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Philosophical foundations and conceptual bases of administrative procedures of multiple use management.. Smith, David Anthony 1970-12-31

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PHILOSOPHICAL FOUNDATIONS AND CONCEPTUAL BASES OF ADMINISTRATIVE PROCEDURES OF MULTIPLE USE MANAGEMENT OF NATURAL RESOURCES by DAVID ANTHONY SMITH B.Sc.  (Forestry), University of Wales, 1964  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF FORESTRY i n the Faculty of Forestry  We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA February, 1970  In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s  thesis  in p a r t i a l  f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r  an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, the L i b r a r y s h a l l I  make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e  f u r t h e r agree tha  permission  for  I agree  r e f e r e n c e and  f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s  that  study. thesis  f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department o r by h i s of  this  representatives. thesis  It  i s understood that copying o r p u b l i c a t i o n  f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l  written permission.  Department of The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Vancouver 8, Canada  Date  Columbia  not be allowed without my  i. ABSTRACT In attempting to determine the background to the controversial term "multiple use," i t was deemed necessary to b r i e f l y examine preceding s o c i a l behaviour and l e g i s l a t i o n .  A b r i e f study of early European a g r i c u l t u r a l  p r a c t i c e s , through to the I n d u s t r i a l Revolution, allows an insight into the r u r a l background of the early immigrants to North  America.  The Conservation Movement of the early 1900s was a r e s u l t of s o c i a l l y unacceptable e x p l o i t a t i o n of natural resources and d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the American governments' methods of land disposal i n the name of "progress." The rapid demise of the Movement i s attributed to i t s f a i l u r e to produce p r a c t i c a l guidelines for resource management.  Subsequent resource development  i n North America has been fragmentary; a major cause of i n e f f i c i e n c y and a disregard for s o c i a l implications. The d e f i n i t i o n of "multiple use" that appeared i n the 1960 Act, l i k e the p r i n c i p l e s of the Conservation Movement, r e l i e d on platitudes rather than practicalities.  The goals of multiple use are examined, and a new d e f i n i t i o n  i s proposed, as i s the substitution of "integrated resource management" f o r the shibboleth o f "multiple use." The h i s t o r y o f the development of Canada's resources p a r a l l e l s that o f the United States.  Yet because o f the smallness of the population i n r e l a t i o n  to the size o f the country, the e x h a u s t i b i l i t y of natural resources has been barely contemplated.  Serious public concern for the manner i n which Canadian  resources are being managed i s only of recent occurrence.  The r e s p o n s i b i l i t y  for integrated resource management l i e s with p r o v i n c i a l governments. Except for the United States Forest Service, the case studies conclusively show that the biggest obstacles to the implementation of integrated resource management, are o f a p o l i t i c a l nature.  ii. Some techniques o f economics that p e r t a i n to the a l l o c a t i o n and d i s t r i bution of wealth generated by natural resources are examined.  While none of  these are e n t i r e l y s a t i s f a c t o r y , Benefit-Cost Analysis i s proposed as a possible f i r s t step toward better control of resource development. In including man and h i s s o c i a l structures within i t s deliberations, the d i s c i p l i n e of ecology gains sounder foundations for analyzing the e f f e c t s o f resource management on society.  The a p p l i c a t i o n of systems analysis to such  complex e c o l o g i c a l problems has great p o t e n t i a l i n allowing management strategies to be explored before being implemented.  A hypothetical model i s  developed i n which systems analysis i s used to e f f e c t integrated resource management. Such a form of management presently remains as an i d e a l because of e x i s t i n g governmental, and i n d u s t r i a l r e l a t i o n s .  Since voluntary cooperation  for the public welfare appears u n l i k e l y i n the near future, research w i l l be needed to determine at which l e v e l of government to establish a department, whose function w i l l be that of integrating resource management.  iii. TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER  PAGE Abstract Table of contents L i s t of tables L i s t of figures Acknowledgements  i i i i vi vii viii  INTRODUCTION The objectives of the study The need for the study Definitions I  II  III  IV  EUROPEAN EXPERIENCE WITH NATURAL RESOURCES Introduction The fuedal system The Renaissance Period E f f e c t s of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n  1 1 1 5 6 9 10  THE SETTLEMENT OF NORTH AMERICA Introduction  11  E a r l y immigrants i n North America  12  The h i s t o r y of resource l e g i s l a t i o n i n the United States GROWTH OF AMERICAN CONCERN WITH RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT The Conservation Movement James Wilson* s l e t t e r Pinchot's concept o f a u n i f i e d approach to resource development North American Conservation Conference  23 25  Discussion of the meaning o f "Conservation" Demise of the movement  26 27  An outline of the development of natural resources since the Conservation Movement  29  Results of i s o l a t i o n i s m of resource agencies and problems of coordination President Kennedy's message  31 32  MULTIPLE USE Events leading to 1960 Multiple Use-Sustained Y i e l d Act E a r l y use of the term U.S. Forest Service versus U.S. Park Service The objectives of l e g i s l a t i o n Legal d e f i n i t i o n of "multiple use"  12 18 20  35 36 37 39 39  iv. CHAPTER  V  VI  PAGE Meanings of multiple use "Equal priorities'* doctrine "Dominant use" doctrine Adoption o f concepts by other agencies  41 42 43 46  Social considerations leading to a new d e f i n i t i o n Concept of optimum use D e f i n i t i o n of relevant population Concern for future generations D e f i n i t i o n of "integrated resource management"  48 49 50 50 53  THE DEVELOPMENT OF CANADA'S WILDLAND RESOURCES Links with B r i t a i n T r a d i t i o n a l resources Governmental development Canadian Forestry Convention Canadian Commission of Conservation P r a i r i e Farm R e h a b i l i t a t i o n Act Canadian Council of Resource Ministers Potentials f o r integrated resource management  54 55 57 59 60 62 63 65  CASE STUDIES Introduction  67  The United States Forest Service Multiple use administration Possible shortcomings  67 68 70  Watersheds and drainage basins as units f o r integrated resource management  72  The Tennessee V a l l e y Authority  75  The Delaware River Basin C r i t e r i a for administration  82 85  Canada:  91  Ontario* s Conservation A u t h o r i t i e s  Conclusions VII  THE APPLICATION OF SOME TECHNIQUES OF ECONOMICS TO INTEGRATED RESOURCE MANAGEMENT Introduction  98  100  Economic Optimization Example: timber and forage Limitations Amenity resources  101 102 108 111  Benefit-Cost Analysis  112  CHAPTER  PAGE Linear Programming  113  Problems with outdoor recreation, and environmental  quality  Conclusions VIII  SYSTEMS ANALYSIS AND RESOURCE MANAGEMENT Introduction P r i n c i p l e s o f systems analysis Ecology and systems analysis Steps i n a p p l i c a t i o n The a p p l i c a t i o n of the p r i n c i p l e s o f systems analysis to integrated resource management: an example Components o f the system B i o l o g i c a l constraints Resource interactions Sequence of steps i n optimization Current l i m i t a t i o n s to a p p l i c a t i o n  IX  SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Summary  114 116  117 118 120 121  125 127 133 135 138 141 142  Conclusions and recommendations  146  LITERATURE CITED  149  APPENDIX  155  vi. LIST OF TABLES TABLE I  PAGE Acreage of public domain disposed of by federal and state governments to i n d i v i d u a l s and corporations, to June, 1909  15  vii. LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 2  Page Iso-cost and iso-revenue functions of possible combinations of timber and forage  105  Determination of optimum combination from relationship of t o t a l cost and t o t a l revenue  106  3  Transformation functions of two semi-compatible products  107  4  Transformation functions of two complementary products  107  5  Relationship of semi-compatible products with interdependent product c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s Flow chart of the steps involved i n the employment of systems technique  6 7 8 9  110 122  Diagram of hypothetical model for simulation of integrated resource management  126  Hypothetical changes of population c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s within a planning period (e.g. ten years)  129  Hypothetical relationships of beef consumption and population c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  130  viii. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis was instigated by the l a t e Dr. W. W. J e f f r e y , who as Chairman of the National Sub-committee on Multiple Use (a subcommittee of the National Committee on Forest Land), became aware of the need of such an investigation as t h i s thesis purports to be.  Dr. J e f f r e y ' s advice and  suggestions during the early stages of research were invaluable. The tragedy of h i s untimely death was a personal loss to me, and prevented the drafts o f t h i s thesis from b e n e f i t t i n g from h i s constructive c r i t i c i s m . I also acknowledge the debt of gratitude owed to a l l those  students  and faculty across the campus of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia who, both knowingly and unknowingly, contributed i n no small part to t h i s thesis. To my wife, Ann, goes an expression of my gratitude for her patience and cheerful s e c r e t a r i a l work.  1.  INTRODUCTION THE OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY The objective of t h i s thesis may be summed up as follows: (a)  through the examination and evaluation of past management philosophies  to determine how the term "multiple use of natural resources" has evolved, and to assess i t s meaning under current North American (b)  conditions;  to determine how and where such concepts of resource management are  being applied, and to attempt an evaluation of the r e s u l t s ; (c) having defined the meaning of, and analyzed case studies where forms of integrated resource management have been implemented, to draw conclusions as to the v a l i d i t y of such concepts of management, and to attempt recommendations for their employment i n wider f i e l d s , should t h i s be found to be necessary. THE NEED FOR THE STUDY The lack of understanding of the meaning, and of recognition of the concepts of multiple use by most resource agencies, has resulted i n vague and i n e f f e c t i v e discussion as to how,  or even i f , these concepts should be  implemented. Multiple use has strong s o c i a l connotations that are predestined to play an increasingly important r o l e i n resource development.  Thus i t i s  e s s e n t i a l that the concepts and meaning of t h i s term be f u l l y grasped by a l l those responsible for the e x p l o i t a t i o n of natural resources. DEFINITIONS The author has found himself obliged to approach t h i s topic from a p h i l o sophical standpoint that i s not peculiar to any p a r t i c u l a r d i s c i p l i n e .  Since  i t has become not unusual for specialized f i e l d s to impart often esoteric meanings to otherwise commonplace words, the use of such words i n t h i s work might lead to some confusion.  The following d e f i n i t i o n s give the meanings  of various words as they are used herein.  2. Wildland: This word has no exact d e f i n i t i o n .  The United States Forest Service  (1959) has c l a s s i f i e d various t r a c t s of land for recreational purposes as "wilderness," '"wild areas," " v i r g i n areas," "scenic areas" etc. which a l l have aspects of wildland as the term i s used here.  For taxation purposes  i n B r i t i s h Columbia, wildland consists of land other than that registered for subdivision into l o t s , or improved areas of coal land, forest land, timber land and tree farm licenses (B.C. Taxation Act, Section 4).  This  d e f i n i t i o n i s inapplicable to the context of t h i s work. As used i n t h i s t h e s i s , "wildland" i s understood to include any or a l l of the following categories: (a)  land that has not been influenced i n any way by man's a c t i v i t i e s ;  (b)  desolate land that i s removed from continuing management, e.g. abandoned  logged areas and s t r i p mining operations could be included here; (c)  land that i s not under permanent c u l t i v a t i o n (e.g. a g r i c u l t u r e ) , but  which may  experience  extensive management such as i s presently found on  some of B r i t i s h Columbia's tree farm l i c e n s e s ; other resource uses such as w i l d l i f e , and extensive recreation may  also be undertaken without the e f f e c t s  ruining the character of wildland. While acknowledging that a minimum area must be considered when management of wildland resources i s entertained, t h i s thesis does not propose to state a figure. Resource: Webster's (1966) d e f i n i t i o n of a resource as "something that i s ready for use, or can be drawn upon for a i d " allows further refinement of the word to take either a concrete or an abstract form.  Duerr (1960) includes techno-  l o g i c a l s k i l l s and knowledge as resources, while i n common with other  3. economists, concentrating attention on the t r i o of labour, c a p i t a l and land. In confining attention to "wildland resources" t h i s thesis deals s o l e l y with natural resources, i . e . natural phenomena that have values for man. I t i s obvious, however, that without inputs of labour and c a p i t a l many phenomena, p a r t i c u l a r l y the material ones, remain as untapped resources of unknown potential.  The differences between renewable and non-renewable resources are  discussed on page 132. A g r i c u l t u r a l crops and i n t e n s i v e l y managed forest plantations are not considered as wildland resources since they owe their existence to man* s activities.  However, where resources are extensively managed, e.g. w i l d l i f e ,  second growth forest that i s supplemented by planting, they are included under the "wildland" heading. In essence i t i s the degree of management that the resources  experience  which determines whether or not the land bearing them can be c l a s s i f i e d as wildland or not. Welfare: In t h i s work, t h i s word i s used to denote the well being o f a p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l or group, that r e s u l t s from an optimum combination of resource outputs from a wildland area. When used with reference to a group or population, society has customarily used the concept of a "majority" as a r b i t e r of the public welfare, public good, public interest (Parker, 1964).  In observing t h i s c r i t e r i o n i t becomes impos-  s i b l e to avoid c o n f l i c t s o f i n t e r e s t s between i n d i v i d u a l s and the population, and between populations.  The r e s o l u t i o n of these c o n f l i c t s i s the responsi-  b i l i t y of those i n d i v i d u a l s i n decision-making  p o s i t i o n s . These leaders have,  i n e f f e c t , the power to mould the public i n t e r e s t , no matter how unconsciously t h i s may be done.  Thus the decision-making  process i s an i n t e g r a l part of  p u b l i c welfare, as l a t e r chapters w i l l show.  4. Optimum Combination: As used i n l a t e r chapters, i t i s presupposed that a l l aspects of w i l d land resources are capable of evaluation, thus allowing a meaningful optimum to be calculated.  The term "optimum" i s used i n the sense of the Pareto  Optimum (Duerr op. c i t . ) i . e . that the demands upon p a r t i c u l a r wildland resources and the p o t e n t i a l resource outputs can be reconciled, a dynamic equilibrium being achieved such that any movement from i t cannot be affected without making more people worse o f f ( i n pure economics the units of measurement are monetary), than the number that eventually benefit.  5  CHAPTER I EUROPEAN EXPERIENCE WITH NATURAL RESOURCES  INTRODUCTION In order to survive, every society has had to adapt i t s e l f to the environment true.  i n which i t l i v e s .  This has been, and s t i l l i s , u n i v e r s a l l y  Populations thousands of years ago moulded the attitudes with which  a society views i t s environment.  Such legacies influence s o c i a l , r e l i g i o u s  and p o l i t i c a l behaviour. During those times when populations migrated they automatically carried with them t h e i r outlook of the physical world they had known.  With a mixture  of t r a d i t i o n , common sense and t r i a l and error, o l d practices became modified to s u i t the new environment.  In t h i s way, u n t i l recent times, people have  achieved an equilibrium with t h e i r environment  whereby a standard of l i v i n g  could be maintained without causing the d e t e r i o r a t i o n of the environment  that  would necessitate another s o c i a l upheaval. Any study of the development of natural resources i s , therefore, obliged to examine the t r a d i t i o n s and practices of e a r l i e r generations.  Chapter  One  presents a b r i e f look at the background of the forebears of the early s e t t l e r s i n North America, i n an attempt to determine causes of subsequent  behaviour.  6. There i s l i t t l e doubt that i n p r e h i s t o r i c times Central and Western Europe were covered by a mantle of trees, broken only where such mountains as the Alps and Carpathians rose above the tree l i n e (Darby, 1962).  Some of  the e a r l i e s t man-made clearings have been dated back to t h i s era but, being solely for the dwelling places of the Mesolithic hunters and  food gatherers,  they are of l i t t l e significance to early agrarian development. Primitive agriculture probably arrived i n Europe from the eastern Mediterranean i n N e o l i t h i c times, when f i r e and the f l i n t axe became important as tools for c l e a r i n g land.  Though slowly at f i r s t , the forest began to be  pushed back; the introduction of grazing animals was  the factor that was  to  prevent them from ever regaining t h e i r p r i s t i n e state. The  introduction of the heavy wheeled plough i n pre-Roman times was  n i f i c a n t i n two ways.  I t greatly enlarged the scope of the farmer who  then able to make use of heavier lowland s o i l s that had been too to work previously. oxen which no one  sigwas  difficult  For i t s operation the plough needed a sizeable team of  farmer possessed.  This led to the pooling of plough oxen  and ultimately to the i n s t i t u t i o n of farming communes (Evans, 1962). It seems probable that the l a t i f u n d i a (large a g r i c u l t u r a l t r a c t s ) that the Romans introduced  to southern I t a l y i n an e f f o r t to encourage large-scale  a g r i c u l t u r e , employed t h i s "pooling" p r i n c i p l e . about the second century B.C.,  L a t i f u n d i a reached Europe  and consisted of a combination of Greek and  Oriental a g r i c u l t u r a l practices.  O r i g i n a l l y owned by the state, they l a t e r  became private enterprises that were worked at f i r s t by slaves, and sequently by free labourers >  The  sub-  i n a form of serfdom.  feudal system became established i n the Merovingian kingdoms of  northwestern Europe i n the f i f t h and s i x t h centuries A.D. the peasants were afforded  Under t h i s system  security i n the form of physical security and  7 sustenance i n bad years i n return for a fee, paid i n service or kind, to the landowner.  Monarchies and church holdings accounted for roughly a t h i r d of  the developed areas of Europe, most of the rest being i n the hands of various n o b i l i t y (Knight et a l . , 1928).  By the twelfth century feudalism was wide-  spread throughout the continent and had reached i t s zenith. I t i s only i n recent times that the word "peasant" has come to imply rustic inferiority.  Previously the name referred to a permanent l i n k with  the s o i l - - " t h e paysan with h i s pays" (Evans o p . c i t . ) . and i s an accurate description of the tenant farmer of medieval times.  He depended on the land  for a l l h i s material needs and upon the seasons that were propitious or otherwise.  Much of h i s world was inexplicable to him, but the e x i s t i n g  paganism mingled with C h r i s t i a n i t y to give r i s e to superstitions, and thus the unknown or unforseen could always be attributed to s p i r i t s or saints. To ensure the success of h i s a c t i v i t i e s , and give thanks for harvests, the peasant observed r i t e s and ceremonies that have been handed down i n f o l k l o r e that can s t i l l be seen i n parts of Europe today. Superstition notwithstanding, the peasant had a p r a c t i c a l side to h i s nature that served him well.  The advent of the large plough had enabled him  to break more ground than could be used i n one year and so a method of allowing some land to r e s t , or " l i e fallow," for a year developed.  The method of using  common land" ( i . e . not r e s t r i c t e d to a p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l ' s use) for grazing purposes also dates back to feudal times, and l i k e fallowing, provided another way of coping with natural and other fluctuations with p o t e n t i a l l y disastrous  consequences.  The forest remained a v i t a l source of fuel and b u i l d i n g materials, and i n the proximity of v i l l a g e s c e r t a i n types of forest, notably the open mixed deciduous, were indispensable for fattening swine, and generally sheltering  8. stock.  There i s some evidence to suggest that these l a t t e r two points  dictated the pattern o f forest penetration i n Europe ( P f i e f e r , 1962). the  By  tenth century, mining i n central Germany and i n the t e r r i t o r i e s of the  Magyars and Slavs had reached s i g n i f i c a n t proportions, and the forest was also being used for pitprops and charcoal as well as for the usual domestic purposes. The peasant farmer with t h i s mixture of s u p e r s t i t i o n and p r a c t i c a l i t y has been the backbone of Europe for many centuries. been successful cannot be doubted.  That h i s practices have  P f i e f e r (op.cit.) noted, " t i l l i n g of s o i l  i n Central Europe dates back to N e o l i t h i c times yet i n the course of more than 5,000 years and considerable h i s t o r i c turbulence, the peasantry has maintained continuous productivity o f the land.*'  I t i s also of note that i n t h i s same  region, forest s t i l l covers more than 25% of the land's surface, and watersheds are s t i l l adequately protected. During the time when the feudal system was at i t s peak, the forests saw a great deal o f a c t i v i t y , namely i n the form o f man's migration eastward. Darby (op.cit.) drew an analogy between t h i s movement o f people from western Germany to eastern colonies, with that of the migration of people from the A t l a n t i c coast west across the American continent s i x or seven hundred years later. However, by the thirteenth century the advance had come to a h a l t ; Europe had passed i t s maximum agrarian e f f o r t for the time being (Darby op.cit.).  The pattern o f settlement s t a b i l i z e d and i n some l o c a l i t i e s there  was a reversal of migration.  The reasons for t h i s are not clear but can,  perhaps, be a t t r i b u t e d to general decline i n population as a r e s u l t of war (e.g. the  the Hundred Years War between England and France) and pestilence (e.g. black death of 1348).  This c r i s i s i n medieval development had f a r  9. reaching e f f e c t s , one of which was the ultimate demise of the feudal system. Landowners began to f e e l the loss of income and as peasant land became vacant i t was engulfed to form larger a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprises.  Growing  c i t i e s were making increased demands for grain production which were best met by large estates geared to single crop production. The remaining tenant farmers were often f o r c e f u l l y evicted, but because a c e r t a i n labour force was necessary, the peasants were sometimes retained.  Without t h e i r holdings these  people were v i r t u a l l y enslaved, being reduced m a t e r i a l l y , and i n status, to serfdom. for  Estates belonging to the church and royalty had enjoyed a reputation  f a i r treatment of peasants but from t h i s time on economic problems forced  them to treat t h e i r tenant farmers l i t t l e better than elsewhere (Knight, op.cit*). With the coming o f the Renaissance Period, the p o l i t i c a l , r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l problems of the peasantry were i n t e n s i f i e d .  The use of money  as a form of exchange became widespread and t h i s , too, worked against them. I f and when emancipation from serfdom was secured, the ensuing freedom had l i t t l e to commend i t - - t h e r e being l i t t l e i n the way of c i v i l r i g h t s and prospects for employment.  few  Many turned to r u r a l industries to help meet the  demands for c l o t h , pottery, glassware, e t c . , demands that were growing as c i t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those i n coastal situations, grew i n response to burgeoning shipping routes and trade and a steady inflow of luckless peasantry. The i n d u s t r i a l revolution of the seventeenth century introduced the automation which quickly caused the downfall of many r u r a l i n d u s t r i e s , sending another wave of people to the c i t i e s . By t h i s time the age of exploration and adventure was underway.  Many  colonies had already been established i n various parts of the world and the  10  c o l o n i s t s were seeking " c i v i l i z e d goods'* that could only be produced i n the r e l a t i v e l y i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c i t i e s of Europe. Expanding c i t i e s , i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and trade placed pressures upon the natural resources of every European country of scales h i t h e r t o unknown. forests were most seriously affected.  The  Not only was timber needed i n the  c i t i e s for construction purposes and domestic f u e l , i t was also i n great demand for shipbuilding and smelting.  The increasing requirements for a g r i -  c u l t u r a l land was another factor i n forest depletion. The r e s u l t s of continuing e x p l o i t a t i o n were recorded.  John Evelyn, an  English scholar and s c i e n t i s t , published an important work, "Sylva," i n 1664. In i t he noted "the errors of the forest despoilers," for while they were unable to cut down trees fast enough to s a t i s f y demands for shipbuilding and domestic fuel and many Londoners froze each winter, they gave no thought to future supplies. i n France:  Shortages could only be expected to increase.  Similarly  Jean Baptiste Colbert, o r i g i n a l l y involved with the decreasing  supply of ship timber, became most concerned about the c l e a r i n g p r a c t i c e s upon the steep h i l l s i d e s .  He noted the e f f e c t s of forest removal on water  regime, water q u a l i t y and the loss of f e r t i l i t y associated with erosion.  In  1669 Colbert published h i s famous French Forest Ordinances ( l a t e r to be known as the "Code C o l b e r t " ) .  In t h i s work he dealt with forest management, pre-  s c r i b i n g s i l v i c u l t u r a l systems and cutting procedures designed to ensure the improvement of French forests.  Similar observations were made i n other  European countries and various actions taken to protect the forests from complete devastation. astuteness  But Evelyn and Colbert p a r t i c u l a r l y , because of t h e i r  and foresightedness,  can possibly l a y claim to being among the  f i r s t modern writers to be concerned about the destructive use of natural r e sources and to propose remedial measures.  In short they were probably the  f i r s t writers upon the subject of conservation.  11.  CHAPTER I I THE SETTLEMENT OF NORTH AMERICA  INTRODUCTION At f i r s t glance i t might seem that the following pages are overly preoccupied with the United States o f America.  That t h i s i s so i s not to  be denied, and can be explained as follows: F i r s t l y , the United States has achieved, i n less than four centuries, a degree of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n based upon natural resources that other countries have developed over far longer periods.  This "telescoping i n time" greatly  f a c i l i t a t e s a study such as t h i s . Secondly, both the h i s t o r y of the country's development and i t s present status with regard to i t s natural resources have been well documented and the records made a v a i l a b l e .  This constitutes another factor that makes research,  such as that involved i n t h i s work, so p r o f i t a b l e . T h i r d l y , the United States i s ahead of most other countires i n i t s l e v e l of resource development.  This makes observation of i t worthwhile, i n that  i t s methods can be examined and improved upon or modified before being applied elsewhere.  12. EARLY IMMIGRANTS IN NORTH AMERICA Although most of the Europeans who became early s e t t l e r s i n the  New  World had a common a g r i c u l t u r a l heritage, i t would be wrong to equate them with the medieval peasantry previously mentioned.  Many had experienced c i t y  l i f e and had l o s t t h e i r connection with the land, becoming tradesmen, shopkeepers, etc. Europe.  However, most of them shared a common reason for leaving  This was some form of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and  p a r t i c u l a r l y r e l i g i o u s r e s t r i c t i o n s that had developed over the centuries and which they would no longer tolerate. The New World presented a s t i f f challenge.  Not only did the  face the prospects of a new country, but also a new way of l i f e .  immigrants In short,  they were forced to become almost completely s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t ; forest had to be cleared, timber hewn, buildings constructed and crops sown.  The change  i n outlook that must have accompanied t h i s change i n way of l i f e must have been profound, to say the l e a s t .  The removal of s o c i a l hindrances i n the  face of a wild abundance of nature gave r i s e to attitudes that had far-reaching effects.  "Once the medieval hierarchy of ' s p i r i t u a l ' over 'temporal' was over-  turned, competition unfettered and the a c q u i s i t i o n of wealth made respectable, a stupendous force for change was unchained."  (Knight et a l . o p . c i t . ) .  The forests of the A t l a n t i c seaboard were the f i r s t to f e e l the brunt of settlement.  The land was needed for agriculture and the timber for con-  struction and f u e l .  Timber not immediately needed was stacked around stumps  and burned to prevent them from coppicing; trees too b i g to be cut were r i n g barked and l e f t to die (Chinard, 1945). was a tool widely used i n North America  As had been the case i n Europe, for clearing the forest.  fire  The apparent  abundance of forest was the reason for a lack of concern that resulted i n many clearing f i r e s wiping out acres and acres of v i r g i n forest, long before the land was needed for settlement.  Swift (1968) t o l d how  freely f i r e was  used,  13. not only for c l e a r i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l land, "Children f i r e d the woods when looking for cows; s e t t l e r s out a f t e r summer venison set o f f dry slashings; and at night during spring and f a l l , the horizon glowed a develish red from flames that ate away the forest ... and the s e t t l e r s laughed v i n d i c t i v e l y as the f i r e leaped at the trees and young saplings, and destroyed  the very  l i f e of the s o i l . " The s e t t l e r s brought with them the a g r i c u l t u r a l practices that they knew.  Where the new holdings were e c o l o g i c a l l y similar to the regions where  the practices had been developed, they were generally successful. the i n f l i c t i o n  However,  of practices unsuitable to the land that had been taken up,  resulted i n some successful harvests  followed by smaller and smaller ones.  This was the story o f many southern states, where the plough, followed by such row crops as cotton, maize and tobacco were the cause of wind and water erosion ( F f i e f e r o p . c i t . ) .  Upon the loss of f e r t i l i t y the farm was said to  have "worn out,'* and the occupier and h i s family moved on, taking with him the same techniques to"wear out" other  areas.  THE HISTORY OF RESOURCE LEGISLATION IN THE UNITED STATES The  following discussion of l e g i s l a t i v e h i s t o r y of the United  States  government with respect to natural resources i s based upon the work o f Van Hise (1913), and Dana (1956). The American government saw the settlement  of land as the primary means  of achieving progress i n the country* s development.  Sales of land were made  i n 1784, 1787 and 1792, at an average p r i c e of seventy-five cents per acre. In t h i s fashion the government hoped to see the country under c u l t i v a t i o n and to l i n e the c o f f e r s of the treasury department.  However, the acreage disposed  of i n t h i s fashion was small, and i n 1796 the General Land Act put up for public sale surveyed land at $1.20 per acre.  S t i l l the rate of settlement  14. was  less than the government had hoped for and i n 1820 the price was  lowered.  In 1841 the Pre-emption Law was passed which gave the pre-emptor three months i n which to f i l e h i s claim and thirty-three months i n which to pay $1.25 acre for a minimum of one hundred and s i x t y acres. pretation of t h i s law allowed the unscrupulous  per  However, the i n t e r -  opportunities to make "dummy  e n t r i e s , " and large holdings under single ownership were established " i n clear v i o l a t i o n of the law's intent" (Van Hise o p . c i t . ) .  The Homestead Act  of 1862, apart from the payment of fees, l i t e r a l l y gave land away i n parcels of one hundred and sixty acres upon proof of five years' residence, c u l t i vation and improvement.  Although t h i s act went some way to achieve the  government's goal of e s t a b l i s h i n g bona fide s e t t l e r s , i t too was open to misinterpretation.  The act included a commutation clause (allowing purchase  a f t e r only fourteen months from the f i l i n g of a claim) through which i n d i viduals and corporations were able to establish claims to considerable t r a c t s of land. There followed the Mineral Land Act of 1866 and the Coal Land Act of 1873, both of which were intended to grant s e t t l e r s the r i g h t to the r e spective minerals of a claim, but these were s i m i l a r l y abused, as was  the  Timber and Stone Act of 1878, which led to accumulation of great t r a c t s of timbered land i n the west.  The government of the time a l s o disposed of  extremely large acreages as m i l i t a r y bounties, land grants to colleges and churches and p a r t i c u l a r l y as grants to r a i l r o a d companies i n return for opening up the country.  This movement of land from government control into  few p r i v a t e hands, was to be a bone of contention i n the years to come.  15.  TABLE I Acreage of p u b l i c domain disposed of by federal and state governments to i n d i v i d u a l s and corporations, to June, 1909. (After Van Hise, 1913) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.  Lands disposed of by cash sale, including pre-emption and commutation homestead sales to 1880, but none since that date Pre-emption a c t , J u l y 1, 1880 to June 30, 1909 . . Graduation act Homestead act Mineral and Coal lands Timber culture act Timber and stone act Desert land act M i l i t a r y bounty Scrip other than m i l i t a r y bounty and a g r i c u l t u r a l college Corporation grants . . . Totals to i n d i v i d u a l s and corporations  . . . .  T o t a l o r i g i n a l domain  182,515,289 27,361,836 25,696,420 115,124,295 2,047,527 11,875,785 12,566,015 5,149,546 63,958,631 1,617,800 123.718.338 571,631,482 1,400,000,000  The middle of the nineteenth century witnessed steady expansion  and  development of the east of the continent and the serious beginnings of migration westward.  