Communicating 'Forest': Co-managing Crises and Opportunities with Northern Secwepemc First Nations and the Province of British Columbia by Garth East Greskiw M.R.M. , Simon Fraser University, 1993 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR T H E DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES (Forestry) UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 2006 © Garth East Greskiw, 2006 Abstract: Communicating 'Forest': Co-managing Crises and Opportunities with Northern Secwepemc First Nations and the Province of British Columbia The following research inquires about the communication challenges for co-management of natural resources in traditional territories of Secwepemc First Nations. The results w i l l be of interest to First Nations, lands and resource planners of British Columbia and others who are interested in developing acceptable strategies for co-management of indigenous lands with 'post-colonial' governments. The purpose of the study is to find out how co-management can occur so that learning and continual adaptation to new knowledge is planned. Communication by speaking and listening and by sharing stories continues to be important for maintaining culture- but communication by reading and writing is the dominant method currently used by management authorities. Communication crises occur when traditional ecological knowledge is required to fit within a rigid technology of literacy (Nadasdy 1999). There is little presently known about how the Province of British Columbia and First Nations can communicate so that acceptable co-management of forests can be achieved. Nevertheless, co-management is required as the method for resolving the Canadian constitutional conflict between First Nations' title and rights and the natural resources jurisdiction of the Province. A hypothesis is tested that the Northern Secwepemc First Nations are leading transformation initiatives toward sustainable management in their territories and that shared knowledge emerges from new growth opportunities in crisis situations. Crises in forest management can create opportunities for cross-scale institutional improvement of co-management i f First Nations and Provincial decision-making is shared in learning organizations. The project used the case study survey method for inquiry. Community contact persons provided direction in finding acceptable terms of reference for the project and the cases for study. Interviews were based on questions derived from the current provincial forest-planning framework, the communities' vision for co-management and from the research of common property resource management by Ostrom (1990) and Pinkerton (1992). The analysis used in this research was tailored to the grounded theory method for data analysis (Glaser 1998). Research findings indicated that there is potential for transformation of forest management in Northern Secwepemc territories in times of crises, however certain conditions, such as adequate staffing, funding and training, must first exist at the site level of management in order to make the best use of emergent opportunities for collaboration. Systemic and democratic conversation among First Nations and provincial planners in British Columbia must be encouraged. This should be accomplished in institutional frameworks that are well supported for local learning organizations to inform management continuously and adaptively, across scales from the site level to the provincial level. iii Table of Contents: Abstract ii Table of Contents iii List of Tables • —v List of Figures • vi Acknowledgements • vii 1.0 Introduction 1 1.1 Philosophy as Critical Theory 3 1.2 'Command and Control' History 6 1.3 Literacy History 8 1.4 Science History 12 2.0 Northern Secwepemc te Qelmucw Case Study Research 16 2.1 Introduction 16 2.2 Research Method 17 2.21 Study Purpose 19 2.22 Study Limitations 20 2.23 Study Significance 21 2.24 Ethical Considerations 22 2.3 Research Questions and Interview Data 23 2.31 Data Collection 24 2.32 Data Recording 25 2.33 Data Analysis 26 2.4 Validation... 28 2.5 Narrative Structure 29 3.0 Research Findings .' 30 3.1 Northern Secwepemc te Qelmucw Co-management Visioning Case Study 30 3.11 Introduction 30 3.12 Co-managing as natural resources management 36 3.13 Co-managing is not consultation -.37 3.14 Co-managing 'literacy crises' 39 3.15 Co-managing for new relationships 42 3.16 Co-managing process: "heart" 46 3.17 Co-managing 'lived' vs. statistical understanding 48 3.18 Co-managing institutional change 51 3.19 Co-managing planning and technology 52 3.2 Spokin Lake Case Study 56 3.21 Introduction 56 3.22 Spokin: crisis 57 3.23 Spokin: avoidance 'dance' 58 3.24 Spokin: entrenched positions 60 3.25 Spokin: forest practices legislation vs. local knowledge 61 3.26 Spokin: management 62 3.27 Spokin: memorandum of understanding ...65 3.28 Spokin: begin to learn by doing 66 3.3 Tsq'escen' Community/ Mountain Caribou Case Study 67 3.31 Introduction • 67 3.32 Caribou threats •67 3.33 Caribou research process : 70 3.34 Caribou public involvement process 73 3.35 Caribou and Tsq'escen' eco-tourism at risk 78 3.4 Demdomen society and Provincial Wildlife Management Case Study 79 3.41 Introduction '. 79 iv 3.42 Demdomen as catalyst for adaptive learning organization- form of communication 80 3.43 Demdomen as catalyst for adaptive learning organization- content of communication 86 3.44 Demdomen-NStQ and Provincial response to wildlife management crises 90 3.45 Demdomen-NStQ/ MoE and administrative boundaries 95 3.46 MoE and Demdomen/ Stswecem'c-Xgat'tem joint hunter checks 99 3.47 Demdomen-NStQ and adaptive learning through co-managing Parks 103 3.5 Likely/Xats'ull (LXCF) Community Forest Case Study 106 3.51 Introduction : 106 3.52 LXCF process: Provincial contribution 106 3.53 LXCF Community Forest business 107 3.54 LXCF stakeholder involvement 110 3.55 LXCF problem based learning opportunities 112 3.56 Future investment for both communities: Likely and Xats'ull 113 4.0 Discussion 118 4.1 Confirming or Rejecting Hypotheses 120 4.2 Accepting the Crisis Model 128 4.3 The Co-managing Principles 131 4.31 Co-managing the Implementation of Adaptive Management 132 4.311 Western History and Philosophy of Adaptive Management 134 4.312 The Practice of Adaptive Management 135 4.313 The Challenge of Adaptive Management 138 4.314 Co-management Principle #1 - Implementing Adaptive Management.,. 141 4.32 Co-managing for Community Development 141 4.321 Support for Co-management Facilitates Community Empowerment 141 4.322 Community Empowerment as Adaptive Use of Traditional Knowledge 142 4.323 Western History and Philosophy of 'Community Development' 146 .4.324 Navigating Towards Systems Thinking 150 4.325 Systemic Knowledge and the Learning Organization 154 4.326 Conflicting Systems, Knowledge Emergence and Community 155 4.327 Co-management Principle #2 - Implementing Community Development 162 4.33 Co-managing Problem Based Learning 162 4.331 Orality, Literacy and the 'Here and Now' of Problem Based Learning 164 4.332 Balancing Orality and Literacy to Serve Problem Based Learning 168 4.333 Co-management Principle #3 - Implementing Problem Based Learning 169 4.34 Co-managing Understanding of Systems Technology and Knowledge 174 4.341 Four Systems Planning Approaches 175 4.342 The Learning Organization Approach 180 4.343 Co-management Principle #4 - Building Institutional Capacity 183 4.344 The Co-managing Principles: Summary 183 5.0 Conclusion 185 5.1 Learning Organizations of the Northern Secwepemc 185 5.2 The Importance of Critical Inquiry 186 5.3 Social Learning and Democracy 187 5.4 Co-managing Decision-making 191 5.5 Toward Sustainable Forest Management in British Columbia 196 Bibliography 202 Appendix 1 Tables: Relation of co-managing principles to case study themes 212 Appendix 2 Networks: Concept-mapped codes from interview transcripts 217 Appendix 3 Location Maps: Traditional Territory of NStQ; Co-management Discussion 269 Appendix 4 Interview Questions and Research Ethics Concerns 272 Appendix 5 Research Ethics Approval 279 Research Ethics Approval Document 280 Epilogue 281 V List of Tables: Table 1 Case Study One: An NStQ Vision 212 Table 2 Case Study Two: Spokin Lake Crisis ...213 Table 3 Case Study Three: Tsq'escen Community/ Mountain Caribou 214 Table 4 Case Study Four: Demdomen Society 215 Table 5 Case Sudy Five: Likely/Xats'ull Community Forest. 216 vi List of Figures: Figure 1 Indigenous Language Areas and the Province of British Columbia. 32 Figure 2 Northern Secwepemc Territories and Secwepemculecw 33 Figure 3 Re-envisioning Crisis 127 Figure 4 Planning for Adaptive Social Learning 161 Figure 5 Commmunication Skills and Community Accountability in Co-managing 171 Figure 6 Communication Skills and Planners' Accountability in Co-managing 172 vii Acknowledgements: Thanks to m y superv isor Professor John Innes for trust ing in this project from the beg inn ing and for p rov id ing excel lent adv ice a long the way . Thanks to commit tee members D r . Pau l W o o d for construct ive comments ; and to Professor G r a h a m S m i t h and E lde r G o r d o n Prest for gu id ing me in understanding more fu l l y the mean ing o f ind igenous academic research. I k n o w that I have on l y been int roduced to the subject. There is m u c h more to learn. I w o u l d espec ia l ly l i ke to thank the elders, administrators and natural resources managers o f the Nor thern Secwepemc First Na t ions w h o took t ime away from their duties to speak w i t h m e and to pat ient ly and thorough ly answer m y quest ions. The i r suggest ions and concerns p rov ided the essential guidance for the fo rm o f the grounded theory that deve loped f r om this research. The i r stories p rov ided the essential content from w h i c h interpretations were made. F i rs t Na t ions natural resources workers and P rov inc ia l Government planners each passed a nervous g lance at the tape recorder i n their of f ices dur ing our in terv iews; but they b rave ly managed the r isk , trust ing the integri ty o f the project and k n o w i n g that co-manag ing is respectful shar ing o f knowledge. In respect o f this trust I must request that none o f the in terv iew quotat ions from this research be reprinted wi thout permiss ion o f the author and/or the Nor thern Shuswap T r i ba l C o u n c i l . I am the custodian o f the trust, the custodian o f words that have been shared w i th m e b y the communi t ies and I have an ob l iga t ion to protect and main ta in the integr i ty and respectfulness o f these gifts. 1 1.0 Introduction Being, changing and seeing. It's that simple, with or without writing. Whether it is called reflective observation, praxis, or adaptive management we must constantly change and adapt our actions to ensure a sustainable future for forests and forest-based communities. For indigenous communities, the rationality of continual adaptation and changing with environmental constraints is obvious. An evolving learning cycle of continuous being, changing and seeing with nature has ensured survival for indigenous people for millennia. "Adaptive environmental assessment and management", is only recently being acknowledged by foresters as ecosystem-based forestry and the 'way of the future' (and not the present); but it is a principle so basic in traditional North Shuswap knowledge as to be obvious. The Shuswap word "Secwepemculecw" stands for "Shuswap territory"; but at a deeper level still known to some, it may imply 'the land and the people, and all their relations taken as one'. Implicit in this relationship is a sacred responsibility of the Shuswap people to continually care for lands and resources of their traditional territories for the benefit of all - including those of future generations. The problem of communicating across cultures is found mostly in sorting out the complex and tangled webs of meaning that have been made out of written English words over the past few hundred years. It can also be difficult to fully understand in English why connotations of a term like "management" or "control" are problematic from the perspective of First Nations language and culture. A focus on team-work and problem-based learning could nurture listening and helping skills in individuals; but these approaches to learning are not yet central in the curriculum of most colleges and universities. In Western culture, we take such pride in our abilities to measure, control and dominate that we have become less able to listen, to wait and to adapt to what nature is 'telling' us. It has been said that very literate people are like spiders, in that they spin webs in a solitary way from the written words that they can conjure from papers. To learn humility about my 'powers of literacy' and my associated weakness in orality, I find this image useful. Instead of living and continually interacting through speech and story telling, mutually supported in a network of relationships in the 'here and now', literate people like myself relate best to their webs, and perhaps to their unsuspecting victims, who could become trapped among what might become 'word games'. Socrates 2 noted that writing has this strange quality about it "leading us to imagine that its words speak as though they made sense, but i f you ask them anything about what they are saying, i f you wish an explanation, they go on telling you the same thing, over and over forever". Such is the purposeless and bewildering effect of print media when it is disrespectfully imposed on people (Bernier 1995, Freire and Macedo 1987). Indigenous people and others struggling to achieve the sustainability of their forest-based communities know that a relationship of care and respect between the spoken word and the written word is what we must keep a wary eye on. I am grateful to the Northern Shuswap people - the Northern Secwepemc te Qelmucw for helping me in this research project and for helping me to learn how to apply 'praxis' to 'open just the right doors at the right time'. One must proceed carefully in making and interpreting meanings - but we must do it nonetheless. I want it to be clear that this paper is just academic research. It is my doctoral dissertation and is in no way connected with the Province of British Columbia or with on-going treaty negotiations with the Northern Secwepemc te Qelmucw (NStQ). Formally, none o f this research can be considered "consultation". The grounded theory has been developed here with the Northern Secwepemc te Qelmucw from hundreds o f hours o f discussions and interviews. The case study research provides snapshots of the current crises of co-managing in N S t Q territory and then builds a basis for improving natural resource management communications. I hope that this research w i l l provide empowering concepts for all 'economic actors' and human beings who are trying to improve the way co-managing is done in Northern Secwepemc territory. A transformation is needed, from old methods based on 19 t h century science to new methods that are continuously adaptive to non-linear, long-term social-ecological processes. If parties do want to work in a respectful relationship with the N S t Q they w i l l need to learn more about the biases of their own culture. For many, this w i l l perhaps be the most difficult lesson to be learned. Valuable lessons can be learned when personal and cultural biases are put aside for the greater good of co-managing natural resources. Again, I would like to express my gratitude and respect for the NStQ natural resources managers and to community members who freely gave me their time and showed me much generosity and patience in 3 explaining the crises of co-managing in NStQ territories. Natural resources planning participants o f the NStQ, the provincial government, forestry and tourism industry organizations, as well as elders interviewed, have trusted me to represent their ideas properly in this research. To honour this trust I have done mueh talking and listening, in addition to library research and the expected follow-up consultation. The empirical part of this paper documents and interprets the ideas of the NStQ, government and industry natural resources managers. The body o f the thesis is organized in five chapters. Chapter one is an introduction to the study and it provides a brief discussion of the philosophic and historic context for the research. Chapter two explains the research purpose, the survey and analysis method, as well as the ethical considerations. Chapter three presents research findings from the case studies. The findings are organized as emergent themes from interviews and are supported in Appendix 2 by theoretical codes grounded in the interview data. Chapter four provides a discussion of the survey results. Chapter five concludes the study by referring to the current context of sustainable forest management in British Columbia and by identifying areas for further research. There seems to be a strong w i l l and capability among community leaders for co-managing natural resources with the NStQ, the Province and Canada. It is my goal to understand the interviewees' ideas as fully as I can, before trying to represent them in writing. I believe that this project has formed an acceptable place to begin to understand forest co-management communication crises in NStQ territories. However, it is only a beginning. Western culture has dominated natural resource management decision-making in British Columbia. A n understanding of the history and philosophy o f Western hegemony can be useful in identifying the types of problems that are l ikely to occur in sustainable forest management and co-management initiatives. 1.1 Philosophy as Critical Theory Although some would argue against philosophy claiming that this abstract musing does more to restrict than to illustrate opportunities, I argue that there are good reasons to learn from history and to use philosophy and science rather than an anti-philosophical approach. The first reason is strategic. There can be no basis on which to influence current methods and practices unless an analysis o f underlying philosophy is made. 4 Secondly, an ignorance of philosophy can lead to acceptance of methods that may appear to be superficially useful but which actually harbor potentially dangerous assumptions. For example, critical thinking and philosophical reflection in co-managing from both indigenous and western contexts can be useful to expose and address potential underlying historic or philosophical conflicts. When this is encouraged first before planning begins, then differences can be openly discussed, so that dissent does not grow to plague and ultimately undermine negotiations. For example Western societies are organized according to 'command and control' authorities that are supposed to respect a pre-defined code of rights of self-directed individuals. On the other hand, indigenous societies have evolved respecting tacit rights and responsibilities of self-organizing members. Submitting to the authority of a highly centralized decision-making organization seems natural in western society. However, in co-managing processes with First Nations a 'command and control' approach is not appropriate (Smith 2001). Also, Western people have come to know themselves and their natural world in relation to a technology of literacy and this can tend to influence their knowledge as apart from nature rather than as a part of nature. On the other hand traditional ecological knowledge does not separate itself from nature. There is much potential for generating conflict and misunderstanding between First Nations and the Province; but there is presently very little done to ensure that trusted co-managing relationships grow and develop. I would not minimize the difficulty of this task. However to initiate learning about the historic reasons for lack of trust would be a reasonable start. The foundation for co-management process on which aboriginal justice can be claimed must first be found in acknowledging current and historic injustices. Cases involving provincial government neglect of co-management responsibilities before the B.C. Supreme Court, and the frequent incidences of natural resource use conflicts among resource licensees, First Nations and the Province indicate that current natural resources planning processes are not working1. ' In a BC Supreme Court Decision Haida vs Weyerhauser and the Province of BC it was found that proper consultation was not given to Haida prior to making a forest license transfer. Subsequent Supreme Court decisions with regard to the Taku First Nation (Skeena) rights and title issues and with the Hy-ay-aht First Nation of the central coast also found that proper consultation and accommodation was not made prior to logging in traditional territories. The case studies presented here describe in detail the current problems in co-management processes in territories of the Northern Secwepemc te Qelmucw. 5 In presenting a brief philosophy and history of barriers to co-managing natural resources I am also including stories of my own development as a 'story-teller'. There are two reasons for this: one is to try to understand colonialism from the researcher's perspective in an interesting and more personal way; second it is to try to show the bias of the researcher in this study and to invite the reader to explore with him the sense of his claim to 'objectivity'. My own story is systemically linked to broader social and historical processes and perhaps there are cross scale observations that can be made with general management concepts and to those applied in BC forests. And so as we go to the library documents to do historical and philosophic inquiry in subsequent sections, I also invite the reader to examine my autobiographical sketches. Autobiographical Note: In addition to problems associated with poverty, the indigenous peoples also suffered ravages of diseases inflicted by historic contact with pioneers and family dislocations caused by the residential schooling system. Tuberculosis, alcoholism, youth suicide and infant mortality continued to plague Carrier and Sekani peoples from whose ancestral lands much wealth was being extracted. The Carrier and Sekani peoples now living on the reserves of Ingenika and Fort Ware had been fur traders and trappers along the Finlay, Parsnip and Peace rivers of the Mackenzie forest district. Trading routes which were also ancestral food gathering and hunting areas were mostly destroyed when rivers were flooded catastrophically during the construction of the WAC Bennett Dam at Hudson's Hope on the Peace River in the 1960s. A publication of the Pulp and Paper Workers Union of Canada chronicles the tragic haste in this provincial government mega-project and re-election strategy that produced catastrophic effects on indigenous people living and working in the area. In the early 1980s and even today there is little exchange between the residents of Mackenzie and the communities of Ingenika and Fort Ware. Since Mackenzie was a concept of foreign developers it was not a welcoming place for indigenous peoples. Seasonal loggers and firefighters from indigenous communities did not spend much time in Mackenzie. Occasionally, I noticed a small plume of smoke from a cooking fire in patches of timber from within the city limits. Sometimes families would gather to support a relative who had been summoned to the provincial court in Mackenzie. Or, firefighters would camp out near the forest district office while waiting for pay from the social service ministry or from seasonal firefighting work within the Forest District. My involvement in this process was with the BC Forest Service. We were typical detached geographers: sovereign, adventurers and surveyors. We participated in the plunder of natural resources and the 'development' of rural communities only 6 from the periphery, in 'good style' and with a healthy budget. It was our job to improve timber species classification, volume, growth, yield and decay information and to assist logging companies and government exploit timber resources. Our conversations on the topic of forest inventory were technical and occurred mostly among ourselves. We had a kind of 'rational', military presence in the community with aircraft, tents and 4 wheel drive vehicles. We completed our mapping projects on lands without acknowledging the long history of occupation of those lands by indigenous people and we worked only with provincial authority delegated from Victoria. We were an anachronism to the local areas where we worked. Wherever I met aboriginal people it seemed there was very little for us to talk about. Although at the time there was not obvious resentment against us, there was no reason for much respect either. I recall that the closest association we had with a native community was in the village of Lytton where we were stationed for four months in the summer of1978. In the neighbourhood pub, the people of Kumsheen smiled at us in a friendly, self-confident and teasing way and they called us "the Whitecaps " - the name of a popular Vancouver soccer team. Despite friendly invitations for us to begin a more formal conversation with them - we did not pursue the opportunities. We had no mandate to discuss forest inventory with local people. Our job was to classify timber types to develop reconnaissance maps, and to assist in preparation of data for PSYU annual allowable cut calculation. My job in particular was to drive the truck, follow a compass, and tie plastic ribbons on trees. As employees, none of us individually were responsible for the government at all, and yet in an important way to local people, we were the government. 1.2 'Command and Control' History The widespread use of a 'command and control' conception of social order with roots in colonialism reinforces linear and mechanical ways of thinking. Management bureaucracies that exclude communities and other "ill-defined associations" are the logical result. Although we still cling to these mechanically ordered 'command and control' bureaucracies for organizing decision-making information, today in an era of instantaneous electronic communication they are now inappropriate and counter-productive for learning and developing agreements within and between communities. (Senge 1994, Tyner 1998). Applied ecologists indicate that sustainable development initiatives are more effective when they are developed adaptively from the landscape level with a diversity of community interests across management scales 'downward' to the level of jurisdiction of the province or nation (Gunderson and Holling 2002). Electronic communication technology can link communities across geographic distances 7 and management scales to provide the greatest variety and relevance of information for co-managing decision-making. Cross-scale co-managing processes have potential to achieve common sustainability goals. In practice however, co-management still defers to 'command and control' prescriptions defined by provincial authorities from the center. In Europe in the late 1600s and early 1700s discoveries were made in the natural sciences that assisted in projects of industrialism and colonialism. Newton, Leibniz, Descartes, Bacon, and others developed a popular epistemological foundation for practice ofscience and the application of technology (Midgely 2000). Methods of inquiry in the physical sciences had useful applications in the industrial revolution and philosophers tried to make scientific and engineering approaches work for theories of society and morality. Enlightenment philosophy pronounced that all things in the world including human beings, organizations and societies are like mechanical toys. If it could be deduced how they work, then it followed that they could be changed according to 'our wi l l ' , within the limits of the natural laws that they conform to. Philosophers worked to structure a concept of the beginning of history as the dawn of reason and scientific progress. A conception of the atomistic, command and control individual, who enters into contracts with others for self-protection was originally and comprehensively charted by Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679). Hobbes' basic assumptions about humans' individuality, isolation and self-interest construct a stark self image for people today. The assumption is perplexing for groups that thrive by unwritten codes of respect and reciprocity. Essentially a creed that could work for pirates or philosophers, (but not for 'unreasonable' people in 'ill-defined' associations such as among women or indigenous people) the Hobbesian view was modified little by those that followed him, including those who would have the greatest influence on the development of the market society. James Mi l l (1773-1836) believed that society should be composed of persons who act solely out of the rational pursuit of their own self-interest. Mi l l concluded that only those deemed competent to know and act upon their rational self-interest should have any say in government. This meant to Mi l l , only those with property. "Only adult males, age forty, with a substantial amount of property, qualify because age and wealth are the best evidence of rationality." (Mil l 38) Liberal philosophy as outlined by Mi l l required 8 government to govern according to the interests of the most powerful in society. The stories developed by these enlightenment philosophers were widely promoted as universal laws of knowledge. Yet they published no insight about how their writings might be limited or affected by their gender, ethnicity and situation as scientist-th philosophers in 17 century European society. 'Command and control' approaches to social organization realized tremendous efficiencies in production but the benefits and costs of this production were not fairly distributed. The ethics of the approach was not widely discussed and Social Darwinists argued that 'command and control' by genocide was justifiable. The ethics and 'efficiency' of 'co-management processes' using 'command and control' approaches are increasingly questioned as First Nations in British Columbia grow to trust in the self-organizing components of their self-government and natural resources co-managing proposals. As alternative community-based management methods are being proposed and tried, new models for community self-determination in a redefinition of the central role of the state can be envisioned. (Friedmann 1981, Freire and Macedo 1987, Berkes 1989, Senge 1994, Gunderson and Holling 2002). 1.3 Literacy History As population centres grew in Europe, so too did the need for central governments and for forms of writing. Dependency on 'command and control' of basic life requirements increased as people became subjects of cities and states. Oral traditions remained strong in cities, in rural areas and in traditional territories, for thousands of years before technological and social changes occurred that facilitated the widespread use of writing (Innis 1973, Heyer 1988). It has only been about three centuries since widespread literacy and learning became prevalent in Europe and its colonies. Changes in the technology of printing made books more affordable. These technological changes were accompanied with the rise of a merchant class that linked their wealth and power to literacy and reason (Eisenstein 1980, Heyer 1988). A general readership also increased with the service of lending libraries, often associated with universities. 'Enlightenment' was available to people who could read, and lived in cities near lending libraries. Literacy levels increased with migration to cities and increased productivity associated with the 9 beginning of an industrial revolution. Exploitation of labour and environments in Europe as well as people in other lands and in growing colonies helped to finance the new prosperity of the 'enlightenment' in Europe (Innis 1973). Philosophers of this "age of enlightenment" were excited about the new opportunities associated with literacy and regarded scientific and technological progress as a good thing; but they were apparently not aware of the impacts associated with such 'progress'. Now when we find it necessary to co-manage natural resources with indigenous peoples we are beginning to discover that our communication technology that facilitates control and domination is inappropriate. Although technology and literacy supports communication it cannot replace or provide a technical substitute for trust building that emerges from humans speaking and listening to each other in real, problem based learning contexts. The belief that literacy has a great potential to do harm to society is well documented. Plato (4277-347BC) expressed serious reservations about writing. In the Phaedrus and in his Seventh Letter, Plato regards writing "as a mechanical, inhuman way of processing knowledge, unresponsive to questions and destructive of memory" (Ong 24). Paradoxically however, the oral method of philosophical thinking that Plato fought for maintained its influence to a large degree because of his writing on the subject (Ong 1982). For Jean Jacques Rousseau, although he was uncommonly suspicious of reason and progress, he regarded the development of writing as "a natural evolution tied to increased social necessity". (Heyer 47) Derrida points out that this so-called "natural progress" is a dangerous one since it is tied to the unquestioned dominance of reason. Derrida stated that for Rousseau "progress as regression is the growth of reason in writing". (Ong 22) He notes a paradox that "Rousseau condemns the evil of writing and looks for a haven within it". (23) Michael Harbsmeier warns of the danger in making literacy a "mode of excommunication" as he cites the diaries of early travellers who did not "make literacy and writing part of the definition of his own society as against some other". "Oral and written modes of communication", he says, "existed for them side by side without excluding each other" (Harbsmeier 1989). Harbsmeier echoes Derrida emphasizing that the violence of imposing literacy on oral cultures is even more terrible as it is done in the cause of 'progress' as "an imaginary product of the ethnocentrism of alphabetical writing and logocentric metaphysics". (200) 10 The 'worlds of sound' that compose social realities through oral tradition now bear a difficult relationship with writings (Ong 1982, Battiste and Henderson 2000). The founder of modern linguistics, Ferdinand de Saussure (1857-1913), called attention to the primacy of oral speech in human languages. He noted that although writing has usefulness, it also has 'shortcomings and dangers'. For Saussure, writing is a kind of a complement to verbal speech and it should not be regarded as a transformer of verbalization (Ong 1982). Though literacy has brought many benefits, Paul Heyer notes that human society cannot fully develop if the whole use of language is not realized: .. .the richness of oral discourse far exceeds the ability of any writing system to give it accurate representation, and that while the alphabet accentuates developments in certain areas, science and technology for example, its reductive, analytic character sacrifices the fuller communicative range of oral discourse. As a result, progress founded on it is never complete. (27) There is an unspoken bias of science and legal practitioners toward literate forms of communication (Heyer 1988, Cruikshank 1998, Thorn 2001, Nadasdy 1999, 2003). As a result, disrespect can be shown to those whose cultures are sustained by sharing knowledge through conversation and oral tradition. Although orality and literacy form a continuum in language, there is a disincentive to engage in conversation, since written forms of communication imbue prestige on those who are more skilled in its use (Foley 1997, Baynham 1995). In an effort to improve information sharing with First Nations in British Columbia, forest managers should become aware of discourses in their professions that articulate ideological positions. As Baynham (1995) points out: Uses of literacy are not neutral, technical channels of communication, but are informed by deeply seated ideological positions, some explicit, some implicit. The relative dominance of certain genres of written language is 'naturalized' within the education system. (3) Plato and Rousseau may be expressing their concern for the loss of a haven of orality in society - a loss of their sense of place in nature and culture. Ong (1982) warns that "literacy... consumes its own oral antecedents and unless it is carefully monitored even destroys their memory". But he also claims that literacy is infinitely adaptable and can be used to restore memory too. In Protecting Indigenous Knowledge and Heritage -A 11 Global Challenge, Batiste and Henderson (2000) point out that the havens for individual and community development are those that have developed as traditions over many generations within communities that strive to understand local ecosystems and all their relationships. Power to effect political change is within the grasp of indigenous leaders who use literacy as a tool to assist their communities to redefine self-governance and sustainability (Freire and Macedo 1987). Autobiographical Note: Unaware that I was following in a tradition of colonial government land management policy, I was dispatched from the center ofpower in Victoria to chart new territories for provincial and international exploitation2 Over the course of six field seasons I lived in forest service inventory tent camps stationed at Narcosli creek west of Quesnel (Traditional territories of Carrier and Tshilqotin), Tyee Lake at Smithers and Fred Wright Lake near Stuart (Gitksan, Wetsuweten and Ni 'isga territories) in northwest BC, Port McNeil and Holberg on Vancouver Island (Nuchalnuth territories), Lytton (Salish territories), Paul Lake near Kamloops (Secwepemcul 'ecw), Williams Lake and Alexis Creek (Secwepemc and Tshilqotin territory) and Fort Nelson (Kaska- Dene). During that time I was unaware of any discussion about forest resources with the indigenous people or with any other people living in the local area. Through their local involvement and through their conversations with people in the communities and through contact with the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, it is likely that district ranger staff were aware of some areas of important indigenous values, such as grave sites and other places where special claims had been made by Indian Bands. However, the necessary information to protect traditional uses of the land was not known to the BC Forest Service. Absurdly it seemed, we had no understanding of how our work related to the local community. Our formal relations with people remained as distant as our headquarters in Victoria. Informally, a few of us awkwardly participated in some traditional activities when invited, such as digging potatoes and berry picking in the mountains. We did not know how to speak about our work with community residents, and there was a corresponding silence amongst them that reflected their anxiety about our classification and reconnaissance mission. Why could we not share our knowledge and participate with people in the community development of villages and towns within the Fraser Canyon? This was a simple question; yet it always seemed to lack legitimacy when I asked it. The answer in part, is that there was no recognition by the forest industry and government of a responsibility as developers in rural communities to sincerely engage 2 Derek Gregory (1994) describes these characteristics as typical for geographers: "surveyors, sovereign and adventurers" in their project of colonization. 12 systematically province-wide in oral communication about change in local communities. Although this seemed to be a naive observation given the history of colonialism in Canada, it was nonetheless essential if we wanted to build sustainable communities in rural British Columbia. First Nations with aboriginal rights to the land, as well as municipal governments, and regional districts were assumed to be collaborating with provincial government in development initiatives but they were effectively denied access to the forest planning process. 