Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Training for art-related employment: Community support for Halifax’s Art School, 1887-1943 Soucy, Donald 1996

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-ubc_1996-148408.pdf [ 18.68MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0064592.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0064592-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0064592-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0064592-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0064592-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0064592-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0064592-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0064592-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0064592.ris

Full Text

T r a i n i n g f o r A r t - R e l a t e d Employment: Community Support f o r H a l i f a x ' s A r t S c h o o l , 1887-1943 by Donald A r t h u r Soucy B . A . , Nova S c o t i a C o l l e g e o f A r t and D e s i g n , 1978 M . A . , Nova S c o t i a C o l l e g e o f A r t and D e s i g n , 1985 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department o f E d u c a t i o n a l S t u d i e s ) We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1996 (c)) Don Soucy, 1996 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. of E duC4"l iQVicrf Si(A<3~)fS Department The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date 9 & / o f / 3 ° DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT The most surprising outcome from the Victoria School of Art and Design's first half century is that it survived into its second. How it survived, and how it almost failed to, is the subject of this thesis. The main argument is that community support for the VSAD, or lack of it, was based more on pragmatic concerns, rather than on whether people liked the art being produced. Among those concerns, the most talked about was art training for employable skills. Led by Anna Leonowens, who later became the subject of the musical The King and I, well-to-do citizens in Halifax, Nova Scotia founded the VSAD in 1887. In 1925 the school changed its name to the Nova Scotia College of Art. Its current name, the Nova Scotia College of Art and Design, came in 1969, the year that the College became what was then the only autonomous degree granting art institution in Canada. As part of an international movement, the VSAD shared its late nineteenth century origins with similar art schools throughout North America, Europe, Britain and its colonies. Many of these schools also shared common purposes: to sharpen the graphic skills of industrial designers, to provide instruction in the fine and decorative arts, and to train drawing teachers for public and private schools. Of the different groups supporting the Halifax school, women and their organizations were the most consistent and consequential, especially Halifax's Local Council of Women. A properly funded art school, they argued, could generate jobs, stimulate economic gains, and foster higher standards of civic culture within the community. ii This study looks at the VSAD's supporters, teachers, and administrators during its first half century. It describes how the school, with its inadequate enrolment, budget, and space, played a limited role in generating art-related employment before the Great War. It is only with the principalship of Elizabeth Styring Nutt from 1919 to 1943, with her strong community connections and decades-long commitment to training artist-workers, that the school finally gained relative security and success. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT ii TABLE OF CONTENTS iv CHAPTER ONE: Introduction: The Origins and Evolution of Halifax's Art School, 1887-1943 1 CHAPTER TWO: The Art School Promoters: The Founding of the Victoria School of Art and Design, 1887 17 CHAPTER THREE: Art for Industrial Needs: The Victoria School of Art and Design and the Nineteenth Century Art School Movement 48 CHAPTER FOUR: Training for Art-Related Employment: Victoria School of Art and Design Programs, 1887-1894 . . . . 70 CHAPTER FIVE: Programs, Properties, and Priorities: The Role of the VSAD Board, 1894-1906 100 CHAPTER SIX: The VSAD Supporters, 1894-1919: The Halifax Local Council of Women 130 CHAPTER SEVEN: Lost Opportunity, Loss of Purpose: The VSAD and Nova Scotia's Expansion of Technical Education, 1907-1919 159 CHAPTER EIGHT: Miss Nutt Takes Charge: 1919-1924 195 CHAPTER NINE: Training the Artist-Worker: The 1925 Art College Act 224 CHAPTER TEN: Friends and Factions: The Art College and the Community, 1919-1944 256 CHAPTER ELEVEN: Fortunes, Failings, and Frictions: The Art School's First Half Century in Light of Its Second 292 BIBLIOGRAPHY: WORKS CITED 320 PRIMARY SOURCES — UNPUBLISHED 320 1. DIARIES 320 2. EPHEMERA, FILMS, FLYERS, PAMPHLETS, NOTICES . . . . 320 iv 3. INTERVIEWS 322 a. Interviews Conducted by Author 322 b. Interviews Conducted by Author and Harold Pearse . . . . 323 4. LETTERS 324 a. General 324 b. Nutt, Elizabeth S. Letters to and from 325 c. Sexton, Frederic H. Letters to and from 327 5. MINUTES . . 328 6. SCRAPBOOKS 328 7. UNPUBLISHED ARCHIVAL: GENERAL 329 8. UNPUBLISHED ARCHIVAL: VSAD, NSCA, NSCAD 330 B. PRIMARY SOURCES — PUBLISHED 331 1. BOOKS 331 a. Books, General 331 b. Chapters, Parts of Books 333 c. College Calendars 333 d. Exhibition Catalogues 334 e. Textbooks, Student and Teacher 334 2. JOURNALS AND MAGAZINES 337 3. NEWSPAPERS 338 a. Obituaries 338 b. 1825-75: Private-Venture Artist-Teachers 340 c. 1878-91: Founding of VSAD 342 d. 1905: VSAD's Art Lectures 344 e. 1907-18: VSAD Supporters: Local Council of Women 345 f. 1919-25: Nutt's First Years 348 g. 1926-31: Nova Scotia College of Art 349 h. 1931-35: Nutt-Royle Years 351 i. 1936-43: Miss Nutt Carries On 353 4. PUBLIC DOCUMENTS 354 a. Census 354 b. Inspectors' and Supervisors' Reports 355 c. Laws and Statutes 357 d. Reports, General 358 e. Superintendents' Reports 360 f. VSAD, NSCA, & NSCAD Reports 362 C. SECONDARY SOURCES 364 1. BOOKS 364 a. Books, General 364 b. Chapters, Parts of Books 368 c. Exhibition Catalogues 373 2. JOURNALS, MAGAZINES, ARTICLES 375 3. THESES, DISSERTATIONS 379 v CHAPTER ONE 1 Introduction: The Origins and Evolution of Halifax's Art School, 1887-1943 This dissertation looks at the origins and first half century of the Victoria School of Art and Design (VSAD) in Halifax, Nova Scotia. Founded in 1887, the school changed its name in 1925 to the Nova Scotia College of Art (NSCA). The school became the Nova Scotia College of Art and Design (NSCAD) in 1969, when it also gained degree-granting status, while still remaining autonomous from any university. This study examines the community support for the school, showing that this support was strongest when the school's stated goal was to train women and men in employable art-related skills. It was this practical vocational purpose, more than isolated aesthetic concerns or artistic style development, that shaped the school's programs and its evolution. During the period under discussion, most people in Halifax's art community were connected to the Art School1 as teachers, administrators, directors, fund raisers, volunteers, students, or community program coordinators. The school was also connected to most of Halifax's visual arts activities, including exhibitions, art training, art societies, public school programs, after school art programs, and community art lectures. This study of the Art School therefore tells us a lot about Halifax's art circles, and about the role of art in the city's community at large. 1 Newspapers and other sources at the time often referred to the VSAD as the "Art School," and I will follow their practice. 2 The word "art" took on various meanings during the VSAD's first half century. In different contexts it encompassed fine art, applied art, commercial art, industrial art, craft, and design. In this study I use "art" in this encompassing meaning to refer to any or all of these art forms. I use the other, more specific art terms when referring to a particular form of art, such as "industrial drawing." Similarly, I use the term "art education" in a broad sense, as encompassing not only the different forms of art but also the various programs. As used in this study, "art education" ranges from public school art programs to professional adult art training. I use "art education" this way for consistency, even though it is not always historically precise. Although the term has been used popularly in this encompassing way since at least the 1870s, not all of the people discussed in this study used it in this manner, at least not with the frequency that we hear the term used today. The VSAD's Origins arose within a late nineteenth century trend to establish art schools in the United States, Canada, Europe, and the British colonies. The Halifax institution shared a common purpose with many of these schools: to sharpen artistic skills that could lead to employment, to provide instruction in fine and decorative arts, to train drawing teachers for the public and private schools, and to elevate the public's taste and appreciation of design. As part of this art school trend, the VSAD's development was shaped by, and had parallels in, several places outside of Nova Scotia. This study of VSAD, therefore, situates the Art School within this trend and provides a basis for further comparative research. Among all of these common purposes, the one that generated most community support for the VSAD was the potential of art training to provide workers with employable skills. This linkage of art with labor stemmed from two nineteenth 3 century philosophical roots, utilitarianism and romantic idealism. The VSAD drew heavily from British art education, which, according to Stuart Macdonald, had utilitarianism as its most pervasive underpinning for much of the nineteenth century.2 To generalize, the utilitarian view wanted art training to serve industrial needs by providing designers with standardized practical skills. A nation of such designers would outstrip international competition in the marketplace, resulting in the country achieving the greatest good for the most people. This utilitarian view fostered art programs heavily dependent on rote and incremental step-by-step exercises, from the simple to the complex. Henry Cole, who spearheaded the mid-nineteenth century British art training system and then headed Britain's network of art schools from 1852 to 1873, did so based on these utilitarian principles. Despite his many critics, among them the well-known British art theorist John Ruskin, Cole was able to infuse British art schools with his utilitarian beliefs, entrenching them so firmly that they survived for decades after his retirement. Centred at the National Art Training School in the South Kensington district of London, and often referred to as the "South Kensington System," the British art schools sent their graduates throughout the English-speaking world, including Halifax.3 The VSAD's first principal, George Harvey, and its first architectural 2 Stuart Macdonald, The History and Philosophy of Art Education, (New York: American Elsevier Press, 1970). 3 On Cole and the South Kensington schools, see: Macdonald, The History and Philosophy; Clive Ashwin, ed., Art Education Documents and Policies 1768-1975 (London: Society for Research into Higher Education, 1975); Richard Carline, Draw They Must: A History of the Teaching and Examining of Art (London: Edward Arnold, 1968); Christopher Frayling, The Roval College of Art: One Hundred & Fifty Years of Art & Design (London: Barrie & Jenkins, 1987); Gordon Sutton, Artisan or Artist: A History of Teaching of Arts and Crafts in English Schools (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1967); David Thistlewood, "Social Significance in British Art (continued...) 4 instructor, Charles H. Hopson, were both South Kensington graduates.4 Another graduate of the South Kensington system was Walter Smith, who in 1871 moved to Massachusetts and designed an industrial drawing program that was used throughout North America.3 Developed and promoted on utilitarian principles, Smith's program was adapted into Nova Scotian art education during the last quarter of the nineteenth century.6 The second philosophical underpinning of art education at this time was romantic idealism, which, according to Mary Ann Stankiewicz, "emphasized the value of art for the education of morals; close ties between art, nature, and spiritual experience; the importance of art as a cultural study; and the role of the imagination and genius in art."7 The best known nineteenth century spokesperson for romantic idealism in the arts was John Ruskin. In his five volume work, Modern Painters. 3(... continued) Education 1850-1950," Journal of Aesthetic Education 20, no. 1 (1986): 71-83. Macdonald's book is the most comprehensive treatment of the South Kensington system and schools, and from my research at the Archives of Art and Design at the National Art Library, Victoria and Albert Museum (November 1988), it appears that Macdonald has successfully synthesized most of the relevant material there on this topic. 4 Victoria School of Art and Design, Minutes Book. Mav 5. 1887 to Mav 6. 1894. MG 17 vol. 44 no. 1. (Halifax: Public Archives of Nova Scotia), 25 August 1887; "Victoria School of Art and Design," advertisement, Morning Chronicle. 17 September 1887, 2. 5 Isaac Edwards Clarke, Drawing in Public Schools, 46th Cong., 2nd sess., Art and Industry, vol. 1 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1885). 6 The Act Relating to Public Instruction. Together with the Comments and Regulations of the Council of Public Instruction, chapter 29, revised statutes, 5th series (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1884), xxii; "Regulations of the Council of Public Instruction, Relating to County Academies and Graded Schools," in Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education on the Common. Academic. Normal and Model Schools of Nova Scotia, for the Year Ending 31st October, 1885, David Allison (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1886), xxv-xxix; Manual of the Educational Statutes and Regulations of Nova Scotia (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1888), 91. 7 Mary Ann Stankiewicz, "The Eye is a Nobler Organ': Ruskin and American Art Education," Journal of Aesthetic Education 18, no. 2 (Summer 1984): 51. 5 published between 1843 and 1860, and even more so in his 1853 essay "the Nature of Gothic," Ruskin outlined links between art, morality, society, and labor.8 With his stress on art and work being so well known, it is easy to assume that any nineteenth century notions of art's links to labor somehow stem from Ruskin, but such is not the case. It was in very particular ways that Ruskin made that link, and there were also particular ways that he opposed it. Specifically, Ruskin believed that the utilitarian-based South Kensington system for training artist-workers was wrong-headed. Whereas the South Kensington system was extremely rule-bound, Ruskin contended that, "The only rule which I have, as yet, found to be without exception respecting art, is that all great art is delicate."9 South Kensington students did tedious copying of artworks and painstaking drawing of casts, but Ruskin believed they should instead turn to nature. In fact, a belief in nature as the embodiment of God's perfection, and therefore the essential stimulus for art, was at the heart of romanticism, with Ruskin admitting that "I would rather teach drawing that my pupils may learn to love Nature, than teach the looking at Nature that they may learn to draw."10 In linking nature to art and art to work, it was the raising of the workers' sensibilities to a loftier source above the mere corporeal, rather than the mere hand-eye coordination of the utilitarians' programs, that underscored Ruskin's thinking. 8 John Ruskin, Modern Painters. 5 vols., in The Works of John Ruskin, eds. E.T. Cook, and A. Wedderburn, 1843-1860 (Reprint) (London: George Allen, 1903); idem. "The Nature of Gothic," chap. 6 in The Stones of Venice, vol. 2, 1853 (Reprint) in Cook and Wedderburn, eds., The Works of John Ruskin. vol. 10, 1-457. 9 John Ruskin, The Elements of Drawing, 1857 (Reprint) (New York: Dover, 1971), 12. 1 0 Ruskin, The Elements of Drawing, 13. 6 Although popular among the reading public, Ruskin's ideas had little impact on the British art school system before the turn-of-the century, and even then they did not fully take hold. Also by then, these ideas had been transformed by Ruskin's disciples, such as William Morris, the leader of the arts and crafts movement. Thus, in Nova Scotia, the heavy British influence on the VSAD at first leaned more toward the utilitarian programs. It was only around World War One that Ruskinian notions of art and labor, as adapted by the arts and crafts movement, began to dominate the VSAD. Earlier, women supporters of the VSAD did put forth romantic-based rationales for the school, but at the time these rationales had only a limited effect on the VSAD's programs. It is no surprise that in late nineteenth century Nova Scotia, women, more so than men, were prone to support the romantic in addition to the utilitarian aspects of art education. Art as an aesthetic, refined, cultural pursuit had a much stronger tradition in girls' education than it did in boys'. Crafts and fine art were an important part of the nineteenth century "accomplishments curriculum" for females, or at least for the more wealthy among them. However, fine art had a minor role in both the classical and English curricula in Nova Scotia.11 The province's 1 1 Examples of the accomplishments curriculum are found in nineteenth century books such as The Young Lady's Book: A Manual of Elegant Recreations. Exercises, and Pursuits (London: Vizetelly, Branston, and Co., 1829). Some of the more important work on ladies schools and this curriculum has been done in Australia by Marjorie Theobald, e.g.: "'Mere accomplishments'? Melbourne's Early Ladies' Schools Reconsidered," History of Education Review. 13, no. 2 (1984): 15-27; "Scottish Schoolmistresses in Colonial Australia," Canadian History of Education Association Bulletin 5, no. 3 (October 1988): 1-17; "The Accomplished Woman and the Propriety of the Intellect: A New Look at Women's Education in Britain and Australia, 1800-1850," History of Education 17, no. 1 (1988): 21-35; "The PLC Mystique: Reflections on the Reform of Female Education in Nineteenth Century Australia," Australian Historical Studies 23, no. 92 (April 1989): 241-59. For a good synopsis and comparison of the accomplishments, classical, and English curricula, see R.D. Gidney and W.P.J. Millar, Inventing Secondary (continued...) 7 Superintendent of Education, Alexander Forrester, noted in 1867 that fine art had "been taught for years as one of the accomplishments of a finished education." In contrast, he said, it was "a comparatively new branch of education in our common schools," and one that had yet to make any headway.12 Very much a romantic idealist in his writing, Forrester strongly promoted art and aesthetic education in the common schools, linking it to moral growth and the all important development of the imagination.13 Despite his best efforts, however, fine arts in Nova Scotian schools was still limited to drawing by the end of the century.14 Nevertheless, the accomplishments curriculum could still be found in the private venture ladies schools and academies. n ( -continued) Education: The Rise of the High School in Nineteenth Century Ontario (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1990), 15-19, 245-51. For more on art and female education in nineteenth century Nova Scotia, see Donald Soucy, "A History of Art Education in Nova Scotia Prior to 1867," M.A. thesis, Nova Scotia College of Art and Design, 1985; idem. "Social Factors in Nineteenth Century Art Education: A Comparison Between Nova Scotia's Public and Private Schools," The Bulletin of the Caucus on Social Theory and Art Education 7 (1987): 49-54. For the United States see Mary Ann Stankiewicz, "'The Creative Sister': An Historical Look At Women, the Arts, and Higher Education," Studies in Art Education 24, no. 1 (1982): 48-56; Arthur Efland, "Art and Education for Women in Nineteenth Century Boston," Studies in Art Education 26, no. 3 (1985): 133-40. 1 2 Alexander Forrester, The Teacher's Text Book (Halifax: A. & W. MacKinlay, 1867), 423-24. 1 3 Forrester, The Teacher's Text Book, e.g., 4, 26, 123-26, 167-74, 226, 263. For other examples of Nova Scotian educators who linked art education to moral growth, see: "An Address Delivered at the Opening of the Cumberland County Academy, Amherst, N. S. November 29th, 1866," Journal of Education [Nova Scotia] (1867): 26; John W. Dawson, "Practical Lessons on Schools from Boston," Journal of Education [Nova Scotia] 2, no. 3 (1852): 48. 1 4 B. Anne Wood and Donald Soucy, "From Old to New Scotland: Nineteenth Century Links Between Morality and Art Education," chap. 3 in Framing the Past: Essays on Art Education, eds. Donald Soucy and Mary Ann Stankiewicz (Reston, Va.: National Art Education Association, 1990), 47-56. 8 The romanticist's link of art to morality fit well within women's other organizational activities within the community. By the end of the century, Halifax women were using the language of maternal and liberal feminism to describe their goals and link their concerns.15 They also, at times, described the Art School's potential through this language, proclaiming art's ability to refine morals, elevate tastes, and mould a proper cultural life for their city. All of these goals echoed those that romanticists had set for art and art education. This is not to say that the women VSAD promoters eschewed a more utilitarian purpose for the Art School. On the contrary, they were some of the most dependable proponents of it within the Halifax community. In fact, whether for utilitarian or romantic reasons, women and their organizations were overall the leading force in Halifax's art scene and art education. Partly because their career options were more limited, Halifax women connected art school training with employment long after many men had stopped doing so. Throughout the nineteenth century, art training was linked to mechanical and industrial careers for men. This linkage increased 1 5 Lee Stewart defines maternal feminists as those "who justified women's interest in social and civic reform as an extension of the traditional views of female moral superiority and maternal responsibility": 'It's Up to You': Women At UBC in the Early Years (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1990), 47. See also Carl Berger's definition in The Writing; of Canadian History: Aspects of English-Canadian Historical Writing Since 1900. 2nd ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986), 213. For a survey of literature on the maternal and social feminist movement, see Margaret Conrad, "The Re-birth of Canada's Past: A Decade of Women's History," Acadiensis 12, no. 2 (Spring 1983): 141-62. On maternal feminism within Vancouver's Local Council of Women, see Gillian Weiss, "'As Women and as Citizens': Clubwomen in Vancouver 1910-1928," Ph.D. diss., University of British Columbia, 1983. On maternal feminism in Canada, see: Alison Prentice, Paula Bourne, Gail Cuthbert Brandt, Beth Light, Wendy Mitchinson, Naomi Black, Canadian Women: A History (Toronto: Harcourt Brace Javanovich, 1988), chaps. 7 and 8; Veronica Strong-Boag, "Introduction," in Times Like These, ed. Nellie L. McClung, 1915 (Reprint) (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1972); idem, "'Ever a Crusader': Nellie McClung, First-wave Feminist," in Rethinking Canada: The Promise of Women's History (Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman: 1986), 178-90. 9 until the last third of the century, when art's vocational potential for both men and women reached a peak in North America.1 6 Walter Smith, the continent's best known promoter of this potential, summed it up: by training both men and women in the arts, "we shall double both the agency and area of art culture, and provide employment for a large number of ejxcellent persons who suffer from the lack of it now."17 Despite Smith's claims, the usefulness of art school training for the male worker was being decreasingly touted by the end of the 1800s. In Nova Scotia this was symbolized by the opening of the Nova Scotia Technical College (NSTC) in 1909, which had the effect of stripping the city's twenty year old Art School of its role in training male artisans. Halifax women, however, with no access to the NSTC's or other vocational programs, continued to advocate art school training for careers in craft, design, and fine and applied art. Furthermore, female employment, be it domestic, industrial, craft, or service, generally echoed women's roles in the home: cleaning, clothes-making, childcare, tending the sick, and, in middle and upperclass 1 6 See, for example, John Imison, The School of Arts: Or. an Introduction to Useful Knowledge. 4th ed. (London: J. Murray and S. Highley, 1796); The Art Movement in America: Reprinted from the Century Magazine for the Victoria School of Art and Design of Halifax. N.S., 1886 (Reprint) (n.p.: The Century Co., 1887); Walter Smith, Art Education Scholastic and Industrial (Boston: James Osgood, 1872), especially Smith's discussion on art education and employment for women, 28-29, 161-72. 1 7 Smith, Art Education Scholastic and Industrial. 29. 10 homes, artistic pursuits.18 Art and craft thus fit well into the women's campaigns for female economic advancement and movement into the public sphere. For Halifax women, this entry into the public sphere was more than a fight for the vote. Women's organizations there gave as much priority to art training as they did to electoral politics. While neither issue was the essence of their activity, both were consistent themes. Of the two, art remained on the women's agenda longer into this century, and well after many of their other projects were either resolved or abandoned. Thus art and art education can be particularly revealing subjects for exploring the women's movement during the last decades of the nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth. As the umbrella organization for Halifax's women's clubs, the Local Council of Women (LCW) provides a useful vantage point for observing women's role at the Art School. At one time or another, most Halifax women active in the community during this period worked within the LCW. As such, its members had a prominent role in all major campaigns waged by the city's women. Halifax's chapter of the Local Council of Women was the largest in the province. Halifax was the province's capital and, by the twentieth century, its major port. It was a city small enough for clubwomen to know each other, yet large enough to provide them with typical urban problems and possibilities. Halifax was cosmopolitan enough to stimulate the clubwomen's cultural 1 8 On arts, design, and crafts as women's work in the nineteenth century see: Isabelle Anscombe, A Woman's Touch: Women in Design from 1860 to the Present Day (New York: Viking, 1984); Eileen Boris, Art and Labor: Ruskin. Morris, and the Craftsman Ideal in America.(Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986); Anthea Callen, Women in the Arts and Crafts Movement 1870-1914 (London: Astragal Books, 1979); Isaac Edwards Clarke, "Papers Relating to the Industrial Training of Girls and Women in Some European Countries and to Manual Training in France," app. O in Industrial and Manual Training in the Public Schools, vol. 2 of Art and Industry. 46th Cong., 2nd sess. (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1892). 