e 'hermeneutics of suspicion' w i d e s p r e a d critical habits indeed, perhaps by now nearly s y n o n y m o u s with criticism itself - m a y have had an unintentionalside-effect: they m a y have m a d e it less rather than more possible t o unpack the local, contingent relations between a n y given piece of knowledge a n d its  narrative/epistemological entailments for the seeker, knower, or teller.  (Touching Feeling 124) "Paranoia k n o w s s o m e things well and others poorly," she says (130). While allowing for paranoid theory's agency, s h e argues that paranoia's alertness t o danger, its resistance to surprise, its very tautology, may prevent positive affect and hinder ethical strategies. Both affect theory a n d memoir, then, in their c o m m i t m e n t to speaking from and to the intersections of distant and proximate, global a n d local, b e c o m e a w a y to intervene into theoretical m o d e s that m a y have outlived their critical and ethical efficacy.  Parallel to this is Arthur Kroker's notion of the '"ethical lag". Here, he a d d r e s s e s not theory, but technology. He argues that " o u t m o d e d " public and private moralities have not kept pace with technological change, and the effects of technology on bodies, minds and communities. He writes: Just like the 'jet lag' in w h i c h the psychological c o n s e q u e n c e s o f life in the mainstream of technology are experienced only after the event is finished, 'ethics lag' m e a n s that w e are blindsided on the real effects of technology until it is too late [...] [ T e c h n o l o g y without a sustaining and coherent ethical purpose, a n d ethics, public and private, without a language b y w h i c h t o rethink technology. (127) T h e r e w a s , for example, an 'ethical gap' on 9 / 1 1 , but one that w a s , I w o u l d argue, productive. Bodies are falling from towers; the screen is a horizon in  -38e x c e s s of w h a t w e can fully know. W h a t is o n e to feel, or do, a s the television c o n v e y s live satellite feed from N e w York on S e p t e m b e r 1 1 , 2001 ? C o m p a s s i o n , anger, despair, grief, and even love e m e r g e d via a digital storm of emails, to and f r o m colleagues in New York and around the world, and emotive phone calls to and f r o m friends and fellow activists. A s I will further analyze in Chapter 6, this w a s , briefly, a m o m e n t w h e r e , in the collision of ethics a n d technology, affect w a s dissociated f r o m object; a m o m e n t w h e r e , to paraphrase Deleuze and Guattari,  we did not know what a body could do.  Emotion vs. Affect: Locating an Interdisciplinary Methodology  Brian M a s s u m i m a k e s an important distinction between emotion and affect: "Affect is most often used loosely as a s y n o n y m for emotion. But one of the clearest lessons of this first story is that emotion and affect - if affect is intensity - follow different logics and pertain to different orders" (221). Emotions, he says, are subjective a n d personal: "qualified intensity" (221). Affect on the other hand is "unqualified [...] not ownable or recognizable and is thus resistant to critique" (222). M a s s u m i also m a k e s the point that o n e of the things that distinguishes affect from emotion is the former's relation to ethics, and to the body, marking it as a field distinct from sociology, but also f r o m psychoanalysis.  -;:  -39-  Perhaps t h e distinction between emotion and affect c a n be m a p p e d upon t h e subtle differences between autobiography a n d memoir. If emotion is singular and individual, then t h e s a m e c a n be said of autobiography, which N u s s b a u m has described a s "a technology of t h e middle-class s e l f (xi). Memoir, on t h e other hand, with its intersections with history, culture, and identity, occurs more vividly as a s y s t e m of affects, of interlocking sites of passion and intensity. J a n e Gallop's c o m m e n t s o n t h e use of t h e personal, or w h a t she calls "anecdote," a s a legitimate theoretical practice are significant here. S h e locates anecdotal theory firmly within a deconstructionist tradition: "Although deconstruction w a s often held to be in opposition to t h e sort of personal discourse favoured by seventies f e m i n i s m , by t h e nineties it b e c a m e possible to recognize a deconstructionist personal a n d speak a personalized deconstruction" (5). T o Gallop, anecdotal theory is productively and explicitly affective: "romantic, unreasonable, perverse and queer" (7). S h e argues that, in a Derridean fashion, it concerns itself with t h e marginal, t h e exorbitant, and cites Derrida's justification of Of Grammatology: " W e are preparing t o privilege, in a m a n n e r that s o m e will not fail t o j u d g e exorbitant, certain texts" (7). A s I have argued earlier, memoir, operating as it d o e s e x orbit, outside of theory's "metaphysical closure" (Gallop 8), c a n have t h e potential t o cut through theory's density a n d highlight its contradictions, like wine that both unifies a n d simplifies t h e flavours of a complex sauce. Gallop writes: 'Anecdote' and 'theory' carry diametrically opposed connotations: h u m o r vs. serious, short vs. g r a n d , trivial vs. overarching, specific v s . general. Anecdotal theory w o u l d cut through these oppositions in order  -40to produce theory with a better s e n s e of humor, theorizing which honors the uncanny detail of lived experience. (2) If deconstruction involves decentreing t h e text, then memoir's function in this dissertation c a n be seen a s deconstructionist in that it decentres theory. T h e anxieties generated therein (my o w n , those of the academic readers of this text) follow f r o m this destabilizing moment, that of inverting t h e binaries of reason a n d m a d n e s s , truth a n d falsehood, theory a n d memoir. Julian Wolfrey, following Derrida, writes about that which reading cannot master: "there is always that which remains, which is t h e remains of reading, the excess or supplement beyond t h e act of reading" (17). T h o s e traces, concealed by t h e theoretical text, mark sites of difference-from, (difference-from-theory), which might otherwise not have b e e n revealed.  Affect theory, t h e n , like t h e strategic use of memoir, is concerned with t h e interconnectedness o f body, culture a n d e m o t i o n ; t h e w a y s in w h i c h this a s s e m b l a g e m o v e s across a n d transforms surfaces of skin, of identity, of nation. Affect theory is positioned b y Deleuze a n d Guattari a s a w a y t o m o v e o u t o f drive theory (Anti-Oedipus).  In this formulation, affect theory is in process rather than  fixed, it notes positions rather than types.  S e d g w i c k a n d Frank, in reviving t h e w o r k o f post-war psychologist Sylvan T o m k i n s , have d o n e m u c h to create a critical space for affect in theory. T o m k i n s , a n A m e r i c a n psychologist-philosopher is t h e author o f Affect, Imagery, Consciousness,  first published in 1962. He is credited with t h e discovery of t h e  -41 m e c h a n i s m s responsible for h u m a n emotion. His affect theory outlined the relation b e t w e e n thought, feeling, a n d motivation. He defined nine basic brain m e c h a n i s m s : interest-excitement, enjoyment-joy, surprise-startle, fear-terror, distress-anguish, anger-rage, disgust, and shame-humiliation.  S e d g w i c k elaborates s o m e distinctions b e t w e e n drive and affect theory: 'It is enjoyable to enjoy. It is exciting to be excited. It is terrorizing to be terrorized a n d angering to b e a n g e r e d . Affect is self-validating with o r without any further referent' (3: 4 0 4 ) . It is these specifications that m a k e affect theory such a useful site for resistance to the teleological presumptions of t h e m a n y sorts historically e m b e d d e d in t h e disciplines o f psychology. (Touching Feeling 99-100) While being careful to attend to these differences, I will s o m e t i m e s use the w o r d 'emotion' to describe more individualized self-expression. I w o u l d argue that the different t e r m s mark disciplinary boundaries. Affect theory derives f r o m deconstruction, cultural studies, and post-structuralism, while emotionology is m o r e aligned with the social sciences. Since this is a n interdisciplinary project, I will be drawing from both fields while privileging affect theory.  Affect and the Nation  Affect (or, in Ernest Gellner's terms, "sentiment") s e e m s to be crucial to mobilizing a nation to patriotism, to w a r , a n d to unity. Gellner writes:  -42Nationalism is primarily a political principle which holds that t h e political a n d the national unit should be congruent. [...] Nationalist sentiment is t h e feeling of anger aroused by t h e violation of t h e principle, or t h e feeling of satisfaction aroused by its fulfillment. A nationalist m o v e m e n t is o n e activated by a sentiment of this kind. (52) This idea of t h e constructedness  of t h e m o d e r n nation (Renan, Gellner,  A n d e r s o n , McClintock) prioritizes culture a n d t h e everyday symbols a n d practices of citizenship in the nation, which w o u l d include sites of affect. Here, nationalism becomes nation (Eley & Suny). Chris Barker, however, m a k e s a distinction between t h e nation-state as a political apparatus concerned with t h e administration of s p a c e or territory a n d , following A n d e r s o n , nationalism as t h e imaginary identification with that space: "The nation-state as a political apparatus and symbolic f o r m has a temporal dimension in that political structures e n d u r e and c h a n g e , while t h e symbolic and discursive dimensions of national identity often narrates a n d creates t h e idea of origins, continuity and tradition" (64-65). In a similar vein, Kaja Silverman writes that a material relation to the nation-state (citizenship rights, healthcare, geographical relation) is invested in a n imaginary relation, or w h a t I would call nationalism. This relation is, she argues, underpinned by affect: it is a hope, or a nostalgia, rather than a reality (22). Going further, G h a s s a n Hage argues that nationalism is the imagining of an ideal nation, a n d that that imaginary a s s u m e s mastery of national space. In effect, he equates nationalist practices with racism: "practices which a s s u m e , first, a n image of a national space; secondly, an image of t h e nationalist himself or  -43 herself a s master of this national space, a n d , thirdly, a n image of the ethnic/racial 'other' a s a mere object within this space" (White Nation 28). A s s u c h , he also argues that t h e everyday practices of nation include such c o m m o n s e n s e affects as anxiety about walking through your neighbourhood at night, or j o y that your country w o n at a n Olympic sport.  M a n y scholars have noted the relationship between sentiment a n d national identity, a n d t h e state's role in managing emotion to create nationalism. Using the f o u n d i n g o f t h e A m e r i c a n nation a s a c a s e study, Evan Carton traces t h e w a y s in w h i c h t h e notion of w h a t he calls "natural self-expression" arose out of an 18  th  century condition of "ontological instability". This gave rise t o w h a t Carton  describes a s "the massive a n d multifaceted effort o f 1 8 Century writers a n d t h  thinkers to anchor t h e self in t h e ostensible immediacy a n d inalienability o f feeling" (24). T h e nation, in a sense, had t o function as a n affective space, w h e r e family a n d marketplace could not - a compensation for t h e "loosening of t h e Puritan b o n d " (Carton: fn 41). Carton argues that t h e A m e r i c a n nation is f o u n d e d not only o n national, but also emotional self-determination: T h e Declaration of Independence is just such a reciprocal linguistic operation in which a represented state o f feeling a n d a represented state o f the self authorize a n d naturalize o n e another [...] T h u s , ingeniously, the feeling a n d fact of A m e r i c a n n e s s declare o n e another here a n d affirm one another to be united, natural, evident - ingeniously, b e c a u s e outside  - 44 the constitutive circuit of this declaration, neither the affective nor t h e political state of the U S fits a n y of these descriptions. (23-24) Similarly, both Brooks a n d Stearns h a v e discussed self-expression a s a m a r k e r of a n e w individualism, post-Enlightenment. In his study of the history of e m o t i o n s , Stearns discusses t h e notion of emotional m a n a g e m e n t that e m e r g e d in t h e postwar e r a . He notes that "control over fear a n d anger protected a s e n s e of individuality a n d also served t o lubricate group relations" (190). Kaja Silverman has noted t h e w a y s in which alarm over post-traumatic stress disorder a m o n g soldiers returning f r o m W W 2 w a s reproduced v i a m e l o d r a m a films like The Best Years of Our Lives a n d It's A Wonderful Life that individualized t h e t r a u m a as crises of masculinity within heterosexual relationships (Male Subjectivity at the  Margins).  This gendering of national sentiment is, a s A n n McClintock has pointed out, insufficiently theorized within canonical theories o f t h e nation (Imperial Leather). Television c o v e r a g e of the Q u e b e c referendum provided ample opportunity to o b s e r v e this gendering, as w h e n t h e female pronoun w a s used repeatedly in reference t o Q u e b e c , or t h e language of heterosexual romance used t o conceptualize t h e relationship between English a n d French C a n a d a . K i m S a w c h u k ' s overview of bodily metaphors in t h e debates surrounding t h e Q u e b e c referendum does m u c h to clarify t h e w a y s in which debates about Q u e b e c ' s s e c e s s i o n b e c a m e highly g e n d e r e d a n d e m b o d i e d within discourses of pain, t r a u m a , a n d sexual relations:  -45 Sovereignty is renamed separation and aligned with the idea of a painful amputation in corporeal terms, or divorce and given familial associations. Q u e b e c , like a patient w h o is suicidal, must be stopped before it h a r m s itself. Within federalist discourses, the body politic e m e r g e s as a fully f o r m e d adult about to be d i s m e m b e r e d by political change. (103) This g e n d e r i n g , leading as it inevitably does, to romantic allusions, provides a highly affective field of representation. T h e intersection of sentiment, nationalism, and g e n d e r e d embodiment, provides representational space for familial metaphors. McLintock describes this as "an indispensable metaphoric figure by which national difference could be s h a p e d into a single historical genesis narrative" (357). In this construct, national time b e c o m e s familial time, with indigenous peoples constructed as infantile against the parental figures of nationalizing colonists (358).  T h e televisual representation of queer or q u e e r e d bodies, politics and historical m o m e n t s are posited, in this dissertation, as well as by other theorists (Dyer, Silverman, W r a y ) as an ethical practice with the potential to destabilize nationalism. I intend queer to m e a n a progressive politics or ethical practice rather than an umbrella term of identification. In this sense, queer b e c o m e s a challenge to the normal; a practice rather than a stable position. If q u e e r is a questioning of normative behaviours and practices, then nationalism as a w a y of belonging is altered by direct queer interventions into the everyday structures of nationalism, especially its most gendered and heterosexualized practices. (Wray)  -46Butler argues that that normalcy is a continual production, sutured through repetition, a n d that queer bodies c a n m a k e this production happen differently (Gender Trouble). Queer or queered representations, therefore, have t h e potential t o m a k e visible the normalizing structures of nationalism - but perhaps not t h e possibility t o dismantle it. For it must also be said that "queer" a n d "nation" a r e t w o very unequal terms, a n d , that, generally, queer b e c o m e s s u b s u m e d by t h e nation.  6  The Role of Media  Benedict A n d e r s o n famously wrote that print capitalism w a s o n e of the primary w a y s of drawing individuals, or small communities of individuals, into t h e imaginary c o m m u n i t y of nation. In a useful critical take on A n d e r s o n ' s Imagined Communities, Prasenjit Duara implies a kind of essentialism in A n d e r s o n ' s grand narrative of nation. D u a r a writes: "Nationalism is rarely t h e nationalism of t h e nation but rather represents t h e site w h e r e very different views of the nation contest a n d negotiate with each other". (152) He argues that A n d e r s o n ' s e m p h a s i s on print ignores t h e significance of oral cultural practices. Such a critique also o p e n s up space for expanding t h e notion of print capitalism into other m e d i a : radio, television, the Internet. Arjun Appadurai describes this a s "electronic capitalism". H e writes: "Part of w h a t t h e mass media m a k e possible, b e c a u s e of t h e conditions of collective reading, criticism a n d pleasure, is w h a t I have e l s e w h e r e called a 'community of sentiment'" (8). He argues that these  -47c o m m u n i t i e s are more often transnational in their flow, and s o m e t i m e s e v e n "postnational," "creating the possibility of convergences in translocal social action that w o u l d otherwise be hard to imagine" (8).  A n d e r s o n ' s notion of national time is similarly applicable to theories of simultaneity in regard to television. Television, as a time-based m e d i u m with daily, weekly, and yearly programming schedules, is particularly suited to the creation of national time, providing an a w a r e n e s s of people across a geographical s p a c e witnessing an event together via television. T h e f a r a w a y is m a d e proximate, but this d o e s not necessarily m e a n that w e care more for this f a r a w a y world. Instead, the faraway is associated with anxiety, trouble, and disaster, and television works to reinforce their distance (and 'our' proximity within the nation) even as it brings t h e m into the home. In Canadian television history, the chronological narrative of the nation unfolds via c o s t u m e d r a m a like "Dateline" ( C B C : 1955-56), which dramatized episodes based on the Battle of the Plains of A b r a h a m and the Riel Rebellion, and the more recent " C a n a d a : A People's History" ( C B C : 2001-2), in w h i c h g a p s in historical accuracy w e r e sutured together via the affective technology of music, voice-over and special effects. T h e use of the generic conventions of d r a m a (as opposed to d o c u m e n t a r y ) allows for the prioritization of sentiment a n d nostalgia.  In the C a n a d i a n context, the nation is negotiated at the level of everyday practices - f r o m canoeing to beer drinking - which work to naturalize the  -48 w o r k i n g s of state power, and are crucial to the production of a cohesive national '"thing"'. Passions that m a y no longer properly attend the basic practices of patriotism - veneration of the national t o t e m s like flags, m o n u m e n t s , or h e a d s of state - are overlaid onto consumption and the enjoyment of national pastimes ( K e o h a n e ) . Just as D a n a Frank has determined that buying nationally p r o d u c e d commodities can be an expression of citizenship (cited in W a g m a n 78), so too d o e s the consumption of Canadian television s h o w s and advertising, no matter h o w lacking in sophistication, help the viewer to construct themselves as citizens Indeed, that very lack of sophistication, echoing other c o n s u m e r items, like mapk syrup or Molson's beer, is yet another national commodity.  W a g m a n m a k e s the point that the Molson's "I a m " ad series appeared at a time w h e n Canadian d o m i n a n c e of its domestic beer market w a s being challenged by the U.S. via new global trade a g r e e m e n t s (GATT, W T O ) . He writes, "What is significant about these advertisements is the w a y in w h i c h 'nation' and the threats typically associated with its survival, b e c o m e s the rhetorical surrogate for 'competition' a n d the threats typically associated with the c o m p a n y ' s survival" (78-79). T h e s e trade challenges s u c c e e d e d , allowing A m e r i c a n beer c o m p a n i e s greater access to Canadian markets. A n ersatz nationalism b e c a m e the m e a n s by which Molson defended its corporate might. I w o u l d add that these ads are also significant as being part of an increase in patriotic m e a n i n g , p o s t - 1 9 9 5 . A u d i e n c e s m a d e use of a c o n s u m e r item 7  (Molson's beer) to create their own defensive, emotive forms of nationalism.  -49-  Duara m a k e s an interesting distinction between feeling and meaning in regard to the nation. He notes that there are m o m e n t s w h e n everyone is d r a w n into t h e affective e c o n o m y of nationhood, especially in relational situations. But Duara claims that there are degrees to t h e intensity and endurance of this feeling (165). T h e strength o f Canadian feeling derives f r o m a network of discursive a n d symbolic m e a n i n g s that can often lead to national meaning, or w h a t I w o u l d call patriotism. T h a t these everyday practices are often truth-claims for white A n g l o S a x o n identity provide further weight t o t h e argument that nationalist practices lead to racism. Put another way, everyday national practices are inseparable f r o m t h e linguistic narrativizing m e c h a n i s m s of racialized national discourse.  Television, t h e ultimate commercial vehicle, is crucial to the everyday narrativizing o f the nation. S o m u c h s o , that in recent national struggles, satellite communication, television stations a n d so on are t h e first to be targeted by invading armies. T h e insertion of the colonizer's programming into national channels signals their victory e v e n more than t h e raising of a n e w flag. T h e 2003 invasion of Iraq by t h e U.S. followed this trajectory, from the bombing of the A r a b Al-Jazeera network, to t h e subsequent installation of the W a s h i n g t o n - b a s e d , Arabic language radio Radio S a w a \ a n d t h e anticipation of a parallel television 8  channel, T h e Middle-East Television Network. While audiences c a n prove resistant t o these practices, media coverage itself encourages t h e notion of media a s formative t o nation-building. A Globe and Mailfeature  article included a  -50half-page photo-montage of the f a m o u s image of soldiers at Iwo-Jima raising t h e A m e r i c a n flag. Replacing t h e flag, however, is a satellite dish. (August 2 2 0 0 3 : R1).  The Affective Economy of the TV Nation  A s Silverstone points out, television is a w a y for families to access certain e m o t i o n s {Television and Everyday Life). Television's polysemy provides representation of carefully controlled excessive affect (soaps, state funerals, national catastrophes, state w e d d i n g s a n d funerals) and of a complete lack of affect. Stearns notes that early television supported ideas of emotional control in the w o r k p l a c e at a time w h e n post w a r t r a u m a w a s at its height. It also provided images of docility a n d service, crucial to t h e postwar e c o n o m y : "by t h e 1950's telelvision...helped t o translate t h e ever-smiling models of service s u c c e s s into daily viewing" (219). By t h e 1980's t h e bland faces of newscasters a n d t h e m a d e for-TV smiles of politicians, even in t h e face of protests or catastrophes m a r k e d c o n t e m p o r a r y standards for emotional control.  It is television commercials that b e c o m e a primary site of affect, filling in t h e lack in regular p r o g r a m m i n g . Since the postwar e r a , emotional control has been balanced by t h e e n c o u r a g e m e n t of passion for c o n s u m e r items a n d w h a t Stearns calls t h e expression of "great j o y over often m o d e s t accomplishments" (288) clean clothes, a g o o d dental checkup, the right s h a m p o o . Representations of  -51leisure activities on T V - sports, or the extreme activities of contemporary reality T V s h o w s - provide expressions and s y m b o l s of joy that may be mimicked in daily life. Television's super-text b e c o m e s a desiring machine, an a s s e m b l a g e of interlocking sites of power.  Television's need to produce national sentiments and emotions can also be seen as a defensive reaction to d e m a n d s of globalization of industry (Hall "Culture, C o m m u n i t y , Nation"). Canadian m e d i a is, in fact, a leader in mergers and c o n v e r g e n c e , with o n e of the world's most consolidated media n e t w o r k s .  9  C a n a d a ' s t w o major private T V networks ( B C E / C T V and C a n w e s t Global) o w n most of the major and minor newspapers in the country. T h e federal g o v e r n m e n t began promoting convergence in 1996, which signaled, according to Winseck, "a greater tolerance of ownership concentration and a new hierarchy of values that privileged the expansion of information and m e d i a markets over concerns about f r e e d o m of expression" (796-798). Indeed, as W i n s e c k also points out, f r e e d o m of the press in regard to this unprecedented convergence has never been studied by the C R T C , C a n a d a ' s main regulatory body of media.  C o n v e r g e n c e always produces a loss of the local: layoffs in local centres, and centralization of editorial control.  1 0  T h e transnationalist forces of globalization,  while working to break d o w n national distinction, also s o m e h o w m a n a g e to reinforce nationalism. Stuart Hall has noted that efforts to restore t h e s e lost national characteristics have set the stage for the return of nationalism as a  - 52 major historical force ("Culture, Community, Nation"). Nationalism then b e c o m e s a w a y to maintain a fantasy of bounded national space to which o n e maintains a strong affective tie.  Longing, Belonging and Shame  "A nation is a soul, a spiritual principle [composed of 2 elements]. O n e is the possession in c o m m o n of a rich legacy of memories, t h e other is present-day consent, t h e desire t o live together, t h e will t o perpetuate, the value of t h e heritage that o n e has received in undivided form". ( R e n a n cited in W a g m a n 76, italics mine)  From R e n a n ' s late 1 9 century meditation o n t h e nation t o t h e present day, th  scholars have reflected o n reasons for t h e desire to be part of t h e nation. In her exploration o f m o d e s of belonging, Outside Belonging, Probyn explores geographical sites in relation to their sexualized, nationalized classed a n d g e n d e r e d desires. S h e sees belonging a s a highly affective state that is always relational, a n d always performative: "I w a n t t o figure the desire that individuals have t o belong, a tenacious a n d fragile desire that is, I think, increasingly p e r f o r m e d in t h e k n o w l e d g e of t h e impossibility o f ever really a n d truly belonging, along with t h e fear that t h e stability of belonging a n d the sanctity of belonging are forever past" (8).  -53 It is often immigrants w h o are seen as performing that longing for citizenship of the nation. Television coverage o f every C a n a d a D a y I c a n r e m e m b e r includes celebratory footage of immigrants acquiring citizenship a n d singing t h e national a n t h e m . 'Their' longing for 'our' nation provides evidence of 'our' tolerance a n d moral superiority. However, this is always a representation with strict discursive limits. A s calls for deportation o f undesirable others increase in the post-9/11 e r a , non-immigrants express their longing for t h e nation through t h e abjection of these alien bodies (Hage White Nation).  In The Dark Side of the Nation, Himani Bannerji has d o n e m u c h t o take apart t h e imagined C a n a d i a n nation a n d e x p o s e w h a t s h e calls its 'dark side'. "What," s h e asks, "are t h e terms a n d conditions o f our 'belonging' to this state o f a nation?" (91). S h e , too, equates nationalism with racism, arguing that national characteristics are rooted in a whiteness with moral qualities o f "masculinity, possessive individualism a n d a n ideology of capital a n d market" (107). S h e notes certain affects that accrue to Canadian nationalism - a n anxiety about aboriginals, a n d t h e hate a n d aggression o f 'official nationalism', a n d t h e love and sacrifice o f 'popular nationalism'. Bannerji contends that t h e C a n a d i a n state is f o u n d e d in t h e former, a n d that popular nationalism, if it exists, "contains legal/coercive strategies a n d the m e a n s of containment a n d suppression of all 'others' "(106). Visual regimes play a crucial role here. T h e specularity o f t h e visible minority e n c o d e s skin a s "some sort of social z o n e or prison (Returning the Gaze 149). T h e repetitive display of n e w Canadians o n C a n a d a D a y  -54reinscribes t h e m within a specular s y s t e m of tutelage, in which immigrants performatively b e c o m e the well-behaved; children of a parental state.  I do not recall m y refugee father ever once expressing a desire to belong to C a n a d a . T h e walls of our h o m e w e r e covered with images of C o s s a c k s , beribboned m a i d e n s against blue Carpathian mountains, villages amid the green steppes of Ukraine. T o be nationalist in our emigre community meant to be in support of an independent Ukraine. But my father's fierce diasporic nationalism, forged in t r a u m a and grief, sutured him into a fantasy of a multicultural C a n a d a . A s o n e of t h o s e elite 'ethnics' w h o p u s h e d the g o v e r n m e n t into the d e v e l o p m e n t of official multiculturalism, my father's desire w a s always for inclusion rather than belonging. A subtle difference, really, but o n e that allowed for dissociation a n d the maintaining of an outsider identity. My father knew well "the impossibility of ever really and truly belonging" {Outside Belongings 8 ). Becoming national w a s an a s s e m b l a g e , connected to, and transformative of other positions and affects: the t r a u m a of war; the sentimentality of Ukrainian folksongs sung while shaving; framed d e g r e e s and academic g o w n s . A n d , also, the ethnic s h a m e that these a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s could never quite erase.  H o w t h e n , is s h a m e belonging's other? T h o m a s Scheff writes, "The urge to belong, and the intense emotions of s h a m e and pride associated with it, m a y be the most powerful forces in the h u m a n w o r l d " (277). Probyn m a k e s the point that sport, which is tied into s h a m e , e m e r g e d at the s a m e time that ideas about the  -55h o m o s e x u a l a n d the nation w e r e being f o r m e d . Sport, as I will argue in chapter 6, plays a large role in consolidating the nation. A s such, writes Probyn, sporting bodies bring to mind "the visceral d y n a m i c s of pride, s h a m e and bodily affect in w a y s that have been notably missing within m u c h feminist and cultural analysis" ("Sporting Bodies" 14). S h a m e , which places t h e body in conflict with its o w n self, creates of t h e body a multiplicity. Like Sedgwick, Probyn sees s h a m e as productive: "a force that refigures the connections between bodies, subjectivities, politics a n d what, for w a n t of a simpler phrase, I'll call t h e ethics o f existence" ("Sporting Bodies" 24).  A s at state funerals a n d national disasters, the 2 0 0 2 Salt Lake City Olympics w a s situated on a shame-pride axis. (Nathanson). Pat Quinn, the Canadian hockey team's head coach said, in a T V interview at the Salt Lake City Olympics, "emotion is our biggest e n e m y and our biggest friend" - emotion w a s something that could mobilize the nation but also, perhaps, interrupt the masculinity necessary to w i n a n d , therefore, s h a m e t h e nation. Emotions, as Sara A h m e d argues, are not merely internalized drives, but operate on and across surfaces, asserting national boundaries a n d b e c o m i n g invested in power. S h e reminds us that: "we need to reflect on the work that emotions d o in aligning subjects with s o m e others a n d against other others, a n d hence in securing the surfaces or boundaries of collectives"  {webct.ubc.ca/SCRIPT/Transculturalisms/scripts/serve:  2 0 0 2 ) . In that sense, t h e n , s h a m e w o r k s hard to produce the boundaries of the nation, a n d the longing to belong.  -56-  Following T o m k i n s , Sedgwick and Frank write about the relationship between s h a m e a n d interest: "the pulsations of cathexis around s h a m e [...] are w h a t either enable or disenable so basic a function as t h e ability to be interested in the w o r l d " (114). S h a m e , t h e n , is an attitude in part, of reading - "reading m a p s , m a g a z i n e s , novels" (114) as Sedgwick a n d Frank put it - but also, o n e might a s s u m e , reading TV. Indeed, as a scholar of television I constantly e n c o u n t e r t h e d e g r e e of s h a m e (especially a m o n g academics) that is attached to television watching (as o p p o s e d to print media), which often co-exists with a detailed k n o w l e d g e of its doings. Sedgwick and Frank maintain that s h a m e , in its productivity, co-exists with pleasure: Without positive affect there can be no s h a m e : only a scene that offers y o u e n j o y m e n t or e n g a g e s your interest c a n m a k e y o u blush. Similarly, only something y o u thought might delight or satisfy c a n disgust. Both these affects produce bodily knowledges: disgust as w h e n spitting out bad tasting f o o d , recognizes t h e difference between inside and outside t h e body a n d w h a t should a n d should not be let in. (116) Sedgwick writes about how, after 9 / 1 1 , s h e , along with other N e w Yorkers, kept looking, reflexively, for t h e Twin T o w e r s : "But of course the towers w e r e always still g o n e . Turning away, s h a m e w a s w h a t I would feel" (Touching Feeling 35). This w a s , for her (following Tomkins), t h e s h a m e of t h e unheimlich, of looking at something that w a s meant t o be familiar but had gone strange: "I w a s a s h a m e d  -57f o r t h e estranged a n d d e n u d e d skyline; such feelings interlined, of course, t h e pride, solidarity a n d grief that also bound m e to t h e city." (36)  Perhaps there w a s also s h a m e in the entertainment that 9/11 provided. Sitting in front of t h e television for three solid days, I felt pleasure at something that should not h a v e b e e n pleasurable. I w a s enjoying t h e excessive, paranoid m o m e n t : televisual images a n d conspiracy theories that overlapped with o n e another. A n inside a n d a n outside to what, in activist circles, w e used to call 'the d o m i n a n t culture', that s e e m e d to have m e r g e d . T h e bombing of the P e n t a g o n ! R u m o u r s of attempts to b o m b t h e White House! H o w m a n y activists secretly admitted their fantasies of just such destruction, a n d h o w m a n y felt a s u d d e n , transient s h a m e ?  Sedgwick is critical of strategies that try to undo s h a m e (examples: m e m o r y work in G e r m a n y , o r pride m o v e m e n t s ) , arguing that s h a m e is constitutive; it is associative, connected to z o n e s of t h e body, behaviours, identities, other affects. She writes, "The forms taken by s h a m e are not distinct 'toxic' parts of a group or individual identity that c a n be excised; they are instead integral t o a n d residual in the process by which identity itself is f o r m e d " (Touching Feeling 6 3 ) .  Other scholars are interested in t h e connections between s h a m e , guilt, humiliation, a n d embarrassment. Here, t r a u m a a n d affect theory converge o n c e again, at t h e site of the nation. Nathanson writes that s h a m e is umbrella term for multitude of emotions ranging from e m b a r r a s s m e n t to mortification (19).  -58However, he differentiates between s h a m e a n d guilt, in a distinction that parallels LaCapra's notion of acting out vs. working t h r o u g h : W h e r e a s s h a m e is about t h e quality of our person or self, guilt is t h e painful e m o t i o n triggered w h e n w e b e c o m e aware that w e have acted in a w a y t o bring harm t o another person or to violate s o m e important code. Guilt is about action a n d laws. W h e n e v e r w e feel guilty, w e c a n pay for t h e d a m a g e inflicted. T h e confessional system is a system of release from guilt, for it allows us t o d o penance. [...] No such easy system exists t o facilitate our return from s h a m e . (19) This distinction points to notions of reparation, a notion Sedgwick asserts is missing f r o m post-structuralist theory. Canadian television programs like " C a n a d a : A People's History" reveal a steadfast lack of a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t , let alone atonement, for racist acts. Bannerji asks, "What discursive magic c a n vanish a continuously proliferating process of domination a n d thus of marginalization a n d oppression?" (The Dark Side of the Nation 106). D o e s t h e lack of a c k n o w l e d g m e n t a n d punishment of w r o n g - d o i n g , then, lead to s h a m e ? A n d is this s h a m e , (potentially a site of transformation), also o n e of repetition, of representations that return again a n d again t o t r a u m a without t h e ability t o m o v e forward into present-time?  A c c o r d i n g t o Stearns, t h e s e days it is e m b a r r a s s m e n t that stands in f o r s h a m e . Embarrassment, which e m e r g e d in t h e post-Victorian era, allowed emotion to be replaced by reason, e m b a r r a s s m e n t being t h e affect that controlled potentially  -59debilitating emotions like s h a m e or guilt (147). Embarrassment w o u l d s e e m t o be one o f the defining emotions of C a n a d a ' s foreign policy, legitimizing increases in defence f u n d i n g .  11  "Canada's Chretien h a s proved t o be a national  e m b a r r a s s m e n t , " wrote Bob MacDonald in t h e Toronto Sun (Sept 26, 2001). C o m p a r i n g Bush's a n d Chretien's responses to 9 / 1 1 , M a c D o n a l d f o u n d Chretien to be lacking in moral authority or military initiative, a n d declared him t o b e pandering to t h e 'ethnic vote'. Here, ethnicity produces e m b a r r a s s m e n t , w h i c h signals a need for power and regulation, at t h e borders of otherness. In t h e C a n a d i a n context, e m b a r r a s s m e n t can be seen a s a w a y for C a n a d i a n identity t o b y p a s s a n y actual working through o f shameful actions, a n d also marks its subordination a n d relationality to t h e U.S.  Pleasure  See Jane walk. See Mother cook. See Spot run. Grade o n e w a s a n unsettling mix o f familiar Catholic ritual a n d exotic, A n g l o - C a n a d i a n custom for m e . S u c h a c r o w d e d , hybrid universe: t h e national a n t h e m , portraits of Q u e e n Elizabeth a n d Pope Paul, t h e A c t o f Contrition, Jesus o n a cross. But t h e grade o n e reader resolved all contradictions. With its drawings of white English people living in an amazingly ordered a n d cohesive universe, it both comforted a n d dazzled. It w a s m y j o b n o t only t o look at J a n e / M o t h e r , a n d Spot, but t o see t h e m , t o let t h e m enter and fill, m y visual field. A s Bannerji writes, "[Ijnvisibility [...jdepends o n t h e state's view o f [some] a s normal. [...] T h e y are true Canadians" (Returning the  -60Gaze 148). This w a s a visual e c o n o m y that promised its readers a kind of t r a n s p a r e n c y via its spectacular pleasures, a n d a m o d e of belonging.  Pleasure, as R a y m o n d Williams reminds us, is constitutive of belonging to the nation. Williams writes about the childhood "pleasure" of learning, and a s e n s e of friendship and community, being "attached to the song of a m o n a r c h or a flag. [...] T h e powerful feelings of wanting to belong to a society are then in a majority of cases b o n d e d to these large definitions" (The Year 2000 182).  Grossberg writes about affect as a h e g e m o n i c force, "operating through s y s t e m s of identification a n d belonging" (259). He argues that within popular culture, affect often stands in for content, becoming an expressive force for right w i n g politics. He cites optimism as an e x a m p l e of how affect is put to the service of politics: T h e n e w conservatism does not replace a lost source of optimism but rather s p e a k s directly to a desire for optimism [...] T h e new conservative alliance d o e s not need to deploy specific c o m m i t m e n t s or beliefs, but it has to foreground the need to believe in belief, to m a k e a c o m m i t m e n t to commitment" (271).  