1A Science History The technology of the written word has facilitated scientific approaches to management (Ong 1982, Heyer 1988, Innis 1973). Information storage, display and retrieval continue to evolve so that management literacy is increasingly dependent on computers. However, rapid adaptation to change is also facilitated by conversation, downward delegation of power and systemic knowledge (Senge et al.l 994, Holling et al. 1995). Computers and precise scientific language facilitates explanation among specialists but these technologies can also centralize power, restrict conversation and undermine systemic knowledge (Foucault 1980, Innis 1973, Heyer 1988). Forest managers' dependency on a technology of literacy can diminish problem solving at the field forestry level. Nevertheless a program for transformation can begin if the challenge of learning from communication crises is accepted and widely practiced. Coupled with the industrial revolution, literacy and the science and technology for domination of nature was ripe for uncontrolled growth into the 'new world'. Emerging from a time where dependencies on 'superstition', feudal and community authority were th giving way to free individuals empowered by reason and knowledge, in the 17 century until modernity, there was optimism in the application of science and reason. Scientific thinking was synonymous with mechanistic thinking and reductionism. The approach of "positivism" as described by August Comte, was the pursuit of positive knowledge by establishing facts through objective, reductive inquiry. Everything was reduced to smallest parts and observed and described as if it were a machine. The mechanisms -discrete objects of inquiry that were to be known - were predictable, functional, and inherently understandable objects and were seen from a distance by rational man. Rational men were persons who were the knowers, the observers and independent 13 subjects. Detailed measurements of objects provided data for quantitative analyses that allowed the reproducibility of experiments and the extrication of the observer from the observed. Mechanism assumed that our knowledge of the world and the language we use to frame this knowledge produced an accurate reflection of reality. Paradoxically, with its insistence of 'objectivity', scientific practice estranged people from their surroundings and from themselves, rather than making them more familiar through a progressive development of knowledge. The dissection of the universe into knowing subjects and known objects facilitated the externalization of a world and the creation of individual psyches. The results of historic developments founded in the philosophy of positivism have produced an objectivity that continues to impose catastrophic consequences on indigenous communities and ecosystems. The practice of industrial development in British Columbia seems to be a proper application of science and technology as it was known to the philosophers of the Age of Enlightenment. There is still much the same enthusiasm for expansive use of natural resources without concern for environmental costs. Although there has been much learned through 350 years of science and technological developments, it is becoming increasingly obvious that environmental and social costs are monumental and still mostly unaccounted for. Social scientists and policy makers are not well equipped to solve the problems associated with destructive growth and to engage in adaptive transformation of practices. In British Columbia it has only been in the last decade that forest planners have seriously addressed diverse community concerns. The task of working with First Nations as equal partners in developing sustainability of forest resources is still not well understood in British Columbia. Adaptive and responsive problem solving with communities will require integrating communication media in human-to-human learning contexts so that western science and traditional ecological knowledge can begin to show opportunity rather than barriers for sharing common interests. Autobiographical Note: As forest development kept pushing further up the valleys, indigenous people were pushed further into the mountains. In the ancient meeting places of the prime valley floodplain areas, family homes, cultural values and traditional lifestyles were fragmented and often destroyed by roads. The subsequent landscape 14 disturbances caused by logging machinery and increased public access irreversibly changed and minimized the lives of indigenous families dependent on diverse forest values. Thirty years of logging developments between I960 and 1990 caused massive unplanned cumulative impacts to local communities in British Columbia. It has only been in the last decade that the forest industry has begun to hear the voices ofprotest. During this process of road building and logging within the highest value forest ecosystems of the province, there was no serious discussion of mitigation and compensation for losses to indigenous communities. Despite outstanding land claims and repeated calls of aboriginal communities for treaty making since the early 1900s, the provincial government ofBC continued to force their objectives of industrialization onto traditional territories. There was a subtle idea in BC society that the visible signs of progress are the impacts of road and logging development and that people 'naturally' resist changes that are 'good'for them. People that opposed such 'progress' were considered to be 'other than' and were easily ignored by 'right wing' political parties supported by timber developers and 'left wing' political parties supported by the woodworkers. A recent legal requirement to negotiate terms of sustainable forest management with aboriginal title-holders and the Crown is focusing attention on the task of continued and informed discourse in a long term co-management relationship with aboriginal communities (Delgamuukw vs British Columbia 1997, cited in Thorn 2001). The British Columbia Forest Research Extension Partnership FORREX, conducted a focus group survey in 2002 to determine natural resource information needs of aboriginal communities in the southern interior of British Columbia. The overall response to the survey indicated that aboriginal communities and their governments wish to co-manage their traditional territories with provincial authorities, but do not have the power to participate effectively (Michel et al. 2002). The isolation of aboriginal communities from problem solving processes in traditional territories is a significant cause of forest co-management crises. Results from the FORREX survey suggested that access to technology, scientific literacy and a "lack of respect" from government agencies are significant barriers to the co-management of forests in BC. Unfortunately, respectfully taking raw data offered by rural residents from stories about resource uses, quantifying these stories where this is useful, listening for related information and then negotiating agreement for representing this information in written plans, is not in the repertoire of skills of most natural resource scientists (Nadasdy 1999). 15 Natural resources co-management with First Nations presents new challenges to the province and to First Nations. Institutional and educational transformations must occur so that current co-managing processes are transformed. Aboriginal justice and natural resources sustainability initiatives can be served through adopting acceptable co-managing processes. Unfortunately, the necessary provincial institutional and educational transformations to facilitate improving co-managing process have not yet begun. As the need for site-level community involvement in resource use decision-making is ignored or minimized by the province, and as resource use demands continue to accelerate, the crises in natural resources management are likely to increase in severity. In its history of implementing 'command and control' methods for social organization, the pervasive effect of science and technology, and the authority of the printed word, Western culture has insisted on dominating resource use decision-making from its central authority. In the process of its domination of nature ecosystems and indigenous cultures were degraded. Site level concerns of over-exploitation and loss of biological and cultural diversity have now reached crisis proportions. Today, as First Nations natural resources workers and provincial planners are required to work together and reach agreement on co-management initiatives within traditional territories, it is clear that there is much to be learned about how to listen and continually adapt to site level and community concerns. Provincial institutions are ill-prepared for training planners and for supporting communities in facilitating cross cultural learning and for developing self-organizing teams that can continually respond to adaptive management challenges across management scales. Scientific methods rooted in Western history and philosophy are effectively preventing the implementation of co-management of natural resources with First Nations and are failing in securing sustainability of forest resources from regional and provincial centres. Until more effective methods for stewardship of natural resources are found and as the complexity of effects of human intervention in nature increases it is likely that the scale and frequency of forest management crises will increase. In the next chapter, research method is presented that has developed grounded theory to help explain the crises and opportunities for co-management in traditional territories of Northern Secwepemc First Nations. 16 2.0 Northern Secwepemc te Qelmucw Case Study Research The following chapter presents research methods and the results of 5 case studies with the First Nations communities of the Nothern Secwepemc te Qelmucw. 2.1 Introduction: Communication by speaking and listening and by sharing stories continues to be important for maintaining culture- but communication by reading and writing is the dominant method currently used by management authorities. Co-managing forest resources has been proposed by the Cariboo Tribal Council Treaty Society to address their outstanding claim to aboriginal title in their territories. This project has identified and explained the communication challenges for the co-management of the traditional territory of the Northern Secwepemc. There is little presently known about how the Province and First Nations can communicate effectively in such a way so that acceptable forms of co-management can actually be achieved at a practical level. Co-management has been defined as "the sharing of power and responsibility between the government and local resource users" (Berkes et al., 1991:12). The World Bank has defined co-management as: the sharing of responsibilities, rights and duties between the primary stakeholders, in particular, local communities and the nation state; a decentralized approach to decision-making that involves the local users in the decision-making process as equals with the nation-state" (The World Bank, 1999:11). Co-management is also understood as: A situation in which two or more social actors negotiate, define and guarantee amongst themselves a fair sharing of the management functions, entitlements and responsibilities for a given territory, area or set of natural resources (Borrini-Feyerabend, 1996:8). Carlsson and Berkes (2005) warn that most definitions of co-management do not fully capture the complexity, variation and dynamic nature of contemporary systems of governance. They list several problems with the current understanding of co-management: 17 There are a number of complexities rarely accounted for in the conventional conceptualizations of co-management: (1) complexities of the State, (2) complexities of the community, (3) complexities of the dynamic and iterative nature of the system, (4) complexities of the conditions available to support the system, (5) complexities of co-management as a governance system, (6) complexities as a process of adaptive learning and problem solving, (7) complexities of the ecosystem that provides the resources that are being managed (67). Due to this complexity co-management presupposes that parties have, to some extent, agreed on an arrangement. However, in practice the actual co-management arrangement is not predetermined and thus evolves and is a process rather than a fixed state (Carlsson and Berkes 2005). Preparing institutions for adaptive social learning is discussed later in Chapter 4 and 5 of this thesis as a method of addressing the inherent complexity of co-management decision-making. It is likely because of the complexities of co-management described above that there is yet no agreement for definition of "co-management" in NStQ territory. It is hoped that the results of the empirical research of this thesis may provide NStQ and Provincial government managers information to assist in evaluating and adapting their current co-management learning process on a path toward evolving acceptable co-management practices. 2.2 Research Method The following research method section provides detailed information about the purpose of the study, the study terms of reference and the research method. The qualitative research completed in this thesis relies on the grounded theory method (Glaser 1998). Practising grounded theory requires that the researcher is careful not to pre-conceive the nature of the study problem. In this way, the problem for study is directed by the information from participants themselves. The direction of the study then is adaptive with the participant ideas. In doing grounded theory, the research problem is essentially designed by the research participants themselves in a process with the researcher. The substantive categories from data and the theoretical ideas about what fits together are allowed to emerge from interview discussions and become more refined from constant comparison of interview data (Glaser 1998). For example, in this study I quickly discovered during the initial interviews that an initial pre-conception that I had of r 18 the research problem, was incorrect. As federal legislation requires forest co-management between the forest industry and First Nations, I had assumed there would be examples of productive co-managing processes already in effect. However, there are no mutually acceptable co-managing processes in the territories of the Northern Secwepemc. Although there have been some promising co-managing processes in resolving issues within protected areas, there are still no good examples or models involving forest licensees for developing co-managing practices within the NStQ territories. The moral force among the NStQ that encourages and supports co-management is a thousands-year-old mandate to continue to steward lands and forests sustainably, respectfully and adaptively into the future. In the short-term, natural resources workers are trying to resolve problems in co-managing crises. If I hadn't adapted my questioning to this > emerging concept, of co-managing crises, my early questions would have seemed manipulative or impossibly optimistic and quite useless for generating theory about 'what is really going on' in the short term. In the long term, the ancestral problem of sustainably co-managing natural resources is being resolved in the treaty process - though the long-term struggle is also characterized by crises.4 In Glaser's (1998) grounded theory terminology, the theoretical code used here to help structure the emerging theory is that of the "boundary family". For the purposes of this study the "boundary families" are essentially the same as the four case studies that correspond to the high priority short-term co-management crisis of each of the four communities of the NStQ. One other boundary family (i.e. case study) is taken to be the group tasked with the challenge of developing a long-term co-management protocol, (i.e. treaty team and related authorities) throughout the NStQ traditional territories. In this way there are four case studies addressing short-term co-management problems, and a fifth case study concerned with long-term problems associated with co-management. For grounded theory to work effectively, the participants themselves, as the best authority on the subject, must develop their own concept of the problem. The researchers 3 Refer to direction from the Elders in Appendix 3 - NStQ co-management discussion paper. 4 Theorists of organizational crisis and crisis communication find that organizations that prepare well for a variety of crises are most resilient to change (Mitroff and Anagnos 2001, Gunderson and Holling 2003). This concept of a crisis model for planning is discussed in chapter 4. 19 need to neutralize their own bias and the bias of any other research that they have read within the conception of the research problem. Glaser suggests that stating the problem at the outset of the research limits the self-organizing quality of the research and can prevent a concept of 'what is really going on' to emerge. Also, he warns that if the researcher has done a literature review prior to doing the survey, then this knowledge should merely be used 'as data' for an emerging statement of problem and not to force the data into an 'authoritative' problem concept. If done properly, conceptual empowerment for participants can be realized as "a substantive conceptual theory that explains how the participants in the substantive area continually resolve their main concern". (55) As the 'secretary for the participants' and a 'custodian of the process' the researcher must practice a level of humility uncommon in academic contexts. Researchers must be able to suspend their judgement about the nature of the research problem so that the problem and the theory are allowed to emerge naturally from the interview discussions. Glaser also suggests that if a researcher has a long-established and detailed pre-conception of some problem for study then they might interview themselves and use these data along with the emerging theory. In this way, the additional variables of the personal history of a researcher are visible and appropriately incorporated into the theory as data5. 2.21 Study Purpose The purpose of this case study research is to discover ways in which cross-cultural communication between provincial land managers and the keepers of aboriginal knowledge of the North Secwepemc te Qelmucw (NStQ) can be improved for the benefit of the whole of Secwepmeculecw, British Columbia and Canada. I hope that through identification and comparison of issues in the case study crises, conceptual empowerment will benefit participants. Glaser (1998) found that when well researched grounded theory clarifies concepts about an organization's issues of concern, then the issues can be collectively addressed by the organization in more comprehensive and creative ways. As 5 Throughout the thesis in a personal and autobiographical format, I have written paragraphs describing key events that have affected my emerging understanding of forest management in British Columbia. 20 well as assisting conceptual empowerment in the community, another purpose of the research is to associate the field data with library research and to make recommendations about innovations in planning policy and procedures. Provincial authorities use scientific literacy to communicate forest management information. However, too much emphasis on reading and writing and not enough emphasis on talking and listening could weigh forest co-management decision-making heavily in the favour of those who are most proficient in science literacy. In the western political tradition, organizations are formally controlled and structured by written words and explicit communications. People who do not have a seat at the table or are not formally integrated into these organizations by the power of the organizations' words (i.e. its constitution and rules) do not have power within the organization. As the First Nations' tradition of formal discourse is directed in spoken words and tacit communication, a trust in all participants' humility and commitment to support the whole, is crucial. In our current attempts at co-managing which place emphasis on written words that are often formalized by the Province without consultation with First Nations, there is concern amongst First Nations and others that natural resource management institutions are excluding participants whose contribution of aboriginal knowledge would best be made orally. 2.22 Study Limitations The research began by interviewing natural resource workers, elders, government liaison officials and industry managers who are currently involved in what natural resource workers identified as co-management crises in four aboriginal communities. The communities share boundaries and treaty interests as a collective called the Northern Secwepemc te Qelmucw (NStQ) 6; though the distinct communities of T'exelc, Tsq'escen', Xats'ull/ Cm'etemc and Xgat'tem/ Stswecem'c have historically governed 6 "Northern Secwepemc te Qelmucw" means "people of the Northern Secwepemc". However, the individual communities of the NStQ have historically regarded themselves as autonomous communities and proud to be part of the Northern Secwepemc peoples, who are also proud to be part of the related whole of Secwepemc peoples generally (Shuswap Nations). Appendix 3 includes maps of the traditional territories of the Northern Secwepemc First Nations and a NStQ discussion paper on co-management. 7 Practice pronouncing the communities' names in your 'mind's ear'. Practice should always be fun, although I am still learning the correct pronunciation of the communities' names (sometimes the elders 21 and continue to govern themselves each as autonomous groups. A fifth case study was conducted to develop a sense of broader perspective by interviewing participants who are involved with treaty negotiations and long- term development of co-management in traditional territories of the NStQ. These studies will not be generalized to all aboriginal communities. While there may be broader lessons to be learned from the case studies, they are representative only of resource managers, educators and resource users within the NStQ territory. In this qualitative study, interpretations have been checked for accuracy by participants. Focus groups were organized to test assumptions and interpretations of data. The study is a first step in discovering the feasibility of cross-cultural learning organizations to balance orality and literacy in forest co-management planning in British Columbia. 2.23 Study Significance Resolving forestry problems with community based learning organizations informed by traditional ecological and scientific knowledge is a new approach to forest management in British Columbia. This dissertation is only a small first step in a larger and much needed program for change in theorizing and practising forestry education in British Columbia. 2.24 Ethical Considerations8 A fundamental concern for this participatory/ action research is that the study should not further marginalize or disempower any of the study participants. A potential concern is that the advocacy theory might not be tenable when based on the facts derived from the interviews. The potential ethical concern is "what if the data indicates clearly that aboriginal communities cannot transform provincial forestry education networks to laugh at my pronunciation and sometimes they say 'that's pretty good'). It is a good idea to start from somewhere so that when you read the symbol in this text you can verbalize an associated sound: T'exelc sounds too me like "tla-helk. Tsq'escen' sound like "ts-kes-ken". The two communities of Xat'sull and Cm'etemc- sound to me like "hats-ulth" and "meh-temc". The two communities of Xgat'tem and Sts'wecemc, sound like "hat-tlem" and "stwai-kem". 8 The unanticipated discovery that my research is formally approved by individual participants though not formally approved by the NStQ, as a collective, is an on-going ethical concern. A discussion of this concern is included in appendix 4. 22 enable local learning organizations to focus literacy training in the most relevant areas of community concern? Wil l this knowledge discourage the participants and those advocating change?" Though discouraging for some, finding the precise reasons why barriers to educational change exist can be empowering. It is anticipated that 'many of the clouds will have silver linings' and even somewhat disheartening news will have potential to be a catalyst for transformation, and an improved transformational theory. The study is restricted to aboriginal communities so that any attempt at a definition for a transformational theory (if there is to be any at all) will first derive from the interests of aboriginal people. The study was designed in such a way that participants were encouraged to work with the researcher in directing the purpose of the study, the data collection, analysis, interpretation and dissemination of research. In this way, ethical issues were addressed throughout the course of the research9. The following specific ethical issues were addressed in this study (Creswell 1998): • The study has protected the anonymity of individuals, roles and incidents in the project. • Data have been kept secure for a reasonable period of time so that they are not appropriated for other purposes. • A copy of the transcripts of taped meetings with names of participants edited is available for the participant communities at their request. • The participants were required to check the validity of the researchers' interpretation of data so that an accurate account of the information has been assured. • The research did not use language or words that are biased against persons because of gender, sexual orientation, racial or ethnic group, disability or age. A good diversity of focus group participants has helped to ensure that language is used correctly. 9 Implicit in the study design was hope for multi-year funding so that NStQ researchers could be paid to co-manage this research project with the researcher and UBC. As it turned out, funding agencies questioned the "relevance" of the project and so this project was not funded. Except for a portion of the researcher's travel cost - the project was completely funded by the researcher and through 'in kind' contributions of the NStQ. From a financial perspective this research could be regarded similarly as the other failed attempts at co-managing in NStQ territory- where the NStQ workers are asked for their ideas but given no compensation for their efforts. 23 • The study did not suppress, falsify or invent findings to meet the researcher's or audience's needs. • In planning the study, special considerations were made to respect the authority, the contribution and the integrity of participant focus groups. The results of this study have not been misused to the advantage of one group over another. • The study design includes a detailed research method so that readers can determine for themselves the credibility of the study. 2.3 Research Questions10 and Interview Data The questions provided guidance for the interviews. A mix of questions from two question sets, were used for all interviewees. One set of questions explored the theme of long-term co-management goals and the other set explored the theme of short-term co-management crises. Questioning was free-flowing, drawing from both question sets when feasible. An interview priority was to structure dialogue as a conversation rather than as simply an interrogation based on question lists. In some cases, substantive coding reflected new and rich categories of concept. This occurred when elders and others introduced relevant new ideas and questions that I had not thought of. Initial focus group meetings found that treaty workers were primarily working to achieve long-term co-management benefits and that natural resource workers were working on trying to achieve short-term co-management benefits. The work on long-term and short-term projects is being done simultaneously. The treaty-related tasks of negotiating long-term co-management protocols have a different focus than those in day-to-day co-managing of crises issues; but they are just as important. Due to severely limited capacity for natural resources management, one community worker must assume many different roles in responding to integrated resources and co-managing crises. For example, on the job natural resource workers must spend long hours in difficult negotiations to conserve key traditional and environmental values in their territories, and at home in their communities they must also report to their band council on a variety of other long term, short term, and social and economic issues. 1 0 T h e t w o q u e s t i o n sets u s e d to g u i d e i n t e r v i e w s are i n c l u d e d i n A p p e n d i x 4 . 24 The practical problems of communication are acknowledged in the question set which focuses on the co-managing crises theme. These interview questions developing data on short term crises of co-management were based on the ideal "human-in ecosystem perspective" outlined in Davidson-Hunt and Berkes (2003). The question set for a long-term vision for co-management was developed primarily from a discussion paper on co-managing by the NStQ (Mar.2004), and from readings from Ostrom (1990) and Pinkerton (1992) 1 In i t ia l focus group meetings determined that interviewees should not be grouped for separate analyses but that there should be one population for analysis and interpretation of question responses. Initial inquiry indicated that i f co-management will work effectively, a cohesive effort will be required among all NStQ communities and between the NStQ and the Province. Therefore, separate analyses for the identifiable groups within the sample population were not considered. 2.31 Data Collection This study uses the case study survey method since this is a collaborative approach well-suited for developing information in small communities (Yin 1994). Four community, contact persons were designated. A fifth contact at the tribal council treaty society was also appointed. The tribal council and community contact persons collaborated with me to ensure that ongoing communication with the communities was maintained over the course of the project. Field data collection began when the interview process started in July 2004. Initial focus group meetings, following a community news article describing the research project, were held with the communities at Dog Creek (Xgat'tem/ Stwecemc) and Canim Lake (Tsq'escen'). Initial meetings were also conducted with the treaty team executive at Williams Lake in July 2004. Six interviews were conducted in September 2004 to help orient the project and to test the question set. The September interviews were based on questions derived from the NStQ vision for co-management and from the work of Ostrom (1990) and Pinkerton (1992). Notes from the 1 1 In the discussion paper included in Appendix 3 the Secwepemc elders are clear in citing their continued sacred and ancestral responsibility to manage lands and resources in all their traditional territories to sustain all beings. One elder I interviewed was uncomfortable with the term "co-management" because it suggested two different paths of management. His point was that all must be managed with care and that there cannot be two ways of managing when 'all is one'. 25 interviews were coded (substantive coding) and from the focus group sessions and from the interviews it was determined that two theoretical codes had unexpectedly emerged to assist in further grounded theory construction. It was found that to address the issue of how to transform co-managing in the NStQ traditional territory, the project must inquire not only about long-term co-managing visions but also about the current co-managing crises that were of grave concern in the communities. A survey to look only at long-term co-managing prospects without examining what natural resources workers regard as short-term crises in co-managing, would not be grounded in what is actually 'going on' as positive or negative developments in the short term crises have significant effects on long-term visions. During the winter of 2004 I therefore re-configured the research process as four case studies of "co-management crises" and a fifth case study of long-term regional co-managing opportunities. I developed another set of questions to guide interviews on the subject of "co-management crises" and I asked the community contacts in each of the communities to decide on the most important "co-management crisis" in their community. I also asked community contacts for direction on who should be interviewed. I had hoped to interview eight to ten experts in each community. I completed fifteen interviews in three weeks of fieldwork in May 2005, eight interviews during two weeks in June and ten interviews during two weeks in July. I tape-recorded the interviews and also recorded a digital audio copy as a back-up in case of a malfunction of recording. A library of tapes and CD's were compiled to store the interview data. 2.32 Data Recording Each 60 to 90 minute interview session was recorded for transcription and analysis. Detailed notes were taken and the 33 interview tapes and CDs and related written data have been maintained in confidence in accordance with our 2004 U B C Ethics Review Committee agreement. Prior to recording interviews an informed consent form was signed by each interview participant and an explanation of the research project plan and confidentiality measures was given. Audio information from the CDs was transcribed into Word format and transcriptions were stored on hard disk and a copy is being kept on 26 a back-up CD. The interview data analysis software ATLAS.t i (version 5) was used to store interview data for analysis. Transcribed interviews were imported as primary documents into one hermeneutical unit for qualitative data analysis using the ATLAS.t i functions; 2.33 Data Analysis Qualitative data analysis is an ongoing process which according to Creswell (1998) is "involving continual reflection about the data, asking analytical questions and writing memos throughout the study"(190). The analysis used in this research was tailored to the grounded theory method for data analysis (Glaser 1998). The computer software ATLAS.t i was used for qualitative data analysis. It was used for maintaining the data, coding quotations (substantive coding in Glaser's terminology), and maintaining memos for codes. The network-mapping feature ATLAS.t i (version 5) was useful in developing aggregated codes and displaying the logic relations between these abstract codes (theoretical codes in Glaser's terminology). The theoretical codes became the foundation for the grounded theory building that ultimately resulted in the research findings. Graphic illustrations of how concept categories and their properties were generated from coded text data have been developed using the network feature of ATLAS.t i . The networks (theoretical codes) have been stored for further continual comparison and subsequent grounded theory building and analysis. Following Creswell (1998), the grounded theory method used here followed systematic steps: "generating categories of information (open coding), selection of one of the categories and positioning it within a theoretical model (axial coding), and explicating a story from the interconnection of these categories (selective coding)." In this project theoretical models were displayed as networks of codes, or maps. I also refer to these as "spider's-webs". A more optimistic metaphor could be "dream-catchers"12. In this research open coding was completed for transcribed interviews. Theoretical models were summarized from the five case studies and these have been developed into 1 2 50 networks of aggregated coding from interview transcripts that contribute to development of research themes for the 5 case studies, are included in appendix 2. 27 themes for a grounded theory of transformation. Links between interview data, themes and principles for co-management are made in chapter 4 and are also suggested in Tables 1 to 5 in the appendix. Strictly speaking, pre-conceived hypotheses were not used for the development of themes and co-managing principles (i.e. the grounded theory). Hypotheses should be grounded and emergent from interview data and only become part of the results of a grounded theory (Glaser 1998). However, after completing an extensive literature review and considering that I have previous working relations in NStQ territory it was impossible for me not to approach the study without some pre-conceived notions to formulate into a simple hypothesis. The hypothesis for axial coding (in Creswell's terminology) is the supposition that "the NStQ have traditional knowledge and information that can transform current approaches to forestry education and thus improve forest co-managing within their territory". The hypothesis was further informed by the following assumptions:13 • A transforrnation can occur that would situate oral knowledge at the centre of the forest planning system. • The community would want to spend energy transforming formal forest management processes. • A "new literacy" of the learning organization will help to "fast track" participant requirements to understand science literature and assist this transformation. • The community will ensure over time that the transformation being applied is working. The 'story line' of the selective coding is described in the above procedure for grounded theory analysis. This 'story-line' linking the categories derived from the data with the model will characterize the 'fit' of the data collected from the interviews with the theory of transformation advocated in this dissertation. The network feature of Atlas.ti has been 1 3 This was the basic hypothesis used for theoretical coding. As grounded theory emerged from the codes it became apparent that the data was varied and strong enough to test for validity of related hypotheses. In Chapter four it is argued that the NStQ are leading in the transformation toward sustainable co-management in their territories by facilitating shared decision-making and by encouraging knowledge emergence in crisis situations. Further it was found that the grounded theory developed from the basic hypothesis could also support the derivation of four basic principles for co-management in NStQ territories. 2 8 used in building a 'storyline' by displaying, storing and retrieving portions of theoretical models to combine and recombine to best describe the emerging 'story' (i.e. case study themes). The nodes in the theoretical models (networks) display the name of the substantive code (category of statement) and also a paired number set (x,y), where "x" displays a value for the code's "groundedness". The code "groundedness" is the number of times that the substantive code was found in all of the case study interviews. The "y" variable shows the code's density or the number of links that the code has to other codes in all of the case study interviews. In effect, this tool is much simpler than it sounds and it is a good way to demonstrate the validity and connections between the final research findings, the theoretical models and the 'raw data' of the taped interviews. 2.4 Validation Validation, like analysis should occur throughout the steps in the process of research. The following are some strategies that have been used in this research to ensure that validity is addressed (Creswell 1998): • Results from different interviews were compared and contrasted to build a coherent justification for themes. • Interview participants and community contacts were asked to review interpretation of findings to determine their accuracy. • Using descriptive writing helps to give the readers a sense of the context and setting that also provides detail to help validate interpretations. • Using self-reflection helped to create an open and honest narrative. This helped identify any bias the researcher brought into the study. • Any information that ran counter to themes and data categories was also presented. • Prolonged time in the field was spent in completing this research to ensure that an in-depth understanding of the phenomenon under study was gained. The principal researcher had previously been employed for one year as the community forest issues coordinator for the NStQ and had been a forestry consultant in NStQ territory for 18 29 years. The researcher referred to knowledge learned from previous field experience which helped ensure validity in the research project. • Peer debriefing was used to enhance the accuracy of the research. Colleagues in the Faculty of Forestry at the University of British Columbia provided constructive criticism in the development of this work. • A supervisory committee of four advisors (two First-Nations, two non First Nations) and an independent chairperson auditing the process was formed to review the project at key points in its development. Natural resources workers from the communities, the treaty team executive and elders were very helpful in providing critical comment, advice, opening doors and effectively assisting in the supervision of this research. 2.5 Narrative Structure An analysis of discourse within focus groups and across focus groups informed the narrative structure. Some specific conventions were: • Using the wording from participants • Intertwining quotations with (the author's) interpretations • Using indents or other special formatting to call attention to quotations from participants. • Without distorting the facts, presenting 'bad news' in the best possible light for critical inquiry so that potentially discouraging information is still useful to the NStQ. 30 3.0 RESEARCH FINDINGS14 3.1 Northern Secwepemc te Qelmucw (NStQ) Co-management Visioning Case Study 3.11 Introduction: Northern Secwepmemc First Nations' have aboriginal title and rights to natural resources within their traditional territories (Figure 2) 1 5. This is in accord with Sec. 35.1 of the Constitution Act of 1982, as interpreted by the various court cases leading to the Delgamuukw decision of the Supreme Court of Canada in 1997. According to the decision, the method of realizing aboriginal rights and title will be found through co-managing natural resources between First Nations, Licensees and the Crown (Delgamuukw 1997).16 Aboriginal rights are given protection as part of the constitution of Canada to protect these rights against the threat of a majority interest to extinguish them. However, as the Province of British Columbia is constitutionally empowered to manage natural resources (Constitution Act 1982), and since the Forest and Range Practices Agreement (2002) has not yet developed acceptable forest co-management protocol regulations for protecting aboriginal rights and title, a situation has arisen in which the federal government is requiring the Province to deliver a service that it is not yet prepared to do. As a result, there has been an inconsistent relationship between Provincial and Federal jurisdictions with respect to acceptable co-management practices. John Borrows (2002) argues that co-management can evolve with constitutional law by always upholding equal rights for First Nations with the Provinces of Canada. But this will require flexibility and imagination in interpreting Canadian and Provincial laws to harmonize with Indigenous laws. In arriving at the Delgamuukw decision, BC Supreme Court Judge Lamer concluded that aboriginal rights exist as pre-existing rights at time of contact with Europeans. Borrows shows that Lamer has 'frozen' aboriginal rights and 1 4 Note that Research Findings are based on a compilation of interview statements. Except for the researcher's necessary interference of re-phrasing substantive coding for clarity and to encourage the 'flow of narrative' and to avoid repetition, the research findings do not necessarily reflect the opinion of the researcher. 1 5 Figure one indicates the approximate location of territories of the northern Secwepemc, other indigenous territories and the province. 