The country was  f i l l i n g up and e x p l o i t a t i o n proper  was  getting underway. North American forests have a h i s t o r y of natural f i r e s that can be traced back thousands of years.  The extensive areas of slash and logging debris that  followed clear-cut logging p r a c t i c e s provided the f o c i for f i r e s that caused the l o s s , not only of m i l l i o n s of acres of forest and b i l l i o n s of board of timber, but also thousands of human l i v e s (Swift o p . c i t . ) . moved from east to west the f i r e s followed him.  feet  As the logger  There was the Peshtigo F i r e  i n Wisconsin i n 1871 that was outmatched i n a l l i t s catastrophic features, except human m o r t a l i t y , by the Tillamook F i r e s i n Oregon beginning i n 1933, with f i r e s of comparable proportions across the land i n the intervening years (Thirgood, 1961).  16 The theory that the plough would follow the axe was common among the early settlers.  I t was the cause of much hardship and the r u i n a t i o n of much  land that was completely unsuitable for a g r i c u l t u r e .  Removal of the Indians  from the short grass p l a i n s opened up the country for grazing.  But as with  the forests the range-land looked inexhaustible and huge herds of c a t t l e were established.  The r e s u l t i n g overgrazing rapidly deteriorated the range's po-  t e n t i a l , replacing grasses by unpalatable species that allowed the t o p s o i l to be turned to dust and blown away.  The e f f e c t s of logging, poor a g r i c u l t u r a l  methods and overgrazing found expression not only i n the v i c i n i t y of these a c t i v i t i e s , but through the p o l l u t i o n of watercourses and disturbance of water regimes.  Populations miles away were forced to tolerate floods and drought.  The e f f e c t s of the abuse of the nation's basic resources on such a scale were only slowly r e a l i z e d by the American people.  The picture was  clarified  and put into perspective by George Marsh, who published an important work i n 1864, "Man  and Nature."  Marsh had t r a v e l l e d i n Europe and had become aware  of the growing concern that those countries were experiencing with regard to t h e i r limited resources.  He had recorded h i s observations and, upon h i s return  to America, Marsh had synthesized h i s ideas (Glacken, 1965).  From an  informed  point of view he attributed to mankind the disturbance of the natural balance of l i f e that had been decreed by God.  Such imbalances could only be d e t r i -  mental to the environment and ultimately to man himself. current rumblings  Because of the  of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with land p o l i c i e s i n America, Marsh's  book was well received.  Whereas i n Europe the contrast between v i r g i n land  and settled land was deep i n the past and a l l but forgotten, " i n America the contrast was r e a l to a single generation" (Glacken o p . c i t . ) , and the r e s u l t s of c i v i l i z a t i o n were not a l l pleasant.  17. Although there was a general feeling that something was wrong with the nation's e x p l o i t i v e p r a c t i c e s , i t was  the government's method of disposal of  the public domain that caused the greatest discontent.  I l l e g a l interpretations  of laws, fraudulence and corruption were commonplace; the public could only look on h e l p l e s s l y . Writing i n 1910, Van Hise said, "the far reaching  de-  generation of public morals i n consequence of defective land laws has extended ... throughout the nation from the humblest c i t i z e n to those i n high places." These were the basic reasons for the support that the Movement received i n the early decades of the twentieth  Conservation  century.  18  CHAPTER I I I  GROWTH OF AMERICAN CONCERN WITH RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT  THE CONSERVATION MOVEMENT The l a s t few years of the nineteenth century saw a changed America. The open f r o n t i e r had disappeared, the whole country had been opened up, natural resources were being converted into private fortunes and the public were becoming more aware and concerned about i t s r i g h t s and p o l i c i e s concerning the national heritage than ever before. The creation of the Department of the I n t e r i o r i n 1849 and the Department of Agriculture i n 1862 (Swift o p . c i t . ) . were the f i r s t small steps toward c o l l e c t i v e l y protecting natural resources.  Apart from these moves,  there was l i t t l e government a c t i o n toward remedying some of the opportunities for abuse u n t i l 1891, when the Timber and Culture Act and Pre-emption Act were repealed.  In a more p o s i t i v e v e i n , that same year Congress granted the  President, Benjamin Harrison, the power of withdrawing  from private develop-  ment various forested lands into forest reserves (Van Hise o p . c i t . ) . This Congressional action was the eventual r e s u l t of a paper presented to the American A s s o c i a t i o n for the Advancement of Science i n 1873 F r a n k l i n Hough (Van Hise o p . c i t . ) .  by  The paper showed p a r t i c u l a r appreciation  19. of the e v i l s that have come to other countires as the r e s u l t of depletion of t h e i r forests, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n mountainous regions.  Hough was appointed by the  government to gather information on the nation's forests:  i n 1881 the D i v i s i o n  of Forestry was established as a branch o f the Department o f Agriculture.  In  1886 Bernard Fernow, a German with a forestry education from h i s home country, was made head of the D i v i s i o n .  But u n t i l the establishment of forest reserves  i n 1891, the D i v i s i o n had no federal forests to look a f t e r and had to confine i t s a c t i v i t i e s mainly to giving advice to those private foresters that sought it.  I n i t i a l l y the reserves were made as a step toward preventing the depletion  of the nation's forests; i n t h i s way they precluded any use a t all--much to the anger of private i n t e r e s t s , and by 1897 about t h i r t y - e i g h t m i l l i o n acres of forest land had been reserved (Dana o p . c i t . ) . Reserve Act remedied the s i t u a t i o n :  In the same year the Forest  e s s e n t i a l l y the Act declared that the  reserves were "to improve and protect the forest ... secure favourable cond i t i o n s of water flows ... and to furnish a continuous supply of timber for the use and necessities o f c i t i z e n s of the United States" (McConnell, 1959). However, legal p r o v i s i o n and p r a c t i c a l management i n a developing country as large as the United States were two very d i f f e r e n t matters.  There were  many p o l i t i c a l and i n d u s t r i a l stumbling blocks i n the path o f successful practice.  In 1898, G i f f o r d Pinchot, who was to become the evangelist o f  Conservation, succeeded Fernow as head of the D i v i s i o n o f Forestry.  Pinchot  had had a year's forestry education i n Europe, and with h i s persistence and active dedication to the a p p l i c a t i o n o f basic forestry to the American scene, made headway towards the implementation  of the 1897 Act.  In 1901 the  D i v i s i o n of Forestry was made into a Bureau i n the Department of A g r i c u l t u r e , with Pinchot as Chief Forester (McGeary, 1960).  20 P r i o r to 1905  the forest reserves had been under the control of the  Department of the I n t e r i o r , the personnel of Which had less than a smattering of forestry knowledge (Pinchot, 1947).  Such a s i t u a t i o n was not at a l l to  the l i k i n g of the young and enthusiastic Bureau.  In 1905, a f t e r years of  p o l i t i c a l wrangling, the transference of the forest reserves was made and the Bureau of Forestry became the Forest Service.  U n t i l t h i s time federal  forestry work involved l i t t l e more than the preparation of working plans for private forests.  Suddenly the Forest Service found i t s e l f with the problem  of implementing " p r a c t i c a l forestry i n the l i g h t of l o c a l f a c t s and needs" (Pinchot op.cit.) on the forest reserves that t o t a l l e d by t h i s time eightys i x m i l l i o n acres. The amalgamation of the forest o f f i c e of the Department of the I n t e r i o r and the Bureau of Forestry to form the new Forest Service was a large undertaking that Pinchot c h e e r f u l l y accepted.  To t h i s end he set down i n the form  of a l e t t e r a statement of national forest p o l i c y that was to be signed by James Wilson, Secretary of A g r i c u l t u r e , and sent to himself.  This l e t t e r i s  a landmark i n the h i s t o r y of resource management i n the United States, and continues to be a keystone of Forest Service p o l i c y .  I t s text merits  duplication: In the administration of the forest reserves i t must be c l e a r l y borne i n mind that a l l land i s to be devoted to i t s most productive use for the permanent good of the whole people, and not for the temporary benefit of i n d i v i d u a l s or companies. A l l the resources of forest reserves are for use, and t h i s use must be brought about i n a thoroughly prompt and business-like manner, under such r e s t r i c t i o n s only as w i l l insure the permanence of these resources. The v i t a l importance of forest reserves to the great i n d u s t r i e s of the Western States w i l l be l a r g e l y increased i n the near future by the continued steady advance i n settlement and development. The permanence of the resources of the reserves i s therefore indispensable to continued prosperity, and the p o l i c y of t h i s department for t h e i r protection and use w i l l invariably be guided by t h i s f a c t , always bearing i n mind that the conservative use of these resources i n no way c o n f l i c t s with t h e i r permanent value.  21. You w i l l see to I t that the water, wood, and forage of the reserves are conserved and wisely used for the benefit of the home builder f i r s t of a l l , upon whom depends the best permanent use of lands and resources a l i k e . The continued prosperity of the a g r i c u l t u r a l , lumbering, mining, and l i v e s t o c k i n t e r e s t s i s d i r e c t l y dependent upon a permanent and accessible supply of water, wood, and forage, as well as upon the present and future use of t h e i r resources under businesslike regulations, enforced with promptness, e f f e c t i v e n e s s , and common sense. In the management of each reserve l o c a l questions w i l l be decided upon l o c a l grounds; the dominant industry w i l l be considered f i r s t , but with as l i t t l e r e s t r i c t i o n to minor industries as may be p o s s i b l e ; sudden:changes i n i n d u s t r i a l conditions w i l l be avoided by gradual adjustment a f t e r due notice; and where c o n f l i c t i n g i n t e r e s t s must be reconciled the question w i l l always be decided from the standpoint of the greatest good of the greatest number i n the long run. These general p r i n c i p l e s w i l l govern i n the protection and use of the water supply, i n the disposal of timber and wood, i n the use of the range, and i n a l l other matters connected with the management of the reserves. They can be successfully applied only when the administration i s l e f t l a r g e l y i n the hands of the l o c a l o f f i c e r , under the eyes of thoroughly trained and competent inspectors. (Pinchot op.cit.) The ideas thus stated were elaborated upon i n the f i r s t issue of a manual, several times revised which came to be k n o w n — o f f i c i a l l y , u l t i m a t e l y — as "The Use Book." The p r i n c i p l e s embodied i n the l e t t e r recognize the following points: 1.  Natural resources should not be considered as ends i n themselves;  they  only have value inasmuch as they are i n demand; 2.  Conservation and use are not contradictory terms, so long as the  "permanent value" or sustained productivity i s not impaired; 3.  In considering s p e c i f i c cases, the industry most important to l o c a l  i n t e r e s t s w i l l be given special a t t e n t i o n , while other industries were to be hindered as l i t t l e as p o s s i b l e . A l l resources were recognized as being of value to p a r t i c u l a r groups.  The Use Book recognized at least twenty-seven  uses of the national forests besides timber production and grazing; these ranged from t r a i l s and apiaries to e l e c t r i c powerlines and the p r o t e c t i o n of game (McConnell  op.cit.);  22. 4.  In allowing such a m u l t i p l i c i t y of uses c o n f l i c t s would be i n e v i t a b l e ,  and t h e i r r e s o l u t i o n should be toward the goal o f achieving the greatest good for the greatest number i n the long run.*  This phrase has been vaguely, but  often, c i t e d as the fundamental goal of Forest Service p o l i c y , yet no one can say who the greatest number are, what i s good f o r them, or how long i s a long run.  However, i n Pinchot's day, when the Forest Service r e l i e d more  on common sense than technical a b i l i t y , the phrase was very useful as a c r i t e r i o n for decision-making  within the confines of the National Forests.  Under Pinchot's vigorous leadership and scrupulous honesty the Service became a highly e f f i c i e n t u n i t .  The reserves were opened f o r use and a l l  resources were given consideration from the point o f view of l o c a l inhabitants. Control o f timber c u t t i n g , establishment and regulation of grazing fees and forest f i r e protection were but three o f the early problems that the Service successfully coped with. Whilst i t was exemplary i n many ways, the Forest Service was the youngest of a considerable number o f government agencies that had to do with the adm i n i s t r a t i o n o f the nation's resources.  Not only were there separate  depart-  ments for each resource but i n some cases separate departments f o r d i f f e r e n t aspects of management o f the same resource.  Between these agencies there was  often a complete lack of co-operation and many i n fact were i n open competition with each other, to the detriment o f e f f i c i e n t resource development (Pinchot op.cit.).  1  The o r i g i n o f t h i s phrase i s ascribed to Jeremy Bentham, 1748-1832, an English philosopher and p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t . The Benthamite Society proposed that the phrase "the greatest happiness of the greatest number" should be adopted as the goal o f society and the i n d i v i d u a l ( M i l l , 1921).  23 Pinchot, as head of the Forest Service, found himself forced to associate with many agencies and departments between which there more than a trace of antagonism. development was  R e a l i z i n g how  was  the goal of r a t i o n a l  suffering through lack of cooperation Pinchot  experienced,  judging from h i s own words, what can only be described as a v i s i o n : "Suddenly the idea flashed through my head, that there was unity i n t h i s complication - that the r e l a t i o n of one resource to another was not the end of the story. Here were no longer a l o t of d i f f e r e n t independent and often antagonistic questions, each on i t s own separate l i t t l e i s l a n d as we had been i n the habit of thinking. In place of them here was a single question with many parts. Seen i n t h i s new l i g h t a l l these separate questions f i t t e d i n t o and made up the one great problem of the use of the earth for the good of man." (Pinchot op.cit.) These thoughts i n 1907 were the seeds of what was to become the p h i l o sophy of "multiple use," but more immediately,  they were the foundation of  the Conservation Movement. Although many of the ideas concerning resource development were apparently Pinchot*s, he r e l i e d on such men as W. J . McGee, Overton-Price, G. Woodruff, J . G a r f i e l d , F. Newlands, P. Wells (to r i s k naming only a few) for more than moral support. man  But i t was President Theodore Roosevelt who,  being an outdoors  and dedicated to r a t i o n a l development of the growing nation, played the  most important r o l e i n seeing those ideas become r e a l i t i e s .  He accepted  concepts of the "conservation of natural resources" with a l a c r i t y :  the  they  became c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of h i s administration, part of h i s p o l i t i c a l platform and generally known as the "Conservation Movement." Before Roosevelt's term of o f f i c e came to an end i n 1909, considerable a c t i v i t y i n the administration of many resources. 1907  there The  was year  saw the establishment of the Inland Waterways Commission, whose terms  of reference dealt with the c o n t r o l of complete r i v e r systems, with considera t i o n being given to a l l impinging resources.  In 1908 the Country L i f e  24. Commission was established to investigate the standard of l i v i n g of r u r a l populations. The importance of conservation was of such national concern a t t h i s time, that springing from a suggestion made by the members of the Inland Waterways Commission, the President c a l l e d a national conference on conservation.  The  White House Conference of 1908 was a milestone i n conservation h i s t o r y . "Never before i n the h i s t o r y of the nation had so representative an audience gathered together ... to consider a great national question."  (Van Hise op.cit.)  The p a r t i c i p a n t s consisted of nearly a l l the governors of the i n d i v i d u a l states, other s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l figures, as well as leading s c i e n t i s t s .  The con-  ference heard a number of papers dealing with the current state of forest, mineral, s o i l and water resources, with predictions of future conditions i f these rates and methods of e x p l o i t a t i o n were maintained.  So impressed were  the conferees with the facts presented to them that they drew up a comprehensive l i s t of resolutions dealing with the use of each of the nation's resources, pointing out the extravagances and reckless waste of the past and making i t clear that upon the conservation of America's natural resources depended the foundations of the n a t i o n s prosperity. 1  As a r e s u l t of the White House Conference, Roosevelt appointed a National Conservation Commission.  Pinchot was Chairman, and the Commission consisted  of four sections assigned r e s p e c t i v e l y to minerals, waters, forests and s o i l s . In succeeding months numerous state conservation commissions were s i m i l a r l y established. The immediate goal of the national commission was to survey and inventory the country's resources.  The subsequent report ran to three volumes, and  whilst i t assumed only an approximation,  i t nevertheless formed a basis f o r  quantitative as well as q u a l i t a t i v e discussion for future management.  25. With the premise that resources are not defined by p o l i t i c a l Roosevelt c a l l e d another conservation conference i n 1909  boundaries,  for which he i n v i t e d  the Governors of Canada, Newfoundland and the President o f Mexico to send representatives.  The assembly became known as the North American Conservation  Conference and considered the p r i n c i p l e s of conservation as they applied to the North American continent. By t h i s time, the scope of the Conservation Movement had widened remarkably.  Included with the f a m i l i a r subjects of forests, s o i l and water  were such headings as the conservation of c h i l d l i f e and manhood, the establishment of parcel post and improved sanitation i n Cuba and the P h i l l i p i n e s (McConnell, 1954).  In short, conservation had taken under i t s  wing issues of a moral and s o c i a l nature. Current thinking was that the shortage of basic resources had been a common cause of the wars that had plagued the h i s t o r y of mankind, and could be expected to continue to be so.  (Pinchot o p . c i t . ) .  Conservation was  seen  as an antidote and consequently Roosevelt proposed a worldwide conference that would meet i n The Hague.  By the end of h i s term of o f f i c e i n 1909  t h i r t y countries had accepted i n v i t a t i o n s to attend, but President T a f t , Roosevelt's successor,saw f i t to n u l l i f y the assembly. The end of President Roosevelt's term of o f f i c e was i n e f f e c t the end of the most a c t i v e era of conservation that America has ever known.  The  following year Pinchot clashed with T a f t ' s Secretary of the I n t e r i o r , B e l l i n g e r , over the proposed disposal of valuable coal lands i n Alaska and eventually resigned as Head of the Forest Service.  26. DISCUSSION OF THE MEANING OF "CONSERVATION" The impact of the attitudes and l e g i s l a t i o n of t h i s time have influenced resource management p o l i c i e s of North America (and probably a wider sphere) up to the present day.  I t would be worthwhile to attempt, as far as p o s s i b l e ,  to b r i e f l y assess the Conservation Movement. Although the word "conservation" was new to t h i s context, the ideas behind i t were b a s i c a l l y those put forward by such people as Evelyn, Colbert and George Marsh. man  In essence these were that natural resources were given to  for usufruct alone:  they were to be used for the benefit of a l l rather  than the few, and be handed on unspoiled to the next generation.  The c o n t r i -  bution of the Roosevelt-Pinchot group was to turn these philosophies into a p o l i t i c a l movement.  As mentioned, the term became widely used and the p o l i t i c a l  concepts embodied i n i t became i d e n t i f i e d with Progressivism (McConnell, i b i d . ) . The term "conservation** has not been, and probably cannot be, c l e a r l y defined.  Attempts at a d e f i n i t i o n use any combination of:  wise use;  preservation and use; good husbandry; use without waste; use with purposeful goals i n mind, and more recently, preservation of wilderness or s i l e n t areas. Pinchot (1910) set out i n h i s book, "The Fight for Conservation," three principles: 1. "The f i r s t p r i n c i p l e of conservation i s development and use of natural resources now e x i s t i n g on t h i s continent for the benefit of the people who  l i v e here now."  This helped to a l l a y the fears of those  who  claimed that conservation was r e s t r i c t e d to preservation. 2.  "Conservation stands for the prevention of waste ...  The f i r s t duty  of the human race i s to control the earth i t l i v e s on." 3.  "The natural resources must be developed and preserved for the  benefit of the many and not merely for the p r o f i t of the few."  This " a n t i -  27. monopoly" l i n e had popular appeal and won focused attention on the small man  the Movement followers.  It  i n the face of the powerful few  who,  at t h i s time, were a l l tarred with the brush of having obtained their wealth through dishonesty. The Movement's p r i n c i p l e s can be defined as u t i l i t a r i a n and i n nature:  egalitarian  i t s ultimate goal was without doubt "the greatest good of the  greatest number i n the long run." The immediate achievements of the Movement can be l i s t e d as follows: 1.  Considerable areas of land were withdrawn from possible private  accession and retained to the government for public management.  By  1909  approximately 197 m i l l i o n acres had been reserved (Van Hise o p . c i t . ) . 2.  The presence of a sympathetic president at the time of public aware-  ness and general d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the e x p l o i t a t i o n scene resulted i n l e g i s l a t i o n that has continued  to influence government agencies i n the United  States. 3.  The i d e a l plan for conservation would involve complete coordination  of a l l those administrations that have any authority i n f i e l d s of resource exploitation. However, the Movement r a p i d l y declined i n strength a f t e r 1910, never since reached the l e v e l of v i t a l i t y of the Roosevelt-Pinchot  and  has  years.  As a p o l i t i c a l movement conservation was one thing, but for d i r e c t i n g management i n s p e c i f i c instances i t was  inadequate.  The vague d e f i n i t i o n s  and lack of p r a c t i c a l i t y did not constitute the c r i t e r i a upon which decisions could be made i n the face of c o n f l i c t s . was  Once the leaders had gone, a l l that  l e f t were philosophies and doctrines of almost purely r h e t o r i c a l  nature.  The p r i n c i p l e s themselves were impregnable, being of the highest s o c i a l and moral c a l i b r e .  Any opposition to "the greatest good of the greatest number,"  for instance, would be judged b a s i c a l l y e v i l .  28. Swain (1963) pointed oat another f a u l t of the Movement, namely "a propensity to Ignore aesthetic considerations."  I t neglected w i l d l i f e  and natural beauty, so entrenched had i t become i n i t s u t i l i t a r i a n doctrines. In 1913 Pinchot clashed with John Muir over the construction of the HetchHetchy Dam  i n Yosemite National Park.  Pinchot supported the dam and the  r e s u l t was a personal d i s l i k e between the two men op.cit.).  for many years (McGeary  Over such issues the conservation leaders bickered and eventually  splintered the core of the Movement.  The p r i n c i p l e s were just not strong  enough to hold these factions together.  Prospects of achieving an integrated  approach to resource management deteriorated from t h i s time, and have not noticeably improved since. One reason for the Movement losing public support was that i t s pred i c t i o n s of national impoverishment i f conservation were not adopted had not been proven true.  Whereas Pinchot*s ideas had gained a firm hold, the  reckless abuse of resources during the previous decades had not disappeared, yet no one seemed to be too much the worse for i t . standard of l i v i n g was,  On the contrary, the  i f anything, slowly improving.  Raushenbush (1952), analyzing the continued demise of the Conservation Movement, i d e n t i f i e d four influences that have "battered away at the old ideal...": 1,  The sequence of world wars and depressions rendered the p r i n c i p l e s  of conservation untenable i n the face of such emergencies, " i t became easier to preach conservation than to achieve i t , and easier to ignore i t than to preach 2.  it." Science has shown that resource s c a r c i t i e s can be a l l e v i a t e d by  the production of substitute products;  29. 3.  Improved trading communications have meant that a resource i n short  supply could be expeditiously imported.  In other words, the national inven-  tory of a p a r t i c u l a r resource need not be a l i m i t i n g factor; 4.  The Movement l o s t some of i t s popularity because of the fear that  i t might lead to too much government c o n t r o l , which may  not always be the  perfect antidote to the e v i l s of the economic market system. The lack of a precise d e f i n i t i o n of conservation, neglect of aesthetic values and the dual nature of the Movement's o r i g i n s (McConnell,  1954)  ( v i z . Marsh's environmental s a n c t i t y and Pinchot's u t i l i t a r i a n i s m ) , have resulted i n a spectrum of attitudes ranging from complete preservation to d i r e c t e x p l o i t a t i o n , each claiming to be following the path of conservation. These varied attitudes are to be found written into the p o l i c y statements of almost a l l government departments. Movement has been l e f t .  However, a more subtle legacy of the  This i s a general awareness of the North American  public that the rate and manner i n which a resource i s developed and used can have far-reaching e f f e c t s . AN OUTLINE OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF NATURAL RESOURCES SINCE THE CONSERVATION MOVEMENT Much has been written about the subsequent development and p o l i c y formulation of the agencies i n charge of resources i n the United States, e.g. Swain ( o p . c i t . ) , Clepper (1966), and C a l l i s o n (1967), and i t i s not proposed to duplicate the works here.  Certain trends i n the development  of each of the major resources can be i d e n t i f i e d . except where otherwise  stated, these trends w i l l be mentioned i n order to  provide the background necessary 1.  Using the above l i t e r a t u r e ,  for subsequent chapters.  The desire to meet conservation, as well as e x p l o i t i v e demands,  became more apparent during the 1920s, when the physical l i m i t s of each  30. resource was  clearly realized.  To s a t i s f y these demands, intensive management  based upon sound s c i e n t i f i c p r i n c i p l e s was  i n e v i t a b l e , and research branches  o f many government departments were established to supply the needed 2.  The  information.  fear of monopolies persisted for many years with corresponding  pressures put upon the government to increase the Public Domaine, and  to  develop resources under i t s control i n a "Progressive" manner. 3.  Private landowners were encouraged to seek professional advice  a i d to ensure management of t h e i r land i n a s c i e n t i f i c manner.  and  U n t i l recently  the federal and state governments were the only sources of such services, e.g. the Clark McNary Act of 1924 made possible a i d to private forest companies for comprehensive f i r e protection and tree planting (Dana o p . c i t . ) .  During  the 1930'8 farmers were encouraged to a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t e i n s o i l conservation projects. 4.  Washington met with only l i m i t e d success i n attempting  enforcement of conservation measures when l o c a l knowledge was  general  i t s e l f limited.  For the most part, however, t h i s s i t u a t i o n has been remedied, not only by government having more information on l o c a l conditions, but also by c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , i . e . delegation of authority to l o c a l agents.  The  the  deForest  Service had established l o c a l ranger stations with successful r e s u l t s under Pinchot's leadership.  In 1937,  S o i l Conservation D i s t r i c t s were formed to  give farmers and ranchers power to organize d i s t r i c t s solely for the conservation of s o i l and water at a l o c a l l e v e l while applying federal and assistance.  state  The Watershed Protection and Flood Prevention Act of 1954  is  authorized to ensure "technical cost-sharing and c r e d i t a i d to l o c a l organi z a t i o n s i n planning and implementing works of improvement" for (a) flood protection, (b) a g r i c u l t u r a l water management, i . e . i r r i g a t i o n and drainage, and  (c) non-agricultural water management, "including municipal or i n d u s t r i a l  water supplies, f i s h and w i l d l i f e development."  (Sopper, 1966).  31. 5.  Although the conception of a u n i f i e d approach to management was  f i r s t mentioned by Pinchot i n 1907,  disregarding for the moment the work  of the Forest Service, the f i r s t sign of implementation of t h i s did  not appear u n t i l 1928.  philosophy  In that year, the Swing-Johnson B i l l was passed  providing for the construction i n Boulder Canyon, Colorado, of the multipurpose dam—later named the Hoover Dam.  first  The project was assigned  to  the Bureau of Reclamation and, when completed, water from the dam would be used for i r r i g a t i o n and hydroelectric power, while the dam control the waters of the Colorado R i v e r — t h e immense damage during e a r l i e r years.  This was  i t s e l f would  flooding of which had caused the f i r s t large-scale federal  conservation project based upon multiple purpose objectives; i t thus demanded the i n t e g r a t i o n of a l l those i n t e r e s t s involved with the use, disposal and control of the one-river system.  The Grand Coulee Dam  on the Columbia River  a few years l a t e r was a s i m i l a r multipurpose project.  RESULTS OF ISOLATIONISM OF RESOURCE AGENCIES AND  PROBLEMS OF COORDINATION  For economic reasons, multipurpose projects could hardly have been avoided.  Such cooperation of involved agencies, however, i s limited to par-  t i c u l a r projects, which are few i n number, and does not constitute much of a step toward coordination of continuing programs. Since the turn of the century the number of federal departments, bureaux, advisory boards, committees and o f f i c e s involved with natural resources mushroomed.  has  The array i s bewildering and the lack of e f f i c i e n c y i n resource  administration can be recognized i n t u i t i v e l y .  The goal of coordination of  agencies has not e n t i r e l y been l o s t sight of, however. Committee resulted i n the establishment  In 1949  the Hoover  of Interagency Coordinating Committees  but, lacking a c e n t r a l authority with s u f f i c i e n t power to achieve the goal,  32. the representatives of the member bureaux and departments have been apparently unable to resolve basic c o n f l i c t s of i n t e r e s t s . In a special message to Congress i n 1961, President Kennedy showed that he was keenly aware of the problem. "In the past, (resource) p o l i c i e s have overlapped and often c o n f l i c t e d . Funds were wasted on competing e f f o r t s . Widely d i f f e r i n g standards were applied to measure federal contribution to s i m i l a r p r o j e c t s . Funds and attentions devoted to annual appropriations or immediate pressures diverted energies away from long-range planning for natural economic growth. Fees and user charges wholly inconsistentwith public p o l i c y have been imposed at some federal developments." (American Forests, 1961) To implement coordination, the President proposed to issue one or more Executive Orders:  (a) redefining r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s within the Executive  O f f i c e ; (b) e s t a b l i s h i n g a P r e s i d e n t i a l Advisory Committee on Natural Resources under the Council of Economic Advisors; and (c) i n s t r u c t i n g the Budget Director to formulate p r i n c i p l e s upon which to base user fees and  permits.  The author has been unable to find what, i f anything, became of President Kennedy* s proposals. In a penetrating a r t i c l e , an anonymous writer (obviously familiar with resource p o l i c i e s and the structure of United States Federal Government) set out quite c l e a r l y examples of c o n f l i c t and d u p l i c a t i o n of agency responsibilities.  Mister Z r i g h t l y claimed that these were the r e s u l t of the large  number of agencies i n t h i s f i e l d .  No apology i s offered for quoting  liberally  from t h i s paper: "Present d i v i s i o n and duplications of authority r e s t r i c t true comprehensive development. They p i t agency against agency i n j u r i s d i c t i o n a l disputes and i n contention for executive and l e g i s l a t i v e approval. Consider some random examples. There i s a running b a t t l e between the Forest Service (Department of Agriculture) and the Park Service (Department of the I n t e r i o r ) over the r o l e of recreation on public lands ... The r e s u l t i s that much of the administrative energy needed to develop recreational f a c i l i t i e s i s dissipated i n internecine s t r i f e . The c l a s s i c example of the wastes of d u p l i -  33. cation i s i n the water resources development f i e l d . Four Departments are involved: Defense (Army Corps of Engineers); Health, Education, and Welfare; and A g r i c u l t u r e . Each Department uses d i f f e r e n t methods of computing expected costs and benefits from projects; each Department stresses d i f f e r e n t aspects of water development; each Department views the other's a c t i v i t i e s with a suspicion that borders on the paranoid." (Mister Z, 1961) The writer went on to state that the only agency that had any coordinating power, was one that was hardly suited to exert i t : "Lacking any central r e s p o n s i b i l i t y at the cabinet l e v e l for resources p o l i c y and management the Bureau of the Budget i s forced i n t o the r o l e o f coordinator and a r b i t e r between the various agencies. Probably i n no other area of federal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y does the Budget Bureau exercise so strong an influence and leverage over programming. "The present r o l e of the Budget Bureau exceeds i t s normal r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . Given the present structure of Federal natural resource a c t i v i t i e s , i t has been the only agency which has any i n t e r e s t i n or c a p a b i l i t y f o r , developing a t r u l y national r e source program. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y important for the development of new programs. New needs require new a c t i v i t i e s . The evaluation of goals and means to meet these goals require specialized attention and expertise that cannot be provided by f i s c a l s p e c i a l i s t s i n the Bureau o f the Budget." (Mister Z, op.cit.) Mister Z proposed that a Department of Natural Resources should be formed, and, since the present Department of the I n t e r i o r had a preponderance of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for natural resources, i t should be the basis for the new department.  There was to be a Secretary and Undersecretary of Natural  Resources and a c t i v i t i e s were to be divided into s i x groups:  minerals,  e l e c t r i c power, water, parks and w i l d l i f e , land (to include a g r i c u l t u r e and forestry) and Indian A f f a i r s , each under the supervision of an Assistant Secretary.  Program development would remain as i n the past, but within a  framework of co-ordination. The major obstacle to such a transfer would be the "...organized special i n t e r e s t c l i e n t e l e of the groups involved. These groups fear that t h e i r relationships with the government would be affected ... few (such) groups having a d i r e c t i n t e r e s t  34. i n the improved e f f i c i e n c y that could r e s u l t from reorganization." (Mister Z op.cit.) The writer concluded: "An organization such as t h i s one would not automatically solve a l l natural resource p o l i c y problems. I t would nevertheless simplify authority and focus r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . I t would provide the p o s s i b i l i t y — n o w l a c k i n g — t o develop consistent and coherent resource p o l i c i e s and programs. In the absence o f such a change, we can expect nothing better than the present inconsistency, confusion, and deadlock. Change i s never easy, but considering the challenge to public p o l i c y presented by our future needs for natural resources i t i s e s s e n t i a l . The time i s past due f o r acceptance by the Federal Government o f i t s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to provide c l e a r and decisive leadership i n the conservation and development o f natural resources. The f i r s t and most v i t a l step i s to organize a Department o f Natural Resources." (Mister Z op.cit.) I t i s d i f f i c u l t to see how an integrated complex such as man's environment can continue to be exploited i n such a fragmented manner as presently i s the case i n most parts o f the world.  With the increasing demands made by  continually expanding populations, a u n i f i e d approach to natural development would appear to be e s s e n t i a l .  resource  35.  CHAPTER IV MULTIPLE USE  EVENTS LEADING TO 1960 MULTIPLE USE  - SUSTAINED YIELD ACT  Unlike many of the other resource agencies of the Federal Government of the United States, the Forest Service does not have j u r i s d i c t i o n over a single resource, but rather t r a c t s of land upon which several resources are found with an accompanying number of uses.  The authority with which the  Forest Service administers the "multiple uses" of the National Forests did not originate from a single l e g i s l a t i v e source or administrative d i r e c t i v e . Timber and water were named d i r e c t l y i n the establishment Act of grazing and minerals received attention i n the f i r s t "Use Book."  1897;  Although  recreation was mentioned i n the 1897 Act under the heading of "occupancy and use," there were no other d i r e c t i v e s , although there has been l e g i s l a t i v e authority for s p e c i a l phases and an abundance of l a t e r sanctions (Brockman, 1959).  F i s h and w i l d l i f e i n t e r e s t s received s i m i l a r treatment, being  first  included under "occupancy and use" of the national forests. In no one statutory provision were a l l these uses recognized as adminis t r a t i v e objectives of the Forest Service.  The desire to receive such a  36. u n i f i e d d i r e c t i v e i n the form of a p o l i c y statement was one reason for the enactment of the Multiple Use - Sustained Y i e l d Act of  1960.  According to Bergoffen (1962), "multiple purpose" was used synonomously with "multiple use," appearing Report of 1933.  o f f i c i a l l y for the f i r s t time i n the Copeland  In t h i s document the f i v e major resources of wood, water,  range, recreation and w i l d l i f e were mentioned together within the breadth of Forest Service management.  The Report a l s o contained a lengthy d e s c r i p t i o n  of "The P r i n c i p l e s and Practices of Correlated Use under U n i f i e d Control." Although the term "multiple use" was not mentioned, the descriptions of the elements of t h i s philosophy were comprehensive, containing a l l the points of current d e f i n i t i o n s . "The middle and l a t e r 1930* s saw widespread concern for national land use planning, and brought the attention of land managers to the a p p l i c a t i o n of resource co-ordination"  (Bergoffen, o p . c i t . ) .  On i n d i v i d u a l forests i n  the e a r l y 1940's various land-use plans were prepared.  I t was a l s o about t h i s  time that various a r t i c l e s on "multiple use" began to appear i n the Journal of F o r e s t r y — t h e o f f i c i a l organ of the American forestry profession. The 1942  Society of American Foresters' meeting, which was  to have been  held i n Salt Lake C i t y , on the general topic of multiple use, was postponed because of wartime a c t i v i t i e s . on the postponed meeting.  Dana, then E d i t o r of the Journal, commented  "The programme for that meeting indicates c l e a r l y  the b e l i e f of i t s organizers that members of the Society need information and perhaps education on the subject of multiple use." sentence would apparently hint at some confusion and opinion as to what the term r e a l l y meant. the same e d i t o r i a l was problem was  This  perhaps difference of  Another point that Dana made i n  that i n the implementation of multiple use, the greatest  the determination  of land uses.  (Dana, 1943).  of the most e f f i c i e n t evaluation and a l l o c a t i o n  This point has not yet been resolved.  37 In the autumn issues of the 1943 Journal, nine of the papers that were to have been presented at the 1942  Society meeting were published.  Most of  these espoused the idea of coordination of a l l possible uses upon i n d i v i d u a l areas of land*  This i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of multiple use has come to be known as  the "equal p r i o r i t i e s " doctrine.  Pearson, a s i l v i c u l t u r i s t , took exception  to t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . In h i s eyes, at l e a s t , i t denigrated the central obj e c t i v e of the National Forests, which was  timber production.  To achieve  the  goal of the "greatest permanent benefit for the p u b l i c , " Pearson proposed ranking prospective uses on each parcel of land (Pearson, 1944).  He also  pointed out the need for recognizing that i n a l i s t of p r i o r i t i e s of i n t e r e s t s , national take precedence over community, which take precedence over i n d i v i d u a l interests.  Pearson s approach formed the basis of a second doctrine on multiple 1  use that has become known as the "dominant use"  school.  In 1958 "Multiple Use Management" became the o f f i c i a l term of the Forest Service to describe service-wide multiple use planning (Bergoffen o p . c i t . ) . As the 1950's progressed, increased pressure for space, e s p e c i a l l y for outdoor recreation, began to be f e l t .  The National Forests near large popu-  l a t i o n centres were p a r t i c u l a r l y hard pressed to accomodate the number of recreationists.  At t h i s time, the Forest Service was not p a r t i c u l a r l y noted  for i t s recreation f a c i l i t i e s , although they did e x i s t . was  Consequently, there  considerable clamour for a transfer of national forest land to the National  Park Service. The ensuing c o n f l i c t i s another example of the degree of i s o l a t i o n i s m i n which government agencies existed.  Neither side appeared w i l l i n g to co-  operate with the other to achieve the r e s u l t that would be the most acceptable to the p u b l i c . was  In t h i s p a r t i c u l a r instance i t would seem that the Park Service  the g u i l t i e r of the two p a r t i e s by refusing to recognize that the Forest  38. Service, with i t s ideas of multiple use and goal of the greatest good, e t c . , at  least had the opportunity to provide adequate outdoor recreation f a c i l i t i e s .  The Park Service claimed that any form of management ( i . e . multiple use) would destroy many of the values of recreation.  The i n t e n s i t y of the c o n f l i c t  can  be guessed at from the following: "... wilderness ideas were pushed through the media of coloured movies and s l i c k paper publications. I t i s a l l tax exempt ... by the use of pictures and captions a false and misleading impression i s created of the work of the Forest Service. The campaign i s d i r t y and r u t h l e s s . The Department of the I n t e r i o r (or i n d i viduals thereof) have also joined i n the fray. The National Park Service should await the p u b l i c a t i o n of the Outdoor Recreation Resources Review Commission's p u b l i c a t i o n . " (Fischer, 1960) (The O.R.R.R.C. report appeared i n 1962) Both the Forest Service and the Park Service were keenly aware of the prestige value attached to j u r i s d i c t i o n of p u b l i c lands and neither side w i l l i n g to s a c r i f i c e land for the sake of public s a t i s f a c t i o n .  was  The i n t e r e s t  the Forest Service must have had i n seeing "multiple use" written into i t s p o l i c y can be imagined. The Forest Service was also conscious of another p r i n c i p l e of management that was  not e x p l i c i t l y written into i t s p o l i c y . Although there were numerous  references to "continued p r o d u c t i v i t y " and "perpetuation of the f o r e s t s " i n l e g i s l a t i o n that had appeared since the inception of the Forest Service, the p r i n c i p l e s of sustained y i e l d had never been d i r e c t l y expressed. In 1960 a b i l l was i.e.  introduced that included both the above p r i n c i p l e s ,  sustained y i e l d and multiple use.  (For a comprehensive record of the  background and p o l i t i c a l events leading to the enactment of the Multiple Use - Sustained Y i e l d b i l l , see Bergoffen, 1962.) The objective of the b i l l was "to authorize and d i r e c t that the national forests be managed under the p r i n c i p l e s of multiple use to produce a sustained y i e l d of products and services for other purposes" (U.S. 74 Stat. 215).  39 The competence with which the foundations of the Forest Service had been l a i d down over h a l f a century ago were confirmed i n the statement that the purposes of the act were "to be supplemental to, but not i n derogation of the purposes for which the national forests were established as set forth i n the Act of June 4th, 1897"  ( i . e . 30 Stat. 11,34).  McArdle, then Chief of the Forest Service, replying to the question of "why  i s the b i l l needed?" gave four reasons: 1.  to s a t i s f y the need for a statutory d i r e c t i v e to manage the national  forests under the p r i n c i p l e s of sustained y i e l d ; 2.  there was a s i m i l a r need for a statutory d i r e c t i v e for multiple  3.  a l l the renewable surface resources  use;  for which the national forests  were established should be named under a single statute; 4.  enactment of the b i l l would help to implement the "Program for  National Forests" that had been sent to Congress the previous year (McArdle, 1960a). The b i l l was Appendix 1). (op.cit.).  passed i n June, 1960,  I t adequately met The  and became Public Law  86-517 (see  the f i r s t three points outlined by McArdle  five main resources were l i s t e d a l p h a b e t i c a l l y , not i n order  of p r i o r i t y . During i t s passage through Congress the b i l l had gained two amendments. One was a clause that would allow future development of wilderness areas i n the national f o r e s t s .  The second amendment saw included i n the b i l l , d e f i -  n i t i o n s of both multiple use and sustained y i e l d . multiple use that appeared i n the b i l l  The l e g a l d e f i n i t i o n of  was:  "Multiple use means: The management of a l l the various renewable surface resources of the national forests so that they are u t i l i z e d i n the combination that w i l l best meet the needs of the American people; making the most judicious use of the land for  40. some or a l l o f these resources or related services over areas large enough to provide s u f f i c i e n t l a t i t u d e for periodic adjustments i n use to conform to changing needs and conditions; that some land w i l l be used for l e s s than a l l o f the resources; and harmonious and coordinated management of the various r e sources, each with the other, without impairment of the prod u c t i v i t y o f the land, with consideration being given to the r e l a t i v e values o f the various resources, and not necessarily the combination of uses that w i l l give the greatest d o l l a r return or the greatest unit output." (U.S. 14 Stat. 215) While the 1960 l e g i s l a t i o n did not a l t e r the objective of the Forest Service, "multiple use," implying recognition of the t o t a l resource complex of t r a c t s o f land, employed ideas that were c l o s e l y a l l i e d to those o f the Conservation Movement.  As pointed out e a r l i e r , one o f the reasons for the  Movement'8 decline was the lack o f precise goals; when removed from the context of the United States National Forests, "multiple use" faces a s i m i l a r fate, though within the Forest Service j u r i s d i c t i o n i t has met with some success (see Chapter VI). The 1960 A c t was not the f i r s t or the only time that the controversial term appeared i n American l e g i s l a t i o n .  In 1953 a b i l l was introduced "amending  the Act o f 1947 and mining laws to provide for the multiple use o f the same t r a c t s of the public land and for other purposes" (U.S. 69 Stat. 367).  This  b i l l did much to stop abuses and interferences o f mining claims with national forest management ( C l i f f , 1961).  Multiple use was not defined.  In 1964 a b i l l was passed as "an Act to authorize and d i r e c t that c e r t a i n lands e x c l u s i v e l y administered  by the Secretary o f the I n t e r i o r be c l a s s i f i e d  i n order to provide for t h e i r disposal or interim management under the p r i n c i p l e s o f multiple use to produce a sustained y i e l d of products and services, and for  other purposes ? (U.S. 78 Stat. 986). 1  This Act, which became known as the 7  C l a s s i f i c a t i o n and Multiple Use Act, included a d e f i n i t i o n o f the term i d e n t i c a l to the one that appeared i n the 1960 Act, with the addition of the  41. words "present and future" In the f i r s t sentence, so that i t read, "so that they are u t i l i z e d i n the combination that w i l l best meet the present and future needs o f the American people." Thus i n p o l i t i c a l c i r c l e s "multiple use" had graduated to contexts wider than those o f the Forest Service. MEANINGS OF MULTIPLE USE The 1960 l e g a l d e f i n i t i o n of multiple use d i d l i t t l e to clear up the differences o f opinion that had begun to appear nearly twenty years e a r l i e r , as to what the term r e a l l y meant. While i t i s true that many p o l i c y statements o f a national nature are so worded as to avoid d e t a i l s and cover a l l situations and contingencies, they should be so couched that pragmatic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s possible i n the face o f practical situations.  Such i s not possible with the 1960 d e f i n i t i o n o f  multiple use. Examination o f the Act's d e f i n i t i o n reveals i t s weaknesses.  For example,  l i n e three states that "... resources ... ( w i l l be) u t i l i z e d i n the combination that w i l l best meet the needs o f the American people." material and/or s p i r i t u a l ?  Who i s to decide what they are?  of the American people do the needs refer? these needs be considered?  Are these needs To which sector  Over what length o f time should  Similar questions might be asked of other phrases  i n the d e f i n i t i o n , e.g. l i n e s i x "... areas large enough to provide s u f f i c i e n t l a t i t u d e for periodic adjustment."  In the context o f the national forests,  the Forest Service has had to assume r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for answering such questions, r e l y i n g solely on the d i s c r e t i o n o f the man i n the f i e l d . To some the vagueness o f the d e f i n i t i o n constitutes i t s usefulness, but to most, p a r t i c u l a r l y those entrusted with i t s implementation, the vagueness denies i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and e f f e c t i v e administration.  42. Although l e g a l l y defined, the meaning remained unclear.  Consequently  there has been a great deal written, p a r t i c u l a r l y , but not e x c l u s i v e l y , i n professional forestry magazines, attempting the term.  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and d e f i n i t i o n o f  As Neff (1961) wrote, "Multiple use means d i f f e r e n t things to d i f -  ferent people and very l i t t l e to quite a number." Before the Act was passed Connaughton attempted to f o r e s t a l l  controversy  by stating "... multiple use i s simply a concept of management which involves the combination of uses or services o f the land i n such a way that f u l l u t i l i z a t i o n i s r e a l i z e d consistent with managerial objectives" (Connaughton, 1959).  The 1960 l e g i s l a t i o n , however, was a d i r e c t i v e for management a l b e i t  a vague one and as such purports to be more than a concept. H a l l (1963) c l a s s i f i e d some o f the then recent interpretations of multiple use i n t o two schools:  "equal p r i o r i t i e s " and "dominant use."  The former he  ascribes to the Forest Service, whose i n t e r p r e t a t i o n came about as follows: Many resource user groups, e.g. the National Cattlemen's Association, the National Lumbermen's Association, e t c . . became very concerned over t h e i r fate when multiple use l e g i s l a t i o n was proposed.  Each group sought assurance  that i t s p a r t i c u l a r resource would not be subordinated to the others.  Thus,  Forest Service Chief McArdle and A s s i s t a n t Secretary o f A g r i c u l t u r e Peterson were prompted to point out that no one resource would be given emphasis over the others. "One o f the basic concepts o f multiple use i s that a l l the named resources i n general are o f equal p r i o r i t y , but the r e l a t i v e values of the various resources on p a r t i c u l a r or l o c a l i s e d areas, viewed i n the broadest public sense w i l l be considered i n the adm i n i s t r a t i v e a p p l i c a t i o n o f management plans." (McArdle, 1960a) McArdle, i n h i s keynote address to the F i f t h World Forestry Congress i n 1960,  outlined s i x points concerning the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of multiple use:  43 1.  "(Multiple use) does not require maximum production for a l l or for any  one resource." i.e. non-marketable values are often as important as financial values. 2.  "In applying the principle of multiple use to a specific area, equal  consideration is to be given to a l l of the various renewable resources but this does not mean using every acre for a l l the various uses." (Emphasis added) 3.  "Haphazard occurrence of more than one use is not multiple use, positive  direction is required." 4.  "Multiple use does not require that a l l uses be practiced simultaneously,  but over a period of at least one cycle of seasons."  (This point indicates  that McArdle was aware of the importance of the time factor in "multiple use" management, though his use of the word "season" is unclear.) 5.  "The administrative unit of land to which multiple use is to be applied  must be large enough to give sufficient room for periodic adjustments." 6.  "Central decision making is a prerequisite." (McArdle, 1960b) In quoting from the above points, Hall unfortunately sought to make his  case by omitting the underlined section in number two.  In so doing he mis-  represented the intent of the Forest Service, which was attempting to be impartial.  (McArdle (1960a) had clearly espoused the philosophy of "equal  consideration," not "equal priorities," in an earlier issue of "American Forests. ) 1  The points that McArdle made go some way to clarifying the meaning  of the term, though they detract l i t t l e from the responsibility and discretion of the field manager. Hall (op.cit.) referred to a second category of interpretations which he called "dominant use."  Basically this doctrine states that every tract of  land is ecologically suited to a particular use, and that with increasing  44 pressures for resource production, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to j u s t i f y using land f o r any purpose except that for which i t i s best suited.  Other uses may be allowed  so long as they are completely compatible with the p r i o r i t y use, i . e . so long as they do not detract i n any way from the output of the l a t t e r .  I f , for  example, a p a r t i c u l a r area was found to be best suited to timber production, applying the "dominant use" doctrine, grazing might also be allowed, but never to the point where income from timber was reduced. Stagner, a proponent o f t h i s doctrine, although recognizing that management planning must consider a l l products and benefits that can accrue from forest land, stated: "Followed to i t s l o g i c a l conclusion, multiple use means f i r s t , c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f lands for the primary purpose for which they are best suited, followed by the management o f each c l a s s according to i t s primary purpose. This i n turn leads to the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of those secondary benefits that are compatible with the primary management objectives." (Stagner, 1960) Starr, i n another a r t i c l e supporting t h i s doctrine, attempted to set up c r i t e r i a by which primary and secondary uses could be i d e n t i f i e d i n the following way: "Primary needs for land are those involving production o f the e s s e n t i a l commodities o f food, shelter and raiment ... secondary needs are those involving sports, recreation, w i l d l i f e habitat ... The d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n o f these two (classes of) needs are ( s i c ) considered as p r i o r i t y needs." (Starr, 1961) In the same paper he stated, "... land quality w i l l determine use p o t e n t i a l , and use p o t e n t i a l w i l l determine ultimate planned use."  (Starr,  op.cit.) The fundamental difference between the doctrines o f "dominant use" and that which H a l l referred to as "equal p r i o r i t i e s , " i s that the l a t t e r entertains a s o c i a l goal.  Production o f one resource may be decreased when i n  combination with some other use, so long as the r e s u l t i n g combination i s s o c i a l l y more b e n e f i c i a l than single use.  H a l l (op.cit.) made t h i s clear:  45 "... s o c i a l p r i o r i t i e s cannot be set on the supposed 'basicness' of some products, nor can one assert as a s o c i a l goal the maximisation of per unit output of land, or the maximisation of the q u a l i t y of some product." In a footnote, H a l l exemplified h i s point as follows: "The exchange value of a good i s not determined by the t o t a l 'worth' of the commodity i f the good had to be obtained i n one lump amount. What i s relevant i s the demand for and cost of obtaining an extra or marginal u n i t . Thus while food i s i n some sense more 'basic' than wilderness recreation, the importance of obtaining an extra unit of wilderness may outweigh the importance of obtaining food i n a country with a great deal of food and l i t t l e wilderness." (Hall op.cit.) Inasmuch as resource development and management can no longer be permitted without s o c i a l goals, the doctrine of equal consideration of a l l r e sources, regardless of p o t e n t i a l , i s the only one that can be entertained. I t must be r e a l i z e d that i n giving equal consideration to the f i v e major resources, the Forest Service does not exclude the p o s s i b i l i t y that i n many cases, t r a c t s of land w i l l be used with but a single product or service i n mind, because such w i l l be the " s o c i a l goal."  Wilderness areas are commonly  c i t e d as examples, where non-marketable values of recreation take precedence: the introduction of any other resource use would immediately destroy the primary values.  C r i t i c a l watersheds are another example where the value of  the area can be maintained only at the cost of excluding a l l other forms of resource use.  The s i t u a t i o n was  summed up by C l i f f as follows:  "In planning for multiple use, equal consideration i s given to a l l basic renewable resources. However, i n a p p l i c a t i o n , p r i o r i t i e s must be established and concessions made i n i n d i v i d u a l cases depending on the needs of people, and the p o t e n t i a l and nature of the resources themselves." ( C l i f f , 1960) The meaning of multiple use remained i n d i s t i n c t within the Forest Service but i t became more confused when private forestry companies adopted the term.  46. Many o f the large private forestry concerns were i n a s i m i l a r p o s i t i o n to the Forest Service i n that they had within t h e i r power the opportunities to provide a number of other resource uses.  These companies quickly r e a l i z e d  that unless they too espoused the concepts of multiple use they would be unfavourably compared with the Forest Service.  Subconsciously,  perhaps, the  companies had noted the s o c i a l aspects o f the federal p o l i c i e s ; to ignore them would be to engender s o c i a l pressures that could r e s u l t i n economic losses. Thus the companies were forced to look c r i t i c a l l y at t h e i r public r e l a t i o n s programs. In accepting multiple use many forest companies apparently r e t a i n t h e i r economic standing by equating  sought to  s o c i a l objectives with maximum  timber production, i . e . they adopted the "dominant use" doctrine for economic reasons.  In t h i s p o s i t i o n , they relegated to the federal forests the respon-  s i b i l i t y o f providing non-marketable values, e.fi. recreation, pure water, w i l d l i f e , scenery, etc. double standard:  Thus i n the companies' eyes, multiple use had a  one for the government and one for private forestry. As  much was stated by an o f f i c i a l o f one o f the larger private forest companies of America: " F i r s t , a r e d e f i n i t i o n of multiple use i s important. Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , the d e f i n i t i o n subscribed to by private land managers i s s i m i l a r to that o f government land managers. The timber industry believes that multiple u s e — a term often misunderstood—is simply the accommodation of a maximum o f other compatible uses with the highest single use o f the land. The highest primary use o f private commercial forest land i s the growing o f trees for successive timber harvests." ( O r e l l , 1960) I f the highest s o c i a l use of forest land i s timber production then private companies are probably the best suited to achieving goals o f maximum volume production.  The f a u l t l i e s i n the fact that private agencies are not i n a  p o s i t i o n to make unbiased decisions as to the uses to which areas o f land  47 should be put. destroyed  Too often company goals of highest f i n a n c i a l return have  other values inherent i n the area, or excluded t h e i r enjoyment.  The present a l l o c a t i o n of resources i s dependent upon recognition by industry of s o c i a l needs and subsequent attempts to meet them (there i s some evidence of a trend i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n ) . Government seldom incurs p o l i t i c a l and economic problems by overriding company p o l i c y i n order to provide increased s o c i a l  amenities.  The meaning of multiple use has yet to be resolved.  In 1967  the Western  Forestry and Conservation Association sponsored a conference e n t i t l e d "Western Forests for A l l . "  The conference commenced with papers from s i x people,  including a housewife and a j o u r n a l i s t who Multiple Use Means to Me."  had been asked to speak on "What  Although such an opportunity  for professionals  to communicate d i r e c t l y with the public i s not without merit, that lay people were posed such a question must surely be tantamount to a confession of i g norance of the meaning of the term on the part of the professionals.  The  j o u r n a l i s t s , i n f a c t , said as much: "The very format of t h i s Conference suggests that we are s t i l l uncertain as to what multiple use ought to mean ... I f you professionals f e e l unsure, what of us on the outside of your industry? I think I can t e l l you as a reporter ... the American public neither understands what you mean by the term, nor i s i t p a r t i c u l a r l y sure what i t means by i t . " (Woodward, 1967) Another section of the same conference was devoted to consideration of the o r i e n t a t i o n of multiple use to water, forage, minerals, recreation and wood.  In each case the speaker attempted to show how  h i s resource  could  accommodate secondary uses without the primary use losing i t s status. conference had e n t i r e l y aligned i t s e l f with H a l l ' s "dominant use" fication.  The  classi-  I t might be true to say that the conference ended, the conferees  went away with t h e i r self-righteousness recharged and the p r i n c i p l e s of multiple use as obscure as ever.  48  "The conclusion seems warranted that the meaning o f multiple use has not been established either by concensus among natural resource experts or by l e g i s l a t i v e decree." ( H a l l op.cit.)  SOCIAL CONSIDERATIONS LEADING TO A NEW DEFINITION As far as the United States Forest Service i s concerned, the goal o f multiple use i s the same as that o f the Conservation Movement, i . e . the achievement o f the greatest good f o r the greatest number i n the long run. However, multiple use considerations are limited to wildland  resources.  There are no pretensions to the e f f e c t that multiple use i s the saviour o f mankind, as was the case with the Conservation Movement.  This gives the  concept a more p o s i t i v e aura and while many d i f f i c u l t i e s s t i l l e x i s t , there i s hope f o r i t s implementation. S c i e n t i f i c advances o f recent decades have been the essence of boon and bane to multiple use considerations.  Technological advances have resulted i n  more e f f i c i e n t management o f most resources (though many new problems have often r e s u l t e d ) .  Technology, however, with the concommitant c a p i t a l invest-  ment, engenders s p e c i a l i z a t i o n i n p a r t i c u l a r d i r e c t i o n s which i n e v i t a b l y leads to single use o f resources.  Thus the problems o f coordination that  multiple use seeks to resolve become i n t e n s i f i e d .  Fortunately there has also  grown an awareness o f the fact that man's environment, h i s ecosystem, i s a complex u n i t .  Single use i s impossible without a f f e c t i n g other resources, or  uses of the same resource:  these e f f e c t s are almost i n v a r i a b l y detrimental.  The case o f vested i n t e r e s t s and single use versus broader objectives o f maximum public welfare constitutes one of the basic problems of multiple use implementation.  As previously pointed out, single use i s not inherently bad.  What i s required f o r the maximum p u b l i c welfare i s a combination o f products and uses o f wildland resources that meets t h i s objective.  49. The term "optimum combination" implies a physical l i m i t to the area from which the resources are selected (Ridd, 1965).  Such a specified area  may be defined geographically, p o l i t i c a l l y or a r b i t r a r i l y but i s a necessary convenience:  management cannot be i n f i n i t e i n scope.  C r i t e r i a for e f f e c t i n g an optimum combination from marketable and nonmarketable resources are presently not a v a i l a b l e , though attempts a t the problem have been made (see Chapter V I I ) .  (This problem i s one of the few  involved i n multiple use that i s of a more technical than p o l i t i c a l nature, and hopefully w i l l be resolved with time and e f f o r t . ) Concern has been expressed to the e f f e c t that there i s the p o s s i b i l i t y that the production o f an optimum combination of resource outputs may i t s e l f become the goal o f management ( M i l l e r , 1961).  This o f course should not be  the intent o f multiple use planners whose i n t e r e s t i n optimization should extend only to the l i m i t that such w i l l achieve the goal of maximum public welfare.  A population s requirements o f wildland resources w i l l change with 1  time just as the population i t s e l f w i l l change.  Planners must at least be  capable of accommodating and, as far as possible, a n t i c i p a t i n g changed demands. An i n f l e x i b l e optimum i s l i t t l e better than single use. Such an optimum combination can only be achieved through planning. I t i s at t h i s stage that philosophy must prove i t s e l f capable of dealing with specifics.  There has been almost complete ignorance o f t h i s point by those  writers who have considered the multiple use concept outside the context of the U. S. Forest Service. Even before planning for a combination of resource outputs can begin, a number o f v i t a l points must be cleared up.  For instance:  1.  for whom i s the resource output to be planned?  2.  who, and with what authority, w i l l have the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f  planning?  50. 3.  what is the area available for the production of an optimum  combination of outputs? 4.  what criteria will be used to interpret physical objectives from  philosophical social goals? The definition of the population of concern is vital since the demands on wildland resources which determine the composition of the optimum combinations must be known, and different populations will have different demands. The problem of localism versus nationalism can be a source of conflict.  In  many cases the economic benefits that the nation gains from the exploitation of the resources of a specific area will, through the market system, benefit the local population.  In other words the local population will benefit by  selling needed products of local resources to markets outside the area. When local and national interest clash, the issue often involves nonmarketable values.  For example, local industrial activities may affect a  rare species of wildlife, the existence of which affords a form of vicarious pleasure to citizens in another part of the continent, who may never see the creature at a l l .  Such citizens are often capable of focusing public concern  upon the problem and so directly Influencing a local economy. A similar clash of interests might develop the other way round, i.e. local inhabitants may find that their traditional recreation areas have been appropriated for such uses as e.g. water impoundments, that will serve populations far removed from local interests. Such conflicts are not easy to resolve, but national interests should take precedence over local interests in most cases. One aspect of resource management that has been, and continues to be, controversial involves the requirements of future generations.  The Conservation  Movement in a l l its doctrines emphasized the principle of usufruct.  In the  51. e a r l y days of the Movement these were based on r e l i g i o u s grounds; today they are based upon moral obligations. accept t h i s view.  Orthodox economists have been unable to  Their a l t e r n a t i v e states that natural resources are  but "a natural form of c a p i t a l , and may  be substituted for man-made c a p i t a l  goods and vice-versa" (Hood and Scott, 1957).  This view holds that such  c a p i t a l fluency w i l l benefit society more than handing on to future natural resources with options s t i l l open as to how, version should take place.  