In a post 9/11 C T V news report entitled "The Optimism of Canadians," a national television network took upon itself the task of characterizing the affect of an entire nation. It w a s , in the anchor's w o r d s , "a snapshot of how people are feeling about t h e m s e l v e s and their futures in the w a k e of September eleventh." A c c o r d i n g t o C T V , a poll revealed that, despite rising u n e m p l o y m e n t a n d a sluggish e c o n o m y , Canadians w e r e experiencing "the highest level of optimism  -61 in two d e c a d e s . " After interviewing 'ordinary'"Canadians at a drive-through Chicken Burger outlet in Bedford Nova Scotia, the report ended with a call to unity: "collectively, Canadians will be able to o v e r c o m e the challenges posed by this n e w w o r l d " ( C T V News, N o v e m b e r 8, 2 0 0 1 ) .  It is no accident that these optimistic C a n a d i a n s are situated at a site of consumption and of nostalgia: an old-fashioned burger joint. K e o h a n e writes about the political e c o n o m y of pleasure. In his view, the Canadian nation is defined by "national enjoyment," in w h i c h nationalism b e c o m e s c o n s u m p t i o n , a n d nation b e c o m e s commodity. T h e f a m o u s ambiguity of Canadian identity is, he writes, "a void around which enjoyment is structured and organized" (32).  1 2  T h e e n j o y m e n t of a historical identity - that is, the innumerable social practices, languages, signs, c o d e s that animate a particular identity - is constantly under threat of being stolen a w a y by the necessary coexistence of otherness, because the Other's enjoyment, or rather, the infinitude of the difference apparent in the Other's enjoyment, an infinitude that appears as the Other's excess enjoyment, exposes the arbitrariness and contingency...of the enjoyment of the O n e . (23) Several theorists (Duara, Hall, McClintock) have t o u c h e d upon just such relational nature of national identification. Hall writes: "[The English] have to k n o w w h o they are not in order to know w h o they are. [...][T]here is no identity that is not without the dialogic relationship to the Other" ("Culture, C o m m u n i t y , Nation" 345). Similarly, Duara writes:  -62A s a relationship a m o n g constituents, the national 'self is defined at any point in time by the Other. Depending on the nature and scale of the oppositional t e r m , the national self contains various smaller 'Others' historical Others that have effected a n often uneasy reconciliation a m o n g t h e m s e l v e s , and potential Others that are beginning to form their differences. A n d it is these potential Others that are most deserving of our attention. (163) Several scholars (such as Manning, Mackey) have described C a n a d i a n identity a s relational, heavily d e p e n d e n t on its difference f r o m the U.S. or Q u e b e c . Aniko B o d r o g h k o z y follows that trajectory: "The (I A M Canadian ads) w e r e s o pleasurable because of the effective w a y s in which they mined that lode of contrasting [U.S./Canadian] stereotypes but also the parodic w a y s in w h i c h the stereotyped C a n u c k e n d s up on top" (117). K e o h a n e argues a C a n a d i a n identity that is relational to the immigrant. T h e immigrants' "excessive" e n j o y m e n t of their o w n c u s t o m s s h o w s up the lack of Canadian identity: [T]he 'successful' immigrant and the 'lazy' immigrant are rendered equivalent in the racist discourse, as both are marked by s o m e o b s c e n e e x c e s s e n j o y m e n t [....] But it is this very excess, pertaining to the Other's enjoyment, that constitutes the object field of desire. T h e s a m e qualities that w e hate in the Other are those qualities that w e envy, that w e desire. (24)  -63 Pain  "The traumatic m o m e n t b e c o m e s e n c o d e d in an a b n o r m a l f o r m of memory" -  Judith H e r m a n , Trauma and Recovery 36.  In recent t r a u m a theory, national m e m o r y is constituted at the site o f forgetting. Painful affect - grief, sorrow, a s e n s e of loss - b e c o m e s that w h i c h defines national m e m o r y , as w h e n Cathy Caruth asks, "What does it m e a n , precisely, for history to be the history of a t r a u m a ? " (15). For how else to explain the w a y s in w h i c h a nation has not fully narrativized its past? "What returns to haunt the victim, these stories tell us, is not only the reality of the violent event but also the reality of the w a y that its violence has not yet b e e n fully k n o w n " (6).  A c c o r d i n g to Kaja Silverman, trauma produces a certain kind of history, which she calls 'the d o m i n a n t fiction'. Moving a w a y from an individualistic, clinical m o d e l that d o m i n a t e s m u c h of t r a u m a theory, Silverman theorizes the symbolic order and ideology: " W h e n a modified Althusserian paradigm is brought into intimate connection with psychoanalysis a n d anthropology, it provides t h e basis for elaborating the relation b e t w e e n a society's m o d e of production a n d its symbolic order" (41). T h e dominant fiction not only helps form a subject's identity, but also helps form a nation's reality.  "The language of pain materializes the nation," writes Sawchuk. She claims that traumatic narratives materialize the nation, but that official national narratives  -64strive to represent a nation without pain: a unifying gesture "that will resolve all contradictions a n d heal all w o u n d s " (112). A s I note in Chapter 3, e v e n t h o s e w h o suffered internment and near-death at the hands of a racist nation-state, are recuperated back into a healing narrative. S a w c h u k hints at ruptures in this text: "the frequency and intensity of the pain-filled language and historical persistence of conflicts [...] indicate that the w o u n d s are spread throughout the body politic, that t h e y cannot be zipped shut" (112).  R e n a n , t o o , asserts that it is suffering, more t h a n joy, that unites the nation: "Where national m e m o r i e s are c o n c e r n e d , griefs are of more value than triumphs, for they impose duties, and require a c o m m o n effort" (53). But he argues that a nation's t r a u m a obscures m e m o r y . "The essence of a nation," writes R e n a n , "is that all individuals have m a n y things in c o m m o n and also that they h a v e forgotten m a n y things" (45). H e cites forgetting a s crucial to nationformation. T h e nation is then reconstituted in historical error.  Y o u have been in the C B C archives for w e e k s . S o m e h o w , s u m m e r has dissolved into a u t u m n , a n d w i n d whips your face a s y o u leave the building e a c h e v e n i n g . Y o u are chilled, but not by the weather. Y o u have been watching the news, years and years of Peter Mansbridge, Alison Smith, H a n n a Gartner. Y o u e v e n w a t c h the ellipses, the spaces between: the w a y that Alison always fixes a strand of her hair before going to air; Peter's nervous half-smile as he straightens his tie. Y o u  -65feel s o m e affection for t h e m , parental figures, objects of desire. But more than anything y o u feel chilled: by t h e absences, t h e spaces of forgetting, t h e long historical silences.  C a n national television ever be otherwise?  A c c o r d i n g t o Caruth, listening, or bearing witness, is a crucial c o m p o n e n t t o t h e healing or integration of t h e w o u n d : "the story of t h e w a y in which one's o w n t r a u m a is tied up with t h e trauma of another, t h e w a y in which t h e t r a u m a m a y lead, therefore, to t h e encounter with another, through t h e very possibility a n d surprise of listening to another's w o u n d " (8).  Certainly, C a n a d i a n television is not monolithic, nor is impervious to resistant readings. A t certain points in this dissertation I will suggest that e v e n t h e televisual act of representation has t h e possibility of being such a witnessing. Certain m o m e n t s , be they comedic ruptures of "This Hour H a s 2 2 Minutes," or the u n c a n n y historical flashbacks in "North of 60," provide a site for audiences t o listen t o a voice "it cannot fully know" (Caruth 9 ) . Resistance a n d reparation are also machinic entities, which occur both within a n d outside of, but always in connection to, t h e m e d i a text.  In his introduction to Anti-Oedipus,  Foucault writes: "Develop action, thought a n d  desires by proliferation, juxtaposition a n d disjunction, and not by subdivision a n d  -66pyramidal hierarchization. [...] Prefer w h a t is positive and multiple difference over uniformity, flows over unities, mobile a r r a n g e m e n t s over systems (xiii). This dissertation, moving back and forth as it d o e s between historical m o m e n t s and televisual g e n r e s , will attempt to rearrange these traumatic m o m e n t s into a s y s t e m of affective practices which can be seen as positive and multiple, as ethical b e c o m i n g s . Canadian television is the normative site w h e r e these multiplicities in Canadian nationalist discourse are organized.  -67-  CHAPTER TWO Whose Child A m I? The Quebec Referendum and Languages of Affect and the Body  "You cut the umbilical cord of a baby, it's a kind of separation, but one that brings new life." Q u e b e c sovereigntist, interviewed o n The National, October 2 3 1995  "It's like taking a part a piece of your heart - it's a piece of my country. I don't want to see it hurt." C a n a d i a n nationalist, interviewed o n The National, October 2 7 1995  "Separation will be painless" J a c q u e s Parizeau, The National, S e p t e m b e r 26, 1995  A s early a s t h e 1960's, M c L u h a n claimed that the electronic age w o u l d lead to the separation o f Q u e b e c . H e argued that technology, w o u l d permit Q u e b e c to leave the Canadian union in a w a y quite inconceivable under the regime of railways. T h e railways require a uniform political a n d e c o n o m i c space. O n t h e other h a n d , airplane and radio permit the utmost discontinuity and diversity in spatial organization. (33) M c L u h a n also argued that electronic m e d i a has a more intimate connection with the body than print m e d i a and is in s o m e w a y s a n extension of our bodies. H e described television as "the most recent and spectacular electric extension of our central nervous s y s t e m " (317). While Q u e b e c never did quite separate, t h e  -68televisual c o v e r a g e of t h e 1995 referendum a n d t h e technologies, bodily metaphors, and affective practices that attended it bore out many of t h e s e earlier findings.  O n O c t o b e r 3 0 , 1995, residents of Q u e b e c w e n t to t h e polls t o decide w h e t h e r their province should begin t h e process of separating from C a n a d a to b e c o m e a sovereign c o u n t r y . My examination of t w o years of C B C news p r o g r a m m i n g 1  about t h e referendum (news coverage, news documentaries and special programs) reveals a recurring language of affect, punctuated with w o r d s a n d phrases like "vulnerability", "tragedy", "anger", " h u r t " , "pain", a n d "healing". Generally, it is not just people w h o are described as having these feelings, but also t h e country itself, the nation becoming corporeal. "Canada," proclaimed then Fisheries Minster Brian Tobin (about an imminent rally against Q u e b e c independence), "is going to bare its heart a n d its soul to its fellow citizens in Q u e b e c " ("The National", C B C , October 25 1995).  If, as Foucault contends, all systems of discipline and punishment are tied up in a "political e c o n o m y of t h e body," o n e might also extend this to t h e narrative of rebellion and c o n s e q u e n c e that w a s t h e referendum debate: "It is always t h e body that is at issue - t h e body and its forces, their utility a n d docility, their distribution a n d submission" (Discipline and Punish 25). Indeed, it w a s at t h e m o m e n t of this so-called "unity rally," five days before the referendum, that English C a n a d a reasserted its colonial fantasy of managing a docile province of  - 69 Q u e b e c , via t h e language of the body. Here, t o o , Q u e b e c separatism e m e r g e d as a crucial object of Canadian nationalist discourse.  While a variety of bodily metaphors - f r o m birth, to death by cancer -  were  discursively utilized, it w a s t h e heterosexual couple that b e c a m e t h e overriding m e t a p h o r of Q u e b e c ' s relationship to C a n a d a . Kim S a w c h u k writes, "The language of pain w a s deployed to establish t h e reality of t h e potential hurt a n d the right solution. It not only h u m a n i z e d t h e [national] body, but it g a v e it a n a g e , a gender, a n d a life in a traditional heterosexual family structure" (98).  I will argue in this chapter that C B C news coverage of t h e referendum debate constituted a n affective super-text that, with its narrative of heterosexual r o m a n c e , operated in a fashion reminiscent of t h e emotion-laden dramatic serial.  3  Here it is important to note that I a m not, in this chapter, discussing t h e  history a n d politics of Q u e b e c separatism itself, nor even of C a n a d a ' s relation t o it. In discussing the formation of t h e discourse of psychopathology, Foucault wrote, "These relations are established between institutions, e c o n o m i c a n d social processes, behavioural patterns, systems of norms, techniques, types of classification, m o d e s of characterization; a n d these relations are not present in the object" (Archaeology of Knowledge 49-50). In this case, t h e discursive relation of Canadian m e d i a representation to Q u e b e c sovereignty is part of a larger relational network in which t h e referendum debate e m e r g e d as but o n e of nationalism's objects. T h u s , t h e history of t h e struggle for Q u e b e c sovereignty  - 70 and C a n a d a ' s relation to it is neither more nor less important than other objects of C a n a d i a n nationalism relational to Q u e b e c . Following Foucault, it is the 4  discourse, rather than the surfaces of e m e r g e n c e themselves, that might provide the a n s w e r to m y over-arching question: w h y has Canadian nationalism increasingly b e c o m e an object of Canadian television, particularly in the past d e c a d e ? W h a t is affect's role in this? C a n a d a ' s media-ted relation to t h e 1996 sovereignty debate, and in particular, the C B C ' s use of dramatic seriality, m a y provide s o m e clues.  News as Drama  T h e r e are m a n y precedents that argue for news reportage as a dramatic, a n d even melodramatic, f o r m . In arguing his notion of the media as anti-democratic, Derrida, for e x a m p l e , writes that news media b e c o m e s a kind of d r a m a , with politicians playing characters: "mere silhouettes, if not marionettes, on t h e stage of televisual rhetoric. T h e y w e r e thought to be actors of politics, they n o w often risk, as e v e r y o n e knows, being no more than T V actors" (Spectres of Marx 80).  Nick Browne argues that the dramatic form of sequencing - which he calls television seriality-  is television's "paradigmatic f o r m . " He writes that it "orders  and regulates television programming - f r o m daily news and talk s h o w s through the typical w e e k l y sequencing of primetime entertainment programs" (72-73). Importantly, Browne emphasizes the commercial viability of the serial. Historically, t h e serial w a s a w a y of doing a w a y with sponsor-financed d r a m a  -71  anthologies like C B C ' s "General Motors Presents" (1954-1961). T h e s e w e r e replaced with the more profitable system of selling advertising spots, w h i c h also g a v e networks m o r e institutional and creative a u t o n o m y (Browne 73). Browne's point is that the text of the serial is a result of negotiation between advertiser, network and audience. Indeed, as Creeber notes, seriality is so prevalent that television advertising now frequently mimics the serial form (441).  North A m e r i c a n television (even, I w o u l d argue, a public network like C B C ) is primarily a commercial undertaking. Writes Browne, "it is one of the traditional c o m m i t m e n t s of network programming to try and secure a loyal flow of audience attention through the prime-time hours, warding off potential defections through strategies of continuity" (77). T h o m a s L. D u m m concurs with Browne, arguing that w h a t he calls T V ' s "serial-episode m o d e of composition" is its defining m o d e . T h u s , he concludes that meaningful analysis of television "involves a study not of its particulars but of its more general g r o u n d , w h i c h constitutes its ontological f r a m e of reference." Further, "the serial episode format [...] proceeds by processes of repetition. In series, narratives c o m e to a conclusion with e a c h episode, but in such a w a y as to call into question completion or e n d i n g " (308309).  I w o u l d add that the serial nature of C B C ' s coverage of the Q u e b e c referendum also served to narrativize national sentiment in the form of the romance genre, via a heavily c o d e d language of body and emotion. A s I have noted earlier,  -  -72romanticism is constitutive of n a t i o n a l i s m . Peter Brook points out that 5  romanticism a n d m e l o d r a m a were, historically, closely linked, both being evidence of a post-Enlightenment rise in the notion of individualism: M e l o d r a m a represents both the urge toward resacralization a n d t h e impossibility of conceiving sacralization other than in personal terms. Melodramatic good a n d evil are highly personalized: they are assigned to, they inhabit persons w h o indeed have no psychological complexity but w h o are strongly characterized. (16) In t h e c a s e of the Q u e b e c referendum, I will argue that affect b e c a m e a w a y of organizing bodies a n d minds at an extremely unstable m o m e n t in C a n a d i a n history. T h u s , national sentiment, e m b o d i e d o n English television in a kind of melodramatic battle between t h e g o o d of federation a n d the evil of separation, (the g o o d of Chretien, t h e evil of Parizeau) then b e c a m e narratively mobilized a s a m e a n s of m a n a g i n g Quebec.  Early Days  T h e coverage of t h e referendum debate began in earnest in February 1995, nine m o n t h s before t h e actual referendum itself, mimicking another bodily process, pregnancy. T h e gestation of the televisual debate began with the equilibrium (and whiteness) of "Carnevale" in Q u e b e c City. Over footage of s n o w a n d dancing ice skaters, a voice-over said that t h e rumblings of the upcoming debate, s e e m e d , at this point, "somewhat faint" ("Sunday Report", February 1995).  -73 S u b s e q u e n t interviews with the usual suspects: donut shop denizens, seniors, and the inhabitants of Main Street, Q u e b e c , confirmed that while people's identification with or against sovereignty is "from the heart [...] it's still too early to get excited" ("CBC News", Feb 5 1995). Certainly, this w a s a narrative arc in the making.  T h e referendum discourse also created a parallel, intersubjective discourse: patriotism. This w a s to change the tone and syntax of representations of C a n a d i a n nationalism for the d e c a d e to c o m e . T h e nine-month lead-up to the referendum w a s punctuated with flashbacks to an older, more patriotic past. O n February 5 , 1995, the "birthday" of the current Canadian flag, C B C N e w s c o th  anchor P a m e l a Wallin hosted a special episode of "The National". Images of flagw a v i n g children, a flag cake, and the designer of the flag (conveniently, a Quebecois by birth) w e r e intercut with sovereigntist billboards in Montreal. "Ironically," said Wallin (with no sense of irony at all), "the Canadian flag has e m e r g e d as the principle symbol of the c a m p a i g n to keep Q u e b e c in the country" ("The Magazine", February 15 1995). Paul Henderson, the hockey player w h o scored the winning goal at the C a n a d a - R u s s i a hockey finals, w a s brought in to say: " W e need to b e c o m e flag w a v e r s . I think it would bring us together."  Questions of race and gender produced disequilibrium within this narrative early o n , a n d ghosted m u c h of its representation. Eva Mackey, following on the heels of British race theory, has discussed h o w the Canadian national project differs  -74f r o m that of Britain by disguising racism not a s h o m o g e n o u s (read: white) nationalism, but a s multicultural nationalism (The House of Difference). T h e Q u e b e c referendum debate, however, leaned heavily on w h a t British intellectuals have d u b b e d t h e ' n e w racism', in which national culture a n d its e n a c t m e n t s of patriotism a r e implicitly white. K e o h a n e h a s described t h e project o f Q u e b e c separatism a s being similar to that o f right w i n g , racist projects like t h e Reform party a n d t h e Heritage Front: "These projects seek t o solve t h e problem o f the diversity a n d multiplicity o f Canadian identities by categorically identifying a n d demarcating a singular center and systematically excluding elements that d o not fit that category" (7).  In a f o r e s h a d o w i n g of the race scandal that w a s t o b e c o m e t h e PQ's downfall, B o u c h a r d , t h e Q u e b e c premier and leader of the referendum c a m p a i g n , w a s quoted o n C B C a s saying, " D o y o u think it m a k e s sense to have s o f e w children in Q u e b e c ? W e are o n e o f the white races that has t h e fewest children." ("CBC Special Report", October 17, 1995). Interestingly, t h e C B C completely ignored the racial implications of this remark, allowing critiques of sexism, but not racism, to surface. Bouchard w a s later s h o w n o n television reconciling with a feminist leader of the "Yes" (sovereigntist) c a m p a i g n , but not with a n y people of colour. A s often h a p p e n s w h e n race relations b e c o m e a n issue o n Canadian television, it w a s w o m e n (and " w o m e n ' s issues") that b e c a m e t h e bearers o f discourse regarding inequality, obscuring the race issue yet a g a i n .  6  -75R a c e c a m e up again on C B C television; if briefly, w h e n t h e Gree of Q u e b e c held their o w n referendum, o n e w e e k before t h e official one. That referendum resulted in an overwhelming "No" vote. This news w a s buried in larger stories about t h e e c o n o m i c uncertainties of separation, making literal Prasenjit Duara's notion of the 'hidden other' which works productively t o destabilize t h e nation, at t h e s a m e time that its otherness is crucial to the relational identity of nationalism ("Historicizing National Identity").  Seriality, Soaps and Melodrama  T h e titles of C B C 'special reports', magazine s h o w s a n d mini-documentaries, as well as t h e music a n d lead-ins that w e n t with t h e m , encouraged notions of seriality. Creeber's description of seriality could also describe C B C ' s referendum coverage: Like t h e s o a p opera, t h e series reoccurs regularly throughout t h e schedule, w e a v i n g in a n d out of the domestic space. [...] Simply in terms of hours alone t h e series c a n produce a breadth of vision, a narrative s c o p e a n d c a n capture t h e audience's involvement in a w a y equaled by f e w c o n t e m p o r a r y media. (441) This particular narrative serial also utilized many of the codes of m e l o d r a m a . If the etymology of t h e genre is t h e Latin melos (music) a n d d r a m a , a genre in w h i c h music marks m o m e n t s of excessive affect, (Elsaesser), then t h e violin strains a c c o m p a n y i n g t h e introductory programs about t h e referendum, overlaid with s o u n d bytes of different political actors in t h e debate (intercut with a  -76Parliamentary P e a c e T o w e r splitting in t w o ) presented the emotional t e r m s of the family r o m a n c e that w a s about to u n f o l d .  7  In Freudian terms, the 'family  r o m a n c e ' is an imaginary scenario played out by a child regarding her paternity, in w h i c h s h e asks, 'whose child a m I?' ("Mourning a n d Melancholia"). Questions of paternity are prevalent in the plots of w e s t e r n m e l o d r a m a , and m o s t especially within s o a p o p e r a . This sets the stage for the e n a c t m e n t of bourgeois familial concerns: property, inheritance, lineage, a n d crises of masculinity. Within m e l o d r a m a , the family is a kind of fortress constantly prone to infidelity, alcoholism, a n d other social tragedies. Separation - of h u s b a n d from wife, child f r o m father - is the great evil of m e l o d r a m a , wellspring of all tragedy, a n d the antithesis of c o m m u n i t y a n d family, w h i c h is always melodrama's unfulfilled desire.  M a k i n g g o o d use of the t e r m s of m e l o d r a m a , federalist politicians repeatedly used the spectre of family dissolution a s a n emotive hook. In a n eleventh hour address to the nation, Prime Minister J e a n Chretien w a s pictured in his office between t w o sets of photos: that of his wife o n left, a n d a grouping of family photos o n right. In the middle, visually holding the two ends of the family together, w a s Chretien. In a low, intimate voice, leaning forward slightly, he a s k e d : "Do y o u really think that y o u a n d your family will have a quality of life a n d a better future in a separate Q u e b e c ? " N e w Brunswick premier Frank M c k e n n a w a s reported a s saying, "It's a time for all C a n a d i a n s . . . t o s h o w their affection for their brother's a n d sisters in Quebec." ("The National" October 25 1995).  -77 S u b s e q u e n t television coverage isolated, e c h o e d , a n d amplified this trope,  as  w h e n C B C reporter H a n n a Gartner blurted out, on referendum night, "Clearly,  we  are a dysfunctional family."  A spring, 1995 poll conducted by the C B C presented a 60/40 split b e t w e e n t h o s e w h o o p p o s e d , a n d those w h o supported, Q u e b e c ' s separation. (This unsatisfactory split, this doubling, s e e m e d t o e v o k e the first of m a n y flashbacks to footage of former Prime Minister Pierre Elliott T r u d e a u , w a r n i n g against the evils o f separation). Subsequent polls determined that the w o m e n of Q u e b e c formed the largest n u m b e r of undecided voters. Suddenly, it w a s clear that the province of Q u e b e c had a gender: female. A s C B C ' s Mark Kelley reported: "The province is ready to decide - but she can't. She's not alone. 1 0 % of Q u e b e c w o m e n - twice that of m e n - can't decide either" ("The National Special Report", C B C , S e p t e m b e r 16 1995). It w a s at this point that the g e n d e r e d corporeality of the c a m p a i g n began in earnest.  Gendered and Racialized Corporeality  Eight m o n t h s into C B C coverage of the referendum debate, anxiety w a s at its height - t o b e expected, presumably, in the m o n t h preceding birth. N e w s c o v e r a g e b e g a n to acquire the look a n d feel of dramatic narrative. A special report on the female vote w a s titled, "The W o m e n , " a s t h o u g h it w e r e a play. T h e first of m a n y A n g l o - F r a n c o r o m a n c e s w a s featured in a round table of w o m e n voters, hosted by H a n n a Gartner. O n e w o m a n said, "I fell in love with a  -78Q u e b e c k e r and then with Quebec," while another wife, a francophone married to an A n g l o p h o n e , declared her intention to vote " N o . "  8  Not long after this feature, Gartner introduced an even more pointedly narrativized n e w s d o c u m e n t a r y called "All in the Family," an intertextual reference to the 1970's T V series of the s a m e name, about a bigoted blue collar worker, A r c h i e Bunker, and his dysfunctional family. T h e documentary, about a bi-racial (white and South Asian) family on different sides of the debate, and running over three evenings, began with Gartner's voice-over: "All in the family: the father's voting yes the mother's voting no a n d the daughter has to m a k e up her m i n d . [...] T h e story of one w o m a n caught between the two solitudes at h o m e . T h e 70's T V series "All in the Family" repeatedly expressed anxieties 9  concerning miscegenation via the marriage of Archie's blonde daughter Gloria t o Polish A m e r i c a n Mike, w h o m Archie referred to alternately as "Polak" or "meathead." Similarly, the C B C T V d o c u m e n t a r y serial evoked not the t w o solitudes of French and English, but that of French and allophone, and fears expressed earlier by Bouchard - about the declining numbers of white Quebeckers.  Francine Pelletier hosted the 2-episode program. With her mention of the longrunning Q u e b e c o i s T V series, "La Famille Plouffe", s h e m a d e y e t another intertextual reference to television seriality. In the clip that followed, M. Plouffe w a s s h o w n as saying, "I'm beginning to get tired of Canada". Running f r o m 1954  -79to 1959, that hugely popular (in Q u e b e c ) program attempted to bridge the English-French cultural divide by, as Levin writes, "providing English-speaking a u d i e n c e s with a French-Canadian family they could care about, in a limited sort of w a y " ( 1 3 6 ) .  10  In t h e C B C documentary, M. Gauthier, a sovereigntist, stood in for M Plouffe, while, according to Pelletier, " M a m a Gauthier is a new Canadian and just a s fervent a federalist". Cut to M a d a m e Gauthier, w h o says, " W h e n I see all the problems all over the world I think C a n a d a is the best country in the world". Such a testimonial is standard for C B C immigrant narratives: as Sedef A r a t - K o c has pointed out, gratefulness is usually the only legitimate stance for immigrants. (2002). Archie to M m e Gautheir's Edith, M. Gauthier said, (in French) " W e w a n t complete control of our e c o n o m y , of our culture [...] w e w a n t t o b e sovereign master in our o w n home."  T h e Gauthier's daughter, 2 4 year old mixed-race Natasha, is, like Gloria Bunker, caught in b e t w e e n : between races and thus between genders. S h e is, as Pelletier reports with pointedly affective language, "neither in love with C a n a d a nor with a sovereign Quebec." Pelletier painfully extends the narrative of heterosexual r o m a n c e ; the Gauthier couple, in their racial and political difference, provide a convenient, if racially and emotively over-determined, m e t a p h o r for Quebec:  -80-  PELLETIER (to Madame Gauthier): But you're not about to divorce are you?  MME. GAUTHIER: No, we've been married 26 years. PELLETIER: ... You'll still be sleeping with your husband after the referendum.  GAUTHIER: Yes! Natasha the daughter is confident, hip, politicized. Her strong sense of herself as a Quebecoise represents both excess and lack. As a woman of colour she lacks the ability to reproduce the white race in Quebec; as a self-determined allophone Quebecoise she exceeds the sovereigntist expectations of allophones in Quebec.  While people of colour and immigrants were presented, on English-language television as tangential to the referendum's outcome (sitcoms to the referendum's drama), their significance was enormous, both in the form of votes and in the ways in which Quebec politicans' fear of otherness became vocalized In the final weeks of the referendum debate, racism was to become visible in Quebec as never before -in Duara's terms, productively destabilizing the sovereigntist agenda ("Historicizing National Identity", italics mine).  -81 "Quebec on t'aime": The Final Week  A kind of hysteria pervaded the last w e e k of the referendum. T h e w o r d , 'danger,' w a s used repeatedly by reporters and anchors; the danger of e c o n o m i c c o n s e q u e n c e s being paramount. Descriptions of panic a n d hysteria also figured in n e w s reports. A n d , the language of r o m a n c e w a s only to increase in the d a y s leading up to the referendum.  In a n e x t e n d e d C B C newscast on S e p t e m b e r 27,1995, the w o r d 'emotion' is used a d o z e n times in o n e hour, a n d an improbable lexicon of intimate w o r d s like hurt, desperation, a n d love, c o m e s up repeatedly. C B C reporter Paul A d a m s leads into a story about a " N o " rally in Montreal with the following w o r d s : "For many o f the t h o u s a n d s w h o c a m e here f r o m outside Q u e b e c it w a s a n emotional journey." ("The National" S e p t e m b e r 2 7 1995). Cut to a middle-aged white w o m a n attending the rally, flanked by federalists of all ages, including a girl just behind her with a maple leaf painted o n her cheek. T h e w o m a n says, for all the world like a spurned lover, "It's like taking a part a piece of your heart - it's a piece of m y country. I don't w a n t t o s e e it hurt." C u t again, t o a n e n o r m o u s C a n a d i a n flag floating on a s e a of people chanting " C a n a d a ! C a n a d a ! (in French, no less, with the accent on the last syllable); cut to s o m e y o u n g m e n with a h o m e - m a d e sign saying "Quebec on t'aime - BC (Quebec, w e love y o u - B C ) . Never has patriotism been taken up so ardently by this post-war, post-70's  -82generation of white Anglos: nationalism is suddenly a corporeal matter of life, death a n d breath. A s Marvin & Ingle write, Ritual elements are expressed in bodily terms. [...] A s the referendum for Q u e b e c independence a p p r o a c h e d , a n e w s p a p e r headline proclaimed, ' C a n a d a holds its breath as Q u e b e c votes.' [...] Ritual is creative; it s e e k s the unity of form and substance, which is embodiment. T h u s , m e d i a are ritually driven to offer the illusion of bodily presence restored. (142-43) A s the language of the body increased to almost comedic heights, PQ leader Lucien Bouchard's body b e c a m e more visually prominent. Bouchard, w h o lost a leg in an attack of flesh-eating disease a few years earlier, now walks with a cane and a slight limp. His disability, usually tactfully ignored, w a s mentioned repeatedly in the last days of the referendum campaign. O n e C B C report described him thus: "Because of his charisma, because of his brush with death last year, Lucien Bouchard has been elevated into the status of a living martyr." A c c o m p a n y i n g this voice-over w a s a w a i s t - d o w n shot of Bouchard's limping legs, and his c a n e ("The National" S e p t e m b e r 27). But it w a s on S e p t e m b e r 2 9 and 30, R e f e r e n d u m Eve and Night, respectively, that metaphors of ill bodies took over the s p e e c h acts of sovereigntists and federalists alike.  Referendum Night  KEN D R Y D E N , Lawyer: I haven't been feeling very good this week, it's like I have a hole in my stomach and it won't go away.. ..I want one  -83 Canada for me because I hate the hole I feel. Maybe you feel that hole too.  M A N S B R I D G E : (As "Yes" vote e d g e s up t o 58.9%) There are a lot of  stomachs nervous in a lot of different parts of the country and a lot of different parts of this province.  ("The National" October 30)  Candlelight vigils. "No" rallies across t h e country. Another squabbling couple ("She's for 'No', he's for ' O u i ' " ! ) . A n d , a divorced couple, Peter Mansbridge a n d W e n d y Mesley, anchoring t h e special October 2 9  t h  and 3 0  t h  coverage of t h e  referendum.  T h e lead-in to C B C ' s October 30 special news program looked quite a bit like a low-budget film trailer. A s the hands of a clock appeared over a C a n a d i a n flag, s o u n d bytes a n d quick visual edits w e r e montaged together, dramatic music throughout. Mansbridge's voice introduced t h e lead-in: "30 minutes before t h e ballot counting begins. W e know t h e stakes. W e ' v e heard t h e voices of t h e politicians." Over a shot of Q u e b e c flags, Parizeau's voice: "I think we'll have a country pretty s o o n . " A m a n w a v i n g Canadian flag, then a fleurde lis in t h e top half of a split screen, a "No" rally in t h e b o t t o m half. Chretien: " W e have every reason t o be extremely proud to be Canadian." More voices a n d images, a n d then t h e s e q u e n c e ends with the clock superimposed against a C a n a d i a n a n d Q u e b e c flag, a n d Mansbridge's voice: "In thirty minutes w e hear t h e voice of t h e people. Will it be y e s or no?"  -84(Let m e say at this point that, w h e n reviewing archival footage of referendum night, I w a s no detached observer, e v e n eight years after the fact. Like the audience for a m e l o d r a m a w h o s e genre I k n e w well, my heart w a s in my throat to use another bodily metaphor. I k n e w how the story would end but, nonetheless, w i p e d a w a y a tear w h e n the vote reached 50/50, and then again w h e n the "No" side w o n by the slimmest of margins: 5 0 . 6 % . Like a n y o n e returning to the site of t r a u m a , I wasn't crying for the lost object, I w a s crying for myself, for the m e m o r y of the emotions felt at the original scene).  A s voting b e g a n in Northern Q u e b e c , a vertical line a p p e a r e d o n t h e b o t t o m half of the s c r e e n : blue for yes on o n e side, red for no on the other. T h e first poll to vote w a s U n g a v a , w h e r e the split w a s 5 0 . 5 % "Yes"; 4 9 . 5 % "No". T h a t almost equally divided red/blue line w a s hardly t o c h a n g e all night.  M A N S B R I D G E : "Nervous? A little bit edgy? Well you are not alone. The yes side, the no side, all Quebeckers and all Canadians are  nervous..."  A s the evening w o r e o n , newscasters w o r k e d hard to fill the airwaves and conversation, allowing for plenty of slippage and performative s p e e c h acts. According to J.L. Austin, language is as m u c h a m o d e of action as it is a m o d e of information. T h e meaning of the w o r d is less important than the production of the w o r d . Certain performative utterances, including those of newscasters, do not so m u c h state a fact as perform an action, o n e that sutures t h e m into normalcy. S o that o n e might ask of these newscasters and reporters: w h a t do they m e a n by  -85their speech, rather than asking, w h a t d o e s this or that word m e a n ? T h e repetition of certain w o r d s or gestures generates performativity: t h e meeting of certain social conventions, t h e reproduction of normalcy.  H A N N A G A R T N E R : I'm watching your blood pressure go up, Brian  Tobinl...  T O B I N . I'm feeling not cocky but confident...  G A R T N E R : Earlier, you were about to lose your dinner!" ( C B C r o u n d table discussion, October 3 0 1995)  A c c o r d i n g t o Foucault, the body is a capillary of power; power flows into individual bodies affecting gesture, posture, utterance. Institutions a n d discourses produce certain kinds of bodies (Discipline and Punish). I a m saying that t h e reverse is also true: certain kinds of bodies produce certain kinds of discourses. T h e language of the demasculinized, romantic, pathological body ( Q u e b e c ) flows back into t h e e c o n o m i c p o w e r relations of Canadian nationalism. "English C a n a d a has had their heart gripped," says Ken Dryden on referendum night. This heterosexualized a n d feminized (and occasionally disabled) subaltern body is t h e o n e w h i c h t h e discourse o f nationalism serves t o preserve - b u t in a benevolent colonial fashion.  M a s s u m i , cited in Sawchuk, speaks of "a complex flow of collective desire," in which certain bodies stand in for certain images" (103). T h e s e are something different from unknowing, Cartesian b o d i e s .  1 1  T h e s e bodies know, to paraphrase  -86Bannerji, t h e dark side of the nation. S o m e of t h e m know it intimately; others k n o w it f r o m afar.  That night, Parizeau said, famously a n d bitterly t o a reporter, " W e w e r e beaten by m o n e y a n d t h e ethnic vote." ("The National" September 30 1995).  The Racialized Other M A N S B R I D G E : Good evening. Canada is still here tonight- but just barely. ("The National" October 30 1995)  After t h e referendum a n d its aftermath disappeared from the television s c r e e n , I resigned myself becoming a resident of English C a n a d a , in that most A n g l o of C a n a d i a n provinces: British Columbia. I had m o v e d to V a n c o u v e r from Montreal mere m o n t h s before t h e referendum. I traded t h e decadent patisseries of Boulevard St Denis for the prosaic coffee bars of Commercial Drive; I w e n t f r o m being allophone t o 'ethnic'. Nonetheless, I still used French expressions in m y s p e e c h ; t h e m e s s a g e on m y voice mail w a s still dutifully bilingue. I still had a vote (which I never m a d e use of); as t h e vote reached t h e 50-50 mark on referendum night, I j o k e d , in yet another corporeal metaphor, that t h e future of the country rested o n m y shoulders. I w a s , however, relieved that Q u e b e c hadn't separated not b e c a u s e I supported federalism, but because, five years after O k a , I did not support t h e racism that s e e m e d t o be constitutive of the sovereigntist project.  -87Using t h e 1991 M o h a w k standoff at O k a a s a vivid example of Q u e b e c ' s racism, Himani Bannerji describes First Nations as "the absent signifiers within Canadian national politics" (The Dark Side of the Nation 92). S h e argues that these racist m o m e n t s , like Parizeau's awkward utterances, are then used by English C a n a d a to obscure its o w n racist project. T h e discursive legacy of t h e Q u e b e c referendum debate w a s not, t h e n , a more critical approach to t h e ideology of nationhood. It w a s , I w o u l d argue, quite t h e opposite: an increase in racially overdetermined ideas of t h e nation, underpinned by emotive calls t o patriotic excess.  