11 ambitions, but economically advanced enough to sustain such ambitions only through their voluntarism. In short, Halifax is particularly conducive to studying clubwomen's activities. In addition to women supporters of the Art School, Halifax was able to sustain a group of professional women artists who, although few in number, were dedicated to their art and very public in their dedication. Usually supporting themselves through teaching, they formed art societies, organized exhibitions, designed theatre sets and posters, immersed themselves in the community, and actively encouraged both women and men to take up art. By the 1920s some of the most prominent artists in the city were women, and, in the eyes of some younger Halifax females, they would have been among the more visible women in the community. These artists, nearly all of whom had attended the VSAD, in turn served as role models for other females with artistic interests, thereby both demonstrating and fostering the viability of art school education. Although this study looks at some of these Halifax artists, both men and women, it emphasises those who supplied the VSAD's program more than the artists who took it. In addition to the VSAD's promoters, the study looks at its administrators and teachers. Many of the teachers were also artists, so to this degree artists are discussed. However, the study does not attempt a comprehensive discussion of Halifax artists who had careers independent of teaching.19 Neither is 1 9 Some information on these other artists can be found in Mary W. Hashey, Maritime Artists (Fredericton: The Maritime Arts Association, 1967); Gemey Kelly, Backgrounds: Ten Nova Scotian Women Artists, exhibition catalogue (Halifax: Dalhousie Art Gallery, 1984); Maria Tippett, By a Ladv: Celebrating Three Centuries of Art by Canadian Women (Toronto: Viking, 1992). 12 this intended to be a comprehensive study of art students. They are discussed primarily in terms of their diploma programs and employment opportunities, with a look at selected individual students who graduated from the VSAD and went on to have successful art-related careers. It is through this biographical focus that the institutional history of the VSAD will be viewed, with the individuals involved situated within the historical context in which they acted. Although parts of the study raise issues related to gender and class, a theoretical analysis of either of these is beyond the study's scope. The study does, however, provide groundwork for further research to examine students' gender and social class background, and how these related to the type of art they produced, and the extent of their involvement with art following their studies.20 Biographical study, including an institutional biography of the Victoria School of Art and Design, helps us to locate the historical positions of the Art School and its promoters and teachers. For example, even without resorting to strict criteria for categorizing social class, biographical evidence allows us to conclude that most of 2 0 On the category of "women" in history, see Denise Riley, "Am I That Name?" Feminism and the Category of "Women" in History (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 1988). For provocative inquiries into gender and women's history, see: Ruby Heap and Alison Prentice, eds., Gender and Education in Ontario: An Historical Reader (Toronto: Canadian Scholars' Press, 1991); Linda K. Kerber, Alice Kessler-Harris, and Kathryn Kish Sklar, eds., U.S. History as Women's History: New Feminist Essays (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995); Marjorie Theobald and RJ.W. Selleck, eds., Family. School. & State in Australian History (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1990). Some of these works examine gender and state formation; for an overview of state formation theory in educational history, see Andy Green, "Education and State Formation Revisited," Historical Studies in Education 6, no. 3 (1994): 1-17. On the uses of gender in history, see loan Scott, "Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis," chap. 2 in Gender and the Politics of History (New York: Columbia, 1988). On distinctions between gender history and women's history, see Karen Dubinsky, Ruth Frager, Franca Iacovetta, Lynn Marks, Janice Newton, Carolyn Strange, Mariana Valverde, and Cynthia Wright, "Introduction" in Gender Conflicts: New Essays in Women's History, eds. Franca Iacovetta and Mariana Valverde (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992), xi-xxvii. 13 the VSAD promoters who were not themselves artists were primarily from the middle-and upper-classes. Many of them, in fact, came from Nova Scotia's most prominent, well-to-do families. These biographies also show how individuals and groups were agents of change. We need not claim that any such change began as fully formed intentions of these agents. Rather, the biographies reveal human agency being shaped by historical location and a network of social interaction within the community. Thus, the biographies facilitate certain types of understanding. First, by looking at the different individuals and groups behind the school we gain varying perspectives of the same event. Second, by describing community efforts in terms of individuals who participated in the events, we get a bottom-up approach that personalizes the wider contexts. Third, art making, curriculum development, and art promotion all derive from lived experiences, each with their similarities and differences. Studying individuals or small groups gives insights into these experiences. Fourth, these lived experiences developed within the context of an institution, and institutional biography helps us understand that context and those experiences. 2 1 On the advantages of biography in art education historical research, see Mary Ann Stankiewicz, "A Generation of Art Educators," in The History of Art Education: Proceedings from the Penn State Conference, eds. Brent Wilson and Harlan Hoffa, (Reston, Va.: National Art Education Association, 1985), 205-12. On biography and educational history, see Geraldine Joncich Clifford, "The Life Story: Biographic Study," in Historical Inguiry in Education: A Research Agenda, ed. John Hardin Best (Washington: American Educational Research Association, 1983). On the advantages of looking at small units of analysis, see J. Donald Wilson's discussion of family strategies: "Some Observations on Recent Trends in Canadian Educational History," in An Imperfect Past: Education and Society in Canadian History, ed. J.D. Wilson (Vancouver: CSCI University of British Columbia, 1984), 7-29. On arguments for the use of life history in curriculum history, see Ivor F. Goodson, The Making of the Curriculum: Collected Essays (London: The Falmer Press, 1988); Stephen J. Ball and Goodson, "Understanding Teachers: Concepts and Contexts," in Teachers' Lives and Careers, eds. Ball and Goodson (London: The Falmer Press, 1985), 1-26. See also Geoffrey Milburn's critique of S.J. (continued...) 14 The biographical data allows for these insights without claiming to capture fixed individuals with fully coherent identities. Postmodern theorists challenge any such notion of a unified self.22 However, as Susan Bordo argues, even if people are not fixed identities, that does not mean that they are shapeless, that they are always in the process of "becoming." Only in pure theory are people limitless multiplicities. In research, Bordo reminds us, we need to be pragmatic. Such pragmatism can be found by situating people, either individually or as part of groups and communities, within specific historical contexts.23 Thus, although these biographies do not render definitive portraits of the individuals involved with the Art School, they do weave a revealing pattern from selected aspects of these individuals' lives. The starting point for this study is 1887, the founding year of the Victoria School of Art and Design. The study ends in 1943, the year that Elizabeth Styring Nutt retired from her quarter-century principalship of the Art School. The final 21(. ..continued) Ball and I.F. Godson: "How Much Life Is There in Life History," in Re-interpreting Curriculum Research: Images and Arguments, eds. G. Milburn, I.F. Goodson, and Robert J. Clark (London, Ont.: The Althouse Press, 1989), 160-80. 2 2 For example, see Whitney Chadwick, Women. Art, and Society. (London: Thames and Hudson, 1990), 10-11; Irene Diamond and Lee Quinby, "Introduction," in Feminism and Foucault, eds. Diamond and Quinby, (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1988), xi-xv; Jane Flax, "Postmodernism and Gender Relations in Feminist Theory," Signs: Journal of Women and Culture in Society 12, no. 4 (1987): 621-43; see same title in Feminism / Postmodernism, ed. Linda J. Nicholson (New York: Routledge, 1990), 39-62; Elizabeth Garber, "Implications of Feminist Art Criticism for Art Education," Studies in Art Education 32, no. 1 (Fall 1990): 17-26; Mary E. Hawkesworth, "Knowers, Knowing, Known: Feminist Theory and Claims of Truth," Signs Journal of Women and Culture in Society 14, no. 31 (1989): 544-46; Griselda Pollock, Vision and Difference: Femininity. Feminism and the Histories of Art (London: Routledge, 1988); Cheryl Walker, "Feminist Literary Criticism and the Author," Critical Inguiry 16, no. 3 (Spring 1990): 552-71. 2 3 Bordo, "Feminism, Postmodernism, and Gender-Scepticism," in Nicholson, Feminism / Postmodernism. 145, 153. See also chapters in Nicholson by Christine Di Stefano (63-82), Sandra Harding (83-106), and Nancy Hartsock (157-75), along with Nicholson's "Introduction," (1-16). 15 decade of this period, however, is dealt with only briefly, as the mid 1930s was in many ways the end of an era for the school. By this time, most of the early promoters of the Art School had either retired or died. Ella Ritchie, the longest serving member of the original founding VSAD Board of Directors, died in 1928.24 Her sister, Eliza Ritchie, one of the last surviving women who had been active in the early years, died in April 1933, and she was just one of four long-standing supporters of the school whose deaths were reported in the VSAD's annual report that year.25 Also in 1933, a serious split occurred in Halifax's art community that changed its character, leaving the Art School unable to solely dominate the community as it had in the past. A year earlier in 1932, a decade-long campaign by Nova Scotia women for a new art school building concluded, ending four decades of leadership by the Halifax Local Council of Women for community support of the Art School. That same year, Isabel Brodie, an Art School graduate who had headed the Art Department for Halifax public schools since 1905, retired.26 By 1935 Nova Scotia had a new official art program in its schools, more progressive than what Brodie had been used to.2 7 For these reasons, the mid-1930s provides a convenient point for concluding discussion 2 4 "Obituary" [Ella Ritchie], Halifax Mail. 25 April 1928; "Will of Late Miss Ella Ritchie," Halifax Chronicle. 23 May 1928. 2 5 "Dr. E. Ritchie Passes: Real Lost to City," Halifax Mail. 5 September 1933; "Impressive Tribute is Paid Today," Halifax Mail. 6 September 1933; "Nova Scotia College of Art," in Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education for Nova Scotia for the Year Ended July 31st, 1934. H.F. Munro (Halifax: King's Printer, 1935), 157-58. 2 6 Lila Publicover, "Report-Director of Drawing," Appendix 2, in Report of Board of School of School Commissioners for the City of Halifax for the Year Ending 31st, October, 1934 (Halifax, 1934), 34-35. 2 7 "Art and Handwork," in Handbook to the Course of Study, Henry F. Munro (Truro: News Publishing, 1935), 427-525. 16 on many issues raised in the study, leaving the next decade to be treated only to the extent of bringing Nutt's principalship to closure. Similarly, while the final chapter overviews the College's history from Nutt's time up until 1990, it does so only with enough detail to allow events from the school's second half century to inform issues arising from its first. This study of one school gives us insights into the role a community plays in fostering art institutions. It also reveals much about art's perceived links to employable skills during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. An art historian looking at this period, in contrast to an educational historian, might see these two themes of community and employable skills as secondary. Instead, art history would look more at the art itself and less at the curriculum, more at stylistic developments and less at social. In doing so it would, for example, gauge the extent to which the era's modernist art style, with its increasing popularity of art for art's sake, affected the fine art produced at the school. Yet, as much as, or more than, these stylistic developments, what shaped the Art School in Halifax, its programs and its artists, were the social considerations of community goals and economic hopes. It will be these considerations that provide this study its focus. CHAPTER TWO 17 The Art School Promoters: The Founding of the Victoria School of Art and Design, 1887 On Monday October 28, 1887, the Victoria School of Art and Design (VSAD) opened its doors to the public for the first time.1 Located in Nova Scotia's capital city, Halifax, the school was housed in rented rooms at the Union Bank Building, downtown on the corner of Hollis and Prince Streets. For headmaster, the Art School directors had hired George Harvey, a painter who had graduated from the highly regarded National Art Training School at South Kensington, in London, England.2 It is no surprise that an Englishman was chosen to head the school. A city of forty thousand people in the late 1880s, seventy-five thousand if you included the county, Halifax was overwhelmingly British. Almost eighty percent of the city and county population were either English (32,092), Irish (15,603), or Scotch (11,429), with fewer than six percent being French (4,229). In fact, French were outnumbered by Germans (7,402), who had begun settling Halifax soon after its founding by Colonel 1 See copies of "Acts and Amendments to Incorporate the Victoria School of Art and Design," MG 17 vol. 43 no. 20, (Halifax: Public Archives of Nova Scotia). (Public Archives of N.S. hereinafter referred to as P.A.N.S.). 2 On the opening of the school see: "Victoria School of Art and Design," advertisement, Halifax Morning Chronicle. 17 September 1887, 2; "Victoria School of Art and Design," advertisement, Halifax Morning Chronicle. 13 October 1887, 2; "The Art School," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 18 October 1887, 4; "Victoria School of Art and Design," advertisement, Halifax Morning Chronicle. 25 October 1887, 2; "A New Institution," Halifax Morning Chronicle, 29 October 1887, 3; "The School of Art and Design. Opportunity for Mechanics to Study Free of All Expenses," Halifax Morning Herald, 29 October 1887, 3; "Auspicious Opening of the Art School," Halifax Morning Chronicle, 1 November 1887, 3. 18 Edward Cornwallis in 1749, and who now formed ten percent of the population, occupying much of the eastern part of the county and Lunenburg.3 Given Halifax's strong British ancestry, Queen Victoria's Golden Jubilee in 1887 was naturally an occasion for serious celebration in the city. Histories traditionally cite that celebration as the main reason for the VSAD's creation, their interpretation being that Halifax citizens, wanting a fitting Jubilee memorial, founded the Art School.4 However, closer investigation suggests that the Jubilee was an immediate but secondary cause. More important, the Art School came about because Halifax had two essential ingredients for creating it: resolute agents of change and favourable historical conditions. This chapter looks at the change agents, while the next chapter will look more closely at the historical conditions. The principal change agents were a group of community-spirited Halifax citizens. Led by Anna Leonowens, who had come up with the idea for the school, these citizens were the leading force in getting the Art School established.5 3 Census of Canada 1890-91 (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1893). 4 For example, see: Phyllis Blakeley, "Key Roles Played by the Nova Scotia College of Art," Atlantic Advocate (May 1967): 33-38; Alexander McKay, "Historical Sketch of the Victoria School of Art and Design, Halifax," in Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education of the Public Schools of Nova Scotia, for the Year Ended 31st July, 1905. A. H. MacKay (Halifax: King's Printer, 1906), 167-70; "History of the College," Nova Scotia College of Art and Design Calendar 1971-72 (Halifax), 84; Nova Scotia College of Art and Design, "History of the College," in Calendar 1975-76 (Halifax), 46; Ron Shuebrook, "Principals and a President: NSCAD - 1887-1977," Arts Atlantic (Summer/Fall 1978): 27-31. 5 On the VSAD being Leonowens's idea, see Victoria School of Art and Design, Minutes Book. Mav 5. 1887 to Mav 6. 1894. MG 17 vol. 44 no. 2, (P.A.N.S.),29 March 1888 (Minutes book hereinafter referred to as VSAD Minutes). Archibald MacMechan, an English professor at Dalhousie University who occasionally lectured at the VSAD, later claimed that J. Gordon MacGregor had first suggested the Art School, but there is no evidence to support this claim. MacGregor was Dean of Science at Dalhousie University, and he served as VSAD Director from 1888 until he accepted a Chair of Natural Science at Edinburgh University in 1901. (continued...) 19 Biographical data reveals both similarities and diversities in the backgrounds of the Art School's promoters. They shared middle or upper class status, but they differed in their religious denominations. They all had a common interest in art and education, but they differed in how they pursued their own art and education. Some were leaders in social entertainment, others in social betterment, and others in business. They were able to combine these similarities and diversities, effectively complementing one another to get the job done. We will look first at the VSAD promoters as individuals, and then at their collective work which led to the founding of the Victoria School of Art and Design. Seven of the Art School's first thirteen directors were women, some of whom were primarily responsible for the VSAD's founding. All of these women had family names of political, economic, and social import in the province. Lawyers, judges, bankers, merchants, Senators, and Members of the Legislative Assembly were their kin. Except Anna Leonowens, who had lived in Britain, India, Siam, and New York before moving to Halifax, the women had family roots securely grounded in the Atlantic provinces' soil. While Leonowens could play the role of the worldly-wise authority, the other women could use their family networks to steer their project through the mazes of political power. These other women who joined Leonowens on 5(... continued) MacMechan may have been referring to general ideas in MacGregor's 1882 book Technical Education Abroad and at Home. See: MacMechan, "New Art School Needed," Halifax Mail. 25 March 1929; Archibald MacMechan, "When Art Flourished," in exhibition catalogue Fine Arts Week. Music Poetry Painting. 2-8 February 1922, Halifax, Victoria School of Art and Design. 20 the VSAD Board in its first years were Helen Kenny, Ellen Almon Ritchie, Mrs. John S. MacLean, a Mrs. Worrall, Mrs. William Lawson, and Mrs H.H. Fuller.6 The assumed tasks of the "lady directors," as they were usually referred to, often differed from those of their male colleagues on the VSAD Board. To some degree, the lady directors were expected to organize community events to raise money; the men sat on the finance committee to determine how that money would be spent. The ladies were in charge of social affairs, the men political and business. The men considered mechanical drawing and the architectural program to be their responsibility; the ladies were sent to find an instructor in fancy needlework. Although these gendered expectations existed on the Board, the division was not really clear cut, with many of the women taking positions and doing tasks that differed from those stereotypically assigned to their gender. It was a woman Board member, Helen Kenny, for example, who insisted that the Art School's curriculum must include industrial drawing.7 As for Leonowens, she was more prone to stress the VSAD's industrial program than she was its fine arts offerings.8 She also took second place to no one when it came to deciding how to spend the collected funds. She knew that the VSAD's vocational emphasis would sell the school to the Halifax public, having no illusions that the city or province would provide public money for a 6 At this time in Nova Scotia, official or published documents rarely gave the first names of women, referring to them either as "Miss" with their last name only, or "Mrs." with their last name or name of their husband. First names of most women in this study have been determined by archival documents such as letters, scrapbooks, and diaries. All of the original women VSAD directors were married, except Ella Ritchie, who, along with her sister Dr. Eliza Ritchie, another prominent VSAD supporter, never married. 7 VSAD Minutes. 3 June 1887. 8 McKay, "Historical Sketch." 21 school that offered the arts solely as polite pursuits. And she was right. After the school's first year, Halifax's mayor John C. O'Mullen still felt compelled to defend the VSAD against those of the opinion "that the school is only intended to make artists of the young ladies."9 Practical political considerations was only one of the reasons Leonowens advocated an industrial focus for the Art School. More important were her beliefs that training in the arts was good for the economy and society, which she promoted by reprinting a pamphlet called "Art Movement in America." Distributed throughout Halifax, the pamphlet described how contemporary art schools were linked to industrial advancement. In a preface she wrote for the pamphlet, Leonowens explained the schools' aims. An art school, she said, would aid "not only in encouraging the Fine Arts, such as painting, sculpture, architecture, but in giving a remarkable impetus and a higher artistic value to all the various branches of the mechanical and industrial arts."10 With a need for some form of industrial stimulation, Halifax was ready to hear Leonowens's argument. Primarily a port town, Halifax had enjoyed an economic boom during the golden age of sail earlier in the century. By 1887, however, the city's merchants were falling behind in the transition to steamships, railroads, industrialization, and increased central Canadian competition. As the port's 9 O'Mullen's quote is in "Ye World's fayre," Halifax Morning Chronicle, 21 August 1888. 1 0 Anna Leonowens, "Preface," in The Art Movement in America: Reprinted from the Century Magazine for the Victoria School of Art and Design of Halifax, N.S. (New York: The Century Co., 1877). See also letter to VSAD from E.D.W. Gilman, president of John Hopkins University, who asks to purchase 20 to 50 copies of this pamphlet, letter rpt. in "The Art Movement in America," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 9 June 1887, 1. 22 commercial traffic declined, its military presence increased, a result of Britain's uneasiness with Bismarck's Germany. Military construction took place in Halifax throughout the 1880s, but manufacturing ventures were beginning to struggle. There was still promise, though. Halifax, and its cross-harbor companion community Dartmouth, could boast of the Starr Company's iron and steel works, Moir's bakery, confectionary, and flour mill, two thriving shoe factories, two tobacco factories, carriage factories, piano manufacturers, a brush factory, foundries, and ropeworks. Yet there were also increased bankruptcies and closures.11 To regain the city's competitive edge, argued Leonowens and other art school promoters, it should draw from the lessons of the art school movement elsewhere in the continent. Local industries needed the skills of competently trained industrial designers, and so they needed the Victoria School of Art and Design. Leonowens was fifty-six years old when the Art School opened, and the VSAD was not by any means her first notable achievement. She had moved to Nova Scotia nine years earlier, in 1878, to live with her newly-married daughter Avis and Avis's husband, Thomas Fyshe, a banker who had been transferred to Halifax. By then she was already an established author, lecturer, and educator. Her best known exploit was as governess and tutor for the many children of the King of Siam. Popularized by books and articles she had written about her Siam experience, the story would later become the subject of Margaret Landon's book Anna and the King of Siam. Landon's book in turn spawned more fictionalized portrayals in plays and films. In 1 1 Thomas H. Raddall, Halifax Warden of the North (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday & Company, 1965), 215-16, 218-20. For an argument that Nova Scotia's industry expanded in many sectors during this period, see K. Inwood and J. Chamard, "Regional Industrial Growth During the 1890s: The Case of the Missing Artisans," Acadiensis 16, no. 1 (1986): 112-25. 23 1946 the first film version of Landon's book won two academy awards. By 1951, Rogers and Hammerstein had turned the story into the well known musical play, "The King and I," which Twentieth Century Fox made into another movie in 1956.12 Despite Leonowens's fame, many details of her life are still not clear. In addition to Landon, we can trace accounts of Leonowens's life back to a newspaper article published when she left Halifax for good in 1897. The article has no byline and its facts credit no sources, but we can assume that Leonowens herself provided much of the story.13 That leads to a problem. According to Leonowens's more recent biographer, Leslie Smith Dow, Leonowens had a penchant for fabricating her past. Subsequent writers simply repeated her stories.14 Still, we know enough about Leonowens to piece together a portrait of a confident, adventurous woman, one for whom spearheading the VSAD in the late 1880s fits well within the context of her life history. Her biography reveals a person increasingly adept in matters of culture, education, and community organization. Such matters were at the heart of Halifax's Art School. Although she claims to have been born in Carnarvon, Wales, Leonowens was actually born in India on November 6, 1831, the second daughter of Mary Ann Edwards. Leonowens also claimed she was the daughter of a British army captain 1 2 Anna Harriet Leonowens, The English Governess at the Siamese Court (Boston: Fields, Osgood and Company, 1870); idem. The Romance of the Harem (Boston: J.R. Osgood and Company, 1872); Margaret Landon, Anna and the King of Siam (New York: The John Day Company, 1944); Anna and the King of Siam. film, 129 minutes, with Irene Dunne playing Leonowens, (Hollywood: Twentieth Century Fox, 1946); The King and I. film, 133 minutes, with Deborah Kerr as Leonowens, (Hollywood: Twentieth Century Fox, 1956). 1 3 "Her Farewell to Halifax," Halifax Herald. 14 June 1897, 6. 1 4 Leslie Smith Dow, Anna Leonowens: A Life Beyond the King and I (Lawrencetown Beach, N.S.: Pottersfield Press, 1991), xii-xiii, 1-2. 24 named Thomas M. Crawford. However her real father, Thomas Edwards, was of much lower military rank and had died three months before Anna's birth. Although her mother had named her Ann Harriet Emma Edwards, Leonowens gave her maiden name as Anna Harriet Crawford.15 Siam was not Leonowens's first major journey, she having already travelled to Egypt and the Middle East in 1849. Upon her return to India at the end of that year, she married Thomas S. Leon Owens. Although their first two children had died very young, their next two survived into adulthood. Avis Annie Connybeare, whom Leonowens would follow to Halifax, was born in London on October 25, 1854. Exactly one year later, again in London, the Leonowens's son, Louis Thomas Gunnis, was born. 1 6 Anna Leonowens's involvement in education began around 1859, shortly after her husband had died of sunstroke following a tiger hunt in Singapore. Left with a son and daughter to support, she began a school in Singapore. Although the school was a financial failure, it did attract the attention of the Siamese Consul in Singapore. In 1862, Leonowens was recruited to work for the Siamese King. After sending Avis back to England, Leonowens headed to Siam with Louis Thomas, arriving there in March. Leonowens kept the Siam position for five years. Although her main task was to teach English to the princes and princesses, she also took her 1 3 "Her Farewell to Halifax"; Landon, Anna and the King of Siamf 4; Dow, Anna Leonowens. xii-xiii, 1-2. 