nothing  generations  when, where and i f con-  To the proponents of t h i s " C a p i t a l Theory" tech-  nology can only be b e n e f i c i a l , i n that rapid and e f f i c i e n t e x p l o i t a t i o n of natural resources i s what i s best for society. modern ecologists who  This view i s not held by  see technology causing as many, i f not more, problems  that i t pretends to solve:  se Ho11ing (1968) and Larkin (1968).  On the other hand we have the extreme conservationist, who  with a  scepticism of economic theories and the market system that amounts almost to contempt, would lock up resources i n l i v i n g museums.  Being antipodal to the  cold hard facts of the economist, the extreme conservationist (or more c o r r e c t l y , preservationist) becomes so entranced with natural phenomena he sees mankind as separate from and subservient to h i s environment, elements of which are necessary for s u r v i v a l . Neither of these extremists appears w i l l i n g to take a step toward compromise.  Few w i l l argue nowadays that the p r i c e system of a l l o c a t i n g  resources i s p e r f e c t , but i t i s reasonably e f f e c t i v e . A l t e r n a t i v e s based on personal values and judgments can be dangerous and equally i n e f f i c i e n t (Goundry, 1963).  I t i s not possible to "have the cake and eat i t too," but  renewable resources can be used to the benefit of present generations and the land l e f t i n a v i a b l e condition so that the next generation may  enjoy  yet  52 s i m i l a r benefits.  Consideration of the future i s a v a l i d and  socially  acceptable requirement of those agencies with j u r i s d i c t i o n of natural r e sources, and must be included i n planning that precedes the implementation of multiple use. These two points, d e f i n i t i o n of population and regard for the future, have i n some measure been successfully embodied i n the multiple use management of the Forest Service.  When t h i s concept i s adopted by other agencies with  control over t r a c t s of land, the problem of implementation i s confounded.  As  with the objectives of the Conservation Movement i t i s impossible to gainsay the s o c i a l goals of multiple use.  However the adoption of p r i n c i p l e s has i n  many cases involved l i t t l e more than l i p - s e r v i c e , few private concerns being w i l l i n g to f u l l y accept the s o c i a l implications. M u l t i p l i c i t y of ownership where multiple use i s to be considered factor that confounds the problems even further.  is a  There i s the p o s s i b i l i t y  that multiple use w i l l not be accepted by a l l owners or agencies; one r e j e c t i o n of the p r i n c i p l e s involved can jeopardize the project.  There i s also the  p o s s i b i l i t y that i n accepting the p r i n c i p l e s , interpretations of the goal w i l l be d i f f e r e n t .  In the event of e i t h e r of these s i t u a t i o n s , those responsible  for planning must have s u f f i c i e n t authority to bring together and  resolve  differences of interpretations i f the goal, i . e . maximum public welfare, i s to be achieved. This discussion has sought to make the following points:  area;  1.  that multiple use has a s o c i a l goal;  2.  the achievement of t h i s goal requires the d e f i n i t i o n of a s p e c i f i e d  and 3.  that the population whose welfare i s being maximized must be defined  (economists use "referrent group" i n such a context) and embodied i n a more meaningful d e f i n i t i o n of the term "multiple  use."  53. The following i s offered as a more useful d e f i n i t i o n : '"Multiple use means the a p p l i c a t i o n o f management strategies to achieve the maximum public welfare from an optimum combination o f uses o f the w i l d land resources o f a specified area f o r the benefit o f a referrent group. * E  "Management strategies" implies that the goals o f management w i l l not be confined to the short term, but rather w i l l look ahead and attempt to a n t i c i pate future needs and the e f f e c t s o f the use o f one resource upon the others* Planning w i l l recognize that concern f o r the referrent group's successors constitutes a v a l i d aspect o f the p u b l i c welfare.  To t h i s end renewable r e -  sources w i l l be managed subject to the constraints o f sustained productivity --unless s o c i a l demands d i r e c t otherwise. The achievement o f an optimum combination w i l l r e s u l t from an unbiased integration not only o f uses o f d i f f e r e n t resources but also o f d i f f e r e n t uses of the same resource. Inasmuch as the term "multiple use" has become a widely used shibboleth, i t i s proposed that i t should be dropped from contexts i n which the preceeding points are considered important.  This thesis supports the use o f the term  "Integrated Resource Management" (Jeffrey et a l . , 1969) as an appropriate substitute, and further proposes that meaning o f t h i s term be r e s t r i c t e d to the above points and the d e f i n i t i o n given on t h i s page.  54  CHAPTER V THE DEVELOPMENT OF CANADA'S WILDLAND RESOURCES  To t h i s author's knowledge, a comprehensive account o f the h i s t o r y o f the use of Canada's natural resources does not e x i s t .  Such a magnus opus  should not be beyond accomplishment since much of such h i s t o r y was documented and can doubtless be found i n the f i l e s o f i n d i v i d u a l agencies o f the various governments.  The research needed to provide t h i s knowledge i s considered  beyond the scope o f t h i s work, but from a few references a skeleton can be pieced together. Links with B r i t a i n considerably influenced the e a r l y development of t h i s country'8 resources.  Recognizing Canada as a colony of the B r i t i s h Empire,  B r i t a i n was able to exert considerable monopoly and control over Canadian development; a l l resources becoming automatically crown property. 1867  Before  development was on a p r o v i n c i a l basis and r i g h t s to resources were  granted by the crown to the provinces. B r i t i s h North America Act of 1867.  This s i t u a t i o n was confirmed  i n the  Section 109 states:  " A l l Lands, Mines, Minerals, and Royalties belonging to the several Provinces o f Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick at the Union, and a l l Sums then due or payable for such Lands, Mines,  55 Minerals or Royalties, s h a l l belong to the several Provinces of Ontario, Quebec, Nova S c o t i a , and New Brunswick i n which the same are situate or a r i s e . " As a r e s u l t of t h i s a c t i o n use of the nation's resources continues to be p r o v i n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y .  This d i f f u s i o n of controls and records makes  a national h i s t o r y d i f f i c u l t to  accomplish.  In a t t a i n i n g nationhood at t h i s time, Canada was unable to benefit from the accumulated experience of the B r i t i s h Colonial Service, some of the branches of which, e.g. the Forest Service i n India, had b u i l t up enviable reputations of management and administrative e f f i c i e n c y .  Thrown upon her  own  devices, i t was only natural that Canada should adopt many of the patterns of resource use that were being developed i n the United States (Thirgood, 1969). Before the days of substantial settlement, Canada was renowned i n European eyes for i t s fur trade.  Fur-bearing animals were being exploited  long before the timber values of the forests were recognized, and before a g r i culture was of any import.  As the country, p a r t i c u l a r l y the eastern parts at  f i r s t , were opened up by settlement, the fur trade burgeoned, and benefitted by the increased access to h i t h e r t o v i r g i n t e r r i t o r y . told  Adams, writing i n 1915,  how "The ever,advancing network of^railways and steamboat, communications has made i t possible for hunters to carry t h e i r provisions and supplies i n t o remote recesses of the continent which have to date been p r a c t i c a l l y i n a c c e s s i b l e . The l a s t retreats of the fur-bearing animals have been invaded by t h e i r remorseless enemy, man." (Adams, 1915) Following the American War  of Independence, B r i t a i n shifted her demands  for ship timber to Canadian sources, from those of the eastern United States. This was  to stimulate the lumber industry of Upper and Lower Canada to trade  more widely, beginning with the northeastern states of America. 1926).  (Albion,  By the 1840s a t h r i v i n g lumber industry had sprung up and exports of  56. rough-sawn lumber were becoming as Important as masts and spars (Lower et a l . . 1938).  The h i s t o r y of forest e x p l o i t a t i o n i n Canada has c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l e d  that of the United States.  E a r l y s e t t l e r s saw the forest as a fearsome  hindrance and sought to remove i t as quickly as p o s s i b l e — f i r e being the main c l e a r i n g t o o l .  Demands for pulpwood at the turn of the l a s t century  added to the depleting e f f e c t s of the lumber companies' clearings. Another export that had reached s i g n i f i c a n t proportions by the 1840s was that of c e r e a l s , p a r t i c u l a r l y wheat (McFarlane, 1965).  A g r i c u l t u r e was  regarded as the key to settlement and progress and, as i n the United States, the p r o v i n c i a l and l a t e r the Dominion governments encouraged a g r i c u l t u r a l settlement.  However, i n t h i s pressure for settlement, inexperienced people  were persuaded to take on the job of farming i n areas not r e a l l y suited to such use.  This s i t u a t i o n caused hardships and problems for s e t t l e r s that have  s t i l l not been f u l l y overcome (see Blythe, 1967).  Attempts at i n f l i c t i n g  orthodox a g r i c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s i n the p r a i r i e regions met with the same r e s u l t s as had been experienced i n the grasslands of the United States. Exposure of the t o p - s o i l to wind resulted i n d r i f t i n g ; the onset of seasonal r a i n s caused erosion, and the end r e s u l t was something akin to desert cond i t i o n s (Royal Bank of Canada, 1958). The value of Canadian water resources for the production of hydroe l e c t r i c power has been recognized for more than h a l f a century (Adams o p . c i t . ) . S i t e s for such power production have been developed concurrently with technol o g i c a l advances and as demands were f e l t . The discovery of gold i n B r i t i s h Columbia i n the 1800s and i n the Yukon i n 1896 was a tremendous stimulus to open up the western parts of the country. Prospecting i n Canada's wildernesses has been a common a c t i v i t y since these  57 gold-rush days, and the rewards have been as large though l e s s spectacular. Discoveries show that t h i s country i s exceptionally well endowed with an abundance of most of the minerals important to modern industry (Canada Year Book. 1968). Whereas control of the above resources l i e s with each p r o v i n c i a l  govern-  ment, the f i s h e r i e s resource has been maintained under federal j u r i s d i c t i o n (Goundry, 1965).  O r i g i n a l l y specified by the B r i t i s h North America Act. the  Federal Government has control of coastal f i s h e r i e s but administers inland f i s h e r i e s i n accord with p r o v i n c i a l recommendations. As the need arose there was i n s t i t u t e d i n each province a government department i n charge of the development and e x p l o i t a t i o n of each natural resource.  When dominion status was achieved there was a requirement  federal equivalent of p r o v i n c i a l departments.  for the  This does not mean that control  and management of the resources shifted from the provinces to the federal government.  However, some coordination of p r o v i n c i a l resource p o l i c i e s on a  national basis was envisaged.  The Federal Government hoped to be able to  f a c i l i t a t e research and marketing on a national scale, to provide advice and f i n a n c i a l assistance where needed and when p o s s i b l e , without d i r e c t l y influencing p r o v i n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . While the e x p l o i t a t i o n of Canadian resources has borrowed freely from American experience, and federal government departments have been i n s t i t u t e d on a similar basis to t h e i r southern counterparts, the degree of concern that has been shown for Canadian natural resources has not, u n t i l comparatively recently, approached that of the American people.  The following reasons are  offered as explanations for t h i s phenomenon: 1.  the population of Canada i s roughly one-tenth that of the United  States, and occupies a larger country;  58. 2.  due to various physiographic features, v i z . topography and climate,  the f u l l p o t e n t i a l of Canada's natural resources has not been f u l l y r e a l i z e d . In  other words, Canada's resource f r o n t i e r s are s t i l l open; 3.  although e x p l o i t i v e practices applied to Canadian resources have been  l i t t l e d i f f e r e n t to those of America  for the reasons given i n 1. and 2. above,  very l i t t l e national concern for natural resources has been expressed.  The  feeling that the resources of t h i s country are without l i m i t , that there i s s t i l l room to expand, continues to p r e v a i l ; 4.  where concern has appeared, i t has generally remained within the  boundaries of i n d i v i d u a l provinces, thereby r e f l e c t i n g the autonomy that each p r o v i n c i a l government has; 5.  for the most part, p r o v i n c i a l governments have maintained public  ownership of the land i n their c o n t r o l .  Thus there was no disposal of land  i n the scale and manner that caused such a reaction i n the United States. Consequently, the Conservation Movement that became such an a l l embracing  crusade i n the United States, never gained a strong foothold with  the Canadian p u b l i c .  However, some of the American conservation ideas were  copied by both dominion and p r o v i n c i a l governments. In  1895 the f i r s t  national forest reserves were set apart.  These were  small areas "located i n the t h i n l y timbered areas of the west mainly to protect water supplies to lower a g r i c u l t u r a l regions, rather than to perpetuate a timber harvest" (Rodgers, 1951).  (These reserves were probably i n areas  that had not yet gained p r o v i n c i a l status.) E a r l y p r o v i n c i a l reserves, mainly i n Ontario and Quebec, had been set up for the primary purpose of f i r e c o n t r o l , and were i n areas that carried commercial  timber.  At  first  a l l use was excluded, but t h i s apparently caused l i t t l e f r i c t i o n between government and logging companies--perhaps because there was an ample supply  59.  of timber i n unreserved areas.  Since that time p r o v i n c i a l reserves have been  opened for use and production, and reasonably amicable relationships between government and industry have prevailed. Canada 8 f i r s t national park, Banff, was i n s t i t u t e d i n 1885, to be 1  followed by G l a c i e r and Yoho National Parks i n 1886.  By 1913, when the  Forest Reserves and Parks Act became law, dominion reserves t o t a l l e d 35,800 square miles (Rodgers, o p . c i t . ) .  By t h i s time the purpose of the forest  reserves had s h i f t e d from protection to perpetuation of harvests. The Canadian Forestry A s s o c i a t i o n was organized i n 1900.  In 1906  a  public Canadian Forestry Convention was held under the auspices of t h i s Association.  While the main theme of the Convention was oriented toward  forestry, the e f f e c t s of the p o l i t i c a l l y active Conservation Movement i n America were obviously being f e l t .  Topics broadened and embodied the r e -  l a t i o n s h i p s of forest8 to water resources and a g r i c u l t u r e (Thorpe, 1961). The conclusions arrived at by the Convention were b a s i c a l l y those of 1.  the d e s i r a b i l i t y of maintaining forests under crown ownership;  2.  measures should be taken toward sustaining and expanding forest  harvests; and 3.  education that would improve professional and s c i e n t i f i c forest  p r a c t i c e s and administration was very desirable. Many of the ideas were forward looking; t h e i r implementation  i n many  parts of Canada* s forestry scene would be advantageous today. Canada was i n v i t e d , and took part, i n the North American Conservation Conference  that was  (see page 25).  sponsored by the American Conservation Movement i n 1909  The Conference came to an agreement on a Declaration of  P r i n c i p l e s , and these are s t i l l of significance i n the l i g h t of current resource problems.  In b r i e f the points made were as follows:  60. 1.  General:  resources were to be developed and used conservatively i n  the interest of mankind; 2.  Public Health:  included here were such topics as water p o l l u t i o n and  town planning; 3.  Forests:  recommendations similar to those of the 1906 Canadian  Forestry Convention were proposed; 4.  Waters:  emphasis on p u b l i c ownership and multiple use of streams  i n accordance with a l i s t of p r i o r i t i e s ; 5.  Lands:  adoption of measures to ensure productivity and prevent the  establishment of monopolies; 6.  Minerals:  advocation of the use of water power to prolong the  supply of non-renewable resources—again emphasis was given to the continuance of p u b l i c ownership; 7.  Wildlife:  proposals to the e f f e c t that game should be protected and  preserved; 8.  Commission of Conservation:  each p a r t i c i p a t i n g country agreed to  e s t a b l i s h conservation commissions similar to the ones i n the United States. (Thorpe, o p . c i t . ) Prime Minister Laurier and h i s cabinet acted quickly on the formation of a Conservation Commission.  Before three months had elapsed since the conference,  the p r i n c i p l e s required for the formation of such a body had been passed. The Canadian Commission of Conservation was given federal and p r o v i n c i a l representation as well as u n i v e r s i t y support, and was chaired by C l i f f o r d S i f t o n (Adams, o p . c i t . ) . The work of the Commission was delegated to s i x main committees, v i z . forestry, lands, f i s h and w i l d l i f e , water, minerals and f u e l s , and p u b l i c health.  Whilst these encompassed the f i e l d s i n which the Commission was  61 engaged, i t s actual function was apparently not too well defined at  first.  Not u n t i l 1918 did S i f t o n attempt to c l a r i f y matters. " I t i s not the duty of t h i s Commission to act i n an executive capacity ... Our duty i s to investigate, enquire, advise and inform. While i t w i l l occasionally become necessary for us to do things ... f a l l i n g within the function of a government department, (such action w i l l never be) to a greater length than i s necessary to arouse i n t e r e s t , to point a way to improvement (and) to c o l l e c t information necessary to an ' i n t e l l i g e n t judgment ." (Armstrong. 1959) (Original emphasis.) 1  To a considerable degree the Commission succeeded i n i t s aims. Demonstration farms, water power inventories, consolidation of national health services, housing and town planning, studies of mineral and energy resources and mining, and the fostering of national parks and game preserves were some of the Commission's achievements. However, the Commission was not to have a long l i f e .  For a l l S i f t o n s 1  remarks o f 1918, the Commission began to assume the functions of a federal research agency and t h i s led to f r i c t i o n between Commission s t a f f and the heads of departments whose work was being duplicated.  This fact plus a  general f e e l i n g that the federal government had accumulated more than i t s share of power during the wartime years, helped to put Canada's Conservation Commission i n a poor l i g h t . S i f t o n resigned i n 1919, perhaps because he foresaw redundancy for the Commission, many of whose brainchildren had matured into federal bureaux and departments (Armstrong, o p . c i t . ) . was sadly missed.  S i f t o n was not replaced, and h i s leadership  In 1921 a b i l l was passed repealing; the Conservation  Commission Act. While many of the charges l a i d against the Commission were supportable, i t was a great p i t y that reform rather than d i s s o l u t i o n was not proposed. The Commission had served the purpose of "stimulating and coordinating the  62 r a t i o n a l development of natural resources by a l l l e v e l s of government and private enterprise" (Thorpe, o p . c i t . ) .  To t h i s end the Commission provided  a national forum for discussion of topics related to resource development and a means of publishing papers emphasizing resources.  the s o c i a l aspects of the n a t i o n s 1  No other federal agency has held a p o s i t i o n with such opportunities  for at l e a s t contemplating an integrated approach to the nation's resources. The d i s s o l u t i o n of the Conservation Commission can only be regarded as a l o s s . Although the Canadian economy has depended on natural resources as much, i f not more than, that of the United States, the p o l i t i c a l side of conservation, as exemplified by the Frogressivism of Roosevelt-Pinchot times, never became established.  Yet many of those conservation p r i n c i p l e s that p e r t a i n to natural  resources have found t h e i r way into the p o l i c y statements of most agencies concerned.  Poor management and wasteful e x p l o i t a t i o n of the nation's resources  have been sporadically deplored by i n d i v i d u a l s (e.g. McConkey, 1952) but none have made r e a l i s t i c suggestions for improvement. The depression years stimulated research into management p r a c t i c e s of most of Canada's resources, p a r t i c u l a r l y forest products and a g r i c u l t u r a l diversification.  Problems of i r r i g a t i o n and erosion i n A l b e r t a and  Saskat-  chewan and the generally depressed state of a g r i c u l t u r e , resulted i n the enactment of the P r a i r i e Farm R e h a b i l i t a t i o n Act i n 1935.  This regional  ( i n t e r p r o v i n c i a l ) program now encompasses two and a h a l f m i l l i o n acres (Canada Department of A g r i c u l t u r e , 1966), and within i t s limited scope of improving c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s and water supplies, has been reasonably e f f e c t i v e . The second world war was instrumental i n ending the depression and bringing about a new economic status for the nation. mind the federal government i n 1943  With the future i n  set up an Advisory Committee on Recon-  s t r u c t i o n "to make a thorough study of a l l areas of economic and s o c i a l l i f e  63. i n Canada and to make a blueprint of society which was to be established a f t e r the war** (Thorpe, o p . c i t . ) .  A Conference on Reconstruction was c a l l e d i n 1945.  The subcommittee concerned with natural resources reported that resource development should be considered as a u n i f i e d problem.  The subcommitte pro-  posed the establishment of a National Development Board, which was to be advised i n turn by regional committees representing a l l resources.  Other subcommittees  reporting at the 1945 Conference made a number of valuable suggestions involving the development of the nation's resources.  The Conference provided an oppor-  tunity for consideration of resources on a national basis, that had not been available since the Canadian Commission on Conservation. As valuable as t h i s Conference had been, apparently i t d i d not leave a permanent mark i n the form of l e g i s l a t i o n , further discussion etc.  In  1958  Prime Minister Diefenbaker proposed c a l l i n g a national conference on conservation.  He thus summoned to Ottawa m i n i s t e r i a l representation from the  provinces to prepare such a conference, the objectives of which were to be: 1.  the " i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the major problems requiring attention i n the  renewable resources f i e l d ; 2.  the examination of what i s being done to solve these problems;  3.  the c l a r i f i c a t i o n of the impediments to further progress and possible  courses to achieve solutions to these problems."  (Kristjanson, 1961).  The r e s u l t of subsequent deliberations was the "Resources for Tomorrow Conference" of 1961, that heard a considerable number of papers dealing with the major natural resources from a l l points of view, i . e . surveys and invent o r i e s , planning, administration, as well as s o c i a l implications. A considerable portion of the Conference dealt with regional planning and i n d u s t r i a l problems. At the end of the conference, Diefenbaker quite unexpectedly announced that the Conference's  steering committee would become a continuing organi-  64 zation.  This was the conception of the idea that led to the formation of the  Canadian Council of Resource Ministers ( W i l l i s t o n , 1968). Since becoming formally constituted i n 1964 the Council has worked on well over one hundred projects, a number of them springing d i r e c t l y from proposals of the 1961 Conference.  Although the Council does not have l e g i -  s l a t i v e authority i t has nonetheless a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e to play.  Williston  (op.cit.) t e n t a t i v e l y defined i t s functions as follows: "This Council i s not a p o l i c y formulating group: neither i s i t a decision-making body. The Council can agree, but even when i t agrees i t only expresses a consensus that i s not binding on anyone. Each and every single government of the eleven governments i n Canada retains f u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for formulating i t s own p o l i c i e s , but i n doing so, each government has the benefit of a consensus formulated by t h i s group. I t i s a consultive body, possibly an advisory body. I t i s a Council e x i s t i n g to a s s i s t the free exchange of information. I t provides us with improved communication and i n so doing, brings us closer together for coordination which we i n p o l i t i c s w i l l agree i s worthwhile." In other words, the Council can do l i t t l e more than make recommendations; these, however, can be of a general or s p e c i f i c nature. has published a number of works including an important  To date the Council three-volume work,  " P o l l u t i o n and Our Environment" i n 1967, and publications on Canadian water resources and outdoor recreation i n  1968.  While Canadians have not been o b l i v i o u s of the trends i n resource management i n the United States, i t i s only r e l a t i v e l y recently that thought has been given to a u n i f i e d look at t h i s nation's renewable resources. Multiple use received some attention at a National Forestry Conference held at Montebello i n 1966.  Looking ahead to the year 2000, Brooks and  E i d s v i k (1966) were of the opinion that the outdoor recreation boom had yet to be f e l t by Canadian foresters, but when i t came i t could not be ignored. The emphasis of t h i s paper was mainly on the r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of recreation a c t i v i t i e s within the forest, to timber  production.  65. The Canadian Council of Resource Ministers i s apparently becoming aware of  the need to "look at a l l resources i n terms of the needs of the Canadian  people" ( W i l l i s t o n , o p . c i t . ) .  At t h i s national l e v e l there i s a growing  awareness of the interdependence of resources and of the requirements for optimization.  Yet nothing i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n has yet materialized as formal  policy. The degree of autonomy of the Canadian provinces, however, renders the achievement of coordination of resource p o l i c i e s on a national scale v i r t u a l l y impossible.  P r o v i n c i a l governments, as central decision making bodies with  r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s to a defined referrent group, and a s p e c i f i e d area, would appear to be i n i d e a l situations to implement integrated resource management. Yet no evidence i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n can be found. find.  The reasons are not hard to  On the one hand, the comparatively small populations l i v i n g i n , or with  access to, large areas of land s t i l l have room to move i f and when d i s s a t i s faction i s experienced with l i f e i n one l o c a l i t y .  On the other hand l i e s the  fact that to most of the p r o v i n c i a l governments, e x p l o i t a t i o n of resources is  s t i l l d i r e c t l y equated with progress.  Like most other governments, they  suffer from a d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of control of resources, and sometimes a d u p l i cation of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , so that when e x p l o i t a t i o n does take place i t either occurs haphazardly, or with but a single narrow goal i n mind. Public concern for the Canadian environment i s growing, and sooner or l a t e r p r o v i n c i a l governments w i l l be forced to face the problems of integrated resource management.  To suggest how a p r o v i n c i a l government should begin to  implement integrated resource management would require a thorough study of the natural resources and governmental structure of a p a r t i c u l a r province; such i s considered outside the scope of t h i s t h e s i s . have to be faced w i l l include the following:  Questions that would  66. 1.  What are the natural resources o f the province, and what are t h e i r  p o t e n t i a l s — a s far as they can be foreseen? 2.  What do the residents o f the province ( i . e . referrent group) require  of these natural resources? 3.  How can these requirements be most expediently communicated to the  decision makers? 4.  Should the province be treated as a single unit f o r the implementation  of integrated resource management, or should i t be subdivided into smaller management units? 5.  (See Chapter VI and Ontario's Conservation A u t h o r i t i e s . )  Should the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s o f an e x i s t i n g government department be  redefined to include the greater l e g a l and f i s c a l powers that w i l l be required for integrated resource management, or should a new department be established? (See Chapter VI, the Delaware River Basin.) 6.  What c r i t e r i a , or techniques, should be employed to deal with the  problems of f i n a n c i a l versus aesthetic considerations?  (See Chapter VII.)  67  CHAPTER VI CASE STUDIES  INTRODUCTION Multiple use, or integrated resource management, has only been t r u l y attempted i n a few instances.  I t w i l l be worthwhile to b r i e f l y analyze one  or two examples to see how goals have been determined and administrative mechanisms developed, to implement programs that involved a u n i f i e d approach to the use o f a region's resources, with a s p e c i f i c population i n mind. THE UNITED STATES FOREST SERVICE As shown i n the preceding pages, the United States Forest Service has been intimately connected with both the Conservation Movement and the evolution of the theories and p r i n c i p l e s pertaining to multiple use.  As the Forest  Service i s the only agency that s p e c i f i c a l l y has multiple use as one o f i t s functional objectives i t i s an obvious candidate  for discussion.  multiple use w i l l be used i n t h i s section since i t i s completely  (The term within  context.) A few s t a t i s t i c s o f the Forest Service management program w i l l help to show the considerable importance of the National Forests to the nation.  The  68. Forest Service has control of 154 National Forests and 19 National  Grasslands,  1  t o t a l l i n g 186 m i l l i o n acres (about 8 per cent of the country's land area). In 1968  the National Forests sustained 157 m i l l i o n v i s i t o r days of recreation;  12 b i l l i o n board feet of lumber were cut, and over 1.25 planted.  b i l l i o n trees were  More than 15 m i l l i o n acres of the forests have been set aside as  wilderness or p r i m i t i v e areas; the forests also carry more than 6 m i l l i o n head of sheep or c a t t l e and, i n 1968, by hunters.  some 660 thousand head of b i g game were taken  Thousands of acres were being treated for c o n t r o l of erosion, as  well as hundreds of miles of stream banks and abandoned roads being  stabilized.  The Forest Service i s a c t i v e l y cooperating with state and private forest owners, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the f i e l d of f i r e protection, and i s a l s o carrying out numerous programs from nine regional Forest Experiment Stations. Forest Service, 1966,  (U.S.D.A.  1969.)  At the head of the Forest Service i s the Chief Forester, who,  with a  s t a f f of professionals, has the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the management of the National Forest system.  (The following d e s c r i p t i o n of the administration  i s based mainly on C l i f f , 1961). The National Forests are divided into ten regional groups (seven to twenty forests i n each region), with a regional forester i n charge of each group, aided by an a s s i s t i n g s t a f f . Each i n d i v i d u a l forest i s i n the charge of a forest supervisor. his  Like  superiors, the supervisor has a s s i s t a n t s , each of whom i s an expert i n a  p a r t i c u l a r f i e l d of forest management. The  forest i s subdivided into between three and ten ranger d i s t r i c t s ,  each with an area of approximately a quarter of a m i l l i o n acres and each i n  1  National Grasslands were o r i g i n a l l y submarginal farmlands on the Great P l a i n s . They were put i n the charge of the Forest Service i n 1960 to be managed under the p r i n c i p l e of multiple use and sustained y i e l d . (U.S.D.A. Forest Service, 1969).  69. the charge of a d i s t r i c t ranger.  The d i s t r i c t i s the working block, the  operating unit of the forest that has i t s own management plan which translates d i r e c t i v e s from above into s p e c i f i c programs. Multiple use planning procedures used by the Forest Service consist of three major steps: 1.  The establishment  use requirements.  of o v e r - a l l p o l i c i e s and objectives and multiple  The preparation of these guides are the sole r e s p o n s i b i l i t y  of the c h i e f and h i s s t a f f .  Statements made upon these matters must r e f l e c t  national tendencies, trends and demands, and because of the immense d i v e r s i t y of the national forests they can only be "rather vague and philosophical i n nature"  ( C l i f f , op.cit.).  With these statements made, the degree of multiple  use coordination can be established.  This w i l l d i r e c t the extent or manner i n  which the management and use w i l l be i n t e n s i f i e d for increased production, or modified to prevent, minimize or resolve c o n f l i c t s .  At t h i s l e v e l these r e -  quirements can be l i t t l e more than statements of p r i n c i p l e s . 2.  Preparation of regional guides for multiple use planning  coordination. staff.  and  This i s the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the regional forester and h i s  Within the guidelines established by the c h i e f forester, he must  ensure a uniform procedure for the development of multiple use plans for those ranger d i s t r i c t s within h i s region that have s i m i l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s .  "The  object of these guides i s to equip the d i s t r i c t ranger with c r i t e r i a upon which he can base coordinated management decisions for the land-use problems of h i 8 ranger d i s t r i c t " ( C l i f f , o p . c i t . ) .  At t h i s l e v e l there i s the i n t r o -  duction of data pertaining to the p o t e n t i a l of each resource, and demands that are l i k e l y to be made upon i t .  70.  3.  Preparation o f ranger d i s t r i c t multiple use plans.  Here the manage-  ment decisions from above are amalgamated with q u a l i t a t i v e and quantitative data o f l o c a l ( i . e . d i s t r i c t ) resource conditions.  The ranger d i s t r i c t i s  r e a l l y the working u n i t i n the implementation o f multiple use plans.  As the  p o l i c i e s , guidelines and plans descend the hierarchy there i s an increasing r e f l e c t i o n o f conditions, o f people and resources of the d i s t r i c t .  