C B C n e w s w a s quick to adopt this trope. Reporter T o m Kennedy had this t o s a y about Parizeau's c o m m e n t , over footage of Parizeau chanting "Vive le Quebec," followed by a shot of a y o u n g w o m a n of colour looking d i s m a y e d : If a n y o n e expected healing w o r d s after such a divisive c a m p a i g n they didn't g e t it. Jacques Parizeau took aim right a w a y at Q u e b e c ' s minorities, w h o voted massively to stay in C a n a d a . ' W e w e r e beaten, he said, 'by m o n e y a n d t h e ethnic vote.' ("The National" October 30 1995) Over reportage of Parizeau's c o m m e n t a n d t h e fallout that e n s u e d , there w a s frequent a n d curious repetition of a particular image from R e f e r e n d u m Night: a recurring shot of South Asian m a n with a "No" sticker on his forehead, e m b r a c i n g a C a n a d i a n flag. People of colour, formerly bit players in t h e televised referendum serial, w e r e recuperated back into t h e d r a m a . According t o Foucault, normalizing regimes like federalism e n c o u r a g e conformity but also individualize  -88each m e m b e r by enabling precise classifications - in this case, measurable degrees of racial deviation from t h e norm (The History of Sexuality).  A n d r e m e m b e r t h e Gauthier family, those present-day Plouffes? Natasha, t h e "No"-voting mixed-race Gauthier daughter w a s pulled into the C B C studios and a s k e d her opinion of Parizeau's c o m m e n t . "It m a d e m y hair stand on e n d , " s h e said, "I think it w a s a very unastute thing for him to say. It appeared to be a very s p o n t a n e o u s sort of thing, which is e v e n more frightening." ("The National", October 3 1 , 1995). Certain televisual m o m e n t s , like this one, travel across discourses, forming their o w n polysemic lines of connection. In o n e of t h e most insightful c o m m e n t a r i e s I'd heard in w e e k s , fille Gauthier w e n t on to say: "We'll have to s e e w h a t t h e backlash does t o t h e Allophone and the A n g l o p h o n e communities, especially since Parizeau has singled t h e m out." S h e recounted a conversation at a "Yes" party w h e r e s o m e o n e said that if the "No" side w o n , there should b e a law passed like o n e in Belgium w h e r e immigrants can't vote until the third generation. Said Gauthier: "He actually said that. People w e r e going, ' Y e a h , y e a h , that's a g o o d idea'. S o y o u can't s a y that w h a t Parizeau said w a s o u t of t h e blue a n d that it didn't reflect w h a t Quebeckers feel!"  In t h e d a y s after referendum night, pain diminished to hurt - hurt being, a s S a w c h u k h a s pointed out, an indication that s o m e o n e is responsible for t h e pain (104). O n October 3 1 , C B C National N e w s reported that Parizeau had resigned. s t  C o m m e n t e d Mansbridge: "In defeat he had said w o r d s that hurt." O n N o v e m b e r  -8913, 1995, w h e n it b e c a m e clear that Parizeau would not apologize, Mansbridge reported: " T h e Parti Quebecois tried to reach o u t to the people t h e premier m a y have hurt." Interestingly, this s o m e w h a t less painful affect referred to racism, rather than separation.  National Time  W e a r e 'national' w h e n w e vote, w a t c h t h e six o'clock news, follow t h e national sport, observe (while barely noticing) the repeated iconographies of landscape a n d history in T V commercials. - Eley a n d Suny, Becoming National 2 9  According to implicit assumptions of C B C coverage of the referendum debate, Q u e b e c e r s a n d Canadians did have o n e thing very m u c h in c o m m o n : a shared belief in t h e viability of nationhood. That this is a contested notion, both academically a n d historically, w a s never o n c e broached in C B C coverage. Not o n c e did I s e e a n y o n e questioning t h e idea of sovereignty, be it that of Q u e b e c , or of C a n a d a . Indeed, it s e e m e d that affect w a s utilized in almost identical w a y s on both sides, as a w a y of naturalizing t h e imagined community of nation, a n d providing it with unquestionable stature. S a w c h u k also argues that federalists a n d sovereigntists h a d m u c h in c o m m o n : Both sides understood their o w n position a s real, but temporarily delegitimated, a n d t h e position of the other as inherently false or  -90'manifestly fictitious'. Both deploy the image of the h u m a n body 'to substantiate' or to lend an air of 'reality' to a shaky ideology (99). This ideological doubling brought these national bodies back together in a paradoxical manner. Lutz, following Neale, posits that m e l o d r a m a insists upon both the imagined powerlessness and the imagined agency of the viewer: "the resolution of m e l o d r a m a is always in important w a y s 'too late' for the characters. [...] our mourning for lost possibility and our d e m a n d for continued possibility c o m b i n e to elicit tears" (200-201).  A serial a p p r o a c h to the d i l e m m a of a divided country continued well into the 1996 s e a s o n . A March 1996 serial entitled "Remaking C a n a d a " aired over several w e e k s , and utilized s o m e of the strategies of reality TV: "25 C a n a d i a n s have 72 hrs to r e m a k e C a n a d a . . . T o m o r r o w at 10." C B C responded to m e l o d r a m a ' s ' d e m a n d for continued possibility' for as long as it possibly could. But by the end of 1996, the referendum debate had more or less faded f r o m view in national m e d i a , thus fulfilling the imperative of serial m e l o d r a m a . This fading a w a y can also be seen as a kind of legitimation. A s Silverstone argues, "the gradual withdrawal of the reporting of the event into the regular news p r o g r a m m e s is, o n c e again, evidence of its incorporation into the familiar and hopeful, distancing and denying structures of the daily schedule" (17). T h e event of the Q u e b e c referendum, integrated back into the T V routine, c h a n g e d in m e a n i n g , t h e n , from a traumatic rupture in the fabric of nationhood, to historic proof of the nation's cohesiveness, and its ability to weather dissent. Neil  -91 Bissondath, a federalist South A s i a n Canadian writer w h o frequently appears as a c o m m e n t a t o r on C B C , said: I got for the first time for a long time the idea that Canadians w e r e beginning to discover the possibilities of their o w n power. For the first time in my m e m o r y there w a s a huge a n d massive gathering of w h a t w e like to call ordinary Canadians all c o m i n g together to save their country for the first time taking the a g e n d a a w a y from the politicians [...]so there's hope. ("The National" N o v e m b e r 2 1995) Here, Bissoondath is referring to September's "No" Rally, held in Montreal. W h a t Bissoondath fails to mention is that this rally w a s funded, produced and staged by the federal Liberal party. While Bissoondath here perpetuates a kind of fantasy narrative of a unifying nationalist community, Keohane asserts that it is, rather, a n t a g o n i s m - in this case, the antagonism of competing political parties that continually reconstitutes the notion of C a n a d i a n unity (8).  A c c o r d i n g to Silverstone, television also creates a deep need for continuity via its o w n internal rupturing of its continuity (constitutive, according to Deleuze and Guattari, to the structure of such a desiring machine). Silverstone calls this "the dialectical articulation of anxiety and security" and says the news is master of this process (16).  -92Institutions, television a m o n g t h e m , attempt t o insert us into w h a t Cathy Caruth calls "national time": t h e e b b and flow of commercialized festivals, and national holidays a n d festivals (Olympics, C a n a d a Day, Thanksgiving, t h e Q u e e n ' s Birthday). But this marking actually performs an erasure: "The arrival into national history [...] erases not only her past but other nations as well" (33). W e leave t r a u m a , argues Caruth, or shut it out, by being placed within an ordered experience of time (61). T h e serial nature of C B C ' s referendum coverage ensured that this w a s , indeed, an event which could be ordered into 30-minute d o c u m e n t a r y 'magazine' segments, s o m e of which - t h e s e q u e n c e on t h e Gauthier family in particular - ran a s a mini-series. Like audiences watching other mini-series', whether it be "Survivor," or " C a n a d a : A People's History," t h e intimacy a n d continuity of t h e format allowed it to b e c o m e e m b e d d e d in t h e daily conversations, gestures, and habits of its viewers.  A s Foucault h a s pointed out, the body, t o o , is temporal. Normalization is rooted in t h e concept of a temporal body. This body - o n e that rises, w o r k s , a n d rests at certain hours - is therefore more naturally suited to institutional regimes a n d , a s s u c h , to national time (Discipline & Punish). T h e respectively male a n d female bodies of C a n a d a and Q u e b e c b e c a m e a machinic entity, connected to, a n d b e c o m i n g , part of a national television schedule, and thus of a national imaginary.  -93 T h e racialized body b e c o m e s the w a y in which English and French C a n a d a b e c o m e conjoined - it's one thing they have in c o m m o n . No longer so othered, a feminized sovereign Q u e b e c body has gradually fallen from view. C a n a d a w a s at risk of disappearing ("barely there") without its other: Quebec. A s I will discuss in succeeding chapters, this racialized body recurs in the visual field of C a n a d i a n television in order to maintain the visibility of the nation.  -94-  CHAPTER THREE Haunted Absences: Reading "Canada: A People's History"  All formations o f m e m o r y carry implicit and/or explicit assumptions about w h a t is t o be r e m e m b e r e d , how, by w h o m , for w h o m , a n d with w h a t potential effects. In this sense, r e m e m b r a n c e / p e d a g o g i e s are political, pragmatic, a n d performative attempts to prompt a n d e n g a g e people in the d e v e l o p m e n t of particular forms o f historical consciousness. - R o g e r S i m o n , Sharon Rosenberg, Claudia Eppert, Between Hope and  Despair 2  Recently, I s h o w e d students a n excerpt f r o m a 1 9 9 6 C B C special, " W h o is a Real C a n a d i a n ? " , a televised 'town hall' d e b a t e about official multicultural policy in C a n a d a p r o g r a m m e d in the w a k e of t h e Q u e b e c referendum of October 1 9 9 5 .  1  T h e d e b a t e h a d t h e predictably 'balanced' mix of brown a n d white faces o n a panel, with a carefully arranged wallpaper o f T V audience faces behind t h e m white f a c e s behind a brown face, a n d vice v e r s a .  I played t h e commercials for t h e students, t o o . T h e commercials w e r e hysterical, w h e r e t h e C B C program w a s , perhaps, merely biased (I particularly w a n t e d t h e m to notice a n "Air C a n a d a " a d featuring rows o f J a p a n e s e w o m e n in k i m o n o s w a v i n g to t h e c a m e r a ) . But it w a s a bland H o m e Hardware a d that p r o v o k e d t h e  - 95 most interesting c o m m e n t of the day. T h e ad featured two white people - a salesperson a n d a customer - e n g a g e d in happy banter about the paint selection at H o m e Hardware: "a rainbow of colours!", the lady salesperson shrilly e x c l a i m e d . A s o n e student (Sargie Kaler) pointed out, it w a s in this ad that ideas about h o m e - a n d , by extension, nation - w e r e spelt out in a m a n n e r for m o r e explicit than the complex ideological tennis match going on in the C B C t o w n hall debate. " H o m e " w a s a w a s h with white faces, and coloured walls. T h e rainbow of colours w o u l d be applied by the white people - and just as easily r e m o v e d .  A s Nick B r o w n e writes, "the [TV] a d , in its role as agent of symbolic restitution for lack in the narrative proper, constructs a kind of narrative pleasure that assures formal resolution" (77). G o o d s and services advertised in commercials circulate on a symbolic level throughout the super-text of the television schedule. In this w a y , flow between ad and program is maintained, so that the ad b e c o m e s something more than an interruption. T h e H o m e Hardware ad a d d r e s s e s the 'lack' in the question, " W h o is a real Canadian?"; a question which can never really fulfill its desire to define the 'real' of C a n a d i a n identity. Following Lacan, the real is a psychic space in which there is no distinction between self and other. T h e real is a place of original unity. Because the infantile stage of the real precedes language, that state is unrepresentable. In this case, h o m e renovation is a symbolic a n s w e r to the 'lack' of racism and its threat to original (national) unity.  -96ln this chapter, via an examination of episode o n e of t h e serial " C a n a d a : A People's History", and other Canadian television series, I will note t h e w a y s in w h i c h C a n a d i a n television continues, post-referendum, to practice these f o r m s of narrative rupture a n d closure, exclusion and inclusion. I will attempt to analyze the w o r k i n g s of historical m e m o r y in its performative intersection with a C a n a d i a n national imaginary. Performativity - t h e repetition of certain gestures t o produce normalcy - is constitutive of t h e s p e e c h act. Rather than looking at w h a t certain w o r d s m e a n within nationalist narratives I a m looking at the repetitive production, or performance of certain utterances a n d tropes. I a m also exploring analogies between certain theories: performativity, melancholia, and acting out. T h e s e m o d e s have a n inverse relationship to ethics, for, as LaCapra writes, "to t h e extent that s o m e o n e is possessed by t h e past and acting out a repetition c o m p u l s i o n , he or s h e m a y be incapable of ethically responsible behavior" (70).  Ghosts in the Narrative  Benedict A n d e r s o n ' s formulation of nation as an "enacted space" comprised of roles and relationships of "belonging a n d foreignness" is n o w a n a c a d e m i c truism (Imagined Communities).  But his reference to space is worth pondering. In t h e  past d e c a d e , t h e borders between C a n a d a a n d Quebec, and between C a n a d a and t h e U S , have b e c o m e increasingly porous: national space in this n e w world order is, t h e n , perhaps not only enacted, but also acted out, in t h e s e n s e of a  - 97 compulsive response to t r a u m a and lack. This national space is always marked by a b s e n c e : a n absence haunted by the ghosts of history.  For Derrida, ethics and responsibility begin with the ghost. In spectral presences - traces, fleeting images - Derrida sees something that will always return. T h e ghost "begins by coming back" (Spectres of Marx 11) T h e past, which returns to the future in t h e figure of t h e ghost, must inform t h e ethical responsibilities of t h e present. This ghost is not just history but also otherness - the other within ourselves, but also, I would argue, t h e other within the nation. Ghosts haunt t h e self and t h e nation, and they must be a c k n o w l e d g e d .  National m e m o r y is always selective, a s m u c h about forgetting as r e m e m b e r i n g ; m e m o r y a s performance, m e m o r y a s interpretation. A s Marianne Hirsch has written, "the representational media that function a s technologies of m e m o r y perform important cultural work in constituting a n d consolidating group identities" (8). Here, I will look at several 'technologies of memory' including C a n a d i a n television programs that have appeared on Canadian television in t h e past s e v e n years: an episode of t h e d o c u m e n t a r y serial "A Scattering of S e e d s " ( K n o w l e d g e Network 1997), t h e introductory episode of "Canada: A People's History" ( C B C 2000-2001), and episodes of "This Hour H a s 2 2 Minutes" ( C B C 1996-  ), a n d "North of Sixty" ( C B C 1991-98). In doing so, I will d r a w upon  Freud ("Mourning and Melancholia"), a s well a s Kaja Silverman and Dominic L a C a p r a to e x a m i n e t r a u m a , genre, a n d repetition as it relates to the m e d i a representation of these issues. T h e genre of m e l o d r a m a , for example,  -98participates in t h e compulsion to repeat, but then also tries to close over t h e w o u n d of pain that these traumatic events represent. A s Stephen Neale writes: "Genres [...] provide a m e a n s of regulating m e m o r y a n d expectations, a m e a n s of containing t h e possibilities of reading. Overall, they offer the industry a m e a n s of controlling d e m a n d , a n d t h e institution a m e a n s of containing coherently t h e effects that its products produce" (55).  In a similar w a y , there is a certain genre of immigrant narrative that repeats itself on C a n a d i a n television, which s e e m s to follow a religious format: confession followed by absolution; a cataloguing of shameful historical episodes in w h i c h t h e "victim" of these episodes is m a d e t o confess, followed by a redemptive ending in w h i c h t h e victim realizes that they are actually better off than they ever w e r e . "A Scattering of S e e d s " w a s a 52-part, independently produced made-for-television series that, according to its website, "celebrates t h e contribution of immigrants t o C a n a d a . " T h e series description on t h e website itself is particularly instructive: ' B y personalizing t h e stories of immigrants, "A Scattering of Seeds" m a k e s the stranger immediately familiar and t h e beginnings of this country, a shared experience" (http:/Avww.whitepinepictures.com/seeds/)  (Italics mine). According  to A h m e d , t h e stranger c a n n e v e r be m a d e familiar, a n d instead must always function as a marker of boundary maintenance. T h e "shared experience" of nation relies o n t h e fact of the stranger: "the enforcement of boundaries requires that s o m e - b o d y - here locatable in t h e dirty figure of the stranger - has already  -99crossed the line, has already c o m e too close." T h e stranger is always "that w h i c h must be expelled" (22).  I will briefly address one episode of "A Scattering of Seeds" in particular, "The Fullness of T i m e : Ukrainian Stories from Alberta," directed by UkrainianC a n a d i a n TV/film director Halja Kuchmij. Each episode of "A Scattering of Seeds" begins with a superimposition of a silhouetted (immigrant?) f a r m e r sowing seeds, against a black and white photograph of immigrants in ethnic costume. A n accented voice recites the pledge of Canadian citizenship, immediately situating the immigrant, as I have argued earlier, in an infantilizing system of tutelage.  This episode focuses on Harvey Spak as he recounts the life of his Ukrainian immigrant grandfather, Alexander, w h o w a s run over by a train while taking a load of grain into t o w n on a horse-drawn cart. T h e moral impact of the story hinges on the fact that Alexander died because, heroically, he w a n t e d to save his horses. A s Harvey has noted earlier in the episode, "life w a s t o u g h . . . f o o d w a s scarce...winter clothing w a s hard to c o m e by." T h e stranger, less valued than livestock, has b e e n expelled via a naturalized social context in which the lack of farm aid, relief, and decent medical services for poor and isolated immigrants are not a d d r e s s e d . This tale of immigrant hardship and several grisly deaths concludes with the following monologue, overlain with slow mandolin music, and  - 100s p o k e n over m o n t a g e d shots of a graveyard, a Ukrainian community dinner, and a prairie s u m m e r landscape: Despite hardship and tragedy, C a n a d a w a s the promised land to the Ukrainian immigrants of my grandfather's generation. Its new frontier a n d f r e e d o m offered more than the uncertainty they had left behind in Ukraine. Their descendants flourished in a new land and b e c a m e passionate Canadians, offering their spirit and vision to C a n a d a , contributing to its greatness (Fade out). T h e tragic expulsion of the immigrant, w h e t h e r by death, internment, or deportation, s o m e h o w b e c o m e s justification of C a n a d a ' s greatness, because, as A h m e d has pointed out, that expulsion constitutes the nation, and must therefore always be represented in particular and specific w a y s .  2  T h e image of an  unnecessary immigrant death is not c a u s e for atonement but, instead, juxtaposed against a patriotic voice-over, is constitutive of nationalist sentiment. O n e could also argue that, here, individual t r a u m a (death by train collision) stands in for historical t r a u m a ; nowhere in Harvey Spak's story is mention of the Canadian internment c a m p s that imprisoned t h o u s a n d s of Ukrainians of his grandfather's generation.  This particular genre of immigrant narrative d r a w s from the late 1 9  th  century  novel with its racialized subtexts that ultimately provide proof of the superiority of the W e s t (and, in this case, the North as well). Here, American domination b e c a m e an early object of Canadian nationalism, as it did again in the 1990's.  - 101 M a c k e y traces this notion back to t h e ideas o f the C a n a d a First M o v e m e n t , a 19  th  century nationalist m o v e m e n t that sought t o prevent C a n a d a ' s assimilation  with t h e U S by promoting ideas of northern superiority and masculinity, in contrast to a South (the US) that w a s seen a s "inferior, weaker, a n d also essentially female. [...] equated with decay a n d effeminacy" (30). This narrative m a y also bear t h e marks of such narrative tropes a s t h e Horatio Alger s t o r y . A s 3  s u c h , this genre o f immigrant narrative contains a strict knowledge/power relation. Following Foucault, every description also regulates w h a t it describes. It is not only that every description is s o m e w h a t "biased," but also that t h e very terms used to describe something reflect power relations. T h e subject, by confessing his individual hardships, b e c o m e s implicated within a state p o w e r that both individualizes a n d homogenizes. A t t h e m o m e n t of this subject's confession, he b e c o m e s implicated in the larger project o f Canadian state-regulated multiculturalism. Himani Bannerji is critical o f such cultural attempts at presenting an authentic, naturalized history, which s h e calls "the use of history a s a m a s k o f politics." S h e writes, "The representational politics which claim to give us history or tradition 'as it really w a s ' , free of c h a n g e s brought o n by its o w n m o v e m e n t as history, free o f a content c h a n g e d by its context, needs to be contrasted to a liberatory or emancipatory use o f culture as a base for political identities a n d agencies" (The Dark Side of the Nation 2).  T h e s e narratives seek to reaffirm, a s Mackey has pointed out, a n idea that C a n a d a has a b o u t itself: its "long history o f benevolent forms o f justice a n d  - 102tolerance" (77). This notion has been used to differentiate C a n a d a f r o m t h e U.S. T o l e r a n c e is also central to the w a y s in which t h e m e d i a resolves crises of racism. A s S a d e f Arat-Koc h a s pointed out, tolerance is not the s a m e thing a s acceptance. A n d those w h o are tolerated are those w h o display gratefulness (2002). H a g e concurs: "Tolerance also delineates national practices g r o u n d e d and guided by a White nation fantasy" (White Nation 23). Hage uses spatial t e r m s to describe this process, in which t h e tolerant nationalist sees t h e m s e l v e s as masters of national space, with t h e immigrant or racial other a kind of moveable object within this space (White Nation 28). A n inability to master national s p a c e is experienced by t h e nationalist a s t r a u m a , or loss.  L a C a p r a defines loss a s that which "is situated on a historical level a n d is t h e c o n s e q u e n c e o f particular events" (Writing History 65). In t h e case of C a n a d i a n history, I a m speaking o f a double-sided loss: t h e loss of a cohesive national imaginary j u x t a p o s e d against the actual loss o f dignity, hope, a n d life f o r t h o s e w h o have suffered from the racism a n d x e n o p h o b i a e m b e d d e d in C a n a d i a n culture. H a g e describes the former loss as "the sense of t r a u m a resulting f r o m the fear o f losing one's fantasy, a n d one's anchorage in t h e nation a n d t h e crisis of W h i t e n e s s that e n s u e s " (White Nation 24). Both ideas o f loss are c o n n e c t e d . Deborah Britzman writes about "the importance of working through both kinds of loss: t h e loss o f the idea of the social bond a n d the loss of actual individuals. T h e s e losses m u s t b e considered a s intimately intertwined" (33). W h a t h a p p e n s w h e n neither loss is explicitly a c k n o w l e d g e d ?  A People's History: Acting Out vs Working Through  " C a n a d a : A People's History" ("CPH"), is a big-budget, 16-part historical series produced by the C B C in both French and English, that premiered in October 2 0 0 0 , and continued on into the 2001-2 s e a s o n . It has been very expensively promoted as the "real thing": an unflinchingly direct telling of Canadian history that claims to include the long-ignored ontology of the Other. It offers, supposedly, a uniquely unbiased approach, written after highly-touted consultations with scholars, activists and historians of every stripe; indeed, its very title invokes a popular, collective Truth. Unlike the afore-mentioned episode of "A Scattering of Seeds", more recent productions like " C P H " don't, any more, exclude mention of traumatic historical events (as opposed to individual t r a u m a s ) . A s Eva Mackey writes, [ A l t h o u g h the official stories misrepresent the m e s s y and controversial reality of history, they do not, at least overtly, erase the presence of Aboriginal people or deny the existence of cultural differences. [...] Aboriginal people are necessary players in nationalist myths: they are the colourful recipients of benevolence, the necessary 'others' w h o reflect back white C a n a d a ' s self-image of tolerance. (2)  - 104However, I will argue that, following Freud, t h e s h a m e , regret or guilt t h e s e passing mentions represent are more constitutive of a collective melancholia, like the ego's idealization of the lost object, rather than actual mourning, w h e r e loss is actually integrated into t h e ego's - or t h e nation's - sense o f self. Freud w r o t e that: "Mourning is regularly t h e reaction t o t h e loss of a loved person, or to t h e loss o f s o m e abstraction which has taken t h e place of one, such a s one's country, liberty, a n ideal, a n d s o o n " (243). Mourning, then, is conscious, while within melancholia, "one cannot s e e clearly w h a t it is that has been lost" (245). Here, loss b e c o m e s conflated with absence, like t h e absent presence o f Ukrainian internment c a m p s within narratives like "The Fullness of Time."  L a C a p r a builds upon Freud's essay by extending his notions of mourning a n d melancholia t o t h e collective process o f nation. H e creates a useful a n d pragmatic distinction by redefining melancholia a s a form of "acting out" a n d mourning a s "working t h r o u g h " (Writing History 65). Echoing Silverman, he describes h o w the 'acting out' process involves a repetitive performativity, w h e r e i n , "the past is performatively regenerated or relived as if it w e r e fully present rather than represented in m e m o r y a n d inscription, a n d it hauntingly returns a s t h e repressed" (Writing History 70).  " C a n a d a : A People's History" is a historical c o s t u m e d r a m a , albeit heavily influenced by the tropes of both m e l o d r a m a a n d documentary. Melodrama's primary characteristics - heightened dramatization, binaries of g o o d a n d evil,  - 105explicit use of music and voice to mark m o m e n t s of affect, and its repetitious form - m a k e it well-suited to the e x c e s s e s of the melancholic, acting-out m o d e . Peter Brooks writes: "melodrama at heart represents the theatrical impulse itself: the impulse toward dramatization, heightening expression, acting out' (xi, italics mine). Indeed, as seen in such national t r a u m a s as the Q u e b e c referendum debate, the overflow of media information that s e e m s to a c c o m p a n y national t r a u m a s s e e m s to correlate with w h a t Brooks has described as m e l o d r a m a ' s "desire to express all. [...] Nothing is spared because nothing is left unsaid" (4).  " C P H " clearly m a k e s use of dramatic elements - actors, costumes, sets - but its creators speak repeatedly of having created a documentary. This gesturing to the d o c u m e n t a r y genre is significant b e c a u s e it attempts to recuperate the peculiar mix of reason and emotion that d o c u m e n t a r y claims to represent. Peter Hamilton quotes various 1930's and 40's d o c u m e n t a r y photographers w h o attested to this dual function. He cites Edward Steichen: "a feeling of a living experience y o u w o n ' t forget"; and Roy Stryker: "it must...tell the audience w h a t it would feel like to be an actual witness" (83). Hamilton argues that this reflective notion of photography w a s also, historically, a m e a n s of integrating art and industry. I w o u l d further argue that the creators of " C P H " , in drawing upon this tradition, are attempting to naturalize the workings of authorities of delimitation.  " C P H " , with its wall-to-wall voiceover, d r a w s from a particular d o c u m e n t a r y tradition, w h a t Bill Nichols describes as "the direct-address style of the  - 106Griersonian tradition [employing] a supposedly authoritative yet often p r e s u m p t u o u s off-screen narration" (258). Also k n o w n as 'voice of g o d ' d o c u m e n t a r y , this tradition has as Nichols points out, largely been discredited within c o n t e m p o r a r y cinema - but not on television (258). This m a y be a w a y of enacting d o c u m e n t a r y ' s initial impulse (the integrating of art and industry) within an avowedly industrial, commercial m e d i u m . It is significant that the narrator is female (voice-of-goddess narration?), w h i c h could be seen as an attempt to diminish, but not eliminate, the voice-over's authoritative, didactic tone.  " C P H " is usually described in terms of its success, and high, perhaps e v e n excessive budgetary expenditures (rumoured to be about $25 million). A g a i n and again, audience n u m b e r s are used to demonstrate this success (although these n u m b e r s are rarely substantiated in any empirical sense). But perhaps more important than launching into a debate of the program's success or failure, w h a t is significant here is the m o d e of excess evident even within the discourse surrounding the program, a project in w h i c h , according to C B C and its official  historians, nothing has been spared and nothing has been left unsaid.  T h e official website of " C P H " , in describing the show, tries to reverse the traditional sorts of power relations that a c o s t u m e d r a m a might be s e e n to reproduce; here, it is the Europeans, rather than Natives, w h o are described as 'strange':  - 107T h e opening episode of this 16-part d o c u m e n t a r y ranges across the continent, looking back more than 15,000 years to recount the varied history of the first occupants of the territory that would b e c o m e C a n a d a . From the rich resource of Native oral history and archeology c o m e t h e stories of the land's first people - h o w d o z e n s of distinct societies took s h a p e , a n d h o w they encountered a strange n e w people, the Europeans.  (http://www. history, cbc. ca/) It is not within the scope of this dissertation to e x a m i n e the entire s p a n of " C P H " . With t h e aim of doing a close reading that could reveal the technologies of affect encoding the nationalist statements that " C P H " produces, I will focus on "CPH"'s opening episode. T h e violin strains, haunting Irish and J a p a n e s e flute s e q u e n c e s , Native d r u m m i n g and chanting, a n d synthesized crescendos of this episode provide us with an excess of emotive high points. Using mostly dissolve edits (there are very f e w straight cuts), lush landscape footage, a slow, soothing female voice-over, m a p s and dramatic re-enactment, the opening episode g o e s to great pains to assert the presence of the First Nations before European contact. But that presence is heavily mediated by special digital effects that produce a ghostly, shadowy, apparitional representation.  T h e episode begins in the 1 9 century. William Cormack, a N e w f o u n d l a n d - b a s e d t h  merchant a n d naturalist, has an interest in the disappearing race of Beothuks, the now-extinct indigenous peoples of Newfoundland. He s u m m o n s Shawnadithit, considered to be a m o n g the last remaining Beothuk, to his h o m e in  - 108 St John's - s h e had been working a s a maid in Exploits Bay. C o r m a c k has Shawnadithit d r a w pictures for him of the Beothuk. C o r m a c k tries to track d o w n more Beothuks but has no luck. T o eerie J a p a n e s e flute music a n d t h e s o u n d s of lapping water, he says, "It w a s as if Shawnadithit had stumbled out of a land of ghosts."  A t this point, t h e music changes to a mix o f European strings a n d Native d r u m m i n g , a n d t h e story s e g u e s back t h o u s a n d s of years to 'the beginning of time'. T h e line, "they w e r e t h e first people" is spoken twice in t h e voice-over narration. Past tense is significant here, a s is t h e frequent linking o f aboriginal peoples with d e a t h . Such phrases as "creation legends spoke of survival a n d death," "a people always balanced between life a n d death," "the cycle o f w a r a n d death s e e m e d endless," create a n image of w h a t Daniel Francis a n d others have called "the imaginary Indian," t h e product o f a white imperial imaginary: T h e Indian is t h e invention of the E u r o p e a n . [...] T h e Indian began a s a White man's mistake a n d b e c a m e a White man's fantasy. T h r o u g h t h e prism of White hopes, fears a n d prejudices, indigenous A m e r i c a n s would be s e e n t o have lost contact with reality a n d to have b e c o m e 'Indians'; that is, anything non-Natives w a n t e d t h e m to be. (4-5) T h e Imaginary Indian e m e r g e d within representation in t h e mid 1 9 century, just th  as C a n a d a w a s beginning to establish itself a s a nation. White E u r o p e a n s in this northern territory had to create a n e w national identity for themselves, s o t h e image o f the Indian b e c a m e crucial. A s Francis writes: " T h e image o f the Other,  - 109 the Indian, w a s integral to this process of self-identification. T h e Other c a m e to stand for everything the Euro-Canadian w a s not" (8). Canadian artists like Paul Kane and Emily Carr, and the A m e r i c a n photographer Edward Curtis created an enduring image of a supposedly disappearing race. This w a s , I w o u l d argue, a kind of compulsive return on the part of the C a n a d i a n national imaginary: a ghost w h o constantly returns within representation. Aboriginal peoples at the time w e r e , certainly, dying from alcohol poisoning and disease, but they w e r e also assimilating and attempting to b e c o m e part of Canadian society, or, they w e r e thriving in their o w n self-sufficient communities. T h e Romantic idea of a dying breed of Indians that would not last to see the end of the 2 0  t h  century w a s  attractive to artists like Kane, Carr, and Curtis, not to mention those that viewed and bought t h e s e popular works of art.  " C P H " revives this durable tradition. T h e Indians in the program are mostly n a m e l e s s and faceless, often presented in silhouette, in long shots or long dissolves, in s h a d o w s or mist, or with long hair obscuring their faces. T w o scenes in particular represent the w a y s in which representations of the other b e c o m e the bearers of discourse, allowing for (contained) challenges to dominant fictions. A s Mackey writes, t h e s e representations, while indicating a certain recognition of First peoples, are a matter of expediency. T h e y d r a w from a discursive tradition of building alliances with and promoting inclusion of First Nations that are part of e c o n o m i c self-interest and national identity, or w h a t Mackey describes as "a push  - note- construct a [Canadian] settler national identity perceived as innocent of racism" (25).  From g e n o c i d e a n d disease to residential schools a n d t h e inner city, t h e history of t h e mistreatment of First Nations people represents an ongoing traumatic episode that ruptures t h e Canadian imaginary. In an interview with National Post reporter Elizabeth Nickson, First Nations activist David Dennis uses t h e terms of t r a u m a a n d affect t o describe his relationship t o t h e Canadian nation:  N A T I O N A L P O S T : Are all white people racist?  D A N I E L D E N N I S : In any abusive relationship whether it's abuse between a man and a woman, a parent and a child, there's an incredible amount of shame, and I don't think that Canadians in general have dealt with shame on a large scale towards our people. You look at some of the headlines that occur after, in our eyes, landmark decisions that advance our rights, and you hear ignorant rhetoric, fear-mongering and hate. (2002 B2)  In this sense, there is, perhaps, a contingent relationship between national s h a m e a n d national pride: o n e informs t h e other. Nathanson writes about w h a t he calls t h e shame/pride axis, a balance b e t w e e n "the sort of hoped-for personal best that hovers a s an unreachable image within most of us a n d t h e terribly feared personal worst that, w h e n revealed, will trigger an avalanche of deadly s h a m e " (20). He continues, " S h a m e - our reaction to it a n d our avoidance of it b e c o m e s t h e emotion of politics a n d conformity. [...] its influence in h u m a n  - Illcivilization is paramount" (16). Within C a n a d i a n culture, this s h a m e has b e e n r e s p o n d e d t o through melancholia, or acting out, rather than t h e working-through process o f mourning, constructing w h a t might be seen as narratives that attempt to c o n f o r m to d o m i n a n t modes.  In Episode 1 of " C P H " , aboriginal actor T a n t o o Cardinal plays a n a m e l e s s storyteller recounting a creation legend in which w o m e n a n d m e n , initially separated, a r e brought together by t h e Creator s o that they can procreate: " w h e n they w o r k e d together they prospered [...] there would be families here for a long time t o c o m e . " T h e widely d o c u m e n t e d presence and importance o f two-spirited, or q u e e r peoples in aboriginal cultures is never mentioned, but it is not long before anxieties about race enter the representational field via sexuality. A s G i l m a n , Hart, a n d others h a v e a r g u e d , t h e primitive body is often, within representation, conflated with t h e non-reproductive queer body t o allay fears of the fecundity o f the other ("families for a long time to come") a n d t h e d e m i s e of the white race.  Later in Episode 1, w e see the warring activities of Indian tribes before first contact. According t o the program, Indian nations fought endlessly with o n e another (before they w e r e , presumably, civilized by contact with Europeans). O n e s c e n e depicts t h e capture and torture o f one Indian warrior by another. T h e voiceover describes the arcane rituals that w o u l d surround such a capture, over a s c e n e with homoerotic overtones. In a tight two-shot, t h e two warriors face  -112each other in profile. T h e captor offers a last drink of water to his prisoner while slowly, tenderly, stroking the other man's face. Following Silverman, historical t r a u m a can result in interruptions to performativity, challenging the symbolic order, h o w e v e r briefly. Francis writes, "the Indian b e c a m e the standard of virtue and manliness against which Europeans measured themselves and often f o u n d t h e m s e l v e s w a n t i n g " (8). Here, q u e e r n e s s interrupts that masculinity but in a m a n n e r that is contained by our revulsion at torture and murder.  