1 6 There may be a continuum of aboriginal interest in 'crown' lands ranging from aboriginal rights to aboriginal ownership. It may be useful to think of a corresponding continuum ranging from a moderate to an extreme requirement for a formal co-management protocol. The province is responsible for all potential as well as actual infringements of aboriginal rights and title to lands (Gordon Prest, pers.com.) 31 indigenous laws so that they are unable to evolve much beyond their relevance at time of first contact with Europeans. Aboriginal rights protect only those customs that have continuity with practices existing before the arrival of Europeans. Aboriginal rights do not sustain central and significant Aboriginal practices that developed solely as a result of their contact with European cultures... In order to claim an aboriginal right, the court's determination of Aboriginal will become more important than what it means to be Aboriginal today. The notion of what was integral to Aboriginal societies is steeped in questionable North American cultural images (Borrows 2002, p60 ). Borrows argues that according to Lamer's (1997) definition of Aboriginal rights in the Delgamuukw decision, First Nations should not have had the right to assist in the development of the fur trade, nor to assist in developing the economic infrastructure that resulted in Canada. In his analysis of the decision to freeze aboriginal rights at the time of contact with Europeans Borrows (2002) warns that: This decision relegates Aboriginal peoples to the backwaters of social development, deprives them of protection for practices that grew through intercultural exchange, and minimizes the impact of Aboriginal rights on non-Aboriginal peoples. (61) As long as future aboriginal title cases consider the rights of First Nations as secondary to maintaining internal consistency within western traditions of legal praxis, then the prospects for co-management are dim. Another perhaps more hopeful result of the Delgamuukw decision is that First Nations can use it in the treaty process to negotiate an integrated understanding among governments of what "co-managing" can become with respect to First Nations self-government and aboriginal rights and title to lands and resources.17 The project presented here has the primary problem of documenting the transformation of the practice of provincial forest management in NStQ territory from exploitative, bureaucratic and 1 7 It might be useful to think of co-management as a self-organizing learning process in sites of change rather than merely a checklist of legally defined objectives (Graham Smith pers.com.) 32 Map not to scale Figure 1 Indigenous Language Areas and the Province of British Columbia 33 Figure 2 Northern Secwepemc Territories and Sewepemcul'ecw1 Map not to scale. Oval outline only roughly indicates the traditional territories of Northern Secwepemc Nations (approximately 56,000 square kilometres) and the overall extent of Secwepemcul'ecw (Shuswap lands) in southeastern British Columbia (180,000 square kilometres). On this map, Soda Creek is Xats'ull/C'metemc, Sugar Cane is T'exelc, Canim Lake is Tsq'escen', and Canoe Creek is Xgat'tem/Stswecem'c. 34 mono-cultural, to ecosystemic and bi-cultural.19 How can aboriginal title and rights be realized through co-managing natural resources with the Crown? Answering this question fairly and comprehensively has been a goal of the NStQ treaty team since 1992. For the Secwepemc, developing nation-to-nation treaty agreements for stewardship of natural resources has been a goal since 1906, when they first made their formal territorial claim to the government of Canada. The Province of British Columbia has been slow to acknowledge aboriginal rights and title to natural resources. This is due to a legacy of colonialism that still operates not far beneath the surface of public service institutions in British Columbia. The 'good intentions' of our public service institutions to 'include the aboriginal interests' are superficial in effect and do not address the deep colonial structure issues that still haunt the administrative authority of First Nations, the Province and Canada. However, a transformation from colonial attitudes and approaches could be beginning within the public service in British Columbia. There are some hopeful signs that multiple sites of change are working simultaneously in small, scattered initiatives around the province. As natural resource managers become more confident, conscientious and imaginative in encouraging transformation from centralist colonial approaches to authentically co-managing natural resources, their cross-scale and cross-boundary effectiveness will accelerate. The interviews that inform the following case studies probe to discover key thoughts from elders, natural resource workers, bureaucrats, teachers, managers and technicians about the learning and potential for transforming the provincial public service into one that works to achieve eco-systemic and bi-cultural practices. Recognition of the urgency for transformation to an ecosystems approach for land use planning is not new in NStQ territories. The Commission on Resources and Environment (CORE) Act came into force in British Columbia in the early 1990s and provided much evidence to show that careless over-harvesting and the lack of integration of forest uses causes serious problems for sustaining whole ecosystem functioning in Crown forests. This was not 'news' to the Northern Secwepemc te Qelmucw. The NStQ 1 9 Davidson-Hunt and Berkes (2003) provide definition of a "humans in ecosystems perspective", on which many of the interview questions of this research are based. Ostrom (1990) provides a starting place for understanding "co-management" and the research of Pinkerton (1992) has helped to identify challenges for implementing "co-management". The term "bi-cultural" currently lacks definition. Presumably, a definition of "bi-culturalism" in the context of managing natural resources will emerge as co-management process is instituted in British Columbia. 35 have had on-going concerns about the sustainability of natural resources for nearly two centuries since the problem of over-exploitation of natural resources arrived in their territories with gold rush opportunists, missionaries and colonialists. However, the rapidly accelerated rates of resources extraction over the past 30 years are causing concerns that have reached crisis proportions. In the early 1990s, a Commission on Resources and Environment (CORE) land-use planning process was assembled in the NStQ territories. At this time, the NStQ were fully engaged in developing their treaty table and were unable to participate in the CORE process. Although some industry participants were satisfied with the resulting Cariboo-Chilcotin Land Use Plan (CCLUP) targets and strategies, many First Nations and non-First Nations residents with more accurate local knowledge of the accumulated costs of poor site planning do not speak well of the CCLUP resolution20. The mountain pine beetle epidemic has now added a new layer of crisis, intensifying the urgency for developing a long-term vision for co-managing in NStQ territory. Since 1999, a mountain pine beetle infestation in British Columbia has grown from 0.2 million hectares to over 10 million hectares in size. The B.C. Ministry of Forests and Range (2005) predicts that the outbreak will kil l 80% of all susceptible mature pine by 2013. The basic economic sector of the Cariboo-Chilcotin economy depends on lumber manufacture from rapidly diminishing pine timber supplies. A major reduction in pine production is imminent and the need for a long-term economic survival strategy is apparent to community leaders in the NStQ territories. Though they wisely chose not to participate in CORE negotiations in order to conserve their energy for their treaty process with B.C. and Canada, the struggle of the communities of NStQ to manage their natural resources, "in a good way", continues. A coalition of Cariboo-Chilcotin environmental groups registered a complaint in 1997 with the B.C. Forest Practices Board, questioning the legitimacy of the integration strategy and the implementation of the CCLUP. The NStQ did not participate in the initial CCLUP design and implementation; but are currently developing their own land-use plans to help refine the CCLUP and clearly register their concerns with the Region and the Province. 36 3.12 Co-managing as Natural Resources Management21 "I think co-management goes further than where we were at and where we are at with First Nations. We like to think of it as collaborative management as opposed to co-management... collaborative management is the sense or the relationship that we are in fact working with first nations ensuring that they are front and center in consideration of the things that we do... but at the end of the day they don't have a veto on the decisions that get made... whereas I would see co-management ...and I think they see co-management as having a mutual veto where one party can stop the process. " After the next critical phase of NStQ treaty negotiations is completed, that is "the agreement in principle phase", there will be two main areas for natural resources management jurisdiction in Secwepemculecw. There will be aboriginal title lands and there will be co-managed lands. On aboriginal title lands, First Nations will have full decision-making authority for natural resources management. Recognizing the current difficulties that Provincial negotiators have with consensus decision-making, for now there will likely be two different types of co-managed lands in Secwepemculecw. There will be co-operatively (some say "collaboratively") managed lands on which the Province is required to accommodate First Nations interests in lands and resources, but where final decision-making authority rests with the Province. There will also be jointly managed lands where consensus-based planning will occur as a result of an on-going management relationship between the First Nation and the Province. To put this in a different way, in the consensus process the First Nation and the Province would each retain a veto power in the final decision. A "bull's-eye model" is suggested by the treaty team, where full decision-making authority is required by First Nations for aboriginal title, a 50/50 joint veto co-management area is proposed for areas around title lands and a collaborative management area is proposed for all areas beyond the jointly managed areas. This is very similar to the model that eventually became implemented by the Nisga'a Treaty in Northwestern British Columbia. Although consensus decision-making is the traditional way of resolving disputes in NStQ society, the Province seems to distrust the consensus This theme is derived from one theoretical code- "Natural resources management as co-managing" summarizing 5 substantive codes from the interview data. 37 approach. Instead, the Province seems to prefer a collaborative model whereby government maintains decision authority. 3.13 Co-managing is not Consultation " ...as the natural resources worker I get a map saying that there's going to be some logging and I have no resources to even go there and look at the place - I get sent a map on an 8 and a half by 11 thing and I have thirty days to respond otherwise it's assumed that ...yes... And it's an impossible situation - that's the referral system... " " ...Ijust about give him heck ...what are you trying to tell us... this is all our interest not just this one tiny little strip -1feel people get caught in those traps -I'd like to look at the big picture not just one tiny little square - that's what we need with co-management we need the big picture not just those little squares... " Interviewees indicated that collaborative management is currently characterized by weak consultation, by failures to accommodate First Nations' interests, and by inadequate funding of long-term planning process. The British Columbia Ministry of Forests and Range and the Ministry of Environment have capacity both with personnel and discretional spending to hold annual co-management reviews. First Nations have a very limited capacity to participate in these reviews. It is unrealistic to expect comprehensive community participation in co-management planning without sharing resources for planning. Interviewees, including some from forest companies and government, were aware that the transformation to sustainability can be harmed by weak consultation methods. Several noted that forest planning is currently a government-and industry-dominated process and that the planning process follows an inflexible planning framework that is designed for short-term development plan approvals. The Forest and This theme is derived from one theoretical code- "Consultation is not co-managing" summarizing 18 substantive codes from the interview data. 2 3 A consistent though unconventional punctuation for quotations throughout this document tries to accent the basic rhythm of the speech of interviewees. Combined use of quotation marks, italics and indentation distinguish quotes from the text. Where there are three dots at the beginning or the end of a quotation this means that the idea is connected to a previous or subsequent thought. Where there are three dots in the text of a quotation this indicates the completion of a phrase and a 'full rest'. Where there is a ' - ' in the quotation this indicates a ' half-rest'. Occasionally I use '... (pause)...' to indicate that a much longer period of silence is used in the speech. 38 Range Practices Act has specific regulations for monitoring regenerating timber values; however monitoring of cumulative impacts on non-timber values and the long-term monitoring of regeneration of non-timber values is not required in the regulations. One interviewee noted that short-term approaches to planning accompanied only by consultation opportunities contradicts the whole purpose of negotiating a better partnership through treaty, between First Nations and the Province. " ...A lot of the problem with government is that they just want to consult without hearing what we have to say... I think that's where a lot of that block is... sure we can go to meetings and listen ...but there's really no voice and that needs to change... " " ...they had this big map on the wall and they had overlays - one for berry areas -hunting areas - traditional use areas - one for trap lines and another one for naming... and some smart person over there went and threw those overlays away ...and now that's lost now because the elders have gone now that named these places... they told us where they went to get this berry or root and medicine... That was a bad thing to do to lose that information... at that time we didn't have any mapping thing like they do at tribal council to do that... at that time people were leery of passing that information on to any government agent so that information was lost and at that time they had everyone go in ... it felt weird to be asked to go in and talk about different things there... " NStQ interviewees indicated that co-management and collaborative management means not only a sharing of responsibilities between different interest groups but also between interest groups and the lands, fish, wildlife and biodiversity resources. Through respect for shared or co-managed research, the costs and benefits of current forest uses can be compared with the long-term costs and benefits of alternative uses. The co-managed research can then guide mitigation and compensation strategies to address the concerns of First Nations who have traditional livelihoods that are put at risk by logging in areas of high non-timber forest values. 39 3.14 Co-managing'Literacy Crises' "... we were told that we (First Nations) have more political clout with government on these (natural resources) issues... yet it doesn't seem like we do... I don't know... maybe just proper wording is just what we need... like myself I've only had grade 8 education... if I had education Fd be dangerous (laughs). " The literacy crisis is best understood as a crisis of communication. The problem is not so much that the NStQ communities cannot understand in a literal way the plans and written communications that come across their desks. The natural resources workers of the NStQ communities are continually astonished by the major gaps in consistency, lack of seriousness of purpose, and weakness in logical reasoning in the memoranda that they are required to review. The problem is more that the NStQ do not understand why government and industry representatives continue to write requests for approvals that are so poorly defined. Why do they not back up their written words with verbal explanation, field trips and respectful gestures and the financial support that could help put a good long term co-managing relationship on a solid footing with the communities? The roots of the literacy crisis are in the incapability or unwillingness of government and industry technical staff to put their writings sensibly and adaptively into words and deeds. There are several key differences in cultures and perspectives that tend to institutionalize a literacy crisis between First Nations and government. On the one hand, government ecosystem managers with the highest authority are best characterized by their low level of knowledge of particular ecosystems; on the other hand, the NStQ ecosystems managers typically have a richly detailed knowledge of ecosystems of concern but little or no management authority. Combined with their western technical knowledge, the traditional knowledge of the NStQ manager relies very much on experience and on the stories of a holistic 'lived' understanding of community members. Community knowledge exists of particular wildlife populations, herds and even individuals; there is also the knowledge of responses of different vegetation to degrees and types of disturbance; as well as knowledge of the location of water and water flows. Seasonal and long-term knowledge of growth and yield and depletion of different species This theme is derived from one theoretical code- "Literacy crisis" summarizing 9 substantive codes from the interview data. 40 is strong in NStQ communities. The knowledge is not randomly accessible from databases, nor will it ever be. It is in a much better format for human and community use. It is primarily accessible through the medium of story telling, preferably in relevant field locations. An NStQ educator emphasizes the value of stories for teaching: " ...Ifyou tell me a story I can reflect on it very easily... If I study on a text I will probably also reflect and come to some conclusions and through my experience become wise — hopefully - but story telling is an easy way because it is a passing on of more of the knowledge it's head and its experience and tradition and all kinds of things being passed on at the same time to somebody else and someone else receives that and digests that very easily and it can easily become a part of that person perhaps. Story telling is a very powerful form of education... " Land-use managers have literacy skills and explicit knowledge of specific well-defined and discrete subject areas. Often coming from cities to rural contexts, many officials never learn that their sometimes rudimentary knowledge of forest management needs to earn credibility at the level of the forest and forest community. An imagination for alternatives to current management approaches is constrained by inflexible, theoretical ways of understanding, frequently learned through rote memorization of standards, rules and regulations. Nevertheless, properly supported alternative approaches can occur and grow in value through encouraging learning over time, through stories of pilot projects and problem-based learning initiatives. " ...Like I said it's a journey ...for the people... with the computer and a pencil.... You can have a dozen papers in one big paper like one... continue your journey I said... we can put this down and take the best things what should not happen what should happen and it will come out on a small piece of paper this journey that we are going to. This is something I look forward to..." Al l of the natural resources workers and many of the band staff and forestry workers are able to translate key issues into simpler terms for community comment and direction. It appears that it is now the government and industry that are failing to resolve their part of the literacy crisis. Many government and industry employees still fail to understand that they have a responsibility to follow up consistently on written messages in verbal words and ideas. When government and industry can acknowledge the two-way nature 41 of the literacy crisis, that both partners have responsibility for the quality of communication, then there is much that could be done to improve co-management and collaborative management. "... There should be involvement with mapping with everybody ... I know there's more knowledge to be learned from band members... Now we've got introduced to 3D mapping - they 're going to show us how we can use 3D mapping... Everything is right in front of you and it's just like you 're there... mapping is changing... " "a thing we have to do in order for the NStQ to engage with government properly is to get the NStQ land use plan out... It has to be a higher level plan and also informed by the community land use plans... If we have a land use plan that is consistent with provincial legislation then they have to look at it... The land use plan on every level will help us engage with government... " " ...Maps are kind of like an agreement...you can interpret things into a written document or a map... Maps can trigger conflict... So maps become pretty important they either bring about consensus or they create conflict - or they can be ignored as we have seen - just downright ignored -1 guess behind the map there must be legislative tools that will bring about the agreements that are on the map and if the words that are behind the map are not clear and strong then the map can be ignored... And I think that might have happened to us in CORE ...we didn't have as much legislative power built into the words and there was no legislative will behind what was written - but there was little backup at the staffing level to give the legislation power and teeth for monitoring and enforcement... " There are short-term technological solutions that can be implemented immediately for building shared visions and a systematic understanding of the landscape. Mapping software that produces three-dimensional models of the landscape stimulates holistic thinking, team building, mental models and an individuals' sense of responsibility by making map data appear more akin to personal experience (Lewis and Sheppard, 2005). Maps can facilitate agreements and they can actually constitute agreements (Baskerville 1990, Brody 1981). Although words and maps are crucial in facilitating agreement, it is also important to respect the limits of what can be translated across cultures, either by maps or through writing. Some meanings will always remain in the Secwepemc oral language and in the 42 Secwepemc culture. There will be limits to what the elders want to know about ecological and forestry language, just as there are limits to what most scientists may feel that they want to learn from Secwepemc. Nevertheless, both ways of knowing ecosystems must be regarded with equal respect for co-management and collaboration to work effectively. 3.15 Co-managing for New Relationships25 "...I really do believe its sitting down together, working together in a team approach and taking the other parties seriously and vice versa and making decisions that are for the best of the natural resources... That's how we can improve co-management... We've done it for thousands of years and the governments' only done it for a couple of hundred years and they 'know best'... I try not to get sarcastic about it... But you know... I really don't believe the respect's there... at the... end of the day they go ahead and make the decisions that... (pause)... that can change... I do believe things change... but I don't believe sometimes that things change until there's a crisis ..." Clearly, a new relationship is required between First Nations and the Province so that 26 co-managing can resolve rights and title issues in NStQ territories . Interviewees indicated that there is growing recognition that conflict over Provincial use of Crown lands cannot continue to be mediated by the Supreme Court of British Columbia. Recent Supreme Court decisions have shown that it is the Province and the licensees that are to blame for poor co-management practices and that it is the Province that must work to resolve the difficulties. If the Province and its licensees are interested in cultivating a new relationship, it will be necessary for them to develop a new paradigm that respects long-term community development goals. A completely different approach and a different type of co-management practice will be required. A management approach that fits with the non-linear dynamics of ecosystem and community complexity is needed. 2 5 This theme is derived from one theoretical code "New relationship" summarizing 8 substantive codes from the interview data. 2 6 In 2005 Premier Gordon Campbell announced a "New Relationship Initiative". Although still poorly defined it does represent official Provincial acknowledgement of a communication challenge with First Nations in co-managing natural resources in traditional territories. 43 S "... management changes and then you got a whole new group of people in there who may not be up to date or may not have that relationship where there's trust... that's the biggest word right there between government and anybody is trust. I know we've opened our doors and kept the door open - see what happens... I know we've put a lot of trust in people we haven't worked with before - you know Ministry of Environment and them - starting to make those baby steps towards trust - but I think it's going to take a while... " Negotiating the methods between the Province, its licensees and First Nations to self-organize for co-management could be a feasible starting point in cultivating a new relationship. Interviewees indicated that the Province should not impose its own approach for co-management and expect that this is different to colonialism. A new relationship needs to be negotiated and it cannot be decreed 'from above'. If trust is shown to negotiators then self-organization to co-manage adaptively from the local level down to the regional and provincial levels could be negotiated through the treaty process. In the current approach, opportunities for self-organization to develop locally 'grown' approaches are not considered seriously and incorporated into long-term collaborative management strategies. NStQ natural resource workers and government and industry planners have the capability and are in the best position to self-organize to address the problem of how to co-manage NStQ lands and resources. Creatively discussing a variety of alternatives and options for co-management among local planners, and deciding on preferred options, can then become the first critical step in embarking on a co-management relationship. The idea of imposing a Provincial co-management template for natural resources management is reminiscent of colonialism. It has been a source of concern and ultimately carries a high potential for crisis in the NStQ treaty process. There have been many long and unproductive hours of treaty negotiation as a result of this problem of not preparing for a system that can empower and implement adaptive self-organization for co-managing at the field level, in NStQ territory. Such an adaptive process of self-organization cannot by its very nature fit into a strict time frame for 'completion'. The development of co-management in NStQ territories will be ongoing and constantly iterative and adaptive to new local, regional, provincial, national and global information. 44 "...It's a struggle- we need our young people educated - they need their education... hopefully our young people coming up are aware of what's going on now because right now it's an awakening of our voices ...that are you know... trying to reach out to anybody that are reaching out to get together... and to work together... it's happening now slow... I'm glad that you 're here... we need to work with the university to make things happen in a positive way in an assertive positive way... I don't like to work with anything that is negative -1 shy away from negative stuff- you need a balance for any project - the pros and cons - you need a long term goal... That's what I'd like to see come out of this - that's a long term goal that can work for all governments... especially with First Nations... its coming... " "... When people understand the importance of our information then it can be better... if it doesn't make sense to someone then they 're not going to buy in to it. When people keep saying I'm like this because of residential school... you're like this yes- but you survived it - understand that you survived it... and what do you have to teach people about this?... You could pay me dollars for the abuses that I went through but that wouldn't pay for anything that happened to me... All of the things that have happened... but there are still those of us that lived ...the strong are still here and we survived because we were stronger and maybe because we were willing to listen to elders... there are certain things people need to do to help themselves... " A new relationship with the NStQ must learn to more fully understand and value traditional knowledge. If historic accounting were done of the value of official and unofficial advice that the NStQ have freely given that assisted in development of their territories, there would be much more respect today for the purpose and value of traditional knowledge. Traditional knowledge was freely traded in the expectation that fair trade could be understood and trusted without 'writing everything down' and without the Province or the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs standardizing and controlling the process. Respect and reciprocity were the rules understood by hosts and guests in relation to traditional knowledge, but these rules were nowhere written in the laws of the colonizing government. History shows us today that respect and reciprocity are not shown and that the benefits to the dominant society in the development of NStQ territories have been bountiful, while the costs to NStQ society have been devastating. There is still much to be done in writing down rules of respect and reciprocity with nature and between cultures. 45 To improve co-management it will be necessary to respect that First Nations have a financial interest and a training interest in the sustainable management of forests. The financial interest is not a 'one-time' payout, nor can training and employment interests be construed as 'make-work' projects. Sustainability of both financial and land-based values is crucial in negotiating resolution to outstanding aboriginal title issues. By adding their knowledge, sharing their skills, information and energy in their traditional territories, the Northern Secwepemc te Qelmucw have already added much value to natural resources in their territories. Traditional use studies, rural health and community development projects, as well as forestry, wildlife and fisheries management and monitoring assistance are just a few of the crucial services that NStQ have been providing to the Cariboo Chilcotin community. "... if the younger generation are going to work with the elders they should go there not just to find things out if something goes wrong but also just to go visit them... like some of the elders don't come out any more because they say it doesn't do us no good to talk because no one listens - they don't want to hear what we 're saying - they 're not ready to hear what we 're saying and the more years that go by - the older they 're getting and you 're going to lose all that information... " Natural resources management is a long-term commitment. Building trust and a "human-to-human relationship" among the members of the adaptive learning organization will be the first key objective of the organization. This can be done in life-world contexts where participants share their knowledge and their stories as they work toward acceptable co-management solutions. A new relationship with First Nations will require a paradigm shift in the way planning business is currently conducted with industry and government. "... / have found that the basis of bringing about agreement is when you help people to want to help the other person... then you usually can come to agreement ... The communication should be designed to help us understand each other and • what our needs are... Try to get you to help me to solve my needs and me to help you with your needs and then agreeing to help each other... " 46 3.16 Theme Five: Comanaging Process: "Hear t " 2 7 "...they have designed the corporation to not spend money... nobody has the authority to spend money. Have you looked at the morale of the people - the morale of that company is worse than working in the Forest Service, than in the government situation. Ijust look flatly at the companies and just slam the management policies 100% and men like (a specific forest company CEO was named here) who have just lost their heart - its not what his Grandpa had started at all... " The idea of putting one's "heart" into the task is a theme that has emerged very clearly during the constant comparison of substantive categories throughout the interview process. Taking personal responsibility for team building, systemic thinking, developing mental models and shared visions is found to be lacking in planning processes in NStQ territory28. Several interviewees stated that forestry employees both within industry and government do not seem to have their "heart" in their work. Many seem unhappy in their work and "look forward only to their retirement" and, crucially, do not see much purpose in taking risks to improve existing forest management systems. Certainly in industry and government, corporate policy has sought to increase control and to minimize risk. With key decisions strongly being influenced 'from above', most planners and negotiators remain demoralized. Recent industry consolidation has centralized more power in fewer operations and has consolidated more timber licenses in fewer permits. Fewer players 'at the table' results in a simpler and more powerful economic 'game' for government and industry. With a corresponding consolidation of power in bureaucracy there is a stronger climate of colonialism. First Nations have been invited to a seat 'at the table' though it is noted by several First Nations' representatives that the invitation usually lacks 'heart' or sincerity. For one thing, their invitation to participate in co-management planning usually lacks adequate funding to cover the cost of meaningful involvement. For another thing, a sense of long-term management purpose is lacking at the table. Planning This theme is derived from one theoretical code- "Heart"- derived from 15 substantive codes from the interview data. 2 8 Yet organizational theorists agree that these are precisely the attributes required for organizations to be successful, now and in the future. In subsequent chapters, this thesis includes discussion of proven management paradigms for systemic thinking and management approaches developed by keepers of traditional knowledge and in parallel with organizational theorist Peter Senge, and applied ecologist, Fikret Berkes, Carl Folke, Crawford Holling, Lance Gunderson and others. 47 initiatives to envision sustaining all land values for seven generations are assumed natural 29 in traditional ecological knowledge . However, such 'low impact' harvesting guidelines - even those recommended by law, in the Mule Deer Strategy of the Cariboo Chilcotin Land Use Plan, are unpopular with government and industry managers who have grown accustomed to extracting the majority of marketable volume from the first and second pass in five year development plans. Such plans are thought to lack "heart" because in their implementation, they cause many lost opportunities for managing for long-term and diverse natural and cultural values. There is concern that the Ministry of Forests and Range is not presently doing the basic service of monitoring compliance or enforcing the Forest and Range Practices Act regulations. There is concern that the Provincial government is not encouraging growth in diversity of the forest sector economy30. With the legal mandate only for managing to a five year allowable annual cut constraint rather than to long-term ecosystem area health indicators, there is a tendency among licensees to compete for the remaining stands and to value timber solely as a commodity, rather than considering area constraints and forest ecosystem networks that support a complex of biodiversity. That the licensees' legal tenure is for the supply of a specific volume of timber to industry rather than being associated with a co-managed land responsibility, discourages stewardship potential. The task of building 'heart' and personal responsibility among managers in a long-term stewardship plan that cares for multiple forest values, is not served well in a volume-based tenure system. Entrepreneurial skill is not well-served in a forest economy that depends on the sale of huge quantities of single product volume to a few markets rather than on a greater diversity and higher quality of products to many markets. The licensees are responsible for logging and replanting a certain volume of timber. They are not necessarily responsible for conserving all associated long-term area values. The From the perspective of an interior Douglas fir ecosystem management, (IDf is an important zone in NStQ territory) a three- pass selection harvesting system will take at least 150 years to accomplish. When recruitment of coarse woody debris is considered, then 200 years or about seven generations for ecological succession, is a reasonable sustainability assumption. In some areas where high crown closure must be maintained for mule deer values, more time must be carefully budgeted. 3 0 Promising initiatives for economic renewal in forestry in the Cariboo Chilcotin Region were dismissed by the Liberal Government when they stopped funding all Forest Renewal B.C. projects in 2003. In 2005, there is a new provincial interest in developing forest economic strategies for the region. The long-term benefit of this new proposal to diversify the Cariboo Chilcotin forest economy again remains to be seen. 48 licensees are not required to explore the potential for encouraging community stability by adding value to timber. The legal responsibility to only manage timber volumes and reforest areas effectively ensures that the industry has no clear political or economic incentive to communicate with local residents and First Nations. Timber volumes and tree planting can be managed without community input; but it is the knowledge and care for the more subtle values of the forest that requires the sensitivity, local knowledge and care of many people with a personal commitment to the task. Nevertheless, there are also heroic stories of transformation that engage 'heart' which can be told to help reverse an accelerating process of collapse of the local forests and their economies, in the NStQ territory. The story of the Likely/Xats'ull community forest tenure is one that is examined later in this research project. To tell stories about how small communities engage 'heart' to seize opportunity in times of crisis is an education for community survival. Survival education through story telling is a key component of Traditional Knowledge but is not yet widely encouraged within and between forest-based communities. Dialogue about success stories could serve to create a human-to-human bond between government and industry and community planners across regions and territories. Meaningful dialogue through story telling, about success through perseverance and heart, is a small investment now for building community sustainability into the future. 3.17 Co-managing 'Lived' vs. Statistical Understanding31 "... Unfortunately there isn't a lot of knowledge about the forest that we come out of high school with... And I think First Nations to the extent that they are still on the land probably come up with an appreciation of the forests which is superior to the non aboriginal understanding of the forests and I would say that's the traditional education where it functions is superior... so I think it needs to be taught at the high school level... and at the college level it has to be there... And it has to be on-going... because there's new information coming - new applications forthcoming - so its got to be part of professional upgrade and extension work... " 3 1 This theme is derived from one theoretical code "Holistic vs. Statistical knowledge" summarizing 15 substantive codes from the interview data. 4 9 At present, there is still a tendency to re-invent the same conflicts and re-invent the same solutions rather than to learn together between communities, across regions and throughout the province, how to resolve similar types of conflict. Hence the struggle for respect and recognition is ongoing in the case-by-case rulings of the Supreme Court, which repeatedly emphasize the poor co-management practices of the Province and its forest licensees. Traditional forestry schools and colleges in British Columbia are failing to train their students in the art and science of sustainable forest management. This is perhaps due to the fact that the management system for these institutions is removed from the forest and communities. From the perspective of forestry schools it is natural to learn and teach forestry in detached fragments of knowledge without the essential cross-reference to whole ecosystems and communities. Although students receive information from a diverse range of subjects, there is little emphasis on synthesizing new knowledge or even in perceiving relationships between the types of knowledge they are taught to memorize. Students have difficulty finding real contexts for integrating diverse sets of knowledge about communities, ecosystems and economies. They also fail to accumulate skills necessary for managing meetings to encourage diverse community opinion and to adaptively work to resolve forest use conflicts. " ...they need to take the time to stop and listen and I think... that would have a lot to do with trust too... once they start coming down to individuals and communities' level... they would start realizing its not what they thought and then people might start trusting them... there's a lot of improvement that needs to be done... " "...sometimes the policies don't work... you have to learn the ground truthing - and we 're good at ground truthing... but to have someone high-high and then work down ...it just don't work... they do all these studies and they figure that they've got it down to a 'T' but they don't - that's what I see anyway... ". Acceptable cross-cultural forestry and land-use training, must begin in high school. The training should teach acceptance that TEK is equal to scientific knowledge in its contribution to the integrity of acceptable site-specific land-use prescriptions. Unfortunately however, the ideas associated with colonialism are still prevalent in the belief systems of many rural people in NStQ traditional territory. A series of problem-based learning workshops for indigenous-cross-cultural awareness training should be 50 produced provincially and adapted and endorsed by local indigenous communities for presentation in communities. Some campaigning as well as adult education seminars to show the benefits of collaboration with First Nations will assist in cross-cultural bridge building and will serve to develop a foundation and direction for adaptive learning organizations into the future. Western scientific management, for the most part, relies on literacy as well as inductive (statistical) and deductive (theoretical) science for its claim to the 'truth'. On the other hand, traditional resource management relies on the spoken word as well as a keen awareness of changes in local site indicators. Traditional resource management has a holistic 'lived' understanding that defies written description. Through story-telling, on-site verification, multi-sensory perception, consistent comparison and lessons from the elders, a holistic and lived 'adaptive management protocol' for resource use has been _ 'implemented' by the NStQ. Reading print primarily causes a literate/statistical understanding of "natural phenomena" by foresters. The meaning of literate knowledge is not expected to evolve by trial and error from integrating social cultural and forest values adaptively. Rather, foresters are inclined to develop their conclusions by referring back to their lessons about 'objective' science and the 'dispassionate observer', and by deferring to the 'common-sense' and often colonial attitudes of their peer group and supervisors. An exceptional student with research funding may develop a statistical understanding of discrete populations. Thus in formulating their conclusions and in making their policy prescriptions they are really only competent to use statistical surveys that pertain to regional 'verification' of population attributes - such regional verifications most likely do not have predictive 'power' or much management relevance at the site level. Conversely, traditional knowledge is very reliable at the site level but requires much discussion and collaboration with hunters in other territories to be reliable at a regional level. Cross-cultural bridge building can occur when forestry terminology is used to explain traditional approaches of First Nations. Many natural resources managers do not have the interpretative skills to take science concepts and convert these to ideas at the scale of stand management, the region or province that can be readily adopted by First Nations. If some common language was mutually understood in discussing co-managing concepts 51 across scales or levels of management, then the Cariboo Chilcotin Land Use Plan could adaptively adjust its targets to accommodate First Nations' targets. An adaptive learning organization would provide for flexibility into the future in making adaptive changes to both the Cariboo Chilcotin Land Use Plan and to treaty as environmental and social conditions change. In the short term, properly funded and empowered co-management pilot projects strategically located could help to start the necessary long-term institutional transformation of forest management in the NStQ territory. 