The dele-  gation o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to the f i e l d forester was inaugurated very soon a f t e r Pinchot was made head o f the Forest Service, and has proved an e f f e c t i v e way of allowing decisions to be made as near the scene of a c t i o n as possible (Pinchot, o p . c i t . ) . For a l l the d i r e c t i o n from above and technical knowledge at h i s d i s p o s a l , the d i s t r i c t ranger i s the keyman i n the implementation o f multiple use. Where c o n f l i c t s a r i s e between resources or uses o f a resource, the ranger i s ultimately dependent on h i s own d i s c r e t i o n i n the determination o f the optimum combination o f products  from h i s d i s t r i c t .  of multiple use i s o f l i t t l e help has been shown.  That the l e g a l d e f i n i t i o n Technical c r i t e r i a have  u n t i l very recently r e f l e c t e d f i n a n c i a l and e c o l o g i c a l values.  Since the  ranger i s a trained forester i t was not unusual for forest production to be given preference i n the r e s o l u t i o n o f c o n f l i c t s . To date, dependence on ranger d i s c r e t i o n has borne adequate resuits,but the procedure o f r e l y i n g upon an i n d i v i d u a l ' s i n t u i t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f p o l i c y statements make possible the i n j e c t i o n o f conscious and unconscious biases that could deny the achievement of maximum public welfare.  Several  authors have commented on t h i s s i t u a t i o n . Reich (1962) pointed out that there were few, i f any, safeguards to ensure that public wishes would determine operating decisions:  71. "the power of the Forest Service i s awesome ... i t recognizes i n the matter-of-fact pages of i t s manual that i t s ultimate job i s nothing less than the d e f i n i t i o n of the 'public good.' a task once reserved for philosopher-kings. This i s the tremendous responsib i l i t y that Congress has delegated to a l l the forest agencies and with i t the power to determine the very character of the American people." H a l l (op.cit.) was a l i t t l e more c y n i c a l .  "Forest management, l i k e  war,  i s too Important a task to be l e f t s t r i c t l y to i n d i v i d u a l s however competent and dedicated."  Allowing decisions to be made l o c a l l y may  ensure recognition  of l o c a l wishes but a l s o c a r r i e s the p o t e n t i a l of bending national objectives i n the face of p o l i t i c a l l y powerful l o c a l i n t e r e s t s (McConnell,  1959).  Forest Service p o l i c y i s "multiple use," and although i t has an enviable record of s a t i s f y i n g a wide range of s o c i a l demands from the resources of the national forests, the present dependency upon personal d i s c r e t i o n i s not without r i s k .  Conspicuously  absent from the d i r e c t i v e s that a ranger receives  i s a d e f i n i t i o n of p u b l i c welfare, and c r i t e r i a for s e l e c t i n g the management plan that w i l l r e s u l t i n the optimum combination of goods and services. Much of the Forest Service's success can be a t t r i b u t e d to the c a l i b r e and t r a i n i n g of i t s d i s t r i c t rangers, but other factors are of equal importance. F i r s t l y , the Forest Service i s the only agency that has j u r i s d i c t i o n over the whole resource base of the national forests.  A single management agency with  defined goals i s a key factor i n implementing multiple use or integrated resource management.  This means that although Forest Service p o l i c y i s not  succinct, i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of plans and r e s o l u t i o n of c o n f l i c t i n g demands can be made i n accordance with a single management goal. The second point to note i s that the area over which the Forest Service has charge i s c l e a r l y defined.  This d e f i n i t i o n of area means that  surveys  and inventories can be made, and upon examination of the r e s u l t s i t i s possible  72. to assess the extent to which demands can be met.  When multiple use i s  proposed for an indeterminate area, i t i s impossible to define resource p o t e n t i a l , or demands. The t h i r d and most important point i s that the Forest Service i s able to define the populations for whom the resources of the forests are being managed.  Although the r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of national and l o c a l i n t e r e s t s i s  seldom easy, d e f i n i t i o n o f a.population enables the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of demands. Without t h i s recognition o f demands, management goals cannot e f f e c t i v e l y be achieved. Thus the United States Forest Service i s more or less s a t i s f y i n g the prerequisites o f integrated resource management:  v i z . i t recognizes s o c i a l  needs o f referrent groups; the area o f management i s defined and a single administrative agency i s responsible for r e c o n c i l i n g s p e c i f i c demands and supplies. WATERSHEDS AND DRAINAGE BASINS AS UNITS FOR INTEGRATED RESOURCE MANAGEMENT The many varied properties o f water make i t v i t a l to human existence, yet i t i s probably one o f the most abused resources i n North America (Udall, 1968).  Not only i s water l o s t to use through p o l l u t i o n , but also through  sub-optimal use that i s a r e s u l t o f lack o f cooperation between the many i n t e r e s t s vested i n each of the phases o f water properties. Pioneers to t h i s continent were able to s a t i s f y t h e i r water d i r e c t l y from stream and lake. responsibility.  Water belonged to everyone and so was no one's  As communities grew, householders'  water shifted to public bodies.  requirements  functions concerning  These r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s have often outgrown  l o c a l agencies and so they have been passed from hand to hand u n t i l i n many cases federal a i d had to be sought.  Several reasons can be i d e n t i f i e d to  explain the ultimate dependence o f national government support.  These include:  73. 1.  In l i n e with economic thinking and  free enterprise, private bodies  were able to play an important r o l e i n developing various aspects of water resources, p a r t i c u l a r l y those where p r o f i t s seemed l i k e l y .  However, the  market system has not ensured that even d i s t r i b u t i o n of benefits i t claimed to be capable of.  I t was  i n e v i t a b l e that government has had to step i n to  attempt some form of coordination of water-based enterprises to protect the consumer. 2.  The  scale of operations required for r i v e r control even on a l o c a l  basis was often beyond the f i n a n c i a l and legal scope of l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s . 3. Dam)  Recognition of the value of multipurpose projects (e.g. the Hoover  and that for maximum b e n e f i t s , a r i v e r should be considered  for develop-  ment i n i t s e n t i r e t y , were steps i n the d i r e c t i o n of comprehensive r i v e r development.  However, where such was contemplated, often a number of federal  states were involved, each with d i f f e r e n t requirements of the same water. C o n f l i c t s resulted.  Seldom have states been able or w i l l i n g to compromise  and cooperate of t h e i r own  free w i l l , and federal coordination became  necessary. Watersheds and drainage basins have received favourable attention as specified areas for resource management i n general, and coordination of water uses and users i n p a r t i c u l a r . populations and needs.  Their geographic l i m i t s allow recognition of  The ubiquity of water and i t s properties and uses  should promote a c e n t r a l agency that i s capable of focusing attention on numerous projects of varied natures.  Thus i t i s tempting to propose that  such physical u n i t s be adopted as s p e c i f i e d areas for integrated management. establishment  resource  While the d e f i n i t i o n of basin and population i s possible, the of an agency responsible for planning and implementing co-  ordinated resource programs appears to be almost impossible under present  74. s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l conditions.  The Tennessee V a l l e y Authority, incorporated  at the beginning of the depression years, i s the only agency i n North America s p e c i f i c a l l y charged with, and empowered to bring about, "the economic and s o c i a l well-being of the people l i v i n g i n the (Tennessee) r i v e r basin" (T.V.A. Act 1933, section 23) i . e . to s a t i s f y the previous conditions deemed necessary for integrated resource management, using a drainage basin as a specified area. The Authority's establishment,  s u r v i v a l and degree o f success are a t t r i b u t a b l e  to unique circumstances that are not l i k e l y to be repeated  (McRinley, 1950).  There are several reasons why drainage basins are r a r e l y well suited f o r consideration as u n i t s f o r integrated resource management. 1.  For instance:  Present demands for natural resources allow few areas to l i v e i n  splendid i s o l a t i o n .  Local and national populations are interdependent f o r  a varying number o f d a l l y e s s e n t i a l s — o n e being water.  I t i s becoming ever  more feasible to d i v e r t large quantities o f water from one basin to another, e.g. New York C i t y i s allowed to withdraw 800 m i l l i o n gallons per day from the Delaware River Basin (see part four o f t h i s chapter).  The degree of i n t e r -  dependence of l o c a l and national i n t e r e s t s r e f l e c t s the size o f the l o c a l population and the size o f the b a s i n — t h e  smaller e i t h e r o f these two character-  i s t i c s , the l e s s chance such a basin has for being considered as a planning unit. c  2.  When the c r i t e r i a o f the area's development s h i f t from a hydrologic  focus, the basin or watershed loses relevance as a planning u n i t . For example, h y d r o e l e c t r i c i t y d i s t r i b u t i o n or recreation require d i f f e r e n t areas for planning than that afforded by a drainage basin (Knetsch and Hart, 1961). 3.  Basins seldom f i t into e x i s t i n g patterns o f geographic or functional  government administration.  Hence consideration o f a basin as an administration  unit means that the establishment  o f the basin's governing body must overcome  the natural opposition o f entrenched j u r i s d i c t i o n .  75. The more comprehensive the planning for r i v e r development, the more w i l l the other resources o f the basin be encompassed.  The primary objectives i n  the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of the Tennessee Valley were water oriented, but as the immediate problems of r i v e r control were solved, the program was expanded to include s o i l conservation, agriculture and forestry programs, to prevent det e r i o r a t i o n of water properties In the headwaters of t r i b u t a r i e s and watersheds far removed from the influence of dams on major streams.  With the r i v e r system  controlled programs of a more s o c i a l nature were entertained by the T.V.A. I t i s proposed to mention two examples of American r i v e r basin administration.  The Tennessee V a l l e y , as mentioned, i s unique but i l l u s t r a t e s what  can be achieved for a referrent group by a single coordinating agency. second example i s the Delaware River Basin.  The  From the study that was made of  t h i s region, i t i s possible to understand how the recommendations made for basin administration (primarily for the coordination of water uses) were reached i n the l i g h t o f present s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l situations. THE TENNESSEE VALLEY AUTHORITY The information upon which the following discussion i s based was obtained from Smith (1966), L i l i e n t h a l (1953), and Martin et a l (1960). The Tennessee River had a reputation of serious flooding and navigation d i f f i c u l t i e s that was known to the native Indians.  White s e t t l e r s i n i t i a t e d  a system of levees to protect t h e i r townships, but otherwise no r i v e r control work was implemented u n t i l t h i s century.  To add to the region's problems,  the land bearing these settlements had become impoverished through e c o l o g i c a l l y unsuited a g r i c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s .  Crops such as tobacco and cotton had not  only lowered f e r t i l i t y l e v e l s but had also resulted i n massive losses of tops o i l by erosion.  Consequently, at the beginning o f t h i s century, there was  desperate need for r i v e r control work and cheap f e r t i l i z e r s .  76. By t h i s time, the Tennessee's p o t e n t i a l for producing hydroelectric power was becoming apparent, and cheap e l e c t r i c a l energy was a prerequisite for  the conversion of atmospheric nitrogen to n i t r a t e s .  The F i r s t World  was the vehicle whereby industry capable of such conversion was  War  proposed—  munitions were to be produced f i r s t and a f t e r the war, f e r t i l i z e r s .  In 1917  the War Department contracted out the construction of several n i t r a t e plants that were to use p r i v a t e l y produced power i n i t i a l l y and, l a t e r , to use power from a government sponsored dam (to become known as the Wilson Dam)  to be  constructed at Muscle Shoals (a section of the r i v e r i n Northern Alabama). Although the n i t r a t e plants were completed they were not put into action because the end of the war was imminent: ran  out before construction was completed.  funds for the government's dam The Government attempted to lease  the Muscle Shoals project to private developers but without success, and from t h i s time u n t i l the incorporation of the Valley Authority, controversy continued over the issue of private or public development. Interest, which was to become national i n extent, quickened when Henry Ford submitted a bid for the project.  Between 1921 and 1924 the p o l i t i c a l  wrangling became intense, with Senator George Norris seeking to prevent any development by private interests and pushing for federal a i d for public development.  According to Smith (op.cit.) Ford was the f i r s t to see the r i v e r  and i t s environs as a single unit for economic development; there was t a l k of a complete navigation system, a g r i c u l t u r a l programs and new industries.  Ford  inexplicably withdrew h i s o f f e r i n 1924, but many of the above points were incorporated into Norris' proposals. Not u n t i l 1933, the early months of President F. D. Roosevelt's term of o f f i c e , was r e a l progress made.  By t h i s time, the Tennessee V a l l e y was  one of the most poverty-stricken of a l l the major r i v e r basins o f the country,  77. and t h i s s t i r r e d Roosevelt and expectations.  to propose measures that went beyond Norris* hopes  In a message to Congress e a r l y i n 1933 Roosevelt  stated:  " I t i s clear that the Muscle Shoals development i s but a small part of the p o t e n t i a l public usefulness of the e n t i r e Tennessee River. Such use, i f envisioned i n i t s e n t i r e t y , transcends mere power development: i t enters the wide f i e l d s o f flood c o n t r o l , s o i l erosion, a f f o r e s t a t i o n , elimination from a g r i c u l t u r a l use of marginal lands, and d i s t r i b u t i o n and d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of industry. In short, t h i s power development o f war days leads l o g i c a l l y to national planning for a complete r i v e r watershed involving many States and the future l i v e s and welfare of m i l l i o n s . I t touches and gives l i f e to a l l forms o f human concerns. " I , therefore, suggest to the Congress l e g i s l a t i o n to create a Tennessee V a l l e y Authority--a corporation clothed with the power of government but possessed o f the f l e x i b i l i t y and i n i t i a t i v e o f a private enterprise. I t should be charged with the broadest duty o f planning for the proper use, conservation and development of the natural resources o f the Tennessee "River drainage basin and i t s adjoining t e r r i t o r y for the general s o c i a l and economic welfare of the nation. This Authority should also be clothed with the necessary power to carry these plans into e f f e c t . I t s duty would be the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n o f the Muscle Shoals development and the coordination o f i t with the wider plan." (quoted i n Smith, op.cit.) A b i l l was passed by Congress i n May that same year l e g a l l y incorporating the Tennessee V a l l e y Authority.  In Section 23 of the Act, the Authority was  charged with the purposes of bringing about: "1.  the maximum amount o f flood c o n t r o l ;  2.  the maximum development o f said Tennessee River for navigation purposes;  3.  the maximum generation o f e l e c t r i c power consistent with flood control and navigation;  4.  the proper use of marginal lands;  5.  the proper method o f r e f o r e s t a t i o n o f a l l lands i n said drainage basin suitable for r e f o r e s t a t i o n ; and  6.  the economic and s o c i a l well-being o f the people l i v i n g i n said r i v e r basin." (U.S. 48 Stat. 58)  According to the Act the Authority was to be guided by a board o f three d i r e c t o r s appointed by the President, one being appointed Chairman.  78. The was  f i r s t board of d i r e c t o r s divided the work among them so that each  able to remain i n the f i e l d i n which he was known.  A. E. Morgan (the  board's f i r s t chairman) took control of the construction projects, and a l s o made them instruments for t r a i n i n g l o c a l manpower i n b u i l d i n g s k i l l s . Morgan supervised land-grant  the f e r t i l i z e r and a g r i c u l t u r a l programs.  A.  He turned to the  colleges for assistance thereby forging a l i n k between the  conservative  H.  suspicious  elements of the V a l l e y , and the new untried government agency.  D. L i l i e n t h a l accepted the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of organizing and operating  the  Valley's power system and seeing to the l e g a l a f f a i r s . Although such a d i v i s i o n of labour seemed l o g i c a l , i t soon became apparent that i t was s i t u a t i o n was  not promoting the cohesive action that was  required.  The  not improved by the personal r e l a t i o n s h i p between the chairman  and the other board members.  Consequently the board was  not as e f f e c t i v e as  i t might have been i n coordinating the work delegated to the numerous federal, state, l o c a l and private enterprises.  Roosevelt removed the chairman i n  1937,  and the following year the d i r e c t o r s made a decision under which the Authority has progressed more e f f e c t i v e l y .  I t was  decided that the board members should  withdraw from d i r e c t supervision and devote t h e i r energies to p o l i c y formul a t i o n and a more general approach to program supervision. a general manager's p o s i t i o n provided  The creation of  the l i n k between the board and the  m i n i s t r a t i v e organization with the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of program  ad-  execution.  The effectiveness of the A u t h o r i t y ' 8 structure i n achieving i t s objectives can be judged from the following f a c t s .  A t o t a l of thirty-one  dams has been constructed and since the control system was put into e f f e c t there has not been a major flood.  The average annual savings from flood  damage has been estimated at t h i r t e e n m i l l i o n d o l l a r s , (T.V.A. Facts, 1961). From the beginning the Authority recognized  the importance of land use  to  79. water q u a l i t y and regime, and f o r e s t a t i o n programs were established i n numerous watersheds.  Navigation improvements over more than 650 miles of the  River have resulted i n an increase of r i v e r t r a f f i c from 33 m i l l i o n i n 1933,  to two b i l l i o n ton-miles i n 1961  ton-miles  (T.V.A. Facts, o p . c i t . ) .  With some reservations, the Authority has been s i m i l a r l y e f f e c t i v e i n promoting the production of e l e c t r i c power. were i n use before 1933,  Some steam generating  plants  and from i t s inception, the Authority had control £  —5>-  of these as well as hydro plant, upon which i t concentrated, generation was general.  since such power  c l o s e l y connected with the development of the r i v e r system i n  The Second World War  saw increased demands for power for m i l i t a r y  purposes, and to meet the challenge the Authority turned i t s attention to the construction of more steam plant.  By 1961  the V a l l e y boasted thirty-one  hydroelectric and twenty steam plants, with an impressive hour production. purpose, and  t o t a l of kilowatt-  A f t e r the war munitions f a c t o r i e s took on a more peaceful  for regional economic prosperity yet more industry was attracted  to the V a l l e y by sources of cheap power.  The nature of the Valley's coal  deposits and the demand for coal made by the steam plants resulted i n extensive strip-mining operations.  The V a l l e y Authority, however, has turned a b l i n d  eye to the single-minded fashion i n which the mining has been c a r r i e d out, and which has resulted i n devastation of other resources which, during war years, were of l i t t l e apparent importance.  the  The heavy industry of the area  i s also responsible for considerable quantities of atmospheric p o l l u t i o n . Fortunately there i s a growing awareness of these e f f e c t s upon the environment and steps toward r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and reclamation are being taken. Around the Muscle Shoals n i t r a t e plant has sprung up a renowned f e r t i l i z e r research program, designed for t e s t i n g and developing  new  fertilizers.  Not  80. seeking to compete with e x i s t i n g industry, the Authority has maintained a p o l i c y o f allowing a l l t h e i r f e r t i l i z e r s to become public patents.  Any  private company can obtain without charge a license to produce a new f e r t i l i z e r and as soon as the new product a t t a i n s commercial recognition, the Authority ceases i t s own production.  Test and demonstration farms have been  sponsored by the Authority with a view to inducing better farm management practices. Although not s p e c i f i c a l l y mentioned i n i t s terms o f reference, the Authority has accommodated demands for water-based recreation. parks were i n i t i a t e d on reservoir shorelines i n 1934.  Demonstration  Since 1945 the demand  for such f a c i l i t i e s has increased dramatically and miles of a d d i t i o n a l shorel i n e have been made a v a i l a b l e .  While not operating these services i t s e l f the  Authority has donated the f a c i l i t i e s to state and l o c a l recreation a u t h o r i t i e s . As a further example of the Authority's implication i n the region's welfare, there has not been a single case o f malaria traceable to the r i v e r for many y e a r s — a n d t h i s i n a region where the disease i s endemic and was previously widespread.  The success of such health programs i s a t t r i b u t a b l e  to the degree o f cooperation between the Authority and state and l o c a l health organizations. A comparison of average i n d i v i d u a l Incomes o f the Tennessee V a l l e y indicates the effectiveness o f the Authority i n a l l e v i a t i n g general  poverty.  In 1933 the average i n d i v i d u a l income i n the state o f Tennessee was 45 per cent o f the national average; i n 1966 i t was 68 per cent.  Corresponding  figures for South and East Kentucky, outside the Tennessee V a l l e y , are 36 and 39 per cent respectively (Smith, o p . c i t . ) . There are a number of important features of the Authority that help to account for i t s success:  81. 1.  The Authority i s a federal organ, yet completely  other e x i s t i n g federal departments.  separate  from a l l  I t therefore enjoys substantial admini-  s t r a t i v e independence and autonomy. 2.  I t i s a l s o a regional agency, bringing federal authority to bear on  the problems of a s p e c i f i c area.  The maintenance of the Authority's head-  quarters i n the V a l l e y , and not i n Washington, ensures better communication with l o c a l people and problems. 3.  The requirements for integrated resource management are not s p e c i -  f i c a l l y mentioned i n the Authority's terms of reference, but were implied i n Section 23 of the Act (page 77).  Even when the i n i t i a l work with a single  resource was being put i n hand, recognition was  given to adjacent  resources  so that as far as possible, completion of one project would not r e s u l t i n more problems.  As the main objectives were achieved, others of a l e s s  spectacular nature were dealt with i n a s i m i l a r coordinated manner.  It i s  d i f f i c u l t to account for the Authority's t o l e r a t i o n of i n d u s t r i a l a i r p o l l u t i o n and the side e f f e c t s of s t r i p mining. 4.  The Authority did not attempt to set i t s e l f up as a "super power,"  usurping the authority of l o c a l organizations.  Instead the board chose to  work within e x i s t i n g governmental frameworks and play the r o l e of advisor (and to carry out research upon which to base advice) to e x i s t i n g adminis t r a t i v e structures. As previously mentioned, the conditions under which the Authority  was  incorporated, i . e . i t h e abundance of a l l l e v e l s of labour and technical assistance made a v a i l a b l e by the depression, and the p o l i t i c a l and climate of the times, are not l i k e l y to be repeated.  social  However, i n a consider-  able amount of l i t e r a t u r e dealing with planning and resource development, the  82. success of the Tennessee V a l l e y Authority i s often pointed to.  Suggestions  and recommendations have been made to the e f f e c t that other of the nation's large drainage basins should be s i m i l a r l y administered, but to date no other "authority" has ever been incorporated.  L i l i e n t h a l , who was  involved from  the e a r l i e s t days of the Authority's existence, commented on t h i s point: "That such an experiment ( i n d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of federal powers) would meet with the combined opposition of an a l l i a n c e of the Washington Bureaucracy was a fore-gone conclusion ... For i f the T.V.A. experiment were ever repeated i n e s s e n t i a l s i n other regions one a f t e r another, the power and influence of the Washington Departments—from cabinet o f f i c e r s down—would be immeasurably decreased. No c e n t r a l i z e d authority i n the h i s t o r y of the world has ever submitted to such defeat without a long and b i t t e r f i g h t . " (Lilienthal, op.cit.) Without doubt, t h i s sums up the reasons why  similar administrations  have not been incorporated i n r i v e r basins elsewhere, although the need has been demonstrated. The three e s s e n t i a l points for integrated resource management that were made e a r l i e r can be i d e n t i f i e d i n the effectiveness of the work of the Tennessee V a l l e y Authority, as they were for the Forest Service.  The physical  boundaries of the drainage basin delineate a resource base that furnishes the supply for the demands of the population that i s s i m i l a r l y defined.  The  V a l l e y Authority i s the single agency that has the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of planning the optimum outcome of supply and demand, and the power of implementing coordinated execution of the plans. THE DELAWARE RIVER BASIN The Delaware River Basin, l i k e the Tennessee V a l l e y , i s an i n t e r s t a t e system, including various proportions of the states of New  York, New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania and Delaware, and has a h i s t o r y of p o l i t i c a l controversy of equal i n t e n s i t y and probably more complexity.  Over the years there have  83.  been studies, surveys, commissions, advisory councils, etc., making d i f f e r e n t proposals for the development of the b a s i n s water resources. 1  implemented i n f u l l , and a few gained no support at a l l .  None have been  This section i s  based upon a recent report of a group of people from Syracuse University, v i z . Martin, Birkhead, Burkhead and Hunger, whose report was  published  in  1960.  The agencies interested i n the basin's water resources presently number approximately 250--most are public but a few are private.  Around each  function or use of the r i v e r a separate public has tended to emerge, and i n l i n e with modern s o c i a l attitudes and p o l i t i c a l thinking each has sought survival and prosperity through the achievement.of as much autonomy as possible.  The larger issues occupying most of these groups include the a l l o -  cation of water supply, flood c o n t r o l , p o l l u t i o n abatement (necessitated  by  the use of the r i v e r for disposal of domestic sewage and mine discharge),  as  well as navigation and hydroelectric power production and more recently, water oriented  recreation.  U n t i l the l a t e 1950s there was  a paucity of collaboration between these  separate p u b l i c s , and i t might be surmised that the resultant i n e f f i c i e n c y i n the r i v e r ' s development would have seriously affected the region's economy. Such has not been the case.  In contrast to the Tennessee V a l l e y , where lack  of development caused poverty l e v e l s that provoked federal intervention, the Delaware Service Area "has a wealthy population and a mature economy.  The  main economic concern at present i s to maintain p a r i t y of growth rather than accomplish rapid development" (Martin et a l , op.cit.) In 1960  the population  of the basin was  roughly s i x m i l l i o n people.  a decree of the United States Supreme Court i n 1933, l i e s outside the Delaware River Basin, was of 800 m i l l i o n gallons per day  New  By  York C i t y , which  granted approval for the withdrawal  from the River's head-waters, thereby adding  84. another 11 m i l l i o n people to those already d i r e c t l y interested i n the r i v e r . New  Jersey i s s i m i l a r l y allowed to d i v e r t 100 m i l l i o n gallons per day.  the water resources of the basin are "fundamental to the economic and well-being of some 21 m i l l i o n people."  Thus social  (ibid.)  Comprehensive basin-wide development was proposed as e a r l y as the 1920s — i t  i s an idea that has waxed and waned with changing times.  The year  1936  saw the establishment of Incodel (Interstate Commission on the Delaware River Basin), that proposed the idea of voluntary i n t e r s t a t e cooperation, but without r e s u l t .  As the magnitude of the problems grew, acceptance of the  p r i n c i p l e of basin-wide administration grew.  In 1955  two hurricanes struck  the northeastern parts of America within three days of one another and caused the Delaware River to flood to such an extent that a hundred l i v e s were l o s t and m i l l i o n s of d o l l a r s worth of damage was done.  This catastrophe made the  issue of the region's development a c r i t i c a l one.  The Corps of Engineers  began a brand new  survey, disregarding a l l past e f f o r t s and adopting a "broad  view of the basin's water resources" ( i b i d . ) .  Like previous e f f o r t s i t stimu-  lated some support, but the d i s s o l u t i o n of the survey s t a f f was the demise of this interest.  Two years l a t e r the r i v e r c a r r i e d such small amounts of water  that domestic supplies were endangered and i n t e r e s t was once again revived. From informal meetings of the governors of the four states and the mayors of New York C i t y and Philadelphia, the Delaware River Basin Advisory Council (DRBAC) was water resources.  formed to examine problems of regional administration of  The Council recommended that a Ford Foundation grant be  made a v a i l a b l e to Delaware River Basin Research Inc., a research agency that was  created for the purpose of administering these funds.  This agency i n  turn entered into a contract with a research group at Syracuse University (headed by R. C. Martin) to carry out the necessary research.  The r e s u l t i n g  85. report e n t i t l e d "River Basin Administration and the Delaware" was published i n 1960.  I t i s an extremely thorough work dealing with a l l aspects of regional  administration i n general, with s p e c i f i c reference to the Delaware. In Attempting to discover the best administration for the p a r t i c u l a r needs of the Delaware Basin, the authors o f t h i s study bound themselves to the maxim that "form follows function" i . e . the best type of administration for any p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n i s the one that f i t s closest the requirements set by a prospective program.  With t h i s general aim, the authors developed ten  c r i t e r i a with which to evaluate the adequacy of administrative mechanisms. These c r i t e r i a are not limited to the context of the Delaware Basin or water resources and constitute very pertinent questions that can be asked of any administration--not management. 1.  the least o f which might involve integrated  They w i l l be b r i e f l y outlined here.  Congruity o f Area and Function.  This concerns the compatability  of the function (program) to be administered it.  resource  and the area responsible for  Incongruity e x i s t s (a) when a function outgrows a government to which  i t has been long assigned, and (b) when a new function a r i s e s which requires administration not presently a v a i l a b l e . 2.  Population Base.  The size of the population i s important with respect  to such matters as consumer demand and need for services, capacity to support services, vigour and v a r i e t y o f c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and the provision of a source of c i v i c leadership.  Up to a point, larger government ( r e f l e c t i n g a  larger population base) i s more e f f i c i e n t than small. 3.  Program Scope and Depth.  A program that i s i n s i g n i f i c a n t i n making  substantial differences to people, that does not command popular i n t e r e s t and technical competence, cannot lay claim to being e f f e c t i v e or completely necessary.  "A unit of government which performs no important function or  86.  which i s i n e f f e c t u a l i n what i t undertakes i s worse than a useless thing f o r i t tends to subject a l l government to popular suspicion and even r i d i c u l e " (ibid.). 4.  Legal Authorization.  T r i t e as i t may sound, a government without  the power to discharge the function for which i t was created, i s o f course useless.  "The American government i s f i l l e d with the chronicles o f units  which, created i n moments o f high purpose (or desperation) f a i l e d to get o f f the ground for want o f l e g a l authority commensurate with t h e i r assigned tasks" (ibid.). 5.  F i n a n c i a l Resources.  F i s c a l adequacy i s as important as l e g a l  authorization i n the r e a l i z a t i o n o f objectives. 6.  Accountability,  of governmental structure.  (a) There must be i n t e r n a l attention a t a l l l e v e l s F a i l u r e to revise structure to comply with changing  needs can quickly lead to i n e f f i c i e n c y , (b) Government should continually be aware o f how well p o l i c y formulation, d i r e c t i o n and control r e f l e c t the w i l l of the people. 7.  Flexibility.  Administrative  n i z i n g and adapting to changing needs.  structures must be capable o f recogBeing t i e d exclusively to a p a r t i c u l a r  program, and/or i n f l e x i b l e l e g a l boundaries, i s a sure way to prevent consideration of needs growing from related development. 8.  Structural Compatibility.  "The federal system though formal, complex and deliberate, i s a fundamental feature o f American government. The challenge i s not to undermine or circumvent federation but to achieve a working order within the framework which i t provides ... Thousands o f small and seemingly i n e f f i c i e n t government u n i t s e x i s t , measurably reducing the effectiveness o f the t o t a l p u b l i c enterprize through competition for f i n a n c i a l support and c i t i z e n attention. "At the same time care should be exercised i n the creation of a new government unit which, however j u s t i f i e d i n programmatic terms, must be considered with reference to p o t e n t i a l e f f e c t s on i t s pro-  87.  spective r e l a t i o n s with e x i s t i n g governments. This i s a subtle but s i g n i f i c a n t point, for responsible action requires that due consideration be given to a l l relevant factors including specif i c a l l y the i n t e r e s t s and concerns of e x i s t i n g government units before moving to the establishment of a new government or administrative area" ( i b i d . ) . 