T h e larger containment to any sort of challenge to the dominant fiction (queer or otherwise) occurs in the series' inordinate and lengthy focus on w a r b e t w e e n French and English settlers. T h e white settler w a r s depicted throughout the s u b s e q u e n t s e v e n episodes of the first s e a s o n substitute the t r a u m a of racism with a kind of fetishization of masculinity: the white soldier fighting for his country - an e x c e s s of masculinity that enacts the t r a u m a of the centre, of w h i t e n e s s striving for supremacy. In other w o r d s , using the terms of cine-psychoanalysis, a male or d o m i n a n t g a z e substitutes for feminized, or subaltern lack. L a C a p r a describes this sort of trope as yet another s y m p t o m of acting out: "the dubious appropriation of the status of victim through vicarious or surrogate victimage"  (Writing History 71).  A n examination of the text of f a n d o m as represented in the chat site on the official w e b s i t e bears out this reading. "Turk", a contributor to the site had this to say:  - 113 T h e T V series has given us a different viewpoint and allowed us to s e e the world a s t h e people w h o lived then s a w it. It has allowed us t o s e e that no group w a s blameless w h e n it c a m e to cruel and unusual treatment of others. A t various times during t h e documentary, I w a s angry at t h e French, t h e English, the A m e r i c a n s , t h e Natives, etc., etc. This indicates to m e that this is a very balanced a n d thorough treatment of the subject,  {http://www.cbc.ca/history)  Alvin Y i n g , o n t h e other hand, writes t o t h e s a m e chat site: I m o u r n of not able to learn about t h e diverse cultures that once w e r e , such a s t h e Hurons before decimation [...] I mourn of all t h e w i s d o m that is forever lost in t h e e b b s of time. I m o u r n of those w h o s e stories will never be heard,  (http://www.cbc.ca/history/}  Y e t another opinion c o m e s from Globe and Mail columnist Russell Smith, w h o , in the only critical writing I have ever seen in mainstream media regarding " C P H " , describes t h e program a s official art, meeting t h e d e m a n d s of socialist realism of the Stalinist e r a : "ideynost (ideological expression), narodnost (national character) a n d partynost (party spirit) (D1)." Smith writes further: A great deal o f g o v e r n m e n t money, from various agencies a n d t h e C B C , w e n t into t h e massive 'A People's History' documentary series [...] This w a s s e e n t o be worthy art with both a n d educational a n d a national character. It w a s broadcast o n our o w n national, publicly o w n e d network. It is official art. (D1)  - 114If w e are to believe media reports, especially that reported by the C B C itself, " C P H " w a s an unqualified success. How to explain this popularity? Kaja Silverman writes, following Althusser: "Ideological belief [...] occurs at the m o m e n t w h e n an image which the subject k n o w s to be culturally fabricated nevertheless succeeds in being recognized or acknowledged as a 'pure, n a k e d , perception of reality' (17). She tries to explain how m e m o r y and ideology cohere: "events w h i c h never literally happened can a s s u m e the status of highly significant m e m o r i e s , while occurrences w h i c h might s e e m of first importance to a biographer m a y not even figure within the subject's psyche, since it is fantasy rather than history which determines w h a t is reality for the unconscious" (18).  This reverse discourse c a n be s e e n again a n d again in " C P H " . O n e glaring e x a m p l e is the history of Black slavery in C a n a d a that goes unmentioned in the serial. Instead, this a b s e n c e is filled in with the story of the Underground Railroad in w h i c h African A m e r i c a n slaves found f r e e d o m in C a n a d a . A s M a u r e e n M o y n a g h has written (about "CPH"), "the myth of the nation that represents C a n a d a as a place of refuge, tolerance and equality is d e p e n d a n t on the careful erasure of that earlier history" (104-5). Canadian popular culture is the site at which this erasure, or forgetting, is constantly r e i n s e r t e d . Thus, I will further ask, under w h a t circumstances can popular culture actually be used to remember, or to talk back?  - 115Empathetic Unsettlement  Actual m o u r n i n g c a n bring w h a t L a C a p r a calls "empathetic unsettlement" {Writing History 78). With this concept, LaCapra distinguishes appropriation of the traumatic experience of t h e other f r o m empathetic unsettlement, w h i c h denies closure or transcendence. This position constitutes a will to truth rather than a will t o knowledge, which could result in unsettling emotions and possibly secondary t r a u m a . This response would be ethical, responsible, a n d o p e n to challenge.  At t h e level of representation, t h e comedic f o r m m a y be particularly suited to this function. Indeed, L a C a p r a argues that t h e problem of representation (the reinscription of t r a u m a ) requires a consideration of t h e carnivalesque, "whereby impasses are s o m e h o w played out a n d existing norms or structures are periodically transgressed" (Representing the Holocaust 222).  Mikhail Bakhtin describes c o m e d y as dialogic: it invites a multiplicity of voices, and is o p p o s e d t o closure and completion. He writes that, "it is precisely laughter that destroys t h e epic and in general destroys a n y hierarchical distance. [...] Laughter demolishes fear a n d piety before a n object, before the w o r l d , m a k i n g it an object of familiar contact and thus clearing the ground for an absolutely free investigation of it" (23).  - 116ln c o m e d y , t h e n , there is space for the grotesque: a sense of otherness that is liberatory rather than oppressive. Central to Bakhtin's theory is the notion of carnivalesque reversal; the clown celebrates the "lower" functions of the body (eating, drinking, defecation, giving birth) and thus defies the "higher" regions of authority. Q u e e r n e s s is frequently sutured into the repetitive structure of the comedic, providing fertile ground for the return of the repressed. "This Hour Has 22 Minutes", a satirical news magazine p r o g r a m which premiered on C B C in 1993, has always had several ongoing and one-off queer characters and situations: lesbian-feminist academic G e n o a Halberstam (a play on Camille Paglia), and working class d u d e Dakey D u n n , to n a m e a few. "22 Minutes" m a y then represent the space of interruption within repetition that t r a u m a (and, not coincidentally the genre of comedy) provides, allowing space for challenges to the normal. T h e title, "This Hour Has 22 Minutes", e c h o e s the 1960's C a n a d i a n current affairs program "This Hour Has S e v e n Days", and has a similar, if m o r e p r o n o u n c e d , critical e d g e . Geoff Pevere describes it as a s h o w with "a clear affinity for the Canadian powerless over the powerful" (32). I would argue that its overtly q u e e r content also functions as a site of ethics.  A s I s k i m m e d through various tapes of "22 Minutes" spanning the years b e t w e e n 1996 and 2 0 0 1 , I found only brief references to First Nations or immigrant histories. O n e recurring Native character, "Joe," played by Cathy Jones, appears irregularly to deliver irreverent, ironic m o n o l o g u e s full of c o m m o n s e n s e w i s d o m . He is always depicted walking through a forest, or sitting beside an artificial-  -117looking fire. He s e e m s to be an intertextual c o m m e n t a r y (and a bit of an in-joke) on Joe T w o Rivers, the Metis character in the 70's Canadian series, "The Forest Rangers", (played by Ukrainian actor Micheal Zenon) a n d , by extension, on the Indian as a white fantasy.  Generally, it is the image of the queer that b e c o m e s the bearer of discourse in "22 Minutes". A s Silverman points out, b r e a k d o w n s in the symbolic order signal ruptures in national imaginaries. She writes that, "history s o m e t i m e s m a n a g e s to interrupt or e v e n deconstitute w h a t a society a s s u m e s to be its master narratives [...] to undo our imaginary relation to the symbolic order" (55). In the character of Dakey D u n n , "male correspondent," Mary W a l s h cross-dresses to play a male hustler-like character w h o s e masculinity is in question at the literal level of the diegesis, as well as at the subtextual level. Walsh's performing of Dakey D u n n is an ironic theatricalization of masculinity that m a k e s use of a repetition of overtly masculine gestures; thus, to a lesbian audience-in-the-know, it also b e c o m e s a drag king performance. This is no clean-cut, normalized made-for-TV gay neighbour. With her/his hairiness, largesse, and gestures to the crotch, this is a grotesque, carnivalesque inversion of femininity. Dakey Dunn is often seen lamenting the d e m i s e of masculinity; but her/his character also delivers trenchant political c o m m e n t a r y and economic analysis in Newfoundland working class vernacular. Here, he/she c o m m e n t s upon transnational globalization, e c o n o m i c flow, and debt:  - 118I admit I'm a weirdo. I don't live, d r e a m , and eat the cash....Boy there's plenty a bucks out there, 1 trillion buckeens whizzin' around the globe every nighta the w e e k bein' traded back a n d forth, a n d the high rollers are havin' a ball.... Every country in the world is up to its arse in debt. To who? W h o d o w e o w e this debt to? Do they have a debt they o w e s to s o m e o n e else? Or do they o w e a debt to us? Call a meetin' boy! Call the w h o l e shaggin' thing off! Sure it's only a buncha numbers on a big c o m p u t e r terminal! Brazil don't pay us, w e don't pay J a p a n . J a p a n don't pay-well, if they don't o w e any money, m a y b e they don't, I dunno, m a y b e w e can promise not to drop a n y m o r e nuclear b o m b s in 'em or s o m e t h i n g , I don't know, I don't have my grade 11 ("This Hour Has 22 Minutes" February 12 2000J.  "22 Minutes" 'most radical commentaries frequently occur via lesbian affect; if, as Sarah S c h u l m a n has argued, lesbians represent one of the few cultures still too underground to be commodified, then the lesbian body holds a deeply subversive charge (1998). Like the lesbian, the drag king exists within the mainstream only in the most apparitional sense, and always signifies lack: a white masculinity put in crisis by e c o n o m i c downturn, not to mention feminism and transgendered politics. Definitely unsettling and implicitly empathetic, Dakey Dunn (who also s p o k e out against the w a r on Iraq during the 2 0 0 3 season) resists moral closure via the instability of his/her gender and class position.  - 119However, "This Hour Has 2 2 Minutes" straddles both sides of t h e fence, m a n a g i n g both to unsettle and t o affirm t h e nationalist project. Since t h e Q u e b e c R e f e r e n d u m of 1995, which created a crisis for Canadian nationalism, patriotism has been on t h e rise everywhere on C a n a d i a n television, including a renegade s h o w like "22 Minutes". A recent spin-off serial, "Talking to Americans," w h i c h uses hilarious streeter interviews by Rick Mercer to demonstrate A m e r i c a n s ' d e e p ignorance a b o u t C a n a d a , situates m e as Canadian a n d nationalist at t h e very m o m e n t that I recognize A m e r i c a as Canada's imaginary other. Characters like D a k e y D u n n , or lesbian " m a c h o slut" G e n o a Halberstein (also played by W a l s h ) , merely stand in for an explicit recognition of traumatic histories.  A s L a C a p r a e m p h a s i z e s , acting out and working through are not discrete entities; e a c h requires t h e other. Following Freud, he describes melancholia as both a "precondition" a n d a "necessary aspect" of mourning (Representing  the  Holocaust 213).  Failing that, are certain m o m e n t s in C a n a d i a n history simply 'unrepresentable' within t h e d o m i n a n t fiction of C a n a d i a n c i n e m a a n d television? Following Caruth, can t h e m o s t direct seeing of a violent event occur as an absolute inability to k n o w it? S h e defines t r a u m a as a response to an overwhelming event that, not fully k n o w n as it occurs, returns later in t h e form of flashbacks, nightmares, etc. This not knowing, she argues, is trauma's e p i s t e m o l o g y : " t h e most direct seeing of a violent event m a y occur as a n absolute inability to know it," and points to  - 120w h a t s h e calls "the problem of seeing" (92). For h o w else to explain the w a y s in w h i c h a nation has not fully narrativized its past? Caruth continues: "What returns to haunt the victim, these stories tell us, is not only the reality of the violent event but also t h e reality of t h e w a y that its violence has not yet been fully k n o w n " (6).  L a C a p r a asks if the social conditions for a ritualized passage through the necessary state of melancholia exist, a n d argues for specificity in naming the object of mourning (Representing the Holocaust 213-214). W h o or w h a t is being m o u r n e d in such a generalized field of representation as "CPH"? L a C a p r a writes, "the difficult problem for public education and practice would be to reorient both emotion a n d value in t h e direction of victims w h o are indeed deserving objects of mourning" (Representing  the  Holocaust214).  "North of Sixty": Working Through  A n o w defunct dramatic series, "North of Sixty", provides a sense of possibility both for specificity, as well as for an intersubjective notion of 'working through'. It follows the daily life of Michelle Kenedi, a First Nations (Dene) R C M P officer in the isolated t o w n of Lynx River, Northwest Territories. T h e script, written in consultation with a t e a m of First Nations elders, has a rough, immediate feel.  4  T h e primarily First Nations cast w a s a mix of Native professionals (including m a n y of t h o s e w h o later appear as nameless Indians on " C a n a d a : A People's History"). Linda Warley notes that this extraordinary program attracted a weekly  - 121 audience of a million a n d a half viewers a n d w a s nominated for 5 Gemini a w a r d s . S h e writes: "this p r o g r a m has brought images o f Native peoples into C a n a d i a n h o m e s in a w a y that is unprecedented [and] [...] makes space for non-Native viewers by incorporating white characters into its narratives a n d by portraying relations a m o n g white a n d Native characters w h i c h , t h o u g h fraught with t h e legacy of settler colonialism, are not necessarily limited by it" (173-74).  A n article in t h e Toronto Sun quotes t h e reaction of American First Nations actor Micheal Horse to t h e program: I s h o w e d this s h o w to a couple of Hopi elders that w e r e staying at m y house this w e e k e n d a n d they loved it. W h a t happens o n this reservation h a p p e n s o n a n y rural reservation everywhere," he [Horse] says. A l t h o u g h "North o f Sixty" doesn't air in t h e U.S., Horse says it h a s a big Native following in border communities a n d a m o n g satellite dish o w n e r s . "What's interesting about this s h o w is it doesn't play t h e cheap shot. A lot of t h e things that are written in t h e States have to d o with t h e medicine m a n a n d t h e vision quest. This isn't. Y o u c a n s e e these people, y o u don't have t o talk about it, y o u c a n s e e t h e y have a centre, a balance. (Claire Bickley, Toronto Sun November 8 1995, (http://www.canoe.ca/TelevisionShowsN/north.html  November 3 2002).  T h e plots o f "North of Sixty" centred o n conflicts between Kenedi a n d t h e s o m e w h a t anarchic, tragi-comic Native-centred concerns of t h e t o w n . T w o things distinguished "North of Sixty" from other productions about Natives o n C a n a d i a n  -122TV. Firstly, t h e m e m o r y of the residential schools continually haunted several of the town's residents: this traumatic m e m o r y w a s a constant presence in the chronotope of t h e show. Traumatic a b u s e m e m o r y w a s also, however, part of the characterization of a primary white character, w h o experienced his o w n recovered m e m o r i e s of abuse at the hands of Catholic priests. If, as several t r a u m a theorists ( H e r m a n , LaCapra) have implied, solidarity and wider notions of c o m m u n i t y are necessary for working through, this a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t of a b u s e t r a u m a inflicted upon both white and First Nations subjects would s e e m to create a larger discursive s p a c e for resolution. LaCapra writes: Melancholia is an isolating experience [...] that validates the self in its desperate isolation. In the best cases it m a y allow for insights that bear witness to questionable conditions and have broader critical potential. T o be effective, mourning apparently requires a supportive or even solidaristic social context (Representing  the  Holocaust214).  Secondly, alcoholism (diegetically positioned as a result of post traumatic stress disorder from residential schools) w a s something that could be a n d w a s o v e r c o m e , through traditional healing practices a n d community support.  Death  w a s often present in the episodes, but it w a s not a dominant characteristic of t h e people's lives. By representing traditional mourning practices the s h o w m a d e literal the mourning, or working through, that w a s occurring in its storyline.  O n e episode in particular demonstrates this. In this s e g m e n t ("Fair Trade," D e c e m b e r 1992), a temporary white resident of Lynx River, and a long t e r m  - 123 Native resident (also t h e t o w n bootlegger), e a c h need t o bury their d e a d . In t h e latter's case (Albert Golo, played by G o r d o n Tootoosis), these remains have b e e n in t h e possession of a m u s e u m in t h e south, a c o m m e n t a r y on t h e "salvage p a r a d i g m " that m u s e u m s o f anthropology represent. In t h e story, a C B C c a m e r a crew flies up t o video the reclamation of the remains, a n d interviews Golo a n d the chief, Peter Kennedi (played by T o m Jackson)  G O L O : It's enough forme that the remains of my ancestors are in their rightful place and that their spirits are free. Politics is unimportant.  K E N N E D I : It really is just the tip of the iceberg, though. I mean, the whole question of the inherent cultural rights of the Dene, or, for that matter, all aboriginal people, has not been addressed.  T h e episode succeeds in pulling off an extraordinary intertextuality of t h e discourses of anthropology, race, a n d televisual spectacle. A t t h e s a m e time, in keeping with t h e polysemy of television (and particularly that of a state run network), t h e episode takes pains to depict t h e g o o d intentions of white people. A s Kennedi delivers this ideological m e s s a g e , a white m u s e u m curator in a funky African hat looks o n , from a porch physically positioned above t h e t w o m e n . C u t f r o m a long shot of the m e n t o a m e d i u m close up of her. "Times change," s h e says, a n d then adds, sounding appropriately folksy: " Y o u have to g o with t h e flow." W a r l e y notes certain First Nations critiques of this program, that could be applied t o this episode: that the program avoids "really tough legal a n d  - 124 constitutional issues, specifically t h e Native issue of sovereignty, thereby effacing the threat to C a n a d i a n unity that Native political subjectivity represents" (Harrison, cited in Warley179).  But t h e actual depiction of traditional mourning practices adapted t o c o n t e m p o r a r y Native existence also provides a m e a n s of 'working t h r o u g h ' for both white a n d First Nations audiences. In o n e scene, Golo explains D e n e mourning traditions t o the younger T e e v e e (Dakota House). Mourning, it s e e m s , is o p e n - e n d e d ; there is no recourse, here, to a n idealized 'lost' Canadian self. T h e final shot, overlain with d r u m m i n g a n d chanting, is circular, but t h e circle d o e s not close. Here, specific individuals are being m o u r n e d ; but t h e realization of other losses is ongoing, a n d constitutes a powerful presence, rather than a melancholic, structural absence. LaCapra writes about the benefits of actual mourning or working through, in which explicit naming occurs: Specific p h a n t o m s that possess t h e self or t h e community c a n be laid to rest through mourning only w h e n they are specified a n d n a m e d a s historically lost others. A n d particular, at times interacting, forms o f prejudice (such as anti-Semitism, racism or homophobia) can be e n g a g e d ethically a n d politically only w h e n they are specified in t e r m s o f their precise, historically differentiated incidence (Writing History 65).  -125Perhaps this w a s all t o o m u c h for t h e funders in t h e deeply conservative province of A l b e r t a . Despite 9 0 successful episodes, m a n y a w a r d s a n d a loyal following, "North of Sixty" w a s cancelled in 1997 for lack of f u n d i n g .  5  Ghostly Return  Perhaps t h e circle c a n never be closed; perhaps televisual representations preclude a n actual working through. A r e there p h a n t o m s that refuse t o b e laid t o rest?  A c c o r d i n g t o Derrida, ghosts are productive: they destabilize the binaries of past and present, self a n d other - perhaps, e v e n , of east a n d west. This, argues Derrida, is crucial to survival: allowing t h e past to live on in t h e future. But this a disquieting position, analogous, perhaps, to LaCapra's empathetic unsettlement, for a s Derrida writes, "Here w e c o m e closest t o ourselves but also t o t h e most terrifying thing. It is of the e s s e n c e of t h e ghost in general to be frightening. [...] T h e most familiar b e c o m e s t h e most disquieting" (Spectres of Marx 142-146).  That ghostly invisibility, then, so crucial t o t h e boundaries of t h e nation-state, always holds within it the potential to b e c o m e present; Derrida's "imperative of a speaking that will a w a k e n others" (Spectres of Marx 108). Television, a s a marker of a contested Canadian national space, exists at the boundary of inside a n d outside space, protecting national subjects from outside forces at t h e s a m e time that it s e e m s t o laminate t h e m to these very forces. Cultural products like  -126 " C a n a d a : A People's History" performatively reinscribe a melodramatic acting out m o d e for the nation-state, while the unrepresentable "real" of First Nations genocide ghosts the e d g e s of its representation.  - 127-  CHAPTER FOUR An Otherness Barely Touched Upon: A Cooking Show, A Foreigner, A Turnip and a Fish's Eye  T h e meeting often begins with a food feast: bread, salt, a n d wine...The o n e confesses he is a famished baby, t h e other w e l c o m e s t h e greedy child; for a n instant they merge within t h e hospitality ritual. - Julia Kristeva, "Toccata a n d Fugue for the Foreigner," 11  In t h e heady, early days of official Canadian multiculturalism, m y mother, like many o f her generation of Ukrainian immigrants, b e c a m e a kind of unofficial publicist for all things Ukrainian. S o it c a m e to be that, o n e Christmas, s h e decided to call up her media contacts to inform t h e m that January 6 w a s t h e 'real' Christmas for East Europeans all over the world a n d , therefore, a news item.  In point of fact, w e celebrated both Christmases in a desultory fashion, e a c h by half. T h e t w o halves never m a d e up a whole, a n d it w a s perhaps these unsuccessful faux celebrations that m a d e m y mother w a n t to produce a n d direct her o w n . Fair e n o u g h . But I hadn't anticipated that m y mother w o u l d h a v e a stand-in daughter for the media version: Lucy, a girl from our church, a n d second-generation Ukrainian, blissfully free o f the sullen resentment and ethnic s h a m e that w e children of immigrants p o s s e s s e d . Lucy loved being Ukrainian; she w a s earnestly and smugly proud of it. S h e appeared at our door at t h e appointed time in full ethnic regalia, immaculately m a d e up a n d coiffed. M y  - 128 mother promptly seated her at the front w i n d o w along with my little sister Lydia w h o ' d reluctantly agreed to be similarly displayed. I w a s relegated to the kitchen to chop c a b b a g e and beets. T h e c a m e r a crews w e r e ordered outside for a better shot, and the next day on the local n e w s there w a s Lucy with an a n n o y e d fiveyear-old Lydia on her lap, solemnly looking out of the w i n d o w of our s u b u r b a n h o u s e for t h e first star, after w h i c h , according t o m y mother's apocryphal telling, the family w o u l d sit d o w n to eat. Of course, it w a s a complete construction; after that overly lighted tableau w a s dismantled, my father bellowed his disgust, I w e n t and sulked in my room, and the "sacred m e a l " got cold.  Media images, of course, are never "real", and m y mother understood this well. W h a t e v e r it w a s she w a s selling required a double, a stand-in, s o m e o n e less foreign and m o r e hyper-real, w h o could soften the grotesque e d g e s of the immigrant's existence, a n d yet, ironically, satisfy the audience's desire for t h e authenticity of the Native. O n e might a s s u m e that he picture in the paper w a s not for us but for a white A n g l o reader i m m e r s e d in nostalgia for lost ethnic ontologies.  In this chapter I will e x a m i n e the televisual representation of multiculturalism via the ethnic cooking show. In order to explore the function of the immigrant, or the stranger, within m e d i a representation, I will have a popular cultural text - an ethnic cooking s h o w - a n d Julia Kristeva's w o r k o n the foreigner interrogate e a c h other. While I will gesture to the several critiques of official multiculturalism and  - 129 its representations that now exist ( A h m e d , Bannerji, Hage, Mackey), I a m also interested in the slippages and unintended effects that occur in the representation of the foreigner. It m a y well be that the curious position that Kristeva proposes, both for the w o m a n and the foreigner -  "to male manifest her  solidarity with other forms of strangeness and marginality" (Strangers to Ourselves 38) - is in excess to w h a t the televisual narrative seeks. But it is perhaps these excesses, and not the appeals to unity through an identification with the other, that provide a w a y out of the normalizing regime of the host culture.  Official multiculturalism has existed in C a n a d a since 1 9 7 1 , emerging out of the "Bilingualism and Biculturalism C o m m i s s i o n " of the Pearson administration. Multiculturalism is popularly described as having been a response to "ethnic" groups w h o also w a n t e d official recognition, and is seen as one of the major achievements of the T r u d e a u era. Eva M a c k e y notes:" T h e policy identified s o m e eighty different ethnic or cultural groups which could apply for financial support f r o m various ministries, particularly the newly formed Ministry of Multiculturalism, to support p r o g r a m m e s for maintaining cultural and linguistic identity" (64). But its adoption exactly one year after the October Crisis of 1970 also points to its implicit aim of pitting ethnic against Quebecois, or, as Mackey puts it, "a m e a n s to undercut Q u e b e c ' s d e m a n d s for special recognition by bestowing recognition on other cultural groups" (64).  - 130Multicultural policy also performs other functions in a Canadian context. Bannerji claims that C a n a d a leans heavily upon its multicultural policy to maintain a p p e a r a n c e s a s a democracy. S h e is also critical of its use as a m a n a g e m e n t strategy, arguing that, "multiculturalism serves a s a collection o f cultural categories for ruling or administering, claiming their representational status a s direct e m a n a t i o n s of social ontologies" (The Dark Side of the Nation 6). Following J a m e s o n , K e o h a n e describes official Canadian multiculturalism as a product of postmodernity; t h e production of 'private languages' via "the proliferation of a n t a g o n i s m s b a s e d u p o n t h e particularity o f identities" (3). Writing a b o u t Australia, w h i c h has in c o m m o n with C a n a d a an official policy of multiculturalism, A h m e d argues that, "The 'acceptance' of difference actually serves t o conceal those differences which cannot be reduced to 'cultural diversity'. In such a story of 'multicultural Australia', the differences a n d antagonisms between white settler groups, A s i a n immigrants a n d indigenous peoples are hidden from sight" (Strange Encounters 95). Certainly, as I have argued in previous chapters, official multiculturalism (and its imbrication in funding requirements) c a n lead t o a plethora of problematic representations, f r o m t h e absurdities of a character n a m e d O l g a Perogy in t h e C T V variety s h o w "Circus" (1977-1984), t o t h e m o r e subtle but no less pernicious harnessing of t h e immigrant as advertisement for C a n a d i a n tolerance, as in "A Scattering of Seeds".  - 131 But I w i s h also to argue that the boundaries of multiculturalist representation are also horizons of possibility. For example, Razack states in a n on-line interview with Z o e Druick: Multiculturalism complies with t h e national story that t h e original citizens are Europeans and everyone else is an afterthought to be w e l c o m e d as additions to an already existing structure. Having said that, I will s a y that t h o s e slotted into the multicultural category have taken t h e small s p a c e afforded t h e m to d o wonderful things. W e use this space to resist, to m a k e claims, to convince ourselves that w e have not disappeared  (http://www. btlbooks. com/Links/razack  interview, htm)  Following current cultural studies theory, A p p a d u r a i , in writing about t h e intersections of m e d i a and migration, describes electronic media as "resources for e x p e r i m e n t s in self-making" (3). Migrant representations, he argues, produce images a n d viewers not "easily bound within local, national or regional spaces" (4). S u c h representations - alongside their evident limitations - m a y occasionally allow us opportunities to, as A p p a d u r a i puts it, "think ourselves beyond t h e nation" (158). For nationalism, a s A p p a d u r a i points out, "is n o w itself diasporic" (160). C a n certain 'ethnic' representations, like those on the C a n a d i a n cooking s h o w "Loving Spoonfuls", provide occasional insights into t h e transnational diasporic s u b j e c t ?  1  - 132 -  Ethnicity, Sex & Cooking Shows  "Loving Spoonfuls" (2000-2003) w a s a weekly cooking s h o w on W , the W o m e n ' s Television Network. According to the promotional website: It all started in north-end W i n n i p e g . T h e concept behind the n e w d o c u c o m e d y "Loving Spoonfuls" c a m e to creator Allan Novak as he sat in a tiny kitchen watching his favorite aunt cook her specialties while cracking j o k e s and telling tales. With an extensive career in directing and editing c o m e d y and satire, Novak w a s searching for a novel idea. Struck by the explosion of cooking s h o w s , he conceived of a series that combined cooking, c o m e d y , and quirky characters. [...] authentic ethnic cooking, poignant real-life stories, and unscripted, spontaneous fun f r o m a real grandmother.  (www. lo vingspoonfuls. com)  "Loving Spoonfuls" is shot in the actual kitchens of immigrant w o m e n of a certain age, w h o d e m o n s t r a t e favourite recipes from their country of origin. Each episode is narrated and in a sense mediated by David Gale, a middle-aged, s o m e w h a t effeminate B-grade Canadian actor, of Jewish heritage (though this is rarely mentioned in the s h o w ) .  2  Because the program is meant to be comedic,  Gale attempts to provide witty c o m m e n t a r y throughout, while at the s a m e time translating the grandmothers' v a g u e directions into actual m e a s u r e m e n t s , and asking nosey questions about traditions and history of the w o m e n ' s country of origin. Intertitles underline the "humour" of mispronunciation or m a n g l e d syntax.  - 133 A t certain points, a lurking husband or daughter is asked to contribute arcane culinary tips or bits of ethnic lore. Gale's persona is rather uneasy and s o m e t i m e s e v e n slightly hysterical, as he tries, mostly unsuccessfully, to create c o m e d y out of the daily routine of an older immigrant w o m a n .  "Loving Spoonfuls" is part of an intersecting discourse on food that is specific to late 20th/early 2 1  s t  century food journalism, but that can also be traced back to  the history of domestic advice manuals that go back to the mid 1 9  th  century  (Leavitt). T h e Food Channel, an increase in food writing and the rise of the Martha Stewart empire signal an unprecedented interest in representations of food and its preparation. T h e televisual roots of this p h e n o m e n o n g o back to the 1970's. T h e bringing of the chef to the h o m e cook, and of the aesthetics of public restaurant s p a c e to the private realm of the h o m e , can be said to have begun with Julia Child's "The French C h e f . Less white than Julia, with her peek-a-boo Polish heritage, Martha Stewart can be s e e n as a transitional figure in this continuum.  Canadian cooking s h o w s like "Galloping Gourmet" and "Loving Spoonfuls" w o u l d s e e m to invert Child's legacy via a carnivalesque descent into sex and b a w d y ethnicity. O n e h a s only t o glance at the on-screen antics of The "Galloping Gourmet" (1968-1972) to see how far w e ' v e c o m e . Featuring a boozy, leering host ( G r a h a m Kerr), this program set the s c e n e for the associative connection between food and sex on TV, upon w h o s e legacy the food s h o w s "Nigella Bites"  - 134-  and "Loving Spoonfuls" are built. Levin writes: "Kerr w a s e n g a g e d in a bizarre sort of lovemaking - with his audience, his f o o d , his cooking utensils, a n d e v e n h i m s e l f (64). Indeed, Kerr flirted continually with audience m e m b e r s while employing language that had, until t h e n , not been used t o describe f o o d : Look at that lovely hunk of lobster, that lovely succulent beautiful portion, a n d brandy over that, a n d the w h o l e thing runs over your mouth [...] it should be tender a n d melting, soft a n d sensuous. ("Galloping Gourmet" D e c e m b e r 2 4 1970). A s Diane N e g r a has pointed out, food representations resonate with affect: "a channel for sincerity a n d emotional expressivity" (62). But they also speak t o t h e body, a n d t o desire: " F o o d , with its intimate connections t o t h e body, is in m a n y w a y s an ideal fetish object, taking up t h e place of sexual desire a n d hinting at t h e character of t h e experience of unified identification" (69).  A subset of this p h e n o m e n o n is ethnic food fiction. Negra notes an increase in m e d i a representations of ethnic identity," giving t h e example of films such a s Like Water for Chocolate (1993), Eat Drink Man Woman (1995), a n d recent advertising c a m p a i g n s like that for t h e Italian restaurant chain, Olive G a r d e n . French chefs are recuperating folk culinary styles, a n d t h e 1997 edition of Joy of Cooking includes recipes for w h a t co-author Marion R o m b a u e r Becker describes as " such national culinary enthusiasms such as couscous [...] strudel, zabaglione, rijsttafel a n d gazpacho" ("Foreword" unnumbered page).  -135O n television, cooking s h o w hosts Emeril Lagasse, Christine Cushing, and J o h n Folse are forthright about their ethnicity, occasionally producing dishes inspired by their backgrounds. Even the all-American Martha Stewart will, on o c c a s i o n , display her mother, Mrs Kostyra, cooking Polish dishes like borscht and buckwheat. N e g r a argues that these ethnic tropes are ambivalent, substituting for real fears regarding questions of ethnicity that conflict with national identity. She writes:" T h e fetishistic depictions of food and food preparation w o r k to recover the ethnic family, w h i c h is e n d o w e d with a n emotional expressivity lost in latetwentieth-century white U.S. culture (62). T h u s , as Keohane, Probyn, and Stearns h a v e also pointed out, such representations are motivated in part by a sense of longing and desire, or w h a t Negra calls "exhausted whiteness" ( 6 2 ) .  3  Unofficial Multicultural Discourses  "Loving Spoonfuls" is also part of the repertoire of representations p r o d u c e d , in a sense, by a national multicultural discourse. While official multicultural policies have evolved f r o m an ethnic food and d a n c e focus to policies that e n c o u r a g e anti-racism education, I would argue that unofficial discourses maintain the circulation of such troubled terms as diversity and tolerance. G h a s s a n Hage describes this premise as "enrichment." Referring to an Australian multicultural festival, he writes: For the White Australian articulating it, the discourse of enrichment still positions him or her in the center of the Australian cultural m a p . Far f r o m putting 'migrant cultures' even in their 'soft' s e n s e (i.e. through food and  - 136d a n c e etc.) o n a n equal footing with t h e d o m i n a n t culture, the t h e m e conjures t h e images o f a multicultural fair w h e r e t h e various stalls o f neatly positioned migrant cultures are exhibited a n d w h e r e t h e real Australians, bearers o f the White nation a n d positioned in t h e central role of the touring subjects, walk around a n d enrich t h e m s e l v e s " (White Nation 118). H a g e posits a viewing relation in which immigrant cultures exist for t h e enrichment of Anglo-Celtic cultures. Importantly, he maintains that his relation is built upon a fantasy in which immigrant viewers o f ethnic spectacles a r e e r a s e d : the spectacle exists only for t h e consumption of the Anglo audience, w h i c h g o e s s o m e w a y t o w a r d s helping to explain t h e tropes of these narratives.  K e o h a n e offers s o m e similar observations about C a n a d a . K e o h a n e argues, following Hegel, that t h e Other provides affirmation of our enjoyment, a n d also allows us t o hide t h e lack o f national identity f r o m ourselves. In this formulation, C a n a d i a n s derive enjoyment - have their e n j o y m e n t affirmed, certified, and a p p r o v e d a s authentic, a s it w e r e - by seeing immigrants b e c o m e m o r e like themselves, but, note, not indistinguishable, not t h e s a m e a s themselves. T h e difference must persist in order that t h e reflection is from Other (25). In "Loving Spoonfuls", Gale's mediating presence is, t h e n , essential t o t h e genre; he filters t h e white gaze. He functions both literally a n d symbolically a s t h e o n e w h o m a k e s sure all the ingredients a r e m e a s u r e d a n d in t h e right proportions.  - 137G A L E : How much rice do you have there?  Z O R K A (Yugoslavian grandmother): Three cups.  G A L E : (looks closely) It doesn't look like three cups! Looks more like two cups!  Z O R K A : Two cups....  G A L E : And how much beef do you use?  Z O R K A : Oh, use one pound, two pound, that depends, yeh.  G A L E : Yeah, but that's not one or two pounds...  In this episode, Gale finds it almost impossible to get exact m e a s u r e m e n t s for t h e making of Yugoslavian c a b b a g e rolls. But he keeps trying. A s H a g e points out: "Left to t h e m s e l v e s , these cultures are bound not to mix, or at least not to mix properly without leading t o ethnic tensions a n d wars. For the mix to w o r k it has to be guided by a White essence, t h e most valuable of all ingredients" (White Nation 123).  T h e role o f the grandmother forms a parallel function. Negra notes that food films often d e p e n d upon a central older character w h o s e role is pedagogical, demonstrating t h e importance of tradition. T h e food a n d its preparation then b e c o m e "a powerful form of 'emotional capital' for w o m e n . [...] W e imagine t h e  - 138food w e e a t is t h e transparent reflection of the emotional c o m m i t m e n t of a caregiver" (63-64).  T h e g r a n d m o t h e r also reminds us of our o w n g o o d fortune. Each episode of "Loving Spoonfuls" m a k e s mention of immigrant hardship. In t h e Yugoslavian g r a n d m o t h e r episode, w e s e e a cheerily coloured intertitle that says, "Zorka survived a forced labour c a m p in World W a r II. Most of her family w a s killed." Questions f r o m Gale reveal that Z o r k a w o r k e d in a G e r m a n munitions factory and never g o t m o r e than a grade four education. Later, in t h e supermarket, s h e says to Gale:  Z O R K A : In Yugoslavia, we no have nothing, no shows, no clothes, bare feet. But today I have everything. I never dreamt I have house, little bit money. Today what I have, I'm millionaire.  G A L E : Compared to what you had, you're a millionaire. That's beautiful.  Here, C a n a d i a n s c a n s e e an immigrant b e c o m e "more like themselves" (Keohane) - m o r e affluent, clothed a n d shod - but still with t h e accent that requires Gale's syntactical a n d ideological translation. A h m e d takes K e o h a n e ' s Hegelian notion of self and other a step further: T h e very act through which t h e subject differentiates between others is the m o m e n t that t h e subject c o m e s to inhabit or dwell in the world. T h e subject is not, then, simply differentiated from the (its) other but c o m e s into being by learning h o w to differentiate between others. This  - 139 representation operates as a visual e c o n o m y : it involves w a y s of seeing the difference between familiar and strange others.  (Strange Encounters 24) T h u s , Zorka's otherness could be seen not only as providing the pleasure of self (national) identity, but as constituting that very identity in an Althusserian s e n s e of calling it into being. Everything about her, t h e n , is essential to this process: her accent, her cheap clothes, her m e m o r y of the c a m p s , her chaotic, utensil-filled drawers, her grimy pots and pans.  Queers and Cannibals  Gale doesn't s e e m to be making a great effort to hide his queerness on the show; effeminate gestures a b o u n d , and he occasionally utters coded asides. T h e grandmother's foreignness, Gale's g a y n e s s and c o m e d y are intertwined. T h e queer body joins the racialized and g e n d e r e d body as a border subject, a processual being w h o s e essence lies in the act of becoming rather than being. C o m e d y , in turn, plays an important role in articulating such liminal positions, m a p p e d onto the body. Within comedy's carnivalesque reversals, the clown (the foreigner or the queer) celebrates the "lower" functions of the body (eating, drinking, defecation, giving birth) and thus defies the "higher" regions of authority. In other w o r d s , Gale is a kind of foreigner too - but only at certain c o m e d i c m o m e n t s . A t these m o m e n t s , the possibilities of queer's alliance with race b e c o m e apparent. But w h e n tragedy, in the f o r m of a grisly w a r story, e m e r g e s , Gale takes on a more classical, less grotesque mien: he b e c o m e s an insider, or,  -140at the very least, an ethnic informant. This underlines, as I have mentioned earlier, the fluidity of the radical meanings of queer, and the w a y s in w h i c h q u e e r c a n , as a subaltern t e r m , b e c o m e s u b s u m e d by normalcy.  A t the e n d of every program, Gale sits d o w n to eat the meal with the g r a n d m o t h e r and her children and grandchildren. Only Gale a n d the grandparents are individually m i k e d , however, and the c a m e r a , having g o n e w i d e at the opening of the sequence, mostly stays fixed on a 2-shot of Gale a n d his new " m a m m i " or " b a b a " or " o m a " throughout the meal. T h e relationship is in a sense c o n s u m m a t e d as Gale eats the grandmother's food. Certainly, there are elements of symbolic cannibalism at play here. A s Freud has written in "Mourning and Melancholia," "the e g o wants to incorporate this object into itself, a n d , in a c c o r d a n c e with t h e oral or cannibalistic phase of libidinal d e v e l o p m e n t in w h i c h it is, it w a n t s to d o so by devouring it" (249). In other words, difference here is not only e m b r a c e d , but d e v o u r e d : it is the foreigner's absence, rather than their presence, which is being celebrated a n d fetishized here.  T h e website happily concludes: "Thanks to 'Loving Spoonfuls', Gale has collected 13 n e w grandmothers w h o have extended a standing invitation for S u n d a y dinner and are expecting a call once a vieeY!'{Lovingspoonfuls.com). I w a t c h t h e p r o g r a m , I have the uncanny feeling that s o m e ideal, appreciative, happy s o n , unmarked by his parents' wartime t r a u m a and consequent displacement f r o m their homeland, has displaced me.  As  - 141 -  But p e r h a p s this displacement is productive. Zorka's foreignness is uncannily doubled by Gale's queerness, producing an excess of signifiers of strangeness. This, following Deleuze and Guattari, constitutes a a deterritorialization. This concept stems from Deleuze and Guattari's idea of the machine, in w h i c h production occurs for the sake of itself, without subjectivity or organizing center; it is, therefore, nothing more than connections (Anti-Oedipus). In this instance, the overdetermined (multicultural) production of self and other b e c o m e deterritorialized, freed of origin. During certain unscripted m o m e n t s both the immigrant and the queer b e c o m e , in their connection to each other, something else. A l s o active here are m o d e s of visibility and invisibility, which have been primarily theorized in a lesbian context, a s w h e n A m y Villarejo writes of "the slippery m o v e m e n t that lesbian a p p e a r a n c e reveals and conceals between sexual difference and social relations" (27). Gale's momentary "appearances" as queer, t h e n , have the potential to reveal the particularly vexed nature of an immigrant's, or a queer's relation national belonging. Perhaps, at t h o s e m o m e n t s , to paraphrase A p p a d u r a i , the program begins to think itself outside the nation. (158).  The Figure of the Foreigner  Julia Kristeva has d o n e m u c h to trouble the figure of the foreigner. In her chapter from Strangers to Ourselves, "Toccata and Fugue for the Foreigner," Kristeva outlines certain categories which the foreigner, to avoid  - 142-  annihilation, must fit into: "the wise," "the just," or "the Native." Drawing upon the experience of her clients in psychoanalytic practice, as well as psychoanalytic theories of the other, Kristeva's figure of the foreigner becomes a way to mediate between the demise of religion and the rise of the nation state: "Between the man and the citizen there is a scar: the foreigner" {Strangers to Ourselves 97-98). In a 1989 interview published online, Kristeva states: "I consider psychoanalysis as the means of approaching the other because the Freudian message, to simplify things, consists in saying that the other is in me. It is my unconscious. And instead of searching for a scapegoat in the foreigner, I must try to tame the demons which are in me" (www.uoregon.edu/~sclark/eng61/kristeva.html).  It can  also be surmised that there is an autobiographical strain to this essay. Kristeva was exiled from her native Bulgaria for almost 25 years, and has, more recently, written about her sense of foreignness in France, both as a woman and as an immigrant. In a 1994 interview she said: I am in a good position to know what 'foreignness' is all about. France is a very xenophobic country and the French see me as someone with a touch of the tar brush trying to make it in their patch. Also the fact that I am a woman putting out unconventional ideas is something that upsets people in itself. [...] So I feel uncomfortable here and whenever I can, I take off to other countries. And this is where the paradox lies: in other countries, I find myself considered the quintessence of Frenchness. (cited in Smith, Julia Kristeva 115)  - 143 O n e could s e e Kristeva's foreigner, t h e n , as being s o m e h o w in between the semiotic realm o f t h e maternal, w h i c h c a n also b e s e e n as mother t o n g u e a n d motherland a n d , on the other hand, the fixed identities and laws of the symbolic, w h i c h c a n be equated with masculinity a n d fatherland, the country of exile.  W h a t Kristeva ultimately proposes is t h e thin possibility of all people recognizing foreignness within themselves: "Living with the other, the foreigner, confronts us with t h e possibility of not of being an other. It is not simply - humanistically -  a  matter of our being able to accept the other, but of being in his place, and this m e a n s to imagine a n d m a k e oneself other for o n e s e l f (Strangers to Ourselves 13). A p r o g r a m like "Loving Spoonfuls" is also built upon this premise: that there is a certain virtue in audiences being e x p o s e d to different cultures, a n d that through t h e ministrations of the ethnically (and sexually) indeterminate host, w e , the audience, might also feel part of the grandmother's family, a n d , by extension, the larger h u m a n (Canadian) family.  This furthers, to borrow Kristeva's musical metaphor, t h e notion that different voices w o u l d create a harmonious, if polyphonic, composition. For t h e purposes of this chapter, this could in turn b e s e e n a s analogous to Canada's policy o f official multiculturalism, which attempts to recognize ethnic diversity within t h e boundaries of the nation-state. This policy has been described as a mosaic, a decorative pattern created from small, usually coloured pieces, perhaps a kind of visual parallel to the fugue. It is no coincidence that the mosaic is a m e t a p h o r  - 144 -  d r a w n f r o m t h e realm of the aesthetic. A s Lisa L o w e writes, "multiculturalism [...] aestheticizes ethnic histories a s if they could be separated from history" (9).  Does Kristeva herself participate in this aestheticization? Her thesis in Strangers to Ourselves has been criticized by s o m e a s being focused on t h e individual within psychoanalysis and, thus, less relevant within t h e field of social relations, let alone t h e politics of race a n d racism. A s E w a Ziarek writes: "Kristeva's thesis is bound to disappoint as an answer to t h e political violence of nationalism a n d x e n o p h o b i a . T h e idea of welcoming others to our o w n uncanny strangeness not only appears individualistic, it also risks psychologizing or aestheticizing t h e problem of political violence " (4). While I find this critique useful in placing a certain discursive limit on Kristeva's expansiveness, I find Kristeva's o w n e x c e s s e s within t h e text to be t h e e x c e s s e s of t h e foreigner, which productively rupture t h e harmonizing logic of her thesis, a s w h e n s h e writes: Melancholy lover of a vanished space, he cannot, in fact, g e t over his having a b a n d o n e d a period of time. T h e lost paradise is a mirage of t h e past that he will never be able t o recover. He knows it with a distressed k n o w l e d g e that turns his rage involving others (for there is always an other, miserable cause of m y exile) against himself. (Strangers to  Ourselves 9-10) H o w c a n these excesses possibly be harmonized? T h e foreigner is e n r a g e d against others, against herself. T h e foreigner's friends include paternalists, paranoid persons, a n d perverse people. In a n episode of "Loving Spoonfuls"  - 145 featuring a Greek couple, a horrifying story of wartime displacement is told, almost casually, by the grandfather as he's basting a rack of lamb. Gale w i n c e s , and then d o g g e d l y continues trying to be funny: "An otherness, barely t o u c h e d upon, a n d that already moves away" (Kristeva, Strangers to Ourselves  13). T h e  foreigner's story is in excess to w h a t the televisual narrative seeks. But it is perhaps t h e s e excesses, and nor the appeals to unity through a n identification with t h e other, that provide a w a y out of the normalizing regime of the host culture. T h e slippages, the falling-between-the-cracks of fatherland a n d mother t o n g u e , provide spaces w h e r e even an immigrant audience can find pleasure.  Pleasure, and the Anticipation of Failure  "The exile is a stranger to his mother. H e does not call her, he asks nothing of her. Arrogant, he proudly holds onto w h a t he lacks, to a b s e n c e [...] the foreigner, thus, has lost his mother." - Kristeva, Strangers to Ourselves 5.  T h e first generation in the new country must reject its mother tongue, a n d perhaps e v e n its mother's food. Gale, outside of the symbolic order a n d therefore a kind of failed phallus, stands in for that lack, obscuring, but not quite erasing it. T h e actual child of the featured ethnic w o m a n could not be present to narrate the mother's story - for s h a m e , as Sedgwick has asserted, is about self-effacement s o Gale b e c o m e s the child, but a child w h o m u s t also erase the mother by eating her (her food), a n d by moving onto a different mother each w e e k . ("They  - 146w e l c o m e m e , but that does not matter [...] Next [...] It w a s only a n expenditure that g u a r a n t e e s a clear conscience" (Kristeva, Strangers to Ourselves 11)).  W e k n o w Gale won't be coming to t h e family meal each Sunday, e v e n t h o u g h he has a standing invitation, for it is part of the generic structure of television c o m e d y t o forget t h e previous week's failures a n d try something n e w . G e n r e 4  provides a m e a n s of regulating audience m e m o r y a n d expectation a n d , in terms of representation, of m a k i n g use of, b u t also containing, t h e potentially g r o t e s q u e aspects of t h e comedic. T h e laughter of c o m e d y , a s Neale points out, turns o n an anticipation o f failure (for e x a m p l e : t h e failure of t h e fall g u y t o resist t h e d a n g e r of t h e b a n a n a peel). T h e w o m e n profiled o n "Loving Spoonfuls" ultimately fail at the s e a m l e s s representation that t h e g e n r e of t h e cooking s h o w d e m a n d s . T h e turnip for t h e Finnish meal is ridiculously huge a n d requires a n axe; t h e fish is laid onto t h e platter with its eyes intact; a n d , what's worse, w h e n dared t o d o so by Gale, t h e g r a n d m o t h e r actually eats o n e of t h e eyes. Wartime stories are told casually, t o o casually, in the kitchen or on t h e w a y to t h e deli. W e recognize this genre by w h a t it is not: it is not Julia Child, m u c h less Martha Stewart, a n d this inevitable failure is meant to produce laughter.  T h e laughter is a kind of rejection. W e know, also, that these w o m e n are not really Gale's grandmothers, a n d that in order t o not be seen a s a foreigner, he m u s t e m b r a c e t h e m with exaggerated e n d e a r m e n t s a n d wildly affectionate  - 147 gestures. T h e true son or daughter would be more restrained; w o u l d be s h a m e d by the turnip and the fish's eye.  Ambivalence: Double Vision  A t the e n d of e a c h program, there is always too m u c h food: Negra notes that this e x c e s s m a r k s a hunger "that is not merely physical but emotional as well" (68). A s Gale swallows the food that has been painstakingly prepared with an e x c e s s of ridiculous gestures and actions, including acrobatics (the Finnish grandfather s h o w e d David his knowledge of circus tricks), singing, and folk dancing, Gale incorporates the otherness of the family into himself, just as w e will if w e try the  recipes available on the website. There is, certainly, a Utopian potential in this. Bakhtin, for e x a m p l e , argues for the importance of the act of eating as a w a y of representing the unfinished body and its interface with the world: "The body transgresses here its o w n limits. [...] Here m a n tastes the world, introduces it into his body, m a k e s it part of h i m s e l f (281). T h e r e are few instances of actual eating on television; while the "Galloping Gourmet" of the 60's regularly sat d o w n for a boozy m e a l with a pretty female audience m e m b e r at the end of e a c h episode, today's cooking s h o w s usually satisfy themselves with a meager nibble. But David's thin, classical (if effeminate) body belies this promise, and the focus on his o w n appropriated blood relationship with the mother at the e x p e n s e of the blood family's inclusion, denies a possibility of an image of community w h i c h w o u l d truly recognize difference. That difference w o u l d necessarily include the  - 148w a y s in w h i c h s h a m e and abjection are also part of the immigrant family's experience.  I w o u l d argue that a program like "Loving Spoonfuls", or indeed, any n u m b e r of C a n a d i a n T V programs that claim a sensitive representation of the foreigner, the ethnic, or the immigrant, are still very m u c h e n g a g e d in the production of a normative p o w e r that allows for a diversity of individuals, but keeps w a t c h over those w h o are excessive and exceptional. In this sense, their representations are ambivalent, in the w a y that Stuart Hall describes a s " the double vision of the white e y e " ("The Whites of Their Eyes" 22). T h a t ambivalence produces a kind of shameful fascination for m e even as I w a t c h these programs for the third or fourth time. I worry that the grandmother is being m a d e to look foolish, with her grimy bowls and her crude measurements. I decide that, from seeing that longa g o n e w s p a p e r photo of Lucy and Lydia, this spectacle is not for m e , but for the non-ethnic, for w h o m pleasure arises out of nostalgia for culinary w a y s that are part of my ontology but not theirs.  I k n o w that these recipes are like secret spells, and won't be reproduced successfully by a n y o n e else - how many times have I tried, and failed, to reproduce m y o w n Baba's perohy? Even Gale finally admits this:  G A L E : So there's no official recipe. You just throw in what you think you need.  -149Z O R K A : Yeh.  A n n e E. G o l d m a n , in analyzing the autobiographical writing of ethnic c o o k b o o k authors, uses the term "masked resistance" to describe this deterritorialization. While the narratives usually begin with w h a t she calls "a characteristically feminine humility," a closer look reveals "a critical awareness that is often at o d d s with the status q u o " (xix). T h e cookbook author and the ethnic g r a n d m o t h e r m a y indeed be putting themselves on display for epicurean tourists. But G o l d m a n argues for the agency e m b e d d e d in complicated old world recipes: "the series of imperatives the e x c h a n g e of any recipe requires - the 'cut' and soak', 'simmer' and ' s e a s o n ' [...] gesture toward a s e n s e of authority. T h e s e directives - orders, really - b e s p e a k a kind of c o m m a n d " (8).  Indeed, as Sneja G u n e w points out, the precise and often incomprehensible rules of ethnic cooking are meant to maintain boundaries: O n c e w e enter the m o d e r n period of diasporas w e are indeed haunted both by the structures and strictures of the paradigmatic Jewish diaspora, w h i c h often lead diasporan groups to retain rules and the maintenance of social regulation b e c a u s e of the overwhelming fear of being, precisely, o v e r w h e l m e d and assimilated. However, diaspora is intrinsically as m u c h about breaching and blurring boundaries as about their maintenance, and cultural purity, like Lacanian desire, can actually never be attained (228).  -150Like t h e Ukrainian children looking for t h e first star in an urban sky polluted by streetlights a n d satellites, that purity is ever-elusive. It is imagined at t h e site of w h i t e n e s s , a s o n e of its pleasures - but it is imagined by t h e foreigner, t o o .  Subversive Pleasures  Still, there a r e subversive pleasures t o b e h a d for t h e ethnic spectator. T h e dirty stained bowls a n d pots are history, says m y mother: "That's her life story. She's been using those bowls!" Zorka's similarity to m y o w n Baba pleases m e ; I enjoy that t o u g h bitterness overlaid against a willful a n d charismatic hospitality. Here, I w o u l d disagree with Hage in his a r g u m e n t that these images exist solely for t h e white spectator. T h e s e immigrant stories are c a m p y performances, a n d they provide fantastical pleasure f o r t h e immigrant viewer, too. M y m o t h e r actually claims that "Loving Spoonfuls" is more "relevant" t o an ethnic audience; s h e can't imagine w h y English people would b e interested. While she's dismissive of Gale, she says t h e g r a n d m o t h e r s "aren't stereotypical...you really get a s e n s e of t h e individual."  A s I discuss t h e program with m y mother, over m y t e a a n d her pastries, I envy her lack of ethnic s h a m e . But it is also that s h a m e that fuels m y critical w o r k , a n d burns at t h e very roots of m y creative practice. For s h a m e , like power, is also productive. F o r s h a m e t o be creatively productive however, is another matter (Sedgwick, "Queer P e r f o r m a t i v i t y " ) . T h e s h a m e - like Kristeva's foreigner, 5  perhaps - m u s t be acknowledged a n d folded into t h e creative act, thus nullifying  -151-  or reversing its effacing power. A n d this, perhaps, is the m o m e n t w h e r e multiculturalism could be overlaid onto transculturalism. A t this m o m e n t the borders b e t w e e n self and other, between local and global, and perhaps e v e n b e t w e e n s h a m e and creativity, b e c o m e m o r e porous.  Within s u c h a m o m e n t w e could begin to ask: h o w is it that the child of t h e foreigner b e c o m e s foreign to her parents in such an uncanny w a y that multiculturalism's simulacra b e c o m e s the only possible replacement? It w a s n ' t possible for m y mother, as an immigrant subject, to ask that question, and I can't s a y it's b e e n easy, or uncomplicated for m e , either. Still, it remains the task of the s e c o n d and third generations to pose t h e s e inquiries, perhaps at a remove. P e r h a p s w e a r e still a s h a m e d of our mothers, but m a y b e w e can begin to talk about our g r a n d m o t h e r s and their crafty strategies for exilic ontologies. It w o u l d be a m u c h m o r e complicated, interesting, and impossible exercise, to create a c o m e d y out of that.  - 152-  CHAPTER FIVE National Mania, Collective Melancholia: the Trudeau Funeral  If you ask anyone they will tell you that I do not cry easily but by the end of the yulagy [sic] / was very near tears. Chloe D o n a h u e (Victoria, BC)  .... when Justin stopped at his father's casket and wept, I joined the country in its sorrow and wept too. V e r o n i c a Dignard (Halifax, N S ) When Justin Trudeau said his amazing speech that really moved me and I burst into tears. Liz Daniele (Toronto, O N ) / have been moved. We all have. Peter Mansbridge (Toronto, O N ) Canada weeps. Mr. & M r s . E d & N o r m a Ryder, a n d T i m (Lethbridge, A B ) - F r o m t h e books of condolences, posted o n a G o v e r n m e n t of C a n a d a website  A s a child in t h e 70's, I w a s t o o y o u n g f o r T r u d e a u m a n i a ; m y mother, in h e r late thirties w a s , perhaps, a tad t o o old. Nonetheless, it w a s from her mouth a n d through m y ears that I experienced this particular affect that w a s sweeping t h e nation.  -153T r u d e a u m a n i a is t h e n a m e popularly given t o t h e extraordinary public a p p e a l o f Pierre Elliott T r u d e a u , Canada's 15th prime minister, a n d is thought to h a v e lasted f r o m approximately 1968 to 1972. G e o r g e Radwanski writes, in a biography about T r u d e a u : In [an election] campaign that often s e e m e d like a joyous coronation, c r o w d s gathered by the tens of t h o u s a n d s , not to hail his past a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s [...] but simply to s e e the m a n - and preferably to touch him. W h e r e v e r h e m e t h e w a s m o b b e d like a p o p star; fingers g r a s p e d t o w a r d h i m for a handshake, a t o u c h , o r a snatched souvenir; at o n e stop his w a t c h w a s ripped f r o m his wrist, a n d late in t h e c a m p a i g n p u b e s c e n t girls took to trying to pluck hairs f r o m his balding h e a d . (96) A s s u c h , T r u d e a u m a n i a w a s a p h e n o m e n o n in which the body, affect, a n d ideas about the nation intersected.  T o m k i n s w o u l d perhaps classify T r u d e a u m a n i a interest-excitement, but to m e it s o u n d e d like pure delight, a strangely thrilling mix of glamour and patriotism; the distant a n d t h e proximate, flashing across t h e surface of m y mother's white teeth a n d M a x Factor red lips. M y Ukrainian immigrant M a m a always looked a n d s o u n d e d beautiful w h e n she spoke French, a n d s o it w a s w h e n s h e repeated w h a t Pierre Elliott T r u d e a u had said to her at a Parliamentary reception: "J'suis  enchantee de faire voire connaissance."  - 154 M y mother learnt French f r o m the nuns at her convent school in a small FrancoAlbertan t o w n ; that convent, s h e always said, was like heaven to me. But m y mother's piety w a s transformed into a bubbly patriotism t h e d a y s h e m e t T r u d e a u . T h a t M a m a could shake hands with a Prime Minister, that mother t o n g u e could b e c o m e so enchanted, w a s e n o u g h of T r u d e a u m a n i a for m e . T h e n a n d t h e r e I resolved t o speak French s o m e day, a n d t h e w o r d " T r u d e a u " b e c a m e o n e o f pleasure, promise a n d opportunity.  Deleuze a n d Guattari write: "There is no mother tongue but a seizure of p o w e r by a d o m i n a n t language within a political multiplicity" {Anti-Oedipus 13). If I couldn't have mother tongue in a country that no longer had practical use for its East E u r o p e a n settlers, if Slavic mother t o n g u e had b e c o m e so s h a m e d that it couldn't fully inhabit A n g l o m o u t h , then another tongue, m o r e enchanted a n d only slightly less strange, w o u l d inhabit it instead.  National Figures, Collective Affect  This chapter will attempt t o grapple with t h e w a y s in which p o w e r operates to p r o d u c e national figures a n d collective affect t o w a r d s t h e m , particularly o n television. W h a t is t h e process by which Trudeau's face a n d body - both in life and in death - b e c a m e emptied of actual historic meaning a n d overly c o d e d with e x c e s s ? W h a t affective processes of longing, excitement, or s h a m e create t h e process of belonging to t h e nation? H o w d o e s such a queer-looking, queer-acting body like Trudeau's b e c o m e reterritorialized as a heterosexual national body?  - 155 -  In October 2 0 0 0 , C a n a d a mourned the passing of one of its former leaders, Pierre Elliott T r u d e a u . Prime Minister f r o m 1969 to 1986, T r u d e a u w a s , perhaps, C a n a d a ' s first (and last) small-l liberal g o v e r n m e n t leader, and a figure of nostalgia for Canada's b a b y - b o o m population, including myself. O n e of T r u d e a u ' s first actions as Minister of Justice w a s to modernize divorce laws and eliminate anti-sodomy laws. "The state," he famously pronounced, "has no business in the b e d r o o m s of the nation." Son of a wealthy industrialist, aristocratic yet frugal, T r u d e a u m a n a g e d to e m b o d y a diverse array of despotic and counter-cultural signs, produced via print and electronic media. Sexuality played a large role in managing these contradictions. Trudeau's bisexuality w a s a w e l l - k n o w n secret, but it w a s his infamous marriage to the impetuous Margaret (nee Sinclair), nearly thirty years his junior, that captured media attention around the w o r l d . T h a t troubled, flamboyant union, the libidinal imperative of T r u d e a u m a n i a , and Trudeau's o w n predilection for gay icons like Barbra Streisand, further served t o q u e e r his image a n d e x p a n d his celebrity status.  Z o e Sofoulis has written about the w a y s in w h i c h people m a p their lives onto celebrities; thus, the loss of a celebrity b e c o m e s a loss of part of themselves. Celebrity funerals, she writes, b e c o m e "a collective attempt to re-make the world, and to reconstitute it, both through shared m e d i a consumption of the event (people making dates to w a t c h the funeral together) as well as public, physical and emotional acts [...] (waiting to sign condolence books, queuing to put d o w n  -156flowers, lighting candles etc.)" (17). T h e virtual c o m m u n i t y of the C a n a d i a n nation w a s unified and e m b o d i e d via its simultaneous consumption of the televised T r u d e a u funeral. T h e funeral, then, b e c a m e a desiring-machine, in which an insatiable desire for images and memories of T r u d e a u produced other desires: for an imaginary historical m o m e n t of d e m o c r a c y and justice; for an alterity that predated the h e g e m o n y of globalization; for the innocence of the 60's with their s u m m e r s of love. That the funeral occurred just w e e k s before a federal election also m e a n t that, for a time, the current (Liberal) Prime Minister running for reelection could, despite a history of conservative legislation regarding immigration, free trade and healthcare, feed on and e m b o d y these desires, without e v e n gesturing to their fulfillment.  Trudeau's funeral w a s heavily covered for five days by both of Canada's major English-language television networks. His b o d y lay in state in the Parliament Buildings of O t t a w a , C a n a d a ' s capital city, for several days. Large n u m b e r s of C a n a d i a n s lined up to view the T r u d e a u casket, or to write c o m m e n t s in government-organized "books of condolences" across C a n a d a (later reproduced on a g o v e r n m e n t website). T h e casket then traveled by special train to Montreal, a c c o m p a n i e d by Trudeau's two sons, Justin and S a s c h a - recalling the p o s t h u m o u s train ride of another liberal counter-cultural figure, Bobby Kennedy. A t the funeral, the all-star cast of mourners included England's Prince A n d r e w and f o r m e r U S president Jimmy Carter, as well as honorary pallbearers Leonard C o h e n and C u b a n president Fidel C a s t r o . T h e highlight of the funeral w a s a 1  - 157melodramatically declaimed eulogy by his son, Justin T r u d e a u , w h i c h presented a sentimental, child's-eye view of a prime minister's life, a n d produced tears a n d applause inside a n d outside the church (eerily echoing t h e applause at Diana's funeral).  Certain collective performances of mourning - like the Trudeau funeral - are conflicted sites w h e r e t h e nation in a partial a n d unsatisfactory w a y , tries to integrate loss through t h e process of melancholia or, in Dominic LaCapra's terms, "acting out" (Writing History 1). However, within Canadian television, this c o n s c i o u s n e s s is constantly deferred or displaced, len A n g , analyzing t h e soap opera, h a s written about its "tragic structure of feeling", expressive of t h e u n n a m e a b l e sorrows a n d griefs of W e s t e r n culture (Watching Dallas). M u c h has b e e n written in this vein about Princess Diana's funeral in 1997, including M a n d y Merck's compilation of "irreverent elegies," After Diana. T h e T r u d e a u funeral had m a n y uncanny similarities with that of Diana's, from flower-strewn public grounds to applauding crowds. Aerial views of mourners on Parliament Hill recalled even grander aerial views of mourners at Kensington Palace, a kind of colonial O v e r l a y . British newspapers noted with pride t h e multi-ethnic composition of 2  Diana's mourners; here in C a n a d a , t h e presence of a multicultural society (supposedly Trudeau's invention) at his funeral w a s much remarked u p o n . T h e process of mourning T r u d e a u w a s m a p p e d over t h e surface of those feminized black, b r o w n , yellow, a n d even queer faces - this w a s even more proof of  - 158 forgetting, since very f e w of those othered bodies w e r e actually inside t h e church.  Deleuze a n d Guattari distinguish b e t w e e n t w o kinds o f m e m o r y : "Short-term m e m o r y understands forgetting as a process; it does not merge with t h e instant, but with t h e collective rhizome. [...] Long-term m e m o r y (family, race, society, civilization), traces a n d translates, but w h a t it translates continues to act within it' (Anti-Oedipus 35). Long-term m e m o r i e s (those connected to t h e national imaginary) captured Trudeau's statesmanlike m o v e m e n t s , like a film still, or a trace. Short- t e r m memories w e r e more like t h e space between film f r a m e s , sliding past o u r e y e s : tanks o n city streets; refugees in jail cells; societies of control. In t h e act of national mourning, t h e t w o kinds of memories m e r g e d : w e did not k n o w s o m e t i m e s , w h y w e w e r e w e e p i n g . A s Francois Gaillard writes (about Diana's funeral): "Since it is easier to w e e p together than t o live together, emotion of this sort m a y c o m e increasingly to stand in for the social b o n d " (1998: 167).  A l s o like Diana's funeral, there w a s a subtle q u e e r n e s s to this event, in t h e generic s e n s e of q u e e r a s outlaw, or non-normal. T r u d e a u ' s bisexuality w a s never mentioned in t h e mainstream print or television media, except, briefly and ambivalently, o n C B C ' s satirical n e w s m a g a z i n e "This Hour H a s 2 2 Minutes", by two recurring old lady characters played by Mary W a l s h and Cathy Jones.  - 159 -  J O N E S : / heard it said he was fruity as pink ink!  W A L S H : Yes, as gay as 18 balloons they said.  J O N E S : But I don't believe it!  W A L S H : No, no me neither!  J O N E S : He was a goer! Sure, he went out with that Kim Cattrall.  W A L S H : Who's that?  J O N E S : She's the one who plays the slutty one on that there "Sex and the City".  W A L S H : Sure, how can ya tell with a crowd of hinged heeled harlots!  J O N E S : Yes, a good time was had by all kind of girls.  ("This Hour Has T w e n t y - T w o Minutes" O c t o b e r 2000)  T h e n e w s p a p e r s played along: endless photos of T r u d e a u in c a p e s and f e m m e y hats w e r e printed a n d reprinted. Seated in t h e front row of Montreal's Notre D a m e Cathedral during t h e funeral service, w a s a less-than-normal family: T r u d e a u ' s t w o unmarried sons, his ex-wife f r o m 2 0 years ago (former Rolling Stones groupie Margaret), his onetime mistress, a n d his illegitimate daughter, w h o m T r u d e a u sired in his s e v e n t i e s . This w a s a kind of double-funeral; also 3  present w a s t h e ghost o f Michel, Trudeau's youngest son, from w h o s e tragic  - 160death a year earlier T r u d e a u had never recovered - more like a mother than a father, really, in his inconsolable grief.  If nationhood is a masculine construction, then C a n a d a has always existed outside of that symbolic order. From comedic references on "The S i m p s o n s " and "The W e s t W i n g " , to G e o r g e W . Bush's significant omissions, C a n a d a ' s subservient relationship to the US is mythical. A s Arthur Kroker writes, "The e s s e n c e of t h e C a n a d i a n intellectual condition is this: it is our fate to be forever marginal to the 'present-mindedness' of A m e r i c a n culture"(8). This marginality, t h e n , can also be seen as un-masculine, as effeminate, perhaps e v e n as queer. BJ W r a y writes about the Canadian nation's uncanny structural similarity with homosexuality: "English Canadian national identity and h o m o s e x u a l identity share the structuration of incoherence, and activist identity-making strategies in e a c h of t h e s e areas have frequently aimed to contain this incoherence by stabilizing, unifying, and rendering intelligible (therefore legitimate) a singular, monolithic p a r a d i g m of existence" (166).  O n e is t e m p t e d to surmise that Canada's infamous absence and lack within global discourse, (except for C a n a d a r m s in s p a c e and hockey g a m e s with Russians and A m e r i c a n s ) a n d Canadians' a l m o s t mythical self-deprecation, is a result of melancholia or acting out: an inability to resolve its historical t r a u m a . Freud notes that while melancholia results in, a m o n g other things, "utterance in self-reproaches and self-revilings, and culminates in a delusional expectation of  -161punishment," mourning significantly avoids this "disturbance in self regard" (244). A s T o m k i n s states, in a phrase that anticipates LaCapra's notion of acting out, "If negative affect is too punishing, biologically or psychologically, it m a y be w o r s e than the alarming situation itself, and it m a y hinder rather than expedite dealing with it" (Sedgwick & Frank 111).  But this acting out can be occasionally recuperated. Thus, the televised funeral of a queer elder statesman with all of its pauses, funny unmentionables, and melancholic idealization of a lost part of the' national " s e l f , also represented a limit, a n d a line of flight.  Proximity, Contagion, and Affect  T h e theories of Deleuze a n d Guattari provide s o m e exciting possibilities for the s o m e w h a t b o g g e d - d o w n project of television criticism, mired in an impossible intersection of cultural studies, sociology, and cine-psychoanalytic theory. While critiques of psychoanalytic theory vis-a-vis film theory are, these d a y s , innumerable, Steven Shaviro's use of Deleuze and Guattari's terms to carry out this critique is useful for the purposes of this chapter.  A s a lecturer o n film a n d cultural studies in a w o m e n ' s studies department, I have always found that the pessimism of feminist cine-psychoanalysis folds too neatly into f e m a l e m a s o c h i s m : the c a m e r a lens an evil eye; the female body on the  - 162screen a b a d object of desire. Shaviro pinpoints distance as a primary problem: filmic images that are theoretically "isolated, like dangerous g e r m s " (16). H e argues that "lack" stands in for fear; that w h a t the sacred film theory lineage o f Metz through Mulvey is afraid of, "is not the emptiness of the image but its weird fullness" (16). In short, he makes a case for proximity: "the image is not a s y m p t o m of lack but of an uncanny excessive residue of being that subsists w h e n all should be lacking [....] the insistence o f something that refuses to disappear" (17).  Perhaps television, even more than c i n e m a , is peculiarly suited to notions of proximity and of the excessive affect that proximity can encourage and give flight to. More than a s c h e m a o f behavioural cause and effect (for e x a m p l e , crime s h o w s c a u s e violence in children), this proximity is o n e of body and machine, skin t o s k i n . / was glued to the set, I said to people during the five-day c o v e r a g e 4  of Trudeau's death and funeral. I s p o k e of not being able t o take m y eyes off the screen, or m y hand off the remote. I, too, cried w h e n Justin T r u d e a u g a v e his eulogy, a n d I g o t a lump in my throat w h e n I recently replayed t h e t a p e s . M y neighbour and I congregated o n her deck or in m y living room to laugh together about Margaret's d r a m a queen hauteur, a n d c o m p a r e notes about different stations we'd been watching. Radio C a n a d a ( C B C ' s French channel) w a s excited, almost giddy about Castro's presence, a s opposed to t h e A m e r i c a n networks, w h i c h demonstrated veiled contempt. M y students and I chatted about our T r u d e a u memories, while photos of people standing together in public areas  - 163 to w a t c h T V coverage or to burst into s p o n t a n e o u s renditions of the national a n t h e m a p p e a r e d in the papers. Mourning T r u d e a u w a s a machinic exercise with molecular c o m p o n e n t s : a pre-election Liberal government, state-owned m e d i a , bodies longing to be part of a nation next to bodies (like my own) that had long since a b a n d o n e d the project of nation; the hyper-reality of a f a m o u s family conveying its private emotions and gestures to the public; a body without organs (Trudeau's televised image).  A n o t h e r affect-related notion pertinent to television is that of contagion. A s Shaviro writes: "Mimesis and contagion tend to efface fixed identities, and to blur the boundaries b e t w e e n inside a n d outside. T h e viewer is transfixed a n d transmogrified in the c o n s e q u e n c e of the infectious, visceral contact of images" (53). Shaviro g o e s o n to speak m o r e specifically of the horror film, but o n e could as easily think about, as Robert S t a m d o e s , television tropes like reality T V that construct a n impression of intimacy a n d viewing p o w e r across all T V f o r m a t s e v e n state funerals (24). T h u s , in our proximity, rather than identifying with the image, w e are touched by it.  Marshall M c L u h a n has described television as, "above all, an extension of the s e n s e of t o u c h " (333). Using the K e n n e d y assassination and funeral as an e x a m p l e , he writes convincingly of the power of this new m e d i u m to touch and implicate the body:  - 164No national event except in sports has ever had such coverage or such an audience. It revealed t h e unrivaled power of T V to achieve t h e involvement o f the audience in a c o m p l e x process. T h e funeral a s a corporate process caused even t h e image of sport to pale. [...] T h e K e n n e d y funeral, in short, manifested t h e ability of T V to involve a n d entire population in a ritual process. (337, italics mine)  Indeed, t h e K e n n e d y funeral has b e c o m e s y n o n y m o u s with televised spectacle, in that it w a s t h e first such event covered b y television in real time. It h a s also contributed t o t h e idea that an event on television could and should touch a n d m o v e bodies t o painful affect.  "I w a s m o v e d . W e all w e r e , " wrote C B C news anchor Peter Mansbridge, in a book of condolences. This is another e x a m p l e of the doubled, uncanny affect of the hyper-real. Mansbridge, a paid e m p l o y e e inside TV, is there t o m o v e us; outside of it, he is there to be m o v e d . His j o b is to infect us with grief a n d , therefore, a n insatiable desire for images of the departed; our job is to pass this on to others with our conversations in classrooms a n d offices, a n d living rooms, our hugs a n d tears a n d gestures. "Desire is a machine," write Deleuze a n d Guattari, "and t h e object of desire is another machine connected to it" (AntiOedipus 26). In this case, it is t h e m e d i a that b e c o m e s a desiring-machine: it is not t h e need for images of T r u d e a u that produce desire for t h e m , but, rather, desire that produces need. This desire is productive. A s Deleuze a n d Guattari  - 165 write: "In group fantasy the libido m a y invest all of an existing social field, including the latter's most repressive f o r m s " (30). On the 2 0  t h  anniversary of the  (FLQ) separatist uprising in Q u e b e c - w h i c h coincided with Trudeau's d e a t h the traumatic m e m o r y of Trudeau's invocation of the W a r Measures A c t b e c a m e reterritorialized, incorporated into the national body of T r u d e a u , of the nation, and transformed from s h a m e into pride.  "Desire produces reality," write Deleuze and Guattari (30). Bodies pressed against bodies lining up in an a u t u m n chill, hands pressed against p e n , writing in books of condolences, tearful eye catching tearful eye. T h e s e contagious affects give us a s e n s e of belonging - if not to the nation, then to the virtual c o m m u n i t y of television w a t c h e r s and newspaper readers. According to s o m e theorists, the root of this desire is s h a m e . Following Benedict Anderson's central question -  why is an imagined community chosen over an actual one? Scheff e x p a n d s upon Anderson's canonical text by developing the notion of a 'shame-pride balance'. Citizens of a nation, he argues, "seek to increase their pride-shame balance, their m o m e n t - b y - m o m e n t social status," and he provides us with the chilling e x a m p l e of the Third Reich. Hitler's "otherwise inexplicable appeal [provided] the promise of expanding Germany's s h a m e after the Treaty of Versailles, and raising its pride formed the core of virtually all his s p e e c h e s and writings" (286).  -166T h e W a r M e a s u r e s Act, with its sweeping powers, gave rise to m a n y episodes in C a n a d i a n history that are now conventionally considered to be shameful. This legislation ( n o w k n o w n as the E m e r g e n c y M e a s u r e s Act) is C a n a d a ' s m o s t notorious and long-standing anti-terrorist legislation. Initiated in 1914 as a m e a n s of rounding up and interning itinerant East European immigrants during wartime, it w a s later used to intern J a p a n e s e C a n a d i a n s during World W a r II, and more recently, to quell Q u e b e c separatism in October, 1970. W h e n invoked, it gives the g o v e r n m e n t extra-legal powers of surveillance, arrest and detention, as well as the ability to call in military forces. T h e W a r Measures Act functions as a site of traumatic m e m o r y for several generations of Canadians. That this despotic t e r m could have b e e n transformed into a site of national pride at the m o m e n t of T r u d e a u ' s death provides an interesting e x a m p l e of a nation seeking to increase its o w n s h a m e - p r i d e balance.  "Just w a t c h m e , " said T r u d e a u in a television interview on the eve of invoking the W a r M e a s u r e s A c t in response to a separatist uprising in Q u e b e c . T r u d e a u , everconscious of the c a m e r a , used the FLQ Crisis of October, 1970 to the benefit of his (and Canada's) international image; overnight, C a n a d a and T r u d e a u w e r e masculinized via the panoptical all-seeing c a m e r a eye. With those w o r d s , T r u d e a u affirmed and amplified his scopophilic appeal: his body becoming-TV, becoming-military, becoming-machine. T h e s h a m e of a w e a k e n e d federation giving in to terrorist threat w a s averted.  -167Y e a r s later, T r u d e a u cited his friend E u g e n e Forsey in his memoir: "In m y j u d g m e n t [Trudeau] saved us from Baader-Meinhof gangs and Red Brigades" (148). A d d s T r u d e a u o n the next page: "It should also be noted that in t h e quarter-century that has followed the October Crisis, the country has s e e n no resurgence of terrorism" (149). O n e w o n d e r s w h e r e T r u d e a u w a s the s u m m e r of the O k a uprising in 1991 and the e n o r m o u s military action that followed, or w h a t he w o u l d have d o n e with the anti-globalization protests in Q u e b e c City in the spring of 2 0 0 1 . T h e spectre of a dark, G e r m a n i c insurrection, coupled with the i m a g e o f T r u d e a u as saviour, is m o n u m e n t a l . M o n u m e n t s mark s p a c e s o f r e m e m b r a n c e and forgetting, and perhaps also of s h a m e . A leader so m o n u m e n t a l i z e d c a n only be the product of arborescent histories, w h a t Deleuze and Guattari have called "organized m e m o r i e s " (Anti-Oedipus  36). I a m arguing  instead for a rhizomatic notion of the "semiotic chain" of "diverse acts" (AntiOedipus 12). This speaks to the flow between the different meanings of the T r u d e a u legacy; rather than being contradictions, Trudeau's effeminacy a n d his assertion of masculinity during October, 1970 are offshoots of e a c h other. For, according to Deleuze and Guattari, any point of a rhizome c a n be connected to anything else. F r o m Trudeau's rebellious, f a g g y pirouette at B u c k i n g h a m Palace, to his militaristic quashing of dissidents, it is this non-linear s e q u e n c e of diverse acts that w o u l d s e e m to form the T r u d e a u legacy.  - 168 -  The Driveways of the Nation  T h e r e w a s a strange proximity to t h e O c t o b e r Crisis of 1970 in our modestly middle class O t t a w a neighbourhood. First, there w a s the television, sputtering earnestly in black and white: m u g shots of FLQ (Front de Liberation du Quebec) cell m e m b e r s with their flowery n a m e s ( R o s e a n d Cossette), a n d T r u d e a u in gunslinger m o d e , playing to the c a m e r a . A n d s e c o n d , there w a s m y n e i g h b o u r h o o d , and the presence of a r m y tanks on our very o w n street, with its o w n flowery n a m e , Featherston Drive.  I w a s in grade s e v e n , and seriously working on m y popularity. I had never felt more self-conscious, more w a t c h e d : by m y eagle-eyed m o m , by mirrors a n d reflections in store w i n d o w s , by girls, a n d by boys. I had just started to be courted by a group of b a d girls, w h o invited m e to allegedly "girls only" sleepovers, w h e r e boys w e r e daringly smuggled in after the m o m s and dads had g o n e to b e d . Spin the Bottle a n d long boring bouts of 'necking' n o w occupied the site w h e r e girltalk, Ouija Boards and m a k e u p sessions had o n c e deliciously reigned. T h o s e kisses felt interminable to m e : unpracticed, boyish lips like w e t w a s h cloths, skin that smelt like running shoes. Mouths a g a i n , but without language this time; o r perhaps it w a s a completely new language that I could never inhabit, but w h i c h , for m a n y years, I would try desperately to speak.  -169It w a s at o n e of these a w k w a r d b a s e m e n t parties that w e heard about Q u e b e c Labour Minister (or 'minister of unemployment', a s t h e FLQ'ers d u b b e d h i m in French) Pierre Laporte's assassination o n s o m e o n e ' s pink transistor radio. W a s it before or after that tanks rolled into o u r neighbourhood to protect s o m e lowlevel diplomat living in o n e o f the "colonial-style" prefabs that lined t h e treeless street? A s I w r o t e later in a film narration: In our s u b u r b a n Ottawa neighbourhood, everything s e e m e d s o c a l m . A r m y tanks w e r e parked in front o f s o m e o f t h e better h o m e s , a n d t h e M o m s brought t h e soldiers coffee or t e a . W h e n t h e Dads c a m e h o m e , family snapshots w e r e taken in front of the tanks, which had very quickly b e c o m e status symbols. Clearly, w e w e r e protected, with or without t h e tanks: by our whiteness a n d innocence, by our willingness to speak English, b y t h e size o f our very g r e e n lawns (Unspoken Territory). Perhaps w e also felt protected by T r u d e a u , w h o s e masculinity and paternalism w e r e suddenly no longer in question. O n s o m e level, I could relate: I, t o o , h a d just left behind a n innocent same-sex milieu. T h e state had been banished from the b e d r o o m s of t h e nation, only to reappear o n its driveways. T h e world w o u l d never b e quite t h e s a m e again.  Affect and Trudeau  "I feel that the Canadian people a n d I did d r e a m together for such loves in challenging times - love for ourselves, love for our country, love for  {  - 170m o r e peace and justice in the world." - T r u d e a u , Memoirs 368)  In the minds of most Canadians, it w o u l d s e e m to be affect that most defined T r u d e a u . References to him after in his death - in popular media a n d in the b o o k s o f c o n d o l e n c e s - m a k e frequent use of s u c h w o r d s a n d phrases a s :  exuberance; passion; love; excitement; charisma. It was, perhaps, the exoticization of English Canada's other - Q u e b e c - that allowed this image to develop so durably. Perhaps T r u d e a u stood in for Quebec, or at least for Montreal, a place A n g l o Canadians can go and be all the things they are not in M o o s e Jaw, or W i n n i p e g , or St J o h n : passionate, excited, exuberant, in love. Q u e b e c ' s exoticism represented by: the w i d e , acrobatic motions of the t o n g u e and mouth and hands and arms; the drinking of French wine in smoke-filled (smoke!) bars until three in the morning; the poetic cadences of the French language.  A n d it w a s affect that most defined Trudeau's funeral: the slightly d e r a n g e d grimaces of Margaret; Fidel behind her, providing a Latin beat; the tear-filled eyes of those not generally seen as emotive - former prime ministers John Turner, Joe Clark, former cabinet minister Marc Lalonde. A n d finally, there w a s Justin Trudeau's eulogy to his father, which The Vancouver Sun described in theatrical t e r m s : "It w a s Justin T r u d e a u w h o brought the entire c h u r c h t o their feet with applause and tears in their e y e s " (Baxter, O'Neill, Jaimet: October 4  - 171 2 0 0 0 ) . Television c a m e r a s and editing helped frame Justin Trudeau's affectladen a n d p e r h a p s affected performance with slow dissolves t o the coffin, w e e p i n g s t a t e s m e n , and the somber-looking crowds outside: M y father's fundamental belief never c a m e from a textbook. It s t e m m e d f r o m his d e e p love and faith in all Canadians and over the past few d a y s , with every card, every rose, every tear, every w a v e , and every pirouette, y o u returned his love. [...] H e left politics in '84. He c a m e back for M e e c h . H e c a m e back for Charlottetown. H e c a m e back to remind us of w h o w e are and w h a t we're all capable of. But he won't be coming back a n y m o r e . It's all up to us, all of us, now. T h e w o o d s are lovely, dark a n d d e e p . H e has kept his promises and earned his sleep'. Je t'aime Papa. (October 4, 2000)  5  Upon completing his eulogy, Justin T r u d e a u d e s c e n d e d from the podium at Notre D a m e Cathedral, walked over to his father's flag-draped casket and bent to kiss it, his shoulders suddenly w r a c k e d with sobs. With his babyish w o r d s - Je t'aime Papa (I love y o u Daddy) and his tears, Justin b e c a m e a child in relation to t h e ritual g e s t u r e s o f the nation (reminiscent, again, o f Diana's flag-draped casket, c r o w n e d with a n envelope with the w o r d " M o m m y " scrawled o n it in child's handwriting). A s Marvin and Ingle write, "The flag that w r a p s the casket transforms shed blood into the community seed ritually planted at the fertile center [...] ritual gestures and language represent [the flag-covered coffin] a s a n infant with regenerative power" (149). Indeed, a s rumours immediately began to circulate about the possibility o f Justin entering political life, his body - with its  - 172 o w n potential for regeneration - stood in (via his father's body) for flag and nation.  Television footage of this eulogy invariably produces tears, goose b u m p s , lumps in throats, chills d o w n spines. T h e effect is not unlike that of m e l o d r a m a ; e v e n t h o u g h o n e is deeply familiar with the genre (and perhaps even ironically d e t a c h e d f r o m it) its performative repetitions cannot help but produce a response at least partially rooted in normalcy. According to Silverman, "social formations d e p e n d upon their dominant fictions for their sense of unity and identity" (54). Following Freud, she argues that groups of people, perhaps e v e n entire nations, can protect themselves f r o m t r a u m a by, in a sense, repressing the m e m o r y of the traumatic event a n d participating in collective identifications that attempt to create closure and fixity of meaning. T h e t r a u m a in this case would entail not merely the d e a t h of an elderly f o r m e r Prime Minister, but personal as well as collective or national t r a u m a s . T h e s e identifications, w h i c h Silverman calls 'dominant fictions', usually involve the repeating of the f o r m s and gestures of a particular g e n r e . T h e genre of m e l o d r a m a , for example, participates in the compulsion to repeat, but then also tries to close over the w o u n d of pain that these traumatic events represent.  Jostein Gripsrud has traced the historical roots of m e l o d r a m a in relation to television, and its m a n y uses. She insists upon melodrama's "moral urgency [...] and its ambition to speak of w h a t w a s actually unspeakable" (246). Its repetition,  - 173 s h e claims, is pleasurable, providing audiences with moral lessons that they w a n t repeated again and again. Citing Peter Brooks, she posits m e l o d r a m a as a secular w a y of explaining the world to peasants and nobility alike, "a textual m a c h i n e designed to cope with the threatening black hole God left after him w h e n he returned to his h e a v e n " (244). T h e excessive affect inherent in m e l o d r a m a stands in, she claims, not only for religion, but for politics as well: "a popular resistance to abstract, theoretical w a y s of understanding society or history" (245). Perhaps this is o n e w a y o f understanding the e n o r m o u s effectiveness and contagiousness of a eulogy s o visibly produced, and so melodramatically declaimed. Justin's w o r d s superseded those of the priests and the politicians w h o spoke; his face loomed larger and more beautifully than the majestic gothic arches of Notre D a m e Cathedral. T h e lessons in the eulogy w e r e o n e s of morality, not ethics; of acting out, rather than working t h r o u g h .  6  But affect is also about the need to see oneself as fully h u m a n a n d of this world a n d , therefore, affected. Sofoulis writes (about Princess Diana's funeral): [B]y participating in a global m o u r n i n g , individual people m a k e the claim of belonging to another world, a world of affects and performances that are interlinked with but also exceed icons and narratives. S o m e participants in the flower-laying or funeral w e r e not particularly emotional about Diana; they just w a n t e d to be part of this major historical event. (18) Since 9 / 1 1 , amid the circulation of images and ideas about mourning those w h o died in the W o r l d Trade Center, this interrelationship - of celebrity d e a t h , affect,  - 174 and citizenship - has never, it s e e m s , been more active. T h e ability to m o u r n these celebrity deaths - Diana, T r u d e a u , t h e d e a d of N e w York - b e c a m e a mark of normalcy. In Planet Diana, R o s a n n e Kennedy writes: [l]n producing a false sense of familiarity, t h e media create t h e illusion that grieving for s o m e o n e w e don't know, except as a media i m a g e , is a simple process. A n y o n e c a n d o it. But at the s a m e time, identifications g e n e r a t e d through dominant media images are so exclusionary that w e are prevented from grieving for s o m e of the people in our local c o m m u n i t i e s . H o w m a n y o f us, for instance, h a v e grieved over t h e ruined lives of stolen children [in Australia (52)? A n d w h a t of t h o s e bodies not invested in the nation that shed tears neither for Diana, nor for T r u d e a u , nor for the victims of the World Trade Center? T h e s h a m e of not mourning w a s , perhaps, obscured by the middle-class s h a m e of participating in television's low-culture bathos. I w a s lucky to have the e x c u s e of a c a d e m i c research, but w a s I too being interpellated by the nation? For a m e m b e r of the 7 0 ' s generation, conventional markers of citizenship w o u l d s e e m to hold no cultural capital. However, as Carol W a t t s notes, celebrity death "renders producible [...] t h e affective c o m m u n i t y o f t h e nation state [via] the p e d a g o g i e s of c o n s u m e r culture" (36). T h e act of watching T V w a s w h e r e c o n s u m p t i o n b e c a m e citizenship; in Kroker's w o r d s , "the profound paradox of a m o d e r n technology as simultaneously a prison-house and a pleasure palace" (125). T h a t pleasurable grief, so thinly satisfying, w a s then c o m p o u n d e d by a  - 175 d e e p e r s a d n e s s , an encounter with the limits of c o n s u m e r culture and the spectacle of celebrity.  The National Body  Dear Justin, Sacha and Sarah: Every day in my work as a Co-Operative Housing Manager, I see the faces of people who are here largely due to the vision of your father. People like Alvaro, who fled death threats in Colombia and the families from Afghanistan who fled the violence there. Today they are Canadians, helping to contribute to the country your father loved so much, due to his efforts to embrace the peoples of the world to help this country grow. Linda Phillips Kelm (Newmarket, O N )  Hi, I am 10 years old. I might not have seen him before. I do know that he was a great man. My parent's are from India. If it wasn't for him, I would not be here in Beautiful British Columbia. A n n u G r e w a l (Terrace, BC) - From the books of condolences  A s the funeral w e e k continued on TV, the screen b e c a m e like the face of a corpse, drained of colour. Black and white images of the "Trudeau y e a r s " - the late 60's to early 80's - flickered in my living room day and night, organizing my o w n , and the nation's, memory. T h e s e are the images that pierced t h r o u g h t h e self-absorbed m i a s m a of m y t e e n a g e y e a r s ; ersatz images of h o p e a m i d soulful depression and the writing of m u c h bad poetry. T h e T V documentaries about Trudeau's life, and the special memorial sections in the Saturday papers w e r e pleasurable, nostalgic, drawing m e in to the p h a n t a s m of an arboreal community,  -176a tree with a single set of roots, a intact family with a normal m o m a n d d a d w h o didn't have heavy accents, addictions or false teeth. Je t'aime Papa.  In t h e w e e k of h o m a g e , T r u d e a u w a s credited for a n astonishing n u m b e r of a c h i e v e m e n t s , from (supposedly) a n o p e n immigration policy t o w i d e s p r e a d C a n a d i a n facility in t h e French language. A n d y e t there certainly c a n not have b e e n a n y single author of bilingualism a n d multiculturalism. T h e y are multiplicities, another chain of diverse events a n d acts: demonstrations on t h e streets of Montreal and Q u e b e c City; t h e playing of ethnic against Q u e b e c o i s ; t h e Plains of A b r a h a m ; m y grandmother's long, thirsty trip across t h e country to settle in Alberta; t h e long list of interned nationals a n d attendant affects of s h a m e humiliation; t h e children and grandchildren of those interned Ukrainians, J a p a n e s e , R o m a n i a n s , G e r m a n s , French Canadians, c o m m i e s , pinkos, W o b b l i e s , J e w s , and Fujianese refugees; t h e e m p t y holes in t h e archives, full of their voices; the handful of Canadian writers a n d artists w h o have testified to that s h a m e a n d reinscribed it into creativity.  7  In t h e nation's need t o fix authorship, Trudeau's body b e c a m e overly c o d e d , bearing excessive signification. His body thus b e c a m e a national body but, as Deleuze a n d Guattari write, "each of these becomings [assures] t h e deterritorialization o f o n e o f t h e terms" (Anti-Oedipus 20). T h e b e c o m i n g - q u e e r o f the national body; the becoming-national of t h e queer. In the week's coverage of Trudeau's d e a t h , sexuality w a s , of necessity, in constant play with nationalism.  - 177R e m y C h a u v i n , cited by Deleuze a n d Guattari writes about: "the a-parallel evolution of two beings having absolutely nothing to d o with each other" (20). Sexuality a n d nation: " t w o becomings intertwining a n d relaying each other in a circulation o f intensities" (19).  " H e could have d a n c e d all night," reads t h e headline of a Globe and Mail photo s p r e a d , S e p t e m b e r 30, 2000. T r u d e a u is all w a v i n g hands and swaying butt here: " 1 9 8 9 : T r u d e a u d o e s t h e b u m p in Montreal"; " 1 9 8 1 : a jive d a n c e threatens t o turn into a prouette"; "1982: fancy footwork with a Macedonian dancer." A n d m o r e proximity. Playwright and actor Linda Griffiths (known, incidentally, for playing a lesbian in t h e 70's film Lianna, a n d f o r playing both Margaret and Pierre in a o n e w o m a n play in t h e late 80's) snuck into a Governor-General's ball for t h e purposes of doing research. S h e m a n a g e d a dance with T r u d e a u , describes "his slightly t e n s e shoulders, t h e angle of his h e a d , the touch of his small hand o n m y back" (italics mine) (2000.R8). Small hands, skin t o skin, a body constantly in contact, a body that is a contact zone. This is a body that could d a n c e with a n y o n e , " a n individual varying in a n infinite n u m b e r of w a y s " (Deleuze a n d Guattari, "Ethology" 625), a body o f diverse gestures, a limit text. Writes Griffiths: I realized t h e entire country had danced with T r u d e a u . A n d s o m e felt d r o p p e d like old high school flames, a n d s o m e still felt beloved. It doesn't matter h o w it went. W h a t w e felt for T r u d e a u w a s true love, a n d true love never g o e s away; it stays in t h e heart a n d mind forever (R8).  -178T w o years after Trudeau's death, C B C produced a mini-series, entitled "Trudeau". Here, the former prime minister is portrayed in a florid, populist manner: T r u d e a u as sexy philosopher-king; T r u d e a u as pop star. But e v e n m o r e importantly, the p r o g r a m itself w a s portrayed, b y both C B C executives a n d d o m i n a n t m e d i a as something akin to statesmanship. In a Vancouver Sun article entitled "Trudeau mini-series 'nation-building'", C B C network p r o g r a m m i n g head Slavko Klymkiw described T r u d e a u as "nation-building, larger-than-life" television (A4). Trudeau's body had indeed b e c o m e national., and t h o s e invested in its monumentalization had b e c o m e heroicized.  H o w d o w e constitute a map of this national body? T w o bodies, perhaps, French and English, passion and reason, q u e e r and straight, bi and univocal, with o n e white face, with a grin that reveals nothing, that w a s never so expressive than at his son's d e a t h . A face deterritorialized f r o m a body, from orifice, f r o m t h e grotesque. T h e national body is unsettled, m a d e grotesque, by folding into an image of the queer. Branches, m o v e m e n t s and flows. A friend sends m e a n e w s p a p e r article tracing the origins of Trudeau's pirouette - ballet lessons in the 60's. Margaret's face at the funeral, head bobbing, smiling at no one, an excess of affect in d a n g e r of spilling over, a horizon, about to explode. Justin delivering his eulogy: Margaret's face m a p p e d o n t o Pierre's. T h e tragic face of Trudeau's lover, J a c q u e s Hebert, back in the seventh row, deterritorialized. Nostalgia. For my y o u t h , and that of my mother's. A displaced mourning for my o w n father, the toothless rags-to-riches refugee. All of this on a single page.  -179-  " D e a d e n d s should always b e restructured o n t h e m a p , write Deleuze a n d Guattari, a n d in that w a y o p e n e d up to possible lines of flight" (Anti-Oedipus 3 1 ) . In t h e y e a r after t h e T r u d e a u funeral, there is only one other T V event that d r a w s m e in again so obsessively. T h e images are beautiful, really: t h e billowing pale grey s m o k e of tear gas, t h e sinewy bodies of anarchists dressed in black, throwing stones a n d tear g a s canisters in w i d e graceful s w o o p s , t h e phalanx o f c o p s like t h e a d v a n c e o f blue-black insects with hard, shining carapaces.  "There is no universal capitalism; no capitalism in itself capitalism is at a crossroads of all kinds of formations" (Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, 2 0 ) . Friends of ours are in Q u e b e c City, the screen disappears, w e enter into it, w e are immanent. W e are becoming light itself, a rearrangement of pixels o n a digital plateau, visual persistence breaking d o w n t h e hastily erected concrete wall, t h e T V screen. In t h e s p a c e b e t w e e n f r a m e s there are tracem e m o r i e s of other m o m e n t s of resistance; a m o n g t h e m , the black a n d white flicker of T r u d e a u on T V , in a trade union march against the A l g o m a Steel Corporation, circa 1 9 4 9 .  8  "I think trade union people across this province should  rise up in arms," says the y o u n g T r u d e a u in a T V interview, before correcting himself. C u t t o images of y o u n g m e n throwing rocks at Q u e b e c Provincial Police m o r e t h a n fifty y e a r s ago, charging at police cars a n d factory walls.  -180T h e desiring machine, write Deleuze a n d Guattari, " m a y launch a counterinvestment, w h e r e b y revolutionary desire is plugged into t h e existing social field as a s o u r c e of energy" (Anti-Oedipus 30). If desire produces reality, then these desiring bodies, struggling at t h e concrete border of public a n d private, of t h e corporate a n d the democratic, are also bodies belonging to t h e n a t i o n . nation, t h e n , becoming these bodies.  9  This  -181-  CHAPTER SIX Homeland (In) Security: Roots and Displacement, from New York, to Toronto, to Salt Lake City  ''impossible citizens, / repositories of the city's panic" - Dionne Brand, thirsty 4 0  O n S e p t e m b e r 1 1 , 2 0 0 1 , broadcast and print m e d i a around the world narrated the destruction of N e w York City's World Trade Center, and the deaths of t h o u s a n d s of its occupants. This chapter will e x a m i n e the w a y s in w h i c h C a n a d i a n television and its a p p e n d a g e s (the telephone, the internet, the newspaper) operated to organize the discursive meanings of this traumatic event. I will propose that between S e p t e m b e r 1 1 and the February2002 Winter t h  Olympics in Salt Lake City, Utah, ideas about home, roots and rootedness (and their O t h e r s : foreignness, homelessness, nomadicism) operated a s a discursive m a p p i n g of that which could otherwise not be m a p p e d , or fully g r a s p e d . From the demonization of those nomads, migrants and others moving across borders, to the triumphant "Roots" logos on the uniforms of British, American a n d C a n a d i a n Olympic athletes, roots, in a sense, b e c a m e the unrepresentable "real". H o w did television, t h e n , in its liminal position on the borders of the h o m e , narratively organize the spatial boundaries of inside and outside, local and global? More specifically, I w a n t to e x a m i n e how C a n a d i a n television w o r k e d to mediate the t r a u m a of boundary dissolution in both a literal and a representational sense. Following along recent t r a u m a theory, I w a n t to ask: how does a nation itself  -182experience c o m m o n s y m p t o m s of t r a u m a ? A n d c a n these fears b e c o m e unrepresentable in a n d of themselves, s o that t h e metaphor of h o m e a n d roots stand in their place?  T h e u s e of t h e w o r d s "homeland" a n d "homeland security" erupted in t h e U S almost immediately after September 1 1 , a n d t h e meanings of t h e w o r d h o m e t h  b e c a m e delimited by unspoken racialized binaries . Paul Gilroy notes that race 1  crises often operate without reference t o race. Speaking f r o m a British context he writes, of the t e r m ' r a c e " : " in its postwar retreat from racism t h e term has o n c e again acquired an explicitly cultural rather than a biological inflection" (354). T h u s , Heimat and h o m e c a n stand in for a desire for whiteness. T h e terminology of Heimat also served t o reiterate earlier racialized utterances, a s well a s t o produce n e w ideas about self and other. T h e U.S., as an imperial power, has long projected its borders across space. But as Hannah Neveh writes, colonizing notions of distance a n d proximity acquired n e w meanings after 9 / 1 1 : S e p t e m b e r 11 has violated a n d shattered t h e confidence of the United States in t h e total security of its territorial body. T h e sense of being violated has p e r m e a t e d U.S. domestic s p a c e by a n d large - every 'place' a s well a s every 'in-between' has b e c o m e suspect o f infection: t h e w o r k space, t h e leisure space, t h e h o m e space [...] Y e t t h e ultimate and illuminating transformation, which conceptualizes America's n e w sensitivity, is t h e creation of a federal agency for 'Homeland Security' (451).  -183 In C a n a d a , 9/11 produced a n e w proximity to t h e U.S. C a n a d a , its identity historically defined a s being unlike the U.S., n o w had to redefine otherness. W r a y writes, "Canadian nationalist sentiment remains inextricably and completely bound t o a 'not-American' status. Marking and remarking upon differences (even, perhaps especially, w h e r e they d o not exist) ensures t h e articulation of an English C a n a d i a n imaginary in the face of an otherwise invisible 'otherness' ( 1 6 5 66). Essential t o this imaginary is the notion of tolerance. A s M a c k e y h a s written, C a n a d a ' s belief in itself as tolerant " w a s o n e key feature of an e m e r g i n g national identity believed t o differentiate C a n a d a from t h e USA" (1999: 23). T h u s , C a n a d a ' s n e w /'ntolerance for refugees and foreigners, post-911 created e v e n more ideological synergy with t h e U . S .  2  9/11 provided useful insights into h o w television networks operate within a k n o w l e d g e / p o w e r relationship. 9/11's excessive flow of information, back a n d forth, f r o m television t o phone to Internet to street p r o d u c e d , in Foucauldian terms, " a n uninterrupted play of calculated g a z e s " (Discipline and Punish 177). A t that m o m e n t , discipline operated relationally: hegemonic discourse passed from ear t o ear, digital t o analog, a n d back a g a i n : " a w h o l e play of spaces, lines, screens, b e a m s , degrees, and without recourse, in principle, at least, t o e x c e s s , force, or violence" (Discipline and Punish 177). In this sense, television did not operate alone; it h a d never b e e n m o r e part of a discursive network. Every person w h o ventured a n opinion about t h e terrorist attacks w a s part of this network either 'for' or 'against' t h e U S call to w a r - but those w h o proclaimed 'our'  - 184 innocence a n d 'their' infamy m a d e it to air, a n d in turn influenced those w h o hadn't m a d e it to air, becoming part of a multiplication of small scale j u d g m e n t and disciplinary authority. In Canadian media, an increased e m p h a s i s on notions of h o m e occurred via news stories about (Canadians) staying h o m e more on the o n e h a n d , a n d those (foreigners, immigrants) being told to go h o m e on t h e other. Immediately after the bombings, the following headline ran in the Vancouver  Sun:  "Tighten immigration laws and plug our porous borders." T h e article called for the deportation of "people w h o have committed crimes in this country [...] so that they don't disappear into the fabric of Canadian life" (September 13, 2002). This monolithic 'fabric' d e m a n d e d stability. N e w s a n d advertising during Thanksgiving and Christmas 2 0 0 1 took advantage of people's fear of flying a n d the travel industry's downturn to champion the merits of "at h o m e " celebrations. "Holiday Heritage" in the D e c e m b e r 2001 issue of Canadian Living Magazine, for e x a m p l e , described "Christmas with all the trimmings" at the h o m e of C a n a d i a n Heritage minister Sheila Copps: "Ask the average Canadian to share w h a t m a k e s the holidays special and chances are you'll hear s o m e version of 'spending time with m y family.' Sheila Copps, the minister of Canadian heritage, is no exception" (195).  Since 9 / 1 1 , several news reports of Canadian and American-born people being "sent back" to homelands they'd never been to, have circulated in the m e d i a . Morley writes, "the nation is idealized as a kind of hometown writ large, a sociogeographical environment into w h o s e comforting security w e m a y sink. [...]  -185T h e over-valuation of h o m e a n d roots has as its necessary correlative t h e suspicion of mobility" (33). This fantasy of h o m e t o w n roots rewrites t h e actual narratives o f peoples displaced b y globalization not once, but m a n y times in their lives. H a g e writes of the desire to send undesirable others h o m e a s being constitutive o f nationalism. By doing so, national subjects express their o w n desire for roots a n d h o m e (White Nation 40).  Home and Heimat  A n overt national focus o n notions o f h o m e a n d homeland carries with it t h e disturbing e c h o o f the G e r m a n concept o f Heimat (Morley). Celia A p p l e g a t e defines Heimat, which originated in t h e 19th Century a s an expression o f t h e "feeling o f belonging together" (x), in w h i c h sentiment stemming f r o m s h a r e d roots b e c o m e part of a n essential identity. G e r m a n J e w Jean A m e r y writes scathingly about t h e w a y s in which t h e m e a n i n g s of Heimat permeate t h e m e a n i n g s of h o m e : O n e w o u l d like to dispel t h e embarrassingly sweet tones that are associated with t h e w o r d h o m e a n d that call forth a rather disturbing series of concepts: regional arts a n d crafts, regional literature, regional foolery of all kinds. But they are stubborn, keep close to our heels, d e m a n d their effect (48).  - 186Indeed, by t h e 1930's, the idea of Heimat had been appropriated by Nazism. Writes Applegate: "The integrity of local culture and identity that lay at t h e heart of t h e Heimat m o v e m e n t w a s an early a n d in s o m e sense willing victim of t h e National Socialist revolution; its forms persisted, but now infused with t h e rhetoric of racial superiority and t h e rituals of G e r m a n power" (198).  A s A p p l e g a t e points out, G e r m a n fascism capitalized on t h e idea of roots by integrating "Heimat associations" - traditional expressions of G e r m a n c o m m u n a l i s m such as youth groups, hiking fellowships, and singing clubs - into Nazi culture. S h e writes, "In t h e specific context of club activities, t h e a p p a r e n t lack o f c h a n g e could a n d did legitimate t h e Nazi regime by giving it a n a p p e a r a n c e of rootedness in t h e structure of everyday life" (203, italics mine). A t the s a m e time, however, t h e Nazis w e r e centralizing all operations, negating t h e Heimat idea o f local organization a n d fellowship (205). Heimat b e c a m e nothing more than a symbolic notion, w h i c h , via t h e Nazi practice of encouraging folk c u s t o m s , w a s a m e a n s of imagining cultural roots that w e r e racially pure (217).  But p o w e r operates across all surfaces, and is always productive. Deleuze and Guattari argue that fascism (or, for t h e purposes of this chapter, global capitalism), d o e s collapse in o n itself, managing to produce ruptures , or t r a u m a , to the root s y s t e m . In A Thousand Plateaus, Deleuze and Guattari ponder postmodernity's v e x e d relationship with roots, which they d u b t h e "fascicular  -187s y s t e m " (3). T h e y imply that t h e root system has its origins (roots?) in t h e classical e r a - "noble, signifying" (5), a n d perhaps even despotic: It is o d d h o w t h e tree has dominated W e s t e r n reality a n d all o f W e s t e r n thought, from botany to biology and anatomy, but also gnosiology, theology, ontology, all of philosophy [...] t h e root foundation, Grund, racine, fondement. T h e W e s t has a special relation to the forest, a n d deforestation (18). Deleuze a n d Guattari m a p a symbolic connection to fascism via t h e notion of t h e fascicle - "a bundle-like cluster" according t o t h e American Heritage  Dictionary,  but also t h e etymological root of the w o r d fascism - which, in a sense, "bundles together" state, corporate, a n d nationalist interests. This coming together o f local and global f o r m s o f capitalism is vividly evident in the w a y s in w h i c h television operated within domestic space, during a n d after 9 / 1 1 .  Festive Viewing  " H o m e is w h e r e t h e heart is," goes the expression; h o m e is at t h e heart of post9/1 1's excessive nationalisms, o n T V and outside o f it. Television schedules are one o f the things that help create a s e n s e o f home; thus, home is not only s p a c e but also t i m e (Morley). T h o m a s D u m m , taking this idea further, a r g u e s that t h e prime time viewing schedule is a n instrument o f discipline: "I have k n o w n for s o m e time h o w m u c h hinges o n regularity, h o w the creation o f the m o d e r n soul, to borrow from Foucault, n o w d e p e n d s as m u c h upon television as it d o e s o n a  - 188prison schedule" (315). Indeed, several feminist television theorists (Modleski, Probyn) have discussed the w a y s in w h i c h television regulates, and in s o m e s e n s e o v e r s e e s , w o m e n ' s housework schedules. In this sense, the h o m e is a s p a c e o f discipline, a n d the television a kind o f panopticon. In describing a panoptical g a z e , informed by looking relations and technologies of light, Foucault almost s e e m s to be describing the televisual apparatus: T h e perfect disciplinary apparatus w o u l d m a k e it possible for a single g a z e to s e e everything constantly. A central point w o u l d be both the source of light illuminating everything and a locus of convergence for everything that must be k n o w n : a perfect eye that nothing w o u l d e s c a p e a n d a center t o w a r d which all gazes w o u l d be turned (The History of  Sexuality 173). A c c o r d i n g to Foucault, disciplinary apparati like the panopticon - or, in this c a s e , the apparatus of television - w o r k upon the body as a locus of power, producing the repetition o f bodily m o v e m e n t s a n d gestures. Silverman refers t o this a s a "performative m o d e l , w h e r e b y meaningful practices and rituals are understood to produce the assent of the individual w h o e n g a g e s in t h e m " (17). T h e body's m o v e m e n t s f r o m telephone to television and back again; the entry onto the street a n d then back into h o m e c a n all be s e e n a s instances of performativity producing a kind of docility to ideology. A s Silverman contends, even if the subject k n o w s that m u c h of w h a t she is seeing on the screen is fabricated, belief is produced as a result of w h a t she calls "orchestrated corporeality" (17).  -189 T h e call to turn on the television, even in final phone calls between hijacking victims and their wives, even by those w h o w e r e watching the event first h a n d , is one of the things that marks 9/11 as a particularly televisual m o m e n t , located in the h o m e . I heard about a y o u n g m a n w h o w a t c h e d the towers start to go d o w n f r o m his Manhattan rooftop. A s they w e r e in mid-collapse, he left the rooftop to go inside to turn on his TV, hoping it w o u l d m a k e him "understand." Television's ability to suture together one's own fragmented observations, and then to repeat t h e m over and over again can undercut local and personal experience (Morley). While this has been true of many national and international events, 9/11 is generally considered to be unique in that the entire event w a s covered live and in real t i m e by T V  4  A s such, television took on a totemic importance, organizing  people's emotions via ritualized utterances and generic forms.  