1 6 "Her Farewell"; Landon, Anna and the King of Siam. 5, 9, 10, 15-19; Dow, Anna Leonowens. 5-6. 25 first venture into art education by teaching drawing and painting to Princess Fa-17 ymg. Leonowens and her son left Bangkok for England in the summer of 1867. In October she and Avis set out for New York, leaving her protesting son Louis Thomas behind in a boarding school. Continuing to make a living through teaching, Leonowens opened up a school on Staten Island. She also began to write about India and Siam, publishing her first article in the June 1869 issue of the Atlantic Monthly. In 1870 she sold more articles to the magazine. By the end of that year she had published her first book, The English Governess at the Siamese Court, Being Recollections of Six Years in the Royal Palace at Bangkok. In 1872 Atlantic Monthly accepted two more articles by Leonowens, "Favourite of the Harem" and "L'ore, the Slave of the Siamese Queen." Leonowens combined these articles with supplementary writings to come up with her second successful book, The Romance of the Harem.1 8 While in New York, Avis Leonowens met Thomas Fyshe, a Scot who had come to North America to seek fortune as a stockbroker. In 1875 Fyshe accepted a position as manager of the Saint John, New Brunswick branch of the Bank of Nova Scotia. Within a year the Bank promoted Fyshe to its main branch in Halifax. On June 19, 1878, Fyshe, thirty-three, and Avis, twenty-four, married in New York. 1 7 "Her Farewell"; Landon, Anna and the King of Siam. 19-20, 41-42; 146-48; Dow, Anna Leonowens, 5, 9, 95; Phyllis Blakeley, "Anna of Siam in Canada," Atlantic Advocate. 57, no. 5 (1967): 41-44. 1 8 "Her Farewell"; Blakeley, "Anna of Siam in Canada," 41; Dow, Anna Leonowens. 52, 57, 64, 67-68; Landon, Anna and the King of Siam. 348-51, 354, 357; Ruth Blake, "Anna of Siam Lived in Canada," The Maritime Advocate and Busy East 41 no. 6 (1951): 9; June McFeely, "Anna of Siam," The Standard, newspaper clipping in Scrapbook on Halifax and Districts. MG 9 vol. 43, (P.A.N.S.), 26. 26 Earlier that year, Fyshe had bought his first Halifax home, known as Hillside Cottage, which the newlyweds and Leonowens moved into. Soon, they again moved, this time to the corner of Inglis and South Bland Streets, an area of town becoming increasingly favoured by wealthier citizens. In 1883 the Fyshes and Leonowens moved once again to a home known as "Sunnyside," where they still lived in 1887 when Leonowens founded the Victoria School of Art and Design.19 While living in Halifax, Leonowens kept up her ties to Boston and New York, visiting there often to lecture about education and her travels. During one of her New York trips, she had a hand in founding a private school called the Berkeley School for Boys.20 In 1881 a Boston-based periodical called The Youth's Companion commissioned Leonowens to travel to Russia. Possibly the first foreign woman to travel the country alone, her task was to write a series of articles on Russia and its people. She was there a few months, going from Saint Petersburg to Moscow to the White Sea and then to Kiev. Her articles pleased the editors of The Youth's Companion enough for them to offer her a permanent job. Although attracted to Boston and nearby New York, Leonowens declined the offer, citing a desire to remain 1 9 Blake, "Anna of Siam Lived in Canada," 9-10; Blakeley, "Anna of Siam in Canada," 41-43; Dow, Anna Leonowens. 70-72, 146-47; "Her Farewell"; Landon, Anna and the King of Siam, 354; McFeely, "Anna of Siam"; see marriage announcement in Halifax's Acadian Recorder, 27 June 1878; see also Thomas Fyshe's biography card, P.A.N.S., with "Information from Mrs. Margot Dixon, Archivist of Bank of Nova Scotia at Toronto. D.C. McKay [art historian and Art School Principal] 1968," and citing History of Bank of Nova Scotia 1832-1900. (1932), 53-58. When Leonowens signed her "Preface" to "The Art Movement in America" she said she was from "Sunnyside, Halifax, 26th April, 1887." 2 0 "Her Farewell"; Blake, "Anna of Siam Lived in Canada," 11; Blakeley, "Anna of Siam in Canada," 43. 27 close to her grandchildren in Halifax.21 She continued to write, however, publishing her third book, Life and Travel in India: Being Recollections of a Journey Before the Days of Railroads, in 1884, which, unfortunately, did not sell as well as she had hoped.2 2 By 1887, therefore, Leonowens was accomplished in both education and letters, and setting up a school was not new to her. The founding of the Victoria School of Art and Design thus owes much to the life experiences Leonowens brought with her to Halifax. Furthermore, while in Halifax Leonowens was successful in galvanizing community support. Both in its origins and in its first half century, such support, or at times lack of it, was the key factor determining the rise or fall of the Art School's fortunes. Although Leonowens's religious interest leaned more toward Buddhism than Protestantism, the Fyshes and Leonowens attended Saint Matthew's Presbyterian Church. 2 3 With its strong legacy of educational leadership in Nova Scotia, the Presbyterian connection was a valuable one in Leonowens's art school campaigns. For example, early supporters of the Victoria School of Art and Design included 2 1 "Her Farewell"; Anna Harriet Leonowens, "Moscow 'The Holy'," The Critic. (June 1887); Anna Harriet Leonowens Fyshe, "Anna: from the unpublished memoirs of Anna Harriet Leonowens Fyshe," Chatelaine, (January 1962): 60-62; see also "The Art Exhibition," Morning Chronicle. 21 June 1887, 1, which describes artifacts "brought from Moscow by Mrs. Leonowens"; Blake, "Anna of Siam Lived in Canada," 10-11; Blakeley, "Anna of Siam in Canada," 43; Dow, Anna Leonowens, 76, 79, 83; Landon, Anna and the King of Siam. 355. 2 2 "Her Farewell"; Leonowens, Life and Travel in India: Being Recollections of a Journey Before the Days of Railroads. (Philadelphia: Porter & Coates, 1884); Blake, "Anna of Siam Lived in Canada," 9; Blakeley, "Anna of Siam in Canada," 43; Dow, Anna Leonowens, 84; Landon, Anna and the King of Siam, 182, 355, 371. 2 3 On her Buddhism, see Edgar Andrew Collard, "When Anna Came to Canada," Montreal Gazette. 27 January 1979. 28 prominent Presbyterians such as Halifax mayor James C. MacKintosh, Dr. James Gordon MacGregor of Dalhousie University, and Alexander McKay, Supervisor for the Board of School Commissioners for the City of Halifax. While Leonowens knew her way around Presbyterian circles, her colleague on the VSAD founding committee, Helen Kenny, was prominent in Roman Catholic society. As Halifax and the surrounding county's largest denomination, numbering almost twenty-five thousand, Catholics outnumbered Presbyterians, the third largest denomination, by more than two-to-one. Overall, though, Catholic membership was about half that of the combined Protestant population of forty-eight thousand, led by twenty-three thousand Anglicans.24 Although not always peaceful, the co-existence of Catholics and Protestants in the city was aided by well-established arrangements. Beginning in the 1860s, for example, an "unofficial policy" allowed Halifax school trustees to rent Roman Catholic schools, thereby making them officially public schools, while in fact creating a separate, or "dual," school system.25 Also in the 1860s, what for the next century would be known as a "gentleman's agreement" ensured alternating Catholic and Protestant Halifax mayors.26 In Halifax, therefore, where religion so often defined political, business, and educational domains, Leonowens and Kenny made a well matched team. 2 4 Census of Canada 1890-91. 2 5 William B. Hamilton, "Society and Schools in Nova Scotia," chap. 5 in Canadian Education: A History, eds. J. Donald Wilson, Robert M. Stamp, and Louis-Philippe Audet (1970), 104-5. 2 6 L.D. McCann, "Halifax," in 2nd ed. The Canadian Encyclopedia, vol. 2, ed. James H. Marsh (Edmonton: Hurtig Publishers, 1988), 953. 29 Except for Leonowens, Kenny was the most active and influential founding Board member of the Art School, and she and Leonowens complemented one another in many ways other than religious affiliation. Leonowens stressed industrial arts, Kenny fine arts. The local press portrayed Leonowens as reserved, well travelled, worldly-wise, and well respected for her literary accomplishments and for her eloquence. The much younger Kenny, on the other hand, was often praised in the newspapers for her notably striking appearance, and for her energetic and imaginative initiation of community social events.27 Born in Montreal, Kenny's maiden name was Helen Furniss.28 Around 1876, she married Jeremiah Francis Kenny, whose family was among the wealthiest in Halifax.29 Although Jeremiah Kenny's personal wealth was less than a third of his older brother's, M.P. Thomas E. Kenny, and only about a quarter of his father's, Sir Edward Kenny, it still amounted to a respectable sum of about one hundred thousand dollars, which would be the equivalent of about two million dollars in the 1990s.30 2 7 See: Helen Kenny, comp. ca. 1896 Mrs. Kenny's Scrapbook. MG 9 vol. 10 (P.A.N.S.); "Mrs J.F. Kenny," The Mercury. 17 October 1891; "The Friend of All. Resolutions on the Death of Mrs. Jeremiah Kenny. Her Interest in the Victoria School of Art," Halifax Daily Echo. 19 April 1897, 1; McKay, "Historical Sketch." 2 8 Her obituary gives her maiden name as Furness, "The Friend of All," 1897; however, an undated letter to her father found in her scrapbook is signed with what appears to be "Mary Helen Furniss." The 1891 article "Mrs. J.F. Kenny" also gives her maiden name as Furniss. The Public Archives of Nova Scotia has an introductory note in Kenny's scrapbook that says she was born on May 20, 1853, but the same note gives an incorrect date for Kenny's death and is therefore suspect. 2 9 The 1891 article "Mrs. J.F. Kenny" says Helen Kenny "married Mr. J.F. Kenny some fifteen years ago." 3 0 "The Almighty Dollar. Halifax Men Who Are Worth Many Thousands," The Mercury. 28 March 1891; "This List Is Larger. The Rich Men and Women of Halifax," Progress. 16 March 1895. The 1895 article claims that earlier articles overestimated wealth. However, both articles listed Jeremiah Kenny at $100,000, and they list other Kenny men as among the city's (continued...) 30 Initially using his family wealth to become a partner in the T. & E. Kenny drygoods firm, Jeremiah Kenny later went on to form his own insurance company.31 His family was also prominent in social and political affairs. His sister Johanna married Malachy Bowes Daly, who would be the province's Lieutenant-Governor during the 1890s. Jeremiah Kenny's mother, Lady Anne Kenny, was from the Henry family, with her step-brother being the Hon. William Alexander Henry, a prominent judge, politician, and Father of Confederation.32 Along with William Alexander, many other men in the Henry family also made a name for themselves in law. Helen Kenny fit in well with this highly visible family. She was often publicly praised for her attractiveness, with her "dark eyes" reportedly "the subject of many a toast."33 The papers complimented her for sparing no expense in her dress and her jewels, nor in the decoration of her home. An admired social organizer, Kenny had many opportunities to display this decor, a local periodical describing her as one of the "chief leaders of gaiety in Halifax."34 Whether she entertained at home or at community events, Helen Kenny's socials were always the place to be. When Oscar Wilde did his famous east coast tour in 1882, he wrote Kenny to thank her for a 30(... continued) richest. According to the Prices' Division of Statistics Canada, Ottawa, $100,000 in 1887 would be the equivalent of $1,978,260 in 1996. 3 1 Biography Card, P.A.N.S. 3 2 Blakeley, in "Key Roles Played by the Nova Scotia College of Art," mistakenly says that Helen Kenny was William A. Henry's daughter. She may have taken this from the P.A.N.S. introductory note in Helen Kenny's scrapbook, which earlier made the same mistake. 3 3 "Mrs. J.F. Kenny." "Mrs. J.F. Kenny." 31 supper invitation after his Halifax performance. In 1890, when Prince George visited the city, he dined at the Kenny's.3S Community affairs also commanded Kenny's attention. In 1882 she became president of The Ladies of the Catholic Benevolent Society.36 She supported Catholic charities, such as the Poors' Asylum and the Sisters of Charity Catholic Orphanage. She contributed to the Children of Mary of the Sacred Heart, which distributed clothes to the poor so they could "attend Mass and catechism, and go regularly to school."37 Kenny was also active in amateur theatre, though more as a patron than as a performer.38 In the fine arts, on the other hand, Kenny was both an amateur practitioner and an influential patron. This interest in the arts, combined with her community spirit and well placed position in Halifax's social hierarchy, made Kenny a strong ally for Leonowens in gaining support for the Victoria School of Art and Design. A third Art School promoter was Ella Almon Ritchie. Whereas Kenny had married into Halifax high society, Ritchie was born into it. The Ritchies were a 3 3 It is not certain whether Wilde actually dined at the Kenny's. Copy of letter in Helen Kenny's scrapbook, p. 32, with original removed to P.A.N.S. V/F, MG 100 vol. 246 nos. 7-8. On the Prince George visit, see references in scrapbook, which notes that he accepted the invitation from Helen Kenny. 3 6 See newspaper clipping in Helen Kenny's scrapbook, p. 31. 3 7 See newspaper clipping in Kenny's scrapbook, p. 33. 3 8 For Kenny's acting roles, see flyers: "Theatricals. Fort Massey, Halifax, N.S. February 9th, 1876," (Halifax: Nova Scotia Printing Co.), in Kenny's scrapbook, p. 22; "The Academy of Music," Halifax Recorder. 31 December 1884; "Academy of Music," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 31 December 1884. Dow (Anna Leonowens. 114) says that Kenny "took part in virtually every amateur theatre production in town." However, archival evidence reveals only two such acting roles, and the Mercury article "Mrs. J.F. Kenny" says "She has only appeared once or twice personally on stage." 32 prominent, and very wealthy, Nova Scotian family of jurists.39 The family was Anglican, adding another denomination to the mix of Leonowens's Presbyterianism and Kenny's Catholicism. This coming together of different religious backgrounds was significant in a province where colleges and many schools often served primarily one denomination or another. Ella was one of twelve children in the family of Hon. John William and Amelia Ritchie. John William Ritchie was a lawyer, judge, and politician. He served as Law Clerk to the Legislative Council and Solicitor General in the Tupper Cabinet in colonial Nova Scotia from 1839 to 1867, moving from there to the Canadian Senate. In 1870 he resigned the Senate to become a Judge of the Supreme Court of Nova Scotia.40 Ella's mother was an Almon, another well known name in the province. For example, Ella's uncle Dr. William Johnston Almon, a Halifax physician and politician, was founder and first President of the Faculty of Medicine at Dalhousie in 1868. He also served as President of the Nova Scotia Medical Society. Nova Scotians elected him to the House of Commons in 1872, and he was appointed to the Senate in 1879, where he sat until his death in 1901.41 Ella Ritchie's mother, Amelia, was active in the community and in the woman movement, and she passed on some of these activist tendencies to her children. In 1884 Ella Ritchie entered Dalhousie University, which began accepting women only 3 9 On the wealth of the Ritchie family, see "The Almighty Dollar" and "This List Is Larger." 4 0 Obituary [John William Ritchie], Halifax Morning Herald. 15 December 1890; Canadian Biographical Dictionary, vol. 2 (Chicago: American Biographical Publishing Company, 1881), 410; Allen E. Marble, Nova Scotians at Home and Abroad (Hantsport, N.S.: Lancelot Press, 1977), 346. 4 1 Obituary, Acadian Recorder [William Johnston Ritchie], 19 February 1901, 3; Obituary [William Johnston Ritchie], Halifax Herald, 19 February 1901, 1; Marble, Nova Scotians, 36. 33 three years earlier. In 1887, both Ella and her brother Thomas helped Leonowens and Kenny with the initial organizational meetings for the Victoria School of Art and Design, and when it came time to choose Board members for the new school, Ella was one of the people elected. She continued to serve the Art School for the rest of her life. In 1909, her career as Board member barely half over, the VSAD directors elected Ritchie as their vice-president. Outlasting all of the thirteen original VSAD directors, Ritchie sat on the Board for over four decades until her death in 1928. During that time she also served on the boards of the Victorian Order of Nurses and the Halifax Local Council of Women, and she helped to organize Halifax's Red Cross during the First World War. 4 2 Ella's younger sister Eliza had moved to the United States by 1887. Upon her return to Halifax twelve years later, she too took an active interest in the Victoria School of Art and Design. Eliza had been successful in academe. In 1887 she was in the first graduating class from Dalhousie University that included women. Having left Halifax soon after achieving her Bachelor of Letters degree, she did not play a large role in organizing the Art School.43 Instead, she pursued doctoral studies at Cornell University in Ithaca, New York, graduating in 1889 to become one of the 4 2 Obituary [Ella Ritchie], Halifax Mail. 25 April 1928; see the reports for the "Victoria School of Art and Design, Halifax" for each of the years 1905 to 1910 and 1922, in Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education for Nova Scotia (Halifax: Queen's/King's Printer); Local Council of Women of Halifax, Minutes Book April 1899-Iune 1908. MG 20 vol. 535 no. 3 (P.A.N.S.) (hereinafter referred to as LCW Minutes 1899-1908): Ernest R. Forbes, "Battles in Another War: Edith Archibald and the Halifax Feminist Movement," in Challenging the Regional Stereotype: Essays on the 20th Century Maritimes (Fredericton: Acadiensis Press, 1989), 67-89. 4 3 Dalhousie degree listed as "B.L." in "Report of President of Dalhousie University," 1918-19, LH D15, (P.A.N.S.), 92. Her obituary says her Dalhousie degree was in Arts: "Dr. E. Ritchie Passes: Real Loss to City," obituary, Halifax Mail. 5 September 1933. 34 first Canadian women to receive a Ph.D. 4 4 Before returning to Halifax, she taught philosophy and psychology for eight years at Wellesley College in Massachusetts. When Eliza Ritchie returned to Halifax, she became a driving force in the arts community, the VSAD, the Victorian Order of Nurses, the Local Council of Women, the suffrage movement, the campaign to get women on school boards,45 and the feminist movement in general.46 She lectured on art history at both Dalhousie and 4 4 Her dissertation was "The Problem of Personality," Cornell University, 1889; see Forbes, "Battles," 75. 4 5 "Dr. E. Ritchie Passes"; Forbes, "Battles"; LCW Minutes 1899-1908. various dates; "Impressive Tribute is Paid Today," obituary, Halifax Mail. 6 September 1933; Local Council of Women of Halifax, Minutes Book. December 1916-Mav 1920. MG 20 vol. 535 no. 7 (P.A.N.S.), various dates; Eliza Ritchie, "Women Urged to Exercise Franchise," letter to the editor, Halifax Echo. 26 March 1915. 4 6 Ritchie's obituary described her as "a strong feminist": "Dr. E. Ritchie Passes." Although Ritchie and the other women supporters of the Art School seldom referred to themselves as "feminists," "clubwomen," or a "woman movement," all of these terms describe them. On distinctions between the "woman movement" and "feminism" in Canada, see Alison Prentice, Paula Bourne, Gail Cuthbert Brandt, Beth Light, Wendy Mitchinson, Naomi Black, Canadian Women: A History (Toronto: Harcourt Brace Javanovich, 1988), 169-70. For a wider discussion of these two terms, from a United States perspective, see Nancy R. Cott, The Grounding of Modern Feminism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987), e.g. 3-10; Gerda Lerner, "Women's Rights and American Feminism," The American Scholar 40, no. 2 (Spring 1971): 49; K. Often, "Defining Feminism: A Comparative Historical Approach," Signs: Journal of Women and Culture in Society 14, no. 1 (1988): 119-57; Alice S. Rossi, ed., The Feminist Papers: From Adams to de Beauvoir. (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1973), xii. Cott says the term "feminism" came into prominent use only in the 1910s. Kealey found the word "feminist" used in Canada in the 1890s to refer to the "New Woman": Linda Kealey, ed., A Not Unreasonable Claim: Women and Reform in Canada 1880s-1920s (Toronto: The Women's Press, 1979). E.R. Forbes discusses many of the same Halifax women found in my study, usually referring to them as "feminists" and to their activities as the "feminist movement": Forbes, "Battles"; idem, "The Ideas of Carol Bacchi and the Suffragists of Halifax: A Review Essay on Liberation Deferred? The Ideas of the English-Canadian Suffragists. 1877-1918 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1983)," Atlantis 10, no. 2 (Spring 1985), 119-26. I use the term "feminist" more sparingly than does Forbes. Although many of the Halifax women's ideas and activities can rightfully be called "feminist," and though some of the women occasionally referred to themselves as feminists, it was not their usual practice to do so. Prentice, et al. also notes a general reluctance among other Canadians in the woman movement to adopt the term feminist (170). 35 the Art School.47 Rarely did a year go by without the VSAD acknowledging the Ritchie sisters' contributions.48 At her own Alma Mater, Dalhousie, Eliza Ritchie helped organize women's residences, art lectures, and the Alumnae Association, and she was the first woman on the university's Board of Governors.49 Never marrying, both Eliza and Ella lived on Halifax's North West Arm with their brother George, a lawyer, and their sister Mary, also an activist in women's organizations, both of whom also remained unwed.50 Another director during the VSAD's early years was Anna Leonowens' neighbour, Mrs. John S. MacLean. Like the other women VSAD directors, Maclean was financially comfortable, her husband being a West Indian merchant. The Art School was not Maclean's and Leonowens' first educational undertaking together. Earlier, the two had organized a "pioneer book club" in which they and fifteen well-to-do Haligonians met to read and discuss literature. MacLean and Leonowens also conducted a reading class in the MacLean home with up to twenty-two pupils.51 4 7 "Early Italian Art: Lecture by Dr. Eliza Ritchie in Art School Last Evening," Halifax Recorder. 5 February 1905; "The Victoria School of Art and Design Reopens on Sept. 30th," Halifax Recorder. 10 September 1907; Victoria School of Art and Design, pamphlet on lecture series, 4 January 1905, MG 17 vol. 43 no. 2 (P.A.N.S.); VSAD, Course of Art Lectures, pamphlet, 1907, 17 vol. 43 no. 2 (P.A.N.S.). On her lectures at Dalhousie, see "Report of President of Dalhousie University," 92. 4 8 See especially the Art School's annual reports during Elizabeth Nutt's principalship after World War One, in Annual Report[s] of the Superintendent of Education for Nova Scotia (Halifax: King's Printer). 4 9 "Report of President of Dalhousie University 1918-19," 92. s o Ella Ritchie's "Obituary," Halifax Mail. Another brother, Thomas, was president of the Eastern Trust Company; see his Biography Card, F81 C16 H77, 1909, (P.A.N.S.). 5 1 "Her Farewell"; Blake, "Anna of Siam Lived in Canada," 10-11; Blakeley, "Anna of Siam in Canada," 43. See also letter concerning a book sale by the Pioneer Book Club, from Leonowens to Chief Justice Sir William Young, dated Sunnyside, 16 October 1883, and an 1885 bill to Young for books, MG 100 vol. 175 no. 12 (P.A.N.S.). 36 Besides Leonowens and Kenny, and for a much longer time than either of them, the key figure in founding and building the Victoria School of Art and Design was Alexander McKay, the Supervisor for Halifax's schools. McKay was the most consistent promoter of art and industrial education in the province. Although he could have claimed many educational successes, he always gave full credit to others who worked with him. As Secretary of the Victoria School of Art and Design during the school's first three decades, he recorded the minutes and interpreted the school's events. Throughout these records, McKay reports that Anna Leonowens and Helen Kenny initiated the Art School. A study of the evidence shows McKay deserves equal credit.52 Born on July 16, 1841 in Earltown, Nova Scotia, Alexander McKay was a lifelong educationist. Like Leonowens, and like many other prominent Nova Scotia educators during the nineteenth century, McKay was Presbyterian. He began teaching when he was fifteen years old, and graduated from the Truro Normal School three years later. He taught or served as principal in the counties of Digby, Colchester, and Kings before taking an administrative position with the Dartmouth public schools in 1872. In 1881 he joined the staff of Halifax High School as a member of the Department of Mathematics and Science. At the end of 1883 he was appointed Supervisor of Halifax Public Schools, a position he kept for thirty-five years.53 5 2 For examples of McKay crediting Leonowens for the Art School, see: Alexander McKay, letter to Miss Owen, Halifax, 24 November 1898, MG 17 vol. 43 no. 2 (P.A.N.S.); McKay, "Historical Sketch," 167; VSAD Minutes. 29 March 1888. 5 3 "Veteran Educationist Ends Long and Useful Life," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 9 April 1917, 2. 37 In the early 1880s McKay had successfully promoted industrial drawing in Halifax's public schools. By mid-decade he had begun what was to be an effective ten year campaign to have manual training included in the provincial public school Course of Study. Promoting the Art School, McKay felt, was an extension of this campaign. Both Leonowens and McKay believed that the needs of industry, indeed the needs of all society, were served not only by education in industrial arts, but also in fine arts. Industrial arts gave workers the skills to design and make better products. Fine arts educated the taste of consumers so they would appreciate and buy those products. The result from such education would be a thriving economy.54 Although McKay emphasised industrial training, he also worked to provide more complete liberal arts education in the city. For example, during the same year that McKay helped found the Art School, he worked with two other VSAD supporters, James C. Mackintosh and James Gordon MacGregor, to help establish the Halifax Ladies' College. Strong in its Presbyterian ties, the school was originally slated to be called the Halifax Presbyterian Ladies' College. Its program included three sections, beginning with a Primary department, which accepted students who had attended kindergarten and could read. The Preparatory section included general education, along with preparation for the advanced Collegiate section, which in turn was divided into a classical course of four years and a literary course of three. The 5 4 For two of the many examples of McKay touting the industrial and economic benefits of art education, see "Victoria School of Art and Design, Halifax," Appendix F, in Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education on the Common. Academic. Normal and Model Schools of Nova Scotia for the Year Ending 1891 (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1892), 144-45 (hereinafter referred to as VSAD Annual Report [year]; Alexander McKay, "School Preparation for Industrial Pursuits," in Addresses and Proceedings of the Dominion Educational Association Meeting. Montreal. 