9.  Contemporariness.  A b i l i t y to maintain  f l e x i b i l i t y , l e g a l and  f i n a n c i a l status and to adapt to demands continually i s a r e q u i s i t e for e f f i c i e n t government. 10.  Political Viability.  P o l i t i c a l strength i s required to gain  i n i t i a l acceptance and l a t e r to ensure s u r v i v a l .  New  units must be capable  of f i g h t i n g and winning the b a t t l e of popular resistance to change and against entrenched i n t e r e s t s , and be prepared to fight for s u r v i v a l . The authors of the report reached three main conclusions: 1.  Within the Delaware Basin s i g n i f i c a n t water resources were being  poorly administered 2.  or ignored  completely;  E x i s t i n g government machinery was  not adequate for important changing  needs; and 3.  An administrative agency with j u r i s d i c t i o n throughout the Basin  promised the most l o g i c a l solution to regional aspects of the water resources problems. By examining the needs of the region, and applying the c r i t e r i a for e f f e c t i v e administration ( i . e . by examining both function and form) the authors were able to propose a type of administration that could meet the s p e c i f i c requirements.  A case could be made for applying a Federal statute,  or designing an i n t e r s t a t e compact; the former would be more expeditious while the l a t t e r would enable the states to play f u l l e r r o l e s i n the  Basin's  water development.  I t was eventually decided that both t a c t i c s could be  u s e f u l l y employed.  To t h i s end a "two  t h i s would take the following form:  phase" plan was recommended.  Briefly,  88. Phase One:  The establishment by Congressional Statute of the Delaware  River Agency for Water (DRAW).  The policy-making arm of t h i s agency would  be a commission composed of federal and state representatives.  The substan-  t i v e powers of the agency would be: (a)  to c o l l e c t and correlate data related to present and p o t e n t i a l  uses of water; (b)  to prepare and continuously revise and supplement a comprehensive  plan for the development of water and water related resources of the basin. The proposed scope o f the commission's plans was outlined here, for a f t e r naming flood c o n t r o l , water supply, p o l l u t i o n control and development and d i s t r i b u t i o n of power supplies, mention was made of recreation, f i s h and w i l d l i f e preservation, watershed management, s o i l conservation, forestry, i r r i g a t i o n , drainage, s t a b i l i z a t i o n of stream banks and related development of water resources.  The thoroughness of the planning showed that the authors  were indeed cognizant of the fact that the Basin's need of development was for more than water c o n t r o l , and that i f the r i v e r system was to be e f f e c t i v e l y developed as a u n i t , consideration of other resources could not be omitted; (c)  to design integrated planning operations for flood c o n t r o l , water  supply, power production and other related  facilities;  (d)  to protect and improve water q u a l i t y i n the Basin;  (e)  to represent Basin interests before government agencies, private  groups, e t c . ; (f)  to promote coordination of the a c t i v i t i e s of a l l public and private  groups that have i n t e r e s t s i n the Delaware's waters; (g)  to exercise powers conferred by state and federal law;  (h)  to conduct public hearings for operating plans of a l l water  resources; and  89. (i)  to make suitable preparation for the transfer of a l l f a c i l i t i e s  to the Delaware River Commission upon the creation of the body. S i m i l a r l y comprehensive proposals were made regarding the f i n a n c i a l powers of DRAW. Phase Two.  Here was the establishment of an agency by f e d e r a l - i n t e r s t a t e  compact to be known as the Delaware River Commission (DRC).  Basically this  body would have the same functions as outlined above for DRAW.  The main  difference between the two agencies was that the DRC had greater state r e p r e s e n t a t i o n — a move to soothe those troubled by " a n t i - f e d e r a l " feelings, and to bring about a more e f f i c i e n t mechanism for solving l o c a l problems. reason for choosing the two-phase approach was that, based on past  Another  experience,  i t was anticipated that an excessive amount of time might elapse before such a compact would gain approval.  The federal statute was proposed so that the ex-  pected time lapse could be used to prepare the ground work for the Commission; i f not used, the period of i n a c t i v i t y would probably negate the report's objectives. Martin (1963) t o l d o f the importance of a broad-based p u b l i c education program that had been sponsored and maintained  by the Delaware River Basin  Research Inc. between 1957 and 1959—the date when the Syracuse report reached the DRBAC.  Consequently there was a climate favourable to a c t i o n and i t was  decided to proceed d i r e c t l y to Phase Two of the report's recommendations. Approval  for the f e d e r a l - i n t e r s t a t e compact was secured and f i n a l i z e d by the  President's signature i n 1961.  Thus the Delaware River Basin Commission was  formed, consisting of the governors of the four states and a f i f t h commissioner appointed by the President.  I t s powers are broad within the domain of water  resource management but are so cast as to avoid exerting an unfavourable i n fluence on any e x i s t i n g program.  "The c e n t r a l power i s that granted to the  90. commission to devise a comprehensive plan to govern the water resources of the basin, and to review with power to disallow or require modification of a l l future proposals for projects s u b s t a n t i a l l y a f f e c t i n g water use." (Martin, 1963)  The compact i s unique i n that the federal government i s a  party to and signatory of an i n t e r s t a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p . The r a p i d i t y and willingness which the states exercised i n accepting proposals for the compact are a l s o worthy of note. By 1963  the Commission had progressed  into the problems common to a l l  new agencies, i . e . acquiring headquarters ( i n New delineating tasks and negotiating a budget.  Jersey), r e c r u i t i n g s t a f f ,  Other problems of a l e s s mundane  nature remain, perhaps the most c r u c i a l of which w i l l be those of a "public versus p r i v a t e " n a t u r e — t h e decisions of the Commission i n such a s i t u a t i o n are open to p r e d i c t i o n . From an administrative point of view the problems of the Delaware Basin involved (a) p r i m a r i l y a single resource, (b) public and private i n t e r e s t s , and (c) a general awareness of the need for coordinated action.  The  diffi-  c u l t i e s encountered i n the r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of these points have been s o l e l y of a p o l i t i c a l nature.  Never once were the technical problems involved i n  managing the r i v e r system as a unit considered insuperable or p r o h i b i t i v e to cooperative basin administration. Tennessee V a l l e y Authority.) not e x i s t .  (The same i s true of the background of the  This i s not to say that technical problems do  They do--in the form of the physical e f f e c t s of the e x p l o i t a t i o n  of one resource upon another, and i n the d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered i n the q u a n t i f i c a t i o n and evaluation of natural resources. Cooperation  among the Delaware Basin states was only achieved i n an  atmosphere of widespread, favourable public i n t e r e s t .  To attempt the imposition  of integrated resource management where p u b l i c i n t e r e s t for such i s lacking,  91. i s an exercise i n f u t i l i t y — a point overlooked by many who  indiscriminately  propose the ideas and p r i n c i p l e s of "multiple use."  CANADA:  ONTARIO'S CONSERVATION AUTHORITIES  For the reasons given i n Chapter V, Canada has had l i t t l e demand for integrated resource management.  However, the Conservation A u t h o r i t i e s of  Ontario i l l u s t r a t e some of the objectives of t h i s thesis i n a Canadian context. The unit of j u r i s d i c t i o n of each authority i s a watershed, (defined as "an area drained by a r i v e r and i t s t r i b u t a r i e s " (Conservation A u t h o r i t i e s ' Act, 1946)).  In 1965  there were t h i r t y - f o u r such a u t h o r i t i e s i n existence  (Ontario's Department of Energy and Resources Management, 1965), the majority of which were to be found i n the r i c h a g r i c u l t u r a l lands i n the south of the province.  Because of t h e i r a g r i c u l t u r a l s u i t a b i l i t y , these were the areas  f i r s t taken up by the s e t t l e r s , and today a considerable proportion are i n private hands, and most are under intense management of some form or another. Wild-land resources are not therefore of great importance.  Nevertheless, i t  has been found necessary to promote various conservation projects,aand although coordination of the a c t i v i t i e s within a watershed i s not a specified goal, i t has become obvious that "schemes" must be carried out with at least some r e gard for other resources.  (A "scheme" i s defined as a project "undertaken by  an. authority for the purposes of conservation, restoration and development of natural resources other than gas, o i l , coal and minerals, and the control of water i n order to prevent floods and p o l l u t i o n , or for any other purposes" (Conservation A u t h o r i t i e s Act, 1946)).  In watersheds, as small as those i n  Southern Ontario, having r e l a t i v e l y large populations, the i n t e r a c t i o n of one scheme with other resources i s l i k e l y to be considerable. As pointed out by Richardson and McMullen (1961), the reason for the i n s t i t u t i o n of the Conservation A u t h o r i t i e s was not that there were no other  92. government departments concerned with natural resources.  Like other p r o v i n c i a l  governments, Ontario has i t s departments of Lands and Forests, A g r i c u l t u r e , Public Works, etc.  Why Ontario should establish another agency to handle  conservation projects i s not immediately  clear.  The above authors merely  state " ... ( i t ) was an e n t i r e l y new approach i n conservation a c t i v i t i e s directed to a s s i s t the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s primarily i n Southern Ontario." The Conservation Branch of Ontario's Department of Planning and Development was established i n 1944 and was charged with organizing conservation work using watersheds ( i . e . drainage basins) as u n i t s of administration. From the terms of the 1944 Act and the scope of the work envisioned, i t became obvious that there was  to be close l i a i s o n between the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s within the water-  sheds and the Department.  The Conservation A u t h o r i t i e s Act of 1946  was  apparently passed to encourage greater l o c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n conservation projects.  A l l the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s within the watershed--cities, towns, v i l -  lages, etc.--became included i n the body corporate. Richardson and McMullen (op.cit.) explained the establishment of a Conservation Authority: "The f i r s t step i n establishing a Conservation Authority i s undertaken by a l l the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s wholly or p a r t l y within a watershed. Two such m u n i c i p a l i t i e s must f i r s t by r e s o l u t i o n p e t i t i o n the Minister of Commerce and Development to c a l l a meeting for the purpose of ascertaining whether or not i t i s desirable that an Authority should be established. Two-thirds of the number of representatives which the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s are e n t i t l e d to appoint (on a population basis) must be present to make the meeting l e g a l . I f two-thirds of those present vote i n favor, a r e s o l u t i o n i s f o r warded to the Minister requesting that an Authority be established. The Authority i s then made l e g a l by an Order-in-Council and under the Act becomes a body corporate with members from a l l the municip a l i t i e s i n the watershed, Including those, i f any, which voted against i t s establishment. "The establishment of a Conservation Authority i s a simple legal matter. At the preliminary meeting the presiding o f f i c e r i s a senior c i v i l servant who, together with a secretary chosen at the meeting, forwards a report with the resolution to the Minister  93. of the Crown. In some cases small adjustments have been made i n the area under consideration before the Order-in-Council was presented for approval, but since the inception of the work not one request for establishing an Authority has been refused." The Ganaraska Authority, one of the f i r s t to be formed, had as i t s main goal "the r e f o r e s t a t i o n and maintenance of forest land" (Porter, 1948). This objective has since proved to be unique i n that most a u t h o r i t i e s have come into existence i n response to the need to a l l e v i a t e flooding. a general awareness of the requirement  There has been  for supplementary measures such as  improved methods of land use, protection of headwaters, prevention of p o l l u t i o n , e t c . but these appear to have played very minor r o l e s i n comparison t  to more d i r e c t methods of resolving the problem. Few a u t h o r i t i e s are equipped  to carry out the thorough surveys and i n -  vestigations that would indicate where management might best apply i t s e l f i n meeting i t s terms of reference.  Thus the Conservation Branch agreed to  carry out such work, and to produce and hand over to the Authority the r e s u l t s i n the form of a working plan, taown as a Conservation Report.  These  reports are generally very thorough i n t h e i r dealings with the various aspects of resources within a watershed.  The contents are written up under  six main headings: 1.  History - the object here i s to give a l o c a l i s e d picture of the  area's past development, including h i s t o r i c and s o c i a l events, i n an attempt to generate interest and support for l a t e r recommendations; 2.  Water Studies - include hydrometric and meteorologic studies of  past data; 3.  Land Use - considerable use i s made of the p r o v i n c i a l s o i l surveys,  that have been undertaken since 1937, to gain an impression of the i n t e r relationships of s o i l , a g r i c u l t u r e , forestry and water;  94. 4.  Forestry - the conditions and extent of the forests are surveyed  as well as l e v e l s and potentials of forest i n d u s t r i e s ; 5.  W i l d l i f e - inventories are made of a l l species of f i s h and game,  and t h e i r recreational p o t e n t i a l determined; 6.  Recreation  - human population pressures are examined and  predicted  as well as the recreational p o t e n t i a l of the watershed i n terms of present and future  facilities.  On the basis of such investigations, the Conservation Branch makes recommendations as to how  demands can best be met  within the physical  l i m i t a t i o n s and b i o l o g i c a l constraints set by the watershed's  resources.  The report i s then presented to the authority whose r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i t i s to determine a l i s t of p r i o r i t i e s and the order i n which schemes should be implemented. Authorities may  see f i t to appoint an "Advisory  Board," which i n some  cases has proved to be the most active part of the authority.  The membership  of t h i s board i s not limited to authority personnel, but provides an opportunity for private individuals and groups to p a r t i c i p a t e i n a "grass roots" approach to l o c a l a f f a i r s .  Such p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s the best way  of promoting  and sustaining awareness and concern for the resources of a region such as a watershed.  Whereas most of the work of an advisory board i s i n the pre-  liminary stages of implementation, f i n a l decisions are reserved to the authority. The implementation of conservation projects i s e n t i r e l y the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l authority. and also i t may municipal  Each authority has the power to expropriate  land,  "collaborate with departments and agencies of the government,  councils and l o c a l boards and other organizations"  (Conservation  95. A u t h o r i t i e s Act. 1946).  The  f i n a n c i a l arrangements of an authority are l i s t e d  i n the Act under the headings of c a p i t a l expenses, maintenance on c a p i t a l costs and administration costs.  These costs are borne through a combination  of payments by the benefiting m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , p r o v i n c i a l assistance, private payments and, i n some instances, federal grants. While the Conservation  Act does not mention coordination of the whole  resource complex of a watershed, several writers have deemed that such an approach i s implied, or made possible. who  at the time of the establishment  Higgs (1964) quoted Dr. R. C. Wallace  of the Ganaraska Conservation  Authority  wrote: "Conservation i s apt to be interpreted as either s o i l restoration or r e f o r e s t a t i o n , but what i s r e a l l y involved ( i n the work of an authority) i s the survey of a l l resources leading to multiple purpose r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . I t i s now recognized that programmes should extend to a whole region." Higgs himself stated that "the l e g i s l a t i o n (of the conservation a u t h o r i t i e s ) i s s u f f i c i e n t l y comprehensive to provide the a u t h o r i t i e s with an  opportunity  to develop a complete programme for the management of natural resources on a watershed basis" (Higgs, o p . c i t . ) . Although the p o t e n t i a l of resource  integration has been recognized,  fundamental goal of resource management has not been stated.  The  the  objective  of integrated resource management as defined i n t h i s thesis i s the achievement of maximum public welfare, but t h i s does not appear to be the case with Ontario's conservation a u t h o r i t i e s .  In fact many schemes would seem at  first  sight to benefit private i n d i v i d u a l s only, e.g. assistance to i n d i v i d u a l s for the construction of farm ponds, the planting of shelter-belts and the laying of t i l e - d r a i n s , etc. In theory the concept of l o c a l agencies with the power of  concentrating  l o c a l and p r o v i n c i a l money and e f f o r t on l o c a l problems i s sound.  Political  96. machinery that allows the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of people i n conservation that d i r e c t l y concern them should be successful i n outcome. the conservation been.  problems  In practice  a u t h o r i t i e s have not been as successful as they might have  The reasons for t h i s are of a p o l i t i c a l nature.  On the one hand there appears to be s i g n i f i c a n t duplication of responsib i l i t y i n some areas between the conservation  authorities and the p r o v i n c i a l  departments concerned with s p e c i f i c resources.  This, as i s so often the case,  has led. to professional jealousies and competition between agencies; accomplishment of the project assumes a secondary r o l e to the outcome of the prestiges of those involved.  Consequently, i n i t s r e l a t i o n s with other pro-  v i n c i a l departments, the conservation p o l i t i c a l football.  a u t h o r i t i e s have become something of a  O r i g i n a l l y the a u t h o r i t i e s were a branch of the Department  of Planning and Development which became the Department of Commerce and Development i n 1961.  From then u n t i l 1964  the a u t h o r i t i e s were under the  j u r i s d i c t i o n of the Department of Lands and Forests, and since 1964  they have  been with the Department of Energy and Resource Management. On the other hand the a u t h o r i t i e s have had to face problems involved with private vested i n t e r e s t s .  As previously stated, the watersheds consist largely  of land suitable for intensive a g r i c u l t u r e , which has become the use.  The impression i s gained that conservation  established  schemes can be proposed and  implemented as long as private p a r t i e s are not c a l l e d upon to s a c r i f i c e c a p i t a l assets i n favour of schemes that would be of communal benefit.  Although  a u t h o r i t i e s have powers of expropriation they seldom receive s u f f i c i e n t support i n r a i s i n g money to meet the going p r i c e s for land. projects are almost impossible to implement.  The  Consequently large-scale  s i t u a t i o n i s exemplified  what i s presently happening i n the Niagara Peninsula.  by  The northern h a l f of  t h i s area i s prime a g r i c u l t u r a l land, extremely well suited to the production  97 of soft f r u i t , tobacco and other cash crops.  However, both road and sea  access make t h i s same area very valuable for i n d u s t r i a l development and since industry can a f f o r d to pay handsomely for t h i s land, i t i s r a p i d l y going out of a g r i c u l t u r a l production.  The loss of such land i s against some of the  basic p r i n c i p l e s of the Niagara Peninsula  Conservation Authority, yet i t i s  powerless to prevent i t (Chambers, 1969). The requirements of integrated resource management, i . e . a specified area, referrent group and single administrating agency are c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i a b l e i n Ontario's conservation a u t h o r i t i e s .  Thus one might expect that integrated  resource management could be achieved with comparative been the case. 1.  ease, yet t h i s has not  The reasons can be summed-up as follows:  The objective of the conservation a u t h o r i t i e s has not been stated  i n terms of maximum public welfare, and although integrated resource management has been considered by some to be the ultimate goal, i t has not been at a l l widely accepted. 2. —in  Most of the land within the watersheds cannot be considered as wild  fact much of i t i s intensively managed a g r i c u l t u r a l land with a r e l a -  t i v e l y long h i s t o r y of settlement.  The vested i n t e r e s t s that have grown up  as a r e s u l t are well entrenched and not r e a d i l y amenable to s a c r i f i c e s for s o c i a l goals. 3.  Although the l e g i s l a t i o n establishing the authorities gives them  considerable powers, vested i n t e r e s t s and d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered  in col-  laborating with neighbouring departments appear to have reduced the e f f e c t i v e ness of the a u t h o r i t i e s to a l e v e l below that which long term planning can be attempted, and integrated resource management implemented.  98. CONCLUSIONS The effectiveness of each of the administrative agencies mentioned i n the preceding case studies i n achieving t h e i r objectives can be related to the following points: 1.  The purpose for which the agency was established;  2.  The scale of operations;  3.  The degree o f authority held by the agency;  4.  The agency's l e v e l o f f i s c a l adequacy.  Each of these points i s i n t e r - r e l a t e d and cannot be considered without regard to the others. The f i r s t point i s equivalent to Martin e t . a l ' s (1960) c r i t e r i o n of "program scope and depth," (page 85 preceding agency establishment  of t h i s thesis). Where the s i t u a t i o n  has been o f s u f f i c i e n t import to engender wide-  spread and continuing public interest and support, the agency has met with some success i n r e a l i z i n g i t s objectives.  This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y true for the  United States Forest Service and the Tennessee V a l l e y Authority.  In these two  cases, the severity of conditions, and the scale of a c t i v i t i e s that were r e sponsible for the creation of administrative agencies, considerably influenced the legal authority and f i n a n c i a l support with which the agencies were invested. In the r e l a t i v e l y a f f l u e n t Delaware River Basin, i t was not u n t i l the occurrence o f phenomena of catastrophic proportions that an i n t e r s t a t e compact of any import or p o t e n t i a l was developed*  Only time w i l l show whether the  Delaware River Commission was the r e s u l t o f "moments of high purpose or desperation"  (ibid.),  or whether i t w i l l continue to s t r i v e for the i n t e -  gration of water and water-related  resources.  99. The reasons behind the formation of Ontario's Conservation Authorities are of a much less dramatic type, being more related to small-scale conservation, r e h a b i l i t a t i o n or improvement.  These l a t t e r reasons for agency  establishment are t h e o r e t i c a l l y sound, inasmuch as "prevention i s better than cure."  However, u n t i l the referrent group acknowledges the wisdom of such an  approach the amount of support that an authority, attempting small-scale schemes, can expect, w i l l be l i m i t e d . limited power and f i n a n c i a l support.  In turn the authority w i l l be allowed Under these conditions there i s the  p o s s i b i l i t y that the authority may become " i n e f f e c t u a l , and worse than a useless thing" ( i b i d ) . An agency responsible for attaining the goal of maximized public welfare from the resources of a specified area i s crippled without l e g a l authority or f i n a n c i a l backing.  To t h i s end, the need for integrated resource management  must be demonstrated i n such a manner and on such a scale, that the sustained i n t e r e s t and support of the referrent group i s forthcoming.  The imposition  of the p r i n c i p l e s of integrated resource management upon apathy i s an exercise in futility.  100.  CHAPTER VII  THE APPLICATION OF SOME TECHNIQUES OF ECONOMICS TO INTEGRATED RESOURCE MANAGEMENT  INTRODUCTION As the basis o f wealth, i t i s impossible to discuss natural resources and the values that society attaches to them, without some mention of the subject of economics.  The use of a money system f a c i l i t a t e s the expression  of goods and services i n common values.  Economists,  i n studying the generation  and d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth, r e l y heavily on money values f o r the expression of d i f f e r e n t resources, products and services i n common units. In recent times society has begun to place increasing importance upon values that do not find expression i n the market system.  Thus, attempts to  analyze problems i n integrated resource management using techniques that economists have developed mainly for i n d u s t r i a l purposes, cannot be e n t i r e l y satisfactory.  However, a b r i e f look a t the p r i n c i p l e s of some a n a l y t i c a l  techniques w i l l be h e l p f u l i n i l l u s t r a t i n g t h e i r advantages and disadvantages with regard to the management o f wildland resources.  101. ECONOMIC OPTIMIZATION Having defined the referrent group(s), specified area and single management agency, the implementation of integrated resource management hinges on consideration of such points as: 1.  What are the s p e c i f i c requirements of the referrent group(s) for  each of the a v a i l a b l e resources? 2.  Can these be quantified or evaluated with a common c r i t e r i o n ?  3.  What are the proportions of each resource that w i l l be required to  constitute the optimum combination, taking into account demands and b i o l o g i c a l constraints o f supplies? The theory of economic optimization can only be applied with complete s a t i s f a c t i o n to problems where a l l the parameters are known, for example, a firm seeking the optimum combination o f two products that w i l l r e s u l t i n maximum p r o f i t s .  In t h i s case, the products are known as " r i v a l products" (Duerr,  1960), meaning that i n the production process more of one can only be obtained at the expense o f the other.  The firm has a range o f combinations from which  i t can choose the combination that maximises the net returns from both enterprizes.  In reaching a s a t i s f a c t o r y decision the firm i s said to have  "perfect knowledge" (one o f the basic assumptions of the free market system) regarding magnitude and value o f both supply and demand, c a p i t a l input, production p o t e n t i a l and the proportions of each product that are possible for the achievement o f the optimum. M i l l e r (1961) proposed the concept o f c e r t a i n natural resources as "factors which are produced by nature i n both an uncontrolled and controllable state, and then extracted, harvested or harnessed to be used i n the preparation of a marketable product through the use o f additional inputs of c a p i t a l and labour to transport and process them".  This concept i s an economic one and  102. those resources which may be so c l a s s i f i e d can have applied to them e f f e c t i v e l y the otpimization theory of Duerr (op.cit.) and Gregory  (1955).  As an example consider the hypothetical case of a land owner who has the opportunity of growing timber or forage, or a combination of both and wishes to maximize the f i n a n c i a l returns from the land.  who  In dealing with only  two products, the example can be i l l u s t r a t e d graphically. I f the land was l e f t unmanaged some combination of forest and grassland would evolve with annual production figures of the magnitude i l l u s t r a t e d by point X i n Figure 1.  We w i l l assume, however, that the owner i s w i l l i n g to  incur a cost i n order to improve these production figures.  We must now also  assume that the possible output volumes per acre per unit time of each product, are known for various l e v e l s of input. At a p a r t i c u l a r l e v e l of input or investment, the owner may choose to grow nothing but timber, i n which case the volume he can expect to obtain w i l l be T M.f.b.m./acre/annum ( F i g . 1).  S i m i l a r l y i f he chooses to produce  nothing but forage he could expect to produce F lbs./acre/annum.  Between  these extremes of a l t e r n a t i v e products i s , i n theory, an i n f i n i t e number of combinationsof timber and forage that can be produced.  These combinations  are exemplified by the curve TF which i s known as a "transformation function" ( H a l l , 1964) or an "iso-cost l i n e " (Duerr, i b i d . ) . The shape of the curve (concave to the o r i g i n ) i s determined by the marginal rate of substitution of one product for the other, and the competitive nature of the two products.  We w i l l assume that d i f f e r e n t  l e v e l s of input w i l l not upset the proportions of each product d u c t i o n - p o s s i b i l i t i e s curve (see page  demonstrates  on the pro-  108), but just change the curve's  p o s i t i o n r e l a t i v e to the graph's o r i g i n .  Thus we obtain a number, t h e o r e t i c a l l y  103.  F I G U R E  Iso-cost and Iso-revenue combinations of  timber  1  functions of and  Fo r a g e  possible  forage  lbs / acre/year  104.  i n f i n i t e , o f iso-cost curves similar i n shape to TF and corresponding to various l e v e l s o f factor input. The iso-cost curves do not, however, t e l l the owner the optimum combination of timber and forage.  For t h i s he needs to know the value of each  product, or at least how much timber i s equivalent i n value to a quantity o f forage, or v i c e versa. Assuming that the relationship o f the values o f the two products i s known, ( i . e . that x M.f.b.m. of timber i s equivalent i n value to y l b s . o f forage), i t may be expressed graphically as a straight l i n e , i . e . t f i n F i g . 1. The points on such a l i n e represent d i f f e r e n t combinations of timber and forage, each combination producing an i d e n t i c a l amount o f revenue.  This l i n e , known  as an "iso-revenue l i n e " (Gregory, o p . c i t . ; Duerr, o p . c i t . ) , i s one of a series of i8o-revenue functions each representing a d i f f e r e n t l e v e l o f revenue. line  The  i n F i g . 1, i s iso-revenue function. Comparison of the slopes of the iso-revenue l i n e and the iso-cost curves  allows determination o f the best combination on a p a r t i c u l a r iso-cost l i n e , e.g. r e f e r r i n g to TF i n F i g . 1, where the slope o f TF i s l e s s than the slope of W|  ( i . e . to l e f t o f P), the combinations o f the two products are i n d i -  cated i n which the value of the extra timber produced i s l e s s than the value of forage foregone. r i g h t of P.  The converse holds true for the portion of TF to the  Thus the point of tangency o f the two l i n e s indicates that value  of each product that contributes to the maximum returns from the land at part i c u l a r l e v e l o f investment.  In t h i s case these values w i l l be equivalent to  OL M. f.b.m. o f timber and OM l b s . of forage. The iso-revenue l i n e i s independent o f the positions o f the iso-cost curves and by comparing the slopes o f each o f these with that of iso-revenue  105. l i n e the point o f tangency for each curve can be found.  The l i n e drawn through  these points describes the best output o f timber accompanying any output o f forage and i s generally known as the "expansion path." The f i n a l stage o f the analysis i s the selection of the best combination of the products from the points along the expansion path.  The combination  that maximizes returns per unit time i s that for which the marginal unit cost equals the marginal unit revenue, or where there i s the greatest d i f ference between t o t a l cost and t o t a l revenue. Figure 2 i l l u s t r a t e s the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the expansion path (as i n F i g . 1, but with axes o f the graph rotated clockwise through 90°) and the t o t a l revenue and t o t a l cost curves.  I t can be seen that the optimum com-  bination of timber and forage that achieves the owner's management goals from a l l the p o s s i b i l i t i e s at various l e v e l s of investment i s Q lbs./acre/annum o f forage and N M. f.b.m./acre/annum o f timber. The shape o f the transformation functions (iso-cost l i n e s ) can give some information regarding the relationship of one product to the other. For instance, i f the iso-cost l i n e s for two semi-compatible or r i v a l products appeared as i n F i g . 3a or 3b, i t could be concluded that the two products had a low degree o f compatibility.  Comparison of the iso-revenue l i n e s to  the iso-cost l i n e s would lead to the construction of expansion paths that are close to, i n 3a the v e r t i c a l , and 3b the h o r i z o n t a l , axis.  This indicates  that the optimum combination consists of very unequal proportions of the two products.  As an example consider a shelter-belt o f standing timber; i f the  owner attempts to remove too much o f the timber as thinnings, the e f f e c t i v e ness (value) of the shelter-belt i s quickly reduced. Complete incompatibility does not allow the construction o f transformation functions at a l l .  A v a l l e y bottom might consist of highly productive a g r i -  106.  FIGURE 2 Determination from  of  (after G.R.Gregory ,1955)  optimum  combinations  relationships of total cost and total  revenue  107.  FIGURE Transformation Two  3  Functions  S e m i - c o m p a t i ble  a  Transformation  of  Products  108. c u l t u r a l land and yet be suitable f o r flooding i n a water storage project; the one use only being made possible by the complete absence o f the other. In Figure 4 the iso-cost l i n e indicates that the two products are not r i v a l s , but are i n fact complementary, i . e . the production of more o f one product r e s u l t i n g i n an increase o f the output o f the other.  Such comple-  mentarity i s rare i n land management, but may apply i n some cases to the production o f timber and water i n a p a r t i c u l a r watershed:  intensive management  of timber r e s u l t i n g i n higher volumes of timber and water within c e r t a i n l i m i t s , and provided that c e r t a i n precautionary measures are observed. G. R. H a l l (1964) made a v a l i d c r i t i c i s m o f the a p p l i c a t i o n of this optimizing theory to c e r t a i n problems involving wildland resource management. H i s main point was that output quantity and quality ( i . e . product characteri s t i c s ) are i n some cases interdependent, and to ignore t h i s fact r e s u l t s i n some very misleading conclusions. When the problem i s one of optimizing the combination of c a t t l e and sheep, the thoery of substitutive analysis i s unchallengeable.  