3.18 Co-managing Institutional Change32 "... Well it ought to go back to first principles... I think there is a problem if the information from research is not feeding in to answer some of the questions... so I would say that some of the resources that come from economic development in the foresty.sector - a certain portion needs to go back into at least applied science... " There are clear benefits in combining the integrated site-specific knowledge of indigenous peoples with the specialized and comprehensive knowledge of scientists. However, forest management institutions have, as yet, been unable to do this effectively. Some institutional change is required to utilize TEK and scientific knowledge respectfully, adaptively and effectively. There will be both a long-term and a short-term component to this change process. It is popular in the vernacular of forest planners in British Columbia to refer to their plans as 'living documents'. There is, however, more to bringing a planning document 'to life' than merely drafting new clear-cuts on a map every five years, and attending to the replanting of previously drafted ones. The metaphor of bringing a plan 'to life' is a good one - but it must be earned. Continual experimentation, monitoring and adaptation are necessary to 'grow' an adaptive management process. The living plan is not just a map, but it is a social, economic and cultural institution empowered by groups of appointed individuals using traditional and western science for continual care of all forest values in a territory. Researchers must be flexible in this approach to utilizing all kinds of information when developing their site plan prescriptions. The luxury of being an 'objective observer' somehow immune from 3 2 This theme is derived from one theoretical code "Changing institutional design" summarizing 11 substantive codes from the interview data. 52 "subjective" or "off topic" questions has become peculiar to 'colonialist colleges' and much too strange and expensive for communities to entertain seriously. Change occurs continuously in the forest and critical decisions affecting the life of the forest and of people with proven long-term interest in the forest must be made continuously based on the best information available at the time; but nevertheless some decisions must be made. " ...you know there's always away of solving a problem... its just that you got to sit down together and bang away until its solved. You know all you do is you bring back a lot of... (pause)... say for instance if we go and road block ...all those years of bringing around a kind of trust and communication and work side by side with the hunters - like if we lose that then we 're going to have all this finger pointing and everyone will blame the other person instead of sitting down and working it out together where nobody is pointing fingers... An old Chilcotin Elder said to me one time ...he said you know... until we learn to work together as one people we are never going to resolve nothing... as long as we 're fighting with each other everything is going to fall apart... " Trust in local knowledge combined with literature survey and continual informal experimentation should provide most information needed for decision-making. Continual questions from forest users and the community must be addressed continually. In future, the 'off-topic' though potentially relevant ideas of sustainable forest management institutions must become part of the data for subsequent testing, analysis and adaptive policy development. 3.19 Co-managing Planning and Technology33 " ...Our forest practices are abysmal and our management practices are the laughing stock of the world really... maybe our foresters need to travel around a bit and see what other people are doing...have a look at what other people are doing... The private land owners in the eastern states, the big ones like Louisiana Pacific - manage their land better than the companies in BC... it's a joke up here to them - they would never say that - but it is because here they don't have to manage it at all - they just have to fill out a few maps and fill out some forms and cross their t's just like the book says... Right here in the book it says 700 stems per hectare who says and why - it doesn 't matter - that's the way it is... Is that going to lead to foresters forever -1 don't believe it for a minute. " This theme is derived from one theoretical code "Planning and technology" summarizing 19 codes from the interview data. 5 3 Although the British Columbia Ministry of Forests and Range needs to use more up-to-date planning models in their harvest approvals processes, the Forest and Range Practices Act (FRPA) effectively discourages experimentation. As the forest industry is empowered under FRPA to manage to log a volume of allowable harvest, the non-timber qualities of the ecosystem areas from which the volume is extracted are mostly ignored. Managing only for a volume of harvest rather than managing ecosystems for sustainability and for integrating non-timber and timber uses is another primary area of the crisis in co-management in NStQ territories. That available technology is not used operationally to model harvest options is merely delaying the problem for implementation of sustainable forest management. In the NStQ traditional territories, the historic method for calculating allowable cut has primarily been a negotiation between the industry milling capacity and the short-term timber availability within a timber supply area (TSA). If the long-term sustainable yield were to be used to calculate allowable harvest volume, allowable cuts would be much less. In the Williams Lake and 100 Mile TSAs, which comprise most of the NStQ territory, much of the easily available short-term timber has already been liquidated. In many landscape units progressive clear-cut harvests have eliminated or created significant gaps in serai species representation and have thus damaged biodiversity in landscape units3 4. In many areas of the TSAs it will be necessary to restore the serai distributions of species35. Streams and watersheds are also in need of restoration or special planning care due to historic riparian management carelessness and poor enforcement of hydrological green-up requirements. The fisheries, wildlife and biodiversity strategies of the Cariboo Chilcotin Land Use Plan cannot be integrated without making unrealistic assumptions about timber supply availability36. The Biodiversity Strategy of the Cariboo Chilcotin Land Use Plan (CCLUP) attempts an ecological approach by insisting on the relationship between variety and distribution of serai species in a given landscape unit and overall biodiversity of the area. Implementation of the Biodiversity Strategy of the CCLUP has proven to be very difficult. 3 5 NStQ elders have repeatedly warned the forest service about their mismanagement of serai stage distribution of lodgepole pine stands that ultimately has exacerbated the mountain pine beetle crisis. 3 6 A complaint against the Forest Districts and Licensees of the CCLUP area was launched with the Forest Practices Board in 1997. The complainants, a coalition of environmental and community groups of the Cariboo Chilcotin Region were concerned about the formula that planners were using for integrating timber interests with the non-timber interests of the CCLUP. There were concerns that key negotiated targets from C.O.R.E and which were now legally required in the CCLUP were being changed or ignored. The Forest 54 There is a strong tendency for government and industry to avoid discussion about how to sustain the forest industry in the throes of its inevitable timber supply shortage. Emergency salvage of mountain pine beetle in NStQ territories has 'bought some time' for continued carelessness, and has allowed nearly complete flexibility in harvest scheduling for licensees over the next five or ten years. But by that time, when the easy access to pine becomes more difficult, timber supply shortages will become more critical for communities. Rather than acknowledging the task at hand for calculating sustainable long-term allowable harvests based on all watershed values, from the ground up, government continues to avoid the issue. "...I believe that spending nickels and dimes on different management regimens will pay dividends down the road in opening up resources that are now being closed to you... it will open up relationships with people and there's a benefit to be had there... So how to improve it - you could legislate it - but I don't know if that would fix it... If we could convince the major companies that this is a good thing and not a bad thing that's the way - and to convince them that you 're much better off talking to people than saying no go away we have Our mandate from the provincial government... " In its "new era" document, the current provincial government has addressed short-term timber supply shortages by allowing aggregation of TSAs and elimination of appurtenancy agreements. Industry operating areas are much larger now and their legal responsibility for providing secure employment to their-forest communities are much less 3 7. NStQ forest planners echo interests of the whole of ecology when they suggest that the long-term view is the most important one for forest management. It is crucial to change to planning that is adaptive to long term social and ecological health indicators now. It will take time to implement a new approach. When rural communities are in the deepest throes of their timber supply crises, it will be important for them to have the social-psychological advantage and business advantage of having a well-designed land-use plan, empowered by adaptive learning organizations from the stand level to the Practices Board eventually found that the complaint was legitimate and the formula for the 'integration' was spurious. After a three year inquiry the Board stopped investigating satisfied that the Districts and the Licensees would resolve the problem over the long- term implementation of the CCLUP. There was much more politics than science in this decision to stop the investigation. 3 7 Nevertheless the moral and ethical responsibilities of timber companies are increasing given the rise in demand for corporate social responsibility. 55 provincial level. Mapping technology is available to help make precise estimates of yield in small areas that take into consideration a variety of development scenarios. Adaptive learning organizations could be poised to learn this new system for constant iteration with the information realm, at the watershed and landscape unit level. Three dimensional mapping and field visits will be crucial for continuous monitoring and management of forest ecosystems in NStQ territories. " ...I guess some people feel that they're old fashioned... I even have a hard time turning on the computer... I guess trying to bridge the gap from the old school to the new school our people are going to have to get the education to bridge the gap... Sometimes I know what I want and then they put it on the computer and it's frustrating for me I don't want to learn the computer stuff -1just want to stay as I am... Its good to look at and it does have lots of information but still... " Computer technology has recently made harvest planning and mapping specificity easy and more accurate. (Sheppard and Lewis 2002) Geographic Information processing that required time-consuming calculations on expensive and cumbersome mini-computers only a decade ago, can now be performed in 'real time' on laptop computers with inexpensive user-friendly software. This new technology can support forest managers who will in non-technical conversations be equipped, and presumably educated, to discuss the whole story of caring for forests from the site level to the provincial level. Mapping specifics is important because it will help to model land use decisions more accurately and to manage and minimize the risk before operations begin, from the scale of the site to the province. When information quality is high then risks are lower. First Nations, licensees and government can then proceed adaptively and confidently making site development decisions based on their best collaborative knowledge of the day. Adaptive and precise decision-making at the site prescription level of planning will enhance economic opportunity in the NStQ territory. Adding economic and sustenance value to areas by encouraging alternative forest products and alternative harvest methods will in the long-term help to mitigate the short-term timber supply crises. But we need to start using and adaptively experimenting with forest planning and map communication technology effectively for long-term community development now. 56 3.2 Spokin Lake Case Study 3.21 Introduction: "... The main reason why the Spokin Lake thing happened is because it is a high value traditional use area and moose habitat area the community members wanted it protected by the Province so the community eventually ended up in a roadblock to keep forest harvesting out of there... and we've been fighting a battle ever since trying to get some protocol in place where we can work together with the Ministry of Forests and Licensees to manage the area properly so it can sustain our use as well as theirs'... the battle's on-going and it's been going since 1992 or 93 and we 're fighting the same battle today... " The Spokin Lake Case Study is concerned with the long-term planning of lands within an area of vital importance to the T'exelc First Nation. 3 8 The area is classified as lying within the Cariboo Basin Ecosection of the Interior Douglas Fir Zone in South Central British Columbia. There is a high proportion of wetland habitat that supports a resident moose population still surviving in close proximity to the town of Williams Lake, B.C. There are many areas of high cultural significance within the Spokin Lake area. Spokin Lake is at the headwaters of Borland Creek that is the source of the primary water supply to the North Shuswap First Nation Community of T'exelc. The first logging plans for the Spokin Lake area were delivered to the T'exelc First Nation by the provincial government for their review and comment in 1993. Since that time two T'exelc community workers have attempted to co-manage their interest in the natural resources with the Province, trying to understand the complexity and oftentimes chaos imposed on them by a large, well funded and close-knit clique of industry and government foresters, scientists, planners, mapping technicians, with interests in logging the Spokin area. The intention was to develop a shared planning process to facilitate logging and to protect natural and cultural resources in the area but clearly the band was limited in its capacity to respond accurately and authoritatively to all the risks suddenly imposed on their aboriginal rights and title to the area . The Spokin Lake area is about 30 km due southeast of the town of Williams Lake. 3 9 Due to limited funding in administration and due to pressing social issues related to poverty, band natural resources workers are required to respond authoritatively and simultaneously to a variety of community development, health and education, as well as natural resources management tasks in the community. / 57 The Spokin Lake crisis escalated when after about seven years of unsuccessful meetings the Province issued permits to begin to access an area of high importance to the T'exelc community. The community formed a roadblock and stopped the road building into their traditional territory. With an information picket line composed of community members, elders and natural resource and cultural workers, they tried to appeal to the broader Cariboo community for support. The following grounded theories based on interview data from key participants of the Spokin Lake process help to provide an overall picture of 'what is going on' in the Spokin Lake planning process. This clarification of the current concepts of participants in the Spokin Lake planning process may help administrators to develop a better sense of direction for future plans for the area. 3.22 Spokin: Cr is is 4 0 "... They had maps. They had their five year plan and they introduced all those maps out to us... but we didn't have any participation in planning the maps we had no involvement in engineering the maps - we weren't consulted about anything that was put on the maps - it was introduced to us as one map... and I think at that time logging had already started in some of those areas... " The Spokin Lake crisis began as a five-year forest development plan public review in 1993. The public review process required the forest industry, and then the B C Ministry of Forests, only to provide basic information about the five year logging plans to the T'exelc community. Interview data indicates that the weak consultation process was a result of a poorly conceived and inflexible forest ecosystem planning approach. The on-going planning method prescribes the results of the plan before considering T'exelc interests in the area. It is a government and industry dominated process that has a very limited capability for making social or economic adaptation. An increased share in decision-making should also result in increased management of the project as a learning process, from the initial planning stages through to the different stages of adaptive implementation. 4 0 This theme is derived from one theoretical code- "Spokin Crisis" summarizing 8 substantive codes from the interview data. 58 T'exelc is concerned that they lack the personnel needed for the long-term learning task that should be structured and interactive with the other plan participants. A conflict between a short-term industry perspective of timber extraction and a long-term community perspective of ecosystem management, resulted in entrenched positions becoming further entrenched. "...I think they conspire together to try and minimize our interests and minimize our access to resources with minimal cost to them. They expect us to go out and do all this work for them for their benefit yet they 're not willing to give us any kind of funding to carry out the work to do it. A good example is this referral stuff... for years we've been battling these guys to give us funding so we could do it properly but no... they've been fighting us every step of the way and don't give us a dime... " The on-going weak consultation process finally resulted in a roadblock that indicated a strong show of solidarity among the T'exelc people in what resulted as a co-management communication crisis. 3.23 Spokin: Avoidance 'Dance' think we tried to bring out as much of our cultural ideas and traditions and spirituality with the land and animals we tried really hard but I don't know.. It's really hard working with government because the communication ...to me it's just lip service... you know again its always just lip service - we give comments and it just collects dust for them until things get shaken up and it gets dusted off and goes in again... " Planning meetings with the intent only to inform rather than to co-manage resources creates a "dance around the table" instead of good faith negotiation and adaptive learning. The evasive behavior encouraged among planners in such a process results in the following undesirable consequences for sustainable forest management: This theme is derived from one theoretical code - "Avoidance dance" summarizing 16 substantive codes from the interview data. 59 1) Due diligence is practiced according to the 'letter of the law' under the Forest and Range Practices Act, however there is little evidence of accommodation, mitigation and interactive experimentation and learning. 2) Government and industry planners have not been successful in gaining the respect of the T'exelc First Nation during the planning process. A natural resources worker frustrated by repeated attempts of the industry to continue submitting unchanged plans for review, unhappily referred to the process as "some kind of a joke". 3) There have been no agreements reached. 4) If there has been any accommodation there has been no monitoring of accommodation or study of examples of mitigation for adaptive learning and development. Other factors contributing to the 'avoidance dance' are an intense economic and social pressure to maintain the annual allowable cut (AAC) in the region despite reasoned environmental arguments to reduce the regional contribution of A A C from this area42. Significant company mergers and provincial government changes in administration over the past decade have made it necessary for planners to continually re-invent their planning process to coincide with new corporate goals. There is no evidence that the forest industry is taking any direction from recent Supreme Court decisions made in other areas of the province that have found that significant accommodation or compensation must be paid to First Nations4 3. Some survey respondents indicated their belief that the forest licensees are planning to use results of recent Supreme Court decisions to attempt to transfer their responsibilities on to the Province for co-managing with the First Nation title-holders in the Spokin Lake area. The regional protected areas strategy and the Commission on Resources and Environment plan - prior to revision by provincial 'power brokers', had originally identified the Macintosh Lakes Protected area within the Spokin Lake Case Study to be reserved from logging, as a 'Class A' Park. The necessity for reduction in AAC from this area has been known and avoided for at least 15 years. A Short Term Timber Availability Analysis (STTA) used in setting regional AAC was suspected in an inquiry by the BC Provincial Forest Practices Board to overestimate allowable cut in the Cariboo Chilcotin Land Use Plan. 4 3 In a BC Supreme Court Decision Haida vs Weyerhauser and the Province of BC it was found that proper consultation was not given to Haida prior to making a forest license transfer. Subsequent Supreme Court decisions with regard to the Taku First Nation (Skeena) rights and title issues and with the Hy-ay-aht First Nation of the central coast also found that proper consultation and accommodation was not made prior to logging in traditional territories. 60 3.24 Spokin: Entrenched Positions " ...Like I said before they have policies that they have to follow and they have guidelines that they have to follow... you know there's a process and there's already a five year plan and everybody says this is what we have to do and regardless of what we have to say its just input... To me that's just consultation -there's no working... working together there... it's just a consultation sort of process - to me that's not healthy... " As mentioned above, the Spokin Lake Planning Crisis came as a result of a 'cookbook planning' mandate limited in flexibility by forest practices legislation that favours short-term government and industry interests at the expense of long-term community and environmental values. There are some additional reasons why entrenched positions occurred. Interviewees indicated that although government and industry used 10 years of planning resources in an awkward "dance around the table" to avoid discussing substantive issues about Spokin Lake, during this time planners and First Nations natural resources workers were not given adequate resources to set up contexts where they could sincerely learn from each other. One T'exelc interviewee mentioned that results from a moose study initiated by the Ministry of Forests was not shared with the community. Examples of information-sharing contexts that were hoped for by T'exelc include learning from mitigation that has occurred elsewhere and learning to innovate, as well as experimenting and building trust in plans by developing an on-going planning relationship in field trip contexts. The lack of sustained interest in responding to the communities' basic concerns about the plan, the lack of interest in building a 'human to human' rapport combined with changes of industry and government planning staff were not conducive to building integrity in the Spokin Lake planning process. The roadblock and information picket line set up by First Nations and the corresponding government fear of chaotic potential for 'negotiating through the media' made planners yet more distrustful of the process and of each other. Interview respondents indicated that this was not a good climate for interest-based negotiation. The Forest and Range Practices Act empowers the District Manager 44This theme is derived from one theoretical code -"Spokin Entrenched Positions" summarizing 19 substantive codes from the interview data. 61 (DM) as the Forest Minister's representative and sole and final decision-making authority for accepting or rejecting development plans. While too much involvement in the process is seen to fetter a decision by the D M , the D M must make a decision based on advice. As the context of forest management is still very much defined as timber management under current implementation of the Forest and Range Practices Act, the D M will seek to minimize his legal liability and typically take advice from other foresters. The opportunity for the D M to learn directly from community members is typically constrained45. 3.25 Spokin: Forest Practices Legislation vs. Local Knowledge46 "... With First Nations people we don't look at just forestry... we don't look at just forestry, we don't look at just environment, we don't just look at plants... we look at everything as just one as intertwined with each other - we take a look at the whole as one - you know the bees are co-managing without the bees we don't have the flowers and we don't have the berries and certain water species that we have that clean the creeks they clean the lakes and they have an important part -we don't specify and focus on this this and this- you know we don't divide everything up like modern science... " Throughout the Spokin Lake forest planning process there has been a tension between the 'timber-first' planning paradigm and the traditional natural resources manage ment practices of the T'exelc community. Among many other things, the elders teach that Secwepemc traditional knowledge and traditional natural resource practice requires that the primary stewardship responsibility is to the land and to the people who were trusted to depend on that land. The elders teach that caring for land and resources must be a shared task with equal respect potentially offered to all community members in the management process. The elders teach that all natural resources are linked and spiritual by nature. The elders teach that on-site knowledge of specific places is authoritative and Though for a number of years to their credit, the Williams Lake Forest District employed a T'exelc community natural resource worker as a liaison to the DM from T'exelc, this relationship did not last. In proportion to the funding available for mitigation and accommodation, there were too many pressures on traditional territories occurring in too many places throughout the District too suddenly for a meaningful liaison to continue. 4 6 This theme is derived from one theoretical code "FPC code vs holistic understanding at Spokin"-summarizing 14 substantive codes from the interview data. 62 that i f a disturbance is to be made to a natural process it should be made cautiously, respectfully and with consideration made for continual monitoring and adaptation. The holistic nature of traditional ecological knowledge and resource management practice tends to contradict the paradigm required by the Forest and Range Practices Act. The Forest and Range Practices Act of British Columbia prescribes a method for planning that while acknowledging other values, it concentrates heavily on a 'timber-first' perspective. It requires a highly centralized authority with little regard for detailed on-site knowledge and it requires professional complicity in that the planners know that their first responsibility is to the legislation, policy and regulations of the legislation and not necessarily to community interests. Despite opportunities to try alternatives, the Forest and Range Practices Act specifies the operations that must occur, or the results that must be in effect after a certain period of time. There is a gap between the authority of the forest legislation and the information learned from forest practice. Changes to legislation are not reliably implemented to reflect learning on specific sites. Although "adaptive management practices" are encouraged by the Ministry of Forests, there are no well-documented or trusted operational examples of long-term adaptive management being implemented reliably within the Cariboo Chilcotin Land Use Plan region4 7. 3.26 Spokin: Management 4 8 "... at the end of the day I don't know that the band was completely on side with either the literature review or the adaptive management they were looking for a full blown study and again after consulting with the biologists and that we weren't prepared to go there so to me that was one of the main sticking points in this whole exercise - we just had different views on how that should be conducted... " 4 7 In NStQ territory, there is one woodlot managed by Rod Blake that is registered both by the Silva and Forest Stewardship Council certification systems. This could probably be considered an exception; but it is less than 1,000 hectares in size. There are interesting projects occurring on the UBC research forest but these rarely include much community involvement that is so essential in determining cultural and economic viability. The notion of long-term sustainability is being actively discussed during treaty talks with the NStQ. As we see from the interview data, the NStQ board members of the Likely/ Xats'ull community are pressing for more meaningful community participation in the stewardship process to manage for a variety of values in the community forest. There has been great progress and great potential shown in the Likely/ Xats'ull community forest process but there is not yet a comprehensive and adaptive plan to address community needs for long term sustainable forest management in key areas of interest. 48This theme is derived from one theoretical code - "Spokin Management" summarizing 17 substantive codes from the interview data. 63 Commenting on a completed five-year logging plan for the Spokin Lake area, the T'exelc community responded. As T'exelc was not consulted to help in developing the initial plans, and as the initial draft of the five-year plan considered primarily the market value of timber, there were many risks and threats made in the five-year development plan to non market timber values and to related aboriginal rights in the Spokin Lake area. The band indicated that the proposed bridge across Borland Creek and the road development in the headwaters of Borland Creek posed a significant risk to their community watershed. The band pointed out that there were areas of high cultural value being threatened by logging and that wetland habitat and moose calving areas were put at risk by the plan. Interviewees indicated that unrestricted road access very close to town would surely threaten the resident moose population at Spokin Lake. The band proposed a 5-10 year moratorium against logging in the area while risks were assessed, and so that a period of learning could take place and an acceptable plan could be developed. Although the government accepted the challenge to study risks and alternatives in the area, the logging continued with little change in the five-year plan. The government officially regarded the moose habitat and resident moose population "of low regional significance" and did not seem to consider its continued importance to the T'exelc community and the risks associated with increasing its accessibility to the hunters of the town of Williams Lake. Interview data from T'exelc participants indicated that the scientific validity from a "full blown study" was not one of their interests. They simply wanted to work together with the government and licensees' planners to integrate timber, traditional use and moose habitat values so that all participants could understand and respect the plan and its implementation. However, without adequate capacity for T'exelc to participate fully in planning in specific areas and without Ministry of Forests and Range's commitment to look at specific areas in detail, the collective imagination for both logging and protecting key non-timber values in the same areas was constrained. There seemed to be a tendency to communicate in terms of either logging or preservation rather than thinking in terms of relationships between logging and preservation in key areas. There was no experimentation in scaling down operations to facilitate shared use. There was little interest in challenging 'conventional forestry knowledge' and forest and 64 range practices rules in order to test alternative silvicultural systems. Some experimentation in leaving small buffers of trees around wetlands was tried, although this experimentation was abandoned due to foresters' concerns about the spread of the mountain pine beetle. Over the seven years of discussions there were a few field visits, but overall positions became progressively entrenched. "... Well I think we tried to communicate -1 mean they showed us what their concerns were and what some of the plants were - It was a great day in the field I mean I think everyone enjoyed it... it's just that at the end of the day I think we were at opposite ends of the spectrum when it came down to the actual management of that piece of the land... again I think they were looking at more of a preserving it as much as anything where we were looking at harvesting a piece of it... " The Ministry of Forests started work to build a bridge across Borland Creek to access small business permits in the area. The chief of the T'exelc First Nation then responded to elders' requests to set up a roadblock and information picket to stop the work that threatened non-timber values and aboriginal rights in the area. An elder put it this way: "... We had a very good working group... I think we called ourselves the Home Team... we had elder women and elder men we had hunters we had youth... we had enough members from the community that were coming. There was a lot of consultation with prior chiefs there was a lot of consultation a lot of consultation with land users like the hunter groups and gathering groups... there was a lot of displays that were done... I was involved in a lot of talking with people... We had a blockade so people had a lot of information not only on our community but also on outside communities because we held a pamphlet sort of campaign you know so people from the 150 Mile and Rose Lake area came and they looked at the maps... you know they had a lot of input and a lot of them were very supportive of what we were doing they didn't discriminate us in any way and there was a lot of support... I'm not saying it was 100% we had a good turnout of people who were nodding... a lot of truckers going back and forth a lot offorestry workers just curious to see what we were doing and what we were saying taking time off their duties to see what we were up to..." The constitutionally protected rights of First Nations in the area were threatened and so the Province and licensee rights to log in the area became questionable from a legal perspective. The Province backed away from logging in the contentious area but then 65 later began developing access from a different direction. Although the band is currently trying to develop a protocol agreement with the licensees there is still no acceptable plan for the area. Elders are concerned that the hurried salvage harvest of beetle-infested timber in the area is causing waste and neglect of other values. There is also community concern about the fast rate of clear-cut logging, the planting of lodgepole pine in spruce areas, and the potential for insensitive industry logging in vital areas needed for traditional use sustenance, as well as cultural and spiritual purposes. 3.27 Spokin: Memorandum of Understanding for Consultation Protocol49 A memorandum of understanding (MOU) is currently being negotiated between T'exelc and the forest industry operators in the Spokin Lake area. The M O U will determine regulations for consultation that will describe arrangements for revenue sharing, shared funding for management and shared decision-making. Shared decision-making will include shared planning responsibility from the initial reconnaissance of areas through to supervision of post harvest and silviculture responsibilities. Better information, particularly in the quality and detail of maps will be sought in an M O U with provision for three-dimensional mapping where required. The imagination for detailed mapping is to be strengthened as the licensee starts in the learning process with the T'exelc communities. Long-term learning will be structured and characterized by adaptive management experiments in the Spokin area to continue to inform and empower decision-making in a learning organization. The learning organization resulting from the M O U could be an equal partnership of First Nations' delegates, Ministry of Environment, licensee, and Ministry of Forests and Range planners, scientists and foresters. Such a learning organization could encourage cross-cultural bridge-building by managing and monitoring projects adaptively and to develop trust relationships, over time. Eventually a simple site-specific M O U protocol agreement for the Spokin area may serve as a template for other legal agreements and This theme is derived from one theoretical code "Spokin MOU"- summarizing 11 substantive codes from the interview data. 66 learning organizations in co-management areas throughout the NStQ traditional territory. Such learning organizations need not be expensive, but they must be committed and empowered to monitor and to steer co-management decision-making in their interest area. 3.28 Spokin: Begin to Learn by Doing50 " ...lots of times when it comes to writing agreement not everyone understands the implications of some of the wordings you know so you can sign on to something that you think it means one thing but it actually means something else but when you can get out there and you can see that a tree is a tree looks like a tree then its easier to deal with those issues... they 're real. " Several interview participants offered suggestions for ways to begin to plan for the Spokin Lake area. They indicated that it is crucial to acknowledge that all values and issues brought to the planning table by plan participants are important and need to be addressed with equal interest. If the forest licensee is primarily interested in forests for logs and the First Nation is primarily interested in forests for habitat, traditional use and water quality, there will be a range of harvest options that will need to be considered. The attitude that we should "seek first to understand", helps to develop a human-to-human bond regardless of the role of a participant in the process. Developing real examples and experiments with mitigation techniques for conserving diverse values and implementing agreements honourably over time will build trust. Perhaps this is what the Province refers to in its recent talk about "a new relationship" with First Nations. However, interview participants indicated their perception that ill-equipped and ill-prepared provincial employees are currently not exemplary in presenting "a new relationship" for co-management of forests. With greater and more reliable funding committed to long term co-management planning more field time will be spent with community representatives at all phases of the planning process. An imagination for realizing benefits of "learning by doing" will be developed through first negotiating a legally-binding consultation protocol agreement for the Spokin area. This theme is derived from one theoretical code "start learning by doing at Spokin" -summarizing 16 substantive codes from the interview data 6 7 3.3 Tsq'escen' Community/ Mountain Caribou Case Study 3.31 Introduction: The community of Tsq'escen' lies in the foothills of the Caribou Mountains and has historically been connected with migrations of mountain caribou.51 In recent years wildlife scientists and backcountry guides have noted that the caribou population of the Caribou Mountains is declining. The creeping cumulative impacts of human influences on caribou ranges are often cited as reasons for the loss of caribou in other areas of Canada. Although the exact reasons for the dwindling numbers of the herds in the Caribou Mountains are not known, the Ministry of Environment, and Ministry of Forests and Range have been attempting to find answers through research, whenever funding is available. In 2002, when the federal government found in their nationwide survey that the herds of eastern caribou are facing extinction and should be placed in the 'red-listed' category, the Tsq'escen' community felt that they were in crisis. A respectful co-managing relationship with the mountain caribou can be renewed and sustained. However, this will occur only with an unprecedented social consensus to affirm government and community authority to monitor and adapt with changing caribou requirements. 