W h e n prime time broadcast scheduling collapsed during a n d just after 9 / 1 1 , I felt a s e n s e of disorientation, and a kind of relief - the relief one gets, perhaps, while being temporarily a w a y from home. Perhaps it w a s the s a m e feeling o n e gets on a holiday: M o n d a y n o longer m e a n s work; a w e e k e n d m a y no longer m e a n certain social pressures. But it w a s also that there w a s now a seamless, seemingly undisciplined, flow of television, w h i c h one could w a t c h endlessly, without the irritating interruption of c o m m e r c i a l s or T V s h o w s o n e disliked. This w a s , of course, only a different sort of disciplinary apparatus. Daniel D a y a n and Elihu Katz, writing about televised historic events (state funerals, inaugurations  - 190 a n d t h e like), use the t e r m "festive viewing" t o mark a broadcasting g e n r e that is in their minds, by definition: [...] not routine. In fact, they are interruptions of routine; they intervene in the normal flow of broadcasting a n d out lives. Like the holidays that halt e v e r y d a y routines, television events propose exceptional things t o think about, t o witness, and to do. Regular broadcasting is suspended a n d p r e e m p t e d a s w e are guided by a series o f special a n n o u n c e m e n t s a n d preludes that transform daily life back into something special, a n d , u p o n conclusion of the event, are guided back again. (334-335) Dayan/Katz's typology, which lists such things a s "reverence and ceremony," "the almost priestly role played by journalists," and "a norm of viewing in w h i c h people tell e a c h other that it is mandatory t o view, that they must put all else aside" (336-337), recalls televisions playing in every store and workplace I entered that day, o r N e w York firefighters (the secular saints o f the occasion) standing a t attention a s stretchers w e r e carried o u t o f the rubble. Religious invocation permeated t h e earliest breaking news of the event, as in this morning broadcast by C B C Newsworld a s the second of the Twin T o w e r s collapsed: C B C newscaster Mark Kelley: Oh my God... (silence) Oh my God  (silence)... if you can imagine the situation get any worse it just got worse, that was the second tower of the World Trade Center collapsing before our eyes...Unspeakable  horror in Manhattan.  5  -191 P r o c e s s e s o f decoding also shifted (Hall, "Encoding/Decoding"). T h e r e w a s , f o r the first f e w hours of 9 / 1 1 , very little need t o prefer o n e thing over another; no need to e n g a g e in a decoding process, to negotiate the text beyond its preferred readings; all o f t h e wall-to-wall c o v e r a g e w a s , in a s e n s e p r e f e r r e d . Since all 6  stations w e r e broadcasting t h e s a m e images, there w e r e f e w choices to be m a d e . T V b e c a m e less like h o m e - with all of its banal routines - and m o r e like a trip, a b e i n g - a w a y - f r o m - h o m e , but one, ironically, that o n e h a d t o stay h o m e f o r (grounded flights notwithstanding).  Flow is o n e o f the foundational ideas o f television scholarship: t h e idea t h a t television p r o g r a m m i n g , rather than being comprised of bounded narratives, flows within itself (for example, t h e flow between news segments), f r o m p r o g r a m to p r o g r a m , a n d f r o m program t o commercial. Further, television p r o g r a m s are structured narratively s o a s to hold t h e viewer's attention (and maintain flow) b e t w e e n commercial b r e a k s . In more recent television writing, this idea has 7  e x p a n d e d t o include t h e routines of everyday life, s o that o n e m a y theorize, f o r e x a m p l e , a flow between the soap o p e r a , t h e home, the freeway, a n d t h e shopping mall, in the sense of these being narrative a n d physical spaces d o m i n a t e d - in t h e daytime at least - by w o m e n a n d by forms of female address.  Flow operated in a n almost hyperreal s e n s e o n September 11 a n d t h e w e e k s that followed. T h e r e w a s a n overflow o f information a n d imagery; there w a s a n endless, constantly churning flow between a n d across the spaces of the h o m e ,  - 192 television narratives, t h e Internet, t h e telephone, and t h e street. Y o u couldn't, s o m e t i m e s , distinguish w h a t w a s o n television from the w h a t y o u s a w o n t h e street, a s in J o h n Updike's description in t h e N e w Yorker: "From the viewpoint of a tenth-floor apartment in Brooklyn heights [...] t h e destruction o f t h e W o r l d T r a d e Center T w i n T o w e r s had t h e false intimacy of television, o n a d a y o f perfect reception" (28). Tears flowed, o n T V and off, in the privacy of t h e h o m e and in public. Zizek described t h e spectacle a s reality TV: "even if t h e s h o w is 'for real', people still act in t h e m - they simply play themselves."  (http://web.mit.  edu/cms/reconstructions).  T h e r e w a s also considerable flow between television and cinema. Television's form of address is generally seen to differ from that of the c i n e m a in that film is more spectacular and television is more fragmented and generically mixed (Houston). W h e r e movie-goers are fixed in a single g a z e towards a narrative, television-watchers, watching from home, are constantly distracted, getting up during commercials, talking o n t h e phone, dealing with a flow of advertising, news, d r a m a , etc. C i n e m a is said t o produce t h e "gaze," television "the glance." But o n S e p t e m b e r 1 1 a n d 1 2 television b e c a m e something else, a n d its s e t o f t h  t h  cultural competencies, theorized a m i d a control group o f 1/2 hour p r o g r a m s , schoolchildren o n a normal d a y with normal a m o u n t s of h o m e w o r k a n d housewives with feeding a n d laundry schedules (Modleski), w a s n o w h e r e t o b e s e e n . It s e e m e d as though everyone w a s channelling C N N , a s monolithically positioned a s Laura Mulvey's visually transfixed cinema-goers. For a time,  - 193 resistant readings had little or no currency; everyone w a s locked into t h e American gaze.  Indeed, cinematic metaphors w e r e constantly e v o k e d by television hosts at a loss for w o r d s - t h e phrase, "it's like a movie," w a s repeated many times. C B C a n c h o r Peter Mansbridge groped for w o r d s : "It just...it's just...almost t o o hard to c o m p r e h e n d . If you'd w a t c h e d a movie like this in a theatre you'd s a y this could never h a p p e n . " New Yorker writer A n t h o n y L a n e pointed o u t that t h e duration o f events - t h e b o m b i n g s and t h e towers' collapse - lasted about t w o hours, t h e approximate length of a Hollywood action movie (79). But this w a s a m a d e - f o r - T V movie, a m o v i e seen in the home. Its cinematic qualities - which included t h e lack of c o m m e r c i a l breaks on S e p t e m b e r 1 1 and 1 2 - w e r e w h a t helped to t h  th  produce a g a z e that sutured spectators more precisely into a national narrative.  8  T h a t unheimlich gaze, so unlike h o m e TV-viewing and the theories that attend to it, produced a series of cinematic looks. T h e look of the c a m e r a , searching through rubble for surviving friends, fellow c a m e r a m e n and reporters; t h e voyeuristic g a z e of the audience that s c a n n e d t h e screen for falling bodies, that fetishized body parts, that hungered for images of suffering to substitute for a lost national self.  Global m e d i a operates via the resignification of products and images: t h e transforming of t h e Hollywood action film Independence Day into an actual event; the recycling of t h e actual event into an episode of t h e T V d r a m a series "Third Watch".  9  M c L u h a n w a s , perhaps, o n e of t h e first t o acknowledge this process,  - 194 as w h e n he wrote: "The content of any m e d i u m is always another m e d i u m . T h e content o f writing is speech, just as t h e written w o r d is the content o f print, a n d print is the content of the telegraph" (8).  In the d a y s following 9 / 1 1 , o n e could s a y that the content of T V w a s , indeed, film. I w o u l d liken this to Guattari's notion of "semiotic pillage," a system in w h i c h capitalism " m a n a g e s to articulate, within o n e a n d the s a m e general s y s t e m of inscription a n d equivalence, entities w h i c h at first sight would s e e m radically h e t e r o g e n o u s : o f material a n d e c o n o m i c goods, o f individual a n d collective h u m a n activities, and of technical, industrial and scientific processes"  ("Capitalist  S y s t e m s , Structures and Processes" 235). T h e media then, b e c o m e s t h e desiring-machine of capitalism, "deliberately organizing wants a n d needs amid an a b u n d a n c e of productions" (Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus 28). T h e Twin T o w e r s reproduced themselves in movie metaphors, in w a r preparations, in the pledging of C a n a d a ' s loyalty to the U S , in T V images that repeated t h e b o m b i n g s e q u e n c e s over a n d over again. T h e insatiable n e e d a n d hunger for news a n d images about the b o m b i n g s w a s produced in large part by the m e d i a ; a neediness that b e c a m e , literally a n d metaphorically contagious, as anthrax spores appeared at major news sites.  Watching 9/11, One Year Later: The Traumatic Dream  O n e year after 9/11,1 reviewed C B C ' s coverage of the first eight hours of S e p t e m b e r 1 1 , 2 0 0 1 . I experienced s o m e guilty pleasures. There w a s raw t h  - 195 beauty in t h o s e images, in t h e novelty of erratic camerawork, of dirty lenses a n d unedited footage on T V . C a m e r a s b e c a m e as expressive as bodies: tilting quizzically, jerking in painful surprise, dilating or tearing up like h u m a n e y e s . I e n j o y e d seeing w h a t should have b e e n edited out: t h e ellipses, t h e s p a c e b e t w e e n t h e f r a m e s . I w a s moved by t h e chiaroscuro of billowing clouds a s t h e t o w e r s collapsed, by c a m e r a m e n thinking they'd died a n d then c o m i n g back to life, frail pinpoints of light convincing us (and t h e m ) of a second c h a n c e t o live, t o set things right with their wives, their kids, their lives. But more than anything else, I w a s struck b y t h e repetitiousness o f the footage, a n d t h e stunning lack o f empirical information both t h e pictures a n d t h e announcers' a n d interviewees' c o m m e n t a r y p r o v i d e d . 1 w a s , of course, watching this footage in a controlled 10  setting ( C B C archives), without t h e overlapping texts of phone calls, emails, channel-flipping, newspaper a n d radio. This w a s a radically different viewing situation f r o m t h e o n e m o s t o f u s experienced o n t h e day. I w a s n ' t a t h o m e ; I couldn't walk a w a y (I had brief and limited access to this footage); I couldn't look away. I w a s in a good position to notice o n e couldn't possibly have picked up o n the d a y it h a p p e n e d : the stutters, utterances a n d s p e e c h acts, t h e return of a repressed abject national self. Indeed, t h e representations a n d utterances I w a t c h e d s e e m e d t o m e t o resemble t h e early stages of t r a u m a a s delineated b y Judith H e r m a n ' s classic medical accounting of the characteristics of post traumatic stress disorder, Trauma and Recovery. Following V a n der Kolk, s h e a r g u e s that t r a u m a c a n place h u m a n s into a pre-linguistic stage. S h e writes: "in states of highly sympathetic nervous system arousal, the linguistic coding of  - 196 m e m o r y is inactivated a n d the central nervous s y s t e m reverts to the s e n s o r y a n d iconic f o r m s of m e m o r y that predominate in early life" (39). Furthermore, the s u b s e q u e n t replaying of the Twin T o w e r s ' collapse (every few minutes on the first day; every f e w hours for months afterwards; and then every six months) s e e m e d to enact the compulsion to repeat that characterizes post traumatic stress. T h e compulsive return speaks to an unconscious desire to return to the state of t r a u m a . By repeating or returning to unpleasurable experiences, the traumatized subject unconsciously hopes to achieve mastery, and t h u s to return t o pleasure. In the case of Canadian m e d i a (and perhaps, most notably, television), mastery of a national self is almost always unrealizable; national and global crises bring this problem to the fore.  T h e repetitious, compulsive televisual representation of 9/11 on C a n a d i a n television provides s o m e interesting insights into the relationship of C a n a d i a n and A m e r i c a n national identity, the porousness of C a n a d a ' s representational borders, its abjection in m o m e n t s of crisis a n d its concomitant desire for (national) boundary maintenance. Flow functioned as both a connection to a national h o m e , and a departure from it. A t the outset of C B C ' s 9/11 coverage, A m e r i c a n a n d Canadian images and voices w e r e almost indistinguishable, an almost s e a m l e s s w e a v i n g together of national narratives. In an eerie parallel, T r u e m a n writes about C B C ' s use of A m e r i c a n Viet N a m w a r footage, in which it failed to identify footage that w a s actually being fed from US stations. He implies that this technical merging led to ideological synergy: "the C B C , t e m p t e d by  dramatic A m e r i c a n battle footage, found itself parroting the line taken by most A m e r i c a n correspondents about the morality and progress of w a r [...] t h e m e s s a g e w a s A m e r i c a n , its outlines dictated too often by the P e n t a g o n " (17).  O n S e p t e m b e r 1 1 , C B C received a news "feed" from an A m e r i c a n affiliate, t h  W A B C , and the voice of Mark Kelley, a C B C journalist w h o h a p p e n e d to be on air that m o r n i n g , flowed in and out of the voices of journalists in N e w Y o r k City. This provided an unique opportunity to c o m p a r e A m e r i c a n and C a n a d i a n reactions to the event. By 9 a.m., W A B C ' s announcers had n a m e d the e v e n t as a terrorist attack; it w o u l d be hours before C a n a d i a n broadcasters e v e n attempted to d r a w such a conclusion:  U N N A M E D A M E R I C A N A N N O U N C E R : Now it's obvious I think that  there's a second plane just crashed into the WTC. I think we have a terrorist act of proportions that we cannot begin to imagine at this juncture. [...] My goodness. A second plane now has crashed into the other tower of the World Trade Center (sigh) Obviously a suicide terrorist attack on the World Trade Center-  what we have been fearing for the  longest time here apparently has come to pass (WABC).  M A R K KELLEY: "This is live coverage coming out of Manhattan, the  scene of horrific, horrific - well, some people are calling it an act of terror, we're not sure. (CBC).  - 198 -  A t t e m p t s at national boundary maintenance functioned at the level of delay, an e c h o , or a trace. Later that morning, G e o r g e Bush delivered his s p e e c h to the nation, in w h i c h he declared, in ultra-colloquial terms, "we will hunt d o w n and find the folks t h a t did this." In a kind of unconscious, traumatized repetition, t h e Bugs Bunny-ish w o r d 'folks' began recurring in Kelley's speech: "This tragedy just continues to get w o r s e , folks"; "I m a y a d d , folks, that 1000's of people w o r k in these t w o buildings"; "Clearly, folks, things are not under control." T h u s , a C a n a d i a n T V announcer's repetitious utterance of the word 'folks' on 9 / 1 1 , post Bush's s p e e c h , performatively sutures him back into A m e r i c a n normalcy a n d recalls earlier utterances of the phrase: the nostalgia of Warner Brothers ("That's all, folks!"); the unified subjectivity of the G e r m a n Volk; the d o w n - h o m e comforts of folk music and folklore.  By 11 a.m., Kelley had caught up with A m e r i c a , and described the b o m b i n g s as "a terrorist attack beyond belief." By 11:30, John T h o m p s o n , director of the rightw i n g C a n a d i a n think tank T h e McKenzie Institute w a s on air, saying, "This is not terrorism a n y m o r e , it's war." A n d , "It's t o o s o o n to point fingers [...] but I think y o u might follow the strings all the w a y to Afghanistan." At about n o o n , the C B C graphic c h a n g e d to "Attack on the USA" with a star-spangled blue b a c k g r o u n d . Peter Mansbridge, the C B C ' s chief n e w s anchor, had taken the reins with gusto, and his unscripted c o m m e n t s fell in with those of the A m e r i c a n President:  -199 -  M A N S B R I D G E : As we heard from someone else today, it's almost wrong to be discussing this as terrorism, this is war. (cut to shot of collapsing tower). We have a country under siege, a city in devastation just south of us in the United States. These are not pictures from some far-off and distant land. This is our neighbour, and this is New York City, today, September 11 , 2001 ("CBC News"). th  A s t h e l a n g u a g e o f w a r entered into t h e day's repetitious vocabulary, n e w associations w e r e conjured. Gilroy writes about the u s e of w a r a s analogy, a n d its associations with immigration, crime, political protest, a n d alien invasion ("One Nation Under A Groove"). In a similar vein, Mary Pat Brody notes that t h e W a r o n Terrorism's "narratives o f emergency" recall earlier utterances o f terminology used in t h e W a r o n Drugs, suturing t h e notion of a n attenuated, masculinist, a n d institutionalized w a r into normalcy ("Quotidian Warfare").  Mansbridge's responses are also correlative with dissociation, w h a t Judith H e r m a n h a s described as a n inability to integrate memory. In this dissociative state, t h e replaying of the T w i n T o w e r s ' collapse takes o n t h e form o f t h e "traumatic d r e a m " : T h e y often include fragments of the traumatic event in exact f o r m , with little o r no imaginative elaboration. Identical d r e a m s often occur repeatedly. T h e y are often experienced with terrifying immediacy, as if occurring in t h e present. (39) T h e phrase, " W e a r e all A m e r i c a n s now," erupted days afterwards in t h e media. C a n a d a ' s border with t h e U.S. - long touted as t h e longest undefended border in  -200the world - b e c a m e porous a n d blurry, almost overnight. "In C a n a d a , pain has no borders," read a Globe and Mail headline o n S e p t e m b e r 1 5 , 2 0 0 1 (A14). In that th  article, U S A m b a s s a d o r to C a n a d a , Paul Celucci w a s quoted as saying to C a n a d i a n s : " Y o u truly are our best friends" (A14). T h e sense of U S as other, so integral to C a n a d i a n identity, w a s significantly diminished, a s C a n a d a a n d t h e U S b e c a m e e m b o d i e d as friends with shared affective capacities. S h a m e , frequently harnessed at times of national crisis, w a s an integral part of this equation, producing w h a t Nathanson has termed "the emotion of politics a n d conformity" (16).  A s the U S b e c a m e less and less C a n a d a ' s other, foreigners and migrants b e c a m e more othered. A s h o m e b e c a m e more important, homelessness  became  evidence of questionable morality. Canadian television w o r k e d hard to bring grainy, criminalized images o f Muslims a n d A r a b s into the familiar surroundings of t h e h o m e , drawing and building upon a nation's xenophobia. A s Morley writes, T h e c o m m o n location of the television set, in the very center of the h o m e , profoundly integrates televisual experience into the time of everyday life. A s a result of this, via television's transmission into the h o m e , t h e coevalness of alterity is m o r e strongly established than ever before, a s that w h i c h is far a w a y is m a d e to feel both very m u c h 'here' right in our sitting rooms - and precisely 'now'. (182) T h e longing for a Canadian connection to terrorism w a s a vicarious traumatization . A s in a horror film, the impulse to imagine a Canadian  -201 connection w a s t h e t r a u m a of unheimlich; t h e temporary loss of the maternal realm o f belonging a n d incorporation, o f h o m e b e c o m i n g not-home. O n O c t o b e r 10  th  2 0 0 1 , Peter Mansbridge a n n o u n c e d t h e first of several supposedly  Canadian terrorists, in a trial by media that w a s to d a m a g e lives a n d livelihoods "Another possible C a n a d i a n connection t o tell y o u about tonight. This m a n ' s n a m e is A h m a d Sa'id Khadr. He's a C a n a d i a n , a former aid worker, a n d t h e FBI is hunting for s o m e o n e with the very s a m e n a m e , listing him as a suspect in t h e attacks o f S e p t e m b e r 11th" ("CBC News", O c t o b e r 10 2 0 0 1 ) .  W h e n C a n a d i a n m e d i a w a n t e d to present t h e "other" side of the story, i.e., stories o f racist attacks o n Muslims, they w o u l d g o t o t h e U S t o d o so. O n D e c e m b e r 1 6 2 0 0 1 , C T V news anchor Sandie Rinaldo a n n o u n c e d this story: th  R I N A L D O : This week, Americans watched in horror and anger as Osama Bin Laden boasted about the attacks on the World Trade Center. But for Muslim-Americans, there is fear the videotape will spark another round of hate crimes. Since September eleventh, many Muslims have been harassed and victimized. CTV's Allison Vuchnich met with one family trying to cope with the hostility.  A L L I S O N V U C H N I C H (Reporter): Watching the Heshmat's prepare dinner, you would never know that this American family is living a nightmare.  Y A S S E R H E S H M A T : No one should accept this situation.  -202-  V U C H N I C H : The Heshmat's are Muslim and since the September eleventh attacks, they have been harassed and victimized in their own home. ...  A L I A A H E S H M A T : / don't think it's fair because we are American. We are American citizens and as I told you, we don't know where else to go. This is our home.  Only a n immigrant would have t o say such a thing: "this is our home." A s H a g e writes: "In t h e daily life of the nation, there are nationals w h o , o n t h e basis of their class or g e n d e r or ethnicity, for example, practically feel a n d are m a d e t o feel to be m o r e or less national than others [...] people strive to accumulate nationality" (White Nation 52). If y o u have to strive for a sense of home, y o u c a n be fairly certain that h o m e will always be denied to y o u in its entirety. A h m e d concurs: "the narrative o f leaving h o m e produces t o o m a n y h o m e s a n d hence no h o m e " (Strange Encounters 78). T h e s e Muslims a r e "bodies out of place" (78); they are not really expected to have a safe home. For Canadian viewers, t h e Muslim experience of "hostility" is at several removes, safely placed a w a y from h o m e , and f r a m e d in t h e idea that these Muslims will have to keep moving. "In such a narrative journey, t h e n , t h e space that is most like home, which is most comfortable a n d familiar, is not the s p a c e of inhabitance - I a m here - but the very s p a c e in which o n e is almost, but not quite at h o m e " ( A h m e d , Strange Encounters 78). Or, a s A m e r y puts it, " O n e must have a h o m e in order not to need it" (46).  -203 A n t h r a x a n d anti-terrorism w e r e discursively linked in t h e media, t h e anthrax standing in for foreign elements, which in turn stood in for terrorism. A s Henrik Herzberg w r o t e in The New Yorker. "They [the terrorists] rode t h e flow o f t h e world's aerial circulatory system like lethal viruses" (27). Canadian television, in its desire to be part of this larger world of contagion, w a s quick to provide a national anthrax story which conveniently a p p e a r e d t h e s a m e d a y that n e w antiterrorist legislation w a s a n n o u n c e d : A contamination scare spread fear on Parliament Hill today. Bio-hazard crews rushed to the scene, after opened mail was found to contain a suspicious powder. The scare came as the Chretien government launched its sweeping legislative assault in the war on terrorism. The controversial security bill would rewrite the law to give authorities new powers to hunt down suspected terrorists. It would allow for arrests without warrants in certain cases, expands police access to wiretaps, and imposes stiff new sentences, up to life in prison, for those convicted of terrorist activities (Lloyd Robertson, " C T V News" 15 October 2 0 0 1 ) . C a n a d i a n a n d A m e r i c a n news b e c a m e a kind of phantom limb of the T w i n T o w e r s , endlessly acting out its melancholia. N e w s of the arbitrary imprisonment and deportation of over a thousand Muslims a n d other "foreigners" b e g a n to leak out, v i a television's a p p e n d a g e s : t h e internet, t h e alterNative press, a n d occasional op e d pieces in newspapers. A March 9  t h  2002 A m e r i c a n Press article  ran with t h e headline, "Hundreds of S e p t e m b e r 11 Detainees Still in N.J. Jails," reporting o n t h e m a s s detentions h a d left m a n y Middle Eastern m e n behind bars  -204on immigration charges, with no evidence linking t h e m t o terrorist actions. Many h u n d r e d s m o r e h a d already b e e n deported.  T h e fantasy of roots, of a h o m e that is fixed in time and place, has b e e n noted as early a s 1882 by Ernest R e n a n , w h o cited t h e French, w h o claiming t h e m s l e v e s as national, have no m e m o r y of earlier migrations or displacements ("What is a Nation"). More recently, Liisa Malkki h a s also written of t h e invention of h o m e l a n d s in t h e face of globalization's routine displacements ("National G e o g r a p h i c " 4 3 4 ) . This fantasy of nativism also b e c a m e a fantasy of first, s e c o n d , a n d third generation immigrants w h o are m a d e to g o h o m e , to a mythical place that is not here: "the condition of being a stranger is determined by t h e event of leaving h o m e " ( A h m e d , Strange Encounters 78). T h e border had o p e n e d up only for those w h o felt at h o m e , a n d w e r e intent on staying there.  T h e s e w e r e not new, nor entirely A m e r i c a n positions. C a n a d a has a long history of racial profiling and anti-terrorist legislation through its repeated uses of its W a r M e a s u r e s A c t t o forcibly imprison and deport immigrants, dissenters, a n d others, for most of t h e twentieth century. In fact, a s R o y Miki and others have pointed out, t h e constant invocation of 9/11 a s a repressive m o m e n t risks reinforcing t h e idea that anti-terrorist initiatives are entirely n e w (unpublished conference discussion, February 2 0 0 2 ) . In a similar vein, Zizek points out that such oppressive m o m e n t s recur as the unrepresentable real, a 'return' of "the s a m e traumatic kernel in all social systems" (50).  -205 -  The Olympics: Triumph of the "Will to Totality"  T h e Salt Lake City Olympics, in February of 2 0 0 2 , provided false closure for the national t r a u m a s of 9 / 1 1 . According to Silverman, a person's or a nation's normalcy c a n be constituted through the repetitious work of particular genres, producing national narratives that are simultaneously k n o w n to be false a n d believed to be 'real'. T h e genre of the sports spectacle is particularly effective in producing s u c h narratives. Indeed, sports programming and coverage of national crises h a v e certain generic similarities, not the least of which is t h e production of collective affect. H a g e writes: "The national ' w e ' magically enables t h e T of the national to d o things it can never hope of being able to d o as an individual T . [...] T h r o u g h this magical quality, all collective national identities work as a m e c h a n i s m for t h e distribution of hope" Transculturalisms/scripts/serve:  (webct.ubc.ca/SCRIPT/  2002). Village Voice journalist Richard Goldstein  wrote recently about similarities between sports coverage and the w a r in Iraq: Only o n e event drove Iraq off the front page last week: the grand-slam h o m e r by Y a n k e e slugger Hideki Matsui, a/k/a Godzilla. W h e n I first read the Daily News headline "Godzilla Roars!" I thought it referred to the marines. M y confusion w a s understandable. T h e Fox-inspired style of w a r coverage o w e s a lot to E S P N . Data streams, tech talk, retired pros calling the plays, a n d the battle equivalent of helmet c a m s all create a confluence b e t w e e n sports a n d combat. ("War Horny Victory is the Ultimate Viagra")  -206-  A t t h e Salt Lake City Olympics, t h e reassertion of hope via national boundaries w a s also a n admission of a limit to hybridity. A s the flags of nations w e r e triumphantly carried into t h e stadium by athletes, t h e discrete borders o f t h e nation-state w e r e reasserted, if only for seventeen days. "Another Ice A g e Begins" ran a headline in t h e February 9th issue of t h e Globe and Mail, over a p h o t o g r a p h o f white C a n a d i a n athletes in their Roots uniforms, a C a n a d i a n flag filling almost half of t h e f r a m e . A s Dyer (1997) a n d others have pointed out, ice plays an iconic role in a Canadian national imaginary that foregrounds white settler values of a g e n c y a n d survival, w h i c h b e c o m e rationales for colonization. In such constructs as that provided by t h e Globe and Mail article it is as t h o u g h , as G e o r g e Eliot Clarke writes, "the primeval frontier and t h e white body b e c o m e one" (107). In a kind of televisual postscript t o this trope, W a y n e Gretzky, c o a c h of t h e C a n a d i a n Olympic men's hockey t e a m , appeared in an ad for General Motors that ran in December 2 0 0 2 . Against shots of neighborhood kids playing hockey, cars, Christmas trees a n d finally, a n off-the-TV shot o f T e a m C a n a d a ' s winning g a m e , Gretzky says: "What's there to celebrate about life in Canada?  Celebrate ice. Trees. Determination. Celebrate hard work that pays off' Hage writes a b o u t t h e "simplistically stereotyped national moral characters that t h e Olympics produces, a n d the "infantile triumphalism" of victory  (webct. ubc.  ca/SCRIPT/Transculturalisms/schpts/serve_home).  - 207 T h e signifiers of a traumatized A m e r i c a n nation took center stage at t h e Olympics. C a n a d i a n sports c o m m e n t a t o r Terri Libel said, " W e arrived in Salt Lake City a n d discovered a nation still in mourning." (CBC Olympic C o v e r a g e February 12 2 0 0 2 ) . (Incessantly patriotic throughout the 17-day broadcast, s h e m u s e d u p o n w h o w o u l d carry t h e "red a n d white" at t h e opening c e r e m o n y , another unconscious echo of a n A m e r i c a n s p e e c h act). T h e tattered flag f r o m t h e W o r l d T r a d e Center w a s displayed by N e w York City firefighters. A y o u n g A m e r i c a n gold medallist skater performed a memorial dance for the victims of 9 / 1 1 , complete with voice-over: "My n a m e is Sarah Hughes. I a m sixteen years old. This d a n c e is in m e m o r y o f those innocent people w h o lost their lives o n S e p t e m b e r 11th." ( C B C Olympic C o v e r a g e February 13 2002). T h e much-touted childlike innocence of those "victims" stood in for U S victimhood a n d innocence, a s w h e n A m e r i c a n folksinger Willie Nelson s a n g t h e w o r d s t o "Bridge O v e r  Troubled W a t e r s " : "I'm on your side/when times get rough/and friends just can't be found". ( C B C Olympic Coverage February 8 2002). Nelson's ordinariness, his disheveled hair and informal clothing, b e c a m e a poignant signifier of Middle A m e r i c a a n d its peculiar notion of victimhood. A s A h m e d writes, t h e s e kinds of representations a r e far from benign: [They signify] the ordinary as in crisis a n d t h e ordinary person a s t h e real victim. T h e ordinary b e c o m e s that w h i c h is already under threat by t h e imagined others w h o s e proximity b e c o m e s a crime against p e r s o n a s well a s place. Hate is distributed in such narratives across various figures [...] all of which c o m e to e m b o d y t h e danger o f impurity, or t h e  -208 mixing a n d taking of blood  (webct.ubc.ca/SCRIPT/Transculturalisms  /scripts/serve). T h e h u g e costly spectacles o f t h e opening a n d closing ceremonies reinscribed this fantasy of pure family and pure nation again and again: Donny a n d Marie O s m o n d sang " W e are Family"; giant dinosaurs e m o t e d : " W e all share the s a m e planet, a n d after five billion years w e ' r e still o n e family". Silverman (following Laclau) has called this kind of statement a "will to totality": a societal m e c h a n i s m which serves to forget and obscure cultural difference (54). T h e figure of t h e family is central here, combining, as Silverman argues, both sexual a n d e c o n o m i c normalizing regimes: family as n o d e of symbolic order a n d m o d e o f production (33).  With t h e mythology of nation-as-family stronger than ever in the U S , t h e Roots logo, visible on the chests and foreheads of the U S , British and C a n a d i a n athletes, b e c a m e subtextually resonant. This w a s a corporate branding not only of athletics, but also of normalcy, with its demonization of rootlessness. T h e Roots-designed red C a n a d a jackets (available t o athletes a n d c o n s u m e r s alike) had a vintage feel, reminiscent of m y brother's Pee W e e hockey jacket f r o m the 1960's. T h e r e w a s a big maple leaf on the chest, with " C a n a d a " scrawled underneath in retro script, hearkening back to a time before Q u e b e c separatism, before Bill C-36, C a n a d a ' s brand-new anti-terrorist legislation. In C a n a d i a n media, m u c h w a s m a d e of the fact that it w a s a Canadian-based, (albeit A m e r i c a n o w n e d ) c o m p a n y , Roots, that designed the uniforms for athletes for  - 209 C a n a d i a n , A m e r i c a n , a n d British athletes. During the Olympics, R e b e c c a Eckler of t h e National Post entered a Roots store a n d purchased full T e a m C a n a d a regalia. S h e w r o t e : "I looked like I belonged o n a p o d i u m . O r in a m e n t a l institute. W h o , in their right mind, would advertise their country to this extent?" ("They Just Can't Get E n o u g h " B6). Ecker interviewed Micheal B u d m a n , co-founder of Roots, quoting him a s saying, "This is t h e greatest m o m e n t in Roots history [...] W e ' r e j u s t ecstatic h o w well A m e r i c a n s are receiving our products, all of w h i c h are m a d e o u t of Toronto" (B6). According t o Eckler, B u d m a n credited Roots with making C a n a d a "the star of the g a m e s " (B6). This w a s an interesting reversal of the actual situation. In fact, it w a s C a n a d a that h a d m a d e Roots t h e star o f t h e g a m e s : corporate branding had (once again) been reterritorialized a s patriotism.  T h e e n a c t m e n t of nationalism, b e it specifically C a n a d i a n , or a brand of w e s t e r n , uber-Americanism, is comprised of a host of details. Hage, following Bourdieu, stresses t h e importance of cultural capital in t h e production of a "practical nationality [which] c a n be understood analytically as the s u m of a c c u m u l a t e d nationally sanctioned a n d valued social a n d physical cultural styles a n d dispositions (national culture)" (White Nation 53). T h e accruing of these styles and positions produces, argues Hage, a s e n s e of national belonging. O n a w e e k e n d trip t o Seattle in January 2 0 0 2 , m y friends a n d I delight in noticing t h e peculiarities of A m e r i c a n behaviour a n d ritual. T h e almost aggressive friendliness of t h e waiter (he sits d o w n with us, to chat, before taking our orders) reminds us of o u r o w n mythical Canadian politesse; t h e hundreds of flags w e notice  -210-  everywhere become proof of an overly determined patriotism that is not our own. But it is the similarities, the common symptoms of this nationalist hysteria that are more difficult to notice and pin down. While much of 9/11's collective affect echoes earlier episodes like (in the US) presidential assassinations or (in Canada) the Quebec referendum, there is a different quality to the signifiers of Canadian national belonging post 9/11.  On a Sunday afternoon in February 2002, as I emerge from the cocoon of a three-day conference (ironically, a conference on hybridity), I am taken aback by the sight and sound of cars honking, huge Canadian flags being displayed from car windows, worn as capes, or painted on faces. The streets of Vancouver, usually so staid and quiet, so readable, are filled by revelers of many races and all ages. A group of young women stand on the sidewalk, holding up flags and homemade signs as cars go by, echoing the posture of New York citizens as they hailedfirefightersimmediately after September 11th. A man walks by, holding an empty Molson's Canadian carton aloft like a flag. Canada has defeated the US in the Olympic gold medal hockey game. Suddenly, we are no longer Americans: Canada has regained its autonomy and perhaps its virility through sports. As Mansbridge announces on that day's evening news, over shots of people shouting "Ca-na-da!", we were "a country united and feeling good all over" ("CBC National News", February 24 2002).  -211 This feel-good C a n a d a w a s a more folksy nation than w e h a d s e e n in s o m e time. This w a s a C a n a d a that expressed its Heimat, its "feeling of belonging together" (Applegate x ) , v i a a valorization of the local (as in T V commercials that took us to the athletes' h o m e t o w n s ) , amid an unprecedented centralization of state a n d global p o w e r in t h e f o r m o f anti-terrorist legislation a n d n e w controls o n immigration. S u c h a retro, small-town C a n a d a could only reclaim its origins in w h a t Miki h a s called "an earlier 'nation' formation" SCRIPT/Transculturalisms/scripts/serve_home),  http://www.webct.ubc.ca/  o n e with a single set of roots  and a burgeoning fascicular s y s t e m . Indeed, as Silverman has also a r g u e d , t h e signifiers of 'town' a n d 'nation' exist in ideological relation t o other binary oppositions like male a n d female, a n d a r e integral to t h e formation o f t h e d o m i n a n t fiction (35).  Impossible Citizens  Anniversaries recur, with their d e e p compulsive need t o repeat t h e t r a u m a of loss. In t h e w a k e of t h e various tragedies o f 9 / 1 1 , t h e telling a n d re-telling o f t h e story b e c o m e s a w a y to return to an emotional ground zero, t o the home-place of grief.  A s I attempt t o w a t c h a w e e k ' s w o r t h of anniversary footage of 9 / 1 1 , I finally reach a necessary limit. It is not just that t h e documentaries, t h e interviews, t h e reflections, have been harnessed t o t h e service of Bush's call to w a r against Iraq.  -212It is also that it is only t w o months since a death in m y o w n family. T h e faces of N e w Y o r k e r s mourning t h e loss of their husbands, wives, daughters a n d brothers are suddenly familiar to m e : they look like m y face, or t h e face of m y mother. T h e television has b e c o m e a mirror-machine, a n d I have reached a limit, of skin stretched taut to connect their experience a n d mine, to connect theory a n d affect, m y brother, m y father, m y grandmother, m y o w n d e a d , flesh a n d blood, skin and kin. T h e unrepresentable Real has folded into the reality of personal grief. T h e o r y for here, affect for there, layers of skin on skin, multiple points of connection: to justice, to power, t o sentiment, to a false collectivity, to community, t o t h e repetitive, compulsive home-place of grief.  My brother's body is returned to his birthplace for burial: to a sun-bleached plot of prairie land. His real home-place w a s in V a n c o u v e r ' s D o w n t o w n Eastside. T h e D E S provided for m y brother, a s for m a n y others, a site of ethics a n d community, built f r o m t h e ground of t r a u m a . T h e grid of eight scarred city blocks amid which he lived is a place of roots shallowly but firmly placed, of memories of origin that rise in d r e a m s and drug-induced hallucinations like hands choking throats, or like something s o m e o n e else d r e a m e d for y o u . Like De Certeau's  wandersmanner,  m y brother played music o n , a n d w a l k e d , t h e city's streets a n d alleys daily, obsessively, o n e of those "whose bodies follow t h e thicks and thins of an urban text" (93). But this w a s a text that, despite his daily presence in it, could not include him in its syntax, its organization. Impossible citizen: vichnaya pamiat, eternal m e m o r y , eternal unbelonging.  -213-  A s Jill Bennet h a s pointed out, psychoanalytically-based t r a u m a theory a s s u m e s a world in w h i c h t h e context surrounding the t r a u m a is a normal o n e to w h i c h o n e can eventually return. S h e cautions, however, t h a t , " f o r those w h o live in violent communities, there is no stable backdrop" (347). T h e Freudian possibilities of m o u r n i n g , in which t r a u m a is w o r k e d through a n d located in t h e narratives of present-time, found a limit, in S e p t e m b e r 2 0 0 3 , in m y o w n mourning process, in that of nations bent towards war.  