However, a d i f f e r e n t  s i t u a t i o n e x i s t s where one attempts to optimize the combination of c a t t l e and deer because deer do not r e a l l y form one o f the products; t h e i r value l i e s i n providing hunting (recreation) experience.  Ungrazed land provides a natural  population o f deer, and the hunting experience w i l l be gained i n a sort o f wilderness area.  The introduction of a limited number o f c a t t l e may have  l i t t l e e f f e c t on the deer population but w i l l change the environment i n which the hunting takes place, thereby changing the values created by the deer. large number o f c a t t l e w i l l reduce the deer population and severely reduce the hunting:experience.  A  109. In Figure 5, C deer and 0 c a t t l e represent wilderness hunting, but with C deer and J c a t t l e the hunting i s d i f f e r e n t , i . e . the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the product are d i f f e r e n t ; s i m i l a r l y for H deer and 6 c a t t l e .  Thus for a  better assessment of the possible combinations a separate demand curve for each d i f f e r e n t product i . e . for each point on BC must be made:  no single  p r i c e l i n e w i l l apply. Every point on the v e r t i c a l axis i s d i f f e r e n t i n q u a l i t a t i v e as well as quantitative terms.  H a l l ' s budget l i n e s (comparable  to Duerr's iso-revenue  l i n e s ) KL, KM e t c . are the p r i c e r a t i o s of c a t t l e and d i f f e r e n t hunting experiences.  Thus there w i l l be an i n f i n i t e number of such budget l i n e s and  t h e i r i n t e r s e c t i o n (or tangency) of BC w i l l only be relevant i f the slope of the l i n e represents the price r a t i o s for the c a t t l e and the hunting represented at that point of i n t e r s e c t i o n on BC. Such budget l i n e s cannot yet be determined with much meaning, but i t i s obvious that changes i n the product c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s must be afforded due consideration i n the a p p l i c a t i o n of t h i s technique for aiding land management decisions. These i l l u s t r a t i o n s of two semi-compatible products lend themselves to graphical representation, but i n r e a l i t y such simple problems seldom occur. More often wildlands have demanded of them a considerable number of outputs, some of which c o n f l i c t with one another.  S k i l l f u l extension of the graphical  method can only accommodate three products simultaneously, but further approaches to r e a l i t y increase the complexity of the process of optimization and one must resort to pure mathematics. Such techniques for determining optima have not met with wide a p p l i c a t i o n i n problems of land management, nor are they l i k e l y to, for the following reasons:  FIGURE Relationship Products Product  of with  5  (after G.R.Hall  1964)  Semi-compatible Interdependent  Characteristics.  Cattle  Ill 1.  The object of such techniques i s usually p r o f i t  maximization.  In some i n d u s t r i a l situations such an objective i s a v a l i d one, but i n the management of wildland resources i t has become evident that t h i s i s not always the goal that best meets the needs of the referrent group. Two of the fundamental tenets of the free market system (which i s supposed to promote economic e f f i c i e n c y ) , state that " s o c i a l costs" and " s o c i a l benefits" must be assumed away.  Such non-marketable considerations have become  known as e x t e r n a l i t i e s and i n the past they were, i n most cases, ignored or excused, community development and the accumulation of wealth being considered of greater importance.  However, i n North America i n p a r t i c u l a r , a high  standard of l i v i n g has been generally achieved, and more and more concern i s now being shown for the environment i n which people l i v e , work and play. The f i e l d of economics has been reluctant to accommodate this change of emphasis. The resources that give r i s e to these non-marketable values have become known as "amenity resources."  Under t h i s heading, M i l l e r (op.cit.) included  topography, climate, vegetation etc.  "the economic significance (of which)  shades o f f into another realm where significance i s f e l t through influencing the non-marketable, q u a l i t a t i v e aspects of l i v i n g , that i s , the way of l i f e as d i s t i n c t from the standard or location of l i v i n g " ( o r i g i n a l  emphasis).  M i l l e r quoted J . J . Spengler as having said, "experience i n t h i s f i e l d i s showing that amenity resources are as s i g n i f i c a n t or even more s i g n i f i c a n t than some components of the 2.  GNP."  Like any other technique that attempts to deal with the generation,  a l l o c a t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n of non-marketable values, economic optimization suffers because the values defy accurate q u a n t i f i c a t i o n or evaluation.  112. BENEFIT-COST ANALYSIS A tool that has been developed In the f i e l d of economics to a i d administrators  i n deciding which of a number of alternative projects to  adopt, or i n j u s t i f y i n g a p a r t i c u l a r course of action i s that of BenefitCost Analysis.  The  summation of the benefits from a proposed project are  compared against the t o t a l cost incurred, and a r a t i o of the two i s obtained. Where one project must be chosen from a number of p o s s i b i l i t i e s , the one with the highest benefit-cost r a t i o i s selected: involved, i f the r a t i o i s greater than one, fiable.  where a single project i s then i t i s economically j u s t i -  E s s e n t i a l l y the analysis involves the following (see Sewell et. a l .  1965): 1.  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Benefits a.  primary benefits:  gains accruing to users of a project,  t h e o r e t i c a l l y i n terms of what they are w i l l i n g to b.  secondary benefits:  pay;  stemming i n d i r e c t l y from the e s t a b l i s h -  ment of the project; c.  i n d i r e c t benefits:  not expressed through the market system  but accruing as a r e s u l t of the project. 2.  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Costs a.  primary costs:  goods and services that must be surrendered  i n order to construct and operate the project; b.  secondary costs:  a r i s i n g as a r e s u l t of the production  of  secondary benefits; c.  i n d i r e c t costs:  non-marketable values that are l o s t as a  r e s u l t of the project. 3.  Comparison of the t o t a l benefits and t o t a l costs to obtain the  benefit-cost r a t i o .  113. For the analysis to be completely e f f e c t i v e a l l costs and benefits should be i n commensurable terms.  As pointed out for the technique o f economic  optimization such i s not yet possible when dealing with wildland resources. Since the i n d i r e c t or non-marketable costs and benefits are now being considered of equal or greater importance  to the marketable values, the f a i l u r e  of the analysis to deal with them renders t h i s technique of limited usefulness to the resource administrator. However, the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and orderly consideration of a l l factors involved i n such a debit-credit method helps to remove the decision-making process from the realms of the " d o l l a r only" a t t i tude o f the investor, and the emotions o f the sentimentalist to a more r a t i o n a l base.  LINEAR PROGRAMMING This mathematical  technique developed mainly by economists, i s designed  to "maximise or minimise the solution to a m u l t i l i n e a r equation, the independent variables of which are subject to a series of constraints i n the form of l i n e a r inequalities"(Haley, 1966; see also Dorfman, 1953 and Charnes et a l . 1953).  Any problem which can be reduced to t h i s r e l a t i v e l y simple form  can be solved by l i n e a r programming. In accommodating c l i m a t i c , physiographic and b i o l o g i c a l variables, l i n e a r programming has found some use with forest managers attempting to find the best management alternative for their timber resources (see for example C u r t i s , 1962 and Loucks, 1964). The a p p l i c a t i o n of t h i s technique, however, i s dependent upon the assumption of l i n e a r i t y , i . e . that a l l the productive functions are o f l i n e a r form.  In dealing with the array and interactions of resources that  integrated resource management seeks to encompass, the assumption  of l i n e a r i t y  114.  i s not v a l i d .  A further assumption of l i n e a r programming i s the existence of  perfect competition i n the product and factor markets.  Even i f these  assumptions could be s a t i s f i e d , t h i s method of a l l o c a t i n g resources i s no better equipped  to handle non-marketable values than any other economic  technique.  PROBLEMS WITH OUTDOOR RECREATION AND  ENVIRONMENTAL QUALITY  Two of the facets of integrated resource management where lack of q u a n t i f i c a t i o n and/or evaluation i s most severely f e l t , are those of outdoor recreation and environmental  quality.  Outdoor recreation i s the use of wildlands that has seen the most dramatic increase i n recent decades.  The need for evaluation i s based on  the fact that for a recreation project to be implemented i t must be economi c a l l y (to most administrators "economically" means " f i n a n c i a l l y " ) j u s t i f i a b l e to those who are presently i n decision-making positions.  User-fees that t r u l y  r e f l e c t the recreational value of the area would, i n most cases, be proh i b i t i v e l y high and s o c i a l l y unacceptable  for two reasons.  On the one hand  such fees would probably be so high that few could afford them, thus the area would be under-used; on the other hand such high fees would preclude most income classes and deprive them of the outdoor experience.  Consequently  out-  door recreation remains i n public hands, and i s administered, as a common good.  In many North American p r o v i n c i a l and federal parks, the user i s charged  a small nominal fee to help o f f s e t administrative costs. As competition for land and natural resources grows keener, q u a l i f i c a t i o n and q u a n t i f i c a t i o n of outdoor recreation must be improved so that accurate comparisons and decisions can be made concerning the use of p a r t i c u l a r t r a c t s of land.  Since an appraisal of outdoor recreational values cannot always be  115. made through the market system, d o l l a r values have been imputed by various i n d i r e c t methods, none of which are e n t i r e l y s a t i s f a c t o r y . The term " v i s i t o r - d a y " (defined as a stay of one person i n a recreational area of between seven and twenty-four hours (U.S. Forest Service, 1959)) has gained some acceptance as an index of use of a recreation area.  I t can be  computed from knowledge of the area's recreation p o t e n t i a l ( i . e . i t s appeal and the number of v i s i t o r s i t can accommodate), access to the area, distances to nearest c i t i e s and size of population (see e.g. Clawson, 1959, 1964, Robinson 1966).  Ullman  With such an estimate of v i s i t o r - d a y s of use, a  f i n a n c i a l value for the area can be imputed by estimating what an i n d i v i d u a l w i l l spend to gain the experience.  Another way of obtaining an estimate of  an area* s value as a p r i v i s o r of outdoor recreation i s by asking people what they would be w i l l i n g to pay to obtain the recreational use of the area i n question. Concern for environmental q u a l i t y i s of more recent upsurgence than outdoor recreation, and i s becoming increasingly important i n discussions r e l a t i n g to resource exploitation.  By economic standards t h i s facet of r e -  source management deals almost e n t i r e l y with e x t e r n a l i t i e s and i s therefore conventionally overlooked, ignored or neglected. Some e x t e r n a l i t i e s can be evaluated, e.g. f i n a n c i a l losses to the f i s h i n g industry caused by the destruction of spawning beds i n a stream polluted by pulp m i l l e f f l u e n t .  Perhaps an estimate of the value of the  losses to sport fishermen could be made, but the obstruction of scenery by the m i l l ' s p o l l u t i o n of the a i r , or the unpleasant odour, no matter  how  harmless to health, cannot as yet be evaluated. As previously indicated, concern for environmental quality i s generally exercised only by those who can a f f o r d to take such a c r i t i c a l view.  Such  116. concern only materializes into reform when disruption of the g u i l t y industry does not extend beyond the point where the community's rate of economic growth i s endangered.  Nevertheless concern f o r these e x t e r n a l i t i e s has become a fact  of l i f e i n North America and every e x p l o i t a t i o n proposal i s being forced to take into account public wishes. The lack o f assistance from the theories o f economics for management of outdoor recreation or environmental quality must not be the cause of t h e i r being omitted from planning for integrated resource management, since they form part o f the demands o f referrent groups.  CONCLUSIONS As shown i n the preceding pages, the achievement o f integrated resource management can be expected to be complex and d i f f i c u l t .  As a f i r s t step  toward implementation, i t would be l o g i c a l f o r e x i s t i n g administrations to employ an economic technique that o f f e r s s i m p l i c i t y with speed and effectiveness. Of the techniques described, Benefit-Cost Analysis o f f e r s these points i n a r a t i o n a l approach to resource development.  I f adopted and performed com-  prehensively for proposed development projects, t h i s technique would at least provide a surer foundation for decision making concerning resource development, than the ad hoc methods used to date. When increased demands are f e l t f o r integrated resource management, more sophisticated techniques (such as the one described i n the next chapter) w i l l become desirable.  "°  117.  CHAPTER VIII  SYSTEMS ANALYSIS AND RESOURCE MANAGEMENT  INTRODUCTION The dictates of economics and p o l i t i c s have encouraged academic c i r c l e s to sustain the single-minded approach to resource e x p l o i t a t i o n that i s so common to government and industries, and to embody i t i n i n d i v i d u a l d i s ciplines.  The d i s c i p l i n e of ecology i s the only one to have consistently  concentrated upon the interactions o f l i v i n g and non-living u n i t s o f the universe, thereby requiring information from numerous f i e l d s .  Recently some  ecologists have recognized that man must be considered as a b i o l o g i c a l phenomenon within the ecosystem, and that much of the knowledge gained to date i n single d i s c i p l i n e s must be brought together, i f there i s to be any e f f o r t at resolving some o f the imminent problems concerning man's s u r v i v a l . The i n c l u s i o n o f man i n ecological considerations provides a more r a t i o n a l and accurate standpoint from which to view the e f f e c t s of resource exploitation. At the same time, however, i t increases the complexity o f the problem, for man's behaviour towards h i s environment cannot be described without due consideration of such s o c i a l e f f e c t s as economics, p o l i t i c s , r e l i g i o n ,  118. psychology, etc.  Since descriptive ecology must of necessity  quantitative information,  include  the introduction of man's s o c i a l structures renders  the techniques of economic analysis (described i n Chapter VII) of limited use i n problems that must be tackled by those who  seek to implement integrated  resource management. The p r i n c i p l e s of operations Second World War,  research that were developed during  the  coupled with the f a c i l i t i e s of modern, high-speed, d i g i t a l  computers with large "memory" banks, have led to a method of expressing complex problems i n the form of mathematical models.  Such a procedure has become  known as systems simulation, and subsequent manipulation of the  simulation  model, i s known as systems analysis.  The employment of these techniques  o f f e r s the p o s s i b i l i t y of expressing  a s i t u a t i o n (e.g. the parameters of  integrated resource management) i n the form of a model, and using a computer, to explore i n t u i t i v e l y chosen management a l t e r n a t i v e s , before a f i n a l decision i s made upon a management plan. The a p p l i c a t i o n of systems analysis to e c o l o g i c a l problems i s a r e l a t i v e l y new venture (see Broido et a l , 1965).  The  following pages seek to  outline the concepts involved i n t h i s a p p l i c a t i o n and to show how  systems  simulation and analysis might be used i n integrated resource management. PRINCIPLES OF SYSTEMS ANALYSIS Rapoport (1968) defined a system as "a whole that functions as a whole by v i r t u e of the interdependence of i t s parts."  Such a functioning whole  becomes the unit of i n v e s t i g a t i o n and can be defined i n any terms convenient to the researcher.  In biology the u n i t might be an organism; i n physics i t  might be a molecule; i n p o l i t i c a l science, a nation, and i n anthropology, a culture.  Watt (1966) defined the system as "an i n t e r l o c k i n g complex of  119. of processes characterized by many r e c i p r o c a l cause-effect pathways," i . e . the functioning of one part or process being dependent upon the functioning of another. In each of the above examples the system s behaviour i s the resultant 1  of the co-ordinated  functioning o f i t s separate  parts.  (In most cases these  parts are worthy of consideration as systems i n t h e i r own r i g h t . )  Thus,  observation o f the system's behaviour allows us to perceive only the gross r e s u l t s of the integrated actions of the parts of the whole and i t i s only by subdividing (sometimes a r b i t r a r i l y ) the system into components which can be investigated separately that we can gain a better understanding o f the system and i t s behaviour. Resulting from previous academic development, a considerable amount of segregated information i s available which may or may not be relevant to the study of a system.  By attacking problems the other way round, i . e . from the  whole to the parts, the hallowed seclusion of many d i s c i p l i n e s i s d i s p e l l e d and i t i s possible to see where gaps i n our knowledge e x i s t and how they should be f i l l e d . The consideration given to a system can be as complex or s i m p l i s t i c as we care to make i t within the constraints of meeting previously stated goals. The closer r e a l i t y i s approached the more complex the system becomes.  This  i s p a r t i c u l a r l y true o f the b i o l o g i c a l sciences.  Inasmuch as "the b i o l o g i s t  seeks to analyze a system rather than design one"  (Quaster, 1963) he must be  prepared to contend with the complexity he finds i n order to a t t a i n h i s goals. A program of i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y research based on the t r a d i t i o n a l approach of "hypothesis,  experiment, observations, analysis, r e s u l t s and conclusions"  i s one way of attacking problems.  Such an approach, however, becomes r e -  dundant as the complexity of the problem increases, even more so i n b i o l o g i c a l  120. problems where complexity i s confounded by s p a t i a l and h i s t o r i c factors (Holling, 1966). H o l l i n g (1968) i d e n t i f i e d three major points that must be considered i n the a p p l i c a t i o n of systems analysis to e c o l o g i c a l problems involving man: 1.  The adaptions that organisms make i n response to fundamental s t i m u l i  must be discovered. strategies.)  (In modern ecology such adaptations  are known as  "The expression of these strategies i s through a given t a c t i c a l  s i t u a t i o n and the l i m i t a t i o n s inherent i n the organizational structure, temporal and s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s at the t a c t i c a l l e v e l w i l l impose boundary conditions that w i l l a f f e c t not the optimum expression of the strategy, but the possible one.**  (Holling i b i d . )  (Original emphasis.)  (Tactics i n  ecology r e f e r s to the mechanism responsible for an e c o l o g i c a l reaction.) 2.  The a p p l i c a t i o n of a major research program so that the processes  inherent i n an ecologic system can be expressed mathematically.  With the  adoption of simulation techniques i t becomes possible to determine the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that a process must have i n order to s a t i s f y a strategy o f nature. 3.  The i n c l u s i o n of man s strategies i s imperative 1  for the completion,  integration and d i r e c t i o n of the r e s u l t s of a program dealing with man's behaviour toward h i s environment. "When man manipulates a food resource, for example, h i s strategy i s to maximize the productivity per unit biomass. This i s quite d i f f e r e n t from nature's strategy, since communities with such high p r o d u c t i v i t y are often temporary stages i n a succession that leads to a stable community with a low productivity-biomass r a t i o . But having i d e n t i f i e d a d i f f e r e n t strategy for man, we can turn to the appropriate t a c t i c a l models and discover the exact conditions that w i l l best s a t i s f y man's strategy and, moreover, show how those communities formed by nature's strategy can be modified. As man begins to be concerned with multiple uses for single r e s o u r c e s — f o r recreation, w i l d l i f e and wood products for example—the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of man's optimum strategies be-  121. comes a h i g h l y complex task Involving economists, s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s , engineers and b i o l o g i s t s . This area, more than any other, has been largely ignored and the few gestures made towards elucidating man s t o t a l strategies have not occurred i n conjunction with analyses of nature s strategies and t a c t i c s . This r e s u l t s i n i n e v i t a b l y limited and vague postulates that generate equally limited and s u p e r f i c i a l applied programs." (Holling i b i d . ) 1  1  The analysis of a complex system i s f a c i l i t a t e d by the adoption of a standard approach, which can be shown diagrammatically as i n Figure 6. I  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the System.  upon the problem i n hand. man  The system to be studied w i l l depend  In integrated resource management, the system i s  and the ecosystem of specified area.  I t i s not l i k e l y that a l l the com-  ponents of the system w i l l be apparent at f i r s t , but through i n t u i t i o n and observation, s u f f i c i e n t material w i l l be available for the model building procedures to commence.  Omission of components i n v a r i a b l y occurs and must  be r e c t i f i e d , and hypothetical functions must be r e f i n e d , as the model building progresses and reveals d e f i c i e n c i e s . In some b i o l o g i c a l problems to which systems analysis has been applied, an i n i t i a l objective has been not the production of a simulation model of a s p e c i f i c process but of processes that apply i n general to several situations. This approach e n t a i l s the determination of basic processes from s p e c i f i c , but not unique, cases.  An approach known as "experimental component analysis"  ( H o l l i n g , 1966) has been designed to organize and d i r e c t such an analysis. The basic components or procedures of a complex process, H o l l i n g ( i b i d . ) defined as being shared by a l l examples, and underlying a l l the manifestations of  the process:  other components, present i n some situations and not i n  others, can be c a l l e d subsidiary or sporadic (or s p e c i f i c ) . The basic components of integrated resource management r e l a t e to the factors of supply, demand and b i o l o g i c a l constraints of the renewable resources.  FIGURE  Identification of the system  6  Flow  chart  of  the  in the  employment  of  steps  involved  systems  technique  Observation and measuremnt Analysis  Hypothesis  Model  Testing  Managemnt. goals  •>  Optimisation A  Field  Testing  Simulation  123.  In dealing with a p a r t i c u l a r specified area, subsidiary or s p e c i f i c components would apply to the uniqueness of these factors that are the r e s u l t of the l o c a l referrent group(s) and e c o l o g i c a l p e c u l i a r i t i e s . II  Observation and Measurement.  "The  f i r s t step i n studying a complex  system i s to develop a comprehensive l i s t of the variables and causal pathways that seem of p o t e n t i a l importance i n determining the functions of the system.  Such knowledge w i l l be obtained  from information i n the l i t e r a t u r e ,  a p r i o r i considerations, f i e l d observations  or formal p l o t studies" (Watt  op.cit.). Perhaps the most important problem i s the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the relevant variables to be measured.  So often quantitative enquiries are made for the  purpose of s a t i s f y i n g the needs of a p a r t i c u l a r d i s c i p l i n e that are not at a l l pertinent to the r e s o l u t i o n of the behaviour of the variable i n the system.  That which i s to be measured i s dependent upon the part played  the variable being studied i n the functioning of the whole. the context of resource management i t i s comparatively  by  For instance, i n  easy to measure only  those variables that can be expressed i n d o l l a r s , omitting consideration of externalities. III  Analysis.  The determination  of which variables are important to the  model i s accomplished by using multiple regression analysis and multiple analysis of variance and covariance.  Only those variables that contribute  s i g n i f i c a n t l y to the variance of dependent variables are retained i n the model. IV  Hypothesis.  Preceding the construction of the model of the system i t  i s often necessary to hypothesize how  the variables f i t into the behaviour  of the components, and the components to the system.  Whenever possible the  v a l i d i t y of the hypothesis of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between variables must be  124. tested against r e a l data, before they are incorporated into the model. t h i s way  In  gaps i n information can be recognized and corrected and hypotheses  refined before the model i s developed further. V  Constructing the Model.  At t h i s juncture the components are integrated  to form a semblance of the system i n mathematical terms.  Based on the previous  data and hypotheses, the i n s t r u c t i o n s are given to the computer i n the correct sequence, thresholds and d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s being c o r r e c t l y i d e n t i f i e d , quantified and programmed.  The  f i r s t "run" of the model w i l l demonstrate the p r o f i c i e n c y  of the researcher and programmer i n constructing the model. "de-bugging" the model ensues when questions may  The process of  be asked of the hypotheses,  the o r i g i n a l measurements or the "grammar" of the program. VI  Simulation.  With the model i n an operating condition i t i s possible to  feed i n r e a l data and to examine the output for i t s proximity to r e a l i t y (or absurdity).  Testing the model i n t h i s fashion provides the c r i t e r i a upon  which to judge whether or not a l l the components of the system have been included, and whether the i n t e r a c t i o n s between them have been c o r r e c t l y i d e n t i f i e d and programmed.  U n t i l the model f a i t h f u l l y simulates the system  being studied i t i s p o i n t l e s s attempting VII  Optimization.  to obtain optima.  The simulation model can now be used to i l l u s t r a t e the  e f f e c t s of manipulation of the system by varying the input data, changing the conditions of the functions or by a l t e r i n g thresholds etc.  In t h i s  fashion d i f f e r e n t management strategies can be tested and i t i s now possible to compare the goals of management subject to various constraints with demands placed upon them.  In other words, using the simulation model to c o r r e l a t e  the demands and physical outputs, we can optimize the system and obtain an optimum combination of resource outputs that best meet the demands without destroying the system.  125. However, with the complexity encountered i n the multi-dimensional  and  non-linear models of the kind envisaged for integrated resource management, standard optimization techniques are inadequate.  Recourse must be made to  i n t u i t i v e exploration of various management decisions i n the l i g h t of prev a i l i n g conditions.  THE APPLICATION OF THE PRINCIPLES OF SYSTEM ANALYSIS TO INTEGRATED RESOURCE MANAGEMENT:  AN EXAMPLE  As has been shown, the greatest obstacles i n any attempt at coordinating resource management are p o l i t i c a l .  I f systems analysis i s to be applied to  integrated resource management, then i t must accommodate a p o l i t i c a l system. I t i s doubtful i f any presently e x i s t i n g administration could contemplate the implementation of integrated resource management as defined herein.  Thus i t  has been necessary to postulate a s i m p l i f i e d p o l i t i c a l system i n which systems analysis might p r o f i t a b l y be employed to resolve resource management problems. In setting up such an example i t has also been necessary to simplify the physical a t t r i b u t e s of the system.  A description of a r e a l human ecosystem  would be of enormous complexity and beyond the scope of t h i s paper.  There i s  also the p o s s i b i l i t y that a r e a l system would exclude some components that are common to others.  I t has therefore been decided to include some of the  more obvious basic processes inherent i n such a system so that the i d e a l of integrated resource management would be hypothetically possible.  In so doing,  the following considerations have moved so far from complex r e a l i t y to the realms of s i m p l i c i t y that they deal with the e n t i r e l y t h e o r e t i c a l . Figure  (See  7.)  The example assumes (a) that the land area has been defined and with i t a p a r t i c u l a r population or referrent group; and (b) that the goal of manage-  126.  FIGURE Diagram of  of  hypothetical  integrated  7 model  resource  for  simulation  management  Affluence  Density  Numbers  Popu lat ion Water Recreation Timber Forage Wildlife Minerals  Growth function  Demand  Supply Market system  Optimum combination  Representationl [Lobbying  IT  Soil Water Vegetation Climate Topography Ore deposits  Public resource agency  Private resource agency  ntegrated resource management  sSimulation and optimization Planning and  integration  127. merit i s the maximum s a t i s f a c t i o n o f public demands for wildland resources without impairing t h e i r reproductive p o t e n t i a l . The following components have been included i n the example: 1.  the population for whom the resources are being managed and whose  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are constantly changing with time; 2.  the demands that are made upon the wildland resources that change  concommitantly with changes i n the population's c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ; 3.  the supply o f natural resources on the specified area;  4.  the methods by which the demands are communicated to the decision  making arm o f the government; 5.  the d e c i s i o n making sector o f the government, that i n the l i g h t of  other considerations, modifies by various means the demands on the resources; 6.  the resource management agencies that are government controlled,  and who are assumed to have complete knowledge o f the resource p o t e n t i a l of the area; 7.  the optimizing process.  This government i s unique i n that i t has  complete knowledge of the modified demands and the resource p o t e n t i a l , and a computer simulation model with which to optimize resource outputs; 8.  another branch o f government that plans the integration o f the  resource agencies using the r e s u l t s produced by the optimization process; 9.  integrated resource management, that applies administration d i r e c t i v e s  to the s p e c i f i e d area and r e s u l t s i n an optimized combination of resource output that maximizes public welfare. Considering the components i n further d e t a i l : 1.  the population.  Human populations can be described i n terms o f their  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , e.g. their numbers, density, age structure, family u n i t s e t c .  128. as well as t h e i r economic status.  This w i l l include such items as the  average wage for each type of employment, average disposable income, numbers of wage-earners per family etc.  Much of such data can be obtained  from census  reports and, by extracting from e a r l i e r reports data pertaining to the chara c t e r i s t i c s determined as important to the model, i t becomes possible to observe and quantify how  the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s have changed with time.  The r e l a t i o n s h i p of each c h a r a c t e r i s t i c and time can be described by a mathematical function.  By subjective consideration of such factors as  economic p o t e n t i a l of the area, recreation p o t e n t i a l , future r e s i d e n t i a l d e s i r a b i l i t y etc., i t i s possible to assess whether or not the same function can be used to extrapolate the r e l a t i o n s h i p into the future. the computer data of the population's  By putting into  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s at a given time and  the  corresponding mathematical functions, i t i s possible to obtain information for the population at any subsequent time period. Let us suppose that analysis of a l l possible population c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s shows that the three that most influence the model are size of population ( i . e . numbers of people), population density and the economic status which has been confined to average disposable income. I t next becomes necessary to show how time.  these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s change with  Hypotheses are formed of the r e l a t i o n s h i p s and expressed mathematically.  By applying r e a l data to the hypothesis i t i s possible to test and  adjust  them where necessary so that they conform to r e a l i t y . Graphically, the r e l a t i o n s h i p s of populations c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , based on v a l i d assumptions might appear as i l l u s t r a t e d i n Figure 2.  The Demands.  8.  To obtain the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the population's demands  and resource outputs, i t i s most important that the correct resource variable i s i d e n t i f i e d i n those units of measurement that the population consumes.  129.  FIGURE Hypothetical  8  changes  characteristics  of  within  Population a  planning  perrod  Time  Period  (e.g. ten y e a r s ) .  CO  c  <D Q  c o  ZJ CL  Time  Period  Time  Period  130.  FIGURE  Hypothetical Consumption  9  Relationships and"  Population  of  Beef  Characteristics  c O  +-> Q.  E  D CO  c O <J H—  (D <D  CO  Population Numbers  Af f I u e n c e  Population  Density  131. For example i n an analysis such as t h i s the demand for range land i s not expressed i n acres but i n the average weight o f beef consumed per head per day. As has been s a i d , the resource demands w i l l change i n response to changes i n the population c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and i t i s necessary to i d e n t i f y the relationship between each resource output and each population characteristic. For example, we might find from investigation and tested hypotheses that the relationships between beef consumption and population numbers, density and affluence appear as shown i n Figure 9. The picture becomes more complicated with those resources that have more than one consumer product.  The timber trade for example might find  demands f o r fuelwood (cordwood), lumber and pulpwood and each of these must be related to each of the population c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The interactions of competing demands on the same resource constitute another complication e.g. the use of forest land for timber products, r e creation and watershed protection.  