3.32 Caribou threats52 "... my uncle was saying its pretty strange to see droppings of a moose way back where there's no food... They 're getting pushed back into the mountains because of all the logging and development of the lands in their habitat... their corridors are getting blocked off by main highways and they can't migrate back to their natural breeding and grazing grounds because they '11 get killed off by the highway or poached off somehow cause there's too much roads now... Like they don't stand a chance with all these 4 wheelers and sleds that's going around... Like when a skidoo goes in there and packs it down and a wolf comes along it's easy running for him... and the caribou get killed offpretty easy like that too... " 5 1 Location map in Fig. 2 (p.23) - the location of Tsq'escen' is indicated on the map as "Canim Lake". 5 2 This theme is derived from one theoretical code "Caribou threats" summarizing 19 substantive codes from the interview data. 68 "...basically, the one thing we 're trying to understand now is what are the management levers that are available to influence what is affecting the caribou... what can you actually manage - you can manage the influence of logging or snowmobiling - or predators - so there's all these different management options that people have and they all have different degrees of influence on the survival of caribou... a lot of the management work going right now is trying to sort of look at that puzzle and try to figure out which is the best way to recover caribou based on the science... So someone is going to have to make some choices based on implementing some of these management measures and it will be an interesting next ten years or so - Society will need to decide what they want...its very complicated... " "...Different diseases and the beetles are coming in pine spruce and fir I don't know where that's all going to end... poor old mountain caribou will be up on top there with nothing to chew on and then where's that going to lead?... " The mountain caribou herds in the eastern region of the Secwepemc territories are mysterious and majestic, but they are also vulnerable to their harsh mountain environments. Although the eastern herds are well-adapted to extreme mountain habitats, cumulative effects of anthropogenic environmental changes may be causing accelerated population decline. The crisis of survival for the caribou herds is one concern for the Tsq'escen' community. Tsq'escen' has a long history and many associated stories about using the mountain caribou as a source of sustenance. Among the threats to the caribou population are wolf predation and the scarcity of winter food sources. A strong wolf population combined with a weak caribou population is one of the influences that are extinguishing the remaining herds. Road developments high into caribou winter grounds have made convenient, systematic travel corridors for wolves to hunt caribou. The many dozens of snowmobiles in the alpine environment of the caribou have potential for pushing the animals away from their critical feed and migration habitats. As the caribou are pushed higher and higher on mountain peaks to escape the new developments, they are further put at risk by deeper snow, steeper terrain and diminished food sources. Eastern mountain caribou rely almost exclusively on arboreal lichen as their winter food source. A history of clear-cutting vast areas of critical habitat combined with recent spruce and pine beetle epidemics have reduced the quality of forests for arboreal lichen and winter shelter for the eastern caribou. 69 Caribou management authorities understand the mountain caribou population dynamic as multiple interacting variables or 'management levers'. Habitat, predation and fecundity, or some variation of these, are the known variables that influence the population. It has been assumed that by manipulating these variables, an increase in the caribou population might occur. An inconsistently funded and administered program for understanding the mountain caribou was begun as part of the Commission on Resources and the Environment (CORE) process in the early 1990s. Forest Renewal BC (FRBC) funding also helped to support caribou research for a time. Caribou research has not been continuous since the crisis was initially perceived. Nevertheless interviewees indicated that effective implementation of caribou management will require continuous attention, shared local knowledge and a strong social consensus among affected groups. Although the local environmental groups have attempted campaigns to raise social awareness of the need to protect the caribou, -without provincial support these attempts have often been left unheeded. The snowmobile associations of the region were much better funded by FRBC and the province to mount their campaigns for increased access to alpine areas, than were the environmental groups, to protect caribou. As snowmobile technology increased in power, so too did the snowmobilers' insatiable appetite for exploring steeper and more remote mountain environments. With the notable exception of a few presentations made for regional community groups, government researchers were mostly absent from the debate. By the beginning of the new millennium it was becoming clear to guides, loggers and to some scientists that the eastern mountain caribou herds were being lost. In 2002, the federal government declared the eastern herds a red-listed species. Yet there was still no organization to lead toward a consensus-based management approach. A wolf-kill program, some snowmobiler-education, and some sensitive harvesting and road design has been implemented for known critical areas. But there is still inadequate long-term commitment to funding a learning organization for monitoring and enforcement for implementation of caribou recovery 'levers' and experiments in Tsq'escen' territory. 7 0 3.33 Caribou Research Process " ...there's a need for a lot more research and connectivity between the different groups... outfitters will have certain knowledge about the caribou and certain observations and hunters will though obviously hunting isn't allowed any more of the mountain caribou... you know snowmobilers will have certain knowledge and experience from what they see of them, and trappers will... There's not a lot of unified... I don't see a lot of unified opinion between different groups around the issue because to me people want to protect their own interests... and new knowledge and understanding would take quite a bit of work and study over . time... " "... The work that's been happening recently is basically through radio telemetry so we have a good idea of where the caribou that are left are living and moving but as far as historic winter range we don't have a good idea... Traditional ecological knowledge of First Nations could do a lot to tell us how widely caribou used to be distributed say a hundred years ago... I'm not aware if there's ever been a project to try to accomplish that... " "...they 're busy trying to make money like I mentioned when they study the caribou they 're all trying to make the almighty dollar and I guess the dollar interferes with everything that happens within our traditional lands... but really I don't see them - they may get together like on their own like scheming... or whatever it is that they do...(laughs) " "... we were having what was information sharing we were having regional visioning where groups would get together and learn about the culture of the Secwepemc people and actually put names to faces to find out who was who... with the wildlife people we had a workshop with representatives from Williams Lake on these issues and that has greatly improved our relationship here... now we are getting more and more documentation and papers and references from the agencies on what's going on with wildlife in our area... We sometimes get phone calls about when studies are happening and with email links they send us emails of where we can find studies ourselves... and with the government opening up their webpages to us we are able to get a lot more information than we used to before... " This theme is aggregated from two theoretical codes: "Caribou Research Process- The Tsq'escen' community involvement past, present and future" (16 substantive codes from interview data) and "Caribou Research Process- Tsq'escen' administration" (23 substantive codes from interview data) 71 Tsq'escen' interviewees find the process of researching the caribou confused. Changing provincial governments and research projects have resulted in knowledge loss, changing mandates, changing personnel and unreliable funding for community involvement. Interviewees emphasized that the context of an ongoing conversation is as important to answering research questions, as the conversations themselves. If the caribou research participants perceive the context of the research conversation as ad hoc, temporary and lacking in sincerity, authority and long-term commitment, then they will presume that the research conversation itself is superficial. Interviewees indicated that although they feel that an on-going adaptive caribou research conversation is important, they are not assured in the process that their time is well spent in meetings. There have been several instances where ideas and important meeting discussions have been lost or ignored due to lack of continuity in the overall mountain caribou research effort. Tsq'escen' backcountry guides and community members have been generous over the past decades on mountain caribou trails, sharing their trails and traditional ecological knowledge with non-native guides and scientists. However, due to an over-riding concern for pursuing profit from the backcountry or for political positioning of the provincial government, the sharing of traditional knowledge has provided little benefit to either the mountain caribou or to Tsq'escen' people. Although the residential school system imposed on Tsq'escen' people resulted in a generation of some disconnect from their traditional knowledge of caribou, there is still much wisdom about the Caribou Mountains and the relationship between the mountain caribou and Tsq'escen' people and places. Reconstructing this knowledge of countless generations of Tsq'escen' life in the Caribou Mountains has been an on-going struggle for Tsq'escen' community researchers. Fragments of knowledge exist as stories inherited by families, passed down by their ancestors. One challenge for traditional use researchers is to record the knowledge of places and events and learn the significance of the stories so that Tsq'escen' youth and others can be guided by wisdom of the elders. Funding for traditional use research has been difficult to secure making it difficult to develop a secure foundation for the traditional knowledge. A sense of urgency and crisis prevails as funding sources and the energy of the elders are tapped to exhaustion. Nevertheless, guides and community workers are putting the wisdom they have to use. They ask: is it nowhere clear what is 72 the value of the mountain caribou? What is the value of mountain caribou to the forest industry? What is the value of mountain caribou to the residents of the Cariboo region and the Province? They suggest that to understand the value and the importance of the mountain caribou, all people with interest should work together with respect, to solve the problems of how to best relate to mountain caribou. The practice of the art of resolving conflict through respectful discussion is a traditional method for problem solving that relies on knowledge 'of the whole'. Interviewees indicated that caribou studies are only as good as the conversations that they encourage. They suggested that traditional knowledge keepers and others with knowledge of caribou often do not attend meetings. They do not see how meetings held indoors and dealing exclusively with business can be relevant to the lives of First Nations' guides. They suggested that natural resources management could best be taught in the forest from outdoor wilderness schools. By exploration with elders and attentive scientists, youth could be taught to create their own knowledge of caribou places. A few interviewees suggested that it is difficult for Tsq'escen' youth to relate to past forms of traditional knowledge of caribou. Tsq'escen' people have stopped caribou hunting. They have stopped talking about the caribou. Stories of the caribou hunt are not being retold and renewed. Nevertheless there are many ways that Tsq'escen' youth can relate to caribou spaces and places if their experiences in the mountains could be encouraged by a coalition of Cariboo communities to grow and flourish. The Tsq'escen' natural resources workers remain strong in their overall direction as stewards of their traditional territories, and they remain hopeful and patient with provincial and federal government planning authorities. However as in other NStQ communities, the Tsq'escen' natural resources workers have inadequate staffing and funds to properly assess cumulative and on-going development impacts in their territories. Natural resources workers recollect how the mapping of caribou migration patterns and associated stories was started in 1997 with FRBC funding for their Traditional Use Studies. The initiatives that were begun lacked long-term support for monitoring, implementation and enforcement of management goals. The regional Caribou Strategy of the Cariboo Chilcotin Land Use Plan was an attempt to co-ordinate research about the mountain caribou. Treaty talks by the NStQ treaty team have also 73 tried to co-ordinate and address long-term caribou management issues. That the caribou population became red-listed came as a shock to people in the Tsq'escen' community, the NStQ and also to many others in the Cariboo region. It is possible that such a crisis could bring people to form better human-to-human relations for a sustainable regional re-growth and renewal strategy for Cariboo communities. A crisis can sometimes provide incentive for an individual or a group to reach for answers that they currently cannot imagine. From this reaching for new answers, new understanding and a new paradigm for understanding may emerge. Cross-cultural bridge-building may be one of the benefits of sharing management tasks through all phases of an adaptive management process for recovery of mountain caribou. An enduring regional caribou strategy is a shared vision that implies a shared responsibility by sharing management tasks through all phases of adaptive management process. In this process, it is necessary that scientists and policy makers with power to initiate a long-term adaptive program seek first to understand. They should recognize that a common goal needs a common understanding. They must understand that it takes time, long-term commitment and self-organization across management scales to develop and implement good policy. The time horizon for long-term planning will necessarily exceed one provincial government term in power - but it will be time well spent. 3.34 Caribou Public Involvement Process54 "...I went to this big wildlife workshop in Vancouver there... its good to have it in Vancouver... but the wildlife is out here (laughs). If you have the meetings more in the backcountry it will start to turn more heads so people will know how valuable the land is out here... " " ...normally I'd like to take time to think and respond rather than just to give an answer right away... sometimes silence is taken as uneasiness... the silence is taken that we don't want to talk about it or something... so they keep probing -This theme is aggregated from three theoretical codes and 46 substantive codes from the interview data -"Caribou Strategy Public Involvement Process" (15 substantive codes) "Caribou Regional Research Bias" (15 substantive codes) and "Caribou: Negotiating Local Knowledge" (16 substantive codes) 74 probing...but in the meantime we are trying to think about an answer that would justify a reasonably good thought out answer... " "... if you can shorten a sentence down and make a long story short yet have the truth in there yet and the respect it needs... that's part of what I see wrong with that...Yes it could be a good system if they could learn how to communicate ...not everyone went to university... " "... They say "I this and I that" and they don't involve the other ... they've got to say "Our and We 're" so that when the people see the word "I" in there - they don't even want nothing to do with it. It's got to be "ours Interviewees, including caribou scientists and technicians, indicated that public involvement is necessary to make crucial decisions that will affect the future of the mountain caribou. Society will need to decide what is necessary to protect caribou herds. For effective implementation, caribou management measures will require strong social consensus, monitoring and enforcement by the affected groups. Consensus of opinion can be difficult to achieve, however, as there is a range of opinions and ways of looking at things. Different people find different management strategies acceptable. This is especially made more difficult in that government and industry tends to most strongly support large-scale backcountry developments that generate the greatest short-term economic benefit. Achieving consensus is difficult because different people have different expectations for public involvement. Interconnection and continuous cross-scale communication among social groups and agencies could expedite caribou management; but government has not been able to develop a consistent public involvement program to do this. A mailing list is maintained and research information is available by request from the Ministry of Environment. A more comprehensive public involvement strategy remains subject to the specific requirements of generality and specificity and timeframes dictated by unpredictable, ad hoc, caribou research projects. Typically there is little or no funding allocated for public participation in research projects. The limited capacity of groups to participate in research, and the limited training of researchers in understanding the purpose of public involvement limits the emergence of knowledge about mountain caribou. This lack of capacity constrains the backcountry managers' ability to implement actions that might assist in recovery of 75 mountain caribou. A controlling group of government researchers tends to emphasize differences between local groups rather than a 'wholeness' and broader community of interest in maintaining caribou. Although separate meetings are the most cost effective and the easiest to organize, they can be disorienting for the development of a whole group and can serve to undermine trust between conflicting groups. For example, after nearly 10 years of talk about the problem of maintaining mountain caribou populations there is still no continuous formal process in place for group discussion about caribou co-management with the Tsq'escen' community. None of the mountain caribou research projects have yet been co-managed with First Nations. Consequently, the province still doesn't know specifically what NStQ long-term interests are in natural resources affecting and including the mountain caribou. Since 2004, a federally-funded caribou recovery implementation group is scattered across regions in the province of BC to identify and hopefully address gaps in provincial caribou research. However, a NStQ participant was able to attend caribou recovery implementation group meetings only for a short time when funding permitted. Interviewees indicated that caribou research needs to be adaptive and on-going with the conversations of all knowledgeable stakeholders. A general consensus was indicated among interviewees that caribou research should be directed by a well-represented and adaptive learning organization. This contradicts caribou scientists' concern that caribou research is "too technical" to be "broadened out to other groups". But it echoes a common concern among interviewees that caribou research despite good intentions, does not yet have a unified management approach. Natural resources workers are concerned that existing site-specific caribou research knowledge is not easily accessible to people unless they are local environmentalists, guides or recreation group leaders. They acknowledge that caribou research if undertaken properly, would take a lot of work and commitment from a lot of people. However, due to lack of a consistent public involvement strategy, even the most basic collaborative research opportunities have been ignored, or lost. For example, the caribou research strategy of the Cariboo Chilcotin Land Use Plan involving forest sciences, fish and wildlife and forest licensees did not properly budget to systematically involve First Nations. 76 Building research strategy from diverse viewpoints is essential, considering that caribou scientists have 'built-in' research biases due to short-term scientific and technical limitation. Technical research studies that are strictly limited in time and geographic relevance although more amenable to statistical analyses, tend to build a perspective from measurements as 'brief shutters in time'. Caribou technical research is inevitably limited by funding, public perception and weather, however to mitigate this limitation, local knowledge can be negotiated to serve to 'broaden out' and to potentially 'fi l l in gaps' of scientific knowledge in the absence of scientific verification or 'absolute proof. The colonial history of exploitation of back-country environments is still affecting the current reality of the science of caribou management. Interviewees indicated that caribou science is limited by bias generated through short-term ad hoc studies favouring backcountry exploitation. Perhaps due to their centralist, short-term development bias, these studies lack long-term information about caribou, habitat, historic migration routes and changing environments. Some interviewees indicated that caribou researchers do not sufficiently often advocate the management option of creating a Class A park to protect mountain caribou. Some interviewees indicated that the government's refusal to put mountain caribou resources in Class A park status with stricter site-specific regulation and enforcement confirms government and industry bias towards maximizing short-term profit generation at the expense of the mountain caribou and back-country values. If the bias of short-term profit maximization does not exist, then the Class A Park option could be more frequently discussed. Or, alternatively, a less biased approach could be demonstrated by freely changing the contexts of the conversations about caribou. One interviewee indicated that the context of the conversation is "just as important as the conversation itself. For example, the interviewee suggested that if the Northern Shuswap people facilitated the conversation around a round table (and in a series of back-country meetings) there would likely be a different result than if government facilitated a conversation around a square table. Other interviewees indicated that the research meetings as they are currently presented are not relevant to the lives of First Nations' guides. The context of the conversation sometimes needs to be moved to mountain caribou habitats to develop a deeper understanding and respect for the subject of the research. 77 In any conversational context, research groups must practise the art of resolving conflict through respectful discussions. Caribou interest groups need to bring their knowledge together regularly, and they need to try to recognize their individual biases to find unified understandings. With practice, respectful listening and talking from different perspectives can improve. A l l interviewees indicated that there is always a good possibility for a 'paradigm shift' in the understanding of backcountry users- and of the mountain caribou. One scientist interviewed joked that both species, humans and caribou, seem to be equally characterized by their unpredictable nature. Sometimes it takes a crisis for conditions to generate a new understanding and opportunities for re-growth and renewal. After the crisis and in the re-growth and renewal phase it is best for all potential back-country competitors to become conscious that all back-country uses have needs and that whole groups must work together to meet those needs. Participating in meetings uses energy and strong emotions are generated to resolve conflict through care and discussion. A lot of energy is required to put aside one's own opinion in resolving a conflict through whole-group discussion. The energy, commitment and work required is one reason that social consensus has not yet been achieved in communities' relations with each other and with the mountain caribou. Natural resources workers and leaders of backcountry groups are improving their skill in negotiating local knowledge, however much improvement is necessary. Once it is possible to listen and talk from different perspectives, the learning cycle can begin again and again, iteratively and continuously at successively new and more complex levels. When a tension develops between participants' individual interests and new knowledge about caribou places then there is an opportunity for growth. A new understanding and opportunity is generated as successive on-going concerns are discussed in respectful relations between the group and the individual. The group then needs to again interactively work at this new level of understanding as knowledge emerges about participant needs and potential methods of resolution. Adaptive management and the development of community-based learning organizations to achieve consensus is a never-ending conversation and emergence of new knowledge. Adaptive management is essentially democracy continuously 'at work'. Human energy, skill and long-term funding will be necessary to assist in developing adaptive management institutions for 78 sustainably co-managing whole back-country values and to assist in the recovery of the mountain caribou populations. 3.35 Caribou and Tsq'escen' Eco-Tourism at Risk5 5 " ...I went... like... it was...but the meetings were taking me farther and farther away from my whole... my goals and objectives there... I was getting stuck in papers and too deep in there ...so I just let it kind of idle for a while... and then I just started going back and doing ribboning where our trails got to go and see where the animals cross... " Some interviewees indicated that for long-term backcountry values to be managed, enforcement of closures must occur in key caribou migration areas. A Tsq'escen' guide suggested that a trained group of First Nations' rangers could monitor back-country uses and gather wildlife information. Citing a successful indigenous rangers system in Hawai'i, the guide suggested that caribou migration corridors could be mapped and monitored more accurately with help from the Province and from Tsq'escen' youth. This could have the benefit of allowing traditional knowledge keepers, scientists, and First Nations' youth to work together on a common goal to enforce whole back-country values. Currently, un-enforced caribou area 'restrictions' apply to environmentalists, scientists and backcountry guides. But an honour system of respecting closures is not working well among the unregulated snowmobile riders and others who are not mindful of the rules. One interviewee noted that it is not uncommon for dozens of snowmobiles or all terrain vehicles users to cavort in certain alpine areas of the Caribou Mountains at the same time. A system of limiting back-country uses would be well served in a park management plan; however many of the critical caribou areas are currently outside of the jurisdiction of BC Parks. The Tsq'escen' community envisions potential in the Caribou Mountains for developing low-impact community tourism businesses. Tsq'escen' back-country guides have been working toward submitting tourism business plans with government, but as This theme is derived from one theoretical code "Caribou and Tsq'escen' eco-tourism at risk", summarizing 23 substantive codes from the interview data. 79 their business plans are coming together, Tsq'escen' commercial tourism interests are threatened by essentially unplanned developments in the back-country. Local bureaucratic channels for small business development proposals are constantly changing and discouraging. However, big business development proposals such as mines, logging and major tourism projects can be given incentives and accelerated approvals by distant senior government authorities. Hopeful guides at Tsq'escen' who envision First Nations tourism business find it hard to compete even in their own territories, with proposals from well-financed developers that promise only short-term benefit and are insensitive to back-country impacts. Changing provincial governments and changing government planning authorities and staff also undermine First Nations' development proposals. When Tsq'escen' business plans are considered by government it is a challenge to teach government planners to hear the proposal as it is, rather than to try to change it to better suit government's needs. Planning for low-impact First Nations' tourism in the Caribou Mountains can work if participants acknowledge each others' needs and work together to meet those needs. Adaptive management planning with communities should be structured as apprenticeships in a whole program of problem-based learning. An adaptive-learning organization for co-managing commercial tourism interests in the Caribou Mountains should be empowered and financed for encouraging regular meetings in the back-country. 3.4 Demdomen Society and Provincial Wildlife Management Case Study 3.41 Introduction: "... Our wildlife management group started out with maybe five or six of us. It's all volunteer it started out when we had Demdomen society... we were trying to find ways to open people's eyes about wildlife. We got a funding for a wildlife management training program for one year that was good there was people there that you kind of thought would never be there... it carried on from there... " 80 Demdomen society is a volunteer group of hunters and teachers from the Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem First Nations, in the southwest of the NStQ territory. The society was first formed in the mid-1990s to respond to a variety of crises facing wildlife in traditional territories. An accelerating increase in recreational hunting pressure associated with rapid new road development was occurring in large areas west of the Fraser River. 5 6 Over the last decade, Demdomen has become increasingly involved in adaptive learning about wildlife resources in traditional territories. Their involvement in a growing variety of community and wildlife projects has helped position Demdomen as a facilitator, or local catalyst for adaptive learning organizations with wildlife and recreation interests in Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem traditional territories. Demdomen continues to meet with the BC Ministry of Environment, the Canadian Wildlife Service, and with local and provincial guide and recreation associations, in their effort to rekindle the tradition of natural resources learning and teaching in their traditional territories. 3.42 Demdomen as a Catalyst for Adaptive Learning Organization, Form of en Communication "... There is a problem ofgovernment's misunderstanding of how First Nations operate at the resource level and there's certainly a misunderstanding on the First Nations side of how government works and the process in regulations. And there is a misunderstanding on definitions... " Demdomen is a registered non-profit society established by members of the Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem First Nations. Together it forms an outreach group to the The south Chilcotin region had been researched and promoted by the Canadian Parks Service as the site of a future national park for at least 20 years. However, in the aftermath of the CORE planning process, the national park proposal for the south Chilcotin lost considerable ground. Most of the 'ground' that was forested went to a bid for logging by licensees Lignum and Riverside (now Tolko Industries). Road building was swift in order to secure their new operating areas. With the many new forest roads came many new hunters from large population centres looking for easy kills in pristine 'new' territories. 5 7 This theme is an aggregation of three theoretical codes that summarize 45 substantive codes from interview data: "Demdomen as formal organizing catalyst" - 19 substantive codes; "Form of communications with community members" - 15 substantive codes; "Form of communication with provincial planners" - 11 substantive codes. 81 community that attracts funding and helps the province of British Columbia and Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem council care for wildlife resources. For the past decade, Demdomen has been a catalyst for a variety of adaptive-learning organizations of overlapping interests responsible for bringing the right people together at the right times to learn how to move forward with action items relevant to issues of caring for traditional resources. Improvement in collaboration over the years has been achieved and Demdomen has shown the provincial government and local residents that the Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem Nations have vital expertise in wildlife management. Demdomen has proven to be an organizing force, or catalyst for forming adaptive-learning organizations to anticipate and respond to crises 'before' they happen. Demdomen society notes a 'big difference' in overall wildlife management effectiveness when the Province takes time to listen and to adapt to what local people are telling them. Although Demdomen and other volunteer initiatives have really helped in community involvement and in the co-management of natural resources in their traditional territory, there is much more work that needs to be done to establish adaptive learning as a co-managing institution with the Province. Specifically, the Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem council has requested funds from the Province to hire a First Nations conservation officer for the territory to provide stewardship services and better subsistence use estimates of wildlife resources. Natural resources workers say they heed to work with the colleges and universities in British Columbia to 'to make things happen in a positive way'. There is some confidence in potential collaborations with universities and colleges in coming to terms, developing talking and listening skills and cross-cultural bridge-building in developing co-managing agreements. "... Well that's another thing - they (MoE) do it in different ways than everybody -they just hang amongst one another and they don't talk to other people about what they are doing and they don't tell you nothing about what's happening and their involvement with the wildlife... this is something that they never do... " Ministry of Environment (MoE) wildlife officials recognize that with help they could learn to improve the structure of their co-managing meeting processes with First Nations. Although improvement has occurred since the early days, First Nations planners have 82 more experience and are more proactive than provincial wildlife planners for facilitating wildlife management workshops with diverse interest groups. Wildlife officials and Demdomen members note that improvement in co-managing has occurred when a collective community understanding is achieved of common goals. However, with a variety of dispersed and often conflicting users of wildlife resources, this task is easier said than done. Nevertheless, Demdomen works toward the task emphasizing that "getting everyone on the same page" is key in implementing acceptable regulations effectively, from the local level to the level of provincial policy makers . Coming to terms and agreements about wildlife management regulations is best achieved through community involvement and decision-making. Demdomen is working so that First Nations and non-First Nations communities will respect Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem wildlife management goals. Demdomen members know that more elder and community involvement is needed for co-managing wildlife resources effectively. However, regional scientists are slow to acknowledge traditional approaches for community-based care for wildlife resources. When elders begin telling their stories to the scientists in the boardroom, Demdomen members and others sense that many scientists focussed on maps and pre-defined objectives fail to grasp the meaning of what is being said to them. Due to their fundamentally different management approaches, Stswecem'c/Xgat'tem communities have had difficulty over the years in getting legitimate appreciation from the province for the wildlife management research projects that they have started from local initiatives. Demdomen society directors say that hunters are often 'saying the same thing' as the provincial wildlife biologists, but they use a different vocabulary and different terms of reference. Misunderstanding often occurs due only to the differences in language and culture of the co-managing participants. Demdomen members are growing in confidence in their role as translator and mediator between Ministry of Environment officials and hunter groups; but directors suggest that they might be more effective i f they had help with the "proper wording". Interviewees noted that Ministry of Environment officials try to assist in the translation of scientific to traditional knowledge but they can tend to 'take over' 5 8 Demdomen's mission and often-stated purpose - the metaphor of 'getting everyone on the same page' is designed to appeal to literates to help them relate to traditional values of working together to solve common problems. 83 community initiatives. Ministry planners sometimes try to redesign management objectives scientifically or bureaucratically only to achieve uncertain short-term agency objectives, while the community is seeking long-term, problem-based learning objectives for the whole community. Demdomen and community natural resources workers are helping provincial agencies learn to listen to the elders and to learn that when wildlife resources and impacts are being considered, they need to learn not just to "look for it" but scientists also need to know "why it is there and how to look for it". On the other hand, government officials insist that their mandate empowers them to maintain an 'objective view' of wildlife resources that is less site-sensitive and more abstract and regional in scope. A Cariboo-Chilcotin-Coast defined regional perspective of wildlife resources although interesting in its tremendous complexity, is not the priority of the traditional knowledge keepers of the Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem territory. Traditional knowledge keepers and others with knowledge of wildlife do not attend meetings that seem irrelevant to them. Effective learning organizations co-managing with traditional knowledge keepers should maintain their focus on site issues and should have meetings in relevant backcountry locations to make team learning more effective. Literate policy-making agreements need iterative constant and cumulative reference to field trips. Demdomen members find that going 'house to house' works best for informing the community; but they are concerned that natural resources workers in the community can become 'distant' as they are compelled to use a management system that has evolved essentially for colonial authority. They feel that when their planners defer to an 'authority' of provincially and regionally-defined administrative systems their traditional knowledge is not respected or sufficiently used. They know that traditional knowledge keepers will not want to share information unless the request makes sense to them. Accessing the holistic lived understanding or 'tacit knowledge' of hunters cannot be done through written requests, or in boardrooms with reference to map folios. "... it's getting to where now each band has its own voice for their wildlife... they stand up and say who they are where they 're from and why they 're there. I'm pretty sure that every meeting I've been to lately we've been on the same page... it's just like I said its learning how to sit down and communicate with each other 84 and talk the same language - we 're on the same page hut it's just a learning for us about the language... We seem to have good communications with people in the communities of 100 Mile and Williams Lake... the mayor of 100 Mile have been supportive coming to our unity rides. We 're getting to work with the community - it's a lot different than how it used to be..." Community members sometimes feel that although their natural resources advisors and managers listen, they seem to have their own agenda and very little accountability to the community members themselves. Some interviewees indicated that natural resources workers do not talk and interact with the community and 'try new things enough'. However, perpetually under-funded and continually in response to situations of accelerating resource management crises resulting from fragmented and regionally defined provincial objectives, community natural resources workers simply do not have sufficient time to consult with the communities and 'to try new things'. Knowing the secret bureaucratic language for each ministry engaged in co-managing wildlife resources should not be a pre-requisite to participate and to benefit in the process. Xgat'tem/ Stwecemc natural resources workers have found that they are required to organize provincial government employees from separate ministry 'silos' to respond to integrated resource management crises. If fragmented and often contradictory provincial objectives are not addressed in a unified way by co-managing authorities, then community members can begin to feel understandably confused by the planning process. Alienated from the bureaucratic and fragmented process of wildlife management, < community members begin to feel that the "only ones understanding and benefiting from the planning are the planners themselves". Instead of working together co-managing community interests with the province, Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem natural resources workers are too often consumed trying to organize provincial ministries and trying to guess where Provincial decisions will lead and how these might affect their communities' interests. More community involvement in decision-making and project development could be organized and co-managed by natural resources workers from Xgat'tem/ Stwecemc together with Provincial agencies. It was suggested that First Nations' planners and, managers need more training in proposal writing and project management to initiate problem-based learning projects for community development. However provincial 85 ministry employees could also benefit from this type of training, especially if they could take the time to listen and understand community concerns. "... You know government has training programs for listening skills that type of thing... I think First Nations probably do better than non First Nation - you know he has a talking stick and other type of things... Maybe I haven't been as good at structuring these processes - it's more training to set up the proper procedures and understanding... Fve never had a problem listening sometimes I have to be careful not to interrupt elders when I want to provide information... some people are good at it... I know Fve got a long ways to go - It depends on who's running the meeting... " First Nations planners are required essentially by 'trial and error', to develop a refined knowledge of how ever-changing internal communications work between provincial agencies in order to try to integrate their natural resource decision-making with provincial objectives. On the other hand, provincial planners are not as motivated to familiarize themselves with the basic process of how internal communications work in First Nations natural resource management organizations. Worse, many ministry planners assume that First Nations who do not speak their case in scientific and bureaucratic terms clearly 'don't have a case'. First Nations become disappointed with the implication that they should 'play guessing games' or 'word games' with government from a distance in order to first frame their concerns 'properly'. Elders assume that provincial wildlife officials would want to know "what's being said in communities"; and to learn what is being said respectfully: "they should always have a smile". Although this is regrettably a difficult task to accomplish for Ministry planners with very limited resources and training in doing site consultations, it is a worthy and necessary challenge. With institutional support from co-managing agencies and First Nations, planners could grow to learn personally from traditional knowledge and to appreciate communities' knowledge of sites as they gain familiarity and confidence in traditional territories. 