1892 (Montreal: John Lovell, 1893), 241-49. 38 College included a program in fine arts, which over the years was connected in various ways to the Art School. Another part of the Ladies' College in 1887 was the Halifax Conservatory of Music.5 5 The educational goals of the Ladies' College, which was primarily a finishing school, bore more similarity to liberal arts than to the industrial objectives commonly associated with McKay. McKay however, saw the two types of education as different means to the same economic and social ends. In the overall balance, Leonowens and McKay steered the Art School in an industrial direction. Their stance was utilitarian, believing their plans would produce the most good for the most people. McKay's thirty year tenure as VSAD Secretary ensured him the chance to phrase most Art School communiques with slogans reflecting his own priorities. Leonowens' position as the VSAD's first vice-president further ensured that those beliefs would be reflected in the Art School's early programs. Taking full advantage of the expected Jubilee enthusiasm, Leonowens and Kenny began campaigning for the art school early in 1887. They set up a founding committee, astutely inviting Nova Scotia's Superintendent of Education Dr. David Allison to serve as the chair. Leonowens and Kenny then worked through the committee to hold meetings, issue press releases, solicit subscriptions, and organize fund-raising lectures and theatricals. Leonowens even travelled to Charlottetown, 5 5 "The Presbyterian Ladies College," Halifax Morning Chronicle, 23 June 1887, 3, also in The Novascotian, 25 June 1887; "The Conservatory of Music," Halifax Morning Chronicle, 9 September 1887, 3; see also: Blake, "Anna of Siam Lived in Canada," 10; Blakeley, "Anna of Siam in Canada," 42-43; VSAD Minutes. 15 September 1887; Sandra Macleod, A History of the Halifax Ladies' College (Halifax: Halifax Ladies' College, 1973); on the Halifax Conservatory of Music, see J. Paul Green and Nancy F. Vogan, Music Education in Canada: A Historical Account, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991), 22. 39 Prince Edward Island, where her lecture raised sixty dollars for the school.56 At all the events, the two women enthusiastically described their plan to pay perpetual homage to Queen Victoria. What Halifax should do for the Jubilee, they concluded, was create an art museum and art school named after their monarch. This tribute, they said, would have a lasting effect on their city's cultural, industrial, and educational life. Halifax teachers were among the first to respond, inviting Kenny and Leonowens to speak at the March monthly meeting of the Halifax Teachers' Association. The talk was met with enthusiasm, with the teachers unanimously passing a resolution supporting the plan for the Victoria art museum and school. Two months later, the women on the art school's organizing committee sought support from women teachers across the province by writing an address for the Annual Report of the Provincial Education Association.57 By April the organizing committee had its plans more clearly formulated. Prudently paring down their project, committee members no longer talked about creating both a school and a museum and instead set their sights on a Victoria School of Art and Design. That month Leonowens published the pamphlet of articles from Century Magazine on "The Art Movement in America," proceeding to distribute it around the city. The articles described the art schools being founded in the United States, the role of hand-craft, and the need for trade schools in the arts. Leonowens 5 6 VSAD Annual Report 1887-88. 12; VSAD Annual Report 1888. 128; VSAD Minutes. 10 December 1887. 5 7 "Teachers and the Jubilee," The Novascotian. 12 March 1887, 3; VSAD Minutes, 6 May 1887. 40 wrote a special preface for the publication, declaring that the experience in the United States serves to prove the immense advantage of such a school, which would afford technical education in the mechanical and industrial arts, and thus facilitate the production of articles of excellent and beautiful workmanship, and at the same time serve to give our artisans those advantages which they are now obliged to seek in foreign cities.38 The monarchist fervour building up around the Jubilee was certainly a boon to the founding committee. Throughout the Empire people planned celebrations for Queen Victoria's fifty years on the throne. Halifax was anxious to take part, as citizens there held matters of royalty in high regard. On June 21st, the day of the main celebrations, four thousand children marched onto the Halifax Commons, waving school banners and singing patriotic songs. On nearby Citadel Hill, fifteen thousand spectators greeted the pageant with enthusiastic applause. Brass bands played, ships fired salutes, the sun shone brightly, and the assembled masses rendered a pealing chorus of "God Save the Queen." What better background could there be for a call to name a local institution after their monarch?59 By the time these June celebrations arrived, the VSAD organizing committee had become prominent enough to host two of the main Jubilee events: a large art loan exhibition and a formal Jubilee Ball. The lady directors organized both affairs, 3 8 Leonowens, "Preface." 5 9 On Halifax's Jubilee celebrations, see "The Jubilee. The Halifax Celebration a Pronounced Success," The Novascotian, 25 June 1887, 6; "How It Was Celebrated in Halifax," Halifax Morning Herald, 22 June 1887; "Grand Exhibition of Sub-marine Mining and Torpedo Experiments," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 14 June 1887; David Allison, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education on the Public Schools of Nova Scotia, for the Year Ending 31st October. 1887 (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1888), 110. Sources estimated between three and five thousand school children participated, and ten to sixteen thousand spectators. On Jubilee celebrations elsewhere in the world, see "The World Over. Celebrating the Jubilee Festival," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 21 June 1887. 41 with all proceeds going to the proposed art school's coffers. Government officials donated the use of Province House for the art loan exhibition, which Lieutenant-Governor M.H. Richey officially opened. Prominent citizens loaned curiosities and artworks to the exhibition, while local artists displayed their wares. Thousands paid a quarter to pass through the gates, with four hundred more attending the Jubilee Ball on Monday night. After the receipts were counted and the bills paid, the loan exhibition netted the School six hundred dollars, and the Jubilee Ball yielded over a thousand more. You could always depend on Haligonians to honour their Queen.6 0 Along with fund raising came the political aspects of organizing the Art School. On May 6th Kenny proposed drawing up the school's constitution. She, Leonowens, and McKay formed a committee to do the job, joined by George Harvey, who was to be hired as the VSAD's headmaster, and David Allison, Nova Scotia Superintendent of Education. Later in the month, Mrs. Fuller joined the committee, along with Mr. J. M. DeWolf, Halifax's future mayor James Dempster, and Helen 6 0 VSAD Minutes. 4 July 1887; lor descriptions of the loan art exhibition, see: the exhibition's catalogue, in the VSAD collection, P.A.N.S.; "The Loan Exhibition. Some of Its Features—A Grand Success Already Assured," Halifax Morning Chronicle, 14 June 1887, 3; "Jubilee Melange!," advertisement, Halifax Morning Chronicle. 21 June 1887, 2; "The Art Exhibition," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 21 June 1887, 1, which was reprinted in "The Art Exhibition," The Novascotian. 25 June 1887, 8; "Grand Art Loan Exhibition," advertisement, Halifax Morning Chronicle. 23 June 1887, 3; "City and General News," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 25 June 1887, 3. For description of the Jubilee Ball, see "The Jubilee Ball," Halifax Morning Herald. 21 June 1887. On income from various Jubilee events, see "Victoria School of Art and Design," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 16 July 1887, 3; VSAD Annual Report 1887-88. 12; VSAD Annual Report 1888. 128; "Supplementary to Financial Statements of 15th Sept. 1892," in Helen Kenny's scrapbook. 42 Kenny's cousin, Hugh McDonald Henry, one of the many prominent judges in the Henry family.61 Working quickly, the constitution committee had a draft by the first week of June. After fine tuning it with a few amendments, the VSAD organizing committee submitted the constitution to the provincial government and City Council for their approval. By July the final amendments were in place and provincial and municipal approval attained. Building on the momentum, the organizers called a public meeting for Friday July 15th at Orpheus Hall. Former Halifax mayor James C. Mackintosh chaired the meeting. He did so in place of Superintendent Allison, who that day was in Chicago on a related mission: attending the National Educational Association "with the duty of considering this subject of manual training in the public schools." New forms of art and industrial art education were clearly in the air that year.62 When Mackintosh called for the vote on the constitution, those assembled gave it their unanimous endorsement. As outlined in the newly-approved constitution, all members of the Art School were now eligible to vote for directors, having gained this privilege by paying their subscription fees of five dollars a year or fifty dollars for lifetime membership, though many supporters donated more. Michael Dwyer, who became a director, had subscribed for two hundred dollars. And Edward P. 6 1 VSAD Minutes. 6, 20 May 1887. 6 2 VSAD Minutes. 3 June, 4, 15 July 1887; VSAD "Constitution," in Victoria School of Art and Design, Halifax. Nova Scotia. Annual Report for the Year 1887-88 (Halifax: Nova Scotia Printing Company, 1888); "Victoria School of Art and Design," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 16 June 1887, 3; "Victoria School of Art and Design," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 12 July 1887, 3. For Allison's participation in the Chicago conference see Isaac Edwards Clarke, Industrial and Manual Training in the Public Schools. 46th Cong., 2nd sess., Art and Industry, vol. 2 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1892), 820. 43 Archbold, who would be elected as a director the following year, donated five hundred dollars. In all, seventy-three people became members in the VSAD's first year, paying a total of $2,760 in subscriptions.63 The subscribers voted on and passed a slate of eleven candidates who became the founding directors of the Victoria School of Art and Design. In addition to Leonowens, Kenny, and Ella Ritchie, the other original directors elected at that meeting were Power, Slayter, Mackintosh, Dwyer, Mr. T. V. McDonald, Mr. A Sinfield, Mr. F. S. West, and Mrs. Worrall. Ex officio members of the Board were the province's Superintendent of Education, David Allison, and Halifax's recently-elected mayor James Dempster. McKay was appointed Secretary and MacDonald treasurer. Before the meeting ended, Nova Scotia's attorney-general "complimented the ladies for the energy and practical wisdom which make Halifax so largely indebted to them for the establishment of the school."64 At their first meeting four weeks later, the VSAD directors elected Leonowens vice-president and Allison president.65 Allison's position was mainly to enhance the School's position in the provincial educational system. In the actual operation of the Art School it was Leonowens, Kenny, and McKay who exercised executive power. It is true that Leonowens soon resigned her executive position so that Mayor Dempster could be given the title of VSAD Vice-President. But he became a figurehead while Leonowens, who was still a director, joined McKay, Kenny, and the other Board 63 64 65 VSAD "Constitution"; VSAD Annual Report 1887-88. 7. Halifax Morning Chronicle. 16 lune 1887; VSAD Minutes. 15 July 1887. VSAD Minutes. 10 August 1887. 44 members to thank the city for its subsequent three thousand dollar Jubilee Fund grant.66 The directors added that grant to the Art School's endowment fund. In all, through the fund raising and subscriptions, this fund reached nine thousand dollars by the time the Victoria School of Art and Design opened its doors at the end of October. In addition the province promised the Art School an annual operating grant of eight hundred dollars.67 During 1888 the women directors continued raising funds for the school. Kenny helped organize more benefit theatricals, which netted the school just over one thousand dollars.68 She also helped with the VSAD's most successful fund raising event, which came to be called "The World's Fayre." According to Blakeley, "This 'World's Fayre' turned out to be long remembered as one of the greatest social events in the annals of Halifax."69 The Halifax Morning Chronicle told its readers that the fair for the Art School was one of Halifax's three major events of the year to raise money for the city's "benevolent institutions". The other two equally benevolent 6 6 VSAD Minutes. 10 August, 20 October, 19 November, 10 December 1887. 6 7 VSAD Minutes. 17 August 1887; Halifax Morning Chronicle. 16 June 1887; VSAD Annual Report 1887-88. 12-13; David Allison, "Victoria School of Art and Design," in Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education on the Public Schools of Nova Scotia, for the Year Ending 31st October. 1887 (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1888), xxv. 6 8 VSAD Annual Report 1887-88. 12; VSAD Annual Report 1889. 128; VSAD Minutes. 10 December 1887, 16, 23 February 1888; "Supplementary to Financial Statements"; Halifax Morning Chronicle. 16 July 1887; Kenny's scrapbook contains flyers for the theatricals. The flyers for the first and third theatricals (scrapbook, p. 47) have no date. The second is an "Academy of Music" flyer for "Second Amateur Performance in Aid of the School of Art and Design" on Wednesday 25 January 1888. Plays are "Dearest Mamma," a one act "comedietta," and "A Regular Fix," a one act farce. Blakeley, "Key Roles Played," 33, 35. 45 institutions, according to the newspaper; were the Church of England institute and a Roman Catholic society.70 The VSAD's women promoters were credited with the fair's success.71 In booths with elaborate settings based on themes from various countries, appropriately costumed attendants sold goods and dispensed refreshments. Organizers converted much of Halifax's Exhibition Building to replicate London streets, including a South Kensington booth where visitors could buy paintings, tapestries, and other articles designed in the Kensington style. The Chinese pagoda sold intricate paper goods, the Gypsy encampment told fortunes, the oriental depot peddled Eastern wares, and the Venetian Palace offered for sale baskets, fruits, and vermicelli. Every day for a week in August 1888 thousands of people visited the exposition. Merchants geared their advertising to take advantage of the fair. The Windsor and Annapolis Railway offered discount rates to visitors taking the train to Halifax for the event, and special harbor cruises were arranged. A local publisher put out Ye World's Fayre Gazette, "a daily journal devoted to art, literature, news and gossip." The Gazette conducted a ballot among fairgoers, asking them to choose the "The Ten Cleverest Ladies and Gentlemen of Halifax." The Kenny family fared well in the vote, with Helen's brother-in-law Thomas chosen "best orator," another Kenny chosen "best lawyer," and Helen Kenny chosen "best looking."72 7 0 "The World's Fayre," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 21 August 1888. 7 1 For example, VSAD Annual Report 1889. CC. 7 2 "World's Fair!" Halifax Morning Chronicle. 29 July 1888; "The World's Fayre," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 21 August 1888; "Ye World's Fayre-The Opening Last Night a Grand and Unqualified Success," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 21 August 1888; "Windsor and Annapolis Railway. Worlde's Fayre," advertisement, Halifax Morning Chronicle. 21 August 1888; "Visitors (continued...) 46 By the end of the week, the World's Fayre had raised over five thousand dollars. Adding this to the earlier fund raising, the first year endowment, and the subscription fees, the Art School had now raised about sixteen thousand dollars, which would be about $316,500 in 1996.73 Much of that money was set aside in a building fund, soon to be spent, the directors mistakenly believed, on more suitable quarters for the new institution. Leonowens' son-in-law, Thomas Fyshe, had helped negotiate the Art School's first home in the Union Bank Building. Fyshe was manager of the bank, and all agreed that the rooms, though cramped, would do for the short term.74 It turned out to be longer than expected, with the Art School not moving out until May 1891.75 As for the building fund, despite the Board's continuous efforts, they did not have a chance to use it until the VSAD bought its first building in 1903.76 Overall, the officials and wealthy citizens who promoted the Victoria School of Art and Design presented a utilitarian point of view. The Art School would do much 72(... continued) to Ye Worldes Fayre," Advertisement A. Stephen & Son, Halifax Morning Chronicle. 23 August 1888; "The Fair," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 25 August 1888; "The 'World's Fayre'," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 30 August 1888; on the "Ten Cleverest" poll, see printed cards in Helen Kenny's scrapbook, p. 47. 7 3 McKay, "Historical Sketch"; The 1996 equivalent is based on information from the Prices' Division of Statistics Canada, Ottawa, July 1996. 7 4 On the Union Bank Building, see: VSAD Annual Report 1887-88. 13; VSAD Minutes. 17, 25 August, 7, 15 September, 12, 20 October, 4, 19 November, 10 December 1887; 14 August, 13 September 1888. 7 5 VSAD Minutes. 27 April, 15 May 1891. 7 6 On the purchase of the building in 1903, see Victoria School of Art and Design, Minutes Book. August 31. 1894 to June 10. 1914. MG 17 vol. 44 no. 2, (P.A.N.S.), 8 October 1902, 3 March 1903; Annual Report 1903. 173. 47 good for most people. Because the VSAD would serve the whole community, the whole community should support the VSAD. As an 1888 article in the Halifax Morning Chronicle claimed, "It is rarely that any object has so enlisted the sympathies of all classes of people. It is said that 'art knows no country,' and it knows as little of class or creed."77 In many ways, then, the Queen's Jubilee was not the primary stimulus for starting the Art School. Industrialization had brought on favourable historical conditions for the Art School's creation, fostering a demand for skilled artisans who could design and craft better goods. Applied arts provided those skills, while fine arts elevated tastes and desires for the resulting products. Nevertheless, neither can these favourable conditions alone account for the creation of the Victoria School of Art and Design. As the next chapter will show, such conditions existed from at least the 1870s. Yet, as we have seen, it was not until a group of Halifax art school promoters took advantage of these conditions in the late 1880s that a Halifax art school advanced beyond the proposal stage. "The 'World's Fayre," 30 August 1888. CHAPTER THREE 48 Art for Industrial Needs: The Victoria School of Art and Design and the Nineteenth Century Art School Movement To understand the origins of the Victoria School of Art and Design and its curriculum, we have to look at the historical context within which the school's promoters acted. Halifax's Art School was part of an international industrial drawing and art school movement that linked art training to industrial design and economic development. This movement expanded to many parts of the world during the last half of the nineteenth century. Examining this expansion reveals that the VSAD was not the movement's first manifestation in Nova Scotia. For decades various Nova Scotians had called for increased art education as a handservant to industry. By the early 1870s some were even calling for a Halifax art school. Thus, prior to 1887 key factors for creating an art school had already existed in Halifax: the idea to have a school and the historical context that made such schools viable options in North America. In 1882, Nova Scotians may even have had the chance to hire one of the best known figures in the art school movement. Circumstantial evidence seems to reveal that Walter Smith, who in 1873 had started North America's first normal art college in Boston, was available for hire when he visited the eastern provinces that year. The roles of Leonowens, Kenny, McKay, and the other VSAD promoters already discussed are more fully understood and appreciated when seen within this context. Similarly, the specific programs that 49 Halifax's Art School adopted can only be understood through tracing their precursors. In setting up Halifax's Art School, supporters drew heavily on ideas from both Great Britain and the United States, especially Massachusetts. Nova Scotians looked favorably on any art teaching applicant with credentials from either the National Art Training School in the London district of South Kensington or Walter Smith's Massachusetts Normal Art School in Boston. This chapter will look at these two institutions. The Victoria School of Art and Design was similar to other schools sprouting up throughout North America, Britain, Europe, New Zealand, and Australia. Some of these schools even shared VSAD's connection to Queen Victoria's 1887 Jubilee. For example, profits from the Royal Jubilee Exhibition of 1887 in Manchester, England financed the new Museum of Art and Handicraft created in that city's School of Art.1 However, it was not the Jubilee but industrialization that brought on conditions favorable to such schools. Industry called for skilled artisans who could design and craft better goods. In Halifax and elsewhere, advocates of art schools argued that applied arts provided those skills, while fine arts elevated tastes and desires for the resulting products. As a Halifax newspaper, discussing the VSAD, explained in 1888: The special object of the school of art and design is to develop the industrial status of the community, to foster skill in labor, to create a desire among the mechanical classes to secure great excellence in their work, and to afford them the means of satisfying this desire. It is a school of art as well, and seeks 1 "Drawing, Design and Art," chap. 11 in Royal Commission on Industrial Training and Technical Education. Report of the Commissioners. James, W. Robertson, vol. part 3, vol. 1 (Ottawa: C.H. Parmelee, 1913), 608. 50 to develop tastes in the fine arts, but the leading aim and the regnant idea among the promoters of the school is to make it practically useful.2 Pamphlets, speeches, minutes, and other newspaper articles on the VSAD all repeated this argument. Industrial art programs warranted community investment, while fine art offerings, if nothing else, generated fees to aid that investment.3 The key point in rallying community support for the Art School was that training the artist-worker would foster industrial advancement. The Halifax Morning Chronicle summed it up: "It is essentially a question of skilled artisans. Given a nation of men who are trained to the highest degree of perfection in all forms of industrial art, and you have a nation bound to outstrip the world."4 For over a half century Nova Scotians had supported such training by other means. In 1831 Halifax opened the province's first mechanics' institute. The institute, which might be seen as the VSAD's ancestor, provided lectures on drawing, 2 "The World's Fayre," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 21 August 1888. 3 Superintendent of Education David Allison provides one example of this position in "Victoria School of Art and Design," in his Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education on the Public Schools of Nova Scotia, for the Year Ending 31st October, 188? (Halifax: Commissioner of Public Works and Mines, Queen's Printer, 1888), xxv. 4 "The World's Fayre." For examples of other statements that linked the proposed art school with industry and labor, see Lieutenant Governor Richey's remarks in "The Art Exhibition," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 21 June 1887, 1, rpt. in "The Art Exhibition," The Novascotian. 25 June 1887, 8; "The Art School." Halifax Morning Chronicle. 18 October 1887, 4; "A New Institution," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 29 October 1887, 3; "The School of Art and Design. Opportunity for Mechanics to Study Free of All Expenses," Halifax Morning Herald. 29 October 1887, 3; "Victoria School of Art and Design," advertisement, Halifax Morning Chronicle. 17 September 1887, 2; Victoria School of Art and Design, Minutes Book. Mav 5. 1887 to Mav 6. 1894. MG 17 vol. 44. no. 1, (Halifax: Public Archives of Nova Scotia) (hereinafter referred to as VSAD Minutes); Victoria School of Art and Design, Halifax. Nova Scotia. Annual Report for the Year 1887-88 (Halifax: Nova Scotia Printing Company, 1888), 12; "Victoria School of Art and Design, Halifax," appendix F, in Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education on the Common. Academic. Normal and Model Schools of Nova Scotia for the Year Ending 1891 (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1892), 144-45 (hereinafter referred to as VSAD Annual Report [year]); Constitution of the Victoria School of Art and Design. Halifax. Nova Scotia, 1887, rpt. in: VSAD Minutes. 14-16, and in VSAD Annual Report 1887-88. 22-24. 51 architecture, and many other topics.3 It was part of a movement begun by the British, who founded the first mechanics' institutes in 1823 in London and Glasgow.6 From there the institutes spread to North America.7 In 1828 Montrealers had opened Canada's first mechanics' institute.8 Beginning in the 1830s, most major centres in the Maritimes, along with many smaller settlements, set up mechanics' institutes of their own.9 5 On the Mechanics' Institute in Halifax and other Nova Scotian communities, see C. Bruce Fergusson, Mechanics' Institutes in Nova Scotia, Bulletin of the Public Archives of Nova Scotia, no. 14 (Halifax: Public Archives of Nova Scotia, 1960); Patrick Keane, "Joseph Howe and Adult Education," Acadiensis 3, no. 1 (Autumn 1973): 35-49; idem,"Adult Education in Nova Scotia," The Nova Scotia Historical Quarterly 5, no. 2 (1975): 155-65; idem, "George R. Young and Comparative Adult Education," Journal of Education [Nova Scotia] 1, no. 2 (1973-1974): 38-44; Harry Piers, "Artists in Nova Scotia," Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society 18 (1914): 128-29, 139, 148, 157; Donald Soucy, "A History of Art Education in Nova Scotia Prior to 1867," M.A. thesis, Nova Scotia College of Art and Design, 1985, 75-79. 6 On British mechanics' institutes, see Quentin Bell, The Schools of Design (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1963); Charles Alpheus Bennett, "The Mechanics' Institute Movement," chap. 9 in History of Manual and Industrial Education up to 1870, (Peoria, 111.: The Manual Arts Press, 1926), 301-44; Stuart Macdonald, The History and Philosophy of Art Education, (New York: American Elsevier Press, 1970), 37. See also Dennis Reid, A Concise History of Canadian Painting (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1973); James W. Robertson, chair, Royal Commission on Industrial Training and Technical Education. Report of the Commissioners. 