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Fuelwood and tree planting : a case study from Funyula Division in Western Kenya Aloo, Theresa C. 1993

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FUELWOOD AND TREE PLANTING: A CASE STUDY FROMFUNYULA DIVISION IN WESTERN KENYAbyTHERESA C. ALOOB.Sc., Makerere University, Kampala, 1971M.Sc., University of Nairobi, 1976A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFDOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHYinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES(Department of Forest Resources Management)We accept this thesis as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAFebruary 1993©Theresa C. Aloo, 1993(Signature)Department oIn presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanceddegree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make itfreely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensivecopying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of mydepartment or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writtenpermission.The University of British ColumbiaVancouver, CanadaDate  9,:c=i Mo.) c^? DE-6 (2/88)ABSTRACTThis dissertation examines village fuelwood and tree planting in four villages inFunyula Division of Busia District, Western Kenya. It also explores gender issues andthe existence of cultural norms and beliefs that might influence tree planting activities.The actual study involves an environmental and socioeconomic description of thestudy area and population, through direct observations, and information derived from aquestionnaire survey. In addition, there is a comparison of household fuelwood use todetermine the villages consuming the most wood.The questionnaire survey shows that 65.5% of respondents agree that there is afuelwood shortage while results obtained from the firewood measurements andenvironmental analysis show that Namasali, a lakeside village, experiences the mostacute fuelwood shortages. However, perception about wood scarcities is not matched bythe planting of trees for fuelwood provisioning. Only 3% of the sampled households hadplanted trees for this purpose. Trees are planted, primarily, to provide building poles andfruits to satisfy the need for food and shelter. This is in keeping with what has beenfound in other parts of Kenya, and in other African countries, that the primary reason fortree planting is rarely fuelwood.Findings from this study also show that, although there are no gender-baseddifferences in perception of fuelwood scarcity, there are cultural hindrances to the fullparticipation of women in tree planting. Culture, to some extent, also influences choiceof tree species, and site of tree planting in the homesteads. For example, the planting ofthe homestead hedges is confined to men, mainly, while there is a general reluctance toplant indigenous tree species, more specifically the Mvule, a valuable timber tree of thearea.iiIt is concluded that fuelwood scarcity is due to the varying micro environment ofthe villages studied, changes in land ownership and distances to L.11 lands. Seven majorrecommendations and five minor ones are made for specific tree snecies to include in theFunyula farming system.iiiTABLE OF CONTENTSPageABSTRACT ^iiTABLE OF CONTENTS ^ivLIST OF TABLES ^xLIST OF FIGURES ^xiiLIST OF APPENDICES ^xiiiABBREVIATIONS ^xivACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ^xviCHAPTER 1Introduction ^1Study Goals ^6Study Objectives ^7Scope of Study ^8Overview of Chapters ^8CHAPTER 2Literature Review ^10Nature of the Problem ^13Fuelwood: A Theoretical Perspective ^15Difficulties of Quantifying Fuelwood ^16Consequences and Social Implications of Fuelwood Scarcity ^16Ecological Implications  ^18The Value of Standing Trees ^19Biomass: An Indicator of Wood Scarcity ^21ivVillage Fuelwood Surveys ^22Fuelwood and Tree Planting in Kenya ^23Fuelwood Supply ^23Supply in Tribal Communities ^26Gender Issues in Community Forestry ^28Beliefs about Trees and Tree Planting Practices ^33CHAPTER 3Hypotheses ^34Fuelwood Consumption ^34Hypothesis la. Regional Fuelwood Consumption ^34Hypothesis lb. Village Fuelwood Consumption ^34Hypothesis 2. Perception of Firewood Scarcity ^36Hypothesis 3. Gender and Wood Scarcity ^36Hypothesis 4. Gender and Tree Planting ^37Beliefs about Trees ^38CHAPTER 4Research Methodology ^40Assessing Fuelwood Consumption ^44Informant Interviews ^45Interview Questions ^46Design of Questionnaire Survey ^46Respondent Selection ^47The Sampling Frame ^48Limitations of Methodology ^48Sample Bias   50Final Operation Strategies ^50vData Analysis and Interpretation of Results ^51Definition of Terms ^52CHAPTER 5Busia District: Funyula DivisionAn Environmental Analysis ^54Administrative Setting ^54Biophysical Setting ^57Geomorphology and Topography ^57Hydrology and Soils ^58Climate ^58Vegetation ^62Profile of the Four Villages ^62Namasali ^62Kadimbworo ^66Nangina ^69Sagania ^73CHAPTER 6Socioeconomic and Sociocultural Environmentof the Study Population ^78Population Profile ^79Demography and Age Structure ^79Education ^81Livelihood ^83Household Structure and Family Organization ^85The Social Structure ^85Family Organization ^85viInfrastructure ^87Health ^89Traditional Land Use and Land Use Changes ^90Livestock Husbandry ^91Farm Labour ^93Fisheries ^93Crop Husbandry ^95Food Crops ^95Land Borrowing ^96Tree Husbandry ^97Fruit Trees ^98Seedling Source ^99Tenure and Land Ownership Patterns ^100CHAPTER 7Interviews and Observational Results ^102Historical Perspective ^102The Study Group: the Abasamia ^102One of the Chiefs ^105Female Interviewee ^107Agricultural Officer ^110The Forester's Remarks ^110Beliefs about Trees and Tree Planting  ^111viiCHAPTER 8Results and Discussion ^115Fuelwood Consumption ^115Differences in Village Consumption ^115Effect of Cooking Unit Size on Wood Consumption ^118National and Global Data Comparison  ^118Species Consumption ^123Survey Data ^126General Perception of Fuelwood Scarcity ^126Willingness to Plant for Fuelwood ^128Dung Use ^129Distances to Collection Points ^129Charcoal Making ^130Tree Planting Activities  ^130Agroforestry Practices ^131Locational Differences ^134Village Differences ^137Differential Activities About Tree Planting ^137Gender Perception of Fuelwood Scarcity ^139Gender and Tree Planting ^141Beliefs about Trees and Tree Planting ^144Homestead Fence ^144Educational Influence ^149Land Tenure and the Gender Issues  ^152Constraints to Tree Planting Efforts  ^153Synopsis of Findings^ 154 viiiCHAPTER 9Recommendations for Programme Development ^156Suitable Trees ^157Priority Sites  ^159Outlook on the Charcoal Industry ^160Policy Issues  ^161Government Nurseries ^161Gender Aspects ^162Constraints to Tree Planting ^162Summary ^163Programmes for Future Research ^164REFERENCES ^166ixLIST OF TABLESTable Page2.1. Kenya's wood resource supply demand projections in metric tonnes .. 255.1. Area and population of progressively largeradministrative units in the Republic of Kenya.^ 565.2. Funyula Catholic Mission rainfall data 605.3 A comparison of the village biophysical factors^ 776.1. Age distribution among respondents^ 806.2. Busia District and Funyula Division age and sex distribution 1988 . . . 806.3. Educational level of respondents^ 826.4. Frequency of marriage categories among respondents ^ 826.5. Frequency of occupational distribution among respondents^ 846.6 Frequency of items to show socioeconomic status of respondents by village 886.7. Livestock ownership and type^ 926.8. Source of farm labour 947.1. Western Province's Abaluhya subtribes^ 1048.1. Comparison of fuelwood consumption in kg/cap/day inSamia North and South locations ^ 1168.2. Comparison of fuelwood consumption (kg/cap/day) in ^the four villages ^ 1178.3. Anova of fuelwood consumption (kg/cap/day) in three differentsized households. ^ 1198.4. Frequency of occurrence of different wood speciesin the four villages ^ 124^8.5.^Responses to items testing perception of fuelwood scarcityin the four villages  ^1278.6.^Response differences between Samia North and South on items testingperception of fuelwood scarcity (n = 122) ^1368.7.^Responses differences between Samia North and South on itemstesting degree of tree planting  ^1388.8.^Frequency of responses to items testing degree of tree plantingin the four villages  ^1388.9.^Response differences between genders on items testing perception offuelwood scarcity (percent agreeing) ^1408.10.^Response differences between genders on items to test activities ontree planting (percent agreeing) ^1438.11.^Frequency of responses to items testing beliefs about tree planting . . .  ^1478.12.^Response differences to various items by educational level  ^144xiLIST OF FIGURESFigure Page1.1 District Map of Kenya^ 24.1 Funyula Division road and infrastructures^ 414.2 Funyula Division: Rainfall Map^ 424.4 Funyula Division: Agroecological Zones Map^ 435.1 Map of Busia District showing Funyula Division 555.2 Nangina Catholic Mission rainfall bar chart^ 625.3 Schematic diagram of Namasali village 635.4 Landscape of Namasali village ^ • 645.5 Schematic diagram of Kadimbworo village^ 675.6 Landscape of Kadimbworo village 685.7 Schematic diagram of Nangina village^ 705.8 Landscape of Nangina village 715.9 Schematic diagram of Sagania village^ 745.10 Landscape of Sagania village 758.1 Graph of fuelwood consumption in different sized households^ 121xiiLIST OF APPENDICESAppendix Page1. Partial Organizational Structure of the Kenya Department^ 1772 Fuelwood and Tree Planting: Questionnaire^ 1783 Republic of Kenya: Research Clearance Permit 1864 Letter to District Commissioner (Busia District) ^ 1875 Letter to Chief Samia North Location^ 1886 Crop Species recorded in Funyula Division 1897 Indigenous tree species recorded in Funyula Division^ 1908 Exotic trees recorded in Funyula Division ^ 1929 Questionnaire survey Data record 194LIST OF APPENDICESAppendix Page1. Partial Organizational Structure of the Kenya Department^ 1772 Fuelwood and Tree Planting: Questionnaire^ 1783 Republic of Kenya: Research Clearance Permit 1864 Letter to District Commissioner (Busia District) ^ 1875 Letter to Chief Samia North Location^ 1886 Crop Species recorded in Funyula Division 1897 Indigenous tree species recorded in Funyula Division ^ 1908 Exotic trees recorded in Funyula Division ^ 1929 Computer printout of Questionnaire data records 194ABBREVIATIONSAFC^Agriculture Finance CorporationAFRENA^Agroforestry Research Networks for AfricaANOVA^Analysis of VarianceASCII^American Standard Code for Information ExchangeCan^Canadiancap^capitaCOFOPLAN Proceedings of the Third Regional Workshop of theTraining Programme on Planning and Management ofParticipatory Forestry ProjectsCum/freq^Cumulative frequencyDAO^District Agriculture OfficerDFO^District Forest OfficerEATEC^East African Tanning and Extract Company LimitedEMI^Embu Meru Isiolo DistrictsFAO^Food and Agricultural Organization of the United NationsFESD^Forest Extension Services DivisionFMH^Farm Management Handbook of KenyaGDP^Gross Domestic ProductGK^Government of KenyaICRAF^International Center for Research in AgroforestryIITA^International Institute for Tropical AgricultureILO^International Labour OrganizationKEFRI^Kenya Forestry Research InstituteKENGO^Kenya Environment and Energy Non-Governmental OrganizationsK£^Kenya pound = 20 K ShKg^kilogramellyd INc111011d1 /-11‘,111VCSxivK Sh^Kenya shillingKWDP^Kenya Woodfuel Development ProjectLMZ^Lower marginal zoneMENR^Ministry of Environment and Natural ResourcesMO^Medical OfficerNGO^Non-governmental organizationOPEC^Organization of Petroleum Exporting CountriesRAES^Rural Afforestation Extension ServicesRLFS^Rural Labour Force SurveyRRA^Rapid Rural AppraisalSADCC^Southern African Development Coordination ConferenceSAS^Statistical Analysis SystemsSPSS^Statistical Package for Social SciencesTOE^Tonnes of oil equivalentUN^United NationsUNDP^United Nations Development ProgrammeACKNOWLEDGEMENTSI would like to thank all those who extended help to me both in Kenya andCanada over the four years of my graduate work. It is not possible to thank everyoneindividually. However, my special gratitude goes to the many residents of Funyula whowelcomed me into their homes and facilitated the interview and survey process; toTimona, Charles and David for helping in data gathering; and to Peggy Ndeda forhousing me and, thus, enabling me to live within one of the study sites. Special thanksgo to Mr. Mulindi the DAO, Funyula Division, for helping with transport by includingme in his field tours.I would also like to thank my Canadian friends Karen Golinski, Brigitta andEdward O'Regan for their emotional support and editorial services. Special thanks go toAnoja Wickramsinghe, a visiting professor from Sri-Lanka. Anoja showed me theintellectual aspects of village fuelwood studies and made numerous suggestions. Theportrayal of the village landscapes is, largely, due to her.Members of my supervisory committee deserve special mention. Dr. Ingram tookon the difficult task of supervising my work while Dr. Hightower inspired me to thinkindependently. Dr. Guppy helped with statistical analysis and to him I am truly grateful.Last but not least, I am grateful to Dr. J. McLean. He patiently taught me how to use thecomputer, took a keen interest in my work and gave much needed personal support.Grateful thanks also go to all my relatives and friends who helped in one way oranother. My sisters Eulalia and Julia became "mothers" to my children. My in-lawsAnne, Alukano and Oboki provided much needed hospitality and translation services.My children Obura, Lydia and Robert worked hard at their school work and thus lessenedmy worries. In addition, they encouraged me to persevere and complete my programme.Finally, special thanks go to my husband John for patiently suffering my long absencefrom Kenya and for being the pillar of strength without which this work would neverhave materialized.This study was made possible by funds from CIDA/GTF and the EgertonUniversity that gave me time off to pursue graduate work.xviTo the memory of my parents, peasant farmers and fuelwood gatherers.xviiCHAPTER 1INTRODUCTIONThis dissertation is a study of the fuelwood situation and tree planting practices infour villages of Funyula Division, Busia District, Western Province in the Republic ofKenya (Figure 1.1). It is about a rural people who must put more and more of their dailyresources into obtaining increasingly scarce fuelwood. Furthermore, it is about poverty,subsistence economies and social development. It therefore aims to find solutions forbetter land management to alleviate perceived and real problems of fuelwood and treeplanting.In order to carry out such a broad and open ended study, a multi-disciplinaryapproach has been necessary. Various branches of investigation are incomplete butsufficiently explored to piece together a set of recommendations that should help insolving local problems of fuelwood scarcity and the realities of natural resourcemanagement in a developing country. The dissertation describes and analyses thebiophysical and sociocultural environment of the study population the Abasamia, asubtribe of the Abaluhya tribe of western Kenya. It includes a description of land useand land use changes, tenure and land ownership patterns that have a bearing on theavailability and accessibility of fuelwood.The dissertation also explores gender issues and the existence of beliefs thatmight influence tree planting. The study is based on data collected in 1990 and 1991 bymeans of various methods that include use of government records, direct observations,interviews, firewood measurements and, finally, a structured questionnaire survey.Villages, as opposed to larger areas, were chosen as part of focusing on the grassroots'environment to understand better problems and challenges facing rural farmers.1Fig. 1.1. DISTRICT MAP OF KENYA20^40 SO^120 IGO 200 . 240 KILOMETRES^0^40^60 120^160 MILESETHIOPIATAITA6ss\-tyK WALE 4046ASATAMA RIVERKILIFIOThis introductory chapter gives a preamble to the problem and states the goalsand objectives of the study as well as outlining my arguments and hypotheses and theirrelevance to the pressing need for better management of tree resources and provisioningof fuelwood.Since the major increase of oil prices in 1973, development planners in thirdworld countries have recognized fuelwood shortages. In Kenya, fuelwood supplies arecritical because more than 90% of the country's population of 21.4 million depend on itfor domestic energy. Woodfuel provided 30.3 million tonnes of oil equivalent (TOE)energy in 1990 while petroleum fuels and electricity provided only 1.9 million TOE(Republic of Kenya 1988a). With the current rates of population increase at 3.34% perannum, dependency on fuelwood is unlikely to decrease in the near future. At present, itis not feasible to consider switching to alternate sources of energy because of theexpenses involved. Already the country imports 2,178,000 tonnes of crude petroleumspending well over K£ 422 million of scarce foreign currency annually.Development of hydroelectric power has been increasing at the rate of 5% perannum but is hampered by the fact that Kenya does not have big rivers apart from theTana, on which much development is already taking place. In addition, it isuneconomical to develop to the maximum hydro potential because such developmentrequires expensive imported technology. Even if electricity became available in the ruralareas, it would be out of reach for the majority of the population because of the initialcapital requirements of improved housing and cooking stoves. Furthermore, dependencyon imported petroleum has severely eroded the country's balance of payments and affectsother spheres of national development. Also, the gradual decline of the Kenya shillinghas meant rising energy costs and has spelled disaster for development dependent onimported energy.3Kenya is a relatively poor country with a per capita gross national product (GNP)of Kenya pounds (K£) 522 which is equivalent to Can $522 1 (Republic of Kenya 1989).Only 2.9% of Kenya's 582.55 million hectares land mass is managed forest. Of theseforest lands, plantations constitute less than one percent, roughly, 169,000 hectares(Republic of Kenya 1991). Fuelwood plantations make up 11,900 hectares. These areuseful in supplying institutions such as schools, hospitals and industries. Indigenousforest plantations are located mostly in vital water catchment areas and are not availablefor fuelwood harvesting. There are geographical imbalances in the distribution offuelwood. The arid and semi-arid areas of the country which form 80% of the land masshave 70% of the wood resources. There are pockets of wood shortages in the so calledagriculturally high potential areas. 2 The country is using very limited wood stocks. It isestimated that by the year 2000 the country will have a shortfall of 30 million tonnes ofwood (MENR 1985).To address the perceived biomass energy supply shortfall and the resultant landand environmental degradation, a special division of Rural Afforestation ExtensionScheme was established in 1971 within the Forestry Department of the Ministry ofEnvironment and Natural Resources. In 1979, a Ministry of Energy was formed with aspecial mandate to develop fuelwood resources among other objectives. The governmentspends a large sum of money on fuelwood and tree planting. In 1988 money spent by thegovernment of Kenya (GK) ministries on various agroforestry and tree plantingprogrammes was K£ 11.35 million 3 equivalent to Canadian $11.35 million. This doesnot include money channelled through the churches and other organizations such as theInternational Center for Research in Agroforestry (ICRAF). By 1990, well over K£1 The exchange rate then was 20 K Sh to the dollar. One K£ is 20 K Sh.20n the basis of rainfall and potential main crop productivity, Kenya is divided into high, medium, and lowpotential areas.3This figure was calculated from project expenditures of the Kenya Forest Department for 1988.417.67 million (Can. $20.8 million due to the falling Kenya shilling) had been spent onthese projects.In spite of this concerted effort, Kerkhof (1990) is of the opinion that many of thetree planting projects in Africa have failed. He and Hosier (1985), attribute this failure tolack of baseline studies on individual communities to understand their tree needs. Sinceno such studies have been conducted among the people of Funyula Division in BusiaDistrict, the purpose of the present study is to bridge that gap in knowledge, about thefuelwood needs and tree planting practices of the inhabitants of Funyula, the Abasamia,by looking at selected villages in Funyula Division.Funyula Division is one of the areas of Busia District facing fuelwood shortages.It has no natural forests and yet the rural people continue to depend on wood resourcesfor their cooking, food preservation, building, furniture making and other wood basedneeds. The present study focus on the Abaluhya of Funyula Division in Busia District.Busia was not covered by the Beijer Institute's studies. This is not to say that BusiaDistrict has no fuelwood problems. Indeed, the 1989-1993 Busia District DevelopmentPlan stresses a lack of fuelwood resources when it notes that:"The district does not have sufficient tree cover and therefore fuelwood materialsare scarce, particularly in the southern parts of Budalangi Division and someparts of Samia and Amogoro Division" (Republic of Kenya 1988b p. 132).There are already signs of land degradation in many parts of the district due to increasingdestruction of natural vegetation as a result of the growing demand for woodfuel andbuilding materials (sand, bricks, building poles and grass). The areas most exposed tothe problem were noted as the hill tops in Amogoro, Funyula and Budalangi Divisions.In line with the current government policy of planning from the grassroot level 4,the present study is designed to compare wood use in Samia North and South LocationsnrriSetlio UHL:111CM HUM we WWCSL leVen of society llDwarus insreacdown planning used in the past.5CHH cof Funyula Division. It also examines tree planting practices, the people's perception offuelwood scarcity and their response to the perceived deficits. In addition, the studyanalyses the physical characteristics of the area that would permit tree planting.Moreover, it also examines the sociocultural and socioeconomic environment of thestudy population.The reasons for fuelwood scarcities will become clear with the village micro-environment and resource analysis. Tree planting is not a remedy for fuelwood needsbecause people plant trees mainly for poles and fruit and obtain fuelwood as a by-product. There are some constraints to women's full participation in tree plantingespecially in the site of the homestead fences. There is also yet an inexplicable objectionto planting Mvule, 5 Chlorophora excelsa, a valuable timber, fuelwood, and amenity tree.The information gained here should be useful to planners and researchers interested inthis particular area and to other fuelwood deficient communities in the country andelsewhere on the African continent.Study GoalsThis study is designed to understand how individuals in Funyula perceivefuelwood problems and the strategies they have adopted to cope with any shortages theymay experience. This understanding will assist in defining socially acceptable andeconomic strategies to encourage tree planting while conserving the local environment.Tree planting programmes should be integrated with the physical characteristicsof the area, so that alterations in the landscape blend in with the existing flora and otherlandscape features. Background information on the inhabitants of the target area must,therefore, not only be collected but it must be properly evaluated as a prerequisite tofuelwood planning and tree planting. In addition, information on the macro- and micro-environment of the study area must be analyzed.5Mvule is the common and trade name for this East African mahogany Chlorophora excelsa (Appendix 7).6The long-term goal of this study is to develop an analytical framework in order toplan the management of fuelwood and tree resources so as to improve living standards ofthe people of Busia District by tapping the protective, productive and service roles oftrees.In Kenya, rural populations depend on wood for over 95% of their energyrequirement (Hosier 1984, MENR 1985). A reduction or absence of wood or trees wouldseverely affect the food preparation capability of the rural dwellers and thus affect theirlifestyles and living standards. This dissertation evaluates current opportunities for, andobstacles to, expanded government programmes and increased local involvement in treeplanting. It focuses on questions central to policy development for improvement of thefuelwood situation in areas with the greatest shortages and for which there is critical needfor new solutions and programmes.Study ObjectivesTo achieve the above stated long-term goals the following objectives were set.1. To collect baseline information on the physical and ecological characteristics ofthe study area.2. To evaluate the fuelwood situation, revise and develop tree planting plans to takeinto account the specific environmental, cultural and socioeconomic setting of theinhabitants.3. To study local beliefs about trees and tree planting.4. To determine whether there is a difference in fuelwood consumption between thefour villages under study and to explore possible correlations with environmentalfactors.5.^To determine whether gender influences perception of fuelwood scarcity and treeplanting activities.7Scope of StudyThe study was carried out in Funyula Division of Busia District. The area waschosen because there have been no previous evaluations of fuelwood needs in this region.In addition, the area does not have gazetted government forests. Procurement of forestresources such as timber is from other parts of the country including neighbouringUganda. This creates a substantial financial burden on local residents.The fuelwood issue, as related to shortages and the imperatives for tree planting,is becoming critical. A good plan to ensure the long term provision of fuelwood andother tree resource products is therefore necessary. Another reason for choosing this areais the fact that the author is familiar with the people, their language and culture. Becausetree planting involves land, the study is limited to inhabitants who own or have access toland.Overview of ChaptersChapter 2 reviews work done on fuelwood and tree planting projects withemphasis on the developing countries, Africa in general, and Kenya specifically.Definitions of fuelwood and the environmental, sociocultural and socioeconomicconsequences of its scarcity are discussed. Conceptual aspects of fuelwood scarcity andwood consumption are given prominence in order to help understand the nature of thematerial and the environmental impacts of its over-harvesting. Since in many societiesand cultures fuelwood procurement is a female activity, literature on gender issues andforestry is also addressed.Chapter 3 outlines the study hypotheses in addition to providing brief statementson how data are to be gathered and hypotheses tested. Chapter 4 sets out the methodsused in the course of these studies. Detailed descriptions of observational data gatheringmethods, informant interviews, and survey questionnaire formation and administrationare provided. Use of data from archives as a check on informant interviews is outlined.8In Chapter 5, the biophysical and administrative setting of the study area, with emphasison climate, topography, soils, vegetation, and village micro-environment are described.A detailed profile of each of the villages studied vis a vis availability and accessibility offuelwood is given. This chapter is followed by a brief discussion of the socioeconomic,and sociocultural environment of the study area in addition to land use changes given inChapter 6. The effects of fuelwood gathering on habitat and local biodiversity are alsoconsidered in this chapter.Chapter 7 is a presentation of direct observational and informant interview results.Here, the historical perspective of local residents is reviewed in order to understand thecultural and tribal resource management systems that have evolved in the area. Resultsof the questionnaire survey and discussion are presented in Chapter 8. They are alsodiscussed and compared to results obtained using qualitative methodologies. Data onindividual villages are analyzed and compared to findings from other areas of Kenya,Africa and the rest of the developing world. Finally, Chapter 9 gives a summary of theanalyses and provides conclusions. Recommendations are made on ways to improvewood and other tree product availability in the area and elsewhere in the country. Areasof future research needs and prospects for possible global linkages are outlined.9CHAPTER 2LITERATURE REVIEWThe following is a review of literature on the fuelwood crisis and tree plantingefforts carried out in the last two decades in response to the energy crisis of the early1970's. Subsequent years have seen several international organizations begin treeplanting and energy conservation projects in many developing countries. Severalpublications have come out of these experiences, among them are those by Eckholm(1976), Foley and Barnard (1984), Agarwal (1986), Leach and Mearns (1988) and morerecently Kerkhof (1990).This review is divided into five major sections, each of which has a bearing onfuelwood and tree planting efforts of rural village communities in different parts of thedeveloping world and Kenya in particular. The first section is general with an emphasison Africa; the second section is a definition of fuelwood and a treatise on theconsequences of its scarcity in order to help the reader understand the complexity of thetopic and its connection to tree planting. This is followed by a section that looks atfuelwood procurement and tree planting problems in Kenya. Since fuelwood availabilityis a problem that affects women more directly than men, gender issues are discussedunder the heading "gender issues and social forestry", a title that encompasses fuelwoodand tree planting. Finally, the extent to which culture and beliefs constrain participationin tree planting and their effect on women's access to wood resources is covered. Fromthis review and results of the pilot study, hypotheses are developed.The last two decades may go down in the history of forestry as the decades of"community forestry," farm forestry, social forestry, and agroforestry. The termcommunity forestry has come to mean different things in different parts of the world.Duiker et al. (1991) have tried to distinguish between the term as applied to North America and the developing countries. The western concept of the term is based on1 0studies of communities dependent on timber or wood industries (Lee et al. 1990). Theapproach of the western researchers has therefore centered on the relationship betweenlogging or timber industries and the communities dependent on them and on the varioustenure systems as they affect productivity and the livelihood of the communities. Incontrast, in the Third World, to which this study refers, community forestry is variouslyknown by such terms as farm forestry, village forestry, rural forestry, social forestry, andagroforestry (Foley and Barnard 1984). The economies of many developing countriesare at subsistence level. The communities in such countries are more often engaged intree planting to satisfy their basic needs of timber, fuelwood and food and not in forestmanagement. The FAO (1978) definition of community forestry as the growing of treesoutside government forests, though dated, describes best the tree planting practicesdiscussed in this study.Agroforestry has been defined as the art and practice of planting trees mixed withcrops and or animals on the same land management unit. However, in the final analysis,agroforestry is a form of farm forestry as it is mainly practiced by rural farmers.Agroforestry is based on the ability of specific tree species to address land use problemssuch as soil fertility, erosion, fodder, food and fuelwood. It is said to be an inexpensive,indigenous technology (Oduol 1986, Engelhard et al. 1986). It therefore, has specialappeal to the multi-professional teams working on energy solving initiatives.All of the above have come about as a result of droughts and famines that sweptthrough Africa in the early 1970's and the global oil price increases by the Organizationof Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in 1973. Some of these changes are a result ofthe United Nations directed policies on the environment such as the Tropical ForestryAction Plan (FAO 1985). This five-point plan includes "Fuelwood and Energy" as onearea, among others, that need action. The plan was adopted and implemented, withassistance from the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the World Bank, in more than fifty three tropical countries. Other world research institutes (World11Resources Institute), and action groups have produced reports such as the TropicalForests: A Call for Action (World Watch 1985) and the Brundtland Report (Brundtland1987) that have reinforced the importance of fuelwood and tree planting.Thus, with direct or indirect external encouragement or help, developing countriesstarted projects on fuelwood and tree planting to stem the tide of environmentaldegradation and desertification. Foley and Barnard (1984) list seventy-one such projectsin Africa, forty three in Asia and seventeen in Latin America and the Caribbean. Manyof these projects have failed (Foley and Barnard 1984; Agarwal 1986; Nair 1987, 1989and Kerkhof 1990). The authors give reasons for failures and suggest remedial actions.Foley and Barnard (1984) deal, mainly, with tree planting outside the forest estates, i.e.,farm forestry and community forestry, while Agarwal (1986) reviews the fuelwoodsituation in developing countries drawing most of her examples from Asia and India inparticular. Leach and Mearns (1988) give reasons for the starting of the "mega"woodfuel projects as being the results of the faulty "gap theory" that analyzed fuelwoodsupply/demands in various countries and predicted massive deficits by the year 2000.According to these authors the theory ignored trees growing on farms and the savannawoodlands. Kerkhof (1990) is concerned with lessons to be learned from successes andfailures of these projects in sub-Saharan Africa. It is clear from these and otherpublications, that the fuelwood supply is a complex, problem of the poor in developingcountries and that the mere prescribing of tree planting does not solve it. Each region,country and village has its own peculiar geophysical, social, cultural and economicalfactors that influence availability, acquisition and consumption of fuelwood and treeplanting. While FAO and other international researchers move on to more prestigioussubjects, fuelwood remains the "problem that won't go away" (Eckholm et al. 1984).12Nature of the ProblemFuelwood is an energy problem of the poor in mainly Asia and Africa. Itaccounts for 54% (1,200 million tonnes) of the wood consumed worldwide (FAO 1985;Goodman 1986). Moreover, 1,500 million people lack adequate supplies while 350million more face acute shortages (FAO 1985; World Resources Institute 1985; EarthReport 1988). Most of these predictions, however, are based on the faulty "gap theory"that predicts that many African countries will have run out of fuelwood by the year 2000(Leach and Mearns 1988).It is no wonder then that when OPEC increased oil prices, in 1973, it spelt the endof an era of cheap energy, oil-based fertilizers, pesticides and rapid mechanization forAfrica. This shift was particularly devastating for countries such as Kenya with nocommercial oil deposits. The impact of OPEC's action was deeply felt in the Kenyanhousehold and landscape. Until 1973, many African countries had paid little attention tofuelwood problems. The resource was thought to be inexhaustible and mainly collected"free" from one's own land, communal lands, or procured at minimal cost fromgovernment forest estates.Fuelwood shortage is particularly serious because 90% of the inhabitants ofAfrica depend on woodfuel for their cooking and heating (Timberlake 1985). Accordingto Shea (1988), more than 50 million Africans are facing fuelwood shortages afterovercutting the woodlands around them. The deforestation and desertification spreadingaround major African cities is thought to be a consequence, in large part, of the perennialsearching for and gathering of firewood (Timberlake 1985; Eckholm et al 1984).Deforestation appears to pose the most serious environmental problem world-wide (Eckholm 1976; Moss and Morgan 1981; and Anderson 1986, 1987) and firewoodcollection in underdeveloped countries is seen as contributing to this process. It isestimated that 87% of the total forestproduction and 60% of total energy needs of the world comes from the forests. The key to understanding the potential impact of firewood13needs on deforestation is the African continent's rapid population growth rate of 3.0% perannum (United Nations 1990). At this rate of increase, the population, which stands at642 million people, is likely to double by the year 2005. The impact on forest resourceswill be quite substantial as people clear land for agriculture to feed the expandingpopulations. In addition, these people will continue to rely on fuelwood in theforeseeable future as they lack the technology and foreign exchange to switch to alternateenergy sources. As a consequence, more than 240 million people may face acuteshortages of fuelwood by the year 2000 (de Montalembert and Clement 1983; FAO1985).Nonetheless, the population theory ignores one factor which has been known forsometime now. For example, Mortimore and Wilson (1965) and Mortimore (1967) hadnoted high tree densities in areas with high populations (500 people per km 2). Morerecently, documentations of agroforestry systems show that tropical areas with highpopulation densities have developed complex agroforestry systems where tree coverpredominates (Englhard et al. 1986; Rocheleau and Raintree 1985). It is not demand forfuelwood that creates deforestation but rather land clearance for agriculture (Foley andBanard 1984). Rural people who most depend on fuelwood rarely harvest whole trees.They harvest the products of land clearing exercises, in effect collecting what may beconsidered waste (Munslow 1989). These realizations have resulted in a shift in focus ofthe fuelwood production problems from the forests onto the farms. This is, therefore, areview of on-farm tree planting and fuelwood provisioning. But before this reviewcontinues any further, definitions of fuelwood and consequences of its scarcity arepresented in the following paragraphs.14Fuelwood: A Theoretical PerspectiveThe US National Academy of Sciences (NAS)(1980 and 1983) defines fuelwoodas any wood that is obtained from trees and used to produce energy. This definitionincludes firewood, charcoal, standing trees and plantations established specifically toprovide these products. Firewood is a "bundle of multiple uses" (Williams 1983). It canbe burned for heating, lighting , protection from insects, predators, and for thetransformation of raw material forms and in symbolic and ritual purposes. Wood is alsoa "bundle of characteristics." There is wood that gives off toxic fumes and wood thatsparks so much that it is dangerous to use. There are woods of high and others of lowcalorific value. Thus fuelwood exists in many forms e.g., dead wood, rotting logs,charcoal or cultivated trees. The value of any fuelwood will depend very much on thetechnology and tools used in its procurement and the use to which it is put. It will bemore valued if used in either village or agro-industries, for example, tobacco curing,brick, pottery and bread making. Its value also depends to some extent on methods usedin its