86 3.43 Demdomen as a Catalyst for Adaptive Learning Organization - Content of Communication59 "...I'm going to try to get this thing on a road where we can get the government out there somewhere and people will write down what we say and where we see our deer and moose and we put it on a map... it's something I understand in my life... I'm only 71 years old... " In one of their first wildlife management projects, Demdomen facilitated a collaboration between Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem and Navaho hunters to learn how to manage local wildlife and identify which mule deer individuals to harvest, in order to have the most favourable impact on the herds. Sharing of knowledge in this project encouraged new friendships and new knowledge while providing a forum for developing a relationship of traditional ecological knowledge between nations. Communication of knowledge occurs in backcountry locations as a shared, holistic or 'lived' understanding. Explanation and elaboration of stewardship concepts using literacy or statistics was not a priority in this knowledge exchange project. Demdomen members recognize that they use a different 'language' for explaining wildlife stewardship concepts. Although the languages are different, Demdomen hunters recognize many congruencies in their traditional knowledge with scientific principles of wildlife biology. They encourage scientists to collaborate on projects with the communities in order to translate knowledge into scientific language where this would be useful. Demdomen society is looking for funding and partners to continue their studies to improve knowledge about wildlife population dynamics in their traditional territory. " ...So we studied the habitat and we studied a lot of their... their wintering grounds, the moose calving areas, there's a lot of that we studied and also the species at risk is another one... We know we've had a lot of porcupine and they 're starting to die out, the badger is also red-listed... we had 1000 to 2000 before and now we only have 200 left... and so those type of things that we 're doing now it's quite interesting- there's also stuff like the spade foot toad the advocet and the curlews different things like that we 're studying and its quite interesting... " This theme is aggregated from two theoretical codes that summarize 30 substantive codes from the interview data. "Traditional knowledge" - 14 substantive codes and "Knowledge in relation to others" -substantive codes. 16 87 Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem traditional use study is regarded by the community as ongoing adaptive work in caring for natural and cultural resources. The province regards traditional use study primarily as a project already completed for the purpose of expediting resource use proposals and permits. During the term of the FRBC traditional use study project, knowledge from the elders was solicited and used for mapping some of the locations and attributes of cultural resources. Although the provincial contribution of funds for traditional use study is finished, natural resources workers know that their work in identifying and caring for cultural resources is still in the early stages of reconstruction. Elders are concerned that they are not as involved in mapping traditional knowledge as they feel they should be. They are concerned that integrating traditional uses with resource extraction is not studied or supported consistently in a co-managing process with the province. Natural resources workers and mapping contractors are anxious to continue learning and to utilize innovation in 3 D mapping technology to assist elders in developing a shared vision for application of traditional resource management and for co-managing resource development with the province. "... The way they (TUS) were set up was I think that they hoped that they could give the First Nations money... they would put some stuff on the map they could say that they consulted with First Nations and then go ahead with their development... There was a consultant who went to quite a few First Nations that were doing this study and gave them a framework for doing interviews ...the questions weren 't very helpful for First Nations... so what ended up happening is that the referrals started coming to the traditional use study people and right away we had a problem... what are we going to do with these referrals? ...and it's a problem we 're still dealing with today..." The FRBC funded traditional use study (TUS) only initiated the on-going and adaptive learning process for resource development decision-making. Much of the TUS program funding was spent by outside contractors learning how to do TUS; and much of that knowledge now has since left the community as tacit knowledge appropriated by the employees of the now unrelated firms. Or it was lost in unrecorded conversations. Nevertheless, Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem staff members were able to teach themselves how to record and use essential TUS knowledge in the western ways. Respect, funding and on-88 going collaboration from outside agencies on TUS and learning would put resource use decision-making on a much more secure footing in Stwecemc/ Xgat'tem territory. First Nations have very limited funds and technical expertise to do all the required work in TUS and, so far, outsiders' 'help' has been unreliable, or committed only for the purpose of expediting resource exploitation. " ...Our number one rule was if an elder takes you somewhere else, just follow because they 're going to tell you what they think is important... When you really listen you will find out that they are telling you something that is important... When we realized this, to me that was when the TUS (traditional use studies) started getting really good... I would say there was some major flaws in the mapping exercise at first... " Demdomen society has proven itself as a community catalyst for sharing in adaptive learning about natural resources. Although they attract little funding from the Province, Demdomen is recognized and appreciated by regional planners in the Ministry of Environment. Demdomen members have been able to use scientific concepts to consistently and persistently state their concerns clearly, so that scientists are able to comprehend site-specific problems. Demdomen, the Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem First Nations and the government of Canada are currently collaborating to co-ordinate species-at-risk studies in traditional territories. Demdomen society directors want to help groups discover how working together 'on the same page' can benefit individuals and groups involved in co-managing wildlife resources. Demdomen are trying to get everyone- their natural resources and treaty staff, elders, Ministry of Forests, Ministry of Environment, guides, ranchers and local recreation interest groups 'on the same page'. " ...We have seven or eight youth that come out with us learning... We don't just take them out to hunt we explain all about the animals that they are going after and we explain which ones to pick out and which ones to leave... We tell them all they need to know so that in the future they know... They 're learning about wildlife management and they're also learning about our traditional ways... " Demdomen members are helping Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem communities' hunters to self-organize to understand their mule deer sustenance harvest. They are helping to co-89 ordinate new knowledge of wildlife impacts from local sources, with provincial information. Demdomen members know that local cowboys collectively know hunter pressures, range impacts and deer movements. Getting 'others on the same page' includes other First Nations communities. Demdomen members also 'put the word out' and are available to discuss with hunters in other First Nations communities preferred options and techniques to use in caring for shared wildlife resources. Demdomen members are interested in talking about rules that apply to First Nations and non-First Nations hunters. Guide association and gun clubs have asked the Demdomen Society to collaborate with them in developing policy recommendations for regional and provincial consideration. "... We take parents out too - we don't have a program for it... it's all volunteer work... Larry has a company but right now he has a hard time making the money to pay for insurance costs alone... We 'd like to set up but I spend so much time out there I've learned a lot from elders in different communities -1 learn from other hunters and I learn their ways and they learn my ways... I wish we had something for our youth where they could gain knowledge and they could get academic credit... We were hoping some of our youth from this community will be conservation officers... It's been 10 years now and it's been pretty much all volunteer...but we expect that eventually it will be a business... " Demdomen members have been given chief and council authority to offer ideas and information about traditional knowledge and resources without being 'hung on the consultation hook'. In the past the Province has used anecdotal natural resources information from unofficial First Nations sources to expedite logging and other resource exploitation. Now wary of this technique used by industry and government to 'fast-track' development permits, the chief and council of the Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem communities have had to respectfully request that Demdomen hunters and teachers present a letter from the band chief and council 'on the written record' at their meetings with wildlife officials - to make it clear that their comments and advice at the meetings should not prejudice on-going treaty negotiations with the Province. The necessity for such a letter saddens Demdomen representatives. Some recognize it as a necessary western formality 9 0 but others see it as a sign of bad faith on both sides and not just a procedural 'legal instrument'60. Ultimately, the Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem community leadership has the sacred trust of their community members to direct learning and development toward a collective vision of strength and respectful collaboration with the province. Chief and council and treaty staff need to be accountable for consistent and acceptable results in their treaty-making process. Demdomen members and their wildlife researchers keep close in touch with the Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem chief and council; but as a recognized society in British Columbia they also have the perseverance and credibility they need to survive changing regional wildlife management officials, as well as successive provincial and band-elected governments. Demdomen has been given chief and council authority from successive band governments to help to co-ordinate community hunting interests. This authority is consistent with the Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem communities' long-term vision for sustainable fish and wildlife stewardship in their traditional territories. Demdomen directors patiently and persistently meet an on-going challenge trying to care for wildlife resources while co-ordinating implementation of sustainable fish and wildlife management policy in their traditional territories. They are encouraged that some of their knowledge is eventually understood and respected by provincial authorities. Demdomen members are currently working hard to achieve road deactivations called for by a variety of groups and provincial ministries. However, due to lack of co-ordination at the provincial and regional levels, these road deactivations have not yet been accomplished. 3.44 Demdomen-NStQ and Provincial response to wildlife management crises61 "... Usually it's a flare-up... it's something that all of a sudden a concern that they weren't adequately consulted - It was the spike moose thing that flared it up - and oh by the way here's a bunch of other issues you need to address... Sometimes I look at it like if we don't change the regulations then we don't have to act... we 're Similarly though most interviewees were familiar with signing researchers', "letters of informed consent", I did notice some people were concerned about the need for this legal protocol. This ethical issue is discussed more fully in Appendix 4 . 6 1 This theme is based on one theoretical code aggregated from 23 substantive codes from the interview data. 91 almost put in the position of status quo because if we propose a 'reg' change then we are going to have to talk to all the people and they are never going to all agree... " " ...last year regulations came out for spiked moose the band had a huge problem with that because it increases hunting pressure (for deer and grouse as well) and it increases the probability of moose being shot and left out in the bush. They wanted to know why that had been opened up (to hunt moose) and they wanted to express their concerns about it... The band approached me on that and we had meetings with the Ministry who subsequently shut down the moose hunting on the west side of the Fraser but they didn't shut it down on the east side... The reason coming from them was that they had consulted with us therefore they didn't feel they had to shut it down... whereas on the west side it went more political and so it did get shut down..." Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem First Nations have historically had little influence in initiating dialogue with provincial wildlife officials. For decades, local knowledge has evaded centralized provincial bureaucratic authorities. Provincial wildlife resource planners focussed on broad regional area objectives are not attentive to the key impacts of administrative problems that accumulate over time at the local level. A change in provincial wildlife regulation without careful consultation with local communities can result in a growing management problem reaching an unacceptable threshold of site impact that can trigger a communication crisis. For example, communication crises are sometimes caused when regional or provincial policy changes are made by informing communities of regulation change by sending a letter in the mail, without a follow-up meeting. Issues of trust accompany all letters received by First Nations communities from provincial authorities historically; trust building is not possible through such an impersonal means of communication. Regulation changes that increase recreational hunting quotas in traditional territories are especially problematic. The Ministry of Environment has a legal obligation to ensure sustainability of wildlife populations and First Nations' sustenance uses before considering any increase in recreational hunting. On the other hand, the Ministry of Environment wildlife administration budget is directly linked to the sale of hunting licenses. Demdomen and Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem natural resources workers are finding that it is always a struggle with government when 92 outcomes of central decisions issued through the mail seem to be set up as 'win-lose' situations for the people in indigenous communities. "... When you 're just a biologist you work with the biological and that's the most important thing but when you get to the management level you start to have to balance the biological with the social and the economic... In our ministry part of our budget is based on hunting and fishing license sales... So do you think that we have a bias at least to maintain hunting and fishing license sales... yes... and we did this when we opened the spike fork moose season - we had biological evidence to show this was a reasonable harvest and economic incentive... but socially the acceptability wasn't there. Precautionary approach is a kind of ambiguous term because it depends on what criteria you are going to apply it to and what species you apply it too... Are we taking a precautionary approach on sheep? - yes we 're very conservative with sheep... would we take a precautionary approach to restrict mule deer harvest right now?... not likely since all the evidence shows that we have lots of deer - there is a risk that if your deer population exceeds the carrying capacity then other problems will develop... farmers are saying that they've seen the deer population triple on their farms over the last few years and they want more harvesting..." "... They wanted to open it up to all bucks... it just got carried away... The hunters came just like ants they'd clean out one area and then all move to another area and then clean that out... To me I don't know why the government is so hard on this and don't want to listen... We do have deer coming back - but it doesn 't mean that we have to kill every one of them right away - and open it up to everybody to come out... " "...I don't see why they've got to have that mandatory kill all the bucks - It took us six or seven years to get them back to where they were... we were starting to see big bucks - now were not going to see them anymore... The guide outfitters over there are saying the same thing... There's just too many people over there... " Demdomen knows that by respecting all participants and by developing human-to-human negotiations as an adaptive learning organization, then natural resources workers would be able to respond to crises 'before' they happen. 'Win-lose' scenarios cannot always be transformed into 'win-win' situations; but when respect is shown for indigenous communities, there is greater opportunity for learning and sharing in a co-managing process. Natural resources workers notice that provincial managers with broad 93 regional or politically motivated provincial concerns miss opportunities to use discretionary spending to solve simple problems with First Nations before a crisis ensues. The task of clearly explaining policies and answering questions of indigenous community members about the provincial wildlife management system in traditional territories is one example of how clear communications can begin to help communities to help themselves and ultimately to assist in co-managing of natural resources. "... There's been a lot of I guess you could call it mis-communications between us... There's things that are happening out there that we don't know about until it's too late... and it's all because of somebody didn't send a letter or didn't send a fax or make a phone call... Working with the government can be hard... It's two different languages... they have they 're own way of talking about things and we have our way of talking about things... " Crises are often caused by miscommunication between provincial authorities and First Nations. Demdomen society works to ensure that all players can be at the table when changes are made. For example low Ministry of Environment wildlife estimates of sustenance use and consequent incorrect population assessments resulted in the Ministry of Environment opening a recreational hunting season for young spiked-bull moose in Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem territories. In adjacent territories, the T'sihlqotin First Nations felt this was unacceptable and were able to stop the provincial decision to open recreational hunting of young bulls. The NStQ failed to get a similar response; they were heard as less forceful and perhaps more 'conciliatory' by distant provincial strategists. Recreational hunting for the spike-bull moose was not closed in their territories. Demdomen, the NStQ and the T'sihlqotin Nations did not agree with the provincial plan to an open season for the hunting of young spiked-bull moose. The Ministry of Environment respected T'sihlqotin demands but not those of the NStQ, and this caused a crisis in confidence among the Demdomen, provincial wildlife officials and Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem communities. It was hoped that the Ministry of Environment wildlife officials would change hunting regulations in Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem territories in 2006, but any changes were made too late to be published and distributed in the current provincial hunting guide. In an effort to protect conservation and sustenance values in their territories, the natural resources advisor through the Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem chief and 94 council informed the Province that they were left with no alternative but to institute their own road checkpoints. " ...back to the road block thing we don't want to go out there and just shut it down ...so possibly what we 're going to do and we talked about this at the last wildlife meeting and we talked with council is that we 're going to set up checkpoints... we '11 put out a press release and we 're going to let everyone know they 're out there and we 're going to put signs up to let them know that it will be a voluntary check-point and we 're going to be taking numbers sex and age and all that kind of stuff. And we 're also looking at things like safety because people couldn't go out berry picking up there and the rancher couldn't do his ranching because there was a shot going off every minute ... but interestingly... I got a call the other day and he(MoE official) says ... 'what do you think about the idea that we look for funding to help you do that ...and we go out and do the checkpoints with you?'... I said I think that's great... you know... "? Demdomen is also concerned about the accelerated increase of deer hunting associated with potential increases of moose hunters and believe that deer hunting should be restricted to four point bucks and older. The province recognizes that they must be careful to take responsibility for their part in co-managing so that First Nations at road checkpoints are not perceived as acting without authority. Specific hunting regulation changes are (at the time of writing) yet unknown to the Xgat'tem/ Stswecem'c. Regional wildlife planners have not yet resolved with Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem communities how to manage the spike bull moose hunt, the impacts of too many deer hunters and of the current recreational river-boat hunting. There are also issues of hunter access that the Xgat'tem Stswecem'c wish to co-manage with the province. The province expects to learn more with Demdomen members this year at their road checkpoints as together they inform recreational hunters of the regulation changes and local concerns. "... With the Ministry of Environment in Williams Lake it's been pretty good -we've had some bad times but we've also had lots ofgood times with them ...you know we've worked... we've gone a long ways with them from where we were 10 or 12 years ago... 9 5 3.45 Demdomen-NStQ/ MoE and Administrative Boundaries " ...there is a push to try to streamline and amalgamate but there comes a point when certain mule deer regulations biogeoclimatically that seems like the same area - you might try to manage by biogeoclimatic zones or by specific populations - so you could start managing that way but part of the problem is that the management units do not correspond with watersheds... well you say that should be easy to fix just change your boundaries... A huge administrative burden... because there's a whole suite of regulations under the act you 'd have to go to every regulation and change it..." " ...In this area you have four management areas all coming together -government think the populations are OK in the separate management units but they don't see what's happening in this one small area that includes populations from four units. The four units meet here in a hub and there's different regulations for each area so hunters can move around and so they open up a different area at a different time... So you got these hunters traveling from one area... and improve their chances that way... There's just too much pressure in one area...especially in this area ...before they weren't using boats... Now they 're using boats... The hunters up on the road are shooting them and chasing the animals down to river where they used to be able to get cover... now the hunters on the river are just driving up and down with their boats and shooting them or chasing them back up to the road where they get shot... The animals don't have a place..." Demdomen, community hunters, and Ministry of Environment wildlife resources . planners are required by legislation to work within a system of wildlife administration that may be more social or arbitrary in its basic design and evolution than biological. Using watersheds as fundamental 'building blocks' for wildlife units and regions would resolve current administrative difficulties with respect to developing local knowledge; but due to the legal framework attached to current unit boundaries all associated regulations would need to be amended. Such a revision toward a biogeoclimatic and watershed-based approach for wildlife administration, though sensible ecologically and from the point of view of traditional knowledge keepers, would have a significant impact on current management practices affecting the recreation and tourism sectors of the provincial economy. Nevertheless, Demdomen emphasizes the need for regulatory This theme is an aggregation of one theoretical code summarized from 22 substantive codes based on the interview data: 96 reform. Site-specific and watershed-based wildlife management regulation is a serious concern in the Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem territories where four separate administration units allow hunters too many options for exploiting wildlife resources. Under the current regulatory framework, recreational hunters and guides have incentives to lengthen their hunt within Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem territories and to plan their expeditions to move from unit to unit within the same overused areas. When one unit is closed or presents unfavourable restrictions, hunters can relocate their camps a few miles or, in some cases, simply hunt the same animals on the other side of the road in the adjacent unit where hunting is permitted. Current provincial administrative boundary rationales outlining hunting units are often social and historical rather than biological in design. When region and unit boundaries meet in First Nations territories, it is difficult to explain why closures apply on one side of the road but not on the other. Not only are local wildlife resources over-exploited due to hunters remaining in the territory only to move to adjacent units to take advantage of a sequence of openings, but respect and trust of the wisdom of provincial management authorities have become strained. It can be difficult to reconcile local traditional knowledge in a framework that favours unit boundary setting from distant regional and provincial offices. Demdomen suggests that although the Ministry of Environment in the Kamloops and Cariboo-Chilcotin-Coast regions have different regulatory approaches in the Stswecem'c/Xgat'tem territory, different hunting units should be harmonized to avoid unacceptable site impacts within a traditional territory. When different hunting units outline different hunting regulations that risk the overuse of particular sites, the differences should be negotiated at the local level. Provincial hunting regulations should harmonize with site-specific traditional ecological knowledge for caring for wildlife resources. However, the Ministry of Environment finds it difficult to respond to site-specific concerns. Although their wildlife population estimates are accurate within large unit boundaries, their accuracy diminishes at the site level. Demdomen finds this averaging of local populations across large management units misleading, since it creates the impression that all populations are equally healthy and there is no problem of over-exploitation of wildlife resources and site degradation at specific locations. Recreational hunters concentrate in the 97 Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem territory because of the international publicity generated about Parks in the south Chilcotin region and because of the natural beauty of the area. However, with increasing overuse by hunters many of the locations most valued for spiritual and cultural reasons are becoming threatened. Encouraging a concentration of recreational hunting in these vulnerable areas is not only unfair to the First Nations who must share wildlife resources disproportionately compared to the rest of the region, but it also concentrates a disproportionate share of the regions' cumulative site impacts on a relatively small area. Ministry of Environment wildlife officials have noticed a fundamental tension between standardizing regulations for ease of central administration authorities and making separate site-specific regulation to accommodate the 26 First Nations in the Cariboo Chilcotin Coast region. The Ministry of Environment understands that administrative boundaries without ecological meaning can present contradictions and communication difficulties from a scientific and administrative perspective, but there is a strong historical, social and economic momentum behind the force of the boundaries, entrenched in legislation and regional and provincial tourism business strategies that are difficult to reverse. The Ministry of Environment sees some combination of regional and site-specific regulation as a desirable balance to achieve. The Ministry of Environment has offered to develop a 'memorandum of understanding' for how to work with the Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem so that abuses of hunting regulations and site degradation due to recreational hunting can be minimized or prevented. Ministry of Environment officials point out that they simply do not have the staffing capability to offer a site-specific planning service to each of the communities of the 26 band councils in the region. However, they feel they could communicate effectively with all the bands through their council of chiefs at the tribal council level. The Ministry of Environment notes that individual attention to each band would not solve all site management problems as territorial boundaries overlap and inter-community and multi-stakeholder discussions will continue to be of increasing regional and provincial importance. 98 "... just looking at the expanse we would probably need 3 or 4 hunter advisory councils dealing with regulations. The problem is we'd then have the management units that we manage under (span) cross different (First Nations) territories and (provincial) game management zones so you'd have to decide ...now if we have a hunter advisory committee for the Chilcotin but you have overlap in the CTC (NStQ) area and it's a real problem that has been elevated by the Canoe Band (Xgat 'tern) who says here's our traditional area we 're partly in the Kamloops region and partly in the Cariboo region and you have fundamentally different approaches - that's not acceptable in our territory we want the same 'regs'. So there will always be a boundary problem if we move the boundary north somewhere along the line that boundary is going to cross into someone elses' territory right... We have a legacy of administrative boundaries which don't correspond with territorial boundaries and we have overlapping territorial boundaries which causes difficulty. " Ministry of Environment officials indicate that round-table discussions involving overlapping stakeholder interests and First Nations' interests will become increasingly important. They acknowledge that the province and the communities must be accountable for having the decision-makers at the table at the right times to make key decisions so that adaptive learning is served. Ministry of Environment officials hope that stakeholder boards with First Nations in a co-managing relationship with the province is a way that First Nations and stakeholders can adaptively learn and assist the province to mitigate increasing impacts on traditional resources. Ministry of Environment and First Nations natural resources workers note that it can be a strategic problem to ensure that the right people are at the table at the right time to make key decisions. Relations between key individuals and key communities can be complicated by historic conflict between personalities or interests. Consequently, Demdomen directors indicate that it is crucial that an undercurrent of trust and respect be nurtured by sending a clear sign that the province is encouraging transformation of current fish and wildlife approaches to management. Wildlife planning must be more closely linked to ecological units of analysis and must ensure that communities that depend on natural resources for their traditional livelihood are clearly respected in the co-managing process. Ministry of Environment officials are very concerned about balancing First Nations' sustenance with recreational hunting. The Ministry of Environment require accurate estimates of First Nations' sustenance use before they can authoritatively make changes to hunting regulations or raise recreational or community hunting quotas. To do this, the Ministry of 99 Environment will need to develop common goals with First Nations' representatives, starting from a common understanding of the capability of the land for sustaining wildlife resources. "... We just started talking to the guide outfitters association... our next step is to sit down and talk with each other... I was the only one to talk to the head of the guide association for this area - It was just me personally talking to him made me realize that the association has a lot of the same interests as we do... So that's why we would like to sit down prior to any government meetings and get to know each other... same with the wildlife federation - we've taken some baby steps with each other - we've sat and listened to what they've had to say... we've learned what they want and they've learned what we want... " 3.46 M o E and Demdomen/ Stwecemc Xgat'tem joint hunter checks "... What I've also suggested in a proposal to Canoe(Xgat'tem) is that we run joint hunter checks and some patrols... And yes we mark down impact to grasslands... where they set up their camps and where they drive - we have to get funding for this type of enforcement... Generally it's not going to tell us because we sampled this many then there was that many - but what it does is it provides a profile and some presence... It may not tell us how many hunters were there and how many deer were shot but it may tell us how many camps and where they were...It's in the park so parks people should know about this... " Demdomen and Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem natural resources workers are noticing increasing numbers of hunters concentrating in certain areas of their traditional territory. The Ministry of Environment are not well equipped to proactively prevent serious site impacts caused by increased hunting pressures. For example, Demdomen members are finding that current recreational riverboat hunting is unethical and is causing too much pressure and unclaimed kills; but regional enforcement officers with the Ministry of Environment are ill-equipped to deal with this problem. Elders are concerned that local herds of mule deer were up to 10 times larger 50 years ago in the Empire Valley. But 6 3 This theme is aggregated from two theoretical codes summarizing 43 substantive codes from the interview data: "Demdomen and MoE regional and site specific" - 20 substantive codes; "Demdomen and MoE joint hunter checks" - 23 substantive codes) 100 regional wildlife planners maintain that herds are healthy when the population is averaged over the entire management unit. Ministry of Environment wildlife planners find that they are unable to respond proactively to First Nations and others' concerns about enforcement, habitat management, forest and range management and road deactivation issues. Compiled at broad regional levels, Ministry of Environment mule deer population information is of limited usefulness at the site management level. Demdomen is requesting funds to continue a local mule deer and moose study so they are more familiar with the dynamic equilibrium of the local wildlife populations as they relate to hunter and habitat impacts locally. Ministry of Environment wildlife population estimates and habitat management guidelines have generic relevance but the accuracy of knowledge diminishes at the site level. Demdomen members are concerned that the recent and growing deer population impacts due to increased hunting pressure in their territory are averaged over larger management units and are not being detected by regional inventory and hunting use statistics. Demdomen members are confident that with financial and other assistance they can develop local wildlife knowledge and make recommendations effectively with their hunters, natural resources workers and local ranch employees. They have found over the past 10 years that 'getting everyone on the same page' is key to implementing regulations from 'the bottom up'. They have also found that the different 'languages' used for explaining and understanding wildlife causes the greatest misunderstandings among wildlife management planning participants. The language and context of a 'holistic lived understanding' of population dynamics and wildlife behaviour in a valley is different to the language and context of scientific literature and statistics of the region - but it is an equally important language and context for knowledge emergence to be effective and adaptive across management scales and boundaries. Demdomen members have found that mapping technologies that produces three-dimensional images provide a good communication medium for sharing and expanding both literate/ statistical and holistic/ lived knowledge. With three-dimensional mapping technology, diverse interests can collectively develop a more accurate understanding of natural resources and learn to make increasingly acceptable and well-informed collective 101 decisions. Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem First Nations continuing in traditional use studies find that the mapping of sacred and ceremonial places is necessary to protect the places; but co-managing some protocol for confidentiality will need to be enforced. Demdomen has assisted Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem natural resources and treaty staff to develop mapping for wildlife habitat and migration routes of a variety of species in their territories. More work needs to be done to keep the mapping up-to-date, particularly in relation to changing patterns of recreation use. Avoiding the reconciliation of wildlife administration boundaries with local knowledge can cause site management crises for Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem communities and the province. A watershed-based, biogeoclimatic and ecological approach for describing habitats would help to translate geographic information across the language barrier between traditional local knowledge and scientific regional knowledge. Volunteers from the communities are helping government to do work that in other jurisdictions in Canada might be done with full-time employees. The Ministry of Environment point out that in Alberta there are about 300 conservation officers compared to only 120 in British Columbia. In areas of hunter overuse there are simply insufficient conservation officers to be effective. The benefit of joint Ministry of Environment and First Nations hunter road checkpoints and patrols is not just in ensuring that hunters are informed of new regulations, they also help the Ministry of Environment and First Nations understand the co-management goals that they have in common. Through such problem-based learning assignments as joint hunter checks, a team approach is encouraged for the co-management of wildlife resources. Almost certainly, team wisdom and a new, shared knowledge will emerge from these collaborations. Demdomen members have noted that they have traditional knowledge that can help the Ministry of Environment wildlife officials learn 'not just to look for it' but also to learn 'how to look for it and why it is there'. Sensitivity to the interactions of hunters, residents and roads is a complex, tacit and contextual knowledge that cannot easily be made explicit. Some conservation officers are able to work long enough in a region to accumulate a considerable amount of this site knowledge; but this information is not easily shared with office-centred wildlife planners and policy analysts in separate ministry 'silos'. 