The economic techniques and d i f f i c u l t i e s  i n deciding which demand, i f any, i s given p r i o r i t y over others have already been discussed (Chapter V I I ) . Since the population c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are a l l p o s i t i v e , most of the demands on the resources show corresponding increases. Hence more intensive management o f the resources w i l l become mandatory.  The more " c a p i t a l -  intensive" management becomes, the more i t tends toward single use rather than multiple use and thus a scheme for c l o s e l y integrated resource management becomes more and more necessary i n the attempt to minimize c o n f l i c t s and maximize public s a t i s f a c t i o n .  132. I f the resources of the area are inadequate to meet the demands o f the referrent group, i n v e s t i g a t i o n should be made into the f e a s i b i l i t y of obtaining a larger specified area as a unit for management.  I f t h i s i s not possible and  the importation of most basic resources i s unavoidable, i t i s possible that much o f the area may best serve the referrent group by being maintained for a single purpose, e.g. recreation.  3.  The Supply. (a)  Wildland resources can be c l a s s i f i e d as:  Amenity Resources ( M i l l e r op.cit.) constituting climate,  topography and vegetation, and being responsible for recreational and aesthetic values.  Apart from intensive recreational use that  may destroy c e r t a i n vegetation phenomena, these resources cannot be influenced through normal use. (b) etc.  Non Renewable Resources, e.g. ore-bodies, f o s s i l - f u e l deposits Considered alone, these are amenable to the dictates of  economic theory and the law of supply and demand.  However, their  e x p l o i t a t i o n invariably gives r i s e to e x t e r n a l i t i e s of varying degrees of severity, which are capable of upsetting the system, e.g. acid mine-waste that eventually e f f e c t s water courses and the l i v e l i h o o d o f those populations that depend upon them. (c)  Renewable Resources include s o i l , water and vegetation, and  more s p e c i f i c a l l y natural forest, grasslands and w i l d l i f e .  A  natural forest i l l u s t r a t e s the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f renewable r e sources i n having:  ( i ) an immediate and t o t a l exploitable capacity,  e.g. the standing volume o f the v i r g i n forest that can be completely wiped out by man's u t i l i z a t i o n i n a given time period; ( i i )  powers  of reproduction--the forest, as an example of a renewable resource,  133. has the a b i l i t y to maintain a dynamic equilibrium with i t s environment, by o f f s e t t i n g the e f f e c t s of death with the production of offspring;  ( i i i ) a threshold beyond which the reproductive powers  of the resource are either incapable of returning i t to a condition similar to i t s untouched state, or to do so would require long periods of time.  I t has been found that a c e r t a i n minimum quantity  of forest, known as the "growing stock" must be maintained expects to obtain a sustained y i e l d of forest products:  i f man  continued  overcutting reduces the growing stock and eventually w i l l wipe out the forest:  undercutting allows the forest to approximate i t s natural  equilibrium where volume losses through natural mortality are balanced by natural regeneration. Such a threshold corresponds  to a b i o l o g i c a l constraint, and for  each use of each resource, the b i o l o g i c a l constraint should be determined and used as a c r i t e r i o n for management where continued use i s demanded.  When a constraint i s overstepped  the resource i n question  i s not the only one to suffer--the e f f e c t s are f e l t upon the whole system.  The over-grazed pasture not only r e s u l t s i n a smaller carrying  capacity and a depleted meat market but sheet and g u l l y erosion become imminent d i s a s t e r s .  Not only does t h i s confound the range manager's  problems, but eroded material finds i t s way into streams and r i v e r s r e s u l t i n g i n choked watercourses,  with serious repercussions on f i s h  populations and recreation p o t e n t i a l s , not to mention the p o s s i b i l i t y of floods and d i r e c t danger to human l i f e . Thus the observance of the b i o l o g i c a l constraints are of the greatest importance i n resource management.  They are known with  varying degrees of accuracy for most renewable resources.  It i s  134. e s s e n t i a l that they are entered i n the model i n such a way that when compared with demands that exceed them, the computer output w i l l immediately show the fact. Using r e a l data and with the functions c o r r e c t l y i d e n t i f i e d the computer can be programmed to out-put the demands for a l l the resource products for varying s o c i a l conditions. Whether these demands are met e n t i r e l y from the land area i n question or not must be determined by the government from the r e s u l t s of simulation t r i a l s , and i n collaboration with i t s resource agencies. 4.  Communication.  In the example demands are communicated to the  government i n any or a l l of the following ways: (a)  Representation:  demands known to a p a r t i c u l a r member of the  government (who may have been elected on a p a r t i c u l a r "pork b a r r e l " platform) who  i s thus i d e a l l y situated to communicate d i r e c t l y with  the decision makers; (b)  Lobbying or pressure groups:  often representatives of minority  groups are p a r t i c u l a r l y important i n considerations dealing with non-marketable values.  Both the representatives and the pressure  groups are able to influence the demands and supply of natural resources by various propaganda devices i n an attempt to achieve what they believe i s " s o c i a l l y desirable." (c)  The economic market system:  t h i s i s the most important way i n  which people's wishes become known--by their willingness to pay for what they want. may  Whatever the government's motives for doing so, i t  seek to influence the market system by various f i s c a l p o l i c i e s .  I t may also influence the demands more d i r e c t l y , e.g. the imposition of bag l i m i t s and "seasons" i n hunting. In c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t i e s , most resources are exploited by private i n t e r e s t s , over whom the government has minimal control.  The market system i n v a r i a b l y  135. by-passes the government to Influence the companies d i r e c t l y . economic competitions p l o i t a t i o n that met wholly j u s t i f i e d .  and regard  I f t h i s caused  for e x t e r n a l i t i e s , r e s u l t i n g i n resource  ex-  with public s a t i s f a c t i o n then the market system could be In the example, the shortcomings of the market system have  been avoided by giving the government's resource agencies more control over the a c t i v i t i e s of private i n t e r e s t s so that e x t e r n a l i t i e s can be ensured of consideration i n wider public i n t e r e s t s . 5.  The Government.  The r o l e of the government i s that of a single,  central agency that has the knowledge and authority to bring about the i n t e gration of planning  for resource e x p l o i t a t i o n i n a fashion that maximizes  public welfare. It i s envisaged that plans for e x p l o i t a t i o n w i l l be updated r e g u l a r l y , perhaps annually.  Resource agencies, assumed to have complete knowledge of  inventories and potentials ( b i o l o g i c a l constraints) of their resources,  will  present updated information to the government's simulation model on a similar time basis.  When resource demands are received the simulation model i s used  to reconcile them with a t t r i b u t e s of the supply, with f u l l recognition of the i n t e r a c t i o n ( e x t e r n a l i t i e s ) of each development, upon the whole system. l a t i o n and optimization may l i g h t of other factors.  Simu-  indicate that some demands must be modified i n the  For instance, i n t e r e s t of a wider range than that of  the l o c a l referrent group i s l i k e l y to be given precedence over l o c a l i n t e r e s t s : budgetary constraints may  c u r t a i l those demands that e n t a i l a high  initial  outlay, etc. The r e a l i s t i c i n c l u s i o n i n a simulation model of components to handle the interactions between resources i s presently severely limited because of a lack of both q u a l i t a t i v e and quantitative information.  This i s a r e l a t i v e l y  straight-forward technical problem that can eventually be overcome.  In the  136. meantime, were such a complex model contemplated, these d e f i c i e n c i e s could be p a r t l y repaired using i n t u i t i v e assumptions of values and hypothesising unknown functions based on preliminary To i l l u s t r a t e the complexity  observations.  o f the interactions consider the s i t u a t i o n  where one of the demands that must be accommodated by the resources of an area, i s for a c e r t a i n volume of timber.  Suppose t h i s volume necessitates the  logging of untouched natural forest:  the e f f e c t s upon the system o f such  an a c t i v i t y can be expected to include the following: (a)  logging inherently means access roads.  What e f f e c t w i l l these have  on opening up the area i n terms of the w i l d l i f e p o t e n t i a l (hunting and f i s h i n g of hitherto unexploited  f i s h and game populations), on the  recreation p o t e n t i a l and increased f i r e hazard?  What w i l l be the e f -  fects of road construction on water quality? (b)  not only the road construction but also the actual logging operation  may a f f e c t water q u a l i t y through p o l l u t i o n from erosion.  Thus information  i s needed of c l i m a t i c , geologic and pedologic conditions which w i l l influence the type of equipment used and the design of road and logging layouts; (c)  i n some c r i t i c a l areas water regime may be seriously upset by the  removal o f evapotranspiration agencies ( i . e . trees) and by ground compaction causing spring floods and late summer droughts.  Is there a  scale of operation that w i l l maintain a r e l i a b l e water supply? (d)  the preceding items may or may not a f f e c t human consumption, yet  may have serious consequences for f i s h populations.  Removal of trees  along r i v e r banks may r e s u l t i n l e t h a l changes i n oxygen content and water temperature; logging a c t i v i t i e s may cause destruction of spawning beds either d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y .  Thus data are required of what  137. populations are present, which ones might be affected, what i s t h e i r value from the point of view of commercial and r e c r e a t i o n a l f i s h i n g and what are the tolerance l e v e l s of the various species to d i f f e r e n t environments; (e)  widespread logging can r e s u l t i n the change of w i l d l i f e populations  from the species that l i v e i n the mature forest to those that are more adapted to the serai stages of vegetation.  What species are present on  the area proposed for logging and what i s t h e i r value to the hunter? How  w i l l they be affected by logging operations i n terms of winter feed  and shelter etc.? (f)  what of the recreation potential? How  w i l l the change i n scenery,  water q u a l i t y and quantity and w i l d l i f e populations a f f e c t the camper and the hiker? Having, hopefully, i d e n t i f i e d a l l possible interactions comes the task that i s presently impossible to f u l f i l l , the task of quantifying these e f f e c t s and defining the r e l a t i o n s h i p s as mathematical functions.  For  example, the relationship between number of board feet of timber produced and the l e v e l of sedimentation expressed i n parts per m i l l i o n for a given s i t u a t i o n i n the area must be known, s i m i l a r l y the relationship between volume of timber production and inches of water gained through removal of the trees, and so on. This a n a l y t i c a l process i s repeated for each resource base i n turn, f i r s t considering the q u a l i t y of the i n t e r a c t i o n and then i t s magnitude. functions are then programmed and placed i n the computer.  The  The f i n a l simu-  l a t i o n model can then be used to determine the optimum output of the resources i n response to the demands placed upon them.  138. I f a l l the resource outputs and interactions could be quantified and evaluated, the simulation model could be constructed so that a benefit-cost r a t i o could be obtained for each e x p l o i t a t i o n project.  Since the evaluation  of e x t e r n a l i t i e s i s not possible, the computer out-put would be limited to a presentation of the physical u n i t s involved, and a comparison with the related b i o l o g i c a l constraints. This i n i t s e l f would be of enormous value i n providing quantitative information upon which the government could base value judgments. The following sequence of steps w i l l i l l u s t r a t e the kind o f operations that such a simulation model might go^through i n producing an optimized combination of resource outputs i n response to the input o f demands. 1.  Within the next planning period ( t h i s could be a year or more) the  population's c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s can be expected to reach known l e v e l s . 2.  Correspondingly, assuming that current trends are continued, demands  upon the resources w i l l also increase.  The computer, u t i l i z i n g a sub-routine  of population growth and resource demand might indicate that by the end of the planning period: (a) x M.f.b.m. of lumber w i l l be required; more people building houses, r i c h e r people renewing houses etc.; (b) n more v i s i t o r days of outdoor recreation must be provided; more a f f l u e n t , mobile people with more l e i s u r e time to explore the outdoors; (c) w more gals./head/day o f water w i l l be used; more people e n t a i l increased consumption, bigger and better bathrooms etc. (d) m head o f b i g game w i l l be sought by hunters, photographers 3.  etc.  These inputs o f demands are then imposed on the supply data stored  i n the computer's '"memory." These data have been furnished by the resource agencies and w i l l be used to indicate how, when, where and i f the various demands can be met by the specified area, or ecosystem.  Dealing with each  139. demand In turn, the computer's optimizing process i s carried out.  In t h i s  case the demand f o r lumber i s dealt with f i r s t i n the following sequence: (a)  the computer determines the l o c a t i o n and extent o f the logging  operations that must be carried out i n order to produce x M.f.b.m. of lumber during the coming year; (b)  the e f f e c t o f these operations (interactions) upon the water  supply are then investigated but i s found to be detrimental (perhaps the timber i s i n a steep-sided valley whose slopes have a high erosion p o t e n t i a l and logging would cause severe sedimentation; (c)  the model i s so set up that i n such a case the computer i s instructed  to search the information on forest inventory to see i f the same volume of timber can be found elsewhere; t h i s the computer does and i s successf u l , even though a larger area i s involved (because of a smaller volume of timber per acre), but the logging i n t h i s instance w i l l not detract from the water q u a l i t y or regime.  I f the computer had been unsuccessful  i n r e a l l o c a t i n g the demand for timber i t would have j u s t optimized the most favourable condition o f each resource ("water" only being compromised to specified l i m i t s , below which the supply would be useless); (d)  the s i t u a t i o n that i s s a t i s f a c t o r y to the demands for water and  timber i s compared to the demand for game or more s p e c i f i c a l l y numbers of deer i n t h i s case.  I t i s found that the vegetation appearing on the  cleared area and the s a t i s f a c t o r y water supply are able to maintain an increased deer population; (e)  the computer now compares t h i s optimum combination to date with the  n v i s i t o r - d a y s o f recreation that i s demanded.  I t i s found that the r e -  r allocated logging, while s a t i s f a c t o r y from the standpoint o f the water  140. supply, has d r a s t i c e f f e c t s upon the recreation p o t e n t i a l (perhaps the timber was  to be taken from around a lakeshore that had great p o t e n t i a l  for campsites, scenic values would have been l o s t e t c . ) ; (f)  the computer thus attempts again to s a t i s f y the demands by r e -  a l l o c a t i n g them to d i f f e r e n t locations.  The t h i r d area proposed for  logging i s considerably further away from population centres, but does not i n t e r f e r e with recreation p o t e n t i a l s , and i s suitable for the i n creased numbers of deer required.  However, the production of increased  runoff i s not s i g n i f i c a n t l y greater; (g)  the computer then concentrates on the demand for more water by  scanning  inventories of areas suitable for increased snow accumulation,  reduced melting rates, reduced evapotranspiration losses etc.  A suitable  area i s selected, where a c e r t a i n amount of forest cutting i s necessary, and the scale of the operation i s determined so that the required volume of water w i l l r e s u l t ; (h)  these treatment cuttings are investigated for possible unsuitable  interactions with the rest of the system.  Suppose, for the sake of  brevity, that no detrimental e f f e c t s need be anticipated; (i)  the timber from these cuttings w i l l be harvested and can be counted  toward the volume of lumber required by the end of the planning period. Thus the scale of operations i n (g) i s correspondingly reduced; (j)  the program dictates that "new"  for harmful interactions. (k)  operations from (g) be examined  Suppose again that none need be  with a l l the demands met  feared;  i n such a fashion, the simulation has  run  i t s course and the computer stops. The r e s u l t s of the simulation and optimization processes are passed to the planning and integration branch of the government.  Here the plans  and  141. l o g i s t i c s for integrated resource management are founded.  Directives are  prepared for implementation by private agencies whose r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i t i s to a c t u a l l y carry out the projects i n t h i s example. I f and when the need for integrated resource management becomes suff i c i e n t l y great, systems analysis and simulation o f f e r the most comprehensive tool for i t s achievement.  I t s a p p l i c a t i o n i n the f i e l d of resource management  cannot be expected i n the near future for the following reasons: 1.  Unless p o l i t i c a l boundaries and administrative d i v i s i o n s can  be  overcome, integrated resource management, whether based on the r e s u l t s of simulation t r i a l s or not, cannot hope to be implemented; 2.  The production  of a simulation model for such a complex problem  would incur an enormous cost, that few at present would be w i l l i n g to shoulder. Presenting  the problem as one of human ecology, renders an i n t e r - d i s c i p l i n a r y  approach e s s e n t i a l .  The a t t r a c t i o n of those q u a l i f i e d i n the various  fields  would be expensive, not to mention the cost of programmers and computer time. 3.  There are few i n d i v i d u a l s who  could claim to be capable of producing  such a model even with the assistance of a team of 4.  experts;  The current lack of both q u a l i t a t i v e and quantitative data would  confound the problems of programming the interactions within the system when a development project i s  considered.  However, the adage of "where there i s a w i l l there i s a way" sound.  is s t i l l  A s u f f i c i e n t l y urgent demand for integrated resource management  would see the above problems overcome.  142.  CHAPTER IX SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS  SUMMARY The  following i s a l i s t o f points that the preceding  chapters have  sought to make: 1.  The ideas and concepts upon which multiple use and integrated  resource management (known hereafter as IRM) have been based are not new. They were known to c i v i l i z a t i o n s thousands o f years ago l i v i n g i n close contact with t h e i r environment.  Pressure for natural resources  i s now being  f e l t by populations resident i n c i t i e s and alienated from natural elements, and to some people the concepts o f IRM appear novel.  Such concepts are,  however, as old as mankind. 2.  The I n d u s t r i a l Revolution was instrumental  reliance o f many Europeans on natural elements.  i n severing the d i r e c t  Since that time, i n d u s t r i -  a l i z e d western man has demonstrated a lack o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y towards h i s environment. The Conservation  Movement arose as a reaction to frequently disastrous  resource e x p l o i t a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l corruption i n America.  In preached  143. "wise use" and consideration of the future, and became a crusade that embraced many social and moral issues.  Although many of i t s principles were etched  into the policies of resource agencies, the lack of pragmatism and of a definition of "conservation" led to the crumbling of the Movement as i t s founders moved on. 3. "Multiple Use" as an identifiable slogan and land management policy grew up with the United States Forest Service, although the wider concepts of managing man's environment as a whole were seen by Pinchot i n 1907. In confining i t s attention to wildland resources, multiple use achieved a more positive status than the p o l i t i c a l l y orientated Conservation Movement. Although a legal definition was formulated, the implementation of multiple use within the Forest Service s t i l l rests upon the personal discretion of each district ranger. The adoption of multiple use as a concept of management by resource agencies other than the United States Forest Service, has resulted i n any meaning that the term may have had becoming obscured, confused and completely lost. 4. Because the term "multiple use" has become such a shibboleth, i t i s proposed that i t be discarded from use and replaced by "integrated resource management" (IBM). 5. In analysing the concepts of multiple use and i n seeking conditions for the implementation of such a management concept, IRM w i l l assume the definition of "the application of management strategies to achieve the maximum public welfare from an optimum combination of uses of the wildland resources of a specified area for the benefit of a referrent group." 6. Natural phenomena only become resources when man finds a use for them, i.e. social demand i s the sole reason for resource exploitation. In  144. the competition of the market system, however, where f i n a n c i a l success i s the objective and i n the h a l l s of governments where non-productive objectives are known to revolve about prestigious values, resources have become ends i n themselves.  This paper seeks to re-emphasize that natural resources are  only means i n the procuring of public welfare, and that the l a t t e r i s more important than the resources. 7.  Natural resources cannot be considered i n d i v i d u a l l y or outside the  context of the ecosystem, which includes man and a l l h i s a c t i v i t i e s .  The  e x p l o i t a t i o n or development of one resource invariably influences other parts of the whole, and unless measures are taken, t h i s influence i s invariably detrimental.  IRM as a concept of management w i l l , as far as possible, con-  sider a l l the interactions that are l i k e l y to r e s u l t when one resource of the ecosystem i s proposed for development. 8.  In North America, as i n other parts of the world, where a c e r t a i n  standard of l i v i n g has been attained there i s growing public concern for the way of l i v i n g .  Much of t h i s concern i s directed toward those  environmental  values, known as " e x t e r n a l i t i e s , " that do not?yet find expression i n the economic market system.  The philosophy of IRM  f u l l y recognizes the importance  of these non-marketable values and proposes to give them consideration equal to that given to marketable values. 9.  The objective of IRM i s the achievement of maximum public welfare  from wildland resources.  However, for "welfare" to be defined i n p r a c t i c a l  terms, i t i s necessary to confine attention to c e r t a i n basic conditions, and to specify:  (a) the referrent group(s) (population) whose welfare constitutes  the demands upon the natural resources; and (b) a specified area, which can be defined i n any convenient terms.  Once defined, the area sets the l i m i t s of  145. the resources available (the supply) from which an optimum combination of outputs i s produced i n response to the demands of the referrent group. 10.  IRM requires coordinated planning of resource uses and  within the specified area. agency that has:  (a)  users  Such planning i s best c a r r i e d out by a single  knowledge of supply and demands, and b i o l o g i c a l  thresholds; (b) the a b i l i t y to make i m p a r t i a l , evaluated decisions regarding e x p l o i t a t i o n projects; and (c) the authority to integrate a l l resource agencies to e f f e c t the optimum combination. 11.  Inasmuch as the implementation of IRM w i l l require changes i n  established l e g a l , p o l i t i c a l and i n d u s t r i a l structures, i t i s bound to meet unbending opposition from such entrenched i n t e r e s t s . This opposition c o n s t i tutes by far the greatest hindrance to any proposal, such as IRM,  that  requires forms of resource e x p l o i t a t i o n that approximate public welfare instead of private p r o f i t s . This i s not to say that physical problems connected with e f f e c t i v e  IRM  do not e x i s t ; but whereas these can be expected to be resolved with time and e f f o r t , s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l problems are often i r r a t i o n a l and  exceedingly  d i f f i c u l t to a l t e r . 12.  Economic theory has not appeared eager i n accommodating  marketable values, and so i s of limited use i n planning IRM.  non-  Ecology,  using  the tools of systems analysis and simulation models has concentrated i t s attention on the interactions between the parts of an ecosystem, while r e cognizing at the same time the d i f f i c u l t i e s of evaluating the e x t e r n a l i t i e s involved i n human ecology. making i n IRM,  As a tool for f a c i l i t a t i n g comprehensive decision  systems analysis shows p o t e n t i a l .  146.  CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Integrated resource management, as defined i n t h i s study, can only be considered as an i d e a l , that present s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l structures are, as yet, incapable of entertaining.  However, growing public concern for the q u a l i t y  of l i v i n g as against the standard of l i v i n g , indicates that attention must be given to the way  i n which future resource development should proceed.  This thesis has attempted to demonstrate that i n North America, " p o l i t i c s , " i n both the broad and narrow senses of the word, constitute the biggest obstacle to the implementation  of IRM.  At the present time i t would  appear f u t i l e to seek voluntary cooperation among government and i n d u s t r i a l administrators of natural resources, where objectives of a s o c i a l nature are involved.  Such cooperation that would be v i t a l _ f o r the implementation r  of  IRM i s not an i m p o s s i b i l i t y , but i t i s considered u n l i k e l y to occur i n the near future, or i n s u f f i c i e n t time to prevent further negligent, or misdirected decisions being made concerning resource development. The a l t e r n a t i v e to cooperation i s the establishment of a government department, the function of which i s the integration of resource industries, and other government departments so that the welfare of a referrent group i s sustained.  I t i s to the p o l i t i c a l aspects of IRM that the greatest amount  of research must be directed. A great amount of information w i l l be needed to determine the most appropriate l e v e l of government that should have the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of applying the p r i n c i p l e s of I B M . In Canada, where development of natural resources i s a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of p r o v i n c i a l governments, the establishment of a p r o v i n c i a l department for resource integration might be a l o g i c a l step, though sub-division of a province into smaller management units may be found more convenient i n some  147. cases.  As previously pointed out, the establishment  government i s not to be l i g h t l y undertaken.  of a new branch of  The problems involved i n such  an undertaking must be c a r e f u l l y weighed against those that w i l l develop when the terms of reference of an e x i s t i n g p r o v i n c i a l department are r e defined for IRM implementation, and include a measure of influence over other departments. However constituted, the terms of reference of the department responsible for IRM must include d e f i n i t i o n s of: 1.  the referrent group;  2.  the specified area;  3.  a working d e f i n i t i o n of "public welfare" that applies to the referrent  group. I t i s not to be imagined that the department responsible for IRM  imple-  mentation w i l l be capable of achieving maximum public welfare immediately. Rather, i t i s to be expected that t h i s end w i l l be achieved beginnings.  from small  As a f i r s t step i t i s suggested that attention be turned to  analyzing the new  large-scale development proposals for resource development  within the specified area. The number and scale of such development proposals, e.g. mining and d r i l l i n g operations, water impoundments, etc., have expanded i n fantastic fashion i n recent years.  Their e f f e c t s on people and other resources can be  expected to be far-reaching and profound.  Thus i t i s e s s e n t i a l that as  comprehensive an analysis as possible be applied at the proposal  stages.  Benefit-Cost Analysis would appear to be the most appropriate technique that could be used i n the e a r l y stages  of IRM.  In applying t h i s analysis to  each new development proposal, the department responsible must be empowered to:  148. 1.  obtain a l l relevent information of the t o t a l benefits and  costs involved--these 2.  total  not to be l i m i t e d to purely f i n a n c i a l considerations;  evaluate them with the referrent group i n mind, but otherwise  impartially; 3.  modify the proposal, or such aspects of i t as the department sees  f i t , to ensure that the maximum public welfare of the referrent group i s safeguarded; and 4.  integrate the resource agencies involved so that the decision of the  department might be implemented. As a second step towards comprehensive IRM,  the department should  be  expanded, and should d i r e c t i t s attention to the less spectacular but equally important, e x i s t i n g operations involved i n harvesting other natural within the s p e c i f i e d area.  resources  P r i o r i t i e s for attention might be established on  such c r i t e r i a as, for example, water and atmospheric p o l l u t i o n , landscape d i s figurement, etc. and any s i t u a t i o n where the requirements of the referrent group were being subjugated by private motives. Through the gradual r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of s o c i a l demands of new projects and e x i s t i n g operations, the department established for these purposes w i l l gain the r e q u i s i t e knowledge of the referrent group and the resources of the area, to enable i t to eventually approximate the p o s i t i o n of the single coordinating agency required for comprehensive IRM.  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Annals of the American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and Social Science, v. 281. The future of our natural resources, p. 1-9.  Reich, J .  Bureaucracy and the f o r e s t , — a n occasional paper on the r o l e of the p o l i t i c a l process i n the free society. Centre for the study of democratic i n s t i t u t i o n s , C a l i f o r n i a . 13 p.  1962.  Richardson, A. H. & D. N. McMullen, 1961. Ontario's experience with Conservation Authorities. Resources for tomorrow conference, p. 345-351. Ridd, M. K.  1965. Area-orientated multiple use analysis. Intermountain forest and range experiment station, Ogden, Utah. INT-21 14 p.  Robinson, C. W.  1966. Simple economics of public outdoor recreation. Land Economics, 43 (1), p. 71-83.  Rodgers, A. D. I l l , 1951. Bernhard Eduard Fernow—a story of North American forestry. Princeton University Press, New Jersey. 623 p. Royal Bank of Canada 1958. Monthly letters--conserving Canada's resources. 27 (8) & 38 (4). Sewell, W. R. D., J . 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The Canadian Council of Resource Ministers. Address to 7th Annual General Meeting & 9th Plenary Session of the Canadian Council of Resource Ministers, Nova Scotia, p. i - v i i . 164 p.  1967. What multiple use means to me. Proceedings of 58th Western Forestry Conference, p. 30-31.  Zivnuska, J . A.  1961. Multiple problems of multiple use. Forestry, 59 (8) p. 555-560.  Journal of  155. APPENDIX 1 THE MULTIPLE USE-SUSTAINED YIELD LAW Public Law 86-517 86th Congress, H. R. 10572 June 12, 1960  Be i t enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America i n Congress assembled. That i t i s the p o l i c y of the Congress that the national forests are established and s h a l l be administered for outdoor recreation, range, timber, watershed, and w i l d l i f e and f i s h purposes. The purposes of t h i s Act are declared to be supplemental to, but not i n derogation of, the purposes for which the national forests were established as set forth i n the Act of June 4, 1897 (16 U.S.C. 475). Nothing herein s h a l l be construed as a f f e c t i n g the j u r i s d i c t i o n or r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the several States with respect to w i l d l i f e and f i s h on the national forests. Nothing herein s h a l l be construed so as to a f f e c t the use or admini s t r a t i o n of the mineral resources of national forest lands or to a f f e c t the use or administration of Federal lands not within national forests. Sec. 2. The Secretary of A g r i c u l t u r e i s authorized and directed to develop and administer the renewable surface resources of the national forests for multiple use and sustained y i e l d of the several products and services obtained therefrom. In the administration of the national forests due consideration s h a l l be given to the r e l a t i v e values of the various resources i n p a r t i c u l a r areas. The establishment and maintenance of areas of wilderness are consistent with the purposes and provisions of t h i s Act. Sec. 3. In the effectuation of t h i s Act the Secretary of Agriculture i s authorized to cooperate with interested State and l o c a l governmental agencies and others i n the development and management of the national forests. Sec. 4. As used i n t h i s Act, the following terms s h a l l have the following meanings: (a) "Multiple use" means: The management of a l l the various renewable surface resources of the national forests so that they are u t i l i z e d i n the combination that w i l l best meet the needs of the American people; making the most judicious use of the land for some or a l l of these resources or related services over areas large enough to provide s u f f i c i e n t l a t i t u d e for periodic adjustments i n use to conform to changing needs and conditions; and harmonious and coordinated management of the various resources, each with the other, without impairment of the productivity of the land, with consideration being given to the r e l a t i v e values of the various resources, and not necess a r i l y the combination of uses that w i l l give the greatest d o l l a r return or the greatest unit output. (b) "Sustained y i e l d of the several products and services" means the achievement and maintenance i n perpetuity of a h i g h - l e v e l annual or regular periodic output of the various renewable resources of the national forests without impairment of the productivity of the land.  

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