procurement.Williams (1983) describes four modes of fuelwood procurement. First naturallyfallen wood, usually branches and twigs, is gathered and used to meet peoples' householdneeds. Second, the environment may be manipulated in different ways to obtain wood.This may take the form of cutting whole trees or pollarding branches. The third type ofprocurement is a variation of the second except the scale is larger and the wood may beconverted to charcoal or sold for commercial gains. Finally, trees may be grownspecifically for fuel.Generally, fuelwood is considered to be of low value (NAS 1983). It can easilybe substituted for because there are many alternative energy sources such as oil, gas andelectricity. But these options are rarely attainable or feasible in many developingcountries because their utilization depends on foreign technological and capital inputs few countries possess. Even where these alternate energy sources are available, they may15require a level of infrastructure and an initial investment in cooking stoves that few ruralhouseholds can afford. As noted by Agarwal (1986 p. 13)."other renewable energy alternatives, such as solar and wind technologies oreven biogas are not yet at a stage of development where they can be adaptedsuccessfully to adequately serve the needs that woodfuels currently serve inThird World countries."Woodfuel in all its various forms, both as standing trees or firewood, will remainimportant for the survival of rural populations in the poorer parts of the Third World onan indefinite basis.Difficulties of Quantifying FuelwoodFuelwood scarcity poses problems in its quantification because it is difficult tocome up with a direct and precise scale of measuring it. Over the years a number ofauthors (Openshaw 1971; Earl 1975; Hughes 1984, 1987; Hosier 1984) have tried todocument the amounts of fuelwood consumed by various communities as a way ofarriving at possible scarcity values. Since fuelwood occurs in so many forms,consumption estimations and measurements still challenge researchers. In view of thesedifficulties, fuelwood scarcities are estimated from indicator variables such as the modeof procurement and the way it is used, including the effect of scarcity on the environmentand human populations. The numerous consequences of a scarcity of trees and fuelwoodare presented in the next paragraphs.Consequences and Social Implications of Fuelwood ScarcityVarious authors (Eckholm 1976; Foley and Barnard 1984; Timberlake 1985) havedescribed the social implications of fuelwood scarcity in different parts of the world.Wood which, hitherto, had been collected free or exchanged among neighbors may beginto appear as a commodity on the market. Time spent in fuelwood gathering or distancesto collection points may increase. This time depends on factors such as availability andtype of wood, its geographical location and the terrain. It may also depend on the type of16tools used to gather the fuelwood. Agarwal (1986) compiled a table of reported timetaken by villagers in fuelwood collection in different parts of the world. These rangedfrom 0.3 hours per day for data from Java in Indonesia (White 1976) to a high of fivehours in villages in Nepal, India, and Ghana (Bajracharya 1983; Swaminathan 1984;Agarwal 1983). The longest recorded distances for people travelling on foot(presumably) were ten kilometers in India and the Sahel (Agarwal 1983). Where trucksand animal drawn carts are involved distances can be very great indeed. As will be seenlater in the review of gender issues, the increase in distances, time, and size of firewoodbundles represents a social cost in terms of reduced time for other farm and householdchores. In addition, fuelwood scarcity has a detrimental effect on the health of familyand the wood gatherers.Scarcity may also force households to institute conservation measures, changes infuelwood use and in the manner of fuelwood collection. For example, fire may be tendedto make wood last longer or it may be put out altogether to save wood. Tree species thatare normally not used, (for example, thorny or smoky and irritant species that impart abad taste to foods) and crop residues may be used. In extreme cases, dung is used toprovide energy. This has implications for the families' ability to produce food as organicmanure is diverted from the fields to the fireplace.In the Sahel region of Africa, wood scarcity has forced some families to reducethe number of cooked meals per day (Agarwal 1986 quoting Floor 1977). Hughart(1979) reported the same phenomenon in Bangladesh. According to Hoskins (1979b)and Hosier (1984), in Guatemala and Kenya, respectively, less nutritious foods arereplacing beans which require much more fuel energy to prepare. The nutritional andhealth implications of fuelwood scarcity have been reviewed by Brouwer et al. (1990).Suffice it to say that fuelwood scarcity affects both food preparation and preservation andhas a bearing on health on account of the heavy loads and long distances involved in wood procurement under scarcity conditions.17Ecological implicationsThe ecological implications of fuelwood scarcity are very difficult to quantify, butthe consequences are easy to predict. One implication is the use of crop residues for fuel,thereby reducing soil fertility, and accelerating erosion, deforestation and desertification.In areas where crop residues or dung are used as fuel, land is likewise deprived of muchneeded organic matter. The harvesting of trees for fuelwood removes the mantle neededto protect the land against wind and raindrop erosion. Where land is fragile, such ascenario is only a step away from desertification. Fuelwood removal from forests hasbeen blamed for deforestation (Timberlake 1985, Eckholm et al. 1984). In 1983, it wasestimated that world-wide 3.7 million hectares of forest and woodland disappeared everyyear due to clearing for agriculture and fuelwood provisioning, (de Montalembert andClement 1983; FAO 1985). Recent estimates now put world-wide deforestation at 17million hectares annually (Saouma 1991). The increased deforestation is blamed on theincreasing populations that necessitate more land clearance for agriculture. It is alsoblamed on damage of temperate forests from industrial "emissions of sulphur dioxide,ozone and other industrial wastes" (Saouma 1990 p. 4).Wood harvesting for fuelwood may also cause changes in the habitat resulting inspecies extirpations, that is, the species may locally disappear from an area. Extendedextirpations result in loss of genetic diversity and eventually species extinction. Thespecies most vulnerable to fuelwood gathering are detritus dwellers, and dry woodinhabitants such as wood borers, slugs, tree frogs, and at a higher level woodpeckers. Onthe other hand, tree planting (especially of exotic species) may alter growing conditionsfor indigenous species, particularly where specific regeneration conditions are involved.Thus tree planting may create its own environmental problems if not carefully planned.This is because besides providing fuelwood standing trees have many other tangible andintangible benefits. 18The Value of Standing TreesIn addition to fuelwood, the other most important products obtained from treesare lumber, paper and pulp, plywoods, veneers, hardboards and particle boards. Indeed,in 1989 trade in wood and wood products alone stood at an annual value of US $91,000million worldwide (de Montalembert 1991), making the wood processing industry one ofthe biggest in the world. In many developing countries trees also form the basis of smallscale village construction, craft and tool industries on which the very poor depend fortheir survival. These village industries can add substantially to the national economies ofpoor countries. For example, in 1988 Kenya exported wood crafts worth K£ 1,939thousand (Republic of Kenya 1989). Besides wood products, trees provide importantfood items such as fruits, vegetables, nuts and edible oils. Many trees are also tapped fortheir sap from which syrups, treacle and wines may be manufactured.In addition to direct food products, trees provide a habitat for wildlife on whichsome tribes still depend for their protein needs. Examples of some sources of protein andother foods from the forests and hence trees are given by FAO (1983, 1984, 1986) andFalconer (1990). The very diversity and richness of tropical forest ecosystems is due tothe numerous food products that different animal and plant species derive from trees.Moreover, in the rangelands of Africa trees are important and valued as sources of dryseason fodder for livestock. The pastoral and nomadic tribes in Asia, Latin America andAfrica have developed a knowledge of fodder trees and shrubs and the way these interactwith the environment. For example, as early as 1958, Dougal and Bodgan describedforty tree and shrub species that were important browse to the nomadic tribes of theBaringo area of Kenya. Most of the trees are native acacias. Chemical analysis of theirleaf fraction found them to have very high crude protein and calcium content thus makingthese fodder trees an important item of diet for the rangeland animals. Besides fodder,trees also provide bee forage, the basis of the bee-industry in the dry lands of Kenya (Jaetzold and Schmidt 1982).19Several other tree products, ranging from coffee, cocoa, rubber, palm oil,coconuts, cashew nuts, kapok, and gum arabic (from which myrrh is produced) have beenor still are important crops in the economies of developing countries. Poulsen (1982)gives a comprehensive list of the non-wood products of trees.In addition, the importance and value of trees in various farming systems of theworld has been highlighted by several authors under agroforestry systems descriptions(Fernandes et al. 1984; Nair 1989a; Michon and Bompard 1986; Fernandes and Nair1986; Oduol 1986; Nair 1989).Trees affect food production in several other indirect ways. Through litter fall,"nutrient pumps" and the nitrogen fixing capabilities of some species, trees add nutrientsto the land. These properties of trees are the basis of fallowing or shifting cultivation(allowing land to rest for a few years before cultivation is resumed). Based on a reviewof work done at the International Institute for Tropical Agriculture (IITA) in Nigeria andseveral other tropical countries, Young (1989) gives the amount of nitrogen in litter fallto be between 45 and 600 kg/ha/yr. A system of soil fertility enhancement called "alleycropping" (a descriptive term for hedgerow intercropping) has been developed at IITA.Alley cropping regenerates soil fertility, provides green manure, firewood and stakes. Ithas a potential to conserve soils from rain and wind erosion and provide tree fodderdepending on the tree species used (Kang et al. 1985). The role of trees in waterconservation especially in the tropics is covered by Nye and Greenland (1960), Young(1976, 1989), and Nair (1984).Like all green plants, trees play a big role in the atmosphere throughphotosynthesis, atmospheric oxygen and carbon dioxide are recycled. At the lithospherelevel, roots of trees penetrate the ground, aerating it and thus ensuring survival of grounddwelling animals. Nair (1984) gives a good account of the nutrient recycling mechanismof trees and the degree to which they control water infiltration of soils, in addition to 20floods.Other benefits from trees are shade that provides a cool environment to man,animals and plants. In the tropics, tree shade can be very important in crop and animalproduction systems. On the other hand, too much shade can constrain productivity andcan lead to outbreaks of fungal and viral diseases on crops. Trees provide many productsof which fuelwood, though important, is just but one. There are also many tree speciesrequiring specific climatic and ecological conditions for best performance. Therefore,before embarking on any tree planting exercise, it is important to understand thebiophysical and sociocultural environment of the study area.What have been discussed so far are environmental and social consequences offuelwood scarcity. These consequences are mere symptoms of the problem.Furthermore, they are often influenced by many compounding factors so that it isdifficult to give a precise picture of what is happening. As a consequence, researchershave been involved in elaborate biomass estimations and fuelwood consumptionmeasurements as a way of providing more reliable figures (Nichol 1983; Munslow 1989).But, as will be shown later, all these approaches have their inherent difficulties.Biomass: An Indicator of Wood ScarcityMany countries use remote sensing and satellite imagery to estimate their forestand woodland biomass production. Kenya and the countries of the Southern AfricanDevelopment Co-ordination Conference (SADCC) are among these (Munslow 1989).Remote sensing techniques, in combination with secondary data, are utilized to estimatebiomass stocks and potential fuelwood yields of the region. Whereas such information isuseful in showing changes in regional biomass resources at fairly close intervals,Munslow (1989) admits to the limitations of this method for it neither pinpoints sites ofacute fuelwood deficit nor is it specific as to species involved and the reasons forbiomass changes. The nature of the problem can only be ascertained by groundverification and detailed surveys.21Village Fuelwood SurveysThe necessity for basic village surveys can be seen from failures of several treeplanting projects which have been undertaken in many parts of Africa, especially in theSahel region, to specifically address fuelwood problems (Foley and Barnard 1984;Raintree and Lundgren 1985; Kerkhof 1990). Mnzava (1980) notes that failure of treeplanting efforts in Tanzania is due to lack of knowledge of the rural people'srequirements. He gives the example of the Maasai, a pastoral tribe, subsisting on mainlymilk and blood that require no cooking. They take little interest in planting trees since ashortage of fuelwood is not a major concern to them. Tanzania is one of the Africancountries which started village afforestation projects as early as 1967 in anticipation of afuture fuelwood deficit (Skutsch 1983, 1985). But by 1978, it had become obvious thatvery little was being achieved in terms of community fuelwood planting.Wisner (1985) laments the common assumption shared by government agencies,donors and other rural development workers, that fuelwood shortages in all regions havesimilar causes and therefore, require similar solutions. He further feels most of the socalled causes of fuelwood scarcity are over-generalized in the literature and are rarelyderived from empirical data. He goes on to compare Kenya and Lesotho's acutefuelwood scarcity. Although both countries experience a fuelwood deficit, the causes forthe shortages differ. In Lesotho, land is still mainly communal but men have longabandoned any attachment to it and instead work as migrant labourers in the SouthAfrican mines. Wage remittances have increased the incomes of households in ruralLesotho to such an extent that they undermine agricultural production. As aconsequence, many Basotho women can afford to buy fuelwood and dung and thereforehave no incentive to plant their own trees. However, the continued employment of theBasotho men is precarious as it is dependent on decisions made in S. Africa.In contrast, in Kenya "rapid privatization of land resources is the basic cause of both poverty and domestic energy problems" (Wisner 1985 p. 25). Here, land22privatization has created attitudes which form barriers to the commodity even where treesare still plentiful (Brokensha and Njeru 1977, Riley and Brokensha 1988). But there areareas of Kenya where people are using their social network of kinship and reciprocity tominimize fuelwood problems (Bradley et al. 1985). In other words, although fuelwood isscarce in both countries, the cause of the problem differ thus calling for differentsolutions.Fuelwood and Tree Planting in KenyaKenya has been the focus of fuelwood studies. These were initiated by the RoyalSwedish Academy of Sciences (The Beijer Institute) which had chosen this country forits pilot studies on Energy and Development Issues (Goodman 1984). Kenya's peculiargeography and demographical statistics make it very vulnerable to fuelwood changes; thecountry is 80% arid or semi-arid, the population is predominantly rural and concentratedon 20% of the landmass, and the bulk of cooking is done by fuelwood. Given its presentpopulation of 21.4 million and a growth rate of 3.34% per annum 6, will Kenya be able tomeet its future energy requirements?Fuelwood SupplyThe Kenya Forest Department, the government agency charged with theresponsibility of looking after the country's wood-based resources, tried to plan for thefuture by creating the Rural Afforestation Extension Scheme (RAES) in 1971. RAESnow called Forest Extension Services Division (FEDS) (COFOPLAN 1991) aimed toensure an adequate supply of fuelwood and poles by taking tree planting to the ruralareas. Concern with fuelwood goes back a long time in the history of forestry in Kenya.As early as 1909, Hutchins (1909) could foresee a serious fuelwood problem andrecommended the establishment of fuelwood plantations. By the 1930's there were many236The figures are provisional 1989 census results from the Kenya Economic Survey 1991.introductions of exotic tree species for fuelwood, soil conservation and what was thencalled hill culture. This has resulted in the establishment of more than 100 exotic treeand shrub species to date (Getahun 1989).In 1977, the Forest Department recognized the seriousness of fuelwood shortagesand carried out the first fuelwood survey (Akinga 1980) in the country. Later, Kenya'sCentral Bureau of Statistics and, more recently, the Beijer Institute, acting on behalf ofthe Ministry of Energy and Regional Development, were contracted to undertake theKenya Fuelwood Development Project (KWDP) (Hosier 1985). The Beijer Instituterecognized that fuelwood programmes should fit into the social, cultural, economic,religious, political, and legal framework of the local area. Following the above surveys,it became clear that the Kenyan rural household is dependent almost entirely on woodbiomass for its energy requirements (O'Keefe and Raskin 1985; Hosier 1984). Thesurveys show that fuelwood supplies 74% of the total energy consumption in the countryand that 70% of urban and 95-100% of the rural populations rely on wood energy(MENR 1985; Republic of Kenya 1991).Kahuki (1979) estimates Kenya's fuelwood consumption for the year 1976 to be15 million cubic meters (raw wood); this figure is expected to rise to 30 million cubicmeters by the year 2000. Kahuki's estimates are based on commercial sales of firewoodand charcoal by the Forest Department. He ignores the all-important fuelwood used byrural populations. On their part, O'Keefe et al. (1984) put the country's total fuelwoodstocks at 935 million tonnes. Seventy percent of this wood stock is found in the sparselypopulated arid and semi-arid rangelands. They further reckon production from naturalforests to be 10% of the woodstock while cropped lands produce 10%. It is predicted thatby the year 2000 there will be a shortfall of 30 million tonnes of wood (MENR 1985).Table 2.1 gives Kenya's fuelwood supply demand projections up to the year 2000. Foley(1985) postulates that 40% of all fuelwood consumed in Kenya comes from thefarmlands. When proximity to users is taken into account, on-farm fuelwood productionbecomes the single most important source.24Table 2.1. Kenya's wood resource supply demand projections in millions of metrictonnes.1980 1985 1990 1995 2000Supply:Yields 13.1 12.6 10.7 7.8 5.2Stocks 5.7 6.6 9.8 18.8 11.3Total 18.8 19.2 20.5 26.6 16.5Demand 18.8 24.5 30.3 38.6 47.1Shortfall 0.0 5.4 9.8 12.0 30.6Source: MENR 198425The Beijer Institute's study (Hosier 1985) concentrates in areas of highagricultural potential and heavy populations, namely, Kakamega, Kisii, and MurangaDistricts of Kenya. Its surveys show biomass to be more plentiful in these regions(Engelhard et al. 1986; Hosier 1985). The "paradox" is that it is in these areas with muchtree cover that fuelwood is most scarce. In fact, Bradley et al. (1985) record an inverserelationship between wood biomass cover and human population in Kakamega District.They also observe a tendency to replace natural vegetation with planted trees as thepopulation increases. In some areas of Kakamega up to 38% of farms have been plantedwith trees. However, this extensive biomass cover masks a very serious fuelwood deficitbecause the planted trees are reserved for pole production. Additionally, the BeijerInstitute's study shows the futility of using biomass cover as an indicator of fuelwoodavailability because as it was shown Kakamega with much tree cover neverthelessexperiences fuelwood shortages.Supply in Tribal CommunitiesOther researchers working on different aspects of rural life in sparsely populatedareas of Kenya have also noted the fuelwood problem. For example, Brokensha andNjeru (1977), Brokensha and Riley (1978) and Riley and Brokensha (1988), working inMbere are initially concerned with the effects of land adjudication 7 on the Mberecommunity. They discern a relationship between land adjudication and the community'saccess to firewood resources. There is a reduction in free access to fuelwood asindividuals acquire title to their land holdings. Barnes (1984), working in the Kisiihighlands of Nyanza Province shows that, although individualization of land has anegative effect on the availability of fuelwood by limiting access to land on which onecan collect the commodity, it motivates households to plant trees for hedges andboundary markings. In this way, land adjudication and individualization has produced apositive effect.?Formally communal land was apportioned to individuals and titles issued.26Haugerud (1984) demonstrates the moving of wood across ecological zones, withthe agriculturally low potential areas of Meru, in the Mt. Kenya highlands,supplementing the high potential zones. Hosier (1985) attributes the difference infuelwood use across ecological zones to higher population density in the highlands.Ensminger (1984) compares wood use among the pastoral and sedentary, Galole Ormatribe of northern Kenya and finds that the latter use 70% more wood than the former.The increase in wood use is attributed to a change in diet, cooking needs, and lifestyle asthe population becomes more sedentary. Perlov (1984) and Ellis et al. (1984) find asimilar trend among the pastoral Samburu and Turkana respectively. However, Ellis etal. (1984) find a positive interaction between the pastoral Turkana and the woodyresources of the ecosystem. They also demonstrate a relationship between firewood useand household size. There is an implied relationship between wood availability andconsumption. The average Turkana uses 1.14 Kg of fuelwood per day. Generally, thenomadic people's fuelwood consumption depends very much on diet. Jensen (1984)finds this same trend among the Amboseli Maasai. During the wet season when milk isplentiful very little fuelwood is consumed but during the dry season when the dietconsists of maize meal which has to be cooked, wood consumption increases.The foregoing discussion shows that consumption and use of wood greatly differsin various communities thus making it hard to find a general planning formula that wouldbe applicable to the whole country. Each community has to be studied to find out itsfuelwood needs. With more than thirty major ethnic groups in Kenya, this is indeed adifficult but necessary undertaking.To meet the projected fuelwood shortfall, the following policies have beeninstituted:Firstly, the Kenya Forest Department has been reorganized administratively tostrengthen RAES and reflect the importance attached to community forestry and agroforestry (Appendix 1). Secondly, a Ministry of Energy and Rural Development has27been created and given the mandate to oversee production of fuelwood and other energyproducts.Gender Issues in Community ForestryA discussion of fuelwood is incomplete without discussing gender issues in themanagement of wood based resources. This part of the review will therefore cover theseconcerns.Early writers and researchers of gender issues and forestry in the third world wereconcerned with documenting the extent to which women were involved in variousforestry and forest related activities that impacted on the environment. Women weredepicted as repositories of knowledge regarding forest products use and growing pattern,producers of trees, vendors of items manufactured from forest products, and decisionmakers regarding the management of forest resources (Molnar 1991). Evidence for someof these early discussions on women's environmental protection and nurturing come fromcase studies or studies of donor funded projects in developing countries. Fortmann andRocheleau (1985), for example, dispel the myth that women are not significantlyinvolved in tree production and use. They cite examples from Nepal and the Sahel regionwhere women are the main collectors of fuelwood. They elaborate on the "Plan Sierra"in the Dominican Republic where, due to their efficiency and patience, women haveincreasingly taken over tree nursery management.Fortmann and Rocheleau (1985) illustrate women's environmental consciousnessby using the Chipko movement of India as a case study. The Chipko movement is wellknown for its militant women who prevented the destruction of forests in the foothills ofthe Himalayas (Shiva 1989). Fortmann and Rocheleau further cite a workshop organizedby the Kenya Environment and Energy Non Governmental Organizations Association(KENGO), in which women participants are said to have had a superior knowledge tothat of men regarding woody species on the farms. They particularly stress the differing28needs and rights of women and men over trees. The importance of women's groups intree planting and the environmental movement is further shown by Kenya's Green BeltMovement which has started over 850 greenbelts and 63 tree nurseries (Maathai 1988).Hoskins (1988) records that the Sierra Leonian women were able to name up to31 products they gathered from the bushes while men could only name eight. Shesuggests use of women's superior knowledge of trees as a basis for programmes ongermplasm selection and improvement. Rocheleau (1988) concentrates on elucidatingwomen's participation in agroforestry and farming systems. She is particularly concernedwith how agroforestry reflects "the prevailing sexual division of labour, skill,responsibility, and control within the larger society" (Rocheleau p. 149). She emphasizesthe gender based differences in legal status, use of and access to space and type ofactivities, which have a bearing on what type of plant can be raised, managed, harvestedand used.However, culture sometimes has a negative effect on women's decision making,use, and control of resources at their disposal. For example, in Kenya and Sierra Leonewomen are prevented by men from planting trees because men fear women will lay claimto land (Hoskins 1980; Chavangi 1984). Chavangi (1984) further states that women'sengagement in tree planting is viewed as a direct challenge to their husbands' authority.A set of taboos are in place to effectively prevent women from planting trees. Forexample, it is believed that if a woman plants trees she would become sterile 8 .Preventing women from planting trees means they have no control over trees on theirhusbands' lands. This has an effect on their ability to provide fuelwood for householdenergy. Thus, in Kakamega Kenya, the numbers of trees available on any holding haslittle bearing on firewood availability since cultural constraints and the complicatedresource allocation systems prevent women from having access to trees on theirMotherhood is highly valued so that such beliefs are effective in ensuring compliance.29husbands' farms (Chavangi 1984, Engelhard et al. 1986). This example from Kenya iswidely quoted but is it typical of all Kenyan women? It should be remembered thatKenya is a country with more than 30 ethnic groups, each with its social and culturalnorms.The problems and challenges of gender issues in fuelwood provisioning and treeplanting with their effects on the environment are of interest to several multilateral andbilateral donor agencies. Among the most important supporters of environmentalprogrammes involving women are such bodies as the United Nations Food andAgricultural Organization (FAO), the International Labor Organization (ILO), the UnitedNations Environmental Secretariat and the International Union for the Conservation ofNature (Molnar 1991). Through Cecelisk (1985, 1987), the ILO has documented thetime it takes women to secure firewood. Williams (1983) devoted a whole thesis to thesocial organization of firewood procurement by both genders as an example of sexualdivision of labour. In most societies firewood gathering is a female activity. Williamsattributes this to the low status of the activity and to the low value of the resource.Fuelwood is not highly valued because it is collected by women on a daily basis.Activities that are performed on a daily, routine basis are less highly regarded thanactivities that are done on a less frequent and less predictable basis. This is not to saythat fuelwood is not important. As we have seen, it is the primary energy source ofcooking for many rural societies whose very survival depends on it.Firewood shortages increase time women spend in wood collection and reducetime available for other household chores. Extreme cases where women spend up to 35hours per week in collecting firewood are recorded for the Sahel regions (Hoskins 1980).It is now becoming routine for governments to document women's farm labour activities.In Kenya, for example, a recent rural labour force survey (RLFS) carried out during oneweek in 1988 found that women spent 3.9 hours and men 0.7 hours per week on fuelwood gathering (Republic of Kenya 1991). Not only does fuelwood scarcity affect30time distribution, it also increases the distances travelled to collection points and theloads carried by women. Fuelwood loads carried by women may range from smallhandfuls of twigs to loads as heavy as 15-45 Kg (Ki-Zerbo 1980; Cecelski 1987).Williams (1983) discusses the theoretical aspects of fuelwood scarcity andconcludes that as fuel becomes scarce men would become involved in its gatheringespecially if it offered them an opportunity to earn cash. Cecelski (1985) notes that asfuel becomes scarce and more of a commodity, men become more and more involved inits acquisition, often using bicycles and carts. Whereas men's involvement in fuelwoodgathering in a society where women are normally the gatherers may imply a recognitionof the scarcity and an active participation in providing solutions it could also mean ausurping of the women's responsibilities because of the monetary and status gainsinvolved.The Kakamega example, already discussed, shows how, where fuelwoodgathering is an institutionalized female responsibility, scarcity or none, women have tocope as best they can. In Kakamega, planted trees form 52% of all woody biomass(Engelhard et al. 1986) and yet women face fuelwood shortages. Apparently, Kakamegawomen have no right to harvest planted trees on their husbands' land holdings withoutpermission from the latter. They can only collect fuelwood from fallow lands andcommunal lands. Due to the increasing populations, the fallow lands are no longeravailable whereas after land adjudication, communal lands have disappeared. For thetime being, social networks of kinship and reciprocity ensure that families are adequatelysupplied with wood in times of great need such as funerals. However, purchasingfuelwood is the only solution available to the women at other times.31Beliefs about Trees and Tree Planting PracticesWhether women engage in tree planting for fuelwood provisioning or not willvary from group to group and country to country depending on people's culture andbeliefs. Beliefs and feelings will often determine how a person behaves towards anobject or towards the natural environment (Fishbein, 1963). Wagner (1949) workingamong the Bantu of North Kavirondo 9 found a complicated system of beliefs andprohibitions that governed the people's way of life. Failure to observe some of theprohibitions was regarded as offensive to tribal spirits and resulted in one performingcleansing ceremonies to bring about appeasement of the spirits. These rules orprohibitions extended to which animals or plants one was allowed to use, eat or associatewith. For example, Wagner (1949 p. 198) notes that "Large fig-trees (omukuyu) andother shady trees with a big crown and rich foliage are . . . considered to be theoccasional abodes and meeting places for ancestral spirits and therefore must not be cutdown". He further notes that "if in a succession one sees two fig-trees, the leaves ofwhich are hanging down, the harvest of one's crops will be plentiful" (Wagner p. 206).Similar beliefs are to be found in different parts of the developing world. Agarwal (1986p. 53), for example, notes that "in Senegal, cashew trees are believed to be the abodes ofghosts and there are similar associations with the banyan tree in north India". Wagner(1949 p. 206) further observes the belief among the Bantus of North Kavirondo that "ifan owl cries near a homestead, one of the persons living there will die soon". Accordingto Skutsch (1985) this belief is also found among some Tanzanian tribes. As aconsequence of this belief, the cries of an owl produce fear. These birds may also bechased away or their abodes destroyed. It can thus be seen that taboos and superstitions9Bantu is an ethynonym that classifies under one group tribes whose word for man ends in the suffix "-ndu" "-tu" or "-to" namely, "Mtu" "Muntu" "Omundu" "Omoto" (Makila 1978). Thus the Abaluhya whoseword for man is "Omundu" belong to the Bantu group. Kavirondo on the other hand is a name used by the British colonialists to describe the present day Abaluhya.32negative or positive effect on the flora and fauna. These beliefs vary with respect tospecies and country, region or tribal group involved.To summarize, the review presented here illustrates the problems of fuelwoodprocurement for household use by rural people. Literature from various parts of theworld that focuses on tribal communities and women's daily burdens and struggle ofwood provisioning are highlighted. There is special emphasis on studies conducted bythe Beijer Institute in Kakamega District of Kenya because these form a basis for some ofthe hypotheses presented in the next chapter.33CHAPTER 3HYPOTHESESSeveral questions arise from the literature review and initial reconnaissance of thestudy area. Are some regions of Funyula actually suffering from wood shortages? If sowhich communities, landscape units and household groups are most vulnerable? Thepeople of Funyula are related to the Kakamega people and it would be interesting tocompare some of the findings from Kakamega with those from Funyula. One of the mostimportant findings from Kakamega concerned women and tree planting (Chavangi 1984;Bradley et al. 1985). Is there a difference between the roles of men and women in theextent to which they contribute to tree planting and regeneration? Is there a gender baseddifference in perception of fuelwood scarcity? Are there any beliefs or taboosinfluencing the extent to which tree planting is taking place in Funyula Division?This study of Samia communities seeks to ascertain relationships between a rangeof variables. Based on first hand information, the initial reconnaissance to explore thefuelwood shortage, and subsequent data collection and interviews, five sets of hypotheseshave emerged. From a Kenyan context, these hypotheses are useful and are largelyuntested. Moreover, they are more relevant to the local situation in producing moreresponsive land management policies in the area that can come from research such asthis.Fuelwood ConsumptionHypothesis la. Regional Fuelwood Consumption,There is no difference in fuelwood consumption between households in the two locationsof Sarnia North and South.Hypothesis lb. Village Fuelwood Consumption.There is no difference in fuelwood consumption between the villages studied.34During the pilot study, undertaken between June 11 and August 10, 1990, theimpression obtained from informants and direct observations of the landscape andactivities of people in Samia North and Southi° was that the south is facing a greaterfuelwood shortage than the north. The species used for fuelwood in the south were thethorny Acacias. In a few instances whole trees were being harvested for fuelwood. Thepresence of fuelwood at the most important market in the south tended to confirm thisimpression. These being some of the indicators of fuelwood scarcity, it was assumed thatthis area was facing firewood scarcity. On the other hand in the north there was charcoalmaking activity and wood usage behavior inconsistent with scarcity. Interviews of thegovernment officers working in the area also reinforced this view (Chapter 7).It is normal for those who have more of a resource consume more than those whohave less of it. If, indeed, there is a difference in fuelwood availability between the northand the south, consumption of the resource should differ to reflect this difference. Proofof this hypothesis would lead to the second hypothesis on perception of scarcity. Datafor testing hypothesis lb was gathered by measuring fuelwood used per person per dayfor each of the 100 households in the four villages studied. The mean weight offuelwood consumed per person for the four villages is compared using analysis ofvariance procedure. Data for the two villages in Samia North Location and Samia Southare also compared using the student t-test.35-ffiTte division of the area into north and south was based on the administrative division of Funyula into thetwo Locations of Sarnia North and Samia South.Hypothesis 2. Perception of Firewood ScarcityThere is no difference in perception of fuelwood scarcity between heads of households inSamia North and South.This hypothesis derives from the first one. If people are using less fuelwood inone region than another, then their perceptions about resource availability should differ.This could be tested by giving a questionnaire that directly asks whether the peopleconcerned perceive a shortage or not. But as we have seen from the literature review andthe nature of fuelwood, shortages manifest themselves in the long distances travelled, thelonger hours taken to gather the wood, the type of wood used, switching downwards tocrop residues and dung or upwards to use of higher fuels such as electricity and gas.Woodfuel may also become a commodity or it may cause changes in the socialrelations in fuelwood provisioning. For example, men may take over where previouslywomen were collectors (Argawal 1986; Ceceliski 1987) and in extreme instanceschanges may include tree planting to provide for fuel (Soussan 1991, Williams 1983).All these factors could be used as measures of perception of fuelwood scarcity. In orderto test this hypothesis, a questionnaire survey is used. To compare between householdsin the two sets of villages in the north and south of the division a chi-square test is used.Hypothesis 3. Gender and Wood ScarcityThere is no gender difference in perception of fuelwood scarcity.In most societies it is mainly women who gather and transport fuelwood(Eckholm 1979; Hoskins 1979a; Williams 1983; Ceceliski 1985). It logically expectedthat women should be the first to notice changes in fuelwood availability as distances tofuelwood collection sources increase.The increase in scarcity of fuelwood determines which coping mechanisms areinstituted. Some of the coping mechanisms are switching to other fuels, cooking fewermeals, purchasing fuelwood or planting more trees. On the other hand, how men view36fuelwood scarcity is very important because they often