4 parts (Ottawa: C.H. Parmelee, 1913). According to Robertson's Commission (458), England had mechanics' institute "as early as 1815." 7 For the mechanics' institutes movement in the United States, see Bennett, "Mechanics' Institutes"; Isaac Edwards Clarke, in Industrial and Technical Training in Voluntary Associations and Endowed Institutions, vol. 3 of Art and Industry, 46th Cong., 2nd sess. (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1897), chaps. 1-3, 1-290. 8 On Canadian mechanics' institutes, see: J. Paul Green and Nancy F. Vogan, Music Education in Canada: A Historical Account (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991), 51, 292; Charles E. Phillips, The Development of Education in Canada (Toronto: W.J. Gage, 1957), 359-60; Reid, A Concise History: Nora Robins, "'Useful Education for the Workingman': The Montreal Mechanics' Institute, 1828-70," in Knowledge for the People: The Struggle for Adult Learning in English-speaking Canada. 1828-1973, ed. Michael R. Welton (Toronto: OISE Press, 1987), 20-34; Chad Gaffield, "Mechanics' Institutes," in Canadian Encyclopedia, vol. 2, 2nd ed. (Edmonton: Hurtig Publishers, 1988), 1319. 9 For information on mechanics institutes in the Maritimes, especially New Brunswick, see Martin Hewitt, "The Mechanics Institutes of the Maritimes," M.A. thesis, University of New (continued...) 52 In Nova Scotia and elsewhere, mechanics' institutes began to dwindle in the last third of the century. When they did, new art schools, museums, and public libraries rose up to take their place, with Halifax's Art School being a relative latecomer. Cooper Union helped pioneer this new movement in the United States, having been founded by Peter Cooper in New York in 1859. Like the VSAD three decades later, Cooper Union provided free instruction in applied art for industrial workers. Similar schools followed, for example, the Chicago Academy of Design founded in 1867. It developed into the Art Institute of Chicago, which was incorporated in 1879. The School of Design that later became the Art Academy of Cincinnati was founded in 1869. New York's Arts Students' League was founded in 1875, the Pennsylvania Museum and School of Industrial Art in 1876, and the Rhode Island School of Design in 1877.10 Other U.S. institutions shared their 1887 founding year with the VSAD. For example, that year New York manufacturer Charles Pratt founded the Brooklyn school that still bears his name. Pratt Institute's purpose, similar to the VSAD's, was 9(... continued) Brunswick, 1986; idem. "Science as Spectacle: Popular Scientific Culture in Saint John, New Brunswick, 1830-1850," Acadiensis 18, no. 1 (Autumn 1986): 91-119. 1 0 On these and other late nineteenth century U.S. art schools, see: The Art Movement in America: Reprinted from the Century Magazine for the Victoria School of Art and Design of Halifax. N.S. (n.p.: The Century Co., 1877); Charles Alpheus Bennett, History of Manual and Industrial Education 1870 to 1917 (Peoria, 111.: The Manual Arts Press, 1937); Jeannette Buckley, "Normal Art Schools," in Art Education in the Public Schools of the United States, ed. J. P. Haney (New York: American Art Annual, 1908), 325-51; James Frederick Hopkins, "Art Education in Evening Schools," in Art Education in the Public Schools. 243-69; Charles R. Richards, Art in Industry. Being the Report of an Industrial Art Survey Conducted Under the Auspices of the National Society for Vocational Education and the Department of Education of the State of New York (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1922); Robertson, Royal Commission on Industrial Training: William Woodward, "Art Education in the Colleges," in Art Education in the Public Schools. 295-323. 53 "to promote manual and industrial education, as well as cultivation in literature, science, and art."11 Also in New York, what was to become Teachers College, Columbia University made its first faculty appointments in 1887, and included teachers of industrial arts.12 By the close of 1880s the United States had thirty-seven schools promoting the industrial arts.13 In Canada, other cities predated Halifax's entry into the movement. The Ontario School of Art was founded in Toronto in 1876. Six years later, the OSA became integrated into the provincial education system and began to emphasize industrial art and teacher training.14 By the time the VSAD was founded in 1887, Ontario had eight art schools in operation, all of them coming under the Minister of 1 1 Catalogue Pratt Institute (Brooklyn: Pratt Institute, 1893). On links between art and industry at Pratt, see also: Clarke, Industrial and Technical Training, chap. 5; Hopkins, "Art Education in Evening Schools," 251-52. 1 2 Industrial Education Association, The Proposed College for the Training of Teachers. Circular of information, TC 21, (New York: Columbia University Teachers College Library, Archives, 1887); Bennett, History of Manual and Industrial Education 1870 to 1917. 467-68; Buckley, "Normal Art Schools," 341; Lawrence A. Cremin, The Transformation of the School: Progressivism in American Education. 1876-1957 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1961), 170-76; James Parton Haney, "The Development of Art Education in the Public Schools," in Art Education in the Public Schools. (1908), 63; Foster Wygant, Art in American Schools in the Nineteenth Century (Cincinnati: Interwood Press, 1983), 119, 129. Originally, the school's name was the New York College for the Training of Teachers. It was founded in 1888, chartered in 1889, and became the University Division of Education at Columbia in 1898. The school was renamed Teachers College, Columbia University in 1903-04. Columbia had its first art program in 1880 but did not create a Fine Arts faculty until 1906. 1 3 Macdonald, The History and Philosophy. 1 4 Marie L. Fleming and John R. Taylor, 100 Years Evolution of the Ontario College of Art, exhibition catalogue (Toronto: Ontario College of Art, Art Gallery of Ontario, 1977), 11; George E. Tait, "The History of Art Education in the Elementary Schools of Ontario," Ed.D. diss., University of Toronto, 1957, 8-9, 35-36. 54 Education and the provincial Superintendent of Schools.15 An Art Students' League began in Toronto in 1886 and another in Hamilton, Ontario in 1895. The Saint John Academy of Art in New Brunswick was created in 1878. By 1887, the Saint John Academy was offering freehand and mechanical drawing, pottery painting, oil and watercolor painting, and instruction in oil painting by mail. 1 6 Also in Saint John, the Owens Art School was established in 1884, moving to the University of Mount Allison College in Sackville a decade later.17 Many of these schools, in both Canada and the United States, shared VSAD's stated purpose: to help produce a nation "bound to outstrip the world" in industrial success.18 1 5 These were in Toronto, Brockville, Hamilton, Kingston, London, Ottawa, Stratford, and Toronto (West End); Charles Dudley Gaitskell, "Art Education in the Province of Ontario," D.Paed. diss., University of Toronto, 1947, 14. 1 6 Phillips, The Development of Education. 493; Maria Tippett, Making Culture: English-Canadian Institutions and the Arts Before the Massev Commission (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990), 39. 1 7 Tippett, Making Culture, 39, 95. See also: The Mount Allison School of Fine and Applied Arts, university calendar (Sackville: Mount Allison University, n.d. [ca 1950]), 4; National Council of Women, Women of Canada: Their Life and Work. 1900 (Reprint) (Canada: National Council of Women, 1975), 221; Robertson, Royal Commission on Industrial Training, 1812. The school evolved into what is today the Owens Gallery at Mount Allison University. 1 8 "The World's Fayre." For evidence of the industrial purposes of art schools in the United States during the 1870s and 1880s, see the 5,000 page, four volume U.S. Congressional report compiled by Isaac Edwards Clarke: Art and Industry, 46th Cong., 2nd sess., 4 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1885-1898); George Ward Nichols, Art Education Applied to Industry (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1877). Clarke's report is narrow in that it fails to emphasize non-industrial purposes for art education extant in the late nineteenth century. For an examination of Clarke, his report, and his influence on art education historiography, see Donald Soucy, "A History of Art Education History," chap. 1 in Framing the Past: Essays on Art Education, eds. Donald Soucy and Mary Ann Stankiewicz (Reston, Va.: National Art Education Association, 1990), 3-31; Arthur Efland and Donald Soucy, "A Persistent Interpretation: Art Education Historiography and the Legacy of Isaac Edwards Clarke," History of Education Quarterly 31, no. 4 (Winter 1991): 489-511; idem. "Who Is Isaac Edwards Clarke, Why Did He Do What He Did, and Why Should any of Us Care?", in The History of Art Education: Proceedings from the Second Penn State Conference. 1989, eds. Patricia M. Amburgy, Donald Soucy, Mary Ann Stankiewicz, Brent Wilson, and Marjorie Wilson (Reston, Va.: National Art Education Association, 1992), 138-49. 55 Leonowens, Kenny, McKay, and the other VSAD promoters saw their project as part of this wider art school movement, and they wanted the public to see it that way as well. That was Leonowens' stated purpose in reprinting and distributing throughout Halifax a pamphlet on "The Art Movement in America." The articles in it described the new art schools, showing what "is being done in the far-off Western cities of the United States by the establishment of Schools of Art and Design." These cities, said Leonowens, provided a model for what should be done in Halifax.19 Although the pamphlet discussed only North America, the VSAD organizers looked as much to Britain as they did to their own continent. Of the VSAD's four original staff, two had graduated from the National Art Training School at South Kensington. These were Charles H. Hopson, instructor for the school's architectural program, and George Harvey, the VSAD's first headmaster.20 VSAD directors also sought advice from South Kensington officials after the Halifax school opened.21 Here again, the VSAD was part of a trend. During the 1880s the South Kensington school was providing staff for art schools throughout the English-speaking world. By 1892, for example, South Kensington graduates headed five New Zealand schools of 1 9 Anna Leonowens, "Preface," in The Art Movement in America: Reprinted from the Century Magazine for the Victoria School of Art and Design of Halifax. N.S. (New York: The Century Co., 1877). 2 0 "Victoria School of Art and Design," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 17 September 1887, 2; VSAD Minutes. 25 August 1887. 2 1 See, for example, letters from South Kensington Museum to Helen Kenny dated 13th and 21st June 1889, and letters from Kenny to South Kensington dated 15th and 21st June 1889, in Helen Kenny, comp. ca. 1896, Mrs. Kenny's Scrapbook. MG 9 vol. 10 (Halifax: Public Archives of Nova Scotia). 56 art and design.22 In Canada, the Ontario School of Art based its first programs on South Kensington's curriculum.23 We do not know the years that either Harvey or Hopson studied at South Kensington. Nor do we know whether they attended the main school or a branch 2 4 Still, we can better grasp the essence of their Halifax programs by looking at the ideas South Kensington students would have encountered at that time. The National Art Training School, then called the Central Art Training School, had moved to South Kensington in 1857. From there it spread to branch schools across England. Until 1873, Henry Cole directed the School and the South Kensington Museum. Basing his program on utilitarian principles, and eschewing the strictly fine arts instruction of the academy, Cole maintained that a practical program of industrial drawing and design better served the country's economic needs.25 Edward J. Poynter brought 2 2 On South Kensington in Canada and New Zealand, see F. Graeme Chalmers, "South Kensington and the Colonies: David Blair of New Zealand and Canada," Studies in Art Education 26, no. 2 (1985): 69-74; "South Kensington in the Farthest Colony," chap. 5 in Framing the Past: Essays on Art Education, eds. Donald Soucy and Mary Ann Stankiewicz (Reston, Va.: National Art Education Association, 1990), 71-85. See also J. Craig Stirling, "The Development of Art Institutions in Quebec and Ontario (1876-1914) and the South Kensington Influence," Ph.D., Edinburgh University, 1991 (I thank J. Donald Wilson for this reference). 2 3 Fleming and Taylor, 100 Years Evolution of the Ontario College of Art. 11; See also Tait, "The History of Art Education," 36-37, 39. 2 4 South Kensington's Archives of Art and Design (National Art Library, Victoria and Albert Museum) contain little about the conventional students. A search there by the author (November 1988) did not turn up anything on either Harvey or Hopson. 2 5 On South Kensington, see: Macdonald, The History and Philosophy; ibid. "Articidal Tendencies," chap. 1 in Histories of Art and Design Education: Cole to Coldstream, ed. David Thistlewood (Essex: Longman, 1992), 15; Bennett, History of Manual and Industrial Education up to 1870, 382-90; Chalmers, "South Kensington and the Colonies: David Blair"; Richards, Art in Industry; Clive Ashwin, ed., Art Education Documents and Policies 1768-1975 (London: Society for Research into Higher Education, 1975); Richard Carline, Draw They Must: A History of the Teaching and Examining of Art (London: Edward Arnold, 1968); Walter Crane, "Art Teaching," in 11th ed. The Encyclopaedia Britannica. vol. 2 (Cambridge: at the University Press, (continued...) 57 about changes when he took over the Department of Science and Art in 1875, partly achieving his goal of moving the schools closer to the fine arts.26 In his British training before becoming VSAD principal, it is not clear whether George Harvey was influenced directly by either the utilitarian Cole or the more fine art-based Poynter. Born in 1846 in Devon, England, Harvey would likely have been a student during Cole's directorship. However, Cole had been retired for eight years by the time Harvey came to Halifax in 1881 2 7 Nevertheless, Cole's sway over South Kensington did not retire with him. By that time the system in England already had 122 schools in which art training was linked to industrial design. Cole's 2S(...continued) 1910), 703-5; Christopher Frayling, The Roval College of Art: One Hundred & Fifty Years of Art & Design (London: Barrie & Jenkins, 1987); Arthur Efland, A History of Art Education: Intellectual and Social Currents in Teaching the Visual Arts (New York: Teachers College Press, 1990), 59-60; Nikolaus Pevsner, Academies of Art Past and Present. 1940 (Reprint) (New York: Da Capo, 1973); Walter Smith, "Industrial Drawing and Art Education," in Annual Report on the Schools of New Brunswick for 1881 by the Chief Superintendent of Education, Theodore H. Rand (Fredericton: Queen's Printer, 1882), xxxii-xxxiii; Gordon Sutton, Artisan or Artist: A History of Teaching of Arts and Crafts in English Schools (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1967); David Thistlewood, "Social Significance in British Art Education 1850-1950," Journal of Aesthetic Education 20, no. 1 (1986): 71-83; Wygant, Art in American Schools. 54-55. 2 6 Edward J. Poynter, "Systems of Art Education," in 2nd ed. Ten Lectures on Art (London: Chapman and Hall, 1880), 94-114. 2 7 Secondary sources mistakenly give 1882 as the year Harvey moved to Halifax: Phyllis Blakeley, "Key Roles Played by the Nova Scotia College of Art," Atlantic Advocate. (May 1967): 34; Ron Shuebrook, Ron, "Principals and a President: NSCAD - 1887-1977," Arts Atlantic. (Summer/Fall 1978): 27; Patrick Condon Laurette, A Centennial Salute: AGNS Paintings by 15 NSCAD Studio Teachers, Biographies and Notes, supplement to exhibition catalogue (Halifax: Art Gallery of Nova Scotia, 1987), 3; Report on the Provincial Museum and Science Library 1931-32 (Halifax: King's Printer, 1933), 36. However, see Harvey's advertisement for his new Halifax studio at 35 Inglis Street, Acadian Recorder. 25 August 1881. Harvey became an Associate of the Royal Canadian Academy in lanuary 1882, after he had submitted works to the RCA's second exhibition, held in Halifax in 1881; see Rebecca Sisler, Passionate Spirits: A History of the Roval Canadian Academy of Arts. 1880-1980 (Toronto: Clarke, Irwin & Company, 1980), 36, 283. According to some of the above sources, Harvey may have emigrated to Montreal in 1864, which would have placed him at the South Kensington school during Cole's directorship. 58 South Kensington graduates staffed these schools, and many of them continued to spread his utilitarian theories on art and design education.28 Regardless of when Harvey attended South Kensington, his view of art education was closer to Poynter's fine arts focus than it was to Cole's more strictly industrial design emphasis. Like Poynter, Harvey was "strongly of the opinion that a proper amount of attention to fine art Drawing as well as to industrial Drawing would result in a much greater advance being made in both as they are supplementary."29 Harvey called for all students, be they amateurs or professionals, fine artists or industrial designers, to be exposed to fine art exercises in light and shade and drawing and painting from life, objects, and antique casts. As we shall see, Harvey was not fully successful in this integration of fine arts with the industrial design programs. Harvey and Hopson were not the first South Kensington influences in Nova Scotia. In 1862, South Kensington graduate Forshaw Day emigrated to Halifax. Both an architect and competent landscape painter, Day became art instructor and draftsman in Her Majesty's Naval Yard in Halifax.30 Long before 1887, Day had called for a Halifax art school. In 1870, he approached the Halifax Board of School Commissioners with a proposal to establish a school of art and design. The Board 2 8 Charles Alpheus Bennett, "Industrial Art Education—America's Opportunity," School and Society 10, no. 248 (27 September 1919): 373-77. 2 9 VSAD Minutes. 25 August 1887. 3 0 See: Day's obituary, Halifax Chronicle, 29 July 1903; Harry Piers, "Artists in Nova Scotia," Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society 18 (1914), 154. 59 listened politely but did nothing.31 The idea did not die, and three years later Nova Scotia's Superintendent of Education, A. S. Hunt, called for a provincial system of schools of drawing and design to train industrial workers and public school teachers.32 Again, nothing came of the proposal. The idea for a Halifax art school re-surfaced periodically between then and 1887. For example, the Marquis of Lome, Governor General of Canada, who had helped to establish the Royal Canadian Academy of Arts, used the 1881 RCA exhibition in Halifax to highlight the need for a local art school.33 However, it was not until the group led by Leonowens took up the cause in 1887 that a Halifax art school became more than an idea. Even more so than Day, the South Kensington trained head of the Massachusetts Normal Art School, Walter Smith, made Nova Scotians aware prior to 1887 that art training could enhance industrial design and growth. Although Halifax was relatively late in joining the art school movement, it was not because they had to wait for Leonowens to come up with the idea. By then, Smith had popularized this notion by selling his books and lecturing in the province. Nova Scotians even seem to have had the chance to persuade Smith to direct their entry into the movement. Smith was a graduate of South Kensington and headmaster of the Leeds branch within the South Kensington art school system. In 1871 Massachusetts 3 1 A.S. Hunt, Annual Report of the Common. Academic. Normal and Model Schools in Nova Scotia for the School Year Ended October 31st. 1871 (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1872), 86. 3 2 A.S Hunt, Annual Report of the Common. Academic, and Normal and Model Schools in Nova Scotia for the Year Ending October 31st. 1873 (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1874), xxv-xxvi. 3 3 J. Russell Harper, Painting in Canada: A History, 2nd ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977), 186. 60 recruited Smith to come set up its industrial drawing program, offering him a joint appointment as supervisor of drawing for both the state and the city of Boston.34 Within a few years, Smith had organized a comprehensive curriculum that progressed from the earliest grades up through to the normal schools.35 In 1873, Smith entrenched his program further when he helped found the Massachusetts Normal Art School.36 Becoming headmaster at the school, he now held three positions, one each with the state, the city, and the school. By 1875 Smith was claiming that his ideas and students were influencing school drawing in most Canadian provinces.37 His boast was premature but prophetic. Although Canadian educators had begun promoting Smith's program by the mid-1870s, provinces did not begin adopting it until a few years later. James L. 3 4 See address by John D. Philbrick at the first commencement of the Massachusetts Normal Art School, held 23 June 1876; rpt. in Isaac Edwards Clarke, Drawing in Public Schools. 46th Cong., 2nd sess., Art and Industry, vol. 1 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1885), 157. For an example of a call to have Massachusetts art schools and museums emulate South Kensington, see Charles C. Perkins, Art Education in America (Cambridge: Riverside Press, 1870), 10-11, 14. Perkins was an influential Boston art critic, member of the Boston school committee, long time chair of its committee on drawing, and supporter of Walter Smith. 3 5 For Smith's own account of his hiring and tenure in Boston, see Walter Smith, Report on the Present Condition of Drawing in the Public Schools of the City of Boston, in the Year One Thousand Eight Hundred and Eighty, Addressed to the School Committee. April 13. 1880. by Walter Smith, Director of Drawing. School Document No. 7 (Boston: Rockwell and Churchill, 1885), rpt. in Clarke, Drawing in Public Schools, 261-86. The Walter Smith story is the most widely documented one in North American art education historiography. Three detailed sources for the story are: Clarke, Art and Industry: Wygant, Art in American Schools; Harry Beck Green, "The Introduction of Art as a General Education Subject in American Schools," D.Ed, diss, Stanford University, 1948. For a comprehensive list of other sources on Smith, see references in: Soucy, "A History of Art Education History"; Efland and Soucy, "A Persistent Interpretation"; idem, "Who Is Isaac Edwards Clarke?" 3 6 Now the Massachusetts College of Art. See "Official History of the State Normal Art School as Given in the Annual Reports of the Massachusetts Board of Education," in Clarke, Drawing in Public Schools, 172-94. 3 7 See quote by Smith in Green, "The Introduction of Art as a General Education Subject," 140-41. 61 Hughes, Superintendent of Public Schools in Toronto, advocated the Smith series of drawing texts after his 1874 trip to Boston.38 Within four years a Smith text found a Toronto publisher.39 In Saint John, New Brunswick schools were already using Walter Smith's drawing series in 1873.40 A year later Fredericton schools began teaching industrial drawing. New Brunswick as a province, however, waited until November 1879 to officially prescribe Smith's industrial drawing and design for all of its schools.41 By the early 1880s, Manitoba, Quebec, and Nova Scotia had joined Ontario and New Brunswick in publishing Smith's books on freehand drawing, 3 8 Gaitskell, "Art Education in the Province of Ontario," 5-6; see also Tait, "The History of Art Education." 3 9 Tait (in "A History of Art Education") cites a 1878 edition of Walter Smith's Teachers' Manual for Freehand Drawing in Intermediate Schools published in Toronto by Adam Miller and Co. 4 0 "Trustees' Reports—Saint John," in Annual Report on the Schools of New Brunswick for 1873 by the Chief Superintendent of Education. Theodore H. Rand (Fredericton: Queen's Printer, 1874), 78-81. 4 1 Theodore H. Rand, Annual Report on the Schools of New Brunswick for 1880 by the Chief Superintendent of Education (Fredericton: Queen's Printer, 1881), xxx-xxxvi; idem. Annual Report on the Schools on New Brunswick for 1881 by the Chief Superintendent of Education, (Fredericton: Queen's Printer, 1882), xxxv. Rand mistakenly says Saint John introduced industrial drawing after Fredericton in 1874. 62 industrial drawing, and elementary design.42 Eventually departments of education across Canadian did authorize Smith's texts.43 Smith's direct connection to Nova Scotia began in 1874. That September Hinkle Condon, Halifax County's Inspector of Schools, took a leave of absence to visit Boston schools. Much about the Massachusetts system impressed Condon, but one thing especially caught his attention: Smith's industrial drawing program. Boston's Superintendent of Schools, J.D. Philbrick, himself a strong advocate of school drawing, introduced Condon to Smith. With Smith as his guide, Condon examined the drawing program from kindergarten to the Normal Art School.44 This program, Condon decided, was exactly what his province needed. Mere literary studies were not enough in today's industrial world. Students needed programs of utility, and Smith convinced him that no course could be more practical than industrial drawing. It was the basis of design and innovation, and therefore of 4 2 Walter Smith, Industrial Drawing from Blackboard and Object. Course for the Normal School of Nova Scotia (Truro, N.S.: Nova Scotia Normal School, [ca. 1882]); idem, Teachers' Manual for Freehand Drawing in Intermediate Schools (Toronto and Winnipeg: W.J. Gage & Company, n.d.); idem, (Saint John, N.B.: J. & A. McMillan, 1878). This Teachers' Manual is identical to (Boston: L. Prang, 1877). See also F. Graeme Chalmers, "South Kensington and the Colonies II: The Influence of Walter Smith in Canada," in The History of Art Education: Proceedings from the Penn State Conference, eds. Brent Wilson, and Harlan Hoffa (Reston, Va.: National Art Education Association, 1985), 112. Chalmers cites the following three Smith texts: Teachers' Manual for Freehand Drawing in Primary Schools (Toronto and Winnipeg: W.J. Gage & Company, 1883); idem. (Montreal: Gazette Printing Company, 1884); Conseil des arts et manufactures et le conseil de l'instruction publique, Manuel de dessin industriel a l'usage des maitres decoles primaires d'apres la methode de Walter Smith (Montreal: Duvernay Freres & Dansereau, 1878). Halifax schools used the Toronto edition, see Report of the Board of School Commissioners for the City of Halifax, for the Year Ended 31st October, 1884 (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1885), 61. 4 3 Chalmers , "South Kensington and the Colonies II," 108. 4 4 Hinkle Condon, "Inspector's Report for City and County of Halifax, 1874," in Annual Report of the Common, Academic. Normal and Model Schools in Nova Scotia for the Year Ending October 31st. 1874. A.S. Hunt (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1875), 82-83. 63 industrial advancement. Furthermore, Smith assured, his program could be easily implemented in Nova Scotia. Smith said he would even be happy, at any time, to aid Nova Scotia with his counsel and the results of his experience. Condon returned to Nova Scotia, lauding Smith's methods in his reports. When we look at Smith's work, Condon declared, art's "practical benefit is so well demonstrated ... that it can no longer be regarded as an accomplishment fit only for the affluent and the disengaged."45 It took a few years, but eventually others in the province joined Condon in praising Smith's program. Not only did it promise to aid industrial advancement, but there would also be no extra expense for art specialists, since a cornerstone of Smith's program was that it be taught by the regular teacher.46 By 1880, Walter Smith's program had found its way into Nova Scotia's Normal School in Truro. Ottie Smith, a Massachusetts Normal Art School graduate, took over 4 5 Condon, "Inspectors Report for 1874," 83. 