De Certeau's T w i n T o w e r s w e r e rooted, immobile, looking d o w n upon n o m a d i c populations: "the dark space w h e r e c r o w d s m o v e back a n d forth" (92). Panoptic, all-seeing, t h e W o r l d Trade Center represented a will to knowledge rather than a will to truth, a n illusion of empiricism a n d purity. T h a t those differences could a n d w o u l d erupt, in t h e form of terrorists, aliens a n d foreigners, w a s inevitable; for De Certeau, t h e "clear text of the planned a n d readable city" w a s a palimpsest, overlaid with t h e text of the nomadic city, heimlich becoming unheimlich.  O n e of the things that television did on S e p t e m b e r 1 1 , 2 0 0 2 , w a s t o remind us t h  t h a t , in t h e face of t r a u m a , t h e h o m e always has t h e potential to b e c o m e unlike itself, to b e c o m e not home. This w a s t h e t r a u m a of the unheimlich with its uncanny Twin Towers-ish doubling - reality that could be mistaken for c i n e m a , C a n a d i a n T V that could be mistaken for A m e r i c a n . Ghosts a n d doubles e v e r y w h e r e : t h e memorialized dead of W a s h i n g t o n , Pennsylvania a n d N e w York,  - 214 the unmemorialized of poverty, neglect, genocide. A s Miki writes, that ghostly invisibility is crucial in forging "the exclusive boundaries of the colonial nationstate"  (http://www.webct.ubc.ca/SCRIPT/Transculturalisrns/scripts/serve_home).  T r a u m a , writes Bennet, "seeks h o m e not just in language but also in the body [...] w h e n o n e has the realization 'I a m in this scene', it affects m e , I a m a witness" (348). It is at that m o m e n t that the possibility of a public, rather than private m e m o r y of t r a u m a can unfold. Without that m o m e n t of inhabitation, traumatic m e m o r y remains privatized, and perhaps even unrealizable. A n d it is upon such a foundation of forgetting that national citizenship d e p e n d s . Television, purveyor of ghost stories across the borders of inside and outside, m a d e of e a c h h o m e a mirrored house of horrors w h o s e only recourse s e e m e d to be e s c a p e to the larger h o m e of nation.  -215-  AFTERWORD Empty Suitcases  For what makes nationhood?  A sense of heritage.  [Shot of Mountie  statue] That shared past - both of ordeals, and of good times. [Dissolve to people square dancing, dissolve t o m a n a n d s o n tobogganing]. Common values. And family. [Dissolve to mountains a n d g e e s e , dissolve to cityscape]. A geography one comes to feel. [Dissolve to prairie, dissolve t o ocean/lighthouse]. That touches mind and heart. [Front porch, dissolve t o m a n in store window, "European Textiles"]. Culture at all levels. [Dissolve t o Inuit coming out of igloo, dissolve to Black b o y with white boy, dissolve to boys in c o w b o y hats]. And a sense of place that finally says home to all. - C B C ,13 February 1996  A t t h e Pier 21 M u s e u m in Halifax, suitcases are t h e first thing y o u see; a small pile of t h e m , battered, old, a n d covered with stickers, juxtaposed against a sepiatoned photo-montage of smiling white immigrants a n d ships. "Pier 2 1 : R e m e m b e r i n g C a n a d a ' s heritage," reads t h e slogan beside these images. W h e n I first laid eyes upon t h e m , t h e sight of those e m p t y suitcases filled m e , a daughter of immigrants, with an o d d combination of anger a n d nostalgia.  - 216 Certain television texts like " C a n a d a : A People's History" a n d "Loving Spoonfuls" are, perhaps, not unlike these exhibits. A s Irit Rogoff argues, "they [the suitcases] are on display as part of the signification of a postwar policy of dealing with the past. [...] a display strategy that w a n t s to insist on driving h o m e both its quite natural disapproval of w h a t took place, but also its hope that this act [...] serves as a kind of a m e n d " (44-45). Rogoff further argues that these kinds of memorial acts actually end up negating the very history they claim to preserve (43). S u c h memorials insist upon the nation as a site of closure, a final return to h o m e . But h o m e is a modernist construct. "The struggle between place and placelessness is a struggle, perhaps, between modernity and post-modernity," writes Silverstone (27). A s I have mentioned earlier, the post-911 push to d e m o n i z e the homelessness of the migrant is also, in its reification of place, a retreat from post-modernity.  Following the trajectory of post-modern theorists of diaspora, Caruth m u s e s upon the notion of diaspora as a scattering of peoples w h o hope to return to their country of origin. S h e asks instead, "In w h a t w a y is the history of a culture, a n d its relation to politics, inextricably bound up with the notion of departure?" (13). A return, she argues, m a y only be available through t r a u m a .  My father's return w a s certainly thus.  - 217 M y father, in a dissociative episode he could not, later, recall, p a c k e d a small suitcase early o n e morning in his 6 7  t h  year, a half-century after the end of the  S e c o n d World War. In it he placed s o m e r a n d o m articles of clothing, his passport, and a ziplock baggie of radishes and salt. W h a t did the contents of that small suitcase signify? (My father, usually such a chronic overpacker, with three suitcases w h e n o n e would do, now so abbreviated and economical). T h a t suitcase w a s prepared for sudden flight, but this w o u l d be a j o u r n e y away f r o m the safety and bounty of this western suburb with its colonial-style h o m e s guarding capacious refrigerators. This w a s a suitcase and a m a n prepared for a j o u r n e y back to Eastern Europe, back to the c a m p s . T h e suitcase w a s a gesture and a m e m o r y that, for all its pathology, w a s m y father's final attempt t o reclaim m e m o r y , to fabricate a ghostly return. (Ghostly because, as A m e r y argues, "there is no return [...] the re-entrance into a place is never also a recovery of lost t i m e " ) (42).  That m y father's attempted return s e e m e d to negate the achievements of the W e s t and his o w n place in that narrative is, I think, w h a t makes the story worth telling. It w o u l d be, a "difficult return," as S i m o n , Rosenberg, and Eppert have termed it: "to live with a return of a m e m o r y that inevitably instantiates loss and thus bears no ultimate consolation, a learning to live with disquieting r e m e m b r a n c e [and] the limits of a consolatory assurance that the past can be discursively integrated"(4).  - 218 -  For m a n y scholars, including myself, there is a n ethical, or reparative impulse at the root o f o u r work, at the end of our day. T o re-envision the world, rather than merely (like those empty suitcases) memorialize its losses, to a c k n o w l e d g e (to paraphrase Deleuze (Ethology) that we do not know what theory can do.  In t h e introduction to his book, Symptoms of Canada, Keohane tries t o offer a w a y o u t of critical theory's tautologies, gesturing towards reparation: I w a n t t o locate the m o m e n t s of o p e n n e s s in identities and t h e w a y s in w h i c h they might be attuned to o n e another. I a m interested in t h e particular idiom o f boundary transgression a n d reintegration of antagonistic identities in c o n t e m p o r a r y C a n a d a (12).  For K e o h a n e , there is hope that those othered figures in t h e archives m a y enter into C a n a d i a n nationalist discourse. But d o e s such a n impulse merely point t o a longing for closure, for desire for h o m e , for a representational site of identity, no matter h o w fragmented those identities m a y b e ?  A m e r y asserts that there c a n be no return (At the Mind's Limits). T o o m u c h time has been lost. He discovers, in t h e process o f resistance to Nazi oppression, that "my h o m e w a s e n e m y country [....] W e [...] had not lost our country, but had to realize it had never been ours" (50). C a n a televisual representation of a First Nations c o m m u n i t y struggling with t h e legacy of residential schools ("North of Sixty") be reparative o f all the years of Joe t h e Indian, a n d other problematic  - 219 representations? C a n reparation even be considered within such a c o m m e r c i a l undertaking as television?  Media, East and West: Remembering Trauma  My father passed a w a y before the internet could, supposedly, accelerate his contact with those he had left behind in 'the Old Country'. I r e m e m b e r the letters that arrived every w e e k in our mailbox, from his sister, my Aunt Marusia, in Ukraine. Peering over my father's shoulder, I could barely d e c o d e the spidery Cyrillic handwriting on parchment-like airmail paper, every inch of s p a c e used up. T h o s e p a g e s w e r e full of detail and yearning.  My Kyivan cousin, Roxolana, and I correspond intermittently via email. She w o r k s for a private television station in Ukraine, f u n d e d , no doubt, by multinationals. Her television work is an intervention, a new, u n b o u n d e d s p a c e of possibility, p o s t - C o m m u n i s m . W h e n I visit Kyiv for the first time, in the s u m m e r of 2 0 0 1 , she proudly hands m e a video copy of a piece she did on A n d y W a r h o l , on the occasion of a retrospective of his w o r k in Kyiv. I watch it w h e n I get h o m e to C a n a d a : it's early TV, full of hope and representational possibility. A s yet unregulated, she says w h a t she wants, enlarging sites of ethnic and sexual identity, within the s p a c e of capitalism.  -220A t t h e beginning of this dissertation, I posed t h e rhetorical question, " C a n national television be otherwise?" T h e w o r d otherwise gestures t o w a r d s representational possibilities, or w h a t I have also, in a Deleuzian sense, d u b b e d "ethical becomings." Using a primarily text-based methodology, I have, in this dissertation, outlined t h e w a y s in which Canadian television largely occludes hybrid representations, a t t h e s a m e time that it, confusingly, perhaps, includes the foreigner (the immigrant, the person of colour, t h e queer) in that project. Certainly, t h e occlusions c a n provide sites of resistance a m o n g audiences. However, I have concluded that C a n a d a ' s increasing need to pose a s a sovereign body - in obvious contradiction of its current status as a bit player in the project of A m e r i c a n globalization - requires an unremitting nationalist stance that is, increasingly, e m b e d d e d in t h e affective codes of global c o n s u m p t i o n . National culture is never, a n y m o r e , just national, but is imbricated into t h e e c o n o m i c a n d political exigencies of globalization. W e are all, claims G r o s s b e r g , "coerced into globality" (24).  A s t h e J o e C a n a d i a n rant demonstrates, U S d o m i n a n c e b e c a m e a n object of C a n a d i a n nationalism in the 1990's. This w a s a s m u c h t h e result of popular 1  struggles a s of Canadian corporate concerns regarding loss of revenue f r o m free trade. Ultimately, consumption frames both o u r resistance and o u r compliance. T h e text of a 1996 television news d o c u m e n t a r y "Thinking t h e Unthinkable," ("The Magazine", C B C ) , cited at t h e beginning of this chapter, reads ( a n d looks) like a T V a d . It's not advertising a c o n s u m e r item, but rather, is using t h e tropes  -221of c o n s u m p t i o n t o advertise the nation. Browne claims that television utilizes c o n s u m p t i o n a s a solution to t h e problems of everyday life" ("The Political E c o n o m y o f t h e Television Supertext"). K e o h a n e further argues that t h e s e pleasures o f shared national consumption are amplified by antagonism. T h u s it can be surmised that o n e of the discursive legacies of the televised Q u e b e c r e f e r e n d u m d e b a t e w a s a n increase in representations o f c o n s u m e r items that stand in for t h e unrepresentable "real" of Canadian identity.  A s corporations acquire more rights than h u m a n s , they also acquire m o r e roles. Corporation a s producer, corporation a s auteur. In late twentieth-century 2  C a n a d i a n culture, it is J o e Canadian - a y o u n g , white, probably heterosexual male - w h o is t h e speaking subject o f nationalist p r a c t i c e . But Joe, o f course, is 3  only a stand-in. Here, a corporation - Molson - b e c o m e s t h e s p e a k i n g subject w h o is, in Foucault's terms, "accorded t h e right" to proffer t h e truths of nationalist discourse (The Archaeology of Knowledge 50). T h e s e days, t h e corporation is accorded not only h u m a n rights but also h u m a n affect. Television, as a c o n s u m e r m e d i u m , is t h e ideal 'surface of e m e r g e n c e ' for these affected truths.  But corporate s p a c e is also t h e private, individual space of melancholia, of acting out. Jill B e n n e t h a s argued for t h e healing possibilities o f a public r e m e m b e r i n g o f t r a u m a ("Art, Affect, a n d t h e 'Bad Death'"). Is there such a possibility o f a public unfolding of t h e narratives of Canadian history? Derrida's w o r d s , cited earlier, are  -222 cautionary: "this institutional passage from t h e private to t h e public [...] d o e s not always m e a n from t h e secret to the nonsecret" (Spectres of Marx 2-3).  C a n t h e r e b e s u c h a thing a s a n ethics of representation o n C a n a d i a n television, s o m e fifty years after its birth? V i a t h e prominent placement of certain critical p r o g r a m s like "This Hour H a s 2 2 Minutes", Rick Mercer's "Monday Report", "North of Sixty", a n d one-off documentaries a n d dramas, t h e C B C m a n a g e s to produce a series of descriptive a n d seemingly contradictory statements: C a n a d a is unique/ C a n a d a is just like the U.S.; C a n a d a is peaceful, self-effacing a n d tolerant/ C a n a d a has racist immigration policies. Following Foucault, these contradictions m u s t also b e s e e n a s part of C a n a d i a n nationalist discourse. Ethical closure s e e m s elusive.  In t h e deconstructive tradition, ethics must remain non-prescriptive, resisting closure. Peter Baker asks w h e t h e r it is e v e n possible to meet Derrida's "impossible" ethical d e m a n d , but then locates an ethical position in t h e very act of questioning: T h e deconstructive task then is to find [...] a n ethics that maintains an o p e n n e s s to t h e other as truly other, not merely an other w h o is t h e ' s a m e ' . Deconstruction c a n never b e c o m e a set of self-transparent rules for thinking or conduct, but t h e challenge it poses to thinking and conduct nonetheless maintains t h e force of a n ethical d e m a n d . (115-116)  -223 In a 1982 interview with Stephen Riggins, Foucault discourages t h e impulse t o produce ethical closure, or w h a t he calls "a call for prophetism." A single book, he argues, d o e s not have to provide ethical principles at the s a m e m o m e n t that it offers analysis. It is important t o allow for readerly agency: "People have t o build their o w n ethics, taking as a point of departure t h e historical analysis, sociological analysis a n d s o o n that o n e can provide for t h e m " (132).  F r a g m e n t s of ethical becomings appear, in t h e public, but still very m u c h u n d e r g r o u n d , a n d perhaps secretive, realm of the video screen. In a voice aching with s a d n e s s a n d anger, V a n c o u v e r - b a s e d First Nations artist D a n a Claxton invokes a litany o f colonial abuse against the w o m e n in her family, a n d asks, again a n d again "I w a n t to know w h y " (/ Want to Know Why, video 1994). H a w a i i a n C a n a d i a n artist Ruby Truly reads f r o m a 1950's manuscript m a n u a l for Canadian missionaries teaching English t o t h e Northern S a s k a t c h e w a n Cree. She starts reading slowly, but then s p e e d s up, to t h e rhythm of a pulsing backbeat (... And the Word Was God, video 1987). A s with Claxton, repetition sutures her into a circular t r a u m a narrative. Such negative affect c a n , following Sedgwick's formulation regarding s h a m e , be productive; it can radicalize notions of h o m e and Heimat. But these radical images don't s e e m to leak onto t h e T V screen.  A kind o f overdetermined sentimentality s e e m s to colour the T V nation these days. A 2 0 0 3 a d for C a n a d a Post, featuring a lovelorn w o m a n w h o insists o n  - 224 c o m m u n i c a t i n g with her desired one by snail-mail, repeats a d o z e n times in an evening. Reportage about a group of twenty-one Muslim-Canadians imprisoned for o n e m o n t h as terrorists and then released for lack of evidence, is described in affective terms: the g o v e r n m e n t is merely red-faced, embarrassed. O n c e again, e m b a r r a s s m e n t (laminated onto the grainy image of the ethnic, or the exile) stands in for s h a m e , precluding the possibilities of working through.  Movements Between and Across  I didn't ever feel at h o m e in Kyiv: nothing matched my father's m e m o r i e s or my g r a n d m o t h e r ' s stories; not the architecture, not the language, not e v e n the f o o d . I e v e n s t o p p e d referring to myself as Ukrainian, for that only confused people; instead, I learnt to describe myself, in both Ukrainian and English as, simply, "diaspora". A s I w a l k e d the wide, leafy boulevards of Kyiv, I could feel the proper boundaries of skin and identity eroding. I w a s becoming a diasporic subject, something between east and west, something that would either never belong in either, or w o u l d always long for one or the other.  Sara A h m e d describes the space in between h o m e s as a space of belonging (Strange Encounters 77).Origin has b e c o m e unheimlich, and destination is always unstable: "home b e c o m e s the impossibility and necessity of the subject's future (one never gets there but is always getting there), rather than the past that binds the subject to a given place" (78). A s I traveled by train and bus through  - 225 the scarred social a n d geographical landscape of Ukraine, I w o n d e r e d if m y elders' recollections of the Old Country had been mere projection. W h e r e w e r e the lush g r e e n steppes a n d hallowed birch groves w e had sung a b o u t a s children? National narratives, argues A h m e d , c o m p e n s a t e for t h e failure of individual m e m o r y . T h e nation, once again, is forged through t r a u m a , a n d historical error. "It is t h e act o f forgetting that allows the subject to identify with a history" (78).  National narratives b e c o m e undone in that s p a c e in between. I have c o m e t o t h e conclusion (which is, perhaps, a kind o f n e w theoretical beginning), that t h e ethical b e c o m i n g of mourning, or working through occurs across media. In a n a g e o f c o n v e r g e n c e , television can't, a n y m o r e , be spoken of in isolation from other m e d i a . Riposte, commentary, humour, scathing critique are available o n the internet: Rabble.ca,  Znet, Frontlines.com.  O n a C B C News World p r o g r a m ,  "Inside Media", a Black c a m p u s radio host says his 'ethnic' audiences s h u n C B C - not necessarily because of racism, but because of w h a t he calls its "polite anglo sound". H e considers Radio 3, C B C ' s online presence, to be a m u c h cooler, a n d culturally diverse location (Inside Media February 2 4 , 2004). Such sites collude with t h e latest in digital consumption: laptop computers, D S L connections, scanners, C D burners, cellphone text-messaging s y s t e m s , free o n line email and w e b logging software shimmering with ads.  -226M c L u h a n wrote, "the content of a n y m e d i u m is always another m e d i u m " (8). He w o u l d perhaps insist that the content of the Internet is television. In Deleuzian terms, I w o u l d suggest a (at least) t w o - w a y flow: Internet becoming T V , a n d T V b e c o m i n g Internet. Canadian television's monolith breaks d o w n at t h e borders of media. T h e Molson's website bulletin board is an unwitting site of resistance, a s w h e n a n a n o n y m o u s writer declaims, in response to J o e Canadian's rants:  / want my identity back. . . Because my country's Identity has sold it's [sic] soul to corporate power Because consumerism and beer consumption has become our National religion Because we have forgotten the true meaning of being And BECAUSE  CANADIAN  Canadian!!!!  NOW MEANS A BEER  I AM not a demographic I AM not a consumer I AM who I AM and I AM not a beer. (June 2 5 2 0 0 3 , www.molson.ca)  T h e self is still constituted in fixed notions of purity, still at the site of the nation. But it d o e s talk back to the T V screen. B h a b h a argues that t h e atemporal disjunctiveness of the Internet, "the m o v e from organic temporality to disjunctive, displaced acceleration" (x), is more suited t o t h e exilic mode. Television, s o rooted in national time, must be seen a s being in dialogue with digital media's non-synchronous time: t h e fragmented optics of video art, the Internet, m p e g m o v i e s passed on v i a email.  -227A post-national imaginary (Appadurai 177) m a y also be an imaginary u n b o u n d e d by the conventions of particular media, Ethical gestures m a y occur in the m o v e m e n t between television and Internet. W o r l d w i d e demonstrations organized by email, w h o s e passion and rage can scarcely be captured by the T V c a m e r a . Television reporters performing themselves at a demonstration in support of imprisoned Fujianese refugees, bodies and c a m e r a s colonizing the activist space. Later, watching the news, w e don't see ourselves. So the story gets told and r e m e m b e r e d orally, and photographs are passed on via email, in j p e g files. I d o w n l o a d m y digital footage of t h e demonstration to V H S , mail it to a friend. S h e gets into a cab, the tape is s m u g g l e d into the jail.  But that's a different story.  -228 -  END NOTES Introduction 1  This particular a d , entitled "Anthem", first aired on Canadian television in 2 0 0 1 .  2  See W a g m a n .  3  For m o r e on s p a c e in relation to Canadian identity, see Razack.  4  T h e notion of cultural c o m p e t e n c e e m e r g e d out of scholarly feminist studies of  soap o p e r a s in the 1980's, and the notion that soap opera's address to w o m e n ' s domestic concerns produced a particular female c o m p e t e n c e in reading the genre, allowing female viewers to take an active audience role. For m o r e on cultural c o m p e t e n c e see Hobson.  Chapter One: Becoming Nation: Affect Theory 1  For an exception to this rule, see Peter T r u e m a n ' s caustic t h o u g h rather dated  Smoke and Mirrors: The Inside Story of Television News in Canada, in which the C B C in particular is given a severe dressing-down.  2  W h e n I tell people I a m writing about C a n a d i a n television, the most frequent  response I get is: "that's going to be a short dissertation..." Frank Manning addresses the w a y s in which Canadian popular culture is given short shrift by theorists as well as by the general population. Canadian popular culture is seen as contested - not being Canadian - with ethnic and regional cultures seen as being m o r e authentically national. T h e m o r e urgent task, within the purview of C a n a d i a n nationalism, is to protect these cultures via state apparati. Manning writes, "Paradoxically but perhaps predictably, the unassailable determination to c h a m p i o n Canadian culture has inhibited its study and analysis" (6).  -229-  This dissertation attempts to question and denaturalize the workings of  3  C a n a d i a n television as a surface of e m e r g e n c e for nationalism. T h e notion of a postnational, therefore, is important to, t h o u g h not central, to this dissertation. I discuss A p p a d u r a i ' s notion of the postnational in greater detail in Chapter 4.  4  A reference to the title of Eley and Suny's book, Becoming National.  5  T h e ethical limits of deconstruction have b e e n critiqued by s o m e as a retreat  f r o m the politics of race, gender and identity that entered the a c a d e m y via student uprisings and social protests of the 60's. Speaking from a feminist perspective, Braidotti writes, "one cannot deconstruct a subjectivity o n e has never controlled", and m a k e s note of a similar critique by Luce Irigaray (116117). Others argue that this ethical turn simply recuperates earlier positions. 6  For m o r e on the relationship between queer and the nation, see Berlant &  Freeman.  7  For analysis of earlier Molson's Canadian ads, see Keohane.  8  S a w a " is Arabic for 'together'.  9  D w a y n e W i n s e c k notes that c o n v e r g e n c e has been part of media since mid 1 9  th  Century (795).  10  W i n s e c k also notes that these s a m e effects are seen with C a n a d a ' s public  network, C B C , as a result of g o v e r n m e n t cutbacks (799).  11  Global B S Media, a satirical w e b project of V a n c o u v e r ' s Guerrilla M e d i a ,  responds with an article from the "Vancouver S c u m " , announcing that "the R C M P has f o r m e d a new highly-trained and top-secret t e a m called the A n t i E m b a r r a s s m e n t Special Service (ASS). Included in their arsenal will be w e a p o n s  -230-  of m a s s e m b a r r a s s m e n t , including "high-tech embarrassers such a s t h e wireless joy b u z z e r a n d t h e tele-deprompter w h i c h c a n neutralise a politician's teleprompter a n d c a u s e painful unscripted silences". (Paulitico Azzkizzer,  http://www. globalbs. com/story2 7. htm).  12  Similarly, Z o e Sofoulis has argued that celebrity is m o d e of pleasurable  identification that can unify citizens along national lines.  Chapter Two: Whose Child Am I? The Quebec Referendum and Languages of Affect and the Body  1  T h e 1995 referendum w a s t h e latest step in a history of Quebecois nationalism  that dates back t o t h e origins o f a C a n a d i a n federation in t h e m i d 1 9 Century. t h  A n e m e r g i n g separatist m o v e m e n t in t h e 1960's led to t h e formation of the Parti Quebecois, a party pledged to separatism, w h i c h c a m e t o power in 1976. Q u e b e c ' s first unsuccessful sovereignty referendum w a s held in 1980. For further analysis o f Q u e b e c nationalism, s e e Keating.  3  Creeber m a k e s s o m e important distinctions between the series, (for e x a m p l e :  "ER", "Law and Order"), which are designed t o run indefinitely, a n d t h e serial, which h a s a limited n u m b e r of episodes with beginning, middle and e n d . H e argues that it is t h e serial, more than t h e series, which provides a site for s o m e w h a t m o r e complex exploration o f race a n d identity o n TV, like t h e 1970's A m e r i c a n serials "Roots" (1977) a n d "Holocaust"(1978). I would argue that t h e s e are nominally less official versions of history, but, like the Q u e b e c referendum, their framing within t h e genre of the serial allows for rich analytical opportunities.  4  S o m e other objects of C a n a d i a n nationalism might be. state multiculturalism,  television's need for dramatic seriality at a time (the late 1990's onwards) w h e n  -231 -  the dramatic serial is in decline; t h e need for a n expression of federal sovereignty in t h e face of t h e loss of e c o n o m i c sovereignty d u e to free trade a g r e e m e n t s .  5  For further theorization of the connection between romanticism a n d nationalism,  s e e Nairn.  6  It h a s b e e n suggested by former N A C president Sunera Thobani (informal  discussion) a n d others, that Francophone feminists actively participated in t h e obscuring of race issue in Quebec. For further feminist analysis of the racialized nature of Q u e b e c sovereignty, s e e Bannerji, Dark Side of the Nation.  7  Peter Brooks develops t h e relation of music a n d narrative further: " T h e  emotional d r a m a needs t h e desemanticized language of music, its evocation of the 'ineffable', its tones a n d registers [...]called upon to invest plot with s o m e of t h e inexorability a n d necessity that in p r e - m o d e r n literature derived f r o m t h e substratum of myth" (14).  8  Certainly, t h e s e kinds of domestic splits did exist. A Canadian independent film,  Just Watch Me, depicted a real-life couple, a n anglo a n d a f r a n c o p h o n e based in Quebec. A s t h e referendum approaches they begin t o review their options. T h e y have decided t o m o v e if the y e s vote wins; they w a n t their children to have easy access to t h e English side of their family. A heart-wrenching s e q u e n c e of interviews with e a c h partner, rapidly intercut, reveals t h e depth of e a c h person's attachment t o their part of the country. T h e y e s vote loses, but they e n d up m o v i n g t o English C a n a d a a n y w a y s , n o t w a n t i n g t o live in s u c h a divided environment.  9  This is another intertextual reference, to Hugh McLennan's 1947 C a n a d i a n  novel, Two Solitudes.  -232 -  10  Levin also notes that an A m e r i c a n spin-off of Les Plouffes, Viva Valdez  t r a n s f o r m e d t h e working-class, Q u e b e c City-based Plouffes into a Latino family living in a Los A n g e l e s barrio.  11  For a compelling Foucauldian analysis of the Cartesian subject, s e e  McWhorter.  Chapter Three: Haunted Absences: Reading "Canada: A People's History"  1  Described in library holdings as "a report on multiculturalism in c o n t e m p o r a r y  C a n a d a , " this t o w n hall discussion covered such topics as: history of the federal g o v e r n m e n t policy, arguments from supporters and opponents of multiculturalism, and a profile of Sikh c o m m u n i t y in Surrey, British C o l u m b i a .  2  Recently, I s a w television footage of a Canadian internment c a m p that  imprisoned J e w s during W W 2 (for alleged security reasons). Overlaid onto it w a s a soundtrack of m e n singing "Oh C a n a d a . "  3  Horatio A l g e r w a s a 1 9  th  Century writer of juvenile fiction, with characters w h o  s u c c e e d e d on the basis of their individual determination to struggle against hardship. His n a m e has b e c o m e a m e t a p h o r for rags-to-riches success, A m e r i c a n style.  4  W a r l e y e m p h a s i z e s that the "North of Sixty"'s First Nations consultants did not  have complete creative control. She interviewed several First Nations people w h o w e r e critical of certain aspects of the script.  5  "North of Sixty" has had a lively afterlife, with w e e k l y reruns, first o n C B C a n d  n o w A P T N (Aboriginal Peoples' Television Network). In the past five years there  -233 -  have also b e e n four "North of Sixty" made-for-TV movies, which revive t h e t o w n and its residents in thriller-style d r a m a s .  Chapter Four: An Otherness Barely Touched Upon: A Cooking Show, A Foreigner, A Turnip and a Fish's Eye 1  I a m using t h e t e r m s 'transcultural' a n d 'transnational' as distinct but not  unrelated terms. Mignolo, cited in t h e "Transculturalisms" website (www.transculturalisms.arts.ubc.ca/,  J u n e 27 2004), defines transculturalism  thus: "Transculturation s u b s u m e s t h e e m p h a s i s placed on borders, migrations, plurilanguaging, a n d multiculturing and t h e increasing need to conceptualize transnational a n d transimperial languages, literacies, and literatures [...] allowing for t h e celebration of t h e 'impure' in t h e social world from the 'pure' perspectives c o u c h e d in a national language and in 'scientific' epistemology. (220). I a m using the t e r m 'transnational' in t h e sense that it is e m p l o y e d by A p p a d u r a i : a world that has been deterritorialized by global capitalism (Modernity at Large). Transculturalism, I would offer, is t h e product of t h e ethical, creative, and perhaps e v e n imaginary w o r k required in a transnational world.  2  In t h e "Loving Spoonfuls" website, Gale's bio includes mention of a major role in  a film by g a y C a n a d i a n director J o h n G r e y s o n . In t h e intertextual realm of television, this associative connection b e c o m e s an integral part of t h e w a y t h e p r o g r a m is received by audiences.  3  This notion is also visible in a more recent film, My Big Fat Greek  Wedding,  w h e r e a nondescript white suitor is absorbed into t h e grotesque, food-centred doings of his in-laws.  4  By describing this s h o w as a c o m e d y , t h e producers of "Loving Spoonfuls"  m a k e use of television's inherent ability to, as Jane Feuer notes, "recombine across g e n r e lines" (131).  -234-  In writing a b o u t A n d y Warhol's shyness, a n d , in effect, about queerness,  5  Sedgwick develops the notion of a creatively productive s h a m e : "...the dysphoric affect s h a m e functions as a nexus of production: production, that is, of m e a n i n g , of personal presence, of politics, of performative and critical efficacy" ("Queer Performativity" 135).  Chapter Five: National Mania, Collective Melancholia: the Trudeau Funeral  Roland Boer has written about the transference between m e d i a figures that  1  occurred at Princess Diana's funeral, w h e n Elton John sang "Candle in t h e W i n d ' , a song he had originally written for Marilyn Monroe (85). Cohen's and Castro's a n o m a l o u s p r e s e n c e performed a similar function at the T r u d e a u funeral, transferring their larger-than-life countercultural presence onto the T r u d e a u legacy.  2  Peter T r u e m a n writes about colonial tendencies in Canadian television, citing  British influences in its early years and A m e r i c a n influences thereafter: "the worst features of the B B C plus the w e a k n e s s e s of the U.S. networks" (16).  3  O n e year later, on the anniversary of Trudeau's death, several television  programs w e n t to great pains to erase these challenges to the normal via excessive use of marriage metaphors. T r u d e a u w a s repeatedly referred to as having had a spousal relationship to C a n a d a . Adrienne Clarkson, C a n a d a ' s Governor General, said in a C B C interview: "It w a s an emotional relationship that w e had with him. W h e n w e w a n t e d to reject him or throw him out of the house it w a s b e c a u s e w e thought he'd m i s b e h a v e d . But w e w e r e always there as long as he w a s still there." (Life and Times, C B C , October 2001).  -235 -  4  For a m o r e extended analysis of the relationship between media, t h e erotic a n d  the haptic, s e e Marks. 5  T h e quote that ends Justin's eulogy is by Robert Frost, a n d w a s also q u o t e d at  the funeral of President John F. Kennedy. This marks yet another colonial overlay: f o r many, including myself, the flag draped coffin resonated with t h e first major televisual experience of m y generation: the Kennedy assassination a n d funeral. A s a n interviewee in the film Just Watch Me: Trudeau and 70's Generation r e m a r k e d , "Trudeau w a s our Kennedy that didn't g e t shot." ( N F B 2000)  6  In this instance I a m building upon L a C a p r a , w h o writes, "the 'acting out' of a  melancholic nation (acting out of repetition compulsion) m a y m a k e it impossible for ethical, progressive, responsible actions" (70).  7  This is another reference to Sedgwick's formulation of "shame-creativity". S h e  writes, " s h a m e functions as the nexus of production; production, that is, of m e a n i n g , of personal presence, of politics" (1995).  8  T h e A l g o m a strike is described by Radwanski as "a watershed in Q u e b e c ' s  political history" (64): a struggle between t h e authoritative, anti-union Duplessis g o v e r n m e n t , a n d a n increasingly urbanized a n d secularized population. Radwanski writes: "the long bitter dispute had served as a rallying point for all progressive elements in t h e province, simultaneously underlining both t h e antidemocratic nature of the Duplessis regime a n d its vulnerability to concerted resistance" (65).  9  T h e notion of belonging has been reconfigured by Probyn a s "belonging, not in  s o m e d e e p authentic way, but belonging in constant m o v e m e n t , m o d e s of belonging a s surface shifts"(OL/fc/'cte Belonging 19).  -236-  Chapter Six: Homeland (In) Security: Roots and Displacement, from New York, to Toronto, to Salt Lake City  1  T h e notion of homeland later b e c a m e institutionalized in the U.S. in N o v e m b e r  2 0 0 2 with t h e formation of the Department o f H o m e l a n d Security, t h e largest A m e r i c a n federal reorganization in several d e c a d e s . Immigration w o u l d n o w operate as a security operation, in the s a m e department as the Secret Service a n d C u s t o m s , effectively criminalizing the m o v e m e n t of immigrants. T h e National Post reports that, "All male 'foreign visitors' from a list of 25 mostly A r a b and Muslim countries are required to report to authorities for interviews, a n d be photographed and fingerprinted" (2003: B1).  2  At time of writing, this synergy is e x p a n d i n g . In spring of 2003, the A m e r i c a n  INS and C a n a d a Immigration held a Border Security Summit, which resulted in, a m o n g other things, a safe third country agreemeent. Under that agreement, most refugee claimants w h o arrive at the Canadian border after travelling through the United States will be turned back to m a k e claims for asylum under the stricter U.S. s y s t e m .  3  For further analysis of botanical metaphors in regard to the nation, see Malkki.  4  M a n y people argue that the Kennedy assassinations w e r e the first such events,  but these w e r e recorded on film and later broadcast on television.  5  N e w s a n n o u n c e r Mark Kelley's emotive outpouring is, according to D u m m , not  out of line, for, as he writes, "the anchor is able to present herself or himself as a fellow watcher, but one w h o is a surrogate for the watcher at home, able to ask questions and guide the a g e n d a " (317).  -237-  T h e t e r m "preferred reading" derives from Stuart Hall's seminal e s s a y  6  "Encoding/Decoding," in which he identified three possible w a y s of decoding m e d i a texts: oppositional, negotiated, a n d preferred (or dominant). Crucial t o this formulation is Hall's insistence that, while polysemy creates the possibility of a variety of readings a m o n g audience m e m b e r s , t h e m e d i a text is still "structured in d o m i n a n c e . " Hall wrote: "Polysemy must not be confused with pluralism. [...] A n y society/culture tends, with varying degrees, t o impose its segmentations. [...] T h e r e remains a dominant cultural order, t h o u g h it is neither univocal nor contested" (134). I find this to be a useful caveat in m y o w n attempts to understand t h e w a y s in which mainstream m e d i a achieved a kind of monolithic textuality during t h e events of 9 / 1 1 .  R a y m o n d Williams defines flow a s "the replacement of a p r o g r a m m e series of  7  timed, sequential units by a flow series of differently related units in w h i c h t h e timing, t h o u g h real, is undeclared" (1974: 93). While he used t h e t e r m to refer specifically t o t h e structure o f television p r o g r a m m i n g , I a m using it in a m u c h broader sense.  A n t h o n y Lane also points out t h e extent t o w h i c h people's televised responses  8  to 9/11 c a m e from blockbuster movie scripts like Independence Day, Die Hard, and Armaggedon.  But it is his citing of t h e 1998 thriller film The Siege that m o s t  accurately s u m s up this uncanniness, as w h e n Denzel Washington's character says, "Make no mistake - w e will hunt t h e e n e m y , w e will find t h e e n e m y , w e will kill t h e e n e m y " (79).  9  In a critical article rare for the neo-conservative national Canadian paper The  Globe and Mail, columnist Russell Smith, described t h e West Wing e p i s o d e a s "official art, American-style", writing that, "The writers of t h e program m a y not have to satisfy t h e d e m a n d s of a central p r o p a g a n d a committee, but they d o  -238 -  have t o c o m e up with something that a terrified corporation, t h e network, w o u l d air in a time of greatly heightened sensitivity" (2002: D1).  10  Cavell, however, cited in D u m m ("Telefear: Watching W a r News"),argues that  improvised talk is absolutely characteristic of television, and that "the fact that nothing o f c o n s e q u e n c e is said matters little c o m p a r e d to t h e fact that s o m e t h i n g is s p o k e n . [...] Improvisation, no matter h o w slight, is the sign of life o n t h e television monitor" (311).  Afterword: Empty Suitcases  1  Ironically, Molson is no longer C a n a d i a n - o w n e d . O n July 2 2 , 2004, Molson Inc.  a n d t h e A m e r i c a n A d o l p h Coors C o . a n n o u n c e d that they have m e r g e d , b e c o m i n g t h e Molson Coors Brewing C o m p a n y . 2  A n e w film co-directed by Mark A c h b a r a n d Jennifer Abbot, The Corporation  (2003), e x a m i n e s t h e corporation's e m e r g e n c e a s a legal "person," and t h e pathological ramifications thereof.  3  W a g m a n notes that Molson spent over $1 million in market research to reveal  that its target d e m o g r a p h i c is y o u n g m e n , aged eighteen to twenty-four. T h e study also revealed that this sector s h o w e d a significant sense of "national pride" (81).  -239Works Cited  A h m e d , Sara. Strange Encounters: Embodied Others in Post-Coloniality.  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