control decision making onmatters pertaining to land and cash resources that would enable some solutions to thefuelwood problem to be realized. On the basis of the foregoing balance between genderroles, it is hypothesized that there is no gender difference in perception of the extent offuelwood scarcity.The same section of the questionnaire used in general perception of fuelwoodscarcity between the two locations of Samia North and South will be analyzed for gender.Hypothesis 4. Gender and Tree PlantingThere is no gender-based difference in tree planting activities.Women have variously been depicted as tree planters (Fortmann and Rocheleau1985; Rocheleau 1988), and environmental protectors as evidenced by the ChipcoMovement in India and The Green Belt Movement in Kenya (Molnar 1991). Yet asFortmann (1985) observes, tree planting boils down to a question of land and treeownership. Chavangi (1984) and Bradley et al. (1985), for example, reported thatwomen in Kakamega District of Kenya were not planting trees because of the use ofcultural taboos devised to make sure women did not lay claim to land through their treeplanting activities. Dankelman and Davidson (1988) note that in Gambia and Senegalformal entitlement programmes giving rights over land to male household heads reducedwomen's interest in tree planting. Would this be true of the women of Funyula? Asstated before, the people of Funyula belong to a subtribe of the Abaluhya as do theinhabitants of Kakamega. The question is to find out whether there is a gender differencein tree planting among the people of Funyula Division and, if so, why?Data for the testing of hypothesis 4 were obtained by comparing the data bygender using the chi-square test (Chapter 8).37Beliefs about TreesIn the study area, cultural beliefs and taboos influence tree planting.Effects of cultural beliefs are not stated in a statistically testable form because thesubject is sensitive and time and financial resources did not allow for enough data forstatistical analysis to be gathered. However, this subject is important to an understandingof the tree planting practices. It was therefore felt necessary to investigate some aspectsof it.From the literature review instances of taboos and cultural beliefs influencingpeople's behaviour towards trees have been cited. Skutsch (1985), for example,documents taboos to do with owls among the villages she studied in the Republic ofTanzania. In one village people feared owls because they represented spirits. She notesthat all trees around houses were removed. Noronha (1980) attributes the dislike of treesby Sukuma people of Tanzania to the association between trees and Quelea quekea birds;these birds are a big grain pest and have caused famines in the past. Chavangi (1984) andHoskins (1984, 1988) claim that taboos are used to prevent women from planting trees inorder to stop them from laying claim to land. According to Chavangi (1984) theAbaluhya of Kakamega believe that if women plant trees, they would become sterile, ortheir husbands would die. The inherent fear of death ensures the observance of suchprohibitions. In addition, The Busia District Development Plan 1983-88 (Republic ofKenya 1988b) notes failure of people to plant Chlorophora excelsa because of the beliefthat those who planted this tree would come to some harm.The degree to which taboos and cultural beliefs influence tree planting could bejudged by asking directly about such beliefs. But first it had to be established that thesaid beliefs existed. For instance, did villagers believe in cutting down trees to chaseaway owls? Did they fear planting the Chlorophora excelsa tree? Were womenprevented from planting trees? All these questions have to be formulated in such a manner that they do not threaten the people's sensitivities.38This brief chapter has presented the four hypotheses of the study that will bestatistically tested. Rationale for each hypothesis were also given. The question ofcultural taboos and their impact on tree planting will be explored. The next chapter givesthe methods of gathering data to be used to support or refute the aforementionedhypotheses.39CHAPTER 4RESEARCH METHODOLOGYSeveral data collection techniques were used in this study. Rapid Rural Appraisal(RRA) methodology (Chambers 1985, Conway 1985), was used to conduct the pilotstudy and generate working hypotheses. RRA is a data gathering method used indevelopment research to acquire information on the type of future research ordevelopment to undertake. It consists of use of archival information such as governmentstatistics, annual reports, maps of the study area and historical records, to provide insightinto farming practices of an area. RRA saves time and suggests areas of further inquiry.It is more valid when used for physical and environmental factors but less useful forbiological and socioeconomic systems. Additional information on the physical andenvironmental factors may be obtained from secondary data sources e.g., rainfall records,soil types, maps etc., and direct observation.For the RRA exercise, the author joined the Divisional Agriculture Officer(DAO), the forester and a horticulturist on a two day tour of the division. This tour wasfollowed by a meeting with all the agricultural extension officers (working in thesublocations) at one of their monthly meetings.Background information was collected using the Forest Department's annualreports, the National Development Plan 1984-1988 and 1988-1992 (Republic of Kenya1983b and 1988b), Busia District Development Plan 1983-1988 and 1988-1992(Republic of Kenya 1983a and 1988a), the Kenya Economic Review 1991 (Republic ofKenya 1991) and the Farm Management Handbook of Kenya (FMH) by Jaetzold andSchmidt (1982). Kenya topological maps 101/1 (Busia), 101/3 (Samia) and 101/W/4(Sigulu) at a scale of 1:50,000 were used to prepare a base map from which other mapsshowing roads, infrastructures, and the villages under study (Figure 4.1), rainfall (Figure4.2), and agroecological zones (figure 4.3) were made. Other variables of interest were404142Fig. 4.2. FUNYULA DIVISION: RAINFALL MAP•Source: Kenya p R . 1 maps 101/1 (Basin), 101/3 (Sarnia),and 101/W/4fish Directorate of Overseas Surveys.1970 D.O.S. 423-(Series Y73I ).I het esti C. Alooot. I 200;0itx-0° 20'N u° 2(r N —i1 000ti—0° 15' N 00 15' NqPNScale 1:25,0000^I^?^3^4^5^6kilometresBUDALANOI' DIVISIONKEY'krInternational boundary Provincial and Dislrid boundary^Divisional boundary^All weather road (loose surface)^Main Tracks (Motorable)^Other tracks and footpathsStudy sites   34° 00'E 34" 05'Rainfall in millimeters^ 900^I 000(source Jaedzold and Schmidt 1982)34° yr E.43species composition on fallow and cultivated lands. Attention was paid to crops growingunder dominant trees.Finally, a survey study was conducted using a structured questionnaire to gainquantitative information on the study population and help in testing the hypotheses onregional perception of firewood scarcity, gender and wood scarcity, gender and treeplanting and cultural beliefs and tree planting practices. During the administration of thesurvey questionnaire, fuelwood consumption studies were simultaneously carried outamong one hundred households that managed to supply firewood to be weighed.To summarize, the methodology used consists of RRA, a pilot study, thatcomprises of gathering background information from maps and published data, in-depthfocused and unfocused informant interviews, perusal of archival data, and directobservation of the biophysical and environmental variables. Firewood consumptionmeasurements and a structured questionnaire survey form the major part of the study.Assessing Fuelwood ConsumptionBasic problems such as assessing the amount of fuelwood used by rural farmers isa big challenge. A variety of approaches have been used to assess fuelwood use by ruralfarmers. Fleuret and Fleuret (1978), working in a Tanzanian peasant village, askedhousehold members to display the quantities of firewood equivalent to what was actuallyused in any one week. The lengths and circumferences of these pieces were measuredand used to calculate the volume of wood consumed. Onyebuchi (1986) carried a pre-weighed bundle of wood (25 Kg) which he showed to respondents who were then able tosay how many such bundles they used in a week. Mung'ala and Openshaw (1984),measured bundles made available by respondents and asked how long the wood lasted.They applied a correction factor to the initial weight of the fuelwood by taking a sample,air drying it, and reweighing it to obtain the moisture content of the wood. Skutsch(1983, 1985) used a recall method to estimate consumption. The respondents were asked44to state how many bundles of wood the household used in each main season. Asimulated bundle was shown to respondents in some villages while in others, the actualbundles being brought in from the fields were weighed. Skutsch also used a correctionfactor for moisture content. More recently Maikhuri (1990), working in villages in India,weighed wood which a household head indicated to last one day. After a day's cookingthe wood that remained was reweighed. Maikhuri also recorded, as far as practicable, thewood species involved. He saw this as an important step since wood species differ indensity, moisture content and thermal capacity.In this study, to measure firewood used per person per day, Mung'ala andOpenshaw's (1984) method was used, in a slightly modified form. A 50 Kg hand springbalance, and a sisal strap were used to weigh one day's supply of fuelwood. The mostabundant wood species in the bundle was recorded. The following day the remainingwood was reweighedli and the number of people for whom meals had been maderecorded. From these weights the amount of firewood used by one person per day wascalculated. Where there was no wood in stock, a return visit was scheduled when thehousehold would collect firewood. In all, 100 households had their fuelwood measured.Informant InterviewsKey informants were chosen on the basis of reputation for being knowledgeable.They also had to have lived in the area most of their adult life. Several other individuals,herein referred to by their official titles or as interviewees, were also interviewed. Theseconsisted of heads of relevant government ministries, traditional tool makers, charcoalmakers, and ordinary peasant farmers. The latter consisted of both men and women.1 lIt is possible that the scheduling of wood measurements may have influenced consumption  but this was•^• - •^- I .45Interview QuestionsThe following questions formed the core of what was asked during the interviews.These were varied to suit the particular individual being interviewed.Generally, would you say there is fuelwood shortage in this area?What factors contribute to shortage or availability of fuelwood?Are farmers in the study area planting any trees?If yes, for what purpose are they planting these trees?From where are seedlings obtained?Which tree species are planted most?Who is planting trees?Are women allowed to plant trees?Are they allowed to cut down trees?Would you say the number of trees on the farms have increased or decreased?Are there any trees that people in the study area would not plant at all? If yes,which trees, and why would they not plant them?List any other reasons that might prevent people from planting trees on theirfarms.Have people in this area always planted trees or is tree planting a newintroduction?Would you plant the Mvule tree?Are owls bad to have around a homestead? If so why?Would you remove trees frequented by owls?Design of Questionnaire SurveyVillagers, herein referred to as respondents, were interviewed using a structuredquestionnaire (Appendix 2). The design of the questionnaire followed closelyrec rurimendatirqis of -Jackson (1988) and Babbie (1973).—The questionnaii&was divided-4 6into five sections consisting of questions on the general household, the farming systemused, consumption of fuelwood, tree planting practices, and finally, on the background ofthe respondent.A household's tree planting practices were measured through the use of questionson actual tree planting, and beliefs about trees. Since most people in the study wereilliterate, questions were constructed as simply as possible. Dichotomous responses ofyes/no and agree/disagree were preferred over complicated responses because thetranslation of such concepts as strongly agree, agree, disagree and strongly disagree didnot have equivalents in the vernacular language and tended to confuse respondents.Respondent SelectionSampling and interviewing were done at four sites: Nangina, Sagania, Namasaliand Kadimbworo villages in Funyula Division. Accessibility was a main factor in thechoice of these sites because the author depended on public transport to get from onevillage to another. Public transport is found on only one of the all-weather roads thatcrosses diagonally through the area from Bumala to Sio Port. Irregular country buses andmatatus12 are the main means of transport on this road. Care was taken to select villagesthat were ecologically, socially and demographically representative of the area. The mostremote village is Sagania, located four to five kilometers from the main road.The respondents were chosen randomly. A list of household heads in each villagewas drawn up using the services of a resident research assistant and the village headman.From this list, 30 household heads were randomly selected. A further ten householdsheads were randomly selected and put on a separate list to be used as replacements incase contact with a target respondent failed.47ctcs or vans used tor public transport in many parts of Kenya.The Sampling FrameThe household was the sample unit and the head of the household the targetrespondent. It was assumed that the male household head made decision about the farmsince men were the registered land holders. On the other hand the female members wereassumed to make decisions about the running of the house, food provisioning and thegathering of fuelwood. Therefore, the sample consisted of equal numbers of randomlyselected men and women.Where marriage was polygamous, the most senior wife wasinterviewed.Direct interviewing and non-participant observations were selected over othermethods of data collection because of the poor state of telephone and postalcommunication services in rural Kenya, and because of the high rate of illiteracy amongrespondents. Direct interviewing was also preferred due to the amount of information itcould yield.The three research assistants were university undergraduates who resided in thesevillages and knew many of the residents. They were able to introduce the author todifferent respondents. They also informed respondents of the intended interview andscheduled a convenient time. Furthermore, they helped in the weighing of fuelwoodmentioned earlier. The interview itself was conducted by the author. The survey wasadministered to 122 household heads. Only two visits were made to any one householdafter which the case was considered unsuccessful.Limitations of MethodologyQuantitative survey research methodology in developing countries has been thesubject of much criticism. It is therefore important to review some of the problemsinvolved in such research.Chambers (1983) terms some academic surveys as "long-and-dirty" due to lengthof time spent in the field and as well as the length of the questionnaires themselves. On48the other hand, Ijomah (1973 p. 98) terms survey research in Africa as "mere academiccolonialism". He and O'Barr et al. (1973) contend that in rural African communitiesdivision of labour is simple and role differentiation underdeveloped, making thecommunities more or less homogeneous in social characteristics. It is argued that in sucha setting survey research is of little value. The survey population for the present studywas homogeneous in terms of ethnicity, language, religion, culture, and to some extentoccupation. 13 To overcome some of the difficulties inherent in quantitative survey, acombination of methods was used in these studies i.e., Rapid Rural Appraisal,questionnaire survey, direct observations and measurements. The methods were alsoused because of their complementarity.Errors in data collection can arise due to interview errors or sample bias.Interviewees may give a response because they think that is what is expected of them orthey may wish to represent their community positively. Such incorrect responsesintroduce bias in the results. The questions about landed property and livestock holdingsmay have introduced errors because of a tendency among rural people to hide what theypossess." It is analogous to asking someone his/her bank balance. Such questions arethreatening. Questions about landed property were particularly difficult for femalerespondents because these are not land holders. 15 Female interviewees were, therefore,allowed to consult other members of the household about landed property. Land being avery sensitive issue, no effort was made to confirm the area data given by respondents byfield surveying.13 Of the respondents, 77% were peasant farmers while the rest were part-time farmers (Table 6.5).14There is a belief that counting animals and children invites "the evil eye" i.e. jealous people who mayharm one's children or animals.15Customarily, women do not own land and thus, under cultural norms, they are not supposed to discussland matters. In one village some men reported to the chief that their wives were being questioned aboutland matters. They only co-operated after bemg reassured of the safety of their lands.49Errors may also arise due to poor rapport between interviewer and respondentwhere the latter may not have understood a particular question. Every effort was made tominimize such interview errors. In addition, respondents were assured of anonymity.Sample BiasIn using purposeful sampling of villages, great care was taken to include allhouseholds in each of the four villages covered in the study. Consequently, under thesimple random sampling technique used to draw sample units, all households in the fourvillages had an equal chance of being selected.Final Operation StrategiesBefore the field research component of the study was undertaken in the summerof 1990, the U.B.C. ethics committee gave its approval. Permission to conduct researchin Kenya was obtained from the office of the President of the Republic of Kenya. This isa compulsory requirement for anyone registered in a foreign university or not affiliatedwith the in-country research institutions. A permit (Appendix 3) was issued and thisenabled me to interview government officers and to have access to relevant governmentdocuments. Additionally, the district commissioner, Busia District, the district officer,Funyula Division and the chiefs of Samia North and South Locations were notified of theintended study (Appendix 4 and 5).The questionnaire was translated into the Kiluhya language (Kisamia dialect) bythe author, her brother-in-law, and a primary school teacher residing in the study area.The three translations were compared and items that differed were discussed and anagreement reached on the most appropriate translation. Items on which consensus wasnot reached and which were difficult to translate into the vernacular language were leftout. The consensus translation was used in the interview sessions.Before each interview began, respondents were asked for their verbal approval toparticipate. Verbal approval was required because of the high illiteracy level among rural50farmers. For example, 47.5% of the respondents had never attended any form ofschooling. However, it was made clear to each participant that he or she was free toparticipate or refuse to do so, that their participation would be confidential, and that anyinformation supplied would not be used in any way that would compromise them.From July 1 to 14, 1991, a test interview, involving ten household heads, in a non-target village, was conducted. The questionnaire was refined over a four week period.Questionnaire items which were found to be unsuitable were discarded. For example, itwas found that repetition tended to annoy respondents. The questions with answercategories "Strongly agree, Agree, Neither agree nor disagree, Disagree and Stronglydisagree," were particularly difficult for the respondents to understand what was requiredof them. These items were changed to simple "Agree or Disagree" answer categories.The actual survey took place between 16 August 1991 and 30 January 1992.Data Analysis and Interpretation of ResultsData from the RRA technique are analyzed and reported in diagrammatic anddescriptive forms. Data gained from government officials are reported verbatim. Directobservational data are recorded in form of figures, diagrams and tables; these are given inChapters 5 and 8.The fuelwood measurements were analyzed using the Statistical AnalysisSystems (SAS) program and the mean consumption of fuelwood per person per day inthe villages compared using analysis of variance. Data from the questionnaire werecoded and entered into the computer using dbase IV program and thereafter, transferredto an ASCII file and analyzed with the SPSS/PC program. For each of the close-endedquestions, the numerical frequency of each answer and the corresponding percentage aresummarized and tabulated whenever possible. Survey responses are cross tabulated forlocation, gender, and education level of respondents. Where appropriate, conclusions arebased on chi-square tests of significance since the questionnaire data are categorical.51Definition of TermsA location is an administrative unit in the Kenya government administrative structure.Village is an area usually inhabited by people from the same clan or even grandparents.It may be marked by streams, hills and valleys. However, the boundaries aregenerally fluid and depend on the geographical distribution of the clansmenwithin limits. It consists of scattered homesteads.Homestead is a group of dwellings inhabited by between one or several households.Household is used to denote any unit which comprised of a person or group of personsgenerally bound by ties of kinship and normally residing together under a singleroof or several roofs within a single compound and who share the community lifein that they are answerable to the same head and share a common source of food.Polygamous wives living within a single compound were included in the samehousehold regardless of their cooking arrangements.Household head is usually the male head. For purposes of this study, both male andfemale drawn in the sample were considered to be household heads.Fuelwood is any wood obtained from trees and used to produce energy. This definitionincludes firewood, charcoal, standing trees and plantations establishedspecifically to provide these products (NAS 1980, 1983). Based on the pilotstudy and results from a nationwide survey by the Beijer institute that found useof charcoal by rural households to be negligible (Hosier 1984), this study onlyconsidered standing trees and firewood as contributing to rural fuelwood.Tree planting was taken to mean any action or behavior that increased or was likely toincrease trees on the farms. People's beliefs and knowledge about trees and theactual actions of tree planting were therefore taken to be measures of treeplanting.52Beliefs were taken to mean what people thought or were brought up to believe abouttrees.Practices meant the people's deliberate or non-deliberate actions that increased trees onthe farm. For example, what they planted in their shambas gardens and thenumbers of trees they planted, whether they raised their own seedlings, boughtseedlings from a tree nursery or collected wildings, were deemed to be practices.Age was recorded as the year of birth. Where respondent did not know the year he/shewas born, the year recorded on the Kenya National identity card 16 was taken asthe actual year of birth.Education was measured in terms of schooling in a formal institution of learning.Religion was the religion the interviewee professed to practice.In summary, three methods followed in the gathering of data i.e., RRA, used inthe pilot study, a fuelwood consumption measurement and a questionnaire survey havebeen presented. In addition, the statistical tests applied in analysis of the fuelwoodconsumption and questionnaire data have been given. Finally, various terms are definedand the way they are used in this study clarified. The next chapter presents a geographicand administrative description of the study area.5316Each Kenyan, 18 years and older, has to carry an identity card on which his or her actual or estimateddate of birth is recorded.CHAPTER 5BUSIA DISTRICT: FUNYULA DIVISION:AN ENVIRONMENTAL ANALYSISAdministrative SettingThe description that follows gives the geography and administrative settings ofthe study area. The villages of Namasali, Kadimbworo, Nangina and Sagania (Figure4.1), make up a relatively small part of Funyula Division. Namasali and Kadimbworoare situated in Samia South Location while Nangina and Sagania are in Samia North.Funyula Division itself is located in Busia District (Figure 5.1) of Western Province inthe Republic of Kenya. The division consists of eleven sublocations; Butabona,Bujwang'a, Buburi and Budongo in Samia South; Lwanda, Mudoma, Bukangala A,Bukangala B, Wakhungu/Odiado Nambuku/Lugala and Luchululo/Bukhulungu in SamiaNorth location.Sublocations are the smallest units of administration in the central Government ofKenya (GK) structure. Here, the provincial administration under the Office of thePresident, is represented by assistant chiefs. The next higher unit is the Location, eachwith its chief. The chief of Samia North location, for example, is responsible for an areadivided into seven sublocations with their respective assistant chiefs. The two locationsof Samia North and South make up Funyula Division headed by a district officer (DO).Next comes the district with the district commissioner (DC) and finally, the provinceadministered by the provincial commissioner (PC). Thus, Samia North and South are inFunyula Division of Busia District of Kakamega Province in the Republic of Kenya.Figure 1.1 shows the position of Busia District in relation to other districts in Kenya,while Figure 5.1 shows Funyula Division within Busia District. The land area andion o amia , o an ou ocations are given in as e ..w ere t ey are54poputa55Fig. 5.1. Map of Busia District showing Funyula Division(Republic of Kenya 1988b)Table 5.1. Area and population of progressively larger administrative units in theRepublic of Kenya.Administrative Unit Area (sq km) Population DensityPersons/km2Sarnia North Location 112 34,410* 307Sarnia South Location 136 32,613* 240Funyula Division 248 67,022* 270Busia District 1,776 423,000 238Kakamega Province 8,335 2,543,000 305Kenya (Republic of) 582,546 21,397,000 35Source: Republic of Kenya (1991).*Population estimates based on 1979 census data, calculated at the rate of increase of 3.5%/annum.56compared to the area and population of the division, the district, the province and Kenyaas a whole.All other government departments are staffed at each of the administrative levelsby officers progressively more senior in rank. For example, agriculture officers arerepresented by agricultural field assistants at the sub-locational level, a technical officerat the divisional level, several district agricultural officers in charge of major crops at thedistrict and provincial agricultural officers at the provincial level. The Forest Departmenthas no representative at the sub-locational level. Forestry itself is divided intoManagement and Rural Afforestation Extension Services. Forest Management is foundin districts which have gazetted government forests (areas surveyed and declared underthe legal status of Kenya to be Government Forest lands). Rural Afforestation ExtensionServices on the other hand covers the whole country with the lowest officer being aforester at the divisional level, followed by a District Forest Officer, Provincial ForestOfficer and finally, the Director of Forestry (Appendix 1).Biophysical SettingGeomorphology and TopographyThe 248 square kilometers under study extend between 0° 08' to 0° 22' North and34° 00' and 34° 11' East (Figure 4.1). The highest point at Odiado Hill is 1568 m abovesea level while the lowest is 1134m, on the shores of Lake Victoria to the south west ofthe division. Along the western border flows the river Suwo which also forms theinternational boundary between Kenya and Uganda. To the north is Nambale, to thesouth Budalang'i Division, and in the east, the Siaya District in Nyanza Province. Themain geographical features of the area are Lake Victoria, the River Suwo, and the Busiaand Samia Hills which stretch almost diagonally from east to west across the division.The Suwo rises from the high country in the Mt. Elgon area and flows westwards through57mud and reed-covered banks and flat swampy alluvial plains to reach the lake at Sio Portin Samia South.Hydrology and SoilsFunyula Division, consists mainly of red thin, shallow clay soils with very littlenatural fertility (Ottichilo 1985). However, there is significant local variation, a result ofthe influence of hills and streams. The hills have moderate to steep straight slopes oftenup to 60 meters high and about 650 meters across (Scott et al. 1971). Most of them areelongated with a narrow ridge crest but a few are oval, for example, Nangosia nearNangina village. These hills are covered by thin freely draining soils of banded quartzite.The low fertility status of the soils is due to their old age. The area between the hills, theinterfluve crests, is flat or gently undulating up to 1500 meters. Shallow, gravelly barnsover laterite give rise to areas locally known as etale, or they may be deep red clays,olugusi or sandy clays, more than two meters deep, olusenye. The slopes, on the otherhand are gentle or straight and up to one kilometer long. Here, moderately acidic, brown,sandy clay loarns predominate.In areas lining stream courses, slightly alkaline, imperfectly drained dark greyclay soils subject to seasonal flooding are to be found. Most of the streams are narrow,up to five meters wide, with very strongly gullied banks. Here, the soils are similar tothose on the stream benches except for turning slightly acidic. Riverine vegetation mixedwith some large trees such as Albizia coriaria is found on these soils.ClimateLake Victoria greatly influences the climate and hydrology of the area. The dailywesterly winds from the lake converge with the south east trade winds causing air to riseand producing heavy showers, especially in the afternoons. The lake shores are slightlydrier than the interior. Due to the influence of the lake, the annual rainfall is between900-1000 mm per annum at Namasali in the south, 1000-1200 mm at Kadimbworo, and58between 1200 and 1400 mm in the two northern villages (Figure 4.2). Therefore, on thebasis of rainfall alone, the villages could be placed into three categories. Sagania is inlower midland ecological zone 2 (LM2) while Nangina and Kadimbworo are in LM3 andNamasali is in LM4 (See Figure 4.3). The amount of rainfall received by each villageinfluences the type of crops and trees growing in the various village landscapes and thus,fuelwood availability. For example, LM2 is thought to be a marginal area for sugar caneproduction; LM3 is ideal for cotton and LM4 is marginal.In general, annual rainfall is bimodal with a peak in April and a shorter one inNovember during the so called short rains. The pattern of rainfall distribution can beseen from rainfall records (Table 5.2) and bar chart (Figure 5.2) for Nangina CatholicMission during a nine year period 1980-1987, and 1990 (rainfall for 1988 and 1989 wasnot recorded). In 1990, the long rains peaked in February and the short rains inSeptember while June had no rain. On the other hand, the nine year high peak is in Apriland a smaller one in November. From this bar-chart, the driest month is January.Rainfall is thus unreliable and during the "short rains", thunder and hailstorms arefrequent.Annual mean maximum temperatures are between 26-30°C while mean minimumtemperatures are between 14 and 22°C. Average potential evapotranspiration is between1800 mm and 2000 mm per annum. This means that despite good rainfall, there exists anacute water scarcity. Crops are, therefore, subjected to periods of drought which oftenresult in food scarcities during the low rainfall season (June-July and December-February). Nonetheless, it is possible to raise two maize or sorghum crops per year, ifdrought resistant varieties are planted in the short growing season from August toNovember. (Trees, through their expansive root systems that enables them to tap waterfrom lower soil horizons may be less sensitive to these drought conditions. Food andfodder trees would provide nourishment to humans at this critical period.)59Table 5.2 Funyula Catholic Mission rainfall data in millimeters^YEAR^JAN. FEB. MAR. APR. MAY JUNE JULY AUG. SEPT. OCT. NOV. DEC.^TOTAL 1980^21.5^4.2^82.2 164.5 153.3^23.3^49 243.1^45.4^82.3^171^34.6^1074.41981^24.5^22.8 269.8 231.1^170^86.9^97.1^85.3^133^124^55^7.6 1307.11982^93.4^24.2^32.7^133.4 330.8^150^68.1^130.4 107.6 231.4 186.8^55.5^1544.31983^19.1^115.4^112.5 234.8^162.7^62.4^65.2^177.9^124.6^162.9^92.2^78.4 1408.11984^7.9^39.5^40.9^133.7^121.7^93.8^145.5^136.7^101.2^114^196.7^145.5^1277.11985^86.7^34.5^181.7^243^161.2^119.1^96.9^84.2^46.6^109.1^138.8^64.7 1366.51986^14.5^46.1^264^169.1^101.1^81.2^64.2^79.7^91.2^126.2^101.3^154.1^1292.71987^85.6^60.4^133.7^156 225.6^65.2^52.1^135.8^101.2^125.5 217.1^18.2 1376.419)0^6.6 287.9 239.2 124.8^125.3^0^31.1^107.5^144.9^71.2^72.9^88.1^1299.5TOTAL^40.0^70.6 150.7 176.7 172.4^75.8^74.4 131.2^99.5 127.4 136.9^71.9^1327.3 Source: unpublished data from Kenya Meteorological Station.Data for 1988 and 1989 were not recorded.30061250-150H0I M1990^I. 9 YEAR MEANi 11 11 1 i 11 1 IJAN.^MAR.^I^I^'MAY ^BEPT. NOV.1FEB.^APR. JUNE AUG. OCT.^DEC.MONTHS.1Fig. 5.2 Nangina Catholic Mission Rainfall Bar Chart.Source: unpublished data from Kenya Meteorological Station.VegetationAccording to Unesco's vegetation classification scheme (White 1971), FunyulaDivision falls into what is called the East African evergreen bushland and secondaryAcacia wooded grassland; this is basically savanna woodland. The vegetationclassification used in these studies follows the system used by Grunblatt et al. (1989).The hills are generally covered with grasses and thick or sparse scrub dominated byAcacia seyal, Euphorbia candelabrum and Combreturn spp. Vegetation burningcontinues to take place up to the present time.The area immediately below the hills (interfluve), often comprises open savannawoodlands of Combretum spp. while on the interfluve slopes the woodland becomesincreasingly sparse until it turns into grasslands and sparse shrubland of Acacia seyal onthe rocky benches or amatale. Termite mounds abound on hills and benches and areclosely associated with thicket formation (Scott et al. 1971). Streams are lined bypatches of woodland swamps. Scattered homesteads are to be found. The present shorttime between fallows, as a result of increasing human population, has resulted in thedisappearance of much of the thicket and bushland vegetation. There is great variationbetween individual sites as reflected in the study villages.Profile of the Four VillagesNamasaliNamasali village, the most southerly of the villages studied (Figures 5.3 and 5.4)is near Sio-Port on the shores of Lake Victoria, the largest fresh water lake in Africa.This low lying village (2.8 km2) is at an elevation of between 1128 and 1260 meters atthe highest point (Figure 4.1). A good part of the village is taken up by papyrus, Cyperuspapyrus and the lake reed, Phragmites communis swamp. About one kilometer from thelake shore the land rises abruptly to 1140 meters. Here on the escarpment there is a clear62N1160Swamp vegetationVegetable gardensScale: 1: 25,000EscarpmentCultivated treesCrop fields1200i17 1180 40Fig. 5.3. Schematic diagram of Namasali villageFig. 