4 6 For examples of Nova Scotian school inspectors' views on non-specialists teaching drawing, see: Daniel McDonald, "Inspector's Report for Pictou County," in Annual Report of the Common, Academic, and Normal and Model Schools in Nova Scotia for the Year Ending October 31st. 1874. A.S. Hunt (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1875), 12; CT. Andrews, "Inspector's Report for Queens County," in Annual Report ... for the Year Ending October 31st. 1876. Hunt, (1877), 50; C T . Andrews, in Annual Report ... for the Year Ending 31st October. 1877. (1878), 52; Colin W. Roscoe, "Inspector's Report for Kings and Hants Counties," in Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education on the Common. Academic. Normal and Model Schools of Nova Scotia, for the Year Ending October 31st, 1882, David Allison (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1883), 32; Colin W. Roscoe, in Annual Report ... for the Year Ending 31st October. 1885, Allison (1886), 46; W.D. MacKenzie, "Inspectors Report for Colchester and Cumberland Counties," in Annual Report ... for the Year Ending 31st October. 1883. Allison (1884), 41; W.D. MacKenzie, in Annual Report ... for the Year Ending 31st October. 1885. Allison (1886), 76-77; A .CA. Doane, "Inspector's Report for Shelburne and Yarmouth Counties," in Annual Report ... for the Year Ending 31st October, 1884, Allison, (1885), 22; L.S. Morse, "Inspector's Report for Digby and Annapolis Counties," in Annual Report ... for the Year Ending 31st October, 1884, Allison (1885), 26; Condon, "Inspector's Report for City and County of Halifax," in Annual Report ... for the Year Ending 31st October. 1885, Allison (1886), 21. 64 the Truro school's art program. At the time, hers was one of only two art teaching jobs at the province's many colleges and universities.47 She also taught weekly drawing classes to Halifax and Dartmouth teachers.48 Those unable to attend her classes could discover Walter Smith's ideas at teacher's institutes held around the province.49 Like her mentor Walter Smith, Ottie Smith emphasized drawing strictly for industrial purposes. For a text she used Walter Smith's Normal School industrial drawing course.50 Ottie Smith held on to the Truro position for thirty-four years, and was then replaced by another Massachusetts Normal Art School graduate, a Canadian named Marjorie Mills.5 1 For decades, then, Nova Scotian teachers who attended their provincial Normal School took an art education course from someone trained at the school Walter Smith helped found. 4 7 John B. Calkin, "Report of Principal of Normal and Model Schools," Appendix A in Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education on the Common, Academic. Normal and Model Schools of Nova Scotia, for the Year Ending 31st October 31st, 1880, David Allison (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1881), 4; John B. Calkin, "Report of Principal of Normal and Model Schools," in Annual Report ... for the Year Ending 31st October 31st. 1882. Allison (1883), 3-4; Thomas Trenaman, "Report of the Board of School Commissioners, Halifax City Schools," Appendix C in Annual Report ... for the Year Ending 31st October, 1882. David Allison (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1883), 53; "The Universities and Colleges of Nova Scotia," Appendix D in Annual Report ... for the Year Ending 31st October. 1885. Allison (1886), 101. 4 8 Benjamin Curren, "Supervisor's Report Halifax City Schools, 1882," in Annual Report ... for the Year Ending 31st October. 1882. Allison (1883), 63; Trenaman, "Report of the Board of School Commissioners" (for 1882), 53. 4 9 For example, a Miss A. Burgoyne gave a session on "Drawing, Walter Smith's System" in Windsor on September 1880; see Colin W. Roscoe, "Inspector's Report for Kings and Hants Counties," in Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education on the Common. Academic. Normal and Model Schools of Nova Scotia, for the Year Ending 31st October, 1881 (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1882), 30. 5 0 Walter Smith, Industrial Drawing from Blackboard and Object. 5 1 A.H. MacKay, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education for Nova Scotia for the Year Ended 31 July. 1921 (Halifax: King's Printer, 1915), 91-93. Canadian born Marjorie Mills replaced Ottie Smith. The 1921 Annual Report mistakenly says that Smith had served for thirty years (p. 92); she served thirty-four. 65 Walter Smith's stock started to rise in Canada just as it began to plummet in Massachusetts. In late April 1881, he was dismissed as Boston's Director of Drawing, though he still held on to his positions as supervisor for the state and head of the Normal Art School.52 The reasons for his dismissal have been debated ever since, with no consensus as to the cause. Some say it was because his arrogance made Smith too many enemies, others argue that rival publishers wanted to muscle in on Smith's domination of the drawing textbook market, and still others claim that Smith was the victim of a real estate battle over where the Normal Art School should be housed. Maybe it was opposition from drawing specialists, who understandably opposed Smith's insistence that non-specialists must teach drawing.53 Regardless of why he was dismissed, Smith faced reduced income from losing his city directorship, and indications were that his other two Massachusetts positions were not all that secure either. Two and a half months following his Boston dismissal, he travelled to Saint John, New Brunswick. There he lectured to teachers and consulted with Theodore Rand, formerly Nova Scotia's Superintendent of Education and now New Brunswick's. Favorably impressed, Rand asked Smith to help design a normal school art curriculum, and invited Smith to return with him to the provincial capital, 5 2 Clarke, Drawing in Public Schools, 291; Green, "The Introduction of Art as a General Education Subject," 165-66. 5 3 For an overview of the many historical interpretations of Smith's dismissal, see Peter Smith, "A Troublesome Comedy: The Causes of Walter Smith's Dismissal," chap. 44 in The History of Art Education: Proceedings from the Second Penn State Conference. 1989. eds. Patricia M. Amburgy, Donald Soucy, Mary Ann Stankiewicz, Brent Wilson, and Marjorie Wilson (Reston, Va.: National Art Education Association, 1992), 269-73. 66 Fredericton. The result was a program outline identical to the one Ottie Smith was adapting in neighbouring Nova Scotia.54 We do not know what Smith and Rand said to each other during that visit. Certainly, Smith's recent dismissal and precarious job security weighed heavily upon him. Whatever their discussion, Rand decided to act. Before the month was up he wrote to Sir Leonard Tilley, Canada's Minister of Finance in Ottawa. Rand described how Smith's work had inspired all provinces. However, there was just so much you could learn from a text. Now was the time to learn directly from the man. "The Dominion Government should," Rand proposed, "... secure his [Smith's] services, or those of some equally eminent man, if that be possible, for our country, in the common interests of Industrial and Educational progress."35 Ottawa never funded the hiring, so Smith was never offered the job. With his troubles mounting in Massachusetts, a Canadian position would have been tempting. In early March 1882, the state began a legislative investigation of Massachusetts Normal Art School.56 Within a month Smith was back in Canada. He spoke first in Montreal, and followed it by a Quebec City lecture on the first of May. 5 7 Four days later, the Massachusetts legislature released its report on his school. For Smith, the 5 4 Rand, Annual Report on the Schools of New Brunswick for 1881. xxxv-xxxvi. The Nova Scotia and New Brunswick programs stem from Smith's earliest ideas on normal school programs; see: excerpts from Smith's report for 1872-73 in Clarke, Drawing in Public Schools, 150; Walter Smith, Teachers' Manual of Free-hand Drawing and Designing. 5 5 Theodore H. Rand, letter to Sir Leonard Tilley, Minister of Finance, Ottawa, 26 July 1881, rpt. in Rand Annual Report on the Schools on New Brunswick for 1881. xxxvii-xxxviii. 5 6 Clarke, Drawing in Public Schools. 190-91, App. D 605 ff. 5 7 Walter Smith, Technical Education and Industrial Drawing in Public Schools. Reports and Notes of Addresses Delivered at Montreal and Quebec (Montreal: Gazette Printing Company, 1883). 67 results were less than pleasant. In early July, he was let go as State Art Director and as Principal of the Normal Art School.38 A week after his dismissal was public, Smith again headed north. This time his destination was Nova Scotia. His former pupil Ottie Smith was gaining recognition for her normal school art teaching in Truro. Just as important, his old acquaintance Hinkle Condon still held sway among Halifax educationists. Smith spoke in Truro and Halifax, attracting large and enthusiastic audiences in both places. Education officials liked what they heard, and for the next decade they promoted Smith's program in the province.39 However, these education officials did not offer Smith a job. The Halifax art school was still five years shy of being born, and the province's Department of Education had no plans for an art directorship. Still only forty-four years old, Smith was prepared to move from Massachusetts, and after twelve years in North America he and his family were willing to stay on that side of the ocean. In fact, when he did go back to England, three of his children remained behind in Massachusetts.60 It is likely, then, that when Smith toured the east he was looking for a job. Neither the federal government nor any province, however, was ready to hire him. So, in 1883, 5 8 Clarke, Drawing in Public Schools. 191, 194, 609, 611. 5 9 David Allison, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education on the Common, Academic. Normal and Model Schools of Nova Scotia, for the Year Ending 31st October. 1882 (Halifax: Commissioner of Public Works and Mines, Queen's Printer, 1883), xxxv-xxxvii; Hinkle Condon, "Inspector's Report for City and County of Halifax, 1882," in Annual Report ... for the Year Ending 31st October. 1882. Allison (1883), 13; Thomas Trenaman, "Report of the Board of School Commissioners, Halifax City Schools," Appendix C in Annual Report ... for the Year Ending 31st October, 1882. Allison (1883), 53; See also Inspector Roscoe's report in Annual Report ... for the Year Ending 31st October. 1882. Allison (1883), 32. 6 0 See booklet by Smith's granddaughter Nora C. C. Sheath: Some Events in the Life of Walter Smith (self-published by author, 1982), 8. 68 Walter Smith returned to England, where he headed the art department of the Technical College at Bradford.61 He died soon after, on September 14, 1886.62 Although Nova Scotians never secured Smith's full-time services, they did continue being exposed to his ideas. His industrial drawing texts had begun appearing in the province's common schools by 1880.63 In 1884, the academies and high schools adopted Smith's American Text Book of Art Education.64 That same year, Halifax teachers were given the opportunity to study industrial drawing under Nathanial C. James of the Halifax Academy. When the Victoria School of Art and Design opened three years later, it continued James's work, using a room in the Halifax Academy to provide an industrial drawing program for teachers.63 Thus, by the time of the VSAD's founding in 1887, the province's students were using Smith's text books from grade one on through to pre- and in-service classes for teachers.66 6 1 Isaac Edwards Clarke, Industrial and Manual Training in the Public Schools, 46th Cong., 2nd sess., Art and Industry, vol. 2 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1892), xlv; idem. Drawing in Public Schools. 62. 6 2 Sheath: Some Events in the Life of Walter Smith. 10. 6 3 W.D. McKenzie, "Inspector's Report for North Colchester and Cumberland Counties," in Annual Report ... for the Year Ending October 31st. 1880. Allison (1881), 51; see also McKenzie's reports in: Annual Report ... for the Year Ending 31st October, 1881, Allison (1882), 50; Annual Report ... for the Year Ending 31st October. 1882, Allison (1883), 51. 6 4 The Act Relating to Public Instruction, Together with the Comments and Regulations of the Council of Public Instruction, chapter 29, revised statutes, 5th series (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1884), xxii; "Regulations of the Council of Public Instruction, Relating to County Academies and Graded Schools," in Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education on the Common. Academic. Normal and Model Schools of Nova Scotia, for the Year Ending 31st October. 1885. David Allison (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1886), xxv-xxix. 6 5 "School Board," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 16 December 1887. 6 6 Manual of the Educational Statutes and Regulations of Nova Scotia (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1888), 91. 69 When VSAD promoters looked for suitable courses for their new school, ideas from South Kensington and Massachusetts were what they found. Halifax had no cadre of like-minded artists that the Board could call upon to establish official curriculum for the school, and none of the directors themselves were from art-related fields. Rather, they were businessmen, members of the educational bureaucracy, community activists, or well-to-do citizens who saw value in the fine and industrial arts. To determine their school's new program, therefore, the VSAD promoters depended on popular ideas, such as those from Walter Smith. On the other hand, in order to reach fruition, these ideas depended on the VSAD promoters. Working within the wider trends of the art school movement, Halifax agents of change negotiated local conditions, conflicts, collaborations, and compromises. Within this context was born the Victoria School of Art and Design. CHAPTER FOUR 70 Training for Art-Related Employment: Victoria School of Art and Design Programs, 1887-1894 When they drafted the constitution for the Victoria School of Art and Design, Helen Kenny, Anna Leonowens, Alexander McKay, and their committee had vocational aims in mind. The constitution they drew up mandated four goals for the Art School: (a) to provide technical instruction and art culture to persons employed in the various trades, manufacturers, &c , requiring artistic skill; (b) to open up new and remunerative employment for women; (c) to prepare the teachers of the Province for the teaching of industrial drawing in the Public Schools; (d) to educate public taste by establishing exhibitions and classes in the fine arts as far as practicable.1 Over the next few years, the school was only partly successful in achieving its mandate. As explicitly stated, the VSAD teachers, under principal George Harvey, were to offer courses to train both women and men in art-related employable skills. The Art School directors saw four general types of jobs that their school could stimulate: fine artist, artist-teacher, public school art teacher, and the artist-worker engaged in industrial design. As this chapter will show, while the Art School did succeed in offering vocationally-based programs, they attracted only men, and 1 "Constitution," in Victoria School of Art and Design. Halifax. Nova Scotia. Annual Report for the Year 1887-88 (Halifax: Nova Scotia Printing Company, 1888), 22-24. 71 therefore did not to any great extent achieve the VSAD's third mandate, "to open up new and remunerative employment for women." In the first type of art-related job, the fine artist, the Art School promoters made a clear distinction between those who wanted to follow fine art as a profession and those who wanted to study it as an accomplishment.2 The latter had long been found in the province's private schools, especially those for females. Being from the leisured social classes, many of the VSAD's women directors would have been familiar with this form of art education as found in an accomplishments curriculum. Since early in the nineteenth century, Nova Scotian girls aspiring to be ladies sought instruction in so-called "polite pursuits" such as watercolor painting, music, and embroidery. Private ladies' schools offering this accomplishments curriculum had peppered the province.3 Although the VSAD directors wanted the Art School to include instruction in these ornamental arts, they saw such instruction as a secondary priority to more vocationally-based art programs. The directors made it clear in the constitution that the school would offer classes and exhibitions in the fine arts only 2 For example, see: "The Art School," Halifax Morning Chronicle, 18 November 1887, 4. 3 For examples of accomplishment curricula early in the century, see: "Female School, Mrs. Crosskill and Miss Sturmy," advertisement, The Novascotian, 31 March 1830; "Seminary for Young Ladies. Mrs. Purvis," advertisement, The Novascotian, 24 November 1831, 380; "Mrs. Alexandra Hendry," advertisement, The Novascotian, 13 December 1832, 395; "Yarmouth Ladies' School," advertisement, The Yarmouth Herald and Western Advertiser, 31 October 1834, 3; "New School, Mrs. Sorenson and Mrs. Donnely," advertisement, Yarmouth Herald and Western Advertiser, 17 December 1838, 3; "Mrs. Huntington," advertisement, Yarmouth Herald and Western Advertiser. 26 April 1839, 3; "Select Establishment for Young Ladies, Mrs. T. Abbott," advertisement, The Novascotian, 5 November 1840, 365. For examples of schools offering drawing to girls later in the century, see "Seminary for Young Ladies, Milton, Yarmouth, N.S.," flyer, Y MS5 3B1, Yarmouth County Museum and Historical Research Library (1875); "Academy Mount St. Vincent," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 9 September 1887, 3; Robert P. Harvey, "Searching for 'Miss Grove'," Journal of Education [Nova Scotia], 6th Series, vol. 7, no. 1 (January 1981): 34-7. 72 "as far as practicable." For the most part, courses in amateur fine arts were justifiable if they brought added income to the school. The directors therefore set up an amateur class with fees much higher than those for the vocational programs.4 Their reasoning was that fees should not be a barrier to the workers' access to an art education, as long as that education was suited to their social position and was vocational in aim. For the leisured social classes, on the other hand, the principal focus was not job training but rather cultural refinement and development of taste.5 Thus the school's amateurs met twice a week in the morning, when most of their fellow citizens were at work. Their classes lasted two and a half hours. In the first year the amateur program attracted six students, all of them women, one of whom was VSAD founding director Helen Kenny.6 In addition to the amateur class held at the VSAD's Union Bank Building site, the Art School organized a fine arts program for the Halifax Ladies' College. This was not surprising since the two schools shared some of the same founders. From the beginning organizers had planned for Ladies' College students to attend VSAD classes.7 By the time the two schools opened, Board Secretary Alexander McKay had negotiated an arrangement whereby most Ladies' College students would have 4 Victoria School of Art and Design, Minutes Book. August 31. 1894 to June 10. 1914. MG 17 vol. 44 no. 2, (Halifax: Public Archives of Nova Scotia), 10 September 1887 (Public Archives of N.S. hereinafter referred to as P.A.N.S.; minutes book hereinafter referred to as VSAD Minutes). 5 "The Art School," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 18 November 1887, 4. 6 VSAD Annual Report 1887-88. 19; "Auspicious Opening of the Art School," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 1 November 1887, 3. 7 "The Presbyterian Ladies' College," Halifax Morning Chronicle, 23 June 1887, 3; The Novascotian, 25 June 1887. 73 art classes on their own campus. Advanced art students would attend courses at the Union Bank Building, paying regular VSAD fees. In addition, other Ladies' College students could attend a special amateur class at the Union Bank Building on Wednesday afternoons. The fee for this class was slightly below that of the regular VSAD amateur program.8 In 1887-88, an average of eight Ladies' College students took advantage of the Wednesday class.9 As its first art teacher, the Ladies' College hired Miss C.F. Howard from the United States.10 VSAD's headmaster George Harvey superintended the Ladies' College art program, with the College paying the Art School forty dollars a year for his services.11 The Art School continued to offer classes in conjunction with the Ladies' College for many years. The amateur and Ladies' College programs were not, of course, intended to generate employment. The VSAD's other fine arts courses, on the other hand, were. These professional programs also met during the day, catering to prospective artists, but even more so to artist-teachers. Of the four types of jobs the VSAD hoped to stimulate, artist-teacher held the most promise. Even so, its potential was limited by the small demand for these teachers. 8 VSAD Minutes. 15 September 1887. 9 "Victoria School of Art and Design, Halifax," Appendix E, in Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education on the Public Schools of Nova Scotia for the Year Ending 31st October 1888 (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1889), 130 (hereinafter referred to VSAD Annual Report [year]). 1 0 Sandra MacLeod, A History of the Halifax Ladies' College (Halifax: Halifax Ladies' College, 1973), 15. 1 1 VSAD Minutes. 15 September 1887. 74 Still, the Art School did stimulate a small market for artist-teachers.12 Furthermore, VSAD students who did find these careers had a more stable employment situation than artist-teachers earlier in the nineteenth century. This was due in part to another outcome of the VSAD's institutionalization of art training, which was to create a new gatekeeping function to regulate the artist-teacher's career entry and practice. Whereas artists-teachers in earlier times could simply proclaim themselves as such, now they needed credentials from the Art School or a similar institution. A brief look at the artist-teachers in Nova Scotia before 1887 shows how this shift took place. Before the late nineteenth century, artists and art teachers in Nova Scotia were truly independent. Except, perhaps, for mechanics' institutes, no art schools, art societies, government grants or regulations impeded their paths or assisted their endeavours. They were on their own, eking out a living in any way their art would allow. They set their own guidelines, rustled up their own students, and found their own place in which to teach and take on commissions. Although the state took no official interest in the early artist-teachers, their roles were somewhat regulated by the dictates of their middle and upper class clients. Painting portraits and teaching the well-to-do were their mainstay.13 Many artists and art teachers found at least 1 2 VSAD Annual Report 1890. 146. 1 3 See for example: "Portrait Painting and Tuition in Oil. Mr. L'Estrange," advertisement, The Novascotian. 22 January 1834; "Mr. Seager,-Artist Respectfully Announces," advertisement, The Nova Scotian. 25 June 1840; "Mr. Seager-Artist, Will Be Happy to Give a Course," advertisement, The Nova Scotian. 25 June 1840. 75 temporary employment in Nova Scotia's more wealthy private venture schools.14 Those schools that catered to the "lady" or "gentleman" usually included drawing and painting.15 Some even advertised a "drawing academy."16 Even if they had no pretense of being a drawing academy, Nova Scotia private venture schools often hired a local or itinerant artist-teacher, and usually had no trouble finding one. There were lots of them, and most needed the work.17 Artists would often advertise for a short period and then not be heard from again. 1 8 Men artists and teachers tended to be drifters, hanging out their shingles wherever work was a possibility. Women artists and teachers also travelled, but they usually stayed 1 4 On private venture schooling in Ontario, see: R.D. Gidney and W.P.J. Millar, Inventing Secondary Education: The Rise of the High School in Nineteenth-century Ontario (Montreal: McGill-Oueen's University Press, 1990), chaps. 2, 3, and 4; Susan E. Houston and Alison Prentice, Schooling and Scholars in Nineteenth-century Ontario (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1988), chaps. 2 and 3. 1 3 For examples see: "Mr. John Pryor, A.B., Intends Commencing a School," advertisement, The Novascotian. 1 November 1827, 367; "Boarding and Day School," advertisement, The Novascotian. 24 November 1831, 380; "Female School. Misses E. & M. Dupuy," advertisement, The Novascotian. 22 August 1833; "Yarmouth Academy," advertisement, The Yarmouth Herald and Western Advertiser. 4 October 1833, 3; "Notice. The Rev. J. Padfield," advertisement, Yarmouth Herald. 16 September 1875; "Miss Tupper," advertisement, Yarmouth Herald and Western Advertiser. 3 May 1847, 2; "Miss Tupper's Establishment for Young Ladies," advertisement, Yarmouth Herald and Western Advertiser. 8 April 1847, 4. 1 6 See for example: "Drawing Academy, Miss Mary E. Morris," advertisement, The Novascotian. 22 August 1833; "Drawing Academy, Messrs T. <& J.H. Abbot," advertisement, The Novascotian. 5 November 1840, 365; "Drawing Academy, Monsier Le Chaudelec," advertisement, The Nova Scotian, 17 December 1840, 408; "Boarding and Day School for Young Ladies, Phipps," advertisement, Yarmouth Herald and Western Advertiser. September 27 1833, 3; "Drawing and Painting, Phipps," advertisement, Yarmouth Herald and Western Advertiser, 9 August 1833. 1 7 See, for example, an advertisement in which one of Halifax's best known early nineteenth century artist-teachers advertises to paint houses: "Valentine, Painter and Glazier," advertisement, The Novascotian, 5 January 1825, 2. 1 8 For example, "Mr. L'Estrange," advertisement, The Novascotian, 13 December 1832, 400. 76 longer in one place, often starting up a private school or attaching themselves to one already established.19 The art school movement in the second half of the century would soon change the rules for artists who wished to teach. As art schools arose, they became gateways regulating entry into the art and art teaching fields. Also increasingly regulated was the art curriculum. The British system went much further much faster than Canada in this regard. Unlike the UK system, no centralized national bureaucracy could dictate how Halifax's Art School should regulate artists and art teachers. Nevertheless, Canadian art schools such as the Victoria School of Art and Design did begin to set the expectations for art teaching. In its first year the VSAD established a program for "those who intend to devote themselves to the profession of teaching painting and drawing."20 This did not refer to the generalist common school teacher who taught the Walter Smith program. Rather, it referred to the more specialized artist-teacher who taught in private schools and academies. The Art School established new programs for them, and eventually new qualifications. The VSAD's professional fine arts program was divided into elementary and advanced level classes, with the headmaster, George Harvey, teaching both. The elementary class met twice a week. It began with freehand drawing, followed by drawing and painting from casts, models, and still life. It also included clay 1 9 The best known woman artist-teacher in early nineteenth century Halifax was Mary Morris, who conducted a drawing and painting school for many years. See for example: "Mrs. Sybilla E. Morris," advertisement, The Novascotian. 