102 Regional planners from all government ministries are too constrained in their separate ministry interests to correct the separation and weak communication between regulations and enforcement so that an adaptive strategy for continual improvement can evolve more wholly from the level of the forest to the Province. The weak connection between planning, monitoring, enforcement and policy development can be strengthened by co-managing enforcement checkpoints, and joint patrols with First Nations. " ...First Nations are very interested in having their own enforcement people out on the land... Fm not sure if you knew I think in BC we have 120 COs and Alberta has about 300... TNG (Ts 'hilqotin National Government) have been saying they want First Nations enforcement - most of the bands have suggested this to us..." " ...We do have a wildlife committee but I think we need more people trained in wildlife management and natural resources... I think it needs to happen fulltime... I think we actually need an office where the government recognizes us to start working with us... so I think we need more staff... more people trained in that area and the trust that we know what we 're doing... I think that's not the only way but it is something that needs to be looked at... " Unfortunately, it required a clear signal to politicians that Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem volunteers were planning to do their own hunter checks and patrols before co-managing between wildlife planners, enforcers and First Nations was sanctioned by the Province. It is unfair of the Province to wait for communities to initiate 'co-managing by crisis'. It is unfair of the Province to expect volunteers to do necessary work without maintaining a better organization for training and compensation for the volunteer services provided. Ministry of Environment wildlife officials have shown recent improvement in collaboration with Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem First Nations and there is talk of funding community participation expenses, although this is not confirmed. Demdomen members know that they need more technical expertise and co-operation from the province to adaptively manage enforcement duties in their territory. But they also know that a recently accelerating erosion of their local wildlife resources must not be allowed to continue. Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem First Nations could make good use of well-trained wildlife conservation officers working full-time for their own territorial government in a co-management relationship with the Province. 103 " ...Ijust wish that the government would listen to what people have to say - we 're all supposed to be on the same page... but they ...I don't know... sometimes you feel like you've made a breakthrough - and then all of a sudden it changes... it seems like you get used to one person being there and you get things working with that person in that office - then all of a sudden boom they transfer him... He doesn't have time to finish what he's doing so they bring somebody else in who has a totally different set of ideas... maybe he's not as good a listener as the other person was... You know I think the people that live on the land that live in this area have more knowledge than the people that are sitting behind desks... Just to listen to what the people got to say... If they listened then everything would be alright if we all worked together... " Although Demdomen volunteers do not have biology degrees and provincial wildlife conservation enforcement training, they are respected in the region as hunters, teachers and researchers. Over the past 10 years of attending and facilitating backcountry land use meetings Demdomen directors have found that their communications are improving with non-First Nations communities in the region. 3.47 Demdomen-NStQ/MoE and Adaptive Learning through Co-managing Parks64 "... you may say that we need a special management approach for that specific area - and because there is already a Churn Park committee that includes a variety of different stakeholders ...my suggestion to Canoe(Xgat 'tern) is that we sit down and if that's a localized area problem there's already a planning team in place lets use that forum to decide on how best to deal with it... Because really Park legislation has more jurisdiction of the area than we have - we can say that we need these things like restrictions on number of campers and restrictions on allowable hunting areas, restriction on number of hunters... " "... We have a planner and he is spending virtually all of his time on Park MOUs - there is a huge resource demand to follow through on all 26 bands in the region - that's a full time job... So we have one planner and it difficult for him to... at the band level the community of Nazko were impressed that someone came to talk to them - but because you are there - there are expectations ..." This theme is the aggregation of two theoretical codes summarizing 25 substantive codes from the interview data: "Demdomen and BC Parks management" - 13 substantive codes; " Demdomen and MoE wildlife staff education challenge" - 12 substantive codes. 104 BC Parks' planners and First Nations have new emergent knowledge in co-managing parks in NStQ territories. BC Parks' clear legislated mandate to manage tourism impacts while conserving protected area values is one reason for their growing rapport with First Nations. Protecting natural and cultural values and regulating tourism is also a key interest of First Nations, though many question why intensive planning for tourism and conservation does not also occur outside of parks. The intent of the provincial and regional administrations is to classify the land and focus planning resources on specific areas for specific purposes rather than to work to develop a conservation and use ethic for the whole region. Although First Nations recognize the need to prioritize certain areas for special protection, the elders feel that this should not be done at the expense of areas outside parks that are then promoted as intensive use. " ...Later we started forging relationships with people in BC Parks and it came down to a few individuals who helped us and tried to deal with issues fairly and that went a long way with us...It was known that nothing would happen out there without the knowledge of the steering committee. We could do field reconnaissance with them to consult and help them mitigate their development right on the site. We were happy because we could be paid for our consultation and we knew we would be consulted and we could mitigate for impacts on the site. And they were happy because they could proceed without going through the usual bureaucratic channels of archeological impact assessments and referral processes... " BC Parks' planners have-achieved considerable experience in establishing on-going learning organizations for land planning. Negotiating plans for new protected areas with diverse groups may have resulted in considerable team learning at the site levels and across management scales in the B C Parks organization. As a higher than average proportion of parks are roadless alpine tundra areas of low human populations, the task of organizing recreational hunters and negotiating access agreements in parks is usually simpler than for land use plans outside parks. Nevertheless there are lessons that can be learned from the parks' models for adaptive learning and co-managing that can be applied across the landscape. Trust building through demonstrating fairness; and encouraging listening to all perspectives as well as monitoring experiments and recommendations, has been 105 important in the implementation of management plans for parks. In developing the Churn Creek Protected Area, BC Parks achieved valuable results by employing archaeological workers of the Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem community directly in the mapping and planning for sensitive cultural and spiritual areas. Risks to cultural resources through proposed park developments can be better understood when more community members are actively involved and employed in archaeological investigation. The development approvals and high costs of consulting archaeologists can be optimized in this way. Most importantly, the benefit of the learning about First Nations' natural and cultural resources in parks remains with the community, and not just with professional archaeologists after the initial plan is completed. The learning organization involving the Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem First Nation that has grown in co-managing the BC Parks plan for the Moose Valley/ Flat Lakes protected area is now mostly 'on the same page'. If not, the organization is poised to make adaptive changes that could work toward acceptance by the group. Interviewees indicated that Parks legislation might be implemented to disperse recreation in areas in the Churn Creek Park in order to prevent site degradation due to over-use. Methods for regulating recreation use in areas outside Parks can also be co-managed by planning teams. A monitored site use agreement among recreation group leaders, commercial guides, and First Nations can be equally effective inside or outside Parks boundaries. The Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem Nations help to improve natural resources planning when the Province takes time to listen to site level concerns. When planning is proactive to site level concerns then adaptive learning can occur. Co-managing parks in traditional territories has met with some success; and the NStQ are now working to make their land-use plan proposals outside of parks explicit so that their communities' knowledge can be negotiated with the Province to resolve other problem-based learning challenges. Demdomen directors are ready to discuss plans with other back-country groups that believe that long-term gain can be realized if the co-managing process is implemented now. 106 3.5 Likely/ Xats'ull Community Forest Case Study 3.51 Introduction: The Likely/ Xats'ull Community Forest Tenure is one of a few community-driven, joint-venture, forest tenure agreements between a non-First Nations and a First Nations community in British Columbia 6 5. The absence of the province or its licensees as a mediator in the relationship between the Village of Likely and Xats'ull First Nation has assisted in cultivating cross-cultural communication processes directly between the communities. Despite their differing cultural background, a common interest in sustaining their local investments in the lands and resources and a common distrust of government planning processes has joined these two communities together in a business partnership. The Likely/ Xats'ull Community Forest (LXCF) case study presents a promising model for co-managing forest resources such that communication protocols are evolving as a joint community driven consensus-based process between communities, government and industry. This case study presents a contrast to the others in that the L X C F that has been continually formulating and adapting a policy structure that enables them to explicitly self-organize for resilience in the face of change and crises. 3.52 Likely/Xat'sull Community Forest Process: Provincial Contribution66 "The stumpage rates went from 25 cents a meter for salvage to 8 or 10 bucks which was almost workable... Now it's up to 18 bucks per cubic meter... Because the stumpage is so high we are having to log larger blocks than we wanted to and we have had to sacrifice some of our management goals just to make ends meet... " " ...there are guys from Victoria coming to the community forest association meetings...but there isn't the flow coming back from government to make it work at this point... It is supposed to increase the economy of stability and the living What counts as a "community driven joint venture" is key in understanding the best potential for the future of community forest agreements in British Columbia. With minimal community involvement, first nations and non-first nations 'joint ventures' can be deceptively similar to conventional forest management. 6 6 This theme is the interpretation of one theoretical code "LXCF process: Areas for Province to improve" that is developed from the aggregation of 14 substantive codes from the interview data. 107 environment of the people in the community of the forest but it's bloody hard to make any money at it other than create six logging jobs " " ...from government we 're not hearing that maybe if there's something we 're not doing they should be telling us - or if we 're doing it right we should be hearing that as well too... we 're not hearing the communication on how we 're doing... we haven't heard anything so maybe that's a good thing... but it would be nice to hear something from them..." Aside from just being an important training area, and morale-booster and income generator for the Xats'ull First Nation and the Village of Likely, the Likely/ Xats'ull Community Forest (LXCF) can also be a model from which co-management protocols might be derived and applied to other areas of provincial jurisdiction. However, interviewees commented that the community forest is not regarded as a co-management learning opportunity by the province. There seems to be only an interest in monitoring the Likely/Xats'ull Community Forest, without any attempt to learn systematically from the board and community members. 3 . 5 3 Likely/ Xats'ull Community Forest Businesses67 "... With Likely andXats 'ull we 're both trying to be more... we want to be... self sustained and that's what we 're striving for... because we both want to create jobs for our community members... we both want to make money... we both want to provide services for our community members... " Developing a vision of greater business independence from government and major forest companies has been a quest for the Village of Likely and the Xats'ull/Cmetem' First Nation for decades. For the Xats'ull/Cmetem', a repressive colonial history of exclusion from natural resource management still lingers in many families' stories. For the Village of Likely and its small-business loggers, the failed promise of sustained yield forestry has shattered confidence in the planning process and has phased out local 6 7 This theme is based on one theoretical code that is the aggregated result of 24 substantive codes from the interview data. 108 forestry employment and short-and medium-term prospects for industry in forests around Likely. The Xats'ull/Cmetem' envisions that their co-managing employment prospects for community members off-reserve will grow in their traditional territory. The Village of Likely envisions re-growth and renewal of their local economy as small businesses explore new niches identified by local First Nations and non-First Nations entrepreneurs. Although in theory it is the province, and not the licensees, that is supposed to be managing crown lands, the economic and political power of the major licensees have historically presented a formidable monopoly and lobby group in the forest sector. Provincial cutbacks to Ministry of Forests and Range personnel initiated in 2002 all but extinguished local administrative capability for the Ministry of Forests and Range in managing small business forestry. Government provided some assistance to the Likely/Xat'sull Community Forest (LXCF) in developing their initial plan; but due to continual cutbacks and relocation of staff during the L X C F start-up years, the provincial contribution tended to be slow and inefficient. Fortunately for the Village of Likely and the Xats'ull/Cmetem' First Nation, the approval of their community forest tenure was well in process before the cutbacks. In the absence of government capacity to respond to detailed community questions pertaining to small business development, the L X C F were able to respond in their local areas. By 2005, the L X C F had grown their forest management capability considerably. Within the area of the community forest tenure the L X C F manager administers local small business salvage permits. The L X C F board members from Likely and Xats'ull help to answer community member questions. A L X C F newsletter is published to provide information to both communities on developments in the community forest, policy discussion and future prospects. The L X C F acknowledge that trust building is not possible simply through written communications, and so they solicit community information in a structured way at community meetings. Nevertheless, there is a limit to how much board members and the L X C F manager can accommodate community requests. Some diversity and conflict in co-managing the L X C F is both inevitable and ultimately healthy when it is managed to develop sustainability. For example, concerns have been expressed to the L X C F manager about ensuring equal opportunities for each community's forestry and logging contractors. The problem is that Xats'ull's new logging contractors may not be well 109 prepared to take on responsibilities for logging a specific area, yet their experienced contactors may be busy and unavailable. The L X C F manager must provide equal employment opportunities for both communities but, at the same time, quickly and decisively respond to profit-making opportunities for the benefit of both communities. The balancing act has not been easy. Nevertheless the manager and the board are developing an informal 'skills and equipment inventory' for L X C F and a schedule for work and training that could eventually assure equal opportunity for small business contractors from both communities. There are always new and interesting policy questions for L X C F board members to address. For example, how can L X C F board members develop policy on individual or group members 'equity' in the community forest? Is there a way that L X C F can provide loans or loan guarantees to individual contractors on the strength of their future employment in LXCF? How is it possible to approve some individuals' business proposals and not others'? To simplify matters of policy questions in the short-term, L X C F board members have agreed that their first priority and primary objective is to keep their community tenure in good standing during the period of their pilot agreement. By 2007-2008, the L X C F will be eligible to apply for a 99 year lease for their community forest area. In the meantime the board will give considerable authority to their manager to use discretionary powers to address day-to-day issues of diversity and conflict. Both communities seem to accept for now that their cause for self-determination and self-sufficiency needs a local champion or 'prime mover' to organize their efforts. That 'prime-mover' is their community forest manager, curiously named "Robin Hood", who is accountable to the Board of the L X C F who in turn are accountable to the communities. The L X C F manager is responsible for enforcing established L X C F operational policy and assisting the board members in evolving new corporate policy as specific business opportunity arise. 110 3.54 Likely/ Xats'ull Community Forest Shareholder Involvement68 " ...one community member might feel strongly about not doing something and maybe we won't go ahead with it...or even from this community say if someone is totally opposed to what we 're doing... then we 'd have to as a board of directors... take their input and try and figure out what to do..." "... We had some pretty good meetings when the Soda Creek (Xat 'sull/Cmetem') people came out here... We take turns with our AGMs at Likely or at Soda Creek ... people were definitely wondering about it at the beginning - why we were getting involved with people 60 miles away because they were First Nations... they were wondering about that - It sort of looked like taking advantage of a people's race it seems like for political purposes but we sort of got to appreciate each other... You know we 're trying to share the work equally - there's definitely • a lot better feelings for the arrangement now than there was initially... " The Likely/ Xats'ull Community Forest is structured as a corporation with two shareholders. The Chief of the Xats'ull Indian Band holds one of the shares on behalf of the Xats'ull community. The other L X C F share is held in trust for the Village of Likely by a registered society in Likely. The L X C F community forest association was initially structured to give all inhabitants of each community each a share certificate in the corporation. However, that approach, though inclusive of all individuals, proved to be difficult and unnecessarily expensive since the number of shareholders would have required that the L X C F be registered with the securities commission and stock exchange. Nevertheless, some board members that were interviewed indicated that an individual community member does have the power to cause change in the direction of the L X C F . The Xats'ull/Cmetem' First Nation gets community input to directors through band staff and council members. The Village of Likely gets their community input through to L X C F by holding regular strategy session meetings in Likely. Board members from both communities suggested that public involvement in planning at strategy sessions is less than what they would like. Residents are informed but not very motivated unless they are employed in the community forest. This theme is based on one theoretical code that is the aggregated result of 14 substantive codes from the interview data. I l l Some of the Xats'ull/C'metmc community members that were interviewed indicated their concern about looking after the whole forest so as to generate employment from non-timber and timber products. There is a perception among some community members that L X C F managers still do not know how much work is going to go to Xats'ull/Cmetem' contractors. Individual community goals are different and this is respected in both communities. Cross-cultural learning is not a formal priority in the L X C F policy framework69. Nevertheless it was indicated by several interviewees that the foundation for friendship between families was beginning informally at L X C F hosted meetings and picnics. L X C F annual profits are shared equally between each community and allocated for spending by the separate shareholder communities according to individual community needs. A considerable geographic distance separates the two communities and, due to severely limited travel expenses, it is usually necessary to hold community information meetings separately for each community. Community forest dinners at annual general meetings have proven to be a good way to entice assistance of new community forest volunteers. Despite the geographic and cultural distances between the communities there is a sense among those involved that board members are 'doing their best' to manage the communities' forest fairly. There is not much opportunity for input from the communities at present, due to the difficult planning constraints imposed by emergency beetle salvage. There are also the economic constraints of high provincial stumpage rates and low market prices for all sawlogs in NStQ territories. There is the perception amongst some community members that only 'a certain few' are involved in community forest operations. On occasion there has been concern about potential conflicts of interest, as some board members are also forestry and logging contractors. The L X C F has developed a policy to distinguish separate individual business from community business interests. Nevertheless, there is still a perception that board members do not know how much of the future contracting opportunities will go to Xats'ull. There is a challenge for the L X C F manager and board to achieve a 50/50 employment and contracting target while still maintaining the 'bottom line' profitability and overall capability of the organization. Building capacity among new contractors 6 9 It is worth mentioning that cross-cultural learning has already been mostly achieved by the Xats'ull/Cmetem', as it was imposed on the Secwepemc since the late 1700s. It is the community of Likely as a whole, who will have much to learn if they wish to grow in cultural association with the Secwepemc. 112 must be done carefully in order not to excessively or unnecessarily risk losing the forest tenure due to a potential for incidents of poor forestry practices during the pilot agreement. 3.55 L X C F Problem Based Learning Opportunities 7 0 "... they've had a couple offorums ...we had one in Revelstoke and there were several communities from all over BC that went there just to find out about community forests... and what we did was..:I did a presentation and Robin Hood did a presentation...on our relationship that we have right now and how it all started... and a lot of people came to us and asked us questions specifically about how the community forest was working... " " ...I guess part of it would be that the community didn't ask the right questions... and I don't think the people really recognized - even the people that got on the board - what was going to do... The work that was going to happen - and how much we were going to get out of it... I don't think that was really seen and I don't thing that's really seen even yet... " Another criticism of the management of L X C F is that it is difficult to motivate community forest residents to state their concerns to the Board. There is only a small budget to cover the expenses of community workshops, dinners and travel to extra meetings. Very often, community residents are unable to participate in management simply because they cannot afford to travel to meetings. There are often field-level problem-based learning opportunities that are lost due to the lack of travel funding for community participation. The scarcity of funds for community participation has created a perception that board members are not explaining issues and opportunities to communities. There is some profit from the operations of L X C F , but profits must be prioritized to accommodate many other urgent community initiatives. The L X C F information newsletters distributed to the community cannot provide teaching and learning contexts, so community members wonder what their "life-world" relationship is to the community forest. This theme is based on one theoretical code that is the aggregated result of 14 substantive codes from the interview data. 113 There is an opportunity for two forest dependent communities to learn from the diversity of their surrounding Interior Cedar Hemlock (ICH) ecosystems. Xats'ull/Cmetem' is interested in rekindling community interest in caring for natural resources, traditional medicines, foods and other materials collected from the rich ICH forests in their traditional territory. The Likely Community School (managed jointly between the Likely Community School Association and the Province) is hopeful that community forest teaching opportunities can be structured to teach the next generation of Likely residents to appreciate and develop the diverse values of their community forest in a co-management relationship with Xats'ull. In the future, the service of co-managing and packaging forest-based learning experiences could become a profit-generating service provided by L X C F to outside training institutions, professional associations and tour groups with specific problem-based learning needs but limited time to build familiarity with the learning opportunities of the area. 3.56 Future investment for both communities -Likely and Xats'ull71 " ...but what caught my interest in it all was the possibilities of what could come from this community forest other than just the harvesting operations... together there was hopes of other tourism ventures ...we got letters of support from the Nenqani treatment center ...from our businesses internally we got support letters for the community forest application... " The shared interest of Likely and Xats'ull in negotiating natural resources management opportunities with government dates back to the mid 1990s when they negotiated control of a fish hatchery in Likely. The trust generated by this shared achievement has been building ever since by shared conversations between communities. Growing from the hatchery partnership and now sharing new community forest stewardship responsibilities, cross-cultural team building has a good foundation . There 7 1 This theme is the aggregated result from 4 theoretical codes - 1 process/good/motivation, 2-process/good/trust-building, 3- process/purpose/present, 4-process/purpose/future representing an aggregated total of 58 substantive codes. 7 2 In a cost cutting measure the Federal Department of Fisheries and Oceans were planning to dismantle their salmon hatchery at Likely. The community of Likely recognized that the Quesnel river salmon run and the fish hatchery are important community assets as tourism destinations, and fisheries resources. The 114 is a sense that community leaders are getting to know one another and that the communities have now been working together for some time. The board of the community forest send community members to team-building workshops when there are relevant continuing education courses and funding available. Natural resources management workshops help to develop a human-to-human bond, they reinforce the idea that all issues at the table are important and they acknowledge that there is work to do to prepare for diverse community forest interests and potential investments for the long term. The Village of Likely and the Xats'ull/Cmetem' First Nation are working together to be more self-determined and self-sufficient communities. Each community is growing to respect the others' tenacity to survive, despite a failing forest industry and local economy. Although there are difficult issues to discuss, there have been no damaging conflicts n between community representatives at the board level. A conflict resolution process is defined by L X C F policy guidelines; and as a management function it is essential for continued trust building between the communities. Each community has an independent association that is available to help mediate in conflict. The Xats'ull/Cmetem' business development corporation can relate directly to L X C F to avoid perception of 'interference' between the board members and band council. Likewise, the Likely Chamber of Commerce can assist in mediating potential conflicts between L X C F and Likely businesses. Much discussion was needed to work out the agreements to form the community forest corporate structure. At the time that this vision of community management was still a dream, the process of forming a corporate structure was at times, trying. The communities were awarded their tenure in 2001, and since then, trust has been building more naturally between the communities as people begin working together in the field. The L X C F policy of cross- cultural bridge building "kept at a business level", seems to be working. The 'moment of crisis' that produced the conditions for community communities of Likely and Xats'ull are also concerned to maintain their local involvement with the salmon fishery and a few local jobs at the hatchery. The NStQ and Likely successfully negotiated with the Province to purchase the hatchery from the Federal Government. The University of Northern British Columbia (UNBC) worked with the Province to assist in managing the hatchery. There is currently a UNBC field research station at the hatchery. This UNBC research station is poised to grow as the Likely/ Xats'ull and NStQ partnership grows. 115 acceptance of the community forest was when families from both communities were sitting anxiously and somewhat unhappily in a room together to discuss their award of the shared community forest tenure. Sensing that the moment was critical, and that the people were looking for leadership, one board member from the Xats'ull community exclaimed his now legendary directive to the group: "people... are we here to do business or not? " During the planning period prior to community forest operations trust building was difficult. Trust is growing more naturally between the communities since operations have begun. The demonstration of fairness has successfully built a level of trust in the management of the community forest. The ability to communicate, to work toward and to demonstrate fair and equitable agreements is a great motivator to continue improving communications between the L X C F board and its communities. Although good results are often unpredictable, the fact that there are some good results from the L X C F partnership helps to build motivation among the board and community members. The current emergency salvage operations in stands damaged by the mountain pine beetle have changed initial management goals and this has strained relationships among those members who are concerned about sustaining non timber forest values. The current focus on salvage opportunities and the apparent need to quickly clear-cut the infested pine has some L X C F members worried that the community forest is being regarded too much as a short-term income generator and not enough as home for all its inhabitants. Some L X C F members feel that though trust is still given, the board members and managers are not 'seeking first to understand' well enough, before they proceed in large-scale pine salvage operations. Presumably this short-term salvage plan and diversion from the L X C F sustainability plan is only temporary. The original vision of L X C F to follow the community vision represented by their board members is respected, though adaptively amended and monitored. To ensure long-term L X C F resilience to future market opportunities and timber supply constraints, the business of conservation and sustainability must also be planned. The LXCF-sponsored community workshops for non-timber forest products learning has been important in respecting community members who have long-term non-timber interests in the area. The Xats'ull/Cmetem' First Nation has a long-term perspective in their motivation to succeed and this will help the board survive in the short term and balance their 116 motivation to succeed quickly with patience to build stronger relationships between community members. Trust in leadership is related to motivation to continue growth in the partnership. Good examples have been set by L X C F board members, community leaders and local industry foresters, committed to the long-term success of the Likely/ Xats'ull Community Forest. Trust in the Board has been growing as a result of demonstrating fairness in disbursing economic benefits between the communities. The L X C F community forest has a comprehensive policy structure for organizational communication in place and is adaptive to change. Face-to-face agreements are made in conducting business, acknowledging that respect develops and grows on a human-to-human foundation. Both parties acknowledge the other's needs and work together to meet those needs. In day-to-day negotiations, the L X C F manager and board members learn where their community assets in skills and equipment are so that this productive capacity can be continually improved. A l l L X C F members share and trade skills and knowledge of the community forest area. Both communities are working to benefit economically through log sales and employment. Profit from the community forest is re-invested into community development. Each community decides separately how their share of the profit will be spent. As a two-shareholder structure, the L X C F with its pooled resources stand a better chance of attracting joint funding and volunteer help for sustainable resource development from regional and global not-for-profit sectors and government and industry partners. Trust is building more naturally now that operations have begun and trust is more assured as long as communication protocol is continually improving and adaptive to all L X C F member concerns. However trust may not be so strong yet for those community members that do not feel connected to formal community forest communication networks. The L X C F forest manager readily admits that Likely's small businesses are more numerous and better positioned than Xats'ull's to take advantage of the community forest; but he adds that all of the board directors are committed in their mandate of managing the L X C F equitably for the benefit of all residents of Likely and Xats'ull. Board members respect their L X C F constitutional requirement to assist in building business capacity for Xats'ull so that both communities may share equally in the employment as well as the profits of their forest tenure. Trust is built by respecting that all issues at the table are important. It takes respect and a team 117 approach to do the necessary cross-cultural bridge-building to ensure acceptable representation of all L X C F member interests. Likely and Xats'ull are working to become more self-determined and self-sufficient forest-based communities. Unfortunately, the current stumpage rates that the province is expecting on salvage timber and the low prices that the mills are offering for sawlogs does not respect the long-term commitment of L X C F to developing their non-timber value. Given this monopoly-controlled economy for sawlogs in NStQ territories it is difficult for L X C F to recover a reasonable value for their logs and to save profit for community training and future research and development of their non-timber forest products and markets. In future, L X C F can look forward to increasing dividends from sustainable development of a diversity of forest resources. However, Xats'ull and Likely both need more small business capacity in common, so that they can together realize potential venture opportunities. There are signs that the Village of Likely and the Xats'ull/ Cmetem' First Nation are beginning to trade their knowledge resources. Likely has benefited from Xats'ull's knowledge of intergovernmental relations and proposal development. Xats'ull and Likely are currently pursuing a tourism/fisheries joint venture proposal that is separate from L X C F , to restore salmon stream habitat with support from the federal and provincial governments. As both First Nations and non-First Nations communities are motivated to work together to co-manage rural resources into the future, governments and licensees may be drawn into the process and eventually conform to sustainable management directives from the local level. The community forest in partnership with the Province and educational organizations could do more to train L X C F forest workers and provincial and First Nations' natural resource managers. This process of engaging and teaching with the government at the local level down to the level of the Province is a slow process and it will work most effectively where adaptive-learning organizations (ALOs) such as L X C F remain stable over generations. Where ALOs are in place, the re-growth and renewal process can function on behalf of communities to develop markets and products from a variety of natural resources. There is a sense that medicinal plants, tourism and other non-timber resources will be of more interest in the future. Future generations will understand better the value of the community forest and its intergenerational effects in securing long-term sustainability. 118 4.0 Discussion In this chapter the research hypotheses are analysed in relation to the theoretical codes and research themes developed from interview transcripts. Section 4.1 shows how the research hypothesis has been confirmed.73 In section 4.1 key networks are referenced to show that the NStQ is providing leadership in transforming Provincial approaches in co-management. With reference to networks in section 4.1 there is evidence that it is primarily in times of crisis that a NStQ co-management initiative is recognized. Section 4.2 further elaborates a conception of planning in response to crisis and argues that crisis management should occur before, during and after crises and not just as a response to them. However these leadership initiatives are not recognized, nor are they encouraged or supported by the Province. Section 4.3 proposes and describes four co-management principles that are derived from analyses of the interview data and argues that these-principles can assist organizations to be more sensitive to potential learning opportunities associated with times of crises. Before confirming or rejecting validity of hypotheses first it is useful to become oriented to a model of the 'whole story' by linking substantive codes in order of their descending frequency. Common Substantive Codes (sorted by groundedness)74 Code Freq. Holistic-lived understanding 21 Sharing management 'start to finish' 20 Cross-cultural bridge building 18 Crisis 17 Acknowledge each other's needs 16 Develop human to human bond 16 Team approach 15 The hypothesis for axial coding is the supposition that "the NStQ have traditional knowledge and information that can transform current approaches to forestry education and thus improve forest co-managing within their territory". I 4 Forty three percent o f all interview statements coded are contained in the categories listed here. 119 Crisis as new understanding 15 Increase information sharing 15 Learning with First Nations communities 14 Seek first to understand 14 Cookbook planning 14 Linear vs. holistic thinking 14 Respect 13 First Nations short staffed 12 Talking and listening skills 12 Limited mandate 12 Diversity and conflict 11 Traditional resource management 10 Site knowledge no authority 10 Ability to communicate is there 10 Adaptive learning organizations 10 Avoidance dance is institutionalized 10 Demdomen trying to get everyone on page 10 There is a pattern of relationship among the top seventeen most frequent codes. This sequence of statements seems to tell a story. If I may put together these codes in sequence to tell the story the way it was told to me, it would sound something like this: We have a holistic lived understanding of our lands and resources. We know we must engage in sharing management with the province continuously from 'start to finish'. Cross-cultural bridge building can only grow in such comprehensive and respectful shared planning initiatives. When our holistic lived understanding is not respected (or when new economic or environmental disturbances occur) in co-managing processes then planning crises happen. To grow from these crises we must acknowledge each other's needs and work together to meet those needs. In this way we can develop a human-to-human bond and a team approach. When we work as a team crises can be seen as opportunities for new understanding and can enhance information sharing and learning. To enhance information sharing and learning with NStQ communities, planners will need to listen carefully and seek first 120 to understand before trying to be understood. Planners and policy makers will need to avoid their inclination to do 'cookbookplanning' so that we will not have a conflict between holistic and linear ways of thinking and doing. To get started on the right path the Province will need to show respect by recognizing that NStQ natural resources workers are short-staffed and under-funded to properly represent their land and resources management interests in a co-managing process with the Province. The Province should foster cross scale communications among their planners so that learning at the local level is transmitted in continuous dialogue with the provincial level. In this way we can improve our talking and listening skills and co-manage with a shared mandate for decision-making at the local level. Another story-line also exists in between subsequent categories but is not as strong as in the first group. I invite the reader to create their own story-line to interpret the meaning in the next group of substantive categories (from "diversity and conflict" to "Demdomen is trying to get everyone on the same page").75 4.1 Confirming or Rejecting Hypotheses: There is considerable evidence from theoretical coding to support the hypothesis that the Northern Secwepemc te Qelmucw use of traditional ecological knowledge empowers their leadership in transformation initiatives toward sustainable management in their 76 territories. I cannot explain how this is done ; but there is much research evidence in the Atlas networks that shows that traditional practices of team-building and informal human-to-human networking is used effectively to lead in organizing local stewardship initiatives from the community level down to the province. In arguing for this "NStQ leadership" hypothesis I refer the reader to the "Co-managing for New Relationships" network (on p216). It is here that the NStQ leadership initiative is expressed most clearly. The NStQ treaty team are having much difficulty in 7 51 leave this story to the readers' interpretation and discussions, as six of the seven categories in this group were expressed at the same level of frequency and an order of importance relation is not clear. It is also important to respect all of the substantive codes that emerged from the interviews and not just the ones that were most frequently expressed or those that I use to argue for validity of hypotheses. To do this it is necessary to read and understand what is said in each of the 50 networks in Appendix 2 (aggregated substantive codes) that form the research findings. My interpretation as only one analyst cannot begin to approach the level of learning that emerges as a result of varieties and syntheses of community interpretations of the data. 7 6 Although in this empirical study I cannot provide a reductive analysis of 'how TEK works', later in this chapter through literature review I show that the teachings of traditional knowledge keepers coincide in many ways with new developments in organizational theory. 121 making the Province understand that a 'command and control' approach to developing new initiatives and relationships has not been effective. Instead the NStQ believe that empowering people to self-organize to answer the questions and solve the problems that are of concern to them is the right approach. As a whole, the NStQ are leading transformation toward sustainability on a variety of common fronts. These common fronts are examined later in this discussion as co-management principles. The evidence for co-managing principles exists within the case studies. Before examining the evidence from the individual community case studies it is worth referring to three of the networks that were derived from the NStQ Co-Management Visioning Case Study: "Co-managing Planning and Technology" (p224), "Co-managing Process: Heart" (p225), "Co-managing 'Lived' vs. Statistical Understanding" (p228). Respectively, these networks show the difference between the NStQ and the Province's understanding of management, they show a vision for use of Geographic Information Systems to calculate for forest productivity that is ecosystem-based rather than timber volume based and they show how stories of transformation are honoured that teach that through perseverance and team-work new opportunities will arise; whereas Provincial strategies tend to be economically driven and risk-averse. The NStQ Co-Management Case Study is useful in orienting the overall inquiry. Treaty and tribal council staff provides a great leadership service by interpreting knowledge in their communities and trying to reconcile this with Provincial objectives. Perhaps the greatest variety and strength of evidence of NStQ leadership are found in the four community case studies. The theoretical codes that most literally illustrate NStQ leadership were derived from the Spokin Lake Case Study.77 The Spokin Lake natural resources workers are clear in their assessment of the consequence when the Province planners have authority only to inform- but not necessarily to respond to community concerns. They further confirm that the NStQ are leaders in encouraging planning-as-adaptive-learning rather than planning as simply following standard provincial procedures to 'get logs to the mill-yard'. The network "Spokin: Avoidance Dance" (p231) illustrates the T'exelc natural resources workers' concept map of their situation in the planning process. T'exelc natural Here is a forceful style of leadership. The leaders in T'exelc were essentially forced to adopt this style of leadership after many years of unsuccessful negotiations with government and industry. 122 resources workers knew as well as provincial aiid licensee planners that the forest legislation only required that licensees provide information to the communities. Interpreting their community planning mandate as consultation and avoiding learning of community interests in the area became the main concern of the provincial and licensee planners. At successive meetings that T'exelc hosted with regional planners it became clear that although the licensees were practising due diligence according to the consultation requirements of the forest legislation, their main concern was to liquidate forest resources according to their original five year development plan and to offload consultation or 'co-management' responsibilities to the province. As long as legislation does not require learning or successive adaptation in forest development plans to accommodate community interests - the planners' job was avoidance of learning. Despite the hypocrisy of the planning meetings the avoidance dance of pretending to accommodate the communities interest is required as a 'log and talk' method of achieving harvesting objectives. The 'avoidance dance' is1 particularly awkward because the parties at the table knew that there was an ability to communicate. Although there was a potential for negotiation there was no incentive for the licensees and the province to discuss the issues of concern with T'exelc, sincerely and respectfully. The network "Spokin Management" (p232) illustrates the steps that led to the community information picket and road-block. The network "Spokin: FPC vs. Holistic Understanding" (p233) shows how the T'exelc systemic vision of how to manage in traditional territories contrasts with the Provincial planning approach. The network "Spokin M O U " (p235) illustrates the T'exelc hope for coming to negotiate terms of a respectful shared process for co-managing the Spokin Lake area. The combined information of these networks shows the clarity with which the natural resources workers and elders understand their stewardship task in their traditional territories. The fact that the same community after nearly a decade of struggle are still able to peacefully talk to industry and government to come to some reasonable terms of co-management indicates a persistence and equanimity that is characteristic of the greatest leaders78. A significant part of the struggle was simply in finding out who were the responsible representatives of government and industry to negotiate with. Company mergers, changes of provincial government and constantly changing government and industry employees made this task very difficult. 123 The Tsq'escen case study of the mountain caribou crisis indicates that Tsq'escen community involvement is not well facilitated nor welcomed by caribou researchers. Consequently it has been especially difficult for the NStQ to offer leadership in this situation. When federal funding was cut for an NStQ participant to attend the regional conferences to discuss a 'caribou recovery strategy' - NStQ attention was necessarily directed to other critical priorities. For centuries Tsq'escen guides have been leaders of hunting expeditions into caribou habitat and now the community is left on the margins in response to the caribou crisis. Representatives of snowmobile, forestry or mining associations are much more powerful in access management decision-making than those expressing conservation concerns. Nevertheless, there are community visions for leadership in the caribou crisis that could grow. The network "Caribou and Tsq'escen Ecotourism Threatened" illustrates the issues and concerns and potential business opportunities that have been identified. The theme indicating that Demdomen society is a catalyst for adaptive learning organizations is informed by five theoretical codes. The theory is grounded in substantive codes concerned with Demdomen's traditional ecological knowledge, its knowing in relation to others, its self knowledge, and its knowledge of the Xat'glem/ Stswecemc community. The concept of a 'decision-making catalyst' is basic to leadership. The NStQ leadership hypothesis is well supported by the five networks that describe Demdomen's role as an "adaptive learning organization catalyst". Also, specific examples of Demdomen leadership are found in the following networks: "Demdomen-NStQ/ BC Parks Management" (p251), "Demdomen-NStQ/ MoE and Wildlife Administration" (p252), and "Demdomen-NStQ/ MoE Regional vs Site Specific" (p253). In these four networks respectively, Demdomen and the NStQ are assisting in adaptively improving the effectiveness and efficiency of archaeological review processes, Demdomen and their community leads in an initiative to teach that wildlife administrative boundaries could better coincide with biogeoclimatic land classifications and Demdomen and their community are again proving to be leaders in linking people across territories and across management scales to work to resolution of This is a theme that is expressed in two parts "Demdomen as ALO catalyst - form of communication" and "Demdomen as ALO catalyst -content of communication". 124 wildlife management conflicts. In the networks "Demdomen-NStQ/ MoE Wildlife Crisis" (p254), "Demdomen-NStQ/MoE Wildlife Staff Education Challenge" (p255) and "Demdomen-NStQ/MoE Joint Hunter Checks" (p256), there is evidence that Demdomen plays a lead role in helping their community leaders and natural resources workers to find opportunity and to 'put the brakes on' an escalating communication crisis with provincial wildlife administrators. The Likely/ Xats'ull Community Forest (LXCF) Case Study provides evidence that there is NStQ leadership in their joint venture with the Village of Likely. The case study suggests that the L X C F through intensive collaboration with many other interest groups provides a similar leadership service in Xats'ull traditional territories as does the Demdomen Society in the Xat'glenV Stswecemc territory. L X C F is a catalyst for adaptive learning by leading in innovating small-scale forestry joint ventures between non-indigenous and an indigenous communities. In the three networks " L X C F Process Strength: Trust Building" (p261), " L X C F Process Tasks: Future" (p262), and " L X C F Process Tasks: Present" (p263), there is evidence that the L X C F is leading in learning how to build cross-cultural trust through operating a joint venture business enterprise. There is evidence that L X C F are leading in learning how to value the intangible or potential values of a forest tenure shared by indigenous and non-indigenous residents and there is evidence that the L X C F are leading in developing clear and acceptable local community forest policy language that can become a point of reference for cross scale comparison with other community forest organizations in the province. In the four networks " L X C F Operations: Community" (p265), " L X C F Process Strength: Teaching and Learning" (p259), and " L X C F Process/Areas where the Province/ Areas where the L X C F Board can improve" (pp257-8) there is evidence indicating that the L X C F are leading in demonstrating at regional and provincial forestry forums the capacity for small communities to renew themselves by linking the sustained yield of the forest with small scale sustainable forest economies. The hypothesis of NStQ leadership informed the development of the grounded theory in this research. However, other hypotheses emerged with the grounded theory that can be supported here with reference to the data. The first of these is the hypothesis that shared knowledge emerges from growth opportunities in crisis situations. Although 125 one of the interview questions inquires about "what triggers change in planning processes" I had no preconceived understanding of "a theory of growth in crisis" at the time of the interviews (Appendix 4, p272). It is true that I had found evidence at the beginning to cause me to restructure the survey to address cases of crises in co-management- but at this time I did not see any organizing effects of crisis nor was I trying to test for these. Nevertheless from 933 substantive codes, the "crisis" code emerged as the fourth most important code in this study and the "crisis as new understanding" code emerged as the sixth most important code in terms of frequency of times expressed by interviewees (see list of Common Substantive Codes above). A theory of NStQ leadership in organizing co-management was anticipated, but a theory of co-managing opportunities from crises was not. The theory is represented in the networks however, and so it is described here. The five case studies presented in the last chapter tell of crises and opportunities for communities in the territories of the Northern Secwepemc te Qelmucw. In selecting a communication crisis for study the question "what constitutes a communication crisis" I had left to the determination of natural resources workers in each of the communities. It was not an easy selection to make since there were so many levels and layers of crises of concern to all the communities. For example, the mountain pine beetle epidemic is continuing as an all-consuming crisis for all of the communities. Nevertheless each community selected a crisis for the case study and their selection is respected. However as a grounded theory of crisis was emerging in the theoretical codes so too was my concern about connecting stories of learning through crisis in NStQ territories with theories of crisis in the organizational literature. I found that an accepted operational definition of the concept of crisis in the organizational theory of Seeger, Sellnow and Ulmer (2003) was very similar to the conception that the natural resources workers and I had when we determined our crises for study in the beginning of this research: Crisis suggests an unusual event of overwhelmingly negative significance that carries a high level of risk, harm and opportunity for further loss. For organizations, crisis often conveys a fundamental threat to system stability, a questioning of core assumptions and beliefs, and threats to high-priority goals, including image, legitimacy, profitability and even survival. (4) 126 To distinguish the individual case study crises from the ongoing overlapping systemic crises that are continuous in the background of co-managing in NStQ territories it became important to examine defining characteristics of the crises. Seeger, Sellnow and Ulmer (2003) suggest that a key, defining feature of organizational crisis is that there is a pivotal point in the process when participants suddenly become aware that a crisis is occurring. Interview themes from the case studies indicated that there is a point in each process when participants become aware that a crisis is occurring. For example, the crisis point in 'co-managing' the Spokin Lake five-year logging plan was a community decision to set up an information picket thus stopping forest service road construction into an environmentally sensitive area. Reference to the substantive codes for this can be found in the network "Spokin Management" (p232). The crisis point for Tsq'escen' in co-managing Mountain Caribou came with the shock of learning that the herds in the Caribou Mountains were included in the red-listed category of the federal government's 'species at risk'. Reference to the substantive codes for this can be found in the network "Caribou Process: Tsq'escen Administration" (p239). The crisis point for Demdomen and the Xgat'tem/ Stswecemc communities came as the realization that their plea to closely monitor and adapt local hunting regulations with the Ministry of Environment would not be implemented in time for the 2006 hunting season. Reference to the substantive code for this can be found in the network "Demdomen-NStQ/MoE Wildlife Crisis"(p254). The crisis point in the process of implementing the Likely/ Xats'ull community forest tenure occurred when representatives of both communities suddenly realized the magnitude of the task that was required of them and their lack of experience in working together. Reference to the substantive codes for this can be found in the network " L X C F Process Strength: Teaching and Learning" (p259) and also by reference to the author's personal recollection of the event. The hypothesis of shared knowledge emerging from growth opportunities in crisis situations is reflected in the NStQ story above and is supported in organizational research literature. Organization theorist Peter Senge (1990) argued that organizational structures of many businesses may function well in step-by-step routine planning processes, but when they confront crises their cooperative resolve tends to disintegrate. Senge's research shows that learning organizations have the potential to emerge from crises with 127 a renewed sense of purpose. Crisis events represent a chance for the organization to acquire new information, skills, insights and capabilities. For example, the crises in each of the case studies in the previous chapter may result in the growth of learning organizations. The crisis of meeting treaty deadlines may result in pulling together the NStQ, provincial and federal negotiators, as a self-organizing learning group. The Spokin Lake crisis of responding to mountain pine beetle and logging threats in T'exelc's sensitive heritage areas may result in a learning organization to negotiate an acceptable co-managing protocol agreement. The Mountain Caribou crisis of Tsq'escen' may result in a learning organization with the Province and local tourism and recreation groups that can initiate a new relationship with the Mountain Caribou. The on-going challenges of hunting management in Xgat'tem/Stwecemc territories may help Demdomen society to accelerate their knowledge and influence as a learning organization to assist others in NStQ territories. The crisis of economic survival for the village of Likely and the Xats'ull First Nation and their decision to work together in a business partnership in an increasingly centralized forest industry has resulted in the beginning of a co-operative of learning organizations within and between the Likely and Xat'sull/Cmetem'c communities. The wisdom of the above NStQ story and traditional knowledge of envisioning crises as 'strategic opportunities for adaptive management' is summarized in Seeger et al (2003): Figure 3 Re-envisioning Crisis (Seeger et a l , 2003) From: To: Threat to stability Opportunity for change Restricted communication Public dialogue Control Irrepressibly dynamic environment Preserving power structures Adapting to a dynamic system Short-term profitability - Long-term social responsibility 128 There is a new role for communication practitioners in public service organizations in British Columbia. Communication when understood to be public relations, issue management, community relations, and media relations is only associated with post crisis management and response. More recently the role of communication in organizational crisis has expanded. Drawing from the perspective of models suggested by Weick (1979, 1988, 1995) and Seeger et al. (2003), from concepts of the learning organizations and knowledge emergence suggested by Senge (1990), Nonaka and Takeuchi (1995), and from the social-ecologists Gunderson and Holling (2002) scientists are now beginning to understand that communication relates to all aspects of organizational crisis. An impressive body of literature exists to advise organizations on the steps for avoiding crises. In contrast, the view outlined here suggests that crises are an inevitable part of the organizing process. As organizations seek to establish and protect their stability, they face the inevitable consequence of disruption, failure, wrongdoing, collapse and disasters. The probability of these events occurring is increasing. This escalation suggests that crisis management will become an increasingly common function of modern management. In fact, crisis management is becoming the essential function of long-term organizational success. (Seeger, p.273) 4.2 Accepting the Crisis Model A problem for institutions in adopting a crisis and social learning model for planning is that acknowledging unpredictability challenges the security of institutions in following simple linear planning models prescribed by central controlling authorities. The historic bias of western science toward linear models of understanding was briefly examined in Chapter one and is also discussed later in this chapter. The history and philosophy contributing to logical and positivist thinking is so pervasive in western culture that an unprecedented enthusiasm for adaptive learning will be necessary to transform British Columbia public service institutions towards broadly accepting a mandate for learning interactively with rural communities. The model for team learning proposed by Peter Senge (1994) will be useful in this process. The NStQ case studies suggest that the wisdom of a team learning approach is not new. Drawing from indigenous knowledge, Eber Hampton describes an approach for aboriginal education that coincides well with 129 Senge's Five Disciplines for organizational team learning . Co-managing the recent knowledge of organizational theorists with the ancient knowledge of indigenous peoples could assist in building new learning institutions that can respond with resilience in adapting to change and crisis. Four co-managing principles are suggested in the knowledge derived from the case studies and these are presented later in this discussion. There are probably many examples of British Columbia public service agencies becoming more responsive in understanding and managing organizational crises. Unfortunately there is presently no way to learn effectively from these crises, especially in a systematic way across management scales and regions. The province may learn to respect the leadership role that the NStQ contributes in co-managing natural resources. The province may learn to self-organize from the site level to the provincial level in responding adaptively in these co-managing processes. The NStQ has been assisting provincial planners in their cross cultural learning and feel that they could do more. Demdomen is encouraged by recent indications of improvement in co-managing wildlife resources. They note that they are pursuing goals of funding First Nations biologist/ enforcement officers, making provincial scientific education more practical, and empowering and co-managing adaptive learning organizations at the site level. They also suggest that there are more easily realized goals such as government planners improving their basic education in First Nations studies. The theme "Co-managing Lived vs. Statistical Understanding" (p228) is a useful reference here. Although Demdomen members are willing to help in developing cross- cultural understanding, the local knowledge and history of First Nations' cultures is not well understood among regional planning staff in all the provincial ministries. A review of the themes "Demdomen as a Catalyst for Adaptive Learning Organizations" provide a useful reference here and for the next few paragraphs. Demdomen members are willing to collaborate with the Province to assist in interpreting First Nations tacit knowledge at the local level. In the meantime, to conduct business properly with First Nations, written requests for developing agreements require follow up by in-person meetings with representatives of affected groups. Developing A chart showing relationships between Eber Hampton's 12 values for aboriginal education, Senge's five disciplines and the questions posed by this research is shown in Appendix 2 (p262). 130 agreements should include field visits to relevant back-country locations. Demdomen volunteers and Stswecem'c/ Xgat'tem natural resources workers have noticed over the past decade that provincial planners have very variable skills at talking and listening. Some planners are ill-prepared professionally to represent the province in co-managing initiatives. Demdomen volunteers offered to assist provincial planners in learning about traditional resource management; but they add that this is difficult, as they have no funding and government employees are not encouraged to work and stay in one region or to work closely with First Nations groups. There are negotiation and back-country survival skills that future natural resources planners should learn early in their education in college and university. To build working relations with First Nations natural resources workers and community leaders, future wildlife biologists and forest planners will need to know how to recognize and make explicit tacit knowledge of complex social ecological processes. These skills of negotiation and field-level training in university curricula are not well-tested and monitored in required courses before graduation and are usually considered optional and relegated to course electives. Wildlife biologists and forest planners tend to be rewarded for their expertise in publishing scientific research and not for their abilities in facilitating back-country public meetings. Natural resources planners that know "what's being said in communities and always have a smile" are 'rare specimens'; but through encouraging conviviality among planners and community leaders, assisting learning organizations among community volunteers, resources workers, education institutions and the Province, such rare specimens could become a viable population. Ministry of Environment wildlife planners of the Cariboo Chilcotin Coast region know that they must improve their co-managing service to rural communities. They are currently considering developing a pilot learning organization with a First Nations group. The demand for these groups region-wide will probably exceed the current supply of Ministry of Environment management resources. A l l of the case studies show clearly that it has been an ongoing challenge for communities to properly fund and support self-organizing learning groups to address the problems of co-managing crises with the Province. In examining the conditions that lead to organizational crises Seeger et al. (2003), find that organizations prepare for crises that 131 are "least threatening to the collective ego of organizations" and thus accept only a far too narrow definition of the types of crises that can occur: Pauchant and Mitroff (1992) like Turner (1976) argued that crisis 'usually sends off a persistent trail of early warning signals, or symptoms, announcing a probable occurrence'. They also suggested that in crisis prone organizations, managers and employees are 'very skilled in blocking out the signals of impending crisis,' whereas crisis-prepared organizations 'are able to sense even very weak signals'. It is the failure to receive, enact or attend to these signals that allows a crisis to erupt. The phenomenon of organizational members distorting or ignoring messages signalling potential problems is a kind of systematic information distortion. This distortion is most common with upward communication in organizations that have defensive climates and low levels of superior-subordinate trust. Signal detection, then, can be expected to function most effectively in a context of high superior-subordinate trust and supportive climates of communication. (95) Though the 'collective ego' of public service institutions in BC understandably coalesce to support the short term objectives for re-election of the government, the NStQ case studies here suggest that there are low-risk initiatives that astute Provincial institutions can support to improve co-managing processes for the long term. Funding multi-stakeholder natural resources education projects, funding research and development initiatives for community forest tenures, and creating an organizational climate that rewards public service institutions for their community development initiatives would be a start. The Province could commit to assist cross scale organizational development and implementation of effective co-managing principles that embrace and understand crises. 4.3 The Co-managing Principles: The grounded theory from this research is not complete in simply supporting the "NStQ leadership" and the "crisis bringing new understanding" hypotheses. There is additional information in the data that suggests that there are four principles that could be implemented to navigate existing methods of natural resources management onto a path of continual improvement. The first principle that emerges from the case studies is the principle of adaptive co-management. 132 4.31 Co-managing Implementation of Adaptive Management: Organizational theorists have evidence that suggests that crises are fundamental to organizational development. Managing for surprise or catastrophic changes in forest management systems was first described by the ecologist C.(Buzz) Holling in 1978 and later elaborated by Walters in 1986. According to Holling and Gunderson (2002), resilience of a system cannot be guaranteed but it can managed adaptively. "Adaptive management" as Holling called it, is defined by the BC Ministry of Forests as: "the careful combination of management, research, monitoring, and techniques so that dependable information is gained and management activities are modified by experience"81. Holling (1978) notes that: Ecosystems and societies with which they are linked involve unknowability and unpredictability. Therefore sustainable development is also inherently unknowable and unpredictable...Evolving systems require policies and actions that not only satisfy social objectives but also achieve continually modified understanding of the evolving conditions and provide flexibility for adapting to surprises. (1) Through community discussion and consultation about impacts on forests we learn to develop priorities for further specific areas of monitoring, research and operational adaptation. In an adaptive forest management context, the accuracy of prediction, the formality of reporting and the associated research design is directed by those who are closest to the forest (Holling 1978, Baskerville 1990). It is useful to refer to the network "Co-managing for New Relationships" (p216) as a guide toward discussion of the NStQ research data related to adaptive management. In this network it is suggested that the province, the federal government and First Nations might learn to co-manage for new relationships by negotiating methods in treaty for communities to self-organize. The NStQ do not prescribe a method for self-organization. Such a method must be adaptive to new information as this emerges. To negotiate treaty with a mandate that does not respect the self-organizing capacity of First Nations is to deny inherent rights to self-determination. The networks "Co-managing Adaptive 8 1 The BC Forest Service definition of adaptive management is found in a glossary of forestry terms at the website www.for.gov.bc.ca/pab/publctns/glossary/glossary.htm 133 Improvement of Co-managing" (p219), "Co-managing Process: Weak Consultation vs Co-management" (p221), "Co-managing Institutional Change" (p226), and "Co-managing Is Not Consultation" (p227) further elaborate on the problem of how to adaptively develop co-managing relationships. An example of the undesired consequences of implementing a consultative, rather than an adaptive learning approach in co-managing areas of high aboriginal values, is found in the Spokin Lake Crisis. The network "Spokin: Avoidance 'Dance' illustrate the specific problems when there is only planning intent to inform, but not to adaptively co-manage in areas of high aboriginal values. The networks "Caribou Recovery Implementation Group" (p241), "Caribou Public Involvement Process" (p243), and "Caribou Regional Research Bias" (p242), indicates some of the inconsistencies between identified adaptive learning tasks and the actual research initiatives that are occurring in an effort to manage for recovery of mountain caribou in the traditional territory of Tsq'escen. The Demdomen case study suggests that key tasks for adaptive learning organizations in their territory will be to facilitate adaptive learning of necessary traditional ecological knowledge, to facilitate adaptive learning of multi-stakeholder concerns, and to facilitate adaptive learning of the purpose and process of the adaptive learning organization itself (this includes continual 'grass-roots' community contact). The following four networks are useful references here: "Demdomen as A L O catalyst (TEK)" (p246), "Demdomen as A L O catalyst (knowing in relation to others" (p247), "Demdomen as A L O catalyst (Demdomen)" (p248), and Demdomen as A L O catalyst (Community)" (p249) respectively. The Demdomen case study also indicates that there is a role for the adaptive learning organization to assist professional natural resources managers, planners, biologists, professional organizations and research institutions to understand their learning and teaching role in the communities. Autobiographical Note: Two giant LeTourneau diesel-electric machines designed only to crush trees were used to smash the valuable standing timber that was then left to rot in Williston Reservoir82. In the haste of flooding the rivers to meet their schedule for opening the Williston Reservoir was named for the Minister of Forests, the honorable Ray Williston who first initiated forest legislation that encouraged the sell-out and merging of small crown timber licences into giant corporate holdings. 134 WACBennett Dam in time for the provincial election, the government did not require that loggers salvage much of the timber before flooding. Instead the mega-decision was made to purchase two gigantic machines to crush the forest so that the trees would not later dislodge roots and all, and spring to the surface causing a boating hazard. According to provincial government information the 'lake' would become a wonderful tourism attraction. As it turned out, and as according to many loggers' predictions, the mega machines only got stuck on the muddy river floodplains and were unable to accomplish their task in eliminating the boating hazard. It also turned out that the recreation potential of the reservoir is negligible. Severely cold weather, and high winds and waves make boating unpleasant and dangerous. One of the tree crushers was left at the bottom of the lake and the other which spent many years at Finlay Forks was brought to town to rest ominously across the street from the forest service district office. 4.311 Western History and Philosophy of Adaptive Management Adaptive management is an application of the ancient Greek concept of praxis. Although it was the Greeks who first wrote down their thoughts about practical reasoning, 'thinking and doing' is an activity that humans have been engaged in for hundreds of thousands of years (Bronowski 1973). The idea that our thinking about a subject should be progressively modified by our evolving experience with the subject seems intuitively correct. Considering the influence of positivism, it is not surprising that many scientists now find adaptive management pernicious or bewildering. In laying the epistemological foundation for " A Theory of Justice" John Rawls defends his challenge to positivism and this 'new' approach to understanding and rationality as "thought with reflection" or "reflective observation" (Rawls 1971). Possibly encouraged by the new philosophic base for rationality permitted in the 1970s, and promoted by Rawls and other humanists, some theorists of forest management also became interested in applying the simple theory of praxis or 'thought with reflection'. Paradoxically, natural resource managers in British Columbia have long been requesting adaptive management systems that rely less on theory, written words, models and literacy and more on practice interacting with the forest and forest workers (Holling 1978, Baskerville 1990). The historic difficulty of incorporating intuitive and oral knowledge into a scientific framework is often characterized as a problem in the relationship between practitioners and planners. The extent of face-to-face communication between foresters and logging contractors, or architects and building 135 contractors, affects the quality of the final result of the projects. The problem of separation of theory and practice and theorists and practitioners is deeply embedded in the philosophical underpinning of western thought. A convenient arrangement for the theorists, it is also suggested that the separation of theory and practice is not only political, but that it is systemically related with the separation of subjects and objects in the structure of the English language (Bateson 1979). Whatever the exact cause of these divisions in our 'collective reality', performance knowledge, namely, precise information about how to accomplish certain tasks, often defies description in language (Marchand 2002). Words mean nothing to us written on a page until they are given voice if only silently in our 'mind's ear' and in a specific context (Ong 1982). For example, a written procedure for tree felling could be dangerous and misleading without a requirement for additional contextual and performance knowledge to accomplish the task. Evidence from linguistics and anthropology indicate that it makes good scientific sense to acknowledge that all of our conversations from the field level down to the policy level inform our forest management strategies. It is the quality of these conversations and the links between these conversations that determine the overall quality of the forest management. 4.312 The Practice of Adaptive Management The legislation that empowers the Minister of Forests and Range to manage forests is contained in many volumes of literature. To be effective on the ground the legislation must be interpreted to forest workers orally and especially in the context of real forest ecosystems. In order to make forestry literacy effective in the field, knowledge must be developed interactively and adaptively, in inclusive and respectful spoken discourse up to the field level. A proposal for reform to forest practices regulation in British Columbia made interpretation of rules more 'results-based' and less dependent on the 'letter of the law". However, an 'oral tradition' of forest management in BC, and an ability for foresters to respond using their expertise at the field level, communicating face-to-face with other resource users in trusting relationships is essential to avoid undesired results. Efforts of conservation officials to enforce regulations with results-based evidence can 136 prove to be difficult in an adversarial legal context after damage has occurred. When forest management praxis fails and legal interpretations of results are invoked then it is often too late to utilize common-sense knowledge to accept and learn from mistakes. A more hopeful example of adaptive forest management is found in the history of the adoption of the technique of "faller-select" logging. Until the mid 1970s the practice of maintaining stand structure in the interior Douglas fir stands of British Columbia, meant that foresters had two choices in implementing the silviculture systems. They could mark all the trees for harvest themselves or they could give their contractors graphical information of their target diameter classes for harvest. Both were poor choices83. Foresters did not have time to mark all the harvest trees, and most did not have skill in tree felling. It also became apparent that the contractors were not interested in learning the theoretical side of forestry, at least as it was being presented to them. Charts of reverse J curve diagrams ended up naturally under the seat of the company pickup. Logging in fir stands changed only a little. A forester who had logging experience found that simply exchanging ideas verbally in discussions on the site was a good way to help develop a
UBC Theses and Dissertations
Communicating "forest" : co-managing crises and opportunities with Northern Secwepemc First Nations and… Greskiw, Garth East 2006
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