5.4. Landscape profile of Namasali villageHomesteadLake^Vegetable gardensEscarpmentHomegardensAcacia trees1180I- 1160Scale: 1: 25,000sign of the lake level before the present times. Thereafter the land is gently undulating.The lakeside escarpment consists of rocks mixed with black, clayey, sandy soils (Scott etal. 1971). Cultivation is not possible on the escarpment because of the nearperpendicular slopes. Acacia trees mixed with Lantana camara and Eurphobiacandelabrum, are found growing in between rocks.Although the village proper does not start until the top of the ridge, fivehomesteads are found at the bottom of the escarpment. There are 78 households in thisvillage of about 400 people who belong to different clans and are dominated by theAbaburi. The inhabitants derive their livelihood mainly from farming and fishing. Manyhouseholds in this village own two pieces of land to take advantage of the varyingecological conditions offered within short distances. The village homesteads are mixedwith gardens of mainly cassava and cereals. There are fallow lands interspaced with croplands. The fallow lands and the grasslands near the Suwo River form grazing landsforthe village's livestock. Farmers make small channels to drain the swamp land onwhich they grow vegetables, sweet potatoes and cotton on theclay, sandy soils derivedfrom the lake. The dominant tree species in the fallow lands of Namasali is Acacia seyal.The side of the village overlooking the Suwo River (Figure 5.4) has extensive black, claysoils that are subject to periodic flooding. Consequently, the area is mainly grassland.The village proper starts where the ridge flattens out and the land starts toundulate gently. Here soils are thin and rocky but gradually become thicker and morereddish in colour. Fuelwood, as we shall see again later, is obtained most often from theAcacia trees, the fallow lands, and the homestead gardens.Namasali's proximity to the lake affects the village negatively. The dailynortherly winds from the lake disperse moisture further inland leaving Namasali drierthan the other four villages under study. The average rainfall is between 1000 and 1200mm. Since Namasali is in the Lower Midland Agroecological Zone 3 (LM3) or the65cotton zonel 7 (Jaedzold and Schimdt 1982), this classification puts it in the same zonewith Kadimbworo and Nangina. As can be seen from Figure 4.3, Namasali is in thetransitional zone between Lower Midland Agroecological Zone 3 and 4.Although the village is next to the lake and river, procuring drinking water is aproblem as it entails walking the one or one and a half kilometers to the lake or river.There are two boreholes which provide alternate sources of drinking water when they areoperational: one is at Namasali school and the other is located in the village. Thedifficulties of providing water for domestic consumption, especially during the dryseason, imply that there is even less water for the establishment of tree nurseries and towater tree transplants.KadimbworoKadimbworo (1.6 km 2) is the smallest of the four villages studied (Figure 4.1).To the south of this village is the Hakati-Lwanda road and to the north is Munana. Thewestern border of the village is the Sio-Port - Lwanda road while to the east is Lukurevillage. Like their counterparts elsewhere, the 180 inhabitants of the 38 households inthe village practice agriculture. On the basis of geomorphology, Kadimbworo is the leastdiversified of the four villages under study. It is on moderately gentle slopes (Figures 5.5and 5.6), and it rises from 1160 to 1200 meters above sea level. The soils on the rollingslopes are deep, red laterites gradually turning into light, sandy clays near the flatland.Although, it occupies the same ecological zone, LM3, as Namasali (Figure 4.3),Kadimbworo has a slightly higher rainfall, 1200 - 1400 mm per annum on the average(Figure 4.2).Farming activity is similar in the four villages studied. Homesteads are mixedwith fallow fields, cassava and cotton crops. The villagers take advantage of the17Jaetzold and Schimdt (1982) classified Kenya into agro-ecological zones established by FAO (1978), butin addition, included a more differentiated system showing yield probabilities of the main crops growing in66a particular area.HomegardensHomestead67N1200E• 1180 -co- c-3— 1160Scale: 1: 25,000Fig. 5.5. Schematic diagram of Kadimbworo village1200Scale: 1: 25,000HomesteadHomegardens68Fig. 5.6. Landscape of Kadimbworo villagemicroclimate provided by Ficus capensis (Mukuyu) trees to cultivate bananas andvegetables under their shade. This practice is not unique to Kadimbworo, but is alsofound in the other villages wherever F. capensis happens to be growing. There is hardlyany virgin or near-virgin land remaining in this village. All the land has been cultivatedin the last ten years. Therefore, fuelwood is obtained mostly from the homesteadgardens, the fallow lands and roadside shrubs.As in the preceding village, water is a major problem for the inhabitants. There isonly one borehole in nearby Lukure village. This is shared by several other neighboringvillages and the Ageng'a Family Life Center. Lack of sufficient water thus impacts onthe people's ability to raise on-farm tree seedlings and to water any transplants facingdrought conditions.NanginaNangina village (1.9 km 2) is to the southwest of Funyula, the DivisionalHeadquarters (Figure 4.1). It is inhabited by the Abakhulo clan. The inhabitants of thisvillage moved their homestead site from the valley to the vicinity of the main road to takeadvantage of better communications offered by the Sio-Port to Bumala road which formsthe village boundary with Nangina Catholic Mission to the south. The second reason formoving, one old man said, was to release the more fertile lowlands for agriculturepurposes. To the north of Nangina is Khapala and the west Sirekeresi village. More than300 inhabitants in 67 households derive their livelihood principally from farming. Thereis also a butchery, an eating house, and two grocery shops in the village.Nangina rises from 1180 meters at the valley bottom to 1340 meters on NangosiaHill (Figures 5.7 and 5.8). The name Nangina is instructive as it means rock or stone inKisamia. The area above 1260 meters on Nangosia hill is not inhabited. Nativevegetation of Acacia sp., Albizia grandbractiata, A. coriaria, and Euphorbiacanoe as rum t is ets grow ere. " owever, past over arves mg o rees or ue woo. or69Fig. 5.7. Schematic diagram of Nangina villageWooded scrublandSwamp vegetation N•1111----HomegardensWooded scrubland 1340Homestead1300- 1260ou12201180Scale: 1: 12,500Fig. 5.8. Landscape of Nangina villageatholic MissionHomegardensWooded scrublandWooded scrublandNSwamp vegetation12c;\, 99/CIScale: 1: 12,500the mission station has resulted in a depletion of fuelwood in the hill vegetation. Thegaps left from fuelwood harvesting have been invaded by the weedy Lantana camara.The mission itself occupies a rock outcrop (etale). Here soils are thin, shallow,sandy clays. Lower down the hill the soils gradually thicken, their texture and colourchanging from deep red to light grey in the valley bottom.The village proper is in the gently rolling land below the mission. Most housesare near the main road. Lower down the valley are crop fields mixed with fallow lands.The lands nearest the valley bottom are not cultivated and the surrounding bush harboursmonkeys which are also found on the hill top. Being pests, the presence of monkeysencourages villagers to clear the bush around them, thus having a negative impact onspecies conservation and fuelwood availability.Nangina is in the lower marginal cotton zone or Agroecological Zone, LM3(Figure 4.3). Rainfall is between 1400 and 1600 mm per annum (Figure 4.2). Fuelwoodsources for this village are available from the homestead gardens and the abundant fallowlands. Most of the fallow land has Lantana spp. growing on it. A few of the villageinhabitants own two plots of land, one in the village proper and one on Nangosia hillbeyond the Mission. Farming is in scattered gardens around and beyond the homesteads.The hill land is not cultivated because it is too steep for this purpose. Unfortunately, it isalso not readily available for firewood collection because the mission land, in between,forms a barrier around which the owners have to detour in order to reach sources ofadditional fuelwood.The village obtains its drinking water from a protected well locally known as PereKuni's. Three homesteads belonging to fairly well to do residents are fenced withcypress while the rest have Markhamia lutea for marking the boundaries or are unfenced.The land nearest the road and the west of the village is rather rocky as is the adjoiningmission land which is very shallow with marrum pans sometimes only half a meter belowthe surface. The fertile and rich land near the valley is overrun by bush in which72monkeys abound. As already stated, the presence of monkeys, creates a desire to keepthe land clear of trees and shrubs.SaganiaThe most northerly and biggest of the study sites, Sagania (2.2 km 2), is locatedbetween the Samia hills with Sitango'mbe hill to the east, Nyakhobi to the north, Sibalevillage to the south and Bukangala to the west (Figure 4.1). Schematic diagrammes ofthe village are given in Figures 5.9 and 5.10. Sagania consists of 90 households and apopulation of about 450 inhabitants. Most of the inhabitants belong to the Abamuremboclan. There is one primary school, a posho 18 mill and three small shops or dukas to servethe inhabitants, most of whom are farmers. Communication to the outside world is viathe road from Funyula running westwards to Namboboto and onwards to Matayos andBusia town, and the one through Nyakhobi village to Ganjala and Matayos. Thescattered homesteads are connected by village footpaths.Until recently, the inhabitants lived near Maakalo stream in order to be in closeproximity to water. But anticipation of land adjudication forced them to scatter over thearea where they still practice subsistence farming. In the richer, grey soils of the valleybottom, near the stream, vegetables, root crops (e.g., arrow roots and sweet potatoes) areplanted, often mixed with banana groves. Some farmers have left riverine vegetation tocontinue growing because they value the grass reeds found in this habitat which are usedfor house thatching.As one moves away from the streams, the rather poorly draining soils give way todeep red laterites on which cereal gardens mixed with homesteads are found. The soilsnear the hill are shallow with murram pans penetrating to the surface. This area is alsoused for grain crops and cassava. Some hills have deep soils at their bases so thatcultivation is slowly encroaching up the hillsides. The top of the hill is banded quartzite"A machine for grinding maize (corn).73Fig. 5.9. Schematic diagram of Sagania village1460Wooded scrubland1420NCultivated trees1380HomesteadHomegardens1340 Banana groves61300126012201180Scale: 1: 12,500HomesteadCrop fieldsHomegardensBanana grovesScale: 1: 12,500Fig. 5.10. Landscape of Sagania villagecovered with scrubland of thick Acacia thickets, Combreturn sp., Albizia sp, Euphorbiacandelabrum and an occasional Mvule tree. The Acacia thickets are associated withtermite mounds. The inhabitants of Sagania obtain their fuelwood from their homesteadgardens, fallow lands and the riverine and roadside vegetation supplemented byacquisitions from the hills. This village has, therefore, more sources of fuelwood thanthe three discussed so far.Like Nangina, Sagania receives between 1200 - 1400 mm of rainfall per annumaccording to FMH and is found in the lower marginal sugar cane zone or AgroecologicalZone 2 (LM2). At a density of 205 persons per km 2 , the population pressure is beginningto be felt on the land. Cultivation has been continuous so that, now, little of the originalvegetation remains.The four village profiles are summarized in Table 5.3. The main biophysicalfactor differentiating the villages are the general topography, elevation and to someextent rainfall. These factors also affect vegetation. Soil descriptions were based ondirect observations. Nonetheless, observation showed that Namasali differs from theothers in the type of soils, vegetation and dominant trees growing in its habitat. Thesedifferences have an implication for fuelwood provisioning and tree planting. Thevillages also differ in their access to water sources, an important factor in tree seedlingproduction.To summarize, this chapter has covered the geographical and administrativesettings including a profile of the individual villages. The detailed soil and vegetationdescriptions were discussed to indicate sources of fuelwood for the villages and possibleareas for tree planting. Since food is important, and crops compete with trees for the landresource, the farming system was briefly mentioned. A more thorough discussion of thefarming system practiced in Funyula Division is given in Chapter 6 where thesocioeconomic and sociocultural profile of the study population is also described. 76Table 5.3 A comparison of the village biophysical characteristicsItem Sagania Nangina Kadimbworo NamasaliNo. of households 90 67 38 78*Area (km2) 2.2 1.9 1.6 2.8Population 450 300 180 400*Density 205 158 112 140Elevation (m) 1180-1460 1180-1340 1160-1200 1128-1160Rainfall (mm) 1200-1400 1200-1400 1000-1200 900-1000Vegetation Hv Albizia mix Hv Albizia mix Mixed Fallow Acacia/PapyrusNatural water bodies stream stream none lake/riverEcological zone LM2 LM3 LM3 LM3/LM4Hv = Hill vegetation.*Estimated from maps.77CHAPTER 6SOCIOECONOMIC AND SOCIOCULTURAL ENVIRONMENTOF THE STUDY POPULATIONAppreciating a people's way of life and aspirations, including educationalattainment, population and demographical distribution is useful in comprehending acommunity's fuelwood and land use problems. These factors influence a farmer'sdecision making, and hence, what happens on his land. Knowledge of a given culture isbasic in understanding how a farmer utilizes the natural environment. In somecommunities, cultural norms and taboos have been instituted to prevent women fromplanting trees (Hoskins 1980; Chavangi 1984). Others such as the Maasai of Kenya andTanzania may not bother with tree planting since they are pastoralists.In this chapter, a population profile of the respondents, their age structure,educational attainment, occupation and marital status will be discussed. In addition, thegeneral household structure and family organization in Funyula Division is also covered.Furthermore, traditional land use changes including tree planting practices are described.Finally, a short description of tenure and land ownership patterns in Funyula is provided.The information presented here was obtained through direct observations during the pilotstudy, supplemented by data obtained from the respondents during the questionnairesurvey, data from Busia District Development Plan 1989-1993 (Republic of Kenya1988b) and informal knowledge of the inhabitants by the author acquired duringupbringing as a (Mu)Luhya of the (Aba)Samia subtribe who themselves belong to thelinguistically similar tribes called the Bantus found in many parts of east, central andsouthern Africa.78Population ProfileDemography and Age StructureThe population of Funyula given in Table 5.1, is an extrapolation of the 1979Kenya census figures and the figures given in the Busia District Development Plan 1989-1993 (Republic of Kenya 1988b). The Kenya government carried out a nationalpopulation census in 1989. However, results have yet to be published. From theprovisional report of the 1989 census, the rate of population increase is 3.5% for thewhole of Busia District. This is used to calculate the population of Funyula Divisiongiven in Table 5.1. This table also shows the area's population, as compared with that ofBusia District, Kakamega Province and Kenya.Samia South has 240 people per square kilometer while the north is more denselysettled at 344 persons/km. 2 In contrast the individual village populations are estimated tobe 400 in Namasali, 180, in Kadimbworo, 300 in Nangina and 450 in Sagania.Of the respondents, there were 63 males and 59 females, a ratio of one female to1.07 males. The general population ratio is one male to 1.08 females. Age rangesbetween 22 and 83 years. The sample is categorized into people aged 22-40 years, 41-60,and those above 60. Choice of age groups is arbitrary but coincides with young, middleaged and old adults. Table 6.1 gives the frequencies and percentages of the various agecategories in the interview sample.The rate of population increase in the study area is 3.5%, putting it among thefastest growing areas in the country. Like the rest of country, the area has an agedistribution skewed to the very young age distribution. Table 6.2 gives this distributionfor Busia District and Funyula Division. The proportions of different age groups in thedistrict were used to derive proportions for Funyula because Funyula population data asgiven in the Busia District Development Plan 1989-93, are not broken down into ageclasses. The districts' young people (1-14 years old), and by inference those of Funyi7980Division, make up 47.7% of the population. According to the to the Busia DistrictDevelopment Plan (Republic of Kenya 1988b), when the young are added to the old, thatis those sixty years old and over, it means 55% of the population is non-productive Thisgeneralization ignores the work carried out by children and the aged in helping to fetchfirewood and water, besides looking after livestock. Nevertheless, most of the work isdone by the most productive labour force (those between age 15-59) of whom womenform the majority (56.6%). Of the women in the labour force, 88%, are at their childbearing age (15-49 years); they also have additional duties of household chores andlooking after small children.There is heavy outmigration of young, and generally better educated men, to otherparts of the country in search of paid employment. Although there is a fair amount ofwage remittance from employed relatives in urban areas, it is difficult to quantify.EducationEducation is the key to knowledge and communication. Formal education iswidely accepted in Kenya; there is a policy of free primary education. However, there isstill a high rate of illiteracy among the rural population, in spite of intensified efforts inadult education. As can be seen from Table 6.3, a high proportion of respondents(47.5%) have no formal education.Out of a population of 11,513 school age children in Funyula Division, 11, 236are estimated to be in attendance at the 59 primary schools in the area. Fewer children goon to high school because of a limited number of secondary schools and the necessity topay for higher education. 19 The nine secondary schools in the division have anenrollment of 1,580 pupils out of 4,717 secondary school age group that is found inFunyula Division. The sex ratio in primary school is 1:1, becoming 1:1.77 female tomale at the secondary level. This state of affairs is rooted in the people's culture that19At between K Sh. -T,DoT-mxia (Can. $ 280-400) per annum, the secondary school fee is high for mostpeasant families. Per capita national income is only K Sh 6000.8182Table 6.3.^Educational level of respondents.Education Level Sagania Nangina Kadimbworo NamasaliTotalFrequencyPercentof TotalNever went to school 17 13 16 12 58 47.5Primary level 9 15 10 11 45 36.9Post primary 6 2 4 7 19 15.6Total 32 30 30 30 122 100.0Source: Field DataTable 6.4. Frequency of various marriage categories in study sample.Marital status Frequency PercentagesSingle 4 3.3Married 105 86.1Polygamous 24 22.9Monogamous 81 77.1Widowed 11 9.0Divorced 2 1.6Source: Field Datafavours boys over girls. 20 Many girls also leave school either to get married or as a resultof early pregnancies.The sample consists of predominantly married people. There is a high rate ofpolygamous marriages (Table 6.4). For example, 23% of the respondents were inpolygamous unions while 77% were in monogamous marriages in contradiction of theteachings of Christianity to which 121 respondents said they belonged. One respondentsaid he was a Moslem.LivelihoodThere are few employment opportunities in the study area. Until recently therewere no manufacturing industries but now a sweet-making factory has been constructed,although at the time of the study it was not operational. A majority of the respondentsare peasant farmers. The occupational distribution of the respondents is given in Table6.5. The RRA exercise and the interview results showed that fishermen were to be foundonly in Namasali while charcoal and brick makers were restricted to Sagania. During thesurvey, none of the respondents said they were fishermen. Nonetheless, it can be seenthat charcoal makers are located in villages with hill areas and therefore sources offirewood. To some extent the villager's off-farm occupations are determined by the typeof natural resources available to them, that is water or natural vegetation on the hills.Observations revealed that tool and craft making were part time jobs and were not yetwell developed in this area. Charcoal, brick, and craft making are to a large degreedependent on wood resources, and therefore, of consequence to the stability of theenvironment.20When resources are limited, parents invest more in boys  than girls. School fee is seen as a form ofinvestment to be recovered when a son gets a job and starts remitting part of his earnings to his parents.838 4Table 6.5.^Frequency of occupational distribution among respondents.Total PercentOccupation Sagania Nangina Kadimbworo Namasali Frequency of TotalFarmers 24 22 28 20 94 78.7Teachers 3 0 0 3 6 4.9Craftsmen 2 1 1 2 6 4.9Shopkeepers 0 1 0 4 5 4.1Fishmongers 2 3 0 0 5 4.1Brick makers 0 2 0 0 2 1.6Charcoal makers 1 1 0 0 2 1.6Others/Not specified 0 1 0 1 2 1.6Total 32 30 30 30 122 99.8*Source: Field Data.*Error due to rounding off.Household Structure and Family OrganizationThe Social StructureSocial groups are aggregates of people who develop feelings of belongingtogether. They associate more closely with each other than with outsiders and influencethe thinking, feelings, and actions of members. The farm household in Funyula hasdeveloped a system of norms that prescribe appropriate behaviour patterns for eachmember of the family. These norms have emerged through socialization and socialinteraction processes including values and beliefs that people hold. There are normsconcerning husband and wife and relationships between senior wife and co-wives in apolygamous home. There are also norms about role definitions within the household.From personal knowledge gained by virtue of belonging to the tribe, the authorknows that the Samias are patriarchal. Women are supposed to obey their husbands andin-laws. The man is the head of the homestead while the woman only heads her house.She has no decision-making authority over land and homestead matters. However, thecommunity is characterized by strong ethnic loyalties, interpersonal interactions, andrelationships. These relationships consist of reciprocal rights and obligations that extendto women helping each other in providing fuelwood during times of need such asfestivals and funeral ceremonies. It is also a tribal duty for men to help provide logs usedto burn at funerals of diseased kinsmen. 21 No funeral ceremony was directly observedduring the course of this study.Family OrganizationAlthough the surveyed areas are generally called villages they are not villages inthe strict sense, but rather a collection of homesteads scattered over a large area. Basicdata by which to adequately describe the social stratification within and between villages8521 The fire is lit outside the hut of the diseased and burns day and night for a specified number of days.are lacking. The following information on family organization of the Abasamia is basedon the author's own knowledge as one of the tribespeople. In Funyula Division thefamily is the basic unit of production and consumption. The homestead or household isorganized around the male head, his wife (wives) and children. Depending on when thehomestead was established, it can be a very complex entity. It will vary in number ofresidents, amount of land held, and wealth. It may consist of one, two or morehouseholds. For instance, a man may live in a homestead with his married sons and theirfamilies. The sons will generally establish separate households with separate cookingarrangements, although it is not unusual for the youngest son and his family to continueusing his mother's cooking unit. For purposes of this study, where married sons were stillresiding in their father's homestead, each household was treated as a separate cookingunit.The average household size is seven persons. A majority of the respondentsinterviewed were married (86%) while 9% were widowed, 3.3% single and 1.6%divorced (Table 6.4). Twenty-three percent of the married respondents were inpolygamous marriages. The extended family is a very important feature of the people ofFunyula. It forms the basis of work groups and gives support during funerals and othersocial functions. A large family is an ideal to which every woman aspires. Boys arevalued because they form continuity for the clan. Girls are valued rlr the wealth theymay bring in the form of a dowry at the time of marriage. Children are also viewed as aneconomic asset and insurance against old age. In addition, a large family provides laborfor the farm.86InfrastructureThis section describes the road network, market centers, health centers, and otherinstitutions important in any rural development programme such as tree planting andfuelwood planning. This information was partially derived from the Busia DistrictDevelopment Plan and the survey data, including direct observations.A majority of the respondents (81%), occupy grass thatched huts. The rest are inimproved houses with iron (mabati) roofs and occasionally cemented floors. Thesedwellings require poles and timber for construction. Since house type is one indicator ofwealth in rural Africa (with those in houses with iron roofs being considered better offthan those in grass thatched houses) (Prewitt 1975), the above result suggests that amajority of the respondents are not well to do.It is difficult to categorize the villages into socioeconomic classes. The variablesused to distinguish between socioeconomic class in rural Africa are often house type,bicycle ownership, livestock ownership, and cash cropping (Prewitt 1975). Using thesevariables (Table 6.6), there were no discernible socioeconomic classes among the studyvillages. Social stratification within villages and within and between households wasfound to be beyond the scope of this study.In general, the area itself is also not prosperous when you compare with the restof the country. But it is well served with a good network of dirt roads (Figure 4.1).Certain sections of these roads are impassable during the rainy season, makingcommunication difficult. Moreover, the only road served by public transport is theBumala-Sio Port road that connects the two major market centres, 22 Funyula in the northand Sio Port in the south of the division. In all, the north has five market centers whilethe south has four. Funyula, the biggest of these centers, is the Divisional Headquarters22Market centers are supposed to serve 2,000 and 10,000 rural people. They have a number of primaryschools, a secondary school, and a health center.878 8Table 6.6.^Frequency of items indicating socioeconomic status of respondents by village.Item Saganian = 32Nanginan = 30Kadimbworon = 30Namasalin = 30TotalFrequencyPercentof TotalIron roofedBicycle ownershipCattle ownership410107116912931112234437193647and is thus classified as a rural center. 23 This is an important centre in the commercialand business transactions of the division. However, there are no banking facilities exceptfor a mobile bank. Farmers are therefore limited as to sources of credit for farmimprovements. The only other financial institutions to which farmers can apply for creditis The Agriculture Finance Cooperation 24 (AFC) with a branch at Busia, the DistrictHeadquarters. The available infrastructures are not yet developed sufficiently to supporta viable wood or timber based industry. The village wood-based industries such ascharcoal making are geared towards meeting family basic needs.HealthCommunity health is very important if the strenuous job of looking for firewoodand tree planting has to be accomplished. It appears that the people of the study area arewell served by the health department. There is one mission hospital, one health centerand four dispensaries in the division. Nevertheless, infant mortality is high (117 per1,000) and cases of malnutrition rampant (Republic of Kenya 1988b). The latter problemis exacerbated by beliefs.According to Busia District Development Plan 1989-93,"traditional beliefs and practices are still very important. The Sarnia hold thatmalnutrition, . . . infertility, and madness are best dealt with by using traditionalmedicine. . . . [They] still withhold fruits and vegetables from children who aremalnourished because of the belief that such fruits may weaken the childrenmore."The most important cause of illness is malaria, followed by respiratory infections e.g.,bronchial-pneumonia, tuberculosis and upper respiratory tract infections (Republic ofKenya 1988b).23A rural center should serve approximately 15,000 people. In addition to what a market center has, a ruralcenter should have piped water, electricity, sewage disposal system, banking facilities, telephone and postalservices.24This is a government financial institution started in order to advance money, for agricultural development, to farmers in Kenya.89Woodfuel and trees in general have an important part to play in the health of anation. Their use enables food to be cooked, thereby killing germs and making the foodsafe for consumption. Trees also directly provide fruits which have essential vitamins forhealth. To what extent the Samias withhold fruit from children is not known. All thesame, the nutritional status of the population could be improved through provision ofmore tree food products.The incidence of diarrheal diseases is a direct reflection of the level of hygieneand availability of safe drinking water in the community. None of the villages in thestudy has safe water supplies. Fuelwood could again play a big role in rendering thewater safe. People will only boil water if they know about the connection betweendisease and contaminated water, and if they have plenty of wood with which to boil it.Traditional Land Use and Land Use Changes.Changes are taking place in the traditional land use patterns in Funyula Divisionand Busia District. These changes are not immediately apparent except when individuallandscapes and communities are carefully examined and analyzed. The presentdescription of land use in Funyula Division is based on The Farm ManagementHandbook of Kenya (FMH) (Jaedzold and Schmidt 1982), Ottichilo's (1985) study andthe author's own observations.Funyula Division is classified agriculturally as lying in the high potential area. Itis capable of producing a variety of crops. The list of crops growing in the farmers' fields(Appendix 6), attests to this classification. About 1,290 hectares of the division are takenup by infrastructures (road networks and buildings), steep hills and water. The hills arestill used in the traditional fashion, for livestock grazing during the dry season and as asource of fuelwood, building materials and herbal medicines. A few people use the treeson the hills to produce charcoal for sale to government workers or to towns such asBusia. Stone-Chave also been remove , or use as Dm sing ma eria . • uarries are a so90found scattered in people's plots where there are lateritic ferasol outcrops. However, thisis not a major land use as it depends on the availability of quarry quality stone, labourand demand. Most land is still devoted to subsistence farming with livestock and crophusbandry dominating.Livestock HusbandryLivestock consists mainly of Zebu cattle as well as local breeds of goats andsheep. Cattle are kept as wealth to be disposed of when the family needs school fees orsome other emergency cash. Goats also are a source of cash. They are kept mainly foruse in ritual ceremonies, such as, funeral rites or as gifts for in-laws. Over 63% ofrespondents owned some type of livestock (Table 6.7).Observation and RRA revealed that extensive grazing is the preferred form oflivestock management although tethering does take place where animals are few andthere is not enough labour. Direct observations and the opinion of the informants showedthat animals are generally in poor condition because of poor management, high incidenceof tick borne diseases and tsetse flies. During the informal surveys in the RRA,complained of increased incidence of tsetse flies which they blamed on the L. camarabush. The author failed to observe any wire fences in the homesteads surveyed. Thisseems to be a problem as animals graze other people's crops and may also affect treeregeneration25 . The only source of water for the animals are streams, River Suwo orLake Victoria. Seasonal ponds nearer grazing areas are favoured during the rainy season.25The interview session with the agriculture officer (Chapter 7), was interrupted three times by farmerscoming to complain of stray animals. Indeed, the DAO said one of his pre-occupations was settlingdisputes among farmers complaining of stray animals.91Table 6.7. Livestock ownership and type.Answer category^Frequency^Percent of TotalNone^ 45 36.9Cattle 20^ 16Cattle and goats^ 8 6.6Cattle and sheep and goats^9^ 7.4Goats^ 16 13.1Sheep and goats^ 14^ 11.5Pigs and others 10 8.2Total^ 122^ 99.7*Source: Field Data*Error is due to rounding off.92Farm LabourHuman labour supplemented by draught is used on the farms (Table 6.8). Use ofanimals is restricted to breaking up the land and is practiced among only a few of thelivestock owners. The Ministry of Agriculture runs a Farm Machinery Division which isintended to hire out tractor services to farmers. At the peak plowing season thesemachines may not be readily available due to demand from multiple users or tomechanical failures. None of the farmers interviewed has been able to use this service.Farmers believe that the tractors mix up the farm boundaries. Boundary marking is stilldone in the traditional way by digging small furrows to separate the gardens. A tractorwould obscure these type of boundaries. In spite of the foregoing statements, 10% of therespondents in the questionnaire survey said they planted trees for boundary marking.Thus, as a form of boundary marking, tree planting is not yet widespread. This contrastswith findings in Mbere District (Brokensha and Riley 1978 and Riley and Brokensha1988) and Kisii districts of Kenya (Barnes 1984) where increased tree planting forboundary marking was observed.FisheriesIn the past, fishing was an important industry that must have had an impact on thewoodfuel resources of the fishing villages. Surplus fish used to be preserved by acombination of methods that included smoking and sun drying. Today no such activitytakes place as there is no surplus fish to preserve. Most of the small fish species whichthe inhabitants depended on have been eliminated by the bigger carnivorous, Nile perchintroduced into Lake Victoria by "British colonial sports anglers 30 years ago" (CalgaryHerald Friday, April 7 1989).Fishing is still important in the southern location among inhabitants of thelakeshores but the fish is marketed fresh to owners of refrigerated trucks who export it toarger consumers in 1 airo I i w ere t ere is a strong • eman a or perc in ' erican and9394Table 6.8.^Source of farm labour.Category Number Percent ofFamily 69 56.6Family/Hired 30 24.6Family/work groups 18 14.7Hired 5 4.1Total 122 100.0TotalSource: Field Data.European restaurants" (Time, September 14, 1992). Perhaps, afraid to show that they hadmoney, the fishermen interviewed, said that they only fished for subsistence. On a smallscale women continue to smoke surplus meat or fish for home consumption sincerefrigeration technology is not yet accessible to the rural farmer.Crop HusbandryThe author relied on her own familiarity and ability to compile and identify thecrops that were found growing in the farmer's fields in Funyula Division (See Appendix6; the list is not exhaustive). Cotton, the only major cash crop of the area, grows in mostsoils, although the best sites are on the grey sandy loam soils on benches (amatale).Cotton hectarage has declined in the last few years. For example, in 1984 the districtrecorded 3,600 ha of cotton, down from 24,000 ha in 1982 (Republic of Kenya 1988b).The decline is due to delays in paying farmers. During the course of this study, 50.8% ofthe respondents were growing cotton. But they complained of poor germination due topoor rains in 1991.Coffee is a recent introduction into the district and only two farmers in the sampleraised the crop. The variety of coffee raised is Robusta. Sunflowers are also grown butonly on an experimental basis. The study area has no reliable cash crop.Food CropsThe major food crops are cassava, maize and sorghum. Cassava, introduced tothe area as a famine crop during the 1930's (KNA 1940), is now a major staple food.Towards the end of the rainy season, cassava cuttings are interplanted with cotton ormaize. It is then weeded along with other crops until the latter are harvested. Largesized cassava roots can be harvested from six months after planting. However, the rootsare usually left to continue growing for two or more years and are harvested according tofamily food needs. Cassava fields may extend to the foothills. Cassava and cotton sticks,and sorghum and maize stocks may be used for fuel especially where there are shortages.95More often, however, they are used for kindling the fire. Sorghum is usually sowntogether with maize or millet in the more fertile areas. Sweet potatoes are grown nearstreams or in what is judged to be rich soil e.g., red loams or black clays; bananas may befound near streams, under a Ficus capense tree, or near homesteads; vegetables e.g., kale,cow peas, and tomatoes, grow near streams. Those far from streams rarely raisetomatoes and kale because watering during the dry season would be a problem. Peanuts,bambara groundnuts, and sesame seeds are occasionally raised, usually, during the shortrains. Sesame seeds and bambara nuts were not observed in the farmers' fields; the cropsare seasonal and rare. Their existence in the farming system was revealed during a visitto the local markets as part of the RRA exercise. When vendors (resident women) wereasked about the source of these crops, they had said they raised them themselves.Land BorrowingFrom personal experience the author knows that those whose lands are not nearstreams or are unsuitable for special seasonal crops may "borrow land" from neighboursto raise a particular crop. To "borrow land", means land is loaned to a relative for one ortwo seasons. No money transaction is usually involved. The owner of the land expectsto be given some of the harvest from the plot. However, information gathered duringRRA, revealed that borrowing of land is slowly being replaced by plot renting, where auser pays a fee to cultivate the land for a specified period.The only form of soil improvement noticed is fallowing, which in reality, is aform of shifting cultivation. Direct observations showed that farmers tended to dig upand down the slope, seemingly oblivious of the consequences of this practice on soilerosion. It could be said that trash lines are the only form of erosion control and soilimprovement. However, some farmers in Namasali village were observed to digchannels to drain their swampy soils of excessive water. During the informal interviewsit became apparent that use of agro-chemicals was rare except on livestock.96Tree HusbandryFrom prehistoric times, trees have played an important part in the lives andculture of the Samia people although the area is not forested but rather consists of opensavanna woodlands. As already mentioned, trees provide wood energy with whichfoodstuffs are cooked. In the past, they also formed shelter for the homestead againstanimals and maurading tribes. For instance, Wagner (1949 p 40) observes that:"In those parts of Kavirondo where leopards or where the owner of thehomestead wishes to protect himself against theft or sorcery, the homestead issurrounded by a hedge of thorn-bushes or Euphorbia interplanted with variousprotective plants". 26Trees were also used in religious ceremonies. According to Osogo (1966), whenever aclan moved to a new place it planted a Mukuyu, Ficus capensis that became a shrine atwhich the clan would worship.There are no established government or private forests in the area. Most treeneeds are, therefore, met from the on-farm trees or from other districts within Kenya butmainly from a neighbouring country. After twenty years of Rural AfforestationExtension, Ottichilo (1985) was able to record only 300 ha of woodlots for the whole ofBusia District. The author's own appraisal showed none in the four villages surveyed.Nevertheless, the number of respondents who said households they representedhad planted trees is high (95.5%). The survey and direct observations showed that themost commonly planted tree is the indigenous Markhamia lutea which is used forhomestead boundaries. A large variety of exotic tree species were also recorded in thehomesteads (see Appendix 7 for a list of indigenous and exotic trees recorded in theFunyula village landscapes) . 