24 November 1831, 380; "Drawing and Day School, the Misses Morris," advertisement, The Novascotian. 8 September 1833, 285. 2 0 "The Art School," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 18 October 1887, 4. 77 modelling. Students in the advanced class met every weekday. In addition, the studios were open to them every day from 10:00 a.m. to 4:30 p.m., except when other classes needed the space, which in the tight quarters of the Union Bank Building was quite often. The advanced course consisted of more in-depth versions of the techniques covered in the elementary class, along with life drawing and painting, designing, and timed and memory drawing. The VSAD also offered a higher level course, a life class opened exclusively to the most advanced pupils, but only one student qualified in the VSAD's first year.21 With forty-six students attending the advanced class, it enjoyed the Art School's largest enrolment during the 1887-1888 school year. Combined with the elementary class there were a total of seventy-four daytime fine arts students. Of these, sixty-six were women, with all eight men in the elementary course.22 The number of artist-teacher careers available to these students did not match this heavy enrolment. Still, VSAD graduates began getting all of the more prestigious artist-teacher positions. The Art School had begun its credentialing function. At least three students from the VSAD's first advanced class gained well-respected positions as artist-teachers. These were Agnes Vondy, Louisa Cornelius, 2 1 For descriptions of the original VSAD program, see: "The Art School," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 4; "Victoria School of Art and Design," advertisement, Halifax Morning Chronicle. 13 October 1887, 2; "A New Institution," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 29 October 1887, 3; "Circular of the Victoria School of Art and Design," appendix E, in Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education on the Common. Academic, Normal and Model Schools of Nova Scotia for the Year Ending 1887 (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1888), 127-28. 2 2 Students listed in VSAD Annual Report 1887-88. 17-21; for an initial list of students, see "Auspicious Opening of the Art School," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 1 November 1887, 3; enrolment figures are also in VSAD Annual Report 1888. 130. 78 and Edith Smith.23 Vondy took over from Howard as head of the art department at the Halifax Ladies' College.2 4 The Board hired Cornelius as a VSAD assistant teacher in November 1887, starting a long-standing tradition of hiring advanced VSAD students to help with the Art School's teaching.25 After completing her own VSAD studies, Cornelius continued teaching at the Art School until 1891.26 She was replaced by Kate Foss Hill, who had graduated from the VSAD program for public school teachers.27 A promising student, Hill had been given free VSAD tuition in exchange for helping McKay as an assistant secretary.28 Edith Smith went on to teach at both the Halifax Ladies' College and the Art School. She and Hill began at the Ladies' College in 1893 when Edith's brother, Lewis Smith, succeeded Vondy as head of the Ladies' College art department.29 Edith and Lewis Smith came from a family of painters, illustrators, and designers.30 Although Lewis Smith did not attend the Art School in 1887, he became a VSAD student soon after.31 In fact he was one of only two alumni ever to become 2 3 VSAD Annual Report 1887-88. 17. 20. 21. 2 4 VSAD Annual Report 1893. 118. 2 5 VSAD Minutes. 4 November 1887; "Circular of the Victoria School of Art and Design," 127; VSAD Annual Report 1888. 1, 10. 2 6 VSAD Annual Report 1891. 145-46. 2 7 VSAD Minutes. 18 September 1891; VSAD Annual Report 1892. 158. 2 8 VSAD Minutes. 19 November 1889, 18 September 1891. 2 9 VSAD Annual Report 1894. 118. 3 0 A. Smith, donor, Short Biographical Sketch of Edith Smith. MG 100 vol. 230 no. 18 (P.A.N.S., ca. 1954). 3 1 VSAD Annual Report 1893. 118. 79 principals of the Art School.32 Lewis Smith achieved that position in February 1910 and kept it until May 1912.33 Edith also taught at the school, covering her brother's classes in the spring of 1910, while he was away in England.3 4 She taught there again in 1918, as assistant to another principal, Arthur Lismer.35 Edith Smith's art teaching career was, in all likelihood, the longest of any of the Art School's original students. After her instruction with Harvey in the VSAD's advanced class, she continued her studies, first at the Boston Art Club under Ernest Major of the Massachusetts' Normal Art School, and later in England at the Chelsea School of Art. When she returned to Halifax, she and Lewis began offering art instruction from a studio at Bedford Chambers.36 Her most important contribution to art education began when she took over as the head of the art department at the Halifax Ladies' College around 1912.37 It was a position she would keep until 3 2 The other was Donald C. Mackay, who started as a VSAD student in the early 1920s and went on to serve as the school's principal from 1945 to 1970 (see chapter eleven). 3 3 VSAD Minutes. 10, 14 February 1910, 27 May 1912; VSAD Annual Report 1910. 224; VSAD Annual Report 1912. 210. 3 4 Letter, Lewis Smith to VSAD Board, 5 April 1910, MG 17 vol. 43 no. 2 (P.A.N.S.). 3 5 "Report of President N.S. College of Art," Halifax Star. 3 May 1927; VSAD Minutes. 17 October 1918. Although the minutes followed the regular practice of referring only to "Miss Smith" without giving a first name, there are no other Miss Smiths who were apparent candidates for the position. The Star article says Edith Smith taught at VSAD under Lismer. 3 6 S. Staden, "Art Society Members Owe Much to President," Halifax Starf March 1934, in Edith Smith comp., Edith Smith's Scrapbook. 1920s-1940s, MG 9 vol. 1 nos. 199-200 (P.A.N.S.). 3 7 Patrick Condon Laurette says this is the approximate date, A Centennial Salute: AGNS Paintings by 15 NSCAD Studio Teachers, exhibition catalogue (Halifax: Art Gallery of Nova Scotia, 1987). 1946.38 In 1922 she and her brother were founding members of the Nova Scotia Society of Artists.39 Edith Smith began exhibiting after her study at the Art School, and continued to exhibit until her dieath in 1954 at Petite Riviere, Nova Scotia.40 Beginning with Vondy, Cornelius, Hill, and the Smiths, most people who attained stable careers in Nova Scotia as artist-teachers did so only through art school credentials. There is no evidence that the VSAD caused an increase in such careers, except the few positions on, its own staff. Thus, the Halifax Art School did not "create new and remunerative" artist-teacher employment for either women or men; instead it began to regulate it. Neither did the VSAD create the third intended type of employment, public school art teaching. Although Harvey offered a successful teachers' course during the Art School's first year, it served teachers who already had a job. In late November 1887, VSAD Secretary Alexander McKay attended a local teachers' institute and gained their endorsement for his plan to initiate the course.41 Of the thirty students in the School's first teachers' course in 1888, twenty-six were women, 3 8 MacLeod, A History o! the Halifax Ladies' College. 18; 200 Years of Art in Halifax an Exhibition Prepared in Honour of the Bicentenary of the City of Halifax. N.S. 1749-1949. exhibition catalogue (Halifax: N.S. College of Art, N.S. Museum of Fine Arts, N.S. Society of Artists, Dalhousie University, 1949), 53; Gemey Kelly, J.E.H. MacDonald. Lewis Smith. Edith Smith in Nova Scotia, exhibition catalogue (Halifax: Dalhousie Art Gallery, 1990), 24. 3 9 Nova Scotia Society of Artists, Minutes Book. Feb. 1922-Nov.l933. MG 20 vol. 502 no. 18 (P.A.N.S.), 14 February 1922; Catalogue Silver Jubilee Exhibition The Nova Scotia Society of Artists. (Halifax: Nova Scotia Society of Artists, 1951). 4 0 On Edith Smith, see also Gemey Kelly, Backgrounds: Ten Nova Scotian Women Artists, exhibition catalogue (Halifax: Dalhousie Art Gallery, 1984), 14. 4 1 VSAD Minutes 19 November, 10 December 1887; "Halifax Teachers Association," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 1 December 1887; "School Board," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 16 December 1887. 81 twenty-four of whom were single.42 This ratio was understandable, since the teaching profession in Nova Scotia had become increasingly staffed with unmarried women. When the province's free school system began in 1864, only forty-five percent of Nova Scotia's 1,113 teachers were women. In 1871, women became the majority for the first time, constituting fifty-one percent of the 1,565 teachers. By the end of the century they had increased their majority to seventy-six percent (1,941 females, 616 males).43 Although most students in the teachers' class were female, their Art School program bore little resemblance to the accomplishments curriculum of the ladies' private venture schools. Instead these women were taught industrial drawing. Their program, in fact, was very similar to the one taught by Ottie Smith at the Truro Normal School. This, of course, was because they were expected to teach Walter Smith's industrial drawing in their own classrooms. Before Walter Smith's 1882 lectures in the province, only about ten percent of the students in Nova Scotian schools received drawing instruction. By the time the VSAD opened, that percentage had swelled to forty-six percent. In Halifax, where McKay was Supervisor of the Board of School Commissioners, nearly every student in the early grades was taught drawing from the Walter Smith books.44 4 2 See list of VSAD students in various courses, VSAD Annual Report 1887-88. 17-21, in which names are preceded by "Mrs", "Miss", or "Mr". 4 3 A.H. MacKay, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education of the Public Schools of Nova Scotia for the Year Ended 31st July, 1901 (Halifax: Wm. MacNab, 1902), xlvi-xlix. See also lanet Guildford, "The Feminization of Public School Teaching in Nova Scotia, 1838-80," Acadiensis 22, no. 1 (1992): 44-64. 4 4 Percentages extrapolated from tables in reports: David Allison, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education on the Common. Academic. Normal and Model Schools of Nova (continued...) 82 In Nova Scotia, then, the institutionalization of art instruction moved women teachers and their students away from the accomplishments curriculum toward an industrial drawing focus. Gidney and Millar found this same shift away from the accomplishments curriculum to be the case in Ontario during this same period. They discuss the supposed "sexless intelligence" institutionalized in Ontario schooling in the late nineteenth century. They note that it was the male academic and classical traditions that were adopted in the common schools, at the expense of the female schools' accomplishments curriculum, with its strong emphasis on the arts.45 "Girls, in effect, were made honorary boys, and adapted to the existing curriculum, not the other way around."46 Gidney and Millar are not arguing that a female curriculum would have been more politically or vocationally liberating for girls. But they do make a case that female-identified subjects have not been historically assessed on their own terms. Rather, historians have judged them "according to the canons of late nineteenth-century (male) academics."47 It remains unanswered, therefore, how gender schemas reduced, for both men and women, traditional liberal arts subjects such as fine arts to options and frills in modern education. In Nova Scotia and elsewhere, ^(...continued) Scotia, for the Year Ending 31st October. 1882 (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1883); idem. Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education on the Public Schools of Nova Scotia, for the Year Ending 31st October, 1887 (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1888). For Halifax schools, see Report of the Board of School Commissioners for the City of Halifax, for the Year Ended 31st October, 1887 (Halifax: Nova Scotia Printing Company, 1888). 4 5 Gidney and Millar, Inventing Secondary Education, 15-19, 245-51. 4 6 Gidney and Millar, Inventing Secondary Education, 249. 4 7 Gidney and Millar, Inventing Secondary Education, 17. 83 many promoters of Smith's program found it to their advantage to portray the more ornamental forms of art education as a frill. This allowed them to contrast Smith's industrial drawing as a solid subject essential to vocational preparation. In addition to its industrial focus, a key characteristic of the Smith program was that it be taught not by specialists but rather by regular classroom teachers.48 Most students in the VSAD teachers' course were therefore non-specialists. The thirty teachers in the program in 1888 tended to be experienced, with at least a third of them having more than ten years teaching to their credit. Sixteen of the thirty had Normal School training, where they would have taken one course in drawing, which rarely instilled a confidence in teaching the subject. Teachers in the VSAD program received no raise in either license or salary for their efforts. Tests, not courses, determined license levels, and there were no tests in drawing. Teachers therefore went to the Art School to increase their skills and confidence, not their pay or employment opportunities.49 4 8 For Smith's position on why non-specialists should teach drawing, see: Smith, Report on the Present Condition of Drawing in the Public Schools School Document No. 7 (Boston: Rockwell and Churchill, 1880); idem, Art Education Scholastic and Industrial (Boston: James Osgood), 45-46, 61-62; idem. "Annual Report on Industrial Drawing in the State of Massachusetts for the Year 1880," Appendix D in Forty-fourth Annual Report of the Board of Education: Together with the Forty-fourth Annual Report of the Secretary of the Board (Boston: Rand, Avery & Co., 1881); idem. Plan and Graded Programme of Instruction in Drawing for the Public Schools of Massachusetts of the Primary, Grammar, and High School Grades (Boston: Rand, Avery & Co., 1880); idem. Teachers' Manual for Freehand Drawing in Intermediate Schools (Boston: L. Prang & Company, 1877), 17-18. For Smith's Canadian publications on this subject, see: idem. "Industrial Drawing and Art Education," in Annual Report on the Schools of New Brunswick for 1881 by the Chief Superintendent of Education, Theodore H. Rand (Fredericton: Queen's Printer, 1882) , xxxiii; idem. Technical Education and Industrial Drawing in Public Schools. Reports and Notes of Addresses Delivered at Montreal and Quebec (Montreal: Gazette Printing Company, 1883) , 7,9, 29. 4 9 Characteristics of students in teachers program were derived from cross-referencing the art school's class list in VSAD Annual Report 1887-88. 17-21, with tables in Report of the Board (continued...) 84 Halifax employed about one hundred and twenty teachers at the time, and approximately a quarter of them had already taken drawing from Ottie Smith at the Truro Normal School. Several others had studied Walter Smith's program with Nathaniel C. James of the Halifax Academy, where he had been conducting the teachers' drawing class since 1885.50 Created that year through the amalgamation of the Halifax Grammar School and Halifax High School, the Academy provided free co-educational secondary education, with its rooms also open for teacher in-service training.31 When the Art School began its teachers' course, it held classes in James's Academy classroom.32 The thirty students who took the 1888 VSAD teachers' program exhausted the supply of teachers wanting such a course. When these students finished the program, interest in it was not rekindled until after Harvey retired. Although the VSAD's teachers' program did not create substantial employment opportunities within the public schools, three of the students who finished the course were to have a significant impact on art and education in Nova Scotia. These three 49(... continued) of School Commissioners for the City of Halifax, for the Year Ended 31st October. 1890 (Halifax: Nova Scotia Printing Company, 1891). 5 0 Alexander H. McKay, "Report of the Supervisor for Halifax City Schools," in Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education on the Common. Academic. Normal and Model Schools of Nova Scotia, for the Year Ending 31st October. 1885. David Allison (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1886), 92-93. 5 1 J.W. Logan, "History of the Halifax Grammar School, High School and Academy from 1789 to 1894," Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society 23 (1936), 131. 5 2 VSAD Minutes 19 November, 10 December 1887; "School Board," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 16 December 1887. 85 were Kate Foss Hill, Isabel Brodie, and Marian Kate "Minnie" Graham.5 3 Brodie had begun teaching in the city's public schools in 1885, two years before the VSAD opened.54 In 1904 she became Supervisor of Drawing for Halifax schools, a position she held for 29 years.55 In 1912 Brodie became a VSAD director and later served as Secretary of its Board.5 6 Hill, in addition to teaching at the VSAD and the Halifax Ladies' College, taught art at the Halifax Academy and the city's high schools.57 When illness finally forced Hill to retire from the high school in 1913, Brodie took over her duties.58 When Hill left her first VSAD teaching position at the end of 1892, the Art School replaced her with her former VSAD classmate Minnie Graham. 5 9 One of Graham's main duties at the Art School was to oversee a Saturday morning art class for children. The VSAD had initiated the Saturday class when the school first opened, and it would continue the program off and on throughout its history. Louisa Cornelius had been the class's first teacher, with the directors paying her sixty 5 3 VSAD Annual Report 1887-88. 17-18. 3 4 Report of the Board of School Commissioners for the City of Halifax, for the Year Ended 31st October. 1890 (Halifax: Nova Scotia Printing Company, 1891), 24. 5 5 Lila Publicover, "Report-Director of Drawing," Appendix 2, in Report of Board of School of School Commissioners for the City of Halifax for the Year Ending 31st, October. 1934 (Halifax: n.p., 1934), 34-35. 5 6 VSAD Minutes. 10 January 1912. 5 7 Report of the Board of School Commissioners for the City of Halifax for the Year Ended 31st October. 1900 (Halifax: T.C. Allen & Co., 1900), 32. 5 8 A.H. MacKay, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education for Nova Scotia for the Year Ended 31 July. 1913 (Halifax: King's Printer, 1914), 143-44. VSAD Minutes. 23 December 1892; VSAD Annual Report 1893. 117. 86 dollars a year for her efforts. Hill taught the class after Cornelius, and then Graham did the job for the next two decades. The school charged Saturday morning students $7.50 each for a course of thirty lessons.60 Aiming to prepare talented young students for future entry into the Art School, the Saturday class offered a more thorough program than what was possible in the public schools. The course consisted of "Freehand Drawing and Elementary Design," terms from Walter Smith's public school manuals. The class was successful, with good attendance each term. It was not until after World War One that the Saturday program was used to train public school art teachers. Thus, despite its success, the Saturday morning art class did not stimulate employment, except for the one teacher who ran the program. The Art School, then, through its teachers' program and Saturday class, did not create many public school teaching positions. Still, the VSAD became the gateway for the few positions that did exist, and for in-service training, of course. The main type of employment that the VSAD did hope to stimulate were jobs in industrial-design. To achieve this the Art School opened up evening classes for working people to gain or upgrade skills. VSAD's principal George Harvey was not an industrial designer, and he made it known from the beginning that he was not prepared to teach architectural drawing. So, the directors hired John Larkin to teach the industrial program and Charles Hopson to teach the architectural. Harvey did insist, though, that industrial students take some fine art instruction. The Art School's VSAD Minutes. 4 November 1887. 87 directors agreed with Harvey's views on exposing students to both fine and industrial arts, and they set out to build this practice into the programs.61 Whereas the school charged relatively high fees for the upper class amateurs, and moderate fees for the more middle class fine art professionals, the VSAD constitution stipulated that "classes in industrial and mechanical drawing and designing etc. shall be free to all apprentices and others desiring to prepare themselves for industrial occupations." Furthermore, the Art School initially offered apprentices and mechanics help in purchasing instruments needed for the courses.62 By the end of the school's first year, though, financial constraints led to students having to buy their own instruments. Those workers who could afford it were expected to pay a small instructional fee of five dollars for a course of thirty lessons, eight dollars for sixty lessons, and ten dollars for ninety. In actuality the VSAD rarely charged this fee.63 The VSAD promoters wanted the evening classes to serve both women and men. It was apparent to them, though, that mechanical classes would be male dominated, and perhaps so would the architectural class. Not that women would be excluded from learning to draw with instruments. Although today mechanical drawing is synonymous with instrumental drawing, it had broader application when the VSAD opened in 1887. 61 62 63 VSAD Minutes. 25 August, 7 September 1887; VSAD Annual Report 1887-88. 40-41. "A New Institution." "The Art School," Halifax Morning Chronicle, 18 November 1887, 4. 88 Throughout the nineteenth century, the words "mechanics" and "mechanical" had various meanings when applied to art instruction. Mechanics included all artisans and handicraft workers, thus the name "mechanics' institutes." When artists spoke about drawing with mechanical aids, they meant not only rules and squares but also other "secondary means" such as tracing through glass.64 They also used "mechanical" to mean what we now call "technical." An artist needed "mechanical knowledge" of anatomy and forms;65 drawings could be "mechanically" elaborate or perfect, but still lack truth of expression.66 As for the term "mechanical drawing," it had only recently gained general use by the 1880s. It did not refer exclusively to drawing with mechanical aids but meant drawing for mechanical trades. This broader notion of mechanical drawing thus did not restrict it to drawing with instruments. In 1870 William R. Ware, professor of architecture at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, could talk about "Free-Hand Mechanical Drawing."67 Today, Ware's phrase is an oxymoron, but it made sense within the nineteenth century meaning of drawing for mechanical trades. This is the sense in which the Halifax Art School used the term. According to John T. Larkin, the first head of the VSAD's Industrial Division, "In the Mechanical Class, the object is to 6 4 Charles Hayter, An Introduction to Perspective. Practical Geometry, Drawing and Painting. 6th ed. (London: Samuel Bagster and Sons, 1845), 4. 6 5 Hayter, An Introduction to Perspective. 133. 6 6 John G. Chapman, The American Drawing Book: A Manual for the Amateur, and Basis of Study for the Professional Artist: Especially Adapted to the Use of Public and Private Schools, as Well as Home Instruction, rev. ed., 1847 (New York: A.S. Barnes & Co., 1870), 171; Hermann Krusi, Krusi's Drawing. Manual for Teachers. Inventive Course—analytic Series (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1877), 8. 6 7 Board of Education, Industrial or Mechanical Drawing. Papers on Drawing (Boston: Wright & Porter, State Printers, 1870), 13. 89 teach the student how to prepare working drawings for the mechanist."68 There is no evidence in the VSAD program that "mechanical" meant exclusively by mechanical means. The VSAD did teach drawing with instruments, but it did not restrict this instrumental drawing to the mechanical class. Charles Hopson, for example, included instrumental drawing in his architectural class. There he taught students "how to prepare designs and working drawings, by the aid of which the mechanic and artisan can correctly construct a building."69 Students in the fine arts courses also used drawing instruments for design, geometric drawing, and perspective drawing.70 During the Art School's first year, women constituted eighty-nine percent of the fine arts program. At the VSAD, then, women took instrumental drawing, but not mechanical drawing. The VSAD's use of drawing instruments in more than one course paralleled Walter Smith's programs. Smith did not include "instrumental" drawing as a category to be taught by itself.71 For example, in Smith's Normal School course used in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, instruments were required in geometrical 6 8 VSAD Annual Report 1887-88. 11. For Larkin's description of his program, see VSAD Annual Report 1891. 147-48. 6 9 VSAD Annual Report 1887-88. 11. 7 0 VSAD Annual Report 1897. 147-49. 7 1 For example, Walter Smith, Art Education Scholastic and Industrial; idem. Plan and Graded Programme of Instruction in Drawing; idem. American Text Books of Art Education, rev. ed. (Boston: L. Prang & Co., 1879). 90 drawing and design, optional in dictation and memory drawing, and forbidden in freehand, ornament, and object drawing.72 "Mechanical," therefore, categorized the type of person who took the program, not the type of drawing. Those connected with the VSAD applied the term to male mechanics and "mechanists." The Art School promoters did intend both women and men to study instrumental drawing. By definition, though, only people in the mechanical trades, which at the time was a category of male workers, would take the mechanical program. The term "mechanical" is just one of many VSAD program terms whose meaning has shifted since the nineteenth century. By 1887, Nova Scotian curricula at all levels, from the Art School to the common schools to the Normal School, used terms such as "mechanical," "industrial," elementary," and "freehand" to categorize their offerings in drawing. These terms were just gaining their specific meanings by this time, with Walter Smith playing a large role in standardizing many of them. As with the term "mechanical drawing," "elementary drawing" did not refer to a specific type of drawing. But whereas "mechanical" categorized a rype of person, "elementary" categorized a /eve/ of proficiency. This can be a source of confusion, because today in education "elementary" is a category of people, referring to a specific age group, as in "elementary grades." That was not the meaning in the nineteenth century. As Gidney and Millar point out, for much of that century "elementary" meant "the subordinate or rudimentary parts of any form of Smith, Industrial Drawing; from Blackboard and Object; Rand, Annual Report on the Schools of New Brunswick for 1881. xxxv-xxxvi. 