27 No herbarium specimens were collected. The most26The fence, not only formed a barrier against real dangers to the homestead, but also contained "magical"plants that protected the homestead and the inhabitants against sorcery and other supernatural powers.27This list is not exhaustive. It was compiled by recording the tree species directly as they wereencountered, using the Kenya Trees and Shrubs by Dale and Greenway (1961) for field identification.97common of the exotics in the southern villages were Cassia siamea and Meleaazadirachta while the northern villages recorded C. siamea, M. azadirachta andCupressus spp. Two people claimed to have planted Chlorophora excelsa. Only oneperson admitted to planting trees for medicinal purposes. But when asked which treethey most wanted to plant, 24% of the respondents mentioned the neem tree, Azadirachtaindica. Further probing established that they had heard that the neem could cure severaldiseases,28 and they wanted it for that purpose.Besides the neem tree, people also want to plant Terminalia sp. and Grevillea ornamentals. Those who asked for these species had come in contact with KenyaEnergy and Environment Non-governmental Organization (KENGO) workers who werepromoting some tree species in the area. Respondents who had not planted any treeswere young and had recently established their homesteads. It is assumed that in duecourse these individuals will plant some trees.Fruit TreesA tour of the division with the DAO showed that some farmers in the study areagrow oranges extensively. However, none of those interviewed fall in this category.Observations made of the trees growing in the homesteads during RRA and the surveyshowed most homesteads to have a fruit tree or two of one kind or another, the mostcommon being mangoes and pawpaws of the unimproved variety. Other fruit trees foundin the division are guava, lemons, the jumbolan, Syzygium cuminii, and the durian, Duriozibethinus (Appendix 8). The latter has large fruits, the size of watermelon, with a strongpineapple-like smell.Many interviewees showed interest in planting more citrus although there areproblems facing the existing crop. Trees were seen to be infested with aphids and a hardscale that resulted in a sooty mould covering the leaves. However, the survey showed28This Indian tree is cored Arubaine (forty) in Swahili, meaning the one that cures forty diseases.9846% of the interviewees rating termites as the biggest problem preventing good treegrowth in the area; 23% said it was a combination of termites and inadequate rainfall,while 10% thought it was inadequate rainfall and poor soils. The author was often askedto provide suitable pesticides to protect planted trees against termites and whatrespondents referred to as enyende, probably nematodes. The respondents complained oflack of funds with which to purchase pesticides and distance to pesticide distributionpoints. To some extent the lack of adequate infrastructure discussed in Chapter 5 limitsthe farmers ability to plant and successfully manage their food and tree crops.Seedling SourceForty percent of household heads say they obtained their seedlings fromgovernment tree nurseries, 17% propagated their own seedlings, while 6% obtained themfrom nearby primary schools with tree nurseries. Other seedling sources include buyingor bringing them in from outside the division. Government nurseries therefore form thelargest source of seedlings in the area. This is not surprising as water is a problem in thisarea, preventing farmers from establishing on-farm nurseries. The only on-farm nurseryseen by the author during the course of the study belonged to a young boy who wasreceiving aid from the Nangina Family Helper Project. In addition, to its charitablework, the project also promoted tree planting among its aid recipients.From direct observations of the homestead gardens and the farming practices inFunyula Division in general, the author saw no evidence of organized agroforestryalthough 23% of respondents said they had planted their trees among crops. NumerousMarkhamia sp. which marked old homesteads are found growing with crops. TheMarkhamia sp. continue to coppice once they are cut. The stems are thinned and a fewleft to continue growing to provide poles. It is this thinned out Markhamia sp. andprunings that provided some of the fuelwood.99What has been discussed so far is the planting of trees in the homesteadcompound and lands. The discussion also included a brief overview of the farmingsystem which was also discussed in Chapter 5. The study population owns land on whichcrops and trees are raised. Nonetheless, the following part of the discussion willendeavor to show the type of land tenure system prevailing in the study area in relation tothe rest of the country.Tenure and Land Ownership PatternsAccording to Fortmann (1984), the success of any tree planting effort depends onhow secure land owners are with regard to their ownership category. In Kenya whereland sizes are often small, on farm tree planting competes with agriculture, the mainstayof the economy. Agricultural production in Kenya is predominantly based onsmallholder private farms. There are a few large scale private, cooperative and publicenterprises, all under different land tenure conditions.Land tenure is the right to hold and use the natural resources found in the landprofile. There are basically three types of land tenure in Kenya.1. Customary land tenure is an indigenous land holding system practiced by variousethnic groups prior to colonialism. Under this system land was held, owned or controlledby a family group, a clan, a chief or a group of elders. Ownership was communal,guaranteeing a secure source of fuelwood and other wood products to all inhabitants.There are a few communally owned pieces of lands which are now classified as Trustland and are administered by local authorities or the Commissioner of Lands on theirbehalf. Most such lands are in pastoral areas where nomadic tribes live.2. Freehold land is rent free land held by individuals with minimum restrictions on use.Free hold titles are granted to household heads. Most of the land in the study area falls in100this category, communal land having been consolidated, 29 registered and title given to amale household head. Such land is supposed to be inherited by one son. In practice,however, this does not happen as it would be at variance with tribal inheritance laws thatdictate that, upon the death of a father, each son gets his share of the family land.Consequently, there is a lot of land fragmentation with serious erosion of households'ability to supply fuelwood and other basic needs. The relationship between landfragmentation, fuelwood supply, and tree planting requires further study.3. Leasehold land is land subject to terms and conditions of a lease. Rent is paid by thelessee, usually to government. Once land is leased or adjudicated to freehold, it becomesprivate property subject to commercial transactions and speculation.To summarize, this chapter has examined the socioeconomic and socioculturalcharacteristics of the study population. A description of the demography, educationlevel, health and occupation of the respondents was also included. In addition, the typeof infrastructure and institutions found in the area are covered. Stress was laid on thoseaspects that influence tree planting and fuelwood provisioning. In addition, the variouscrops and trees planted in the farming system, and the homestead gardens, includingsources of tree seedlings, were discussed. Finally, because land tenure is important totree planting it was also described. In the forthcoming chapter, more results from thepilot study and a historical perspective of the study population is presented. A summaryof interviews with key informants, and various government officers involved in theconservation of natural resources, and environmental management, is also presented.29An individual's scattered plots of land were surveyed and he or she given one continuous  block fromcommunal lands or neighbouring pieces in exchange.101CHAPTER 7INTERVIEWS AND OBSERVATIONAL RESULTSThis chapter presents a history of the tribal group under study, highlightingthemes relevant to resource use and management. Traditional land and tree tenure arediscussed. Various beliefs about trees are discussed. The chapter also presents resultsfrom the Rapid Rural Appraisal (RRA) that was carried out using a modifiedcombinations of Chambers', (1985) and Conway's (1985) methods. The author talked toand interviewed several farmers, eleven knowledgeable informants, tool makers and suchgovernment officials as the agricultural officer, the forester and the chiefs. Onlysummaries of what they said are presented. However, interviews with governmentofficials and one representative from each of the population categories are edited ortranslated into English and presented in their original form, as far as possible.Historical PerspectiveHistorical information is of relevance to the present studies only in so far as it willthrow light on land and natural resource use by the inhabitants of the area. It should alsoestablish a basis for the comparison with the Abaluhya of Kakamega on whom there issome literature pertaining to fuelwood deficits and tree planting.The Study Group: The AbasamiaThe Abasamia belong to the Abaluhya tribe who themselves belong to theInterlacustrine cluster of the East African Bantu, occupants of Kenya's Western Province.Fire or wood burning is very important to the Abaluhya tribe and it features in many oftheir ceremonies. The tribal name is derived from the word ohkuyia which means to burn(Osogo 1966). Fire was the focal point of the Abaluhya, "people of the same hearth,"around which they sat to exchange news and pass on the tribal history. It was not only102used for cooking, food preservation and for protection from cold and wild animals but itwas also used in industry and for ceremonial purposes. Up to now, whenever a Muluhyadies a fire is immediately lit outside the deceased's hut and continues to burn until themandatory mourning days are over.The Abaluhya tribe consists of eighteen sub-tribes (Table 7.1) of which theAbasamia are one. Very little is known about the history and culture of the Abasamia ofFunyula Division. Their sketchy history gives a conflicting picture as far as woodresources are concerned. Apparently, from the time the Abasamia settled in the areabetween 1490-1733, they became "the most skilful and famous blacksmiths in westernKenya and parts of eastern Uganda" (Were 1967, p. 33). Were further contents that theinhabitants could practice smithing because "in this place they now had iron-ore, woodfor charcoal, plenty of fish, good grazing land and abundant food". The Abasamia livedin walled villages and only spread out when intertribal raids stopped, sometime at theturn of the century. According to eight of my eleven informants, there was very littlehistory of tree planting. The only trees planted were Euphorbia tirrucalli for fencinghomesteads. The trees provided poles for roofs of huts and wall posts. Grewiatrichocarpa (Ekhoma) provided wood for tool handles while Albizia grandibracteata(Omulongo), was used for firewood. To prevent gaps from developing in the overgrownfences of E. tirrucalli, a herb, Afronantum montana was planted along side the Euphorbiafences. Two of the respondents in this study said the widely planted Markhamia luteawas introduced into the area from neighbouring Nyanza Province; five did not know itsorigin while the rest of the informants thought the tree was indigenous to the area.It is not clear whether the Abasamia depleted their wood stocks or not, for in the1930's efforts were being made to increase tree cover in the area. In the words of onemedical officer working in the area at the time:103Table 7.1. Western Province's Abaluhya subtribes.DistrictBusia^Bungoma^Kakamega104SamiaNyalaHkayoMarachiBukusuTachoniWangaLogoliTirikiTsotsoNyoreNyalaNyangoriKabrasIdakhoIsukhaKisaMarama"the Deputy Director of Sanitary Services issued a directive that all MO's shouldencourage cultivation of fruit trees and that they should also plant trees around alldispensaries. . . . orange, lemon and gum trees were beginning to flourish at allthe dispensaries with one exception. In Sarnia, up near the Uganda border, I hadbeen quite unable to get any trees to grow."(Carman 1976 p 39)Carman goes on to explain that his efforts were doomed to fail as "the surroundingcountry was almost innocent of indigenous trees" (Carman p 39). At the time Carmanmade these observations near Nangina, the place was used for herding animals and musthave appeared bare. Today, with a much denser population than in 1930, the Samialandscape has several tree species, both self-regenerating and planted. By 1969 thegovernment was not just encouraging officers working in the area to plant trees but rather"the forest department was busy during the year with negotiations for the afforestation ofSamia Hills in Busia District" (MENR 1970). At the time the department wanted toreplace the indigenous vegetation on the hills with eucalyptus, cypress, and pines.However the people of the area effectively prevented the government from acquiringtheir hill lands. They set alight the areas, thereby, burning trees that the government hadplanted. Eventually, the government was forced to give up its move to acquire the land.Following this confrontation with the government, the inhabitants tend to be suspiciousof official representatives. For example, on one occasion I was asked by a concerned oldman whether I worked for the government, and whether it was about to take away theirhill land again. This suspicion is not surprising given their previous experience. Aninterview with one of the chiefs is typical of the experiences with such counterproductivegovernment directives.One of the Chiefs"People are really planting many trees. They are responding to governmentefforts. I have ordered each homestead to plant at least 50 trees each year."(Interview with one of the chiefs 14 June 1990). In order to respect theanonymity of the interviewees. No names will be used for interviewees.)105This particular chief seemed to be echoing the words of the North Kavirondo nativeCouncil 1941 Afforestation resolution that states:"that the head of every village in any location within the District of NorthKavirondo shall before the 30th June in any year plant 50 trees of such kind orkinds in such places and such a manner as the official headman under theinstructions of the District Commissioner North Kavirondo District shall directand shall keep such trees in a proper state of cultivation" (KNA 1941).A chief is a very powerful person in the rural areas. He represents governmentand his word is often law. He can invoke the chiefs act to enforce whatever he hasdecreed. It would not be unusual for a chief to order people to plant a certain number oftrees. The chief in turn is under pressure to show his commitment to tree planting. He issupposed to have a tree nursery in his location. There were none in the two locations ofSamia North and South.Powerful though a chief appears to be, he is generally harassed by the manypeople who compete for his time. He is a litigant in petty squabbles, organizes meetingsand receives visitors on official tours. He is also responsible for many governmentactivities and projects started at the locational level. It is thus difficult but notimpossible, for such a busy person to manage a tree nursery. 30 Moreover, chiefsnurseries are supposed to be run on Harambee 31 or voluntary, basis.The hills were utilized as communal lands where people grazed their stock,collected building materials, firewood, medicinal herbs and fruit. At the time of thisexchange with the forest department, land adjudication was taking place in FunyulaDivision. The hill areas were parcelled out to individuals, and hitherto communal land"While serving in government, a now retired assistant chief had run a thriving nursery, in Samia South,from which many residents obtained their seedlings. Since his retirement, however, the nursery is non-functional31Harambee means lets pull together. It is a rallying call for people to work together on or contributemoney for community based projects. Communities have their priorities for the type of project they wantto support, usually one they have started themselves. Chiefs' nurseries are not one of them as chiefs 106represent the state.passed into private hands. As in other parts of Kenya, only male household heads wereallocated land. In keeping with tradition, women used to be allocated fields to cultivatein order to raise crops to feed their families. This continues to be the practice althoughboth men and women are supposed to be equal under the Kenyan Constitution.In the past, huge trees, with a commercial value such as the Mvule, were ownedby whole clans. The cutting of the Mvule was integrated with canoe making for whichthis species was almost exclusively used. Even then, the price of a Mvule was highbecause it entailed the payment of a cow or two, the brewing of beer, and sharing of meaton the day the canoe was launched. Many of the customs and taboos observed among theAbaluhya of Kakamega also apply, with minor differences, to the people of Funyula.Individual ownership of trees is a new development which seems to have been reinforcedby the issuing of land titles.Female IntervieweeIt seems women viewed fuelwood procurement as a big problem as typified bythe following remarks by a young female interviewee:"The work I hate most is gathering firewood. My father thinks there is stillfirewood left in the hills behind our house. I tell you there is nothing. The onlything we find are those L. camara bushes. I hate gathering Lantana sp. It isprickly, does not dry easily even if you leave it in the sun for a long time. Whenit comes to using it for cooking its smoke will sting your eyes until you shedtears."personal interview with young girl, 3 July 1990.The above comment is not surprising as women are traditionally the main wood gatherersfor the family cooking which they carry out. They are in a better position to distinguishbetween different wood qualities that are important in cooking. They may select specieson the basis of their density, moisture content, non-sparking ability, type of smoke107produced and type of flavor imparted to different foods. This is something only thosewho use the wood most are likely to know.An interview with a lady from Namasali on July 25 1990 gives the problems inthis village faces."For us fuelwood is a chronic problem. I use acacia trees. I strip the bark to removethorns. I then leave the wood to dry for a few days. Once that is done the wood burnsquite well. Trouble comes during the wet season then I am sometimes forced to buywood from the market."Interview with Namasali woman, 25 July 1990.A lady teacher from Sagania village did not think there was much fuelwood problem.She even wondered why I was asking her about such a minor issue when the issuesfacing them were to do with the changed education system."Frankly I don't think we have much fuelwood problems. Not now and not in the nextfew years. If you had asked me about what government is doing to mess up oureducation system I would have been very pleased."Interview with a lady teacher 19 June 1990.What the women said depended on their village situation and to a certain degreethe work they did. This teacher was preoccupied with problems of her trade and althoughenlightened did not see fuelwood procurement as a problem. Being a full time teachershe had someone helping with the actual acquisition of fuelwood. She may have failed toappreciate the existing problems. However, Sagania is one of those villages whichappeared to have more wood sources than the rest. The lady teacher may have reflectedthe situation as it is in that village.A woman from Nangina village showed a different view. She expresseddifficulties in acquiring firewood. When asked why when her household owned part ofthe land on the hills her answer was108There is no fuelwood in those hills. It is finished from over harvesting by the school andthe Catholic Mission32 over the years. In addition we have no direct access to our ownlands. We are not allow us to pass through the school grounds. We have to take adetour.Female interviewee from Nangina village 21 June 1990The problems of Nangina are therefore a combination of factors. The inhabitantsare unable to go to their own lands on the hill because of the existence of the Missionlands in between the village and the hill area.Men, on the other hand, were more concerned with building poles and lamentedtheir scarcity. A typical answer from one of the men asked whether firewood was scarcewas as follows:"Firewood is not a problem; so long as we have all this bush around we shall continuehaving firewood. We do lack building poles though."Interview with a man from Sagania village, 25 June 1990.In one homestead at Sagania, husband and wife argued over the question of woodscarcity. The man insisted there was no scarcity, pointing at a pile of wood in the eavesof their hut. The woman scorned at what the man said and declared that the wood wasuseless as it was Lantana sp. It would take another two weeks to dry and be utilizable.Here the two parties are considering different aspects of the wood. The man only saw thequantity, while the woman was concerned with quality of the wood. From these varyingresponses and impressions, it was concluded that there was a gender difference inperception of the wood scarcity. It also seemed that there was a regional scarcity.It has been argued that where men own the land, women tree planters have verylittle say in the choice of species to be planted (Fortmann 1985). Men land owners wouldmake decisions on matters pertaining to land would favour the planting of trees that servetheir needs. The prevalence of Markhamia species on the homestead gardens seemed toconfirm this view. Markhamia sp. was mainly used for pole provisioning.10932Wood is used to cook school and hospital meals.The view of the government officers, obtained from interviews with the foresterand the agriculture officer is that there is no fuelwood scarcity in this area.Agriculture Officer"I don't see any problem with firewood. However, fencing posts and poles are aproblem. For example, none of the farmers practices tomato staking because itrequires a lot of sticks. I suppose they could get sticks from the hills but thesewould be of poor form. Labour would also limit them. Anyway people prefer touse the hills to produce charcoal. The hills are a big resource but they are notmanaged properly. They are periodically burnt to control ticks and tsetse fliesand also to stimulate new grass growth which ends up killing young treeseedlings. I am afraid the hills will soon be bare. The hills should be re-afforested with indigenous species. Owners of hills resist afforestation becausethey fear that government may take them over. They also have no capital orlabour for that type of work.Free range animals are another menace. They trample any seedlings thatare planted. If the hills are afforested, owners fear that grazing for their animalswill be reduced."Interview with DAO, 23 June 1990, Funyula Divisional Agriculture Office.The agriculture officer is obviously well informed about the problems facing thearea in terms of tree products and land use planning that had an impact on agriculturalproductivity.In contrast, the forest officer's work is hampered by less direct access to farmers.The following is a reproduction of the interview with him.The Forester's Remarks"This area is generally very harsh. I can understand why little is accomplished.You cannot blame the people. There is definitely no fuelwood problem. Peopleare planting trees. I think they are responding to our efforts. We have not visitedmany farmers because of lack of transport. We normally plant for thecommunity. We planted for Mr. A and Mr 0 [these happened to be veryinfluential people in the community]. Other people will not let us plant for them.They are very suspicious. We have made it known that we are available to help.' - te •_^e^ 11.-^.••^-:^•110in their plots. We exported a lot of seedlings to Bungoma District because theyhad overstayed in our nurseries."The Divisional Forester, personal interview 22 June 1990. DAO's office, Funyula.(The forester does not have an office).The forester has no assistants at the sublocational level and no office at which farmerscould reach him. His activities centered around the two government nurseries onoccasions when he was able to visit them. The nurseries also lack basic equipment andtools essential for good nursery management. For example, they have no tool stores,watering cans or root pruning equipment.It is thus not surprising that the questionnaire survey results (Chapter 8) show thatwhereas, all farmers interviewed had never been visited by a forest official, 30% saidthey had seen an agriculture officer. It may be concluded that, in spite of on going ruraland engaging in extension activities over the past two decades, the Forest Department hasyet to reach farmers of this area. In addition, the fact that trees stay in the nursery for along time indicates that farmers are either not visiting the nursery to take seedlings or theseedlings are not what the farmers want. Indeed, as the forester said the people are lessinterested in indigenous trees especially Markhamia sp. which they have in theirhomestead gardens. As will be seen later, other trees such as the Mvule are also nottaken by farmers but for different reasons.Beliefs about Trees and Tree PlantingThere is a belief that if you plant the Mvule you would die. Nine of myrespondents shared this belief. Only one informant dismissed it as rubbish. Moreover, hestated that, as a young man, he had planted Mvule in 1947. He had recently, been able tosell it for 5,000 Kenya shillings (Can $250). The second informant who did not believein Mvule causing harm was a retired religious instructor. Probably, Christianityinfluenced and changed this man's beliefs about Mvule.111On the question of cutting the sausage tree, Kigelia aethiopicum, there isdisagreement. Seven informants declared it was against the norm to cut this tree, withoutexplaining why. Two said they had once cut it, while the rest could not rememberwhether there were any norms or taboos governing the cutting of the species. Thesausage tree is one peculiar African tree with a lot of legend surrounding it. Its wood isof limited use. The Abaluhya and Luo of Kenya use the fruits of the Kigelia tree infuneral ceremonies. The Luos bury the foot and half long fruit if they fail to recover thedead body of a relative. The Abasamia are said to use the tree in burial ceremonies of awoman who dies childless. The Kikuyu and other tribes use Kigelia fruits to make anintoxicating brew called muratina (Leakey 1977). Because of the association of thesausage tree with funeral rites the Abasamia consider it unclean and not to be touched orused unnecessarily.Eight of the informants thought a woman should never plant the homestead fenceas that is a man's job. They explained that in a homestead it is the man who hasauthority, while the woman takes care of her household. Three respondents, among themthe religious man, do not subscribe to this belief. Asked whether only men should planttrees, three informants categorized the type of trees to be planted as fruit trees, andfences. They thought the rest of the trees, especially the indigenous species, were notanyone's business to interfere with, whether the person was man or woman, except amedicine man. Five informants did not see anything wrong with women planting trees ifthese do not include the homestead fence. The remaining six informants found nothingwrong with women planting trees. The question whether women could cut down treeswas met with surprise. The interviewer was expected to know the cutting down of treeswas a male task. However, this task allocation does not apply to small shrubs.Most of my informants think there has been a reduction in vegetation cover due toincreased population which had made people move over larger areas. No one was more 112aware of the disappearing vegetation and trees than one of the tool makers who had thisto say:"I am worried about my trade. I used to use Mvule and Albizia sp. to make thetraditional three legged stool. Now I have to use other species. Mvule is nolonger available while Albizia costs much money. The cost may range from 800- 1,000 Kenya shillings (Can $40 - 50). I use the Ficus natalensis to makemortars (ebinu). That tree is cheaper. It costs about 300 shillings (Can $15). Iam able to make twenty mortars from one tree. I don't make much money fromthis work. You see I have to pay someone to cut down the trees. There is verylittle for free nowadays, so I sell the unsuitable branches to charcoal makers."Interview with a traditional craftsman. 28 June 1990.In an interview with a charcoal maker given below, it became apparent thatpeople of the study area are aware of the complex interactions of their resources and theother spheres of life."I normally buy trees to make charcoal. I pay in kind. The land owner takes onethird of the charcoal I make. He then sells it. Business is not bad. You know,petroleum prices keep going up. That is good for me. People who used to useparaffin can no longer afford it. Anyway, it is not available right now. 33Business would be better if more charcoal did not come in from Uganda."Interview with a charcoal maker 20 July 1990.The charcoal maker demonstrated an awareness and understanding of the opportunitiesavailable to him due to the changing prices of petroleum products. What is played out onthe international scene will thus have an impact on this man's life and eventually that ofothers dependent on the environment he manipulates to harvest trees for charcoal.It is clear that the Abasamia did not have a culture of planting trees except for thehomestead fence which served a specific purpose. However, they utilized the natural treeresources in their environment and had developed beliefs and prohibitions which ensuredthat certain trees were used or avoided according to tradition. Historical data andinterviews with informants also suggested a gender difference in perception of fuelwood11333There are occasional periods of paraffin shortages. Consequently, some areas of the country do not gettheir regular supplies.scarcity. Furthermore, while government officers are aware of the macro-problemsfacing the inhabitants, their perception of the fuelwood situation is at variance with thatof the inhabitants. Government officers do not engage in fuelwood collection as theypurchased energy sources to cook their food. They all used charcoal. Data gathered bythese interviews and direct observations were not conclusive. The questionnaire surveywas designed to address these issues in greater detail.114CHAPTER 8RESULTS AND ANALYSIS OF FIELD DATAResults of the fuelwood consumption and questionnaire survey presented here arelinked to the major question on whether the people of the study area perceive fuelwoodas a problem and what strategies they are using to address the perceived problem. Theyalso address the five hypotheses.Fuelwood ConsumptionThe fuelwood consumption study was based on a data base of 100 records, 25records from each of the four villages under study. The raw data in respect of initialweights and weight recorded after one day's cooking were used to calculate fuelwoodconsumed per cooking unit per day, as well as per capita fuelwood consumption. Thedata were categorized into the two locations of Samia North and South and a t-test wascalculated to test the significance of the mean differences between the two locations. Thestatistical analysis was carried out using Statistical Analysis Systems (SAS Institute,1985). Table 8.1 gives results of the t-test analysis. Mean firewood consumed in SamiaNorth and Samia South was not significantly different (t = 1.98; p = 0.06). Hypothesis lais therefore accepted.Differences in Village ConsumptionAnalysis of variance (ANOVA) was carried out on mean consumption offuelwood (kg/capita/day) for the four villages (Table 8.2). This procedure showed thatthere was a difference in the mean fuelwood consumption per person per day among thefour villages.Hypothesis lb (that there is no difference in fuelwood consumption between thehouseholds in the four villages under study) is therefore rejected. Results indicate that there is a basis for believing that fuelwood consumption in the four villages differs.115Table 8.1. Comparison of Fuelwood Consumption in kg/capita/day in householdsin Samia North and South Locations (t test (LSD) for variable consumption).Location^N^Mean^SDSamia North 50 2.29 0.68Samia South 50 2.03 0.50Critical Value oft = 1.98P = 0.06116Table 8.2. Comparison of Fuelwood Consumption (kg/capita/day) in four villagesANOVA.Source^DF^SS^MS^F Value^Pr > FModel^3^6.57^2.19^5.47^0.002Error 96^0.40Total^99^45Tukey's Studentized Range (HSD) Test For Variable: ConsumptionVillage^Mean^N^SDNangina ' 2.35a^25^0.00Kadimbworo^2.34a 25Sagania 2.22a^25Namasali^1.73b 25117Means not followed by the same letter are significantly different P < 0.05.Effect of Cooking Unit Size on Wood ConsumptionData was also categorized into household size or size of cooking units i.e., thenumber of persons for whom meals were prepared on the day of the survey. Theseranged between two and twelve people. Two to four persons were put in the category"small," five to seven in "medium" and more than eight people were deemed to belong tolarge households. This categorization was arbitrary but reflected acceptable norms forsmall, medium and large households in Kenya. The average fuelwood used inkg/person/day from these categories was calculated and the mean fuelwood consumedcompared using Tukey's Studentized range test. The three means of fuelwood consumedper person per day for small, medium and large households differed (Table 8.3).National and Global Data ComparisonThe present study shows fuelwood consumption in Funyula Division to be 1.5-2.9kg/cap/day. This figure is higher than the one reported by Ellis et al. (1984) for theTurkana of Kenya (0.6-1.8 kg/person/day). But the Turkana are a pastoral tribe whosediet consists mainly of blood and milk that need little cooking. The highland Samburu,another pastoral tribe, used 3.7 kg/person/day. These figures were based on a study ofonly three households (Perlov 1984). It is hard to imagine how three households couldbe representative of the Samburu. Nevertheless, the high fuelwood use, in this highlandpastoral tribe, is explained by the fact that the Samburu need to warm their houses atnight. Hosier (1984) gives a national average household consumption rate of 4354.7kg/annum. The size of the household on which these figures are based is, however, notgiven. If the national average of 5 persons per household is used, Hosier's figure worksout to 2.4 kg/person/day. This is slightly higher than the average for the four villages(2.2 kg/cap/day).The extent of fuelwood consumption can not be precisely measured as the valuesdepend on many variables such as household size, type of food, amount cooked, species118Table 8.3. ANOVA of fuelwood consumption (kg/capita/day) in three different sizedhouseholds.Source DF SS MS F Value Pr > FModelErrorTotal2979914.7231.7146.427.360.3322.51 0.0001Tukey's Studentized Range (HSD) Test for variable ConsumptionHousehold size Mean NSmall (2 - 4) 2.73a 26Medium (5 - 8) 2.11b 52Large (9 - 12) 1.64c 22Means followed by different letters are significantly different at P < 0.05.Critical Value oft = 3.37119of tree used, and condition of the wood. On the whole, the values reported here comparefavorably with those from studies in other parts of the world. For example, rural tribalcommunities in the Himalayas use 1.5 kg/person/day (Pandey and Singh 1984), whilevillages in South-east Asia use 1.7-2.5 kg/cap/day (Wijesinghe 1984). More recently,Maikhuri (1990) has reported consumption rates of between 4.9 to 10.4 kg/cap/day forthe tribal communities of North East India. Maikhuri (1990) explains the high ratesrecorded in his study as being caused by the readily available forests and the extra uses towhich firewood is put. These uses include all-night fires to warm the huts and to chaseaway elephants and other wildlife.A regression analysis of the data (Fig. 8.1) shows that the lowest amount of woodneeded by two people is 5 kilograms. Thereafter there is an increase of 1.2 kilograms ofwood per cooking unit for every additional person. The larger the household the morewood is used per cooking unit. On a per capita basis, less wood is used in suchhouseholds. Maikhuri's study (1990) shows that wood consumption varies with seasonand festivals. In the present study seasonality or effect of ceremonial consumptions werenot investigated. Since air temperatures in the study area remain relatively high (21 °C)throughout the year, it was not envisaged that fuelwood consumption would vary greatlyfrom season to season. Fuelwood needs during marriage or funeral ceremonies are boundto be high. In Chapter 6 and 7 reference was made to funeral fires whose woodprocurement involved men. Indeed, a few respondents remarked on the extra fuelwoodrequired during funerals. Wood was required to cook for mourners and it was alsorequired for the ceremonial funeral fire made outside the hut of the deceased and keptburning for several days until another ceremony is performed. Wood for villageindustries can also be considerable, but industrial use of fuelwood was not investigated inthese studies. Local beer brewing was a sensitive issue since it is illegal. Brewing iswidespread and must have contributed to household wood consumption. 120.2'.^ 4a3Tu 6 -zLL-3 16c."" 140...=>.M0)20182Consumption = 5.009 + 1.175 x persons/cooking unit2^4^6^8^10Persons per Cooking Unitr = 0.99, df = 112Fig. 8.1^Regression graph showing fuelwood consumption in different sizedhouseholds in Funyula Division121The present study shows similar trends to those of Cline-Cole et al. (1990) andMaikhuri (1990) in that smaller households use larger quantities of firewood per personthan bigger households (Table 8.3). The bigger households are therefore more efficientin their use of the resource than smaller ones. Fuelwood consumption depends on severalother factors besides household size. It will depend on amount and type of food cooked,frequency of cooking and fuel-saving strategies employed during cooking. In Kenya,Hosier (1984 p 54) recorded that "households consuming a maize and beans diet use, onaverage 1400 kilograms more wood per annum than households consuming ugali34 basedmeals". In the present study area, most of the people rely on a diet of ugali. This fact,coupled by warm weather, may account for the lower than the national average fuelwoodconsumption estimated by Hosier (1984).Fuelwood consumption figures may also form a basis for comparison with what isremoved for pulping and other industrial uses. In addition, they are useful in helping todetermine to what extent a community is depleting its wood resources. Fuelwoodconsumption studies are also contributing to the provision of more accurate countrystatistics on total wood consumptions. In the past, these figures depended on commercialwood sales by Forest Departments or industries. In this respect, the present study is afurther contribution to the growing body of knowledge on village fuelwood consumption.The study has also achieved one of its stated aims i.e., to show areas of fuelwood scarcityin Funyula Division.34Kenya's staple dish consisting of a stiff porridge made out of corn meal and eaten with meat, fish or avegetable relish. In the study area, ugali is made out of sorghum mixed with cassava flour.122Species ConsumptionThe wood species recorded in the bundles were ranked as to frequency ofoccurrence, (Table 8.4). The values of the frequency of occurrence of a particular woodspecies in each village were added up to give a cumulative frequency which indicated themost frequently harvested species for fuelwood use. A better measure should haveinvolved separating of different species in the bundle and having them weighed, aprocedure which the time constraints of the study did not allow.Lantana camara headed the list of most frequently collected species, followedclosely by Markhamia sp. The most disliked species on the list of those being utilized bythe four villages was L. camara. The general complaint was that it is rough to the hands,does not dry quickly and produces unpleasant smoke (See female interviewee, Chapter 7p. 107). Nonetheless, this species appears to be the most abundant in the fuelwoodbundles (Table 8.4). This use of a non favoured species may indicate a form of scarcity.Those using Acacia spp. complained of their long spines which made it difficult tohandle. Green branches or whole trees had to be felled and then stripped of the bark andspines before they could be dried and used. But acacia was alleged to take a short time todry and burned with intense heat. From the intensity with which it burnt, acacia is farsuperior to other species, according to Namasali users. The indigenous tree species thatforms the village's main wood sources is Acacia seyal, which is thorny and generallydisliked by wood collectors. The overall frequency of occurrence of planted species(47%) in fuelwood bundles gathered by women (Table 8.4) is an indication of theimportance of cultivated trees as a source of fuelwood.The next most commonly used species is Markhamia lutea. M. lutea is plantedfor homestead demarcation and in the home gardens where it is an important source offuelwood. However, the fact that fuelwood is occasionally obtained from places as faraway as four kilometers, and even purchased, indicates the existence of a deficit in the123home gardens.Table 8.4. Frequency of occurrence of different wood species in the four villages.Village NamasaliFrequency of species in bundlesKadimbworo^Nangina^Sagania Cum/freq.Acacia sp. 14 0 0 0 14Markhamia 12 3 10 4 29Cassava stalks 5 1 2 3 11Lantana 2 9 11 14 36Melia sp. 0 5 0 0 5Cassia siamea 2 3 1 2 8Cassia spectabilis 0 0 0 3 3Albizia sp. 1 2 3 5 11Mixed Indigenous spp. 3 7 5 6 21124Source: Field Data.Although the study did not cover the wettest season (March to May), it is thoughtthat the purchasing of firewood from the market is as a result of the difficulties of dryingAcacia spp. at this time of the year (interview with Namasali woman Chapter 7). Thisresearch did not extend to finding out household incomes, a difficult enough undertakingin rural Africa. However, it is thought that the people of Namasali find it attractive topurchase firewood because of having more money from fishing.Cassava sticks were used to kindle fire and also as a stop gap fuel before otherwood was gathered. Cassava was less favoured because it is very light and burns veryquickly. Using this species means tending the fire continuously, a most inconvenientprocess. Cooking was the most common activity consuming fuelwood in each cookingunit. Most respondents indicated that food cooked on the day of the survey was porridgefor breakfast which was eaten at about 11 or 12 o'clock, after the day's garden work hadbeen done. This was followed by a late lunch of ugali and either fish, meat or vegetablesource at 2 or 3 o'clock in the afternoon. Others indicated that the porridge or tea hadbeen eaten with a dish of maize and beans, boiled sweet potatoes or cassava whichsufficed as a lunch. Dinner was a repeat of the lunch menu. Boiling water for bathingalso accounted for some wood use. However, this was confined to units with very youngchildren who needed to be bathed at home. Most adults and children went to streams orthe lake to bathe. None of the survey units or interviewee households were observed toboil drinking water. It was not ascertained whether this was due to ignorance of theconsequences of drinking untreated water or whether it was due to fuelwood scarcity.Several factors may be at play in this matter including difficulties of acquiring additionalwood resources for this task.To recap, the hypotheses tested were that there is no inter-locational and inter-village wood consumption differences. The present study shows a difference in inter-village consumption but fails to show one between the locations.125Survey DataFrom the four villages surveyed, a data base of 122 records was obtained. Eachof the three villages, Namasali, Kadimbworo and Nangina supplied thirty while Saganiasupplied thirty-two records. The analysis in the following discussion is based on these122 records using Statistical Packages for Social Science (SPSS/PC).General Perception of Fuelwood ScarcityNine items were used to measure perception of fuelwood scarcity (Table 8.5).These centered on whether the respondents perceived present or future fuelwoodshortages; whether they used dung or crop residues and whether they required permissionin order to collect firewood from neighbors plots (Appendix 6). Other questions queriedthe distance covered to gather fuelwood; whether firewood was sold or if respondentswere willing to purchase it; whether households produced any charcoal, planted any treesfor firewood or were willing to plant for it.To the question "Would you say there was a present fuelwood shortage?" amajority of the respondents (65.6%) thought it was already there. A great majority of therespondents (89.3%) could foresee a shortage in the next five years. The questionnaireresults contrasted with the interview results with government officers who did notperceive the existence of a fuelwood problem in the area. Apart from the chiefs, othergovernment officers were from elsewhere in the country. They did not own land in thisarea from which to gather fuelwood; they used charcoal or paraffin for cooking. Inaddition, being full time employees, they did not have the time to go gathering fuelwood.This may be the reason for their lark of perception of the problem. Results from RRAalso show that informants were also not agreed on the question of fuelwood scarcity. Butthe survey results shows that 65% of the respondents thought that there was a presentfuelwood scarcity - one not yet recognized by officials working in the area.126Table 8.5. Frequency of responses to items testing perception of fuelwood scarcity inthe four villages.Item^Saganian = 32Nanginan = 30Kadibworon = 30Namasalin = 30Totaln = 122Percentof TotalThose who perceivedpresent wood shortage^18 13 21 28 80 65.6Those who perceived futurefirewood shortage^26 25 29 28 109 89.3Those using dung^16 26 20 14 4 3.3Those using crop residues^14 10 18 24 66 54.1Those who sold firewood^5 8 3 2 18 14.8Those willing to buy firewood9 2 12 23 46 37.0Those who made charcoal^12 13 5 2 32 26.2Those requiring permission tocollect wood^21 24 29 14 88 72.1Those willing to plantfor firewood^18 15 25 22 80 65.6127Logically, it might be expected that trees would be planted to lessen thisperceived shortage, but this was not the case. Only 3.3% of the surveyed householdsplanted for fuelwood provisioning. This paradox is what has caused many rural treeplanting projects to fail because they were based on the logic that once people havefuelwood shortages they will respond by planting trees to alleviate the problem.Willingness to Plant for FuelwoodAlthough there was a high rate of positive responses on willingness to plant forfuelwood (65.6%), few household planted for this purpose. This showed a contradictionof some sorts in view of the fact that 65.6% of respondents thought there was already afuelwood shortage. However, it was consistent with what rural development workers hadfound, that rural people's tree planting priorities are not for fuelwood. Trees are plantedfor a multitude of products and fuelwood is usually a byproduct of this activity (Munslow1989; Kerkhof 1990; Foley and Barnard 1984). Therefore, the people of Funyula aretypical of rural folk who plant trees for many different purposes but not primarily forfuelwood.The other indicator of fuelwood scarcity was the degree to which people neededpermission in order to gather the resource from neighbours' lands. The proportion ofrespondents that said they needed permission from neighbours before collecting anyfirewood was 72.1%. When probed further it transpired that they actually neededpermission to collect large sized pieces of wood. Twigs and small branches could still becollected freely from most people's fallow lands. It was clear that most people objectedto the gathering of firewood that involved the felling of trees using tools such as pangas35and axes. Collection of twigs and branches in near virgin land was tolerated. However,fuelwood collection from newly abandoned fields was not condoned. Brokensha andRiley (1978), Barnes (1984), and Riley and Brokensha (1988) had noted this trend ofLong, flat, sharp knife use or digging and cutting large things such as wood, bones etc.128denying neighbours access to one's lands for fuelwood collection to be a result of landadjudication. This seemed to be the case in Funyula too where free access to fuelwoodon other people's lands was becoming difficult. The interview with the agriculture officerdescribed in Chapter 7 reinforces this view.Dung UseOnly (3.3%) of the households interviewed used dung for fuel. Respondentssaying their households used dung included three old men and a young lady. The oldmen explained that they burnt dung in their kraals (cattle enclosures) because that waswhat their forefathers before them had done. The young lady had seen dung being usedin a documentary (where the dung was mixed with charcoal). Not understanding thelanguage of the documentary she had copied what she had seen thinking it was a goodthing to do. In this community dung use was not a good measure of fuelwood scarcity inthis community.Distances to Collection PointsThe distance recorded in the questionnaire ranged from zero for those collectingon their own homesteads and one to seven kilometers for those collecting away from thehomesteads. In the analysis, zero and one kilometer distances were pooled and recordedas "Near," while distances greater than one kilometer were deemed to be "Far". Thegreatest distance that fuelwood collectors could actually have covered, (as estimated frommaps) is four kilometers. Respondents gave a maximum distance of seven kilometers.Those who perceived their fuelwood problems as great gave a higher figure for thedistances travelled than those who did not have much difficulty in gathering fuelwood.This particular result shows the importance of actually measuring the distances travelledto collection points. Distances recorded from the surveys alone may have beenpsychological distances that reflect the degree of difficulties the respondents experienced in getting fuelwood. It could also reflect incorrect distance judgment. Literature on129fuelwood is replete with anecdotal distances travelled and time taken by women infuelwood gathering (Agarwal 1986). It is necessary to authenticate such distances byactual measuring of distances covered either from maps or from other means.Charcoal MakingThe making of charcoal and selling of wood were used to indicate a degree ofabundance of the resource. The assumption was that only those with surplus treeresources above their own subsistence requirements would manufacture charcoal or sellfirewood. Of all the respondents, 26.2% had engaged in charcoal making. It is suspectedthat respondents did not answer truthfully to this item because charcoal making isdiscouraged by the authorities.Only 14.8% of the households had ever sold firewood. When the question was onwhether the respondents had ever seen a friend or neighbour sell firewood, the percentagepositive responses went up to 60.7. The same firewood vendor may have been known toseveral respondents as rural folks in small communities tend to know what theirneighbours are doing. To some extent, charcoal making and firewood selling are not yetwidespread practices and may only be important in specific villages such as Sagania.Tree Planting ActivitiesThe study population has its own tree planting priorities which do not includefuelwood. The primary reason for planting trees was to provide building poles andhomestead demarcation. This is also true in the Embu, Meru and Isiolo (EMI) (Shepherd1989) and Kakamega Districts of Kenya (van Gelder and Kerkhof 1984; Bradley 1988).In Kakamega, trees are treated as a cash crop, thereby, creating a fuelwood scarcity in themidst of relatively sufficient wood stocks (Bradley et al. 1984). In Kisii Barnes hadobserved that trees were planted for boundary marking. She attributed the increased treeplanting in this area to be due to land privatization. This phenomenon was not observed in this study. Most tree planting is still confined to the homestead.130The second important reason for planting trees was to provide fruit forconsumption and also for sale. The number of exotic fruit trees (Appendix 8) adoptedand grown by the villagers without any technological inputs from the agriculture or forestdepartment attests to rural peoples' adaptability and insights into resource usefulness. Forexample, the durian was planted and marketed by a few people, bringing them somemoney to supplement their income. 36 The species in this genus are suitable for dry areasand could provide additional food to the inhabitants if more information on them isprovided by government workers and other extension agents. The conclusion drawnfrom the above results is that the people of Funyula plant trees to satisfy two basic needs,the need for shelter and food. In addition they also plant trees for cash, since they sellsome of the fruit. They also recognize the need for fuelwood although it is not theirpriority for planting trees.Agroforestry PracticesResults of tree planting practices are interesting in clarifying the extent ofagroforestry practices in the area. It has been stated that there is widespread agroforestrypractice in Western Kenya (Getahun and Reshid 1988). In this study, no hedge row orfodder planting was observed. The intensive homegardens found in Kakamega are alsomissing. There is a need for more purposeful and organized agroforestry in FunyulaDivision.Fuelwood Scarcity: Zonal DifferencesThe survey results confirmed information gathered from the environmentalanalysis. More respondents in the two southern villages than in the north view fuelwoodas a problem. As illustrated in Figure 4.1, the two villages in the north are near fuelwoodsources, that is, the hills and streamsides. However, these sources are in privately held360ne fanner said he sold each durian fruit for K Sh 15; the tree could bear up to 50 fruits in a good year,although 15-20 was the usual.131lands and thus, depend on the willingness of neighbors to share them. But as the surveyshowed, more than 80% of respondents required permission to collect firewood fromneighbours' lands. Therefore, in order to be self-sufficient in fuelwood needs, a familyshould either have or produce enough wood on its own lands.Namasali is the village that differs in fuelwood consumption from the other three(Table 8.2). From the sociocultural analysis in Chapter 6, the population of the studyvillages is relatively homogeneous in terms of lifestyles, staple foods, and demography.The observed differences in village fuelwood consumption could be explained as arisingfrom the different micro-environment of the study villages as seen in the biophysicalanalysis of the villages (Chapter 5). Namasali village has limited wood resources as a bigpart of it is taken up by non-woody, swamp vegetation (Figures 4.5 and 4.6). There isalso the problem of policy induced scarcity which has resulted in permission to collectwood from neighbour's lands being denied. The distances to former communal hill sitesis also bigger.Kadimbworo, an intermediate village, depends on homestead gardens, fallow,and roadside lands for its fuelwood supplies. In conformity with the rest of the villages,Kadimbworo also suffers from a policy-induced scarcity. This village recorded thehighest frequency of planted species in its firewood bundles and the lowest use ofindigenous species (Table 8.4). The village has insufficient near-at-hand sources ofwater, making on-farm seedling production, from which trees could be established, anunlikely proposition.In addition to other scarcity related problems, the inhabitants of Nangina have theCatholic Mission between their village and their hill lands. This forms a barrier whichvillagers have to detour in order to reach the hill areas, thus putting them under a scarcitysituation.Sagania is the most interesting of the four villages in that it has a variety of lands ranging from stream level to the hill tops and still relies on indigenous vegetation for its132fuelwood requirements. Sources of fuelwood are homestead gardens, fallow lands,riparian, road and hillside vegetation. But it is here and in Nangina that resident charcoalmakers were found (Table 6.5). They cut whole tree to make charcoal. This activity isdetrimental to the environment and increases the normal erosion process from the hillscreating a problem downslope among other residents. Land privatization which hasgiven ownership of hill lands to individuals is therefor not helping to preserve the hillvegetation. It could be argued that the same fate would face the land under the oldcommunal land ownership system if the tribal leader was not strong enough to enforcetribal rules governing use of communal resources.It is difficult for individual land owners of hill properties to plant trees orrehabilitate denuded hill areas. This difficulty is a result of lack of the financial, labourand other resources necessary for hill conservation. In addition, because many farmerslive at subsistence level, they may fail to see the value or importance of hill conservation.From the interview with the forest officer, Chapter 7, it was learned that the ForestDepartment was willing to help farmers plant trees for hill conservation. However, fewof the farmers knew of the existence of this opportunity, nor did they like it as they werestill suspicious of the forest officials' intentions. These suspicions arose fromconfrontations with the government officers at the time of land adjudication. These fearsmay partially explain failure of government efforts in matters pertaining to land which isregarded by many rural communities as very sensitive.An alternative to privatization, for example, community management, shouldhave been considered by policy makers, before the hill lands were allocated toindividuals. The author believes that an opportunity to bring about maximum good in thecommunity has been lost by the privatization policy. This community lost its traditionaldry season grazing lands, fuelwood sources and sources of medicinal and other minorbush products. Farmers downhill now face runoff and soil erosion from sources over which they have no control. This Kenyan example should make other communities who133still have communal lands consider more carefully the environmental implications of anyland policies.As was observed by the agricultural officer (Chapter 7), the hills are valued assources of wood for making charcoal, building materials in the form of grass, poles, andstone. In addition, they are valued for the dry season fodder they provide to free rangelivestock. Recognizing these intrinsic values, the owners of hill lands are reluctant toshare their resources with the rest of the community. But they are also not in a positionto reclaim the land after denuding it through, quarrying, livestock herding and treeharvesting for charcoal. Charcoal making has adverse environmental consequencesbecause whole trees are harvested and converted to charcoal in inefficient open kilns.Similar environmental problems posed by charcoal making are observed by Riley andBrokensha (1988) in Mbere area of Kenya. These authors predict an increase in charcoalmaking in marginal lands in order to satisfy fuelwood needs of urban centers. In thepresent study area, the poor public communication and the low esteem with whichcharcoal making is regarded, have prevented an accelerated onslaught of the hills. Thismay soon change since petroleum prices keep going up causing many urban dwellers toincrease their use of fuelwood energy and thus transforming charcoal making into alucrative business. Changes in the global fuel oil prices that may affect local fuelwoodconsumption are not lost on the rural entrepreneurs as evidenced from the interview withthe charcoal maker Chapter 7. These commercial interests may spoil local landscapes .and contribute to the degradation of the national environment.Locational DifferencesResults from respondents in the north and southern villages were also comparedin order to prove or disprove hypothesis 2 (Chapter 3) that there was no difference inperception of fuelwood scarcity between households in Samia North and South. Therespondents were categorized into locations; that is answers from respondents in Sagania134and Nangina in Samia North were compared to those of respondents from Namasali andKadimbworo in the South (Table 8.6). More respondents from the south than northindicated that there was a present fuelwood shortage. This difference was significant atthe 5% level (X 2 = 12.5; p = 0.0005). Based on this item there is a difference inperception of fuelwood scarcity between households in the two villages from north andthe ones from the south. When the question was about future firewood scarcity, againmore respondents from the south than the north responded positively (Table 8.6). Againthe difference between the north and south was significant at the 5% level using the chi-square test (X2 = 5.2; p = 0.0223).When distance to fuelwood collection was used as an indicator of scarcity, amajority of the respondents from the south (23.9% more than those from the north)indicated that the households they represented collected firewood from distant places.It should be noted that dung use was insignificant in both regions. However, cropresidue use in the north and south differed by 31.3% points. More respondents in thesouth than north used crop residues for cooking. This difference is statisticallysignificant (X 2 = 10.8; p = 0.001). In addition to other items used as measures offuelwood scarcity, the differential use of crop residues strengthens the argument thatthere could be a difference in perception of fuelwood scarcity between the northern andsouthern villagers.More respondents in the north than south were from households which had soldfirewood (Table 8.6). Although the difference was not significant it tended to reinforcethe foregoing result that fuelwood was more scarce in the south than north. Morerespondents in the south (58%) than north (18%) were willing to buy firewood. Thedifference was significant (X 2 = 19.7; p = 0.0001). In retrospect, there should have beena question on whether firewood was purchased. Most of the respondents in Namasalivillage who said they were willing to buy firewood, qualified their answers by stating 135Table 8.6. Response differences between Samia North and South on items testingperception of fuelwood scarcity (n = 122).Item North South % Diff.(N-S)X2 P-valuePerceived present wood shortage 50.0 81.7 -31.6 12.5 .00048*Perceived future firewood shortage 82.3 96.7 -14.4 5.2 .02230*Distance to fuelwood 19.4 43.3 -23.9 7.09 .00003*Those using dung 3.2 3.2 0 0.00 1.0000Those using crop residues 38.7 70.0 -31.3 10.8 .00102*Those who sold firewood 21.0 8.3 12.3 2.9 .08691Those willing to buy firewood 17.7 58.3 -30.6 19.7 .00001*Those who made charcoal 40.3 11.7 28.6 11.5 .00070*Require permission to collect wood 72.6 71.7 0.9 0.00 1.0000Those willing to plant for firewood 53.2 78.3 25.1 7.4 .00638*Those planting for firewood 3.3 3.5 -0.2 0.00 .21550*Indicates statistical significance at the 5% level, Chi -square test.136that they actually bought it during the rainy season. None of the respondents in the northbought any wood. The buying of wood indicates a wood scarcity situation.Village DifferencesResults presented in Table 8.5 tend to show that there is a difference in perceivedfuelwood scarcity between the northern villages and the southern villages thusconfirming Hypothesis 2. But it should be remembered that the fuelwood consumptionstudies failed to show any difference in resource use in the two locations of Samia Northand Samia South. There was also disagreement on this matter during the pilot study.Differential Activities About Tree PlantingThree items were used to show the extent to which tree planting activities differedbetween the four villages and the two regions of Samia North and South (Table 8.7 and8.8). The villages show a difference on two items, the raising of seedlings and thevisiting of tree nurseries. When the villages are grouped into regions, there is still adifference on these two items. For example, a majority of the household respondents inboth the northern villages (53.2%) and the southern villages (51.7%) had planted sometrees. However, more respondents in the north (48%) than in the south (19%) had raisedtheir own tree seedlings. In addition, more respondents in the north (48%) than south(20%) had visited a forest tree nursery. When responses from individual villages arecompared (Table 8.8), these differences (i.e., the number of respondents visiting treenurseries and those who had raised tree seedlings), is still apparent. This is not surprisingas the two government nurseries in Funyula Division are both located in the north. Theraising of their own tree seedlings in the north may be due to greater water availability.The two northern villages have streams running through them, while only one of thevillages in the south is near a significant water resource which nonetheless is far fromhabitation points. 137Table 8.7. Response differences between Samia North and South on items testingdegree of tree planting activities (n = 122).Item^North^South^% Diff.^X2^P-value(N - S)Planted any trees 53.2 51.7 1.5 0.00 1.00000Raised any seedlings 48.4 18.7 29.7 11.03 .00090*Visited forest nursery 48.4 20.0 28.4 9.66 .00188**Indicates statistical significance at the 5% level, Chi-square test.Table 8.8. Frequency of responses to items testing degree of tree planting activities inthe four villages.Total^PercentItem^Sagania Nangina Kadimbworo Namasali Frequency of TotalPlanted any trees 16 17 13 18 64 .58Raised any seedlings 13 17 7 4 41 .0016*Visited forest nursery 16 14 10 2 42 .00037*138Locational Differences in Tree PlantingThere is a marked difference between the south and north in number of visits totree nurseries; this is attributable to the absence of government tree nurseries in the south.KENGO-supported groups had the only organized tree nurseries in Samia South. Thus,the NGOs have managed to penetrate areas where government services are lacking. Atthe time of this study, however, there were no active KENGO or any other NGOnurseries in or near the villages surveyed.Gender Perception of Fuelwood ScarcitiesTo test Hypothesis 3, that there is a gender difference in tree planting andresource use, data from the questionnaire was categorized by gender and responsedifferences compared (Table 8.9).Slightly more women (68%) than men (64%) thought there is a current fuelwoodshortage. However, more men (91%) than women (88%) could foresee a future shortage.Slightly more men (68%), than women (63%) expressed willingness to plant forfuelwood, whereas more women (42%) than men (33%) were willing to purchase it.Nonetheless, the results are not statistically significant. In other words, there is nodifference in perception of fuelwood scarcity between men and women (Hypothesis 3).Indeed, as already elucidated, in general, a high percentage of respondents agreed thatthere was a present and future fuelwood scarcity. This contrasts with the results obtainedfrom the pilot survey where the impression created from the men and women interviewedwas that there was a gender difference in perception of fuelwood scarcity. However, thepicture changes when it comes to tree planting (Table 8.10).In these studies women made up 97.5% of the firewood gatherers. Ki-Zerbo(1980), Williams (1983), Ceceliski (1987) and Sousan (1991) note that as the fuelwood139Table 8.9. Response differences between genders on items testing perception offuelwood scarcity (percent agreeing) (n = 122).Item Male63Female59% Diff.(M-N)X2 P-ValuePerceived present wood shortage 63.5 67.8 -4.3 .10 .75700Perceived future wood shortage 90.5 88.1 2.4 .02 .90042Those willing to plant for fuelwood 68.2 62.7 5.5 .21 .65041Those willing to buy wood 33.3 42.4 9.1 .71 .39944140*Indicates statistical significance at the 5% level; Chi-square test.becomes scarce, especially where distances to source necessitate use of animals or cartsto carry the wood or where wood is an item of commerce, men may engage in itsacquisition. This phenomenon was not observed in the present studies. In Namasali, theonly village in the study in which firewood is on sale, both vendors and buyers arewomen. This does not mean that there is no fuelwood problem in this village. As thesociocultural analysis shows, in Funyula Division, neither beasts of burden nor carts areused to transport goods. Therefore, the question of using them does not arise. Travelwithin the division, to take produce to market, is still on foot or by bicycle. The womenfirewood vendors and buyers balanced firewood bundles on their heads to and from themarkets.The questionnaire survey also shows that both men and women view fuelwood asscarce. This contradicts results from the Rapid Rural Appraisal techniques whichshowed that more women than men perceive fuelwood as scarce. The surveyquestionnaire, with its answer options of "Yes" or "No" may have been restrictive and didnot elicit as much information from respondents as was desirable. For example, menresented being questioned on fuelwood which they felt was not their domain. Since thiswas a comparative study, both genders had to be asked the same questions. It is not clearto what extent this resentment by men may have influenced the answers given. Treeplanting for fuelwood provisioning has been encouraged by the forest department.Perhaps men agreed that there was a present fuelwood scarcity because they did not wantto appear to be ignorant of national concerns.Gender and Tree PlantingIt should be recalled that the basis of the gender hypothesis is the observation thatwomen of Western Kenya are prevented from planting trees in order not to lay claim toland holdings (Chavangi 1984). During the course of this study a question was asked onwhether women should plant trees. Over 80% of the respondents answered positively.141This means that there is no basis for thinking women are prevented from planting trees.In general, they could plant trees, but in practice, they are not planting to the same extentas do men. For example, Table 8.10 shows that more men (93%) than women (62%)household heads of the study population had planted some trees. More men (69%) thanwomen (41%) had planted trees in the past two years. Again more men (48%) thanwomen (19%) had raised tree seedlings, and more men (51%) than women (17%) hadvisited a tree nursery. These results are statistically significant indicating that there is agender difference in tree planting activities (Hypothesis 4).The importance of this result does not lie in the fact that more men than womenare planting trees, but rather that women are involved in any tree planting at all. It wouldseem that whatever prohibitions that prevented women from planting trees in the past areslowly breaking down. Some of the factors contributing to this breakdown in the socialfabric of the tribe may be religion, education and general modernizing influences. Thereligion of the respondents is mainly Christian, making the sample populationhomogeneous for this variable.The fewer women visiting tree nurseries is to be expected because it is men whoown bicycles, the major means of transport in the area. Men also have more time toengage in such visits than women. Respondents who did not approve of women plantingtrees had no good reasons for this disapproval. They merely said that from timeimmemorial women did not plant trees.In conformity with studies from Kakamega District (Chavangi 1988), the presentstudy shows women planting trees to a far less degree than do men. The reasons for thelesser participation in tree planting by women, differed from those given in the abovequoted studies.The Kakamega study identifies five reasons that inhibit women from fullyparticipating in planting trees, namely: culturally devised myths and taboos; restricted. I, - . • • use o a resources; tra 'atonal land tenure systems; and sexual142143Table 8.10.^Response differences between genders on items to test activities on treeplanting (percent agreeing) (n = 122).Item Male Female % Diff. X2 P-Value63 59 (M - F)Those who planted trees 93.1 62.3 30.8 22.11 .00006*Planted trees in last 2 years 63.5 40.7 22.8 5.47 .01927*Raised any seedlings 47.6 18.6 29.0 10.20 .00140*Had visited forest nursery 50.8 16.9 33.9 14.00 .00018**Indicates statistical significance at the 5% level, Chi-square test.division of labour and responsibilities (Chavangi 1984). In the present study, 80% of thesample population approved of women planting trees. Those who disapproved gave theexcuse that from time immemorial women did not plant trees. This excuse isunderstandable when seen from the historical data which show that trees were planted,specifically for homestead demarcation in which women did not participate.This study also found that the women of Funyula Division are less restricted fromplanting trees than those of Kakamega. Kakamega has a history of tree planting toproduce poles for cash. Trees are therefore important in the Kakamega cash economyand, thus, they are directly under men's domain. In contrast, trees do not play such adominant role in Funyula Division. In Funyula, it may not have been necessary to deviseas many restrictions to women's participating in tree planting as in Kakamega District.Beliefs about Trees and Tree PlantingHomestead FenceThe historical information and informant interviews (Chapter 7) show that beliefsabout trees influence tree planting among the Abasamia, but to an unknown extent. Inthe questionnaire survey presented in the present chapter, five items are used toinvestigate influence of traditional beliefs on the inhabitants' tree planting practices. Inthis respect, the proportion of the general sample that shares these beliefs is what isimportant.Wagner 1949 shows that the Abaluhyia used Euphorbia tirucalli or other fencesinterplanted with plants thought to confer some protective powers to the home. This wasdone by the head of the homestead. On the other hand (Chavangi 1984) shows women ofKakamega district are prevented from planting the homestead fence 37. To do so, womenare seen as directly challenging their husbands' authority. Respondents were asked to37Traditionally the homestead was the domain of the male household  head while the woman or womenwere responsible tor their households (enyumba).144state whether they agreed or disagreed with the statement that women should not plantthe homestead fence. There was probing of those who agreed. The latter had no logicalexplanation except to say it was against society's norms and it should not be done. Threeof the informant interviewees tended to echo Chavangi's (1984) study i.e., any womanplanting trees around the homestead is trying to assert herself over her husband. In asociety where polygamy was widespread, a woman who infringed on the husband'sdomain, was not only a threat to him but to the co-wives too. In this study 23% ofrespondents were in polygamous unions. It is expected that as the practice of polygamydisappears so will the threat of rivalry between co-wives on who does what in the home.But as noted in Chapter 6, the population is patriarchal with power vested in the malehousehold head. In order not to upset the status quo, most women are happy to complywith restrictions on planting the homestead fence. The women already carry out a majorproportion of the farm labour. Equity in planting the homestead fence would make themworse off. This discrimination in the site at which women plant trees supportsRocheleau's (1984) observations that one needs to pay attention to details such duty andresource allocations at the household level an area that was not addressed in this study.Presentation of the socio-cultural setting showed the most common planting siteto be the homestead fence. This near source of fuelwood is under male ownership. It isassumed that men would decide which species to grow in the fences and when and whatto harvest. In the study area, the predominant hedge species are finger euphorbia and M.lutea, both of which are generally managed by men. Markhamia lutea provides buildingpoles and as seen from Table 8.4 it is also a predominant species in the wood bundlescollected by women. Its use and management by men does not seem to preclude itsbeing utilized by women. But perhaps if women managed the fences they would use theM. lutea more. On the basis of these results it is hard to determine to what extent the tree145practices of respondents are influenced by beliefs about trees and tree planting practices.This remains a fertile ground for further investigations.Table 8.11 shows that a majority of the respondents (55.7%), disagree with thestatement that the cutting of a sausage tree brings bad luck. A majority of therespondents (58.2%) also think that one should not plant the Mvule tree. Almost half ofthe respondents (46.6%) think women should not plant the homestead fence. The onlyitem with few adherents, is the statement that only men should plant trees to which19.7% of the respondents agreed. It can thus be seen that a majority of the respondentsfavour the planting of trees by women. In general it could therefore be concluded that,unlike the Kakamega Abaluhya, among the Abasamia, women are not prevented fromplanting trees, so long as the site of planting is not the homestead fence. There is a basisfor supposing to some extent what beliefs about trees do influence choice of tree speciesto plant.Results from RRA and the survey indicate that the inhabitants of FunyulaDivision are reluctant to plant the Mvule tree. in spite of its known environmental, socialand economic qualities and the extent to which it is utilized within the community. Thereis an implicit fear or reverence for this species which prevents it from being planted.Although it would be ridiculous to suppose that if one planted the Mvule tree one wouldinvite death, the prohibition might be based on long time experience and observance ofthe trees. Beliefs and prohibitions sometimes exist through past experience with aparticular event or phenomenon. For many years, East African foresters tried to establishMvule in plantations without much success. The cause of the failure was found to be anattack by a gall insect, Phytolyma lata Scott (Homoptera, Pysillidae). In addition, thetrees were heavily browsed by game animals (Dale and Greenway 1961). Perhaps in thedistant past, experience had taught the Abasamia that it was useless to try and plant theMvule as the chances of success were slim and a conclusion that it regenerates better naturally. Mvule grows well in cultivated fields where individual trees are nurtured and146Table 8.11. Frequency of household heads agreeing to items testing beliefs about treeplanting (n = 122).Item^ Male^Female^Total^PercentFrequency^of TotalCutting sausage tree brings bad luck 38.0 50 53 43.4Women should not plant thehomestead fence 49 44 57 46.6Should never plant Mvule 38 50 71 58.2Only men should plant trees 25 14 24 19.7Owl hooting is a bad omen 36.5 41 47 38.5147protected by farmers. Nevertheless, the harvesting of Mvule, without an attempt atreplacing it has made it rare in the Samia landscape and may contribute to its localextirpation and consequent loss of genes.Some beliefs do help in the survival of some trees. Kigelia aethiopica, thesausage tree, Erythrina abysinica and Albizia coriaria are such trees often left standing incultivated fields. The ceremonial uses of Kigelia aethiopica were discussed in Chapter 7.E. abysinica is used as a cure for mumps. From literature on agroforestry and nitrogenfixing trees (Huxley and Westley 1989) it is thought that this leguminous tree may benitrogen fixing. Therefore, although the reason for leaving the tree in the farmlands byfarmers might not always seem logical and derived from scientific reasoning, there maybe as yet undiscovered benefits on soil fertility. With regard to Albizia coriara, inaddition to being leguminous and therefore, a potential nitrogen fixer, it has socialfunctions as a meeting place tree.The inconsistency of conservation based on beliefs strengthens the argument forcollecting and analyzing available data in a scientific manner. The belief that, thehooting of owls signifies death, causes fears which make people act irrationally. Theymay cut down trees to prevent owls from using them as perches or they may chase awayowls.Many Africans seem to have assimilated Christianity or Islam but to a largeextent retain some of their traditional beliefs and culture that dictate their relationshipwith the environment. Thus, it is seen from this study that, although all respondents,except one, professed to be Christians, 23% were in polygamous marriages which initself goes against Christian teachings. It would seem traditional religious ideas have notbeen extinguished through the encounter with imported or other indigenous beliefs(Lawson 1984). Development efforts in rural Kenya must therefore take these factorsinto account.148The conservation of the sausage tree, Kigelia aethiopica, is based on anassociation of the tree with funeral ceremonies. How many other little known species arebeing destroyed or preserved because of beliefs is not known. Mordi (1987) believes thatconservation based on beliefs in spirits is anti-conservation in practice. Since peoplebelieve they can cut down the Mvule tree and it will grow by itself, then they will cutdown other vegetation believing it will regenerate by itself. This belief may explain thecommon reluctance of people to plant indigenous trees. Recently, the ForestDepartment's focus has been to encourage the planting of more indigenous trees. In orderfor this exercise to succeed, the tree species offered to villagers for planting, must notonly meet the people's needs, but extension agents working in this area, must also takeinto account the people's beliefs.Notwithstanding the foregoing, the extent to which beliefs about trees haveinfluenced tree planting in general, and the gender differences in particular, remainimportant issues worthy of future research.Educational InfluenceWhen respondents' educational attainment is considered, it is interesting to notethat more of the educated respondents than the uneducated perceive fuelwood shortages(Table 8.12). For example, 68.4% of respondents with secondary school level ofeducation and 40% of those with primary level are willing to plant for fuelwood whileamong the uneducated the percentage is 25.9%. There are more respondents with noschooling (n = 58), than in the other two categories making comparison of answers byeducational categories rather difficult.The survey shows that there is no difference in items testing perception offuelwood scarcity among the educational levels. However, when willingness to purchasefirewood is considered then there is a statistically significant difference (Table 8.12). Ahigher proportion of respondents with secondary school education are willing to purchase149Table 8.12.^Response differences to various items by educational level (n = 122).No schooling(n = 58)FrequencyPrimary(n = 45)FrequencySecondary(n = 19)Frequency X2 P-ValuePerceive present wood shortage 38 29 13 0.09 0.95Preceive future wood shortage 55 37 17 4.25 0.12Sold firewood 7 5 6 4.3 0.11Willing to buy firewood 15 18 13 11.1 0.004Cutting sausage tree brings bad luck 31 18 4 7.2 0.03Only men should plant trees 15 9 0 9.6 0.008Women should not plant homestead fence 30 22 5 4.0 0.13Should never plant Mvule 38 27 6 6.8 0.03Hooting of owl is bad omen 26 16 5 2.4 0.3Planted trees in last 2 years 23 26 15 10.1 0.006firewood than others. The difference is understandable; education gives those whopossess it more power over monetary resources. Among the educated were teachers,government workers and petty traders. Such people may be willing to purchasefirewood, even where there is not much scarcity, because they are engaged in full timejobs. Fuelwood collection interferes with their official duties, hence, their willingness topurchase. In addition, employed people have the regular monetary resources with whichto purchase fuelwood.There are also differences among the three categories of educational level withregard to beliefs about trees and tree planting practices. The survey shows a significantdifference on the questions about the sausage tree, the planting of Mvule and about onlymen being allowed to plant trees. Surprisingly, there is no significant difference on thequestion of the homestead fence which, as discussed earlier, is still strongly observed inthis culture. As expected, a smaller proportion of the educated than the uneducated(Table 8.12) share beliefs about trees and tree planting practices. None of therespondents with secondary level education agrees with the statement that only menshould plant trees. In contrast, 15 (25.9%) and 9 (20.0%) of the respondents with noschooling and primary level education, respectively agree with this statement. But, evensome of the respondents with secondary level education 4 (26.3%) agree that womenshould not plant the homestead fence, while the other proportions are 22 (35.5%) forprimary level and 30 (45%) for non-schooled. This shows the importance of thehomestead fence in this male dominated society.Answers about other beliefs also mirror the respondents' educational level. InTable 8.12, it is shown that 31 (57%) of the non-educated, 18 (40%) with primaryeducation and 4 (21%) with secondary education agree that cutting the sausage treebrings bad luck. Almost similar proportions [26 (48%) non-educated, 16 (35.5%)primary and 5 (26%), secondary level] of the respondents agree with the statement "if an owl frequently hoots in a tree the tree should be cut down". The answer categories to151these items did not leave respondents much choice. Some of them said they would chaseaway owls instead of cutting down trees. Nevertheless, there was an implicit fear ordislike of owls in the study community.Land Tenure and Gender IssuesIn other parts of the country, land adjudication has produced policy-inducedfuelwood scarcity (Brokensha and Riley 1978). This is also the case in the present study.A large percentage of villagers required permission to collect wood from theirneighbours' lands. Theoretically, land adjudication should have brought security oftenure and, therefore, more tree planting as has happened in Kisii (Barnes 1984). Thisdoes not seem to have taken place in the study area. Tree planting is still confinedmainly to the perimeters of the homestead. Homestead lands continue to be administeredlike communal lands. Each member of the household has use rights over land allocatedto him/her by the household head. As Mbithi (1974) observes,"the household head usually thought of as owner of a holding may in fact haveeffective control over the use of only a small part of the land he owns. His rightsare limited by the rights of use held by other members of his household."It is believed that this allocation of household lands creates intersibling conflict whichhas prevented tree planting from spreading widely beyond the homestead compounds.Adult male members of the household who may be interested in planting trees areregarded as staking out a claim in the family land. So long as land continues to bedivided equally between a man's surviving sons this conflict might continue.The traditional system of land inheritance favours sons. Women depend on theirmarital status to gain access to land on which to collect fuelwood and on whicheventually to plant trees. When communal lands existed, it did not matter whether awoman was single, married or divorced, she still had a fuelwood source on the commonlands. But now that land is privately owned by men, unmarried women are at adisadvantage. The women in this study happened to be married or widowed and152therefore, had a stake in their husbands' lands or estates. It is worth recording here thatamong the divorcees there was one lady, 57 years of age, who had been given some landby her father contrary to the cultural norms.This research shows women to be engaged in tree planting although to a far lesserdegree than men. It also confirms the existence of cultural beliefs that hinder theAbasamia's tree planting efforts. The stated aim of the research, to show the existence ofbeliefs that may influence tree planting has therefore been achieved. Nevertheless, thetopic needs to be explored further.Constraints to Tree Planting EffortsFrom the observations made in this study, the degree to which respondents saidthey planted trees is not matched by the presence of trees in the homestead gardens.Termites and what inhabitants called enyende (probably nematodes) were responsible fortransplant deaths. In addition, drought is cited as a factor in the non-establishment oftrees. The people in the south do not have a locational tree nursery from which to obtainseedling for planting. The envisaged solution is a subsidized government or non-governmental nursery. Private tree nursery enterprises are not viable at present becauseof the subsistence level of the economy of the area.The gender problems associated with tree planting are rapidly disappearing.However, there was still reluctance to plant certain species. This reluctance translatesitself into a general reluctance to plant most indigenous trees. The long term solution tothe culturally based tree planting and fuelwood problems facing the inhabitants should beincreased education. As their education increases the inhabitants of Funyula may see theneed to conserve the soil and use trees for their multiple products and services to improvetheir standards of living.Possibilities for improving fuelwood and tree planting in Funyula Divisionhave been discussed. Most of the recommendations made are within reach of the153inhabitants. They do not require new knowledge or new technologies to implement asthey are building on what the inhabitants already know and practice.In some ways, results presented here confirm those given in Chapter 7 regardingthe historical data and that from informants but in other respects there are contradictions.For example, the historical data show limited planting of trees by the Abasamia while thequestionnaire survey shows widespread planting. As in the past, the planting of thehomestead fence, remains the responsibility and domain of the male household head.Whereas there is no reference to the planting or aversion to planting of Mvule in thehistorical data, the interviewees, and informants, government officers, including theDistrict Plan, show that there is a strong resistance to the planting of this tree, a factconfirmed by the questionnaire survey.Synopsis of FindingsThe comparison of village fuelwood consumption, succeeds in showing that thelakeside village of Namasali is facing a fuelwood problem hitherto unrecognized bygovernment planners. The reasons for the deficit became apparent with detailed villagemicro-environmental analysis. Fuelwood consumption in the study villages is less thanthe national average, but due to the many factors that govern wood consumption, notmuch importance could be attached to this finding. The study however, is a furthercontribution to the growing body of knowledge on village fuelwood consumption.Behavioral indicators of fuelwood scarcity differ between the villages in SamiaNorth and those in the south, indicating differential availability of the resource. Thedifference is further confirmed by the survey questionnaire that showed respondents fromthe South expressing more fuelwood problems than those from the North. However, theproblem is not matched by tree planting for fuelwood which is undertaken by only 3% ofthe households interviewed154The inhabitants' primary tree needs were for poles and fruit indicating a need forshelter, food and cash. The high percentage of planted species in the fuelwood bundlesshowed that there was a certain level of dependency on cultivated trees for fuelwoodprovisioning. Gender differences in tree planting as a result of cultural norms wererecognized. Constraints to the planting of some indigenous trees was also identified.Recommendations on how to address some of these constraints to tree planting andfuelwood provisioning are addressed in the next chapter.155CHAPTER 9RECOMMENDATIONS FOR PROGRAMME DEVELOPMENTThe last fifteen years have seen multi-million dollar projects on fuelwood and treeplanting in many developing countries. Although a majority of the projects wereconcerned with tree planting, some were designed to look at the efficiency of energyconversion and conservation during use.This concern resulted in projects that looked at the cooking stove and the charcoalkilns. In many rural Kenyan homes, as well as in the study area, cooking is done ontraditional stoves made out of three stones. Such stoves are inefficient in energy use andconservation. Improved stoves have therefore been recommended and tried in manyparts of the world, Kenya included. In Kenya, the improved stove is said to be successfulin the cities where charcoal is mostly used (Joseph 1987). In such a setting, energyconservation and efficiency is important. Indeed, KENGO tested its stoves in only majorcities because few people in the rural areas use them.On the other hand, in the countryside, the traditional stove serves severalfunctions; it is a meeting place where evening stories and news are exchanged and itprovides warmth and additional room lighting (rooms are normally lit by small tin lampsthat provide less light than a candle). The traditional cooking stones can also be adaptedand modified to suit various pot sizes and quantity of food required by the many visitorsand relatives. In contrast, most of the so called improved stoves do not fulfill these socialfunctions. Furthermore, improved stoves are costly when compared with those made outof three stones.There have been other projects concerned with the efficiency of converting woodto charcoal. Again, improved kilns have been tried. The building of improved kilns- - - -^I^..1 costs to rural folks who as has been seen in the case df-Fuli a,156engage in charcoal making as a means of subsistence. Moreover, improved kilns areoften immobile, necessitating wood transportation to the kiln site. Whereas large scalecommercial charcoal producers such as the East African Tanning and Extract Company(Kenya) use improved kilns, small scale charcoal makers are likely to continue using theinefficient earth kilns because the only cost required is the labour involved in theirconstruction.Finally, Kenya has been in the forefront of environmental conservation. There isa nationwide campaign to increase tree planting. These educational campaigns and massawareness programmes are encouraged by the highest office in the land. Free seedlingsare issued, once a year, during the tree planting week. In addition, there are educationalprogrammes and other mass media channels to sensitize people on the need to plant trees.From this study the following needs were identified: the need to provide buildingpoles for better quality housing; a need for soil conservation through control of waterrunoff from the hills, a need to improve soil fertility and a need to control livestockgrazing. There is also a need to provide more nutritious foods for family consumption.To meet all these needs on the prevailing dwindling land resources, it is recommendedthat a few, select, multi-purpose trees be improved (silviculturally if already present inthe system) or introduced in the homestead gardens. Some of the trees worth consideringare discussed in the following paragraphs.Suitable TreesDrawing from my experience as a long time resident of the study area, and resultsof this study, I identified the following four trees and a nitrogen fixing perennial as likelyto serve the social, cultural, and economic needs of this community. These trees are:1. Mango (Mangifera indica): This fruit tree serves three main functions: first asa source of nourishment; the mango fruit is rich in vitamin C and carotene. Second it isculturally suitable as a homestead tree where its large crown provides a site for social157gatherings and information exchange. Third, because it branches profusely, it provides acontinuous source of fuelwood. This tree already grows in the area though fromunimproved seedlings. In many Asian countries old mango trees also provide muchneeded timber, a possibility that has not been exploited in Kenya.2. The orange, Citrus sinensis: This tree serves the economic and nutritionalneeds of families. The orange fruit, rich in vitamin C, is sold for cash and the surplusconsumed in the home. However, orange trees do not handle well for fuelwood.Furthermore, results from this study show that orange trees in Funyula Division areheavily infested by pests. This problem needs to be addressed if farmers are to derivemaximum benefit from their trees.3. Markhamia lutea: This indigenous tree is widely used to provide poles forhouse construction. A M. lutea tree is found in most Samia homesteads. It is thereforerecommended that silviculture and management research be focused on this species toincrease its yield. Farmers need to know when and how to prune and thin for maximumpole production.4. Neem, Azadrachta indica: Although new in the area, the neem tree is alsolikely to serve the social, cultural and economic needs of the Abasamia. The neem treeproduces several straight stems suitable for house construction and energy production. Itis drought resistant, is reputed to have medicinal properties and contains azadiractin, aninsect repellant (NAS 1980 and 1983; Teel 1985). Moreover, results of this study showthat 55% of the respondents expressed a desire to have this species. In addition, from myown personal experience, 38 I am convinced that the neem's growth performance inFunyula makes it ideal for the area.Results further show that the greatest hindrance to tree growth as identified in thiscommunity is termites. Termites have prevented widespread establishment of eucalyptustrees in the area. This problem could possibly be solved by use of pesticides. However,38From seeing the growth performance of some neem trees planted in 1979 at Nyakhobi school.158use of agrochemicals has its own associated problems. In Funyula Division, these are thesubsistence level of the economy, lack of infrastructures to support the distribution of thechemicals, environmental effects and the low literacy levels of the population. The latterreason makes it difficult for rural farmers to understand the complicated instructions onpesticide packages, thus, making chemical use more hazardous. Because of its potentialmedicinal and insecticidal properties, I strongly recommend that neem tree seeds orseedlings be provided to the community to meet their expressed needs. The tree wouldprovide families with building poles and fuelwood.5. Pigeon pea, Cajanus cajan: The pigeon pea is a nitrogen fixing plant, hence itenhances soil fertility. This plant also provides a protein-rich food that is lacking in thisarea. In Chapter 6, the sociocultural analysis revealed a high incidence of malnutritionamong infants that results in Kwashiorkor, a protein deficiency disease. The malnutritionis partially blamed on the introduction of the Nile perch into Lake Victoria. Thiscarnivorous perch has destroyed native fish stocks on which the inhabitants depended fortheir protein sources. C. cajan would therefore fill this nutritional gap and at the sametime it could serve a soil fertility enhancer. In addition, the pigeon pea's woody stalkscould be harvested for fuel. The plant's agronomy is already known in Kenya as it growsin Machakos District. I therefore recommend its introduction.Priority SitesThe discussion carried out in Chapter 8 recognized the importance of hill areas assources of fuelwood and other resources. It also showed them to be potential areas ofland degradation. Runoff from the hills will become serious as they increasingly becomedenuded due to charcoal making and quarrying for building stones.There is a need to educate owners of hill lands on the desirability and value ofpreserving the vegetation on their properties or replanting in instances where vegetationhas been destroyed. Few of the farmers in the area are able to rehabilitate denuded hill159lands using their own resources. In addition, most farmers live at a subsistence level;thus, the immediate value and importance of hill conservation may not be apparent tothem. Furthermore, they may not have the time, labour, and financial resources that thisexercise entails. Recognizing the fact that the final, long term, environmental benefitsaccruing from hill conservation will benefit the local, national, and global community,the cost of rehabilitation and conservation should concern us all. In addition to thepresent mass campaigns by the government, I recommend that funds be provided to aidthose farmers willing to reforest hill areas.Outlook on the Charcoal IndustryAs a result of the recent price increase in commercial fuels due to the Gulf Crisis,it is anticipated that more urban dwellers will turn to charcoal for cooking as analternative to electricity, gas, or paraffin. The anticipated increase in demand shouldresult in higher prices for charcoal, making it more lucrative to engage in its production.There is need to regulate charcoal production and quarrying activities to prevent anyfurther denuding of the hills. However, most people would not like regulations thatinterfere with their freedom to do what they please with their lands, especially to harvestwhat is on them. The Kenya Development Plan 1988-1993 proposes "to provide aWoodfuel Conservation Subsidy Scheme based on reducing the effective price ofparaffin to encourage it [paraffin] as an alternative to charcoal and wood" (Republic ofKenya 1988b, p. 179). As I see it, the scheme will subsidize paraffin users at the expenseof fuelwood users, with the remote hope that the latter will make the switch from wooduse to paraffin use. In view of the uncertainty of the outcome of such a scheme, Istrongly recommend that the Woodfuel Subsidy Scheme be expanded to include aprovision to assist farmers willing to rehabilitate denuded hill areas. Thisrecommendation should be applicable to other areas of Kenya with similar problems.160Policy IssuesIn this study, policy induced fuelwood scarcity, resulting from land adjudication,has been discussed. This type of scarcity is not confined to the study area but is to befound in other parts of the Republic as reported by Barnes (1984) and Riley andBrokensha (1988). In Funyula Division, fragile hill areas, previously used as communallands, were privatized between 1967 and 1974. As a result, an opportunity to serve thewhole community was lost. The difficulties of conserving privately held lands hasalready been mentioned. I believe that the Abasamia should have been left to administerand manage the hills as community property. Between 1967 and 1974, the time of landadjudication, attempts by the Forest Department to alienate hill lands for afforestationmet with much resistance from the population of the area. Moreover, this attempt hasresulted in distrust of forest officers. This should serve as an example to other countrieswith fragile ecosystems that still belong to tribal communities not to rush into privatizingsuch areas. Community (as opposed to private or state) management alternatives shouldbe considered.Government NurseriesThe Kenya Forest Department's Rural Afforestation Extension Scheme (RAES),has been operating in Busia District for the last 21 years with the aim of taking trees topeople. Nevertheless, the study shows that inhabitants continue to bring tree seedlingsfrom outside the district, indicating the inadequacy of the present forest nursery services.Water problems in two villages in Samia South, where there is more need for treeplanting, preclude intensive on-farm seedling production. Moreover, there is nogovernment tree nursery in Samia South. The KENGO-initiated nurseries were also non-operational at the time of the study. I recommend that the Forest Department open up atree nursery in Samia South in order to truly "take the seedlings nearer to the rural161ere s ou • •e more co-operation between the Department of• I II^• "Agriculture and the Forest Department in areas of tree planting promotion and seedlingproduction. Both forest and horticultural tree seedlings should be produced in the samenursery to save on operating costs and materials and to also save farmers the time ofhaving to go to two different tree nurseries for their seedling needs. Thisrecommendation should be applicable in the whole country.Gender AspectsThis study failed to show a gender difference in perception of fuelwood scarcity.However, tree planting activities are gender influenced. In addition, tree plantingactivities are complicated by the emotive and complicated nature of property rights, thecultural norms and beliefs about trees and the traditional division of labour at thehousehold level. In view of the foregoing, it is recommended that both genders beencouraged to plant trees in the traditionally sanctioned sites so as not to antagonize anysection of the community.Cultural Constraints to Tree PlantingUnlike other problems, it is difficult to recommend and effect changes to apeople's beliefs. One possible way is through education. Education takes many forms.Environmental teaching is incorporated into the various levels of the school curriculumand is matched by widespread public campaigns about tree planting. However,demonstration plots as an educational tool have yet to be explored in the study area.There is a lack of scaled down demonstration plots, either public or private, with whichfarmers can identify. I suggest that these be established to further contribute to thefarmers' knowledge of trees and their performance. As a further educational tool,ordinary farmers who contribute most to tree planting should be rewarded by organizedvisits to other areas of the country and even outside so as to witness successful treeplanting efforts elsewhere. Nonetheless, education alone will not solve fuelwood problems if the population continues to increase beyond the carrying capacity of the land.162Although the growing human population is at the core of fuelwood problems, thisvariable is beyond the scope of this study.SummaryThe following are the main recommendations.1. Site and species-specific research on a select number of multi-purpose trees beinitiated.2. Some funds from the proposed "Woodfuel Subsidy Scheme" be set aside to assistfarmers willing to rehabilitate denuded hill areas.3. Part of the same funds be used to reward farmers contributing most towardsenvironmental conservation in general and tree planting in particular.4. The Forest Department open up a tree nursery in Samia South.5. There be more co-operation between the Ministry of Agriculture and the ForestDepartment in the running of tree nurseries.6. Both men and women be encouraged to plant trees in the traditionally sanctionedsites.7. A curriculum to specifically address environmental issues be developed at alleducational levels.In addition, there are five supplementary recommendations on specific trees andperennial crops i.e., the mango, orange, neem, Markhamia lutea, and pigeon pea, which Ifind suitable for inclusion in the Samia farming system. If implemented, theserecommendations should contribute to the social, economic, nutritional, and fuelwoodneeds of families, thereby improving their standards of living.Programmes for Future ResearchSeveral areas that may need further research came out of this work. There is theimportant and interesting problem of property rights and their effect on wood availability.In addition, the policies of land privatization have been shown to have an impact on163fuelwood availability. These issues provide possible areas of future research as a followup to the present effort.The recommendations made here on trees to include in the farming system of thearea were based on general observations of the biophysical environment and the growthperformance of trees that were found growing in the area. They were not based onspecific silvicutural growth and yield data, another area that may need addressing. In thisregard, a start has been made in neighboring Siaya District by the International Center forResearch in Agroforestry (ICRAF) and Kenya Forestry Research Institute (KARI)through their African Forestry and Environment Network Association (AFRENA)collaborative programme (Odera, director KARI 1990 personal communication). Resultsfrom the AFRENA experience will hopefully, be available for application and testing inFunyula Division.The issue of wood use at the household level was never properly addressed duringthe RRA exercise of this discussion. It would be useful to know the combustion qualitiesof each wood species and their effect on health and family welfare. There is also a needto detailed social benefits of trees to the community. For example, to what extent do treeproducts positively or negatively affect family finances?The soil descriptions given in this dissertation were mainly from generalobservations. For a more effective management of trees, it will be necessary to map thedetailed soils of the area, as well as vegetation composition and successional mosaics.These knowledge gaps are some of the more urgent of the problems because of thechanging land use in the villages studied.The survey listed termites as one area limiting tree establishment and growth.Other pests were also identified on the citrus crop. There is therefore a need toconcentrate on trying to solve the termite problem. As the sociocultural analysis of theDivision showed, the lack of agrochemical outlets and the subsistence level of theinhabitants precludes recommending use of pesticides. A need thus arises to look at pest164resistant trees in addition to identifying individual sites where pest prone species cansurvive.The discussion of beliefs showed the extent to which the Abasamia's beliefs stillinfluence decisions about land management practices. This area needs attention, ifresults of any other research started in the area are to ever be implemented in a manneruseful to the community. Extension workers need to recognize these constraints to treeplanting.Finally, while recognizing the importance of fuelwood, the author believes futureresearch should concentrate on food problems first, followed by satisfying the area'sbuilding pole needs and lastly fuelwood. The drought conditions that have affectedAfrica did not spare the villages studied in this research. At the time of this study, therewas widespread food scarcity which tended to make questions on fuelwood appearunimportant. Tropical food trees from the Asian Continent, and the Pacific islands havenot been adequately exploited on the African continent. The genus Artocarpus should beinvestigated with a view to introducing some of its species to some countries in Africa.This study was able to identify areas of future research needed to improve theSamia landscape. 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International.Wallington UK.177APPENDIX 1PARTIAL ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF THE KENYA FOREST DEPARTMENTDIRECTOR OF FORESTRY'PA/DF^ PA/DFADMINISRATIONI^ IOPERATIONSDEOFPUT^I^FORESTRYY DIRECTORIDOrrEYCHDI:E2ZPM- KDFDI^ I^ I^ ICHIEF:FORESTRYEXTENSIONSERVICESCHIEF:INDUSTRIALFOREST DIVISIONCHIEF:ENGINEERINGSERVICES DIVISIONCHIEF:FORESTPROTECTION &CONSERV.DIV.I^ 1^ I^ II DEPUTYC.FESDI 'DEPUTY C.IFD 'DEPUTY C.ENGSD^'DEPUTY C.NFMD——---HEAD:TRAINING& EXTENSIONHEAD:FORESTINDUSTRIESBRANCHHEAD:TRANSPORT &COMMUNICATIONBRANCHHEAD:FORESTCONSERVATION &-PROTEC. BRANCHBRANCHHEAD:NURSERIES& SEEDLINGBRANCHHEAD:FORESTMANAGEMENT ^& FELLINGPLANS BRAN.HEAD:ROADSBRANCHHEAD:FORESTFIRES^-PROTECTIONBRANCHHEAD:MASS MEDIACOMMUNICATIONBRANCHHEAD:SILVI-CULTUREBRANCHHEAD:MECHANICALSERVICESBRANCHHEAD:FORESTSURVEYS^-BRANCHHEAD:FUELWOCODEVELOPMENTBRANCHHEAD:FORESTINVENTORY &STATISTICS B.HEAD:BUILDINGSERVICESBRANCHHEAD:NATURALFORESTS MGMT.^-BRANCHHEAD:FOREST EXT.MONITORING &EVALUATION BRN.HEAD:ROYALTIES& ECONOMICSBRANCHHEAD:FORESTINSPECTION &PROTECTION UNITPROVINCIAL FOREST OFFICERS (PFOs)ASSISTANT PFOs1^ ASSISTANT PFOs(MANAGEMENT) I I(EXTENSION)DISTRICT FOREST OFFICERS (DFOs)ASSISTANT DFOs ^ ASSISTANT DFOs(MANAGEMENT) I I(EXTENSION)OFFICERS IN CHARGE' 'DIVISIONAL FORESTRYOF FOREST STATIONS ^'EXTENSION OFFICERSI ^I FOREST ASSISTANTS^LOCATIONAL FORESTRYEXTENSION OFFICERSFOREST GUARDS I NGOs, FARMERS, WOMENGROUPS, OTHER MINISTRIES,SCHOOLS & COLLEGES, CHIEFSCHURCHES, OTHER INSTITUTIONS178APPENDIX 2FUELWOOD AND TREE PLANTING: A CASE STUDY FROM FUNYULADIVISION IN WESTERN KENYAQUESTIONNAIREGeneral^Location^ Date^VillageInterviewee No. ^Sex: male ... 1( ) female ...2( )Please note the following before or during the interview. Type of house and state inwhich it is.House type: Grass thatched .... 1( )^Iron roofed .... 2( )1. Do you or the household you represent own any land?Yes ... 1( ).^No ... 2( )2. If yes how much land do you own?^Hectares^3. How long have you lived on this land?^Years4. Is all the land under cultivation?Yes ... 1( )^No ... 2( )5. If no please tell us what proportion is used for crop production and for fallow?Crops ^ ( )^Fallow ^ ( )6. Do you raise any cash crops?^Yes ... 1( )^No ... 2( )7.^If yes which one did you raise? Crop^1798. How about food crops could you tell us which of the following you raised andhow much you obtained last yearA. Cropcassava ^ 01( )maize  02( )millet   03( )Soghum^ 040beans  05( )sweet potatoes ^ 06( )groundnuts  07( )bananas ^ 08( )oranges  09( )mangoes  10( )others specify ^ 1109. Are you a full time farmer?^Yes ... 1( )^No ... 2( )10. If not what are your other sources of income?Farmer ^  1( )Professional (teacher) ^ 2( )Craftsman (carpenter)  3( )Beer Brewing ^  4( )Brick making tailoring  6( )shopkeeping ^  7( )fishing  8( )Others specify  9( )11. What is your household's source of farm labour?Own family  ^Hired machines . . . 4( )Hired labour ^ 2( )^Own machines . . . . 5( )Farm animals  3( ) work groups ^ 6( )1+2^ 1 +6 ^ 8( )12. Do you own any bicycle? Yes ... 1( )^No ... 2( )13. How about livestock? Yes ... 1( )^No ... 2( )18014. If yes could you indicate which type and how many of each you own:TypeCattle ^ 1( )Goats  2( )Sheep  3( )Pigs   4( )Others specify   6( )1+2   7( )1+2+3   8( )15. Did you sell any of the animals in the last one year?Yes ... 1( )^No ^ 2( )16. If yes please tell us how much you obtained from the saleAmount Ksh ^17. Would you consider planting trees for fuelwood provision or not?YES ... 1( ) NO ... 2( )18. Are there any planted trees on your land?YES ... 1( )^NO ... 2( )19. If yes which species?20. Is there any particular species you would like plant?21. From where were the seedlings obtained?Gory. nursery ^ 1( )Friends ^ 2( )School nursery ^ 3( )Others specify  4( )18122. Who planted those trees?self   1( ) spouse ^ 2( )children ^ 3( ) 1+2   4( )1+3   5( ) 2+3   6( )23. Where are they planted?round the homestead ^in the homestead compound ^ 2( )farm boundary  3( )mixed with crops ^  4( )others specify 24. For what purpose are they planted?fuelwood ^ 1( )^poles ^ 2( )ornamentals  3( )^timber  4( )fruit   5( )^medicines  6( )2+4   7( ) 2+3+4 ^ 8( )25. If you had trouble with your trees whom should you consultthe agricultural officer ^friends ^ 2( )the forest officer  3( )^26.^What are the major problems for tree growth?poor soils ^  1( )inadequate rainfall ^  2( )termites  3( )rocky soils ^  4( )And now let us find out about fuelwood.. 27.^Who is responsible for firewood collection in your household?28. How much firewood is collected in one week?^ (bundles)29. How far do you go to collect the wood? distance km30.^Do you use crop residues?^ YES ... 1( ) NO ... 1( )1 8 231. How about dung?^ Yes ... 1( ) No ... 2( )32. Have you ever sold firewood?^YES ... 1( ) NO ... 2( )33. Would you be willing to buy firewood?^. YES ... 1( ) NO ... 2( )34. Would you say at present there is a firewood shortage or there is not?YES ... 1( )^NO ... 2( )35. How about in the next five years do you foresee any firewood shortage or not?YES ... 1( )^NO ... 2( )36. Do you require permission to collect firewood from a neighbors land?YES ... 1( )^NO ... 2( )37. Have you ever burnt any wood for charcoal in the past five years?YES ... 1( )^NO ... 2( )38. If yes was it for own use or sell?own use ... 1( )^for sell ... 2( )39. Where did you get the wood for the charcoal?from own land ... 1( )^from neighbors' land ... 2( )40. Would you say there were enough of the following products:building poles^41. How about timber^Please indicate whether you agree or disagree with the following statements by answeringagree or disagree.42. I do not really need advice on tree planting.Agree ... 1( )^disagree ... 2( )18343. I admire the flowers of the markhamia tree.Agree ... 1( )^disagree ... 2( )44. It is bad luck to cut a sausage tree.Agree ... 1( )^disagree ... 2( )45. No woman should be allowed to plant trees for the homestead fence.Agree ... 1( )^disagree ... 2( )46. I would never plant a "Mvule" tree.Agree ... 1( )^disagree ... 2( )47. Only men should plant trees.Agree ... 1( )^disagree ... 2( )48. If an owl frequently hoots in a tree near a home, the tree should be cut down.Agree ... 1( )^disagree ... 2( )And now I shall ask you some more general questions about trees.Practice49. In the last two years have you planted any trees?Yes ... 1( )^No ... 2( )50. Would you prefer to raise your own seedlings or to buy them?.•raise ... 1( )^buy ... 2( )51. Have you ever raised any tree seedlings?Yes ... 1( )^No ... 2( )52. Have you ever visited the forest nursery?Yes ... 1( )^Never ... 2( )18453. Have the Ministry of Agriculture officers ever visited your farm?Yes ... 1( )^NO ... 2( )54. How about forest officers?Yes ... 1( )^NO ... 2( )55. The forest department tried to afforest the Samia hills in 1970s, please tell uswhether you think this action should have been continued or not?1. Continued.^2. Not Continued.56. Do you own any hill land?Yes ... 1( )^No ... 2( )57. In retrospect do you think it was a good move for the forest department to giveup the hill areas or not a good move?1. Good move^2. Not a good move.In order to help us interpret these results could you please tell us a little about yourself.58. Please tell us whether you are single, married, widowed or divorced.single ^ 1( )^Married ^ 2( )Divorced  3( ) Widowed  4( )59. If married is it a polygamous or monogamous marriage?Polygamous ^ 1( ) Monogamous ^ 2( )60. What year were you born?Year of birth 19^61. What is your educational level?Never went to school . . ^ 1( )Primary level ^ 2())Secondary school ^ 3( )62. 130 you-have any childreri Yes ... 1( )^No ... 2( )18563. If yes how many?^No of children^64. What religion do you practice?Traditional religion ^Christian ^ 2())Moslem  3())others specify ^ 4( )Finally are there any comments you would like to make about this questionnaire?Thank you very much for participating in this survey.REPUBLIC OF KENYARESEARCH CLEARANCEPERMITDate of issue  15th June,, 1989Fee received Kshs . 25/-far  : --Pennant-nl-Secr-tu"--o/ the President•^.^•^.7 •^1(I^‘•1:1 :^SID;Applicant'sSignatureAppendix 3186CONDITIONS1.You must report to the District Commissioner ofthe area before embarking on your research.Falure to do that may lead to the cancellation ofyour permit.2. Government Officers •Ri not be interviewedwithout prior appointment3. No quetionnaire will be used unless k has beenapproved.1. Excavation. filming and collection of biologicalspecimens are subject to further permission fromthe relevant Government Ministries.3. You are required to submit at least four boszodcopies of your final report.6. The Government of Kenya reserves the right tomodify the conditions of this permit icy:hidin gits cancellation without notice.Ito4st5=-37)-74101Extended to Augusl 1992 (CONDITIONS—see back page)from June, 1990.PAGE 2^ PAGE 3MEM IS TO CERTIFY THAT:^C A. MWANGO (MRS. hesearct permit No. .0.P.,11I4PX/19C .. elanX'htt/Mrs ftttits ^AVID^THERESA CON STANCEaf (Address)  gGERTON UNVERI STY bas beets permitted to conduct research in^Sarnia North and South ^Location^^Bmsla ^District,NAIROBI E WESTERN ^province,an be topic  COMMUNITY FORESTRY/ ..APRCTOat.STRY^r ERA: THE FORESTER'S PERCEPTIONS.AUGUST, APPENDIX 4Egerton UniversityP.O. Box 536NJOROMay 14th, 1990The District CommissionerBusia DistrictP.O. Busia.Dear Sir,This is to inform you that I will shortly call on you in connection with a research Iwould like to carry out in Samia North and South Locations of Funyula Division. I am alecturer at Egerton University and currently I am on study leave at the University ofBritish Columbia, Canada. I am sponsored by the government of Kenya and have beencleared by the Office of the President to do this research as part of Egerton University'smanpower development programme.I am interested in interviewing farmers and knowledgeable people on fuelwoodand tree planting in general. Because the chiefs hold an important position and no doubtare very knowledgeable, it would be nice to interview them first. In addition I would liketo interview the forest officers and agricultural officers stationed in Funyula Division.Results from this research will be available to relevant government agencies tohelp them in future environmental planning for the district and hopefully other parts ofthe country. Since the people I intend to interview are very busy, I shall try and make theinterview short and hope that it will be interesting and stimulating. I look forward tomeeting you and the people under your jurisdiction.Yours sincerely.Theresa C. AlooLecturer/Egerton University.187APPENDIX 5Egerton UniversityP.O. Box 536NJOROJune 1st, 1990The Chief of Samia North LocationFunyula Chiefs CampP.O. FunyulaDear Sir,This is to inform you that I shall shortly call on you in connection with a researchI would like to carry out in Samia North and South Locations of Funyula Division. I ama lecturer at Egerton University and currently I am on study leave at the University ofBritish Columbia, Canada. I am sponsored by the government of Kenya and have beencleared by the Office of the President to do this research as part of Egerton University'smanpower development programme.I am interested in interviewing farmers and knowledgeable people on fuelwoodand tree planting in general. Because you hold an important position and no doubt arevery knowledgeable, it would be nice to interview you first. In addition I would like tointerview the forest officers and agricultural officers stationed in Funyula Division.Results from this research will be available to relevant government agencies tohelp them in future environmental planning for your area and hopefully other parts of thecountry. Since you are a very busy person, I shall try and make the interview short andhope that it will be interesting and stimulating. I look forward to meeting you and yourpeople.Yours sincerely.Theresa C. Aloo- c urer ge on U niversity.188APPENDIX 6CROP SPECIES RECORDED IN FUNYULA DIVISIONGenus Family Common name Sarnia nameAnanas comosus Bromeliaceae Pineapple EnanasiArachis hypogea L. Leguminoceae Ground nuts EnjuguColocasia antiquorum Areceae Taro EndumaCajanus cajan (L.) Millsp. Leguminoceae Pigeonpea (Embaazi)Coffea arabica L. Rubiaceae Coffee EkakhawaEleusine coracana Gramineae Millet ObuleGossypium hirsutum Malvaceae Cotton EpambaHelianthus annus L. Heliantheae Sunflower AmawuwaIpomea batatas Convovulaceae Sweet potatoes AmabwoniBrassica spp. Crucifereae Kale SukumaManihot esculenta Cranz Euphorbiaceae Cassava EmiogoMusa spp. Musaceae Bananas AmatemwaPhaseolus vulgaris Leguminoceae Beans AmaragweSaccharum spp. Gramineae Sugarcane EmikachiSesamum indicum L. Pedaliaceae Sesamum EnuniSorguhum spp. Gramineae Sorghum AmabereLycospersicon esculentum Solanaceae Tomatoes EnyanyaVigna aureus Leguminoceae Green grams EngoliVigna unguiculata (sinensis) Leguminoceae Cow peas EkhubiVoandzeia subterranea (L.) Leguminoceae Bambarra nuts EmbandeZea mays L. Gramineae Maize Amadimwa* = Newly introduced crop.Plants identified from general field recognition.189190APPENDIX 7INDIGENOUS TREE AND CROP SPECIES RECORDED IN FUNYULA DIVISIONGenus Family Samia Name UsesAcacia albida Del. Mimosaceae Omugogongo Sh FwAcacia eggelingii Bak. f Mimosaceae Omuwa FwAcacia macrothyrsa Harms Mimosaceae Omuyengayenga WAcacia spp Mimosaceae Omugasiri WAlbizia coriaria Welw. ex Oliv Mimosaceae Omusengese TAlbizia grandibracteata Taub Mimosaceae Omulongo M Sh FwAnnona chrysophylla Boj. Annonaceae Esilongalonga MAntiaris toxicaria (Rumph.ex Pers.) Les chMoraceae OmulundulunduT Sh FwBalanites aegyptiaca (L.) Del Simaroubaceae F MBridelia micrantha (Hochst) Baill. Euphorbiaceae Olulonda ng'ombe M FwCalodendrum anisata (Willd) Oliv. Rutaceae Olusita simba HCarissa eduli (Forsk) Vanl Apocynaceae Ochoga F TbChlorophora excelsa (Welw.) Moraceae Omutumba T S CBenth. & Hook. f. M Fw ShCombretum ghasalense Engl. Combretaceae OmulangaDielsCombretum gueinzii Sond Euphorbiaceae OmuchutaCommiphora spp. BurseraceaeDracaena afromontana Mildbr Agavaceae Embano R M HErythrina abyssinica Lam ex DC Papilionaceae Omutembe R MEuphorbia candlabrum Trem. Euphorbiaceae Edwa R& KotschyEuphorbia tirucalli Linn. Euphorbiaceae Ekhoni H P FwFicus capensis Thumb Moraceae Omukhuyu Re Sh TFicus glumosa Del Moraceae OmudodoFicus natalensis Hochst Moraceae Omutuba ShGrewia trichocarpa Horchst.ex A. RichTiliaceae Omukhoma T FwKigelia aethiopica Deane synonym Bignoniaceae Omutabi RK aethiopum (Fenzl) DandyMakhamia platycalyx Sprague Bignoniaceae Omusiola P T Sh Fw 0Rhus natalensis Anacardiaceace Olusangula lukhasi FBernh ex KraussRhus vulgaris Meikle Anacardiaceace Olusangula lusacha FAppendix 7 (cont'd)Genus Family Sarnia Name UsesSesbania sesban (L.) Merrill Papilionoideae Omuyekiyeki FwSpathodea nilotica Seem Bignoniaceae Omudungudungu Sh 0Strychnos innocua Del Loganiaceae MSyzygium guineense (Willd) Myrtaceae Omutuli FSyzygium owariense Benth Myrtaceae Omuwayo FTamarindus indica L. Tamaricaceae Omukhuwa F Fw T MTeclea nobilis Del Rutacea Omudati PTerminalia brownii Fresen. CombretaceaeTerminalia mollis Laws CombretaceaeVernonia amygdalina Del Compositeae Omululusa MVitex doniana Sweet Verbenaceae Omufudu F T FwKey F = Food; Fw = Fuelwood; T = Timber; Sh = Shade; S = Soil conservation; M = Medicinal;Re = Religious rituals; P = Poles; 0 = Ornamental.Dale I. R. and P. J. Greenway. 1961. Kenya Trees and Shrubs. Buchanan's Kenya EstatesLtm & Hatchards, Piccadily, London, Wl.191APPENDIX 8EXOTIC TREES RECORDED IN FUNYULA DIVISIONGenus Family Sarnia name UsesForest TreesAgave sisalama Perrin Agavaceae Ekonge FiCallitris spp. CupressaceaeCassia siamea Lam. Caesalpiniaceae Omugasia P BFwCassia spectabilis DC. CaesalpiniaceaeCasuarina spp. Casuarinaceae 0Cupressus lusitanica Mill. Cupressaceae 0 HDelenox regia (Boj. ex Hook.) Raf. Caesalpiniaceae 0 ShDovyalis caffra (Hook. f. & Harv.) Flucourtiaceae HEucalyptus spp. Myrtaceae Omubao P FwGrevillea robusta A. Cunn Proteaceae Omubodiabodia T 0 ShHibiscus spp. Malvaceae H 0Jacaranda mimosaefolia D. Don Bignoniaceae 0Lantana camara L. Verbenaceae Obengele To FwLeucaena leucocephala MimosaceaeMelia azadirach L. Meliaceae Omudwele P FwPinus patula Schlecht. and Cham. Pinaceae Omukaratasi 0 InTerminalia catappa L. Combretaceae Omugorofa Sh 0Thunbergia peruviana Acanthaceae Amafulukutu HTithonia diversifolia (Hemsl) Gray Compositae W Fw192193Appendix 8 (Cont'd)Genus Familiy Common name Sarnia name^UsesExotic Fruit TreesAnacardium occidentalis Anacadiaceae Cashewnut Omukorosi *Durio zibethinus Murr. Bombacaceae Durian Omufenesi^F ShCarica papaya L. Caricaceae Pawpaw Omupapali^FCitrus lemonia Osbeck Rutaceae Lemons Omulimawo^FCitrus reticulata Blano Rutaceae Tangerines Mangada^FCitrus sinensis L. Rutaceae Oranges Omuchungwa F CaMangifera indica L. Anacadiaceae Mango Omuyembe^F Fw ShPersea americana Mill. Lauraceae Avocado F CaPsidium guajava L. Myrtaceae Guava Omupera^FSyzygium cumini (L.) Skeels Myrtaceae Jambolan Omujambola F ShKey F = Food; Fi = fibres; Fw = Fuelwood; H = hedge; T = Timber; Sh = Shade;S = Soil conservation; M = Medicinal; Re = Religious rituals; P = Poles; 0 = Ornamental.Dale I. J. 1953. The Introduced trees of the Uganda Protectorate. Uganda GovernmentPrinter, Entebbe194APPENDIX 9COMPUTER PRINTOUT OF QUESTIONNAIRE DATA RECORDS1 1411C C F 0^L L L APTS^S^C7WADC^WF^W^PC^WPTA^WMM^ES^NRAV^NNED 0^AEA AOC^Bi1^1 NLREIPOROMIR^OR^VBONEHwOOIDAASOVEOUENOINIOAADN UNNL FSOCLIVVV AINFELTUF.E00S0^01^1U0ERAHCLMVDDAMUNWCELTSYSwRRUU S^0^GT C AHDUACSSS MMTEDAERSEDUTP^ON^LyDXCRYOEBIMMUFLOLADRRERINT^ICM E^S^SI R LCCPBYTTT OArPENPPUPCNARDSD^ZLWSTOBBSSESI ISEENHLSSESATHTAAB I^I^TV 0 LRRAOCOTS ULEROTLOLROTNEUES SOAOH5LUUOURERRANTLOYIEEEINIAGTE Y^2^AA P 0 0 OTULcYE NPUEUENSTOLCCSPLE ENGOOYLRRUFSNEEGCRYOPZRPESULLT1R P^E^yT S UPPNRECPL TRLSRRTEASTLE:CLLXEEORRENNRFuDMRTEEPTTEYLOORLSPN1 2^20 30 2^10^10 1 1 3 8 1 2 9 2 0 2 2 1 1^1 4 8 1 3 7^1 0 1 2 2 1 2 1^1 2 2 2 1^1 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1^1 1^1 1^1^1 2 2 1 32 1 2.5 10 2 1.5 1.0 2 1^1 1 2 1 7 1 3000 2 2 1 4^1 1 4 , 3 1 4 0 1 2 2 1 1 1^1 2 2 1 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 1^1 1 2 1^13 1 6.0 10 2 1.0 3.0 3 1^1 1 2 2 9 2 0 1 2 1 4 1 I 8 1 4^1 Z^1^1^2^1^1^1 1^1 1^1^1 1^1 2 1 2 2 2 2 1 2 1 1^1 2 2 2 1^1 1^1^2 2 2 2 14 1 5.0 20 2 2.0 3.0 1 1^1 8 1 1 7 1 1180 2 1^1 4 1 3 4 1 3 4 0 0 2 2 1^1 1 1^1 1^1^1 1^1 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 1^1 1^1 2 9 1 1^1 1 2 1 2 2 2 25 1 2.0^8 1 2.0^.0 2 1 4 1^1 2 9 9 0 2 2 1 5^1 1 8 7 4 3 2^i^1^2 2 1 1 1^1 1^1^1 1^1 1^1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1^1 1^1 2 2 4 2 26 1 3.0 25 2 2.0 1.0 2 1^1 7 2 1 6 1 150 1^1^1 1^1 1 a 1 3 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1^1 2 2 2 2 1 1^1 2 2 2 2 1 1^1 1 2 1 2 1 1 2 1^1^1 1 2 2 27 1 3.0^5 1 3.0^.0 1 1^1 7 2 1^1^1 1300 2 2 1 9 1 1 8 1 3 1 3 0 1 2 2 1 2 1^1 2 1^1 1^1 2 2 2 2 1 2 1 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 1^1 1^1^2 2 2 2 28 1^1.5^4^1^1.5^.0 2 2 1 7 1 1 9 9 2000 2 1 1 5^1 1 1 3 2 4 1 2 2 1^2 1 1 1^1 2 1^1 1 2 2 9 9 1 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 1^1 2 1 2 2 2 2 29 1 7.0 70 2 5.0 2.0 1 1 8 1 2 1^1^2 0 2 2 1 1^1 1^7 1 3 1 0 0 2 2 2 2 1 1^1 2 1^1 1^1 2 1 2^1^1 2 1 1 2 2 2 1 2 1 1^1 2 2 1 2 2 1^110 1 5.0 20 1 5.0^.0 1 1^1 8 2 1 7 2 0 2 1 1 9 1 4 8 1 2 1 0 2 2 2 2 1 2 1^1 2 2 1 2^1 3 1 2 2 2 1^1 1 2 1 2 1^2^1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 111 2 5.0 50 1 5.0^.0 1 1^1 8 2 1^1^1 7000 2 1 1 1^1 7 8 1 3 1 2 0 2 2 2 2 1 1^1 2 2 1 2 2 9 9 2 2 2 1^1 1^1 1^1 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 1 1 2 1^112 1^99^3 2^99^99 1 1^1 1 2 2 9 2 0 2 1 2 9 9 9 9 3 1 1 2 0 2 2 2 2 2 1^1 2 2 2 2 2 9 9 1^2^1 1^1 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 9 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 213 1 5.0 20 2 3.0 2.0 2 1^1 1 2 2 9 2 0 2 2 1 5 3 4 8 1 3 1 3 0 2 2 2 2 2 1^1 2 2 2 2 2 9 9 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1^2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 114 1 6.0 50 1 6.0^.0 2 1^1 1 2 2 9 2 0 2 2 1 3 4 6 4 2 3 1 3 0 1 2 2 2 1 1^1 2 2 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 1 1^1 2 1 2 1 1^1^1 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 1^115 1^10 30 2 7.0 3.0 1 1^1 8 1 1^1^2 0 2 2 1 9 1 1 8 3 i^1 2^1^2 2^1^1 1 1^1 1^1^1 1^2 9 9 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1^2^1 2 1 9 316 1 3.0 20 1 3.0^.0 1 1^1 2 2 2 9 2 0 2 1^1 1^1 1 8 1 3 1 2^7^1^2 2 1 2 1^1 1^1 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 1^1 2 2 1 2 2 2 1^1^1^2^1^1 2 2 2^117 1^1.0 15^1^1.0^.0 2 1^1 2 1 1 6 2 0 1 2 1 4 1 1^8^1^4^1 3 2 1 2 2 2 1 1^1 2 1^1 1 2 2 9 9 2 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 1^1 1 2^1 2 2 2 218 1^15 50 2 1.0^14 2 1 8 1^2 2 9 2 0 2 2 1 1^1 8 8 1 8 1 2 0 2 2 2 1 1 1^1 2 2 1 1^1 2^1 1 2 1 1^1 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1^1^1 1^2 2 119 1 4.0 40 2 2.0 2.0 2 1^1 1 2 1^1 2 0 2 1^1 9 1 3 4 2 2 1 2 1^1 2 2 2 1 7^1 2 1^1 1^2 9 9 2 2 1 1^1 1^1 2 2 1 2 2 2 1 1^1^2 2 2 2 120 1 2.5^5 1 2.5^.0 2 1 2 2 1 2 9 2 0 2 1 1 1 2 1 8 1 3 1 2 3 1 2 2 1 2 1^1 1^1^1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 1^1 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 321 1^14 30 2 3.0^11 2 1^1 1 2 2 9 2 0 2 2 1 1^1 4 2 4 0 2 1 0 2 2 1^1 1 1^1 2 2 2 2 1 2 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1^1^1 1 3 2 122 1 3.0 20 1 3.0^.0 1 1 3 7 1 1 5 2 0 2 1^1 4 1 4 4 1 3 1 9 0 1 2 2 1 1 1^1 2 2 1 1 2 9 9 1^1^1 2 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 1^1 2 2 1 2 2 2 323 1 2.5^5 1 2.5^.0 1 1^1 1 2 2 9 2 0 2 1 1 2 1 1^8^1^4.:^1 2 0 2 2 2 2 2 1^1 2 1 1 2 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 1 1 2 1^1 2 2 2 2 124 1 2.0 30 2 1.0 1.0 1 1^1 1 2 1^1^1 9000 1 1 1 1 2 1^1 4 8 1 3 1 2 2 2 2 2 1^1 2 1^1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 1 1^1 2 2 1 2 3 9 125 2 8.0 20 2 3.0 5.0 2 1 2 7 1 2 9 2 0 2 1^111181310^1^111^1^1 1^1 1^1^1 1^1 3 1 2 2 2 1^1 1 2 2 2 1 2 211 1 2 1 2 2 2 326 1 3.5^5 2 2.0 1.5 2 1^1 7 2 1 2 2 0 2 1 1 4 2 6 4 4 3 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 1^1 2 2 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 1^1 9 1 2 2 2 2 1 1^1 2 2 1 2 2 2 127 2^11 10 1^11^.0 2 1 2 7 1 1 5 1 9040 1 1 1 2 2 6 8 3 3 1 0 3 1 2 2 1 2 1^1 1^1^1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 1^1 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 1^1^1 1 2 2 328 16.0^5 2 3.0 3.0 2 1^1 1 2 2 9 2 0 2 1 1 1^1 4 4 1 3 1 2 3 2 2 2 1 2 1^1 2 2 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 1^1 2 2 1 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 2^129 1^20^8 2 4.0^16 2 1^1 1 2 1 2 1 300 2 2 1 4 1 5 4 2 3 1 0 0 2 2 2 2 2 1^1 2 2 2 2 2 9 9 2 2 1 1^1 2 2 1 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 230 1 6.0^2 2 3.0 3.0 2 1^1 7 2 2 9 2 0 2 1 1 1^1 1 8 2 3 1 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 1^1 1^1^1 1 2 9 9 2 2 1 1^1 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 231 1^25 13 2 8.0^17 1 1^1 1 2 1 7 2 0 2 2 1 4 1 4 4 3 1 1 0 0 2 2 2 2 2 1^1 2 1 1 2 2 9 9 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 2 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 1^132 1 4.5^4 1 4.0^.5 2 1^1 7 2 1 5 2 0 2 1 1 1^1 2 5 4 3 1 3 0 1 2 2 1 2 1^1 2 1 1 2 2 9 9 2 2 2 1^1 1^1 2 1 1^1^1 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 133 1 4.0 10 1 4.0^.0 2 1^1 1 2 2 9 2 0 2 2 1 4 4 1 4^1 3 1 2 0 2 2 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 1^1 2 1 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 134 1 3.0 15 2 2.0 1.0 2 1^1 8 2 1 7 2 0 2 1 1 4 1 1 4 1 3^1 3 0 2 2 2 1 2 1 2 2 1^1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 1^1 2 2 1 2 2 2 1 2 1 1^1^1 1 2 2 235 2 5.0 30 2 3.0 2.0 1 1 5 2 1 1 2 1 3440 1 2 1 1^1 5 4 3 3 1 3 0 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1^1 2 1^1 2 2 2 336 1 3.0 20 1 3.0^.0 1 1^1 1 2 1 5 2 '^0 2 1^1 4 1 3 3 1 3 1 0 0 1 2 2 1 2 1 2 1^1^1 1 2 9 9 2 2 1 1^1 1 2 1 2 2 2 1 2 2 1^1^1 2 2 2 137 1 4.0 20 2 2.0 2.0 2 1^1 1 2 1 5 2 0 2 2 1 4 9 4 5 2 3 1 0 0 2 2 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 2 1 2 1 2 1 1 2 1 1^1 1^1 2 2 2 1^138 1 3.0 10 1 3.0^.0 1 1^1 1 2 2 9 2 0 2 1 1 4 4 1 4^11^5^1 3 2 2 2 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 1 2 1 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 239 1 3.0 40 2 2.0 1.0 1 1^1 1 2 1^1 2 0 2 2 1 1^1 4 2 2 3 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 1 2 1 2 1 1 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 3 1^140 2^20 50 2^10^10 1 1^1 8 1 1 6 1 2000 1 2 1 4 1 4 4 1 5 1 2 0 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 1 2 2 9 9 1 2 1 1^1 2 2 2 2 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 2 2 2 1^141 2 5.0 60 2 3.0 2.0 1 1^1 8 1 2 9 2 0 2 1 1 1 4 1 4 1 3 1 0 0 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 1^1^1 2 1 2 1 1 2 2 1^1 2 2 2 2 1 2 1 1^1 2 1^1 1 2 1^142 1 4.0 10 2 2.0 2.0 3 1 8 2 1 1 5 2 0 2 2 1 5 1 4 5 1 3 1 2 o 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 3 1 1 2 2 1^1 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1^1 2 1 2 1 2 2 343 1 6.0 40 2 2.0 4.0 2 1^1 1 2 2 9 2 0 2 2 1 4 4 1 4 1 3 1 0 0 1 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 1 1^1 1 2 2 2 3 2 144 1 3.5 31 1 2.0 1.5 1 1^1 1 2 2 9 2 0 2 2 1 4 1 1 4 3 5 1 2 0 1 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 1 1^1 1^1 1 2 2 1^1 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1^1 2 1^1 1 2 1 245 1 5.0 25 1 5.0^.0 3 1 3 8 1 1 2 1 1100 2 1 1 4 1 8 8 3 3 1 2 0 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 3 1 1 2 1 1^1 2 2 2 2 2 1^1 1^1 1 1 2 2 2 2 246 1 5.0 14 2 3.0 2.0 1 1^1 1^1 1 6 2 1440 1 2 1 4 4 1 4 3 3 1 1 0 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 1^1 2 1 2 2 1 2 1 1 2 1^1^1 2 2 2 147 2 6.0 15 2 3.0 3.0 2 1 8 8 1 1 2 2 0 2 1 1 4 1 3 8 1 3 1 3 0 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 1^1 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1^1 1^1^1 2 2 2 148 1 8.0 36 2 3.0 5.0 3 1 8 8 2 2 9 2 0 2 1 1 1^1 3 4 2 3 1 1 0 2 2 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 9 9 1 2 2 1^1 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 1^1 2 2 2 2 2 1 249 1 9.0 22 2^.0 9.0 2 1^1 a 2 1 5 2 0 2 2 1 1^1 1 4 2 3 1 4 0 2 2 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 1 1^1 1 2 1 2 1 2 2 1^1 2 1 2 2 2 2 250 1^1.5^2 1^1.5^..0 2 1^1 1 2 2 9 2 0 2 1 1 4 1 1 9 4 1 4 0 '-, 2 2 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 1 2 9 2 2 1 2 1^1 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 251 2 7.0 15 2 5.0 2.0 3 1^1 7 1 2 9 2 0 2 1 1 1^1 8 4 3 3 i L 0 2 2 2 1 1 1 2 2 1^1 1^1 3 1 2 2 2 1^1 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 1 1^1^1 2 2 2 152 1 3.0 11 1 3.0^.0 2 1^1 1 2 1 8 2 1440 2 2 1 4 9 1 4 2 1 1 3 0 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 1 2 9 9 2 2 1 1^1 2 1 1^1 1 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 253 1 6.0 20 2 4.0 2.0 2 1^1 1 2 1 7 2 0 2 1 1 4 9 3 4 1 5 4 3 0 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1^1 1^1 2 1 1 2 2 1^1 2 1 1^1 1 2 1 1 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 154 1^10 25 2 4.0 6.0 1 1 5 1 2 1 2 1 600 2 2 1 1^1 2 4 2 4 1 3 0 1 2 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 1 1^1 2 1 1 2 2 1^1 1^1 1^1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1^155 1 4.0 20 1 4.0^.0 1 1^1 1 2 2 9 2 0 2 2 1 1 2 1 7 9 3 1 3 0 1 2 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 1 1^1 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 1^1 2 2 2 2 3 1^12211111 11 11 1111 11 11112222 21222222222222 2 2 2222322232 2 1 322112223222222232222195Appendix 9 (cont'd)I^HLIC^C F 0^L L L^APIS^S^CTWAOC^WF^W PC WPTA^wmM ES^NRAV MMED 0^AEA AOC^Bill^NLREPIPOROMIR^OR^VBONENWOOIDAASOVEOUENOINI0440H^UNNL ^FSOCLIVVV^AINEELTUNEOOSO^0 I^IUOERANOLMVDDAMUNWCEUTSYSWRRUU S OCT^C^AHDUACSSS^MMTEDAERSEDUTP^DN^LYDXCRYDEBIMMUFLOLADRRERINI ICK E^S SI^R^LCCPBYTTT^OAFPSAPPUPCNARDSD ZLWSTOBBSSESI ISEENHLSSESATNTAAB T^I TV 0^LRRAOCOTS^ULEROTLOLROTNEUES SOAOH5LUUOURERRANTLOYIEEEINIAGTY Z AA P 0 0 OTULCYE^NPUEUENSTOLCCSNLE ENGOOYLRRUFSNEEGCRY0P2RPESULLTIP^E YT^S^WPPNREKPL^TRLSRRTEABTLE1GLLNEEORRENNRFUDMATEEPTTEYLODRLSPN7 1 1 2 2 2 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 21 1 1 2 2 11 2 1 2 2 12 9 9 2 2 22 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 2 22 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 2 22 2 1 1 2 9 9 2 1 12 1 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 1 1 2 12 1 1 1 2 9 2 2 1 1 1 2 12 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 1 1 12 1 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 22 2 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 1 1 1 22 1 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 1 1 1 21 1 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 1 1 1 22 1 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 22 2 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 11 1 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 22 2 1 2 2 9 9 2 2 1 1 1 12 2 1 1 1 3 3 1 2 2 1 1 12 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 2 2 1 11 1 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 2 1 11 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 1 1 22 1 1 1 2 9 9 1 1 2 1 1 12 1 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 12 1 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 1 1 1 22 3 1 2 2 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 12 3 1 2 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 118.0 6 2 4.0 4.0 2 1 1 1 2 2 9 2^0 2 1 1 4 9 3 3 4 4 1 1 3 1 2 2 1 2 2 3 1 1 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 22 2.5 19 2 1.5 1.0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2^0 2 1 1 5 1 4 3 1 3 1 2 0 2 2 2 1 1 2 3 2 2 1 1 2 9 9 1 2 1 1 1 21 10 49 2 4.0 6.0 1 1 1 1 1 1 5 1 3200 2 1 1 5 1 3 8 1 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 3 1 1 1 1 2 9 9 1 1 1 1 1 21 4.0 31 1 4.0 .0 1 1 6 8 2 1 8 2^0 2 1 1 1 1 3 8 3 5 1 3 0 1 2 2 2 1 2 3 2 1 1 1 2 9 9 1 1 1 1 1 21 10 15 2 5.0 5.0 1 1 1 7 1 1 8 2^0 2 1 1 1 1 8 8 3 5 1 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 3 1 1 1 1 2 9 9 1 1 2 1 1 21 1.0 1 1 1.0 .0 1 1 1 1 2 2 9 2^0 2 1 1 1 1 4 8 3 5 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 3 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 21 20 35 2 10 10 1 1 3 7 1 1 5 1 4000 1 1 1 1 1 1 8 3 5 1 4 0 2 2 1 1 1 2 3 1 1 1 1 2 9 9 1 2 1 1 1 12 9.0 50 1 1.0 8.0 2 1 1 7 2 1 3 2^0 2 2 1 1 3 1 2 2 5 1 0 0 1 2 2^2 2 3 2 1 12 20 30 1 20 .0 2 1 1 1 1 2 9 2^0 2 1 1 4 2 2 1 2 5 1 3 3 1 2 2 1 2 2 3 1 1 11 10 TO 2 5.0 5.0 1 1 1 1 2 1 5 2^0 2 1 1 2 1 8 4 1 5 1 2 3 1 2 2 1 2 2 3 2 1 11 3.0 33 1 3.0 .0 2 1 1 1 2 1 6 1 1340 2 1 1 4 1 1 4 2 3 1 3 5 1 2 2 2 1 2 4 2 1 11 3.5 37 1 3.0 .5 1 1 6 7 1 1 1 2^0 2 1 1 3 1 1 4 1 6 1 2 0 1 2 2 2 1 2 4 1 1 11 3.0 20 2 1.0 2.0 2 1 2 7 1 2 9 2^0 2 2 1 2 1 1 7 1 3 1 2 0 2 2 2 2 1 2 4 2 2 12 2.5 40 1 2.0 .5 1 1 1 8 2 1 7 1 500 2 1 1 3 1 4 4 1 2 1 0 4 1 2 2 2 1 2 4 1 1 11 4.0 60 2 2.0 2.0 1 1 1 1 2 2 9 2^0 2 2 1 4 4 4 3 2 3 3 2 3 1 2 2 2 2 2 4 2 1 11 2.0 2 1 2.0 .0 2 1 3 1 2 2 9 2^0 2 1 1 4 4 1 4 1 5 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 2 2 4 1 1 11 1.5 2 1 1.0 .5 2 1 7 1 2 2 9 2^0 2 1 1 2 1 4 4 2 2 1 2 7 1 2 2 2 1 2 4 1 1 21 4.0 21 2 3.0 1.0 2 1 7 7 1 1 2 2^0 2 1 1 1 1 4 2 1 5 1 2 0 1 2 2 2 1 2 4 1 1 11 2.0 5 1 2.0 .0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1440 1 1 1 3 1 1 4 1 0 1 2 7 2 2 2 1 2 2 4 1 1 11 14 20 2 7.0 7.0 1 1 1 1 2 2 9 2^0 2 2 1 1 2 2 5 1 1 4 2 3 1 2 2 2 2 2 4 1 1 1 1 1 3 1 2 2 2 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 22 10 11 2 5.0 5.0 1 1 1 1 1 2 9 2^0 2 2 1 1 1 4 2 1 3 1 2 0 1 2 2 2 1 2 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 1 1 2 2 2 1 2 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 22 20 39 2 15 5.0 1 1 2 8 1 1 1 1 4000 2 1 1 2 1 6 6 1 7 1 3 0 1 2 2 1 1 2 4 1 1 1 2 2 9 9 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 31 10 10 2 2.0 8.0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 7880 1 1 1 1 1 4 2 9 1 1 0 7 1 2 2 2 2 2 4 1 1 1 2 2 9 9 1 2 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 21 5.5 15 2 3.0 2.5 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2^0 2 1 1 2 1 8 4 2 5 1 0 0 2 2 2 1 2 2 4 2 1 1 2 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 11 2.0 50 1 2.0 .0 2 1 1 7 1 1 5 2^0 2 1 1 5 1 1 8 9 5 1 2 0 1 2 2 2 2 2 4 1 1 1 2 2 9 9 1 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 3 1 11 3.0 20 2 2.0 1.0 2 1 3 1 1 2 9 2^0 2 1 2 9 9 9 9 1 2 1 2 4 1 2 2 1 2 2 4 1 1 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 2 1 2 1 1 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 1 11 2.0 21 1 2.0 11 2 1 1 7 1 1 1 2^0 2 1 1 2 1 1 4 9 5 1 3 6 1 2 2 2 1 2 4 1 1 1 1 2 9 9 1 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 31 1.0 30 1 1.0 .0 2 1 7 1 2 1 1 2^0 2 1 1 4 1 4 4 9 2 1 3 6 1 2 2 2 1 2 4 1 1 1 2 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 21 2.0 20 2 2.0 .0 2 1 1 1 2 2 9 2^0 2 2 1 4 1 4 4 9 3 1 2 0 1 2 2 1 1 2 4 1 1 1 2 2 9 9 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 1 11 4.5 20 1 4.0 .5 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 1800 1 1 1 3 1 1 4 1 5 2 3 0 1 2 2 2 1 2 4 2 1 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 11 4.0 33 1 4.0 .0 1 1 7 1 2 1 2 2 0 4 1 1 4 1 3 4 2 2 1 2 7 1 2 1 2 1 2 4 1 1 1 2 2 9 9 1 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 11 3.0 20 1 3.0 .0 1 1 1 7 2 1 8 1 240 2 2 1 4 1 1 4 1 0 1 3 4 1 1 2 2 2 2 4 1 1 1 1 2 9 9 1 2 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 11 2.5 1 2 1.0 1.5 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 1440 1 1 1 9 1 4 2 1 9 2 2 0 1 2 2 1 2 2 4 1 1 1 2 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 21 2.0 40 1 2.0 .0 1 1 1 1 2 2 9 2^0 2 1 1 3 1 1 4 2 5 3 3 0 1 2 2 2 2 2 4 1 1 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 3 1 11 7.0 2 2 5.0 2.0 2 1 2 1 2 2 9 2^0 2 1 1 4 2 3 3 1 3 1 3 5 1 2 2 2 2 2 4 1 1 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 3 2 21 4.0 20 1 4.0 .0 1 1 1 1 2 1 5 2^0 2 2 1 1 4 2 2 1 3 4 0 0 2 2 2 1 2 2 4 1 1 1 2 2 9 9 1 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 2 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 4 2 1119^1 2.0 15 1 2.0 .0 1 1 1 8 2 1 2 2^0 2 1 1 2 1 4 2 3 3 3 2 5 2 2 2 2 1 2 4 1 1 1 1 2 9 9 1 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 -120- -133 1 2 2.0 1.5 2 1 1 1 2 1 4 1 3300 1 1 1 2 1 4 4 1 3 1 3 5 1 2 2 2 1 2 4 1 1 1 2 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 1 2 1 1 2 1 2 2 2 2121^1 4.0 13 2 2.0 2.0 3 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2000 2 2 2 1 4 1 4 4 3 1 1 6 2 2 2 2 2 2 4 2 2 1 1 2 9 9 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 1 1122^1 5.0 4 2 4.0 1.0 2 1 1 7 2 1 5 2^0 2 1 1 1 1 2 5 4 3 1 3 0 1 2 2 1 2 2 4 2 1 1 2 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 15657585960616263646566676869707172737475767778798981828384.8586878889909192939495969798991001011021031041051061071081091101111121131141151161171181 18 36 2 8.0 10 1 1 1 1 2 1 6 11 20 15 2 10 10 1 1 1 1 1 1 8 21 20 33 2 8.0 12 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 21 44 33 2 16 281 1 1 7 1 1 1 11 4.0 50 2 2.0 2.0 1 1 1 7 1 1 2 21 8.0 36 2 4.0 4.0 1 1 1 1 2 1 6 22 99 80 2 99 99 2 1 1 7 2 2 9 21 8.0 8 2 4.0 4.0 1 1 1 7 2 2 9 22 30 72 10 20 1 1 1 7 2 2 9 22 10 51 2 5.0 5.0 2 1 1 7 2 1 8 2^0 2 1 1 1 3 8 8 11 40 80 2 8.0 32 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 2^0 2 1 1 1 1 8 8 12 24 16 2 6.0 18 3 1 1 1 1 1 8 1 6000 2 1 1 5 4 1 2 11 8.0 20 2 3.0 5.0 1 1 1 7 2 1 2 2^0 2 1 1 4 1 8 8 11 8.0 40 2 4.0 4.0 2 1 1 1 2 1 6 2^0 2 2 1 4 1 4 4 21 12 0 2 2.0 10 1 1 1 1 2 2 9 2^0 2 2 1 2 4 4 4 21 4.0 17 1 4.0 .0 2 1 1 1 1 1 5 1 8760 1 7 7 1 1 1 4 2 3 4 0 0 1 2 21 8.0 28 2 6.0 2.0 3 1 7 6 2 2 9 2^0 2 1 1 1 1 1 5 3 3 1 0 0 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 11 5.0 10 1 5.0 .0 2 1 1 1 1 1 6 2^0 2 2 1 4 9 1 8 1 3 1 2 0 1 2 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 11 1.0 6 1 1.0 .0 2 1 1 1 2 1 7 2^0 2 1 1 1 1 4 4 1 3 1 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 12 8.0 29 2 3.0 5.0 1 1 9 6 1 2 9 2^0 2 1 1 1 1 1 4 2 5 4 3 0 1 2 1 1 1 1 22 6.0 30 2 2.0 4.0 2 1 1 1 2 1 8 2^0 2 1 1 2 9 4 8 2 5 4 3 0 1 2 1 1 1 1 21 18 40 2 8.0 10 3 1 1 1 2 2 9 2^0 2 2 1 4 9 3 4 1 7 4 3 0 2 2 2 1 2 1 22 4.0 36 2 2.0 2.0 2 1 1 7 2 2 2 2^0 2 1 1 4 1 8 8 2 5 1 2 0 1 2 2 1 2 2 32 4.0 64 2 2.0 2.0 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2^0 2 1 2 9 9 9 9 9 5 1 9 2 1 2 2 2 1 2 31 8.0 27 2 6.0 2.0 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 800 1 1 1 2 4 8 8 3 3 1 1 0 2 2 2 1 1 2 31 12 18 2 6.0 6.0 1 1 1 7 2 1 2 2 0 2 2 1 1 1 8 8 3 3 1 1 0 1 2 2 2 1 2 31 12 60 2 4.0 8.0 1 1 1 7 1 1 8 2 3000 2 1 1 2 1 1 8 1 4 4 9 0 1 2 2 2 1 2 3245 2 1 1 4 1 2 4 9 4 4 9 3 1 2 2 2 1 2 30 2 2 1 9 1 1 8 3 3 4 4 2 1 2 1 i 2 2 30 2 1 2 9 9 9 9 1 4 4 4 0 1 2 1 1 2 2 35000 1 1 1 4 1 8 8 3 3 4 3 0 2 2 2 1 1 2 30 2 1 1 2 1 8 8 9 5 1 9 0 2 2 2 1 1 2 30 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 4 4 0 0 2 2 2 2 1230 2 1 1 4 1 8 8 1 3 4 0 0 2 2 2 1 1230 2 1 1 2 1 8 8 1 4 1 0 0 1 2 2 1 2230 2 1 1 4 1 8 8 1 4 1 0 0 1 2 2 2232232 22 12 12 13 1 0 0 1 2 2 15 1 0 0 2 2 2 15 1 0 0 1 2 2 25 1 2 0 2 2 2 15 3 4 3 2 2 2 1 25 1 2 0 2 2 2 1 21232231231 2 9 9 2 2 1 1 1 21 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 11 2 9 9 2 2 1 1 1 11 2 9 9 1 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 12 2 9 9 1 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 12 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 1 21 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 1 12 2 9 9 1 2 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 2 2 1 11 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 1 2 22 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 1 1 12 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 1 11 2 9 9 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 1 1 12 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 22 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 1 2 2 2 21 1 1 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 22 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 2 2 21 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 2 2 21 1 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 21 1 2 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 11 1 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 11 1 2 1 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 32 2 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 11 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 22 1 2 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 i 11 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 31 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 11 1 1 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 11 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 11 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 11 1 1 1 2 2 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 12 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 12 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 1 2 2 12 1 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 11 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2 1 12 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 12 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 22 1 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 3 9 11 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 2 21 1 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 21 1 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 21 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 21 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 21 1 2 1 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 22 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 31 1 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 2 2 31 1 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 3 9 12 1 2 2 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 3 9 21 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 21 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 2 2 2SPSS:PC DICTIONARY DISPLAY: CODEBOOKAppendix 9 (cont'd)•Variable: IDNUMBER Label: ID NUMBERNo value labels^Type: Number Width: 3 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *Variable: HOUSETYP Label: TYPE OF HOUSEValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 GRASS^2.00 MABATIVariable: LANDSIZE Label: SIZE OF LANDNo value labels^Type: Number Width: 3 Dec: 1^Missing: 99.00Variable: LENGSTAY Label: HOW LONG LIVED ON PRESENT LANDNo value labels^Type: Number Width: 2 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *Variable: CALTIVAT Label: IS ALL LAND CULTIVATEDValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES^2.00 NOVariable: CROPS^Label: SIZE OF LAND UNDER CROPSValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 3 Dec: 1^Missing: 99.00.00 no land usedVariable: FALLOW^Label: SIZE OF FALLOW LANDNo value labels^Type: Number Width: 3 Dec: 1^Missing: 99.00Variable: CASHCROP Label: WHICH CASH CROPS DO YOU RAISEValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 COTTON^2.00 NONE3.00 COFFEEVariable: FOODCROP Label: DO YOU RAISE ANY FOOD CROPSValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES^2.00 NOVariable: OCCUPATN Label: WHAT IS YOUR SOURCE OF INCOMEValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 FARMER^2.00 PROFESTIONAL (TEACHER)3.00 CRAFTSMAN (CARPENTER)^4.00 BEER BREWING5.00 BRICK MAKING^6.00 TAILORING7.00 SHOPKEEING 8.00 FISHING9.00 OTHERS196197Appendix 9 (cont'd)Variable: LABOUR^Label: SOURCE OF FARM LABOURValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 OWN FAMILY^2.00 HIRED LABOUR3.00 ANIMALS 4.00 HIRED MACHINES5.00 OWN MACHINES^6.00 WORK GROUPS7.00 FAMILY AND HIRED LABOUR^8.00 FAMILY AND WORK GROUPSVariable: BICYCLE^Label: DO YOU OWN A BICYCLEValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES 2.00 NOVariable: LIVSTOCK Label: DO YOU OWN LIVESTOCKValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES^2.00 NOVariable: LIVSTTYP Label: LIVESTOCK TYPEValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing:^9.001.00 CATTLE3.00 SHEEP5.00 GOATS AND SHEEP7.00 CATTLE AND GAOTS9.00 NOT APPLICABLE2.00 GOATS4.00 PIGS6.00 OTHERS8.00 CATTLE, GOATS AND SHEEPVariable: LIVSTSEL Label: DID YOU SELL ANY LIVESTOCKValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing:^9.00^1.00 YES^2.00 NOVariable: AMOUNT^Label: MONEY FROM STOCK SELLNo value labels^Type: Number Width: 4 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *Variable: ANIMALPR Label: SELL ANY ANIMAL PRODUCTValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES^2.00 NOVariable: PLNTFEUL Label: WOULD YOU PLANT TREES FOR FIREWOODValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES^2.00 NOVariable: TREEPRES Label: ARE THERE PLANTED TREES ON YOUR LANDValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES^2.00 NOVariable: SEEDSOUR Label: SOURCE OF SEEDLINGSValue labels follow Type: Number Width:1.00 GOVERNMENT NURSERY3.00 SCHOOL NURSERY5.00 BOUGHT OUTSIDE LOCATION1 Dec: 0^Missing:^9.002.00 SELF PROPAGATED4.00 OTHERS! •^•^D " • •198Appendix 9 (cont'd)Variable: PLANTER^Label: PERSON WHO PLANTED TREESValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0^Missing:^9.001.00 SELF 2.00 SPOUSE3.00 CHILDREN^4.00 SELF AND CHILDREN9.00 NOT ANSWEREDVariable: SITEPLNT Label: SITE WHERE TREES PLANTED^Value labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing:^9.001.00 ROUND THE HOMESTEAD^2.00 IN THE COMPOUND3.00 FARM BOUNDARY^4.00 MIXED WITH CROPS5.00 ROUND HOMESTEAD AND IN C^6.00 ROUND HOMESTEAD & MIXE7.00 COMPOUND AND MIXED WITH 8.00 SEVERAL COMBINATIONS9.00 NOT APPLICABLE OR NOT ANVariable: PURPOSE^Label: PURPOSE OF PLANTING TREESValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0^Missing:^9.001.00 FUELWOOD 2.00 POLES3.00 ORNAMENTALS^4.00 TIMBER5.00 FRUIT^6.00 MEDICINES7.00 POLES AND TIMBER^8.00 POLES ORNAMENTALS AND TI9.00 NOT ANSWEREDVariable: CONSULTA^Label: PERSON CONSULTED ON TREE MATTERSValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0^Missing:^9.001.00 AGRIC OFFICER^2.00 FRIENDS3.00 FOREST OFFICER 4.00 DEAL WITH BY SELF9.00 NOT ANSWEREDVariable: TREEPROB Label: MAJOR PROBLEMS FOR TREE GROWTHValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing:^9.001.00 POOR SOILS^2.00 INADEQUATE RAINFALL3.00 TERMITES 4.00 ROCKY SOILS5.00 TERMITES AND INADEQUATE^6.00 ENYENDE7.00 POOR SOILS AND INADEQUAT^8.00 ROCKY SOIS AND ENYENDE9.00 NOT ANSWEREDVariable: WOODCOLT Label: PERSON COLLECTING FIREWOODValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 WIFE^2.00 HUSBAND3.00 CHILDREN 4.00 WIFE AND CHILDREN5.00 HUSBAND AND WIFEVariable: AMOUNTCL Label: BUNDLES COLLECTED PER WEEKValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0^Missing:^9.00.00 SMALL QUANTITIES AS NEED^1.00 ONE BUNDLE2.00 TWO BUNDLES^3.00 THREE NDLES_ ^4.00 FOUR BUNDLESppendix 9 (coned)Variable: DISTANCE Label: DISTANCE TO COLLECTION POINTValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *.00 NEAR HOMESTEAD^1.00 1 KILOMETRE2.00 2 KILOMETRE^3.00 3 KILOMETRE4.00 4 KILOMETRE 5.00 5 KILOMETRES6.00 6 KILOMETRES^7.00 7 KILOMETRES9.00 NOT GIVENVariable: CROPRESI Label: DO YOU USE CROP RESIDUEValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES^2.00 NOVariable: DUNG^Label: DO YOU USE DUNGValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES 2.00 NOVariable: WOODSELL Label: HAVE YOU EVER SOLD FIREWOODValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES^2.00 NOVariable: FRINDSEL Label: SEEN NEIGHBOR/FRIEND SELL FIREWOODValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES^2.00 NOVariable: BUYWOOD Label: WOULD YOU BE WILLING TO BUY FIREWOODValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES^2.00 NOVariable: WOODSHOR Label: IS THERE WOOD SHORTAGE AT PRESENTValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES^2.00 NOVariable: NEXT5YR^Label: HOW ABOUT IN THE NEST 5 YEARSValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES 2.00 NOVariable: PERCOLLE Label: PERMISSION TO COLLECTValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES^2.00 NOVariable: CHARBURN Label: EVER BURNT CHARCAOLValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0^Missing: * None *1.00 YES^2.00 NO199Appendix 9 (coned)Variable: WHYBURN^Label: REASON FOR BURNINGValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing:^9.001.00 OWN USE 2.00 SELL3.00 BOTH OWN USE & SELLVariable: WOODSOUR Label: SOURCE OF TREES FOR CHARCAOLValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing:^9.001.00 OWN LAND^2.00 NEIGHBORS LAND3.00 BOUGHTVariable: POLESUFF Label: ARE THERE ENOUGH POLESValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing:^9.001.00 YES^2.00 NOVariable: TIMBERSU Label: IS THERE ENOUGH TIMBERValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES^2.00 NOVariable: ADVISEND Label: NEED ADVISE ON TREE PLANTINGValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 AGREE^2.00 DISAGREEVariable: ADMIREM^Label: ADMIRE MARKHAMIA TREEValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 AGREE 2.00 DISAGREEVariable: ADMIREH^Label: ADMIRE HILL WITH TREESValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 AGREE 2.00 DISAGREEVariable: SAUSAGT^Label: BAD LUCK TO CUT SAUSAGE TREEValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing:^9.001.00 AGREE 2.00 DISAGREEVariable: WOMFENCE Label: WOMEN PLANT HOMESTEAD FENCEValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 AGREE^2.00 DISAGREEVariable: MVULETRE Label: PLANT MVULE TREEValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 AGREE^2.00 DISAGREEVariable: MENONLYP Label: ONLY MEN SHOULD PLANT TREESValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 AGREE^2.00 DISAGREE200Appendix 9 (coned)Variable: OWLHOOT^Label: IF AN OWL HOOTS IN A TREE CUT ITValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 AGREE 2.00 DISAGREEVariable: EUCALYPT Label: EUCALYPT ARE INDIGENOUSValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing:^9.001.00 AGREE^2.00 DISAGREEVariable: SEEDSIZE Label: TREES HAVE SMALL SEEDSValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 AGREE^2.00 DISAGREEVariable: NURSERY^Label: ALWAYS NEED A NURSERY FOR TREESValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing:^9.001.00 AGREE 2.00 DISAGREEVariable: NOTREEPL Label: PLANTED ANY TREES IN LAST TWO YRSValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES^2.00 NOVariable: RISESEED^Label: * No label *Value labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES 2.00 NOVariable: ANYRAISD Label: RAISED ANY SEEDLINGSValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES^2.00 NOVariable: VISITNUR Label: EVER VISITED FOREST NURSERYValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES^2.00 NOVariable: AGRICOFF Label: HAD A VISIT FROM AGRIC OFFICERValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES^2.00 NOVariable: FORESOFF Label: HAS A VISIT FROM FOREST OFFICERValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES^2.00 NO _Variable: BURNRUBS Label: BURN RUBBISH AFTER LAND PREPARATIONValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 BURN THEM^2.00 MAKE TRASH LINES3.00 LEAVE THEM TO ROT201Appendix 9 (cont'd)Variable: OWNHILL^Label: OWN ANY HILL LANDValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 YES 2.00 NOVariable: SAMIAHL^Label: WAS IT GOOD TO AFFOREST SAMIA HILLSValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing:^9.001.00 CONTINUED 2.00 NOT CONTINUED3.00 OTHERSVariable: MARITALS Label: MARRITAL STATUSValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 SINGLE^2.00 MARRIED3.00 WIDOWED 4.00 DIVORCEDVariable: MARIAGTP Label: MARRIAGE TYPEValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing:^9.001.00 POLYGAMOUS^2.00 MONOGAMOUSVariable: YEARBIRT Label: YEAR OF BIRTHNo value labels^Type: Number Width: 2 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *Variable: EDUCATIN Label: EDUCATION LEVELValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *1.00 NEVER WENT TO SCHOOL 2.00 PRIMARY LEVEL3.00 SECONDARY AND ABOVEVariable: NOCHILDR Label: NO OF CHILDRENNo value labels^Type: Number Width: 2 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *Variable: RELIGION Label: RELIGION OF RESPONDENTValue labels follow Type: Number Width: 1 Dec: 0 Missing: * None *2.00 CHRISTIAN^3.00 MOSLEMVariable: SEX^Label: SEX OF RESPONDENTNo value labels^Type: String Width: 1^Missing: * None *Variable: ZONE^Label: * No label *Value labels follow Type: Number Width: 8 Dec: 2 Missing: * None *1.00 SAMIA NORTH^2.00 SAMIA SOUTHVariable: AGE^Label: * No label *No value labels^Type: Number Width: 8 Dec: 2 Missing: * None *Variable: VILLAGE^Label: * No label *Value labels follow Type: Number Width: 8 Dec: 2 Missing: * None *1.00 SAGANIA 2.00 NANGINI '4^ 4.00 NAMASALI202


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