91 education."73 This is how the term was used when elementary drawing became established in the British system during the early 1850s.74 Both there and later in the Walter Smith and VSAD programs, elementary drawing referred to any course for students with little experience, regardless of age or type of drawing involved. For example, at the Halifax Art School, both the architectural students and the fine arts students studied elementary and advanced perspective.75 "Industrial" was the most all-encompassing term used for categorizing late nineteenth century drawing programs. More than anyone else, Walter Smith standardized its meaning. For Smith, "industrial" identified the purpose of the program, not the type. "Industrial" thus differed from "mechanical" which, although it did categorize purpose, was primarily a category of the person taking the program. Industrial drawing incorporated any type of drawing deemed suitable for industrial pursuits.76 The VSAD used "industrial" to signify purpose when it divided its first programs into "Fine Arts" and "Industrial." Both programs included drawing from casts and drawing with instruments. The difference was the end goal. While the industrial program aimed at training artisans or artist-workers, the fine arts program aimed at training professional artists or artist-teachers. 7 3 Gidney and Millar, Inventing Secondary Education. 4. 7 4 Stuart Macdonald, The History and Philosophy of Art Education, (New York: American Elsevier Press, 1970), 160-61. 7 5 VSAD Annual Report 1897, 148-49; Smith, Art Education Scholastic and Industrial. 48, 75-76, 358, 376; idem. Plan and Graded Programme of Instruction in Drawing: Isaac Edwards Clarke, Drawing in Public Schools. 46th Cong., 2nd sess., Art and Industry, vol. 1 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1885), 524-25, 531, 540; Foster Wygant, Art in American Schools in the Nineteenth Century (Cincinnati: Interwood Press, 1983), 227, 230, 235. 7 6 See Walter Smith, Art Education Scholastic and Industrial, 42; idem, "Industrial Drawing and Art Education," xxxiv. 92 In the nineteenth century, "industrial" was associated not just with mechanized industrialization but with any industrious labor.77 "Industrial schools," for example, did not necessarily train exclusively for factory work, but often for trades and labor in general, with the goal of making the student industrious.78 Similarly, the term "industrial drawing" was not limited to mechanical or instrumental drawing. In the Smith program that had been adopted in Nova Scotia and elsewhere, industrial drawing included "freehand," "object," "geometrical," "memory," "dictation," "design," "ornament," and "elementary" drawing. Mechanical drawing was therefore a subset of industrial drawing. The VSAD's "Industrial Division" reflected this broader notion of the term.79 In the evening industrial program, Harvey conducted classes in freehand and model drawing, design, clay modelling, and painting. He also offered the night classes drawing and shading from casts. Although Harvey's evening fine art classes achieved adequate enrolment, the evening students attended the mechanical and architectural courses much more consistently than they did Harvey's. The evening and day programs ended up remaining distinct, each with its own predominant style of instruction.80 For the most part, industrial students designed steam engines and 7 7 The Compact Edition of the Oxford English Dictionary, 1933 (Reprint) (Glasgow: Oxford University Press, 1971), 1422; Arthur Efland, A History of Art Education: Intellectual and Social Currents in Teaching the Visual Arts (New York: Teachers College Press, 1990), 102. 7 8 See, for example, First Annual Report of the Committee of the Halifax Industrial and Ragged Schools. Albemarle St. and Spring Garden Road (Halifax: Industrial School Printing Office, n.d. [1865 ca.]). 7 9 For the first VSAD program, see "A New Institution"; VSAD Annual Report Year 1887-88. 8 0 VSAD Annual Reports. 1888, 130; 1889, Bb; 1890, 146-47; 1891, 145-46; 1892, 159; 1893, 117. 93 bathtubs, while the amateurs designed decorative motifs and curios. Architectural students drew working plans, while fine arts students drew still lifes.81 The evening classes did successfully train its students for better jobs. These students, though, were nearly all male, many of whom worked during the day and took VSAD classes at night. While women dominated the day time fine arts courses, the evening industrial program attracted only one woman among the 135 students in the VSAD's first year.8 2 The Art School's directors tried to change this gender ratio. They wanted a needlework program in the evening, believing women could find jobs in that industry. Yet, despite their best efforts and months of searching, Ella Ritchie, Leonowens, Lawson, and McLean were continually frustrated when trying to find a suitable instructor for the course, and it ended up never being offered.83 Because its industrial-based evening programs were attended almost exclusively by men, the VSAD's first year saw only very limited success in its goal "to open up new and remunerative employment for women," as mandated in its constitution. Of the four types of employment it had hoped to generate for women, it made gains only among artist-teachers. In the following years the school's success was no better. In fact, the situation deteriorated. See, for example, program descriptions in "A New Institution." VSAD Annual Report 1887-88. 17-21. 8 3 For example, see: VSAD Annual Report 1889. 128; VSAD Annual Report 1887-88. 10; VSAD Minutes. 10 August, 7 September, 12, 20 October, 10 December 1887, 10 January, 16 February, 5, 13 September 1888, 19 November 1889. 94 In the Art School's first year enrolment had reached 282. 8 4 This was to be its highest until after World War One. In 1888-89, enrolment had dropped by half, to an average of 141 per term.85 The VSAD not only lost students in its second year, it also lost one of its key directors. In March 1888 Leonowens announced that she and her grandchildren were going to Germany to pursue their studies.86 As it turned out, she would not return until 1893, adding to the Art School's woes and its steady decline. The decline was not evident at the outset. On the contrary, the gains of the first year bred optimism for the second. The directors approved the purchase of new casts and models, and instituted new classes in etching, clay modelling, and wood carving.8 7 At the start of the 1888-89 school year, they raised Harvey's salary from thirteen hundred to sixteen hundred dollars, which would be the equivalent to about $31,600 in the 1990s.88 Then, in December 1888, the directors hired W.A. England from the Massachusetts Normal Art School to teach new courses.89 8 4 On first year enrolment see VSAD Minutes. 10 January 1888; VSAD Annual Report 1887-88, 17-21: VSAD Annual Report 1889. 8 5 VSAD Annual Report 1889. EE. 8 6 VSAD Minutes. 15 March 1888. 8 7 VSAD Minutes. 10 January 1888. 8 8 VSAD Minutes. 25 August 1887, 31 May 1888. According to the rate provided by the Prices' Division of Statistics Canada, Ottawa, $1,600 in 1887 would be the equivalent of $31,652 in July 1996. 8 9 VSAD Minutes. 7 December 1888. 95 The Board's optimism was short lived. Enrolment in the previously well attended advanced day class went down by over seventy-five percent.90 By April, England's classes had attracted only eight or nine students each, resulting in the Board having to let him go. 9 1 The directors had spent a considerable sum to equip the School for the etching class, but only one student registered. By the end of the VSAD's second year the only good news McKay could report was that Larkin's and Harvey's evening classes were going well, and so were the children's Saturday morning art classes.92 The VSAD's third year began in September 1889 with only fifty students. Enrolment doubled by the end of the school year, but income, morale, and Harvey's spirits continued to decline. Whereas money from fees had amounted to almost nineteen hundred dollars in the Art School's first year, it fell to less than half of that in 1888-89, and in 1889-90 the VSAD collected less than five hundred dollars in fees. For the remainder of Harvey's tenure as headmaster, the income from fees averaged only about three hundred dollars per year. The enrolment did not go down any further, but the proportion of fee paying students did. Most pupils were either tradesmen, whose fees were waived, or students from the high schools and Halifax Academy, who were given scholarships for free tuition.93 For the fee paying 9 0 VSAD Annual Report 1889. BB, EE. 9 1 VSAD Minutes. 29 April, 10, 21 May 1889; VSAD Annual Report 1889. CC. 9 2 VSAD Annual Report 1889. BB. 9 3 VSAD Minutes. 7 December 1888; VSAD Annual Report 1889: VSAD Annual Report 1880: VSAD Annual Report 1891: VSAD Annual Report 1892. 96 clientele who had dabbled in the polite pursuits of the fine arts program, the Art School's drab and cramped classrooms soon lost their attraction.94 While Harvey's evening classes continued to go well, his daytime courses required a lot of effort and produced little satisfaction. He had to teach virtually all of the subjects, and the only way he could accommodate every student was to meet simultaneously with the elementary and advanced classes. Furthermore, the tiny rooms made it impossible to take advantage of the School's teaching materials such as the casts. What especially irritated Harvey were the many hours he had to spend arranging and rearranging the classrooms to suit the needs of the different programs. At the end of that third year, in April 1890, the directors offered the overworked Harvey a decrease in workload and salary. Asking him to accept less than half of what he had been earning before, the Board compensated by discontinuing his morning classes in the 1890-91 year.9 6 There was some good news, though. In the spring of 1891, the Art School made arrangements with the Halifax School Board to rent three rooms in the Halifax Academy.9 7 The rooms at the Academy were better than those at the Union Bank Building. Even though still inadequate for the VSAD's needs, at least the space increased. The same could not be said for the headmaster's enthusiasm. Harvey 9 4 The VSAD's inadequate space is a running theme throughout the Board minutes and the VSAD's annual reports. 9 5 VSAD Annual Report 1880. 146-47. 9 6 VSAD Minutes. 21 March, 1 April 1890; VSAD Annual Report 1891. 146. 9 7 On space at the Academy see VSAD Minutes. 19 November 1887, 27 April, 15 May 1891. 97 spent an uneventful year at the School. He had worked for five years to make the institution successful, receiving consistent help from many of the directors, and also achieving some public visibility. For example the "lady directors" were charged with exhibiting Art School work at the Provincial Exhibition in Halifax during the fall of 1891.98 Overall, though, the public was now at best indifferent to the Art School, or at least to its fine arts program, and the city was threatening to end the VSAD's municipal grant.99 No one had been able to match Leonowens's ability to arouse community interest, and without that it was difficult for Harvey to maintain a bright outlook on the Art School's future. He was, after all, a fine artist, and that was the VSAD offering which the community seemed to care less about. In the fall of 1892, Harvey let the Board know this would be his last year as headmaster.100 The directors replaced Harvey with Ozias Dodge, a twenty-five year old painter and etcher.101 Originally from Morristown, Vermont, Dodge had attended the Yale School of Fine Arts and was a member of the New York Art Students League. Before accepting the VSAD position, he had been living in New York. 1 0 2 He started at the Art School in March 1893, but lasted only one year. 1 0 3 9 8 VSAD Minutes. 15 May 1891; VSAD Annual Report 1891. 145. This began a decades-long tradition in which VSAD women organized art-related exhibits for the Provincial Exhibition. 9 9 VSAD Minutes. 23 December 1892. 1 0 0 VSAD Minutes. 3 October 1892, 13 January 1893; VSAD Annual Report 1893. 117. 1 0 1 VSAD Minutes. 19 September 1893. 1 0 2 Hannah S. Dodge, Ozias Dodge 1868-1925. Exhibition catalogue (Norwich, Conn.: Printing Department of the Norwich Free Academy, 1958); "Obituary Ozias Dodge," Norwich Bulletin. 29 June 1925. 1 0 3 VSAD Minutes. 16 March, 5 May 1894; VSAD Annual Report 1893. 117. 98 Dodge organized two new classes, one for the nuns in the Convent of the Sacred Heart and another for public school teachers.104 The time was right for re-instituting the teachers' course, since the province was phasing out Walter Smith's industrial drawing after a dozen years as the required public school art program. In place of the Smith program was a new Canadian series, "The Public School Drawing Course," designed by J.H. McFaul of the Normal School of Toronto. McFaul's books, which he began publishing in 1892, consisted of increasingly complex drawings that students were to copy. In most classrooms this copying constituted the entire art program. McFaul, however, wanted his exercises to be supplemented with imaginative design work and object drawing.1 0 5 This was a change from the Smith program where emphasis was on drawing from the flat. Alexander McKay promoted this new form of school art and, consequently, so did the Art School. The VSAD initiated a class in object drawing which attracted fifty teachers.106 These teachers greatly swelled the attendance figures for Dodge's year at the VSAD. Enrolment reached two hundred, the highest it had been since the Art School first opened, and the highest it would be until 1928. However, because the school provided so many students with free tuition, the school collected only $221 in fees, which was to be the smallest amount in the School's first two decades. Furthermore, the new rooms at the Halifax Academy proved inadequate for the large number of 1 0 4 VSAD Minutes. 5 May 1894. 1 0 5 Manual of the Educational Statutes and Regulations of the Council of Public Instruction of Nova Scotia (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1895), li; J.H. McFaul, The Public School Drawing Course (Toronto: Canada Publishing Co., 1892). VSAD Annual Report 1894. 128. 99 students.107 In their perennial search for more space, the directors were able to secure a room at Dalhousie University in which Dodge set up a clay modelling class.1 0 8 The directors also looked into renting part of the National School, an old building near downtown at the foot of Citadel Hill, but found its rooms to be unsuitable.109 A decade later, in 1903, the VSAD would move into the National School and find that, indeed, its rooms were unsuitable. As in the VSAD's first teachers' course, the students in Dodge's teachers' program were, generally, already employed. From 1887 to 1894, therefore, the VSAD promoters had only very limited success in its efforts to generate art-related jobs, especially for the province's women. Nevertheless, they were successful in other significant ways. The Art School's programs were a boon for teachers, and the province's best known artists of the day had received at least some of their training at the Victoria School of Art and Design. True, the industrial advances brought on by trained artisans, a promise so widely touted during the school's initiation, showed few signs of emerging. Yet within the community, the hope of the promise survived, and thus, just barely, so did the Art School. 1 0 7 VSAD Annual Report 1894. 128. 1 0 8 VSAD Minutes. 7 October 1893. 1 0 9 VSAD Minutes. 5 May 1894. CHAPTER FIVE 100 Programs, Properties, and Priorities: The Role of the VSAD Board, 1894-1906 During its first two decades, the Victoria School of Art and Design kept many of the traits developed during its inaugural years. In preparing students for employment, the male-dominated evening industrial programs continued to do a better job than the daytime fine arts programs, whose students were mostly women. Things did change in 1907, however, when the newly-opened Nova Scotia Technical College took over the Art School's role in industrial education. This chapter looks at the years before the change, focusing on the Art School's directors, along with its teachers and programs, between 1894 and 1906. During most of this time, the VSAD Board's main concern was finding a suitable property in which to house the Art School, for which they had a substantial amount of money set aside from the fund-raising efforts of 1887 and 1888. Understandably, the directors usually left the curriculum up to the principal and teachers since, after all, none of the directors was drawn from art-related fields. Rather, they were educationists, businessmen, or well-to-do citizens with an interest in arts and industrial arts. Although the directors set the general goals of the VSAD's programs, they depended on the principal and teachers to figure out how to achieve those goals. After 1887, VSAD directors stuck to budget and real estate and interfered little with the principal's work in setting up programs. Most exceptions, though, came during the few years when the VSAD principal was a woman. 101 Just keeping the Art School alive was a challenging enough task for the VSAD Board. When Anna Leonowens left Halifax for Europe in March 1888, the VSAD's enrolment, budget, and optimism were still high. By the time she returned at the end of 1893, enrolment had declined and was restricted by cramped quarters and overworked staff, the budget was jeopardized by government threats to terminate grants, and optimism was turning into frustration. Leonowens took it upon herself to revive the former enthusiasm.1 Cash flow was very tight, with the Board not wanting to touch the building fund. In order to cut back expenses, the Board decided to no longer pay Minnie Graham a wage, instead allowing her to keep the fees collected from her Saturday children's class.2 The directors did not change the other teachers' salaries, but then the industrial teachers could not work for fees anyway, since tuition was free for all artisans and other industrial workers, and neither the mechanical nor architectural programs generated much income.3 Fee paying fine arts students partly subsidized the industrial classes, but fine arts fees did not cover all of the school's costs. Neither were the government grants enough to meet all expenses, though when added to the fees they came close to doing so. A few more dollars came in when Leonowens and 1 Leonowens's return to the VSAD Board is noted in: Victoria School of Art and Design, Minutes Book. Mav 5. 1887 to Mav 6. 1894. MG 17 vol. 44 no. 1, (Halifax: Public Archives of Nova Scotia), 7 October 1893 (minutes book hereinafter referred to as VSAD Minutes; Public Archives of N.S. hereinafter referred to as P.A.N.S.). 2 VSAD Minutes. 9 March 1895. 3 "Victoria School of Art and Design, [1894]" in Annual Report of the Superintendent of Education on the Public Schools of Nova Scotia for the Year Ended 31st October, 1894. A.H. MacKay (Halifax: King's Printer, 1895), 128 (hereinafter referred to as VSAD Annual Report(s) fvearl); VSAD Annual Report 1895. 195; VSAD Annual Report 1896, 125. 102 George Harvey did a little fund raising.4 Although the amount generated did not increase the budget significantly, it provided a much needed boost in spirits. Besides paying the bills, one of the VSAD Board's first tasks after Leonowens's return was to find a new headmaster to replace Ozias Dodge.5 In the search, Leonowens encountered an entrenched gender bias in the Board's thinking. By this time, all four of the Board's executive were male and, among the other fifteen Board members, ten were male and five were female.6 At the May 5, 1894 Board meeting, eight directors, including Leonowens and two other women, gathered to review applications for the headmaster's position. When a Miss Houghton applied for the position, a majority at the meeting insisted that, as a woman, Houghton would be incapable of handling the job. The directors therefore dismissed her application, even though they had very few others to choose from. The Board had sent enquiries about possible candidates to the Massachusetts Normal Art School and the New York Art Students' League. This resulted in only three applicants other than Houghton, and two of them had withdrawn. The Board was left with Houghton and only one other candidate, Charles C. Waterbury, about whom they knew very little. He did have impressive references, though, from New York artists such as William Merritt Chase, James Carroll Beckwith, and H. Siddons Mowbray. Based on these references the Board hired him to begin in the fall of 1894.7 4 VSAD Minutes. 9 March 1895. 5 VSAD Minutes. 16 March 1894. 6 VSAD Annual Report 1894. 129. 7 VSAD Minutes. 16 March, 5 May, 31 August 1894. 103 The VSAD principalship was not an easy job, and Waterbury was just not up to the task. He made no innovations in the curriculum, teaching essentially the same program that Harvey had set up in 1892, along with the clay class that Dodge had initiated at Dalhousie University. While innovation may not have been necessary, some form of commitment was, and Waterbury left no evidence of having it. In March 1895, the Board decided to notify Waterbury that "his services would not be required for another year."8 The directors once again found themselves searching for someone to head the School. Memorable would not describe Waterbury's short stay in Halifax. In the VSAD's annual report for Waterbury's only year he is referred to as "Mr. C C . Woodbury."9 The catalogue for a major 1949 Halifax art exhibition lists him as "Catherine Waterbury."10 Ironically, after the Board had insisted only a man could do the job, histories continued to assign the wrong sex to the Victoria School of Art and Design's third headmaster.11 The debarment of women from the headmaster's position was soon to change. At the July 1895 Board meeting Leonowens listed qualifications of a woman whom she felt could do the job. That afternoon the directors passed a motion put forward by George Harvey and James Gordon MacGregor to hire Katherine N. Evans to replace Waterbury. Evans was from Philadelphia, and she had a letter of reference 8 VSAD Minutes. 31 August, 26 October, 9 March 1895. 9 VSAD Annual Report 1895. 120. 1 0 200 Years of Art in Halifax an Exhibition Prepared in Honour of the Bicentenary of the City of Halifax. N.S. 1749-1949. exhibition catalogue (Halifax: N.S. College of Art, N.S. Museum of Fine Arts, N.S. Society of Artists, Dalhousie University, 1949), 53. 1 1 For example, Ron Shuebrook, "Principals and a President: NSCAD - 1887-1977," Arts Atlantic. (Summer/Fall 1978), 28. 104 form the Principal of the School of Industrial Art of the Pennsylvania Museum. Whereas her predecessors were called "headmasters," she became the Art School's first "principal." The new woman principal, however, made less money than the men who had preceded her, receiving seven hundred dollars a year, or eighty dollars less than Waterbury and three hundred dollars less than Dodge. That may have been justified, given the Art School's continued financial uncertainty, but they also imposed a new restriction. The Board would not allow her to teach extra courses to supplement her income, a provision not applied to previous headmasters. Leonowens, however, helped Evans find one way around this restriction. Together they organized summer sketch classes, which added to Evans's income after the regular school terms had ended.12 Evans's first month on the job coincided with the VSAD's expansion. In September 1895 plans were outlined for a new "South End Branch," to be housed at the Halifax Ladies' College building on the northwest corner of Barrington and Harvey Streets.13 Establishing the branch was actually a renegotiation of previous agreements between the Ladies' College and the Art School. The original 1887 agreement, in which the VSAD headmaster oversaw the Ladies' College art program, had been discontinued. But the connections were re-established when Art School graduates Lewis and Edith Smith, along with Kate Hill, took charge of art at the 1 2 VSAD Minutes. 15 July 1895. For Waterbury's salary see VSAD Minutes. 31 August 1894. For Dodge's salary see VSAD Minutes. 5 May 1894. On Evans's summer teaching, see: "Miss Evans, the Head Teacher of the Victoria School of Art and Design," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 6 April 1896, 6; "Pupils Desiring to Join Miss Evans' Sketch Class," Halifax Morning Chronicle. 8 April 1896, 4. At least one source ("Report of President N.S. College of Art," Halifax Star. 3 May 1927) lists Evans's first name as "Kathleen," while Shuebrook ("Principals and a President," 28) has it as "Catherine," but sources from 1890s have her name as Katherine. 1 3 VSAD Minutes. 6 September 1895. See also minutes for: 12 May 1896; 31 August 1898. 105 Ladies' College in 1893.14 By 1895 there was another connection: Leonowens's granddaughters were attending the Ladies' College.1 5 A more recent member of the Board, Dr. A.H. MacKay, also had strong links with the Ladies' College.1 6 Becoming an ex officio VSAD director when he was appointed provincial Superintendent of Education in 1891, MacKay would serve on the Art School Board for over three and a half decades, longer than anyone in the school's history.17 Like many VSAD directors, MacKay was a Presbyterian. In addition to his Art School position, MacKay served as a Senator of Halifax's Presbyterian College on Gerrish Street, a director of the Presbyterian leaning Ladies' College, and a Governor of Dalhousie University, which itself had strong Presbyterian roots.18 MacKay championed not only women's education but also women's rights in general, supporting issues such as women's suffrage and women's participation on 1 4 VSAD Annual Report 1893. 118. 1 5 Halifax Morning Chronicle, 17 June 1897, 1; Ruth Blake, "Anna of Siam Lived in Canada," The Maritime Advocate and Busy East, (January 1951), 12; Phyllis Blakeley, "Anna of Siam in Canada," Atlantic Advocate, (January 1967); Leslie Smith Dow, Anna Leonowens: A Life Bevond the King and I (Lawrencetown Beach, N.S.: Pottersfield Press, 1991), 118. 1 6 A.H. MacKay, Nova Scotia Superintendent of Education, should not be mistaken for Alexander McKay, Supervisor for the Board of School Commissioners for the City of Halifax. Occasionally, contemporaries of these two mistakenly spelled MacKay's name as "McKay," thereby creating more confusion between the two. 1 7 Frederic H. Sexton, letter to Isabel Brodie, 6 June 1929, MG 17 Series A vol. 23 1928 (P.A.N.S.). 1 8 For biographical information on MacKay, see: his obituary, "Former Superintendent of Education Passes," Halifax Mail, 11 May 1929; Nancy M. Sheehan, "Alexander H. MacKay: Social and Educational Reformer," chap. 13 in Profiles of Canadian Educators, eds. Robert S. Patterson, John W. Chalmers, and John W. Friesen (n.p.: D.C. Heath Canada, 1974), 253-70; Jane M. Norman, M., Loran Arthur DeWolfe and the Reform of Education in Nova Scotia, 1891-1959 (Truro, N.S.: Atlantic Learning Productions, 1989). 106 school boards. Given this background, MacKay was a strong supporter of the Art School's links with the Ladies' College.1 9 Although the new branch's program was virtually the same as the VSAD's regular day program, fees at the new Ladies' College South End Branch were twenty-five percent more than those at the Art School's main campus.20 What was different from the main campus, however, were the facilities available in the third floor art room at the Ladies' College. These rooms were much more suitable to the Ladies' College clientele, whose middle and upper class aspirations were reflected in their school motto: "That our daughters may be as cornerstones, polished after the similitude of the palace."21 Meanwhile, the facility at the Art School's main branch continued to be a problem. For many directors, negotiating for property became the only Art School concern about which they displayed any knowledge or interest. In searching for a new location, the Board investigated and abandoned a number of proposals to house the school. In the fall of 1895 the Board entered into negotiations with other 1 9 On MacKay's support for women's campaigns, see: "The Altruistic Women of Canada," Halifax Herald. 16 June 1897, 3; "The Ladies' College Alumnae Lecture Course Was Opened Last Evening by Mrs. Sexton: 'Woman's Work in Canada'; Her Emancipation in The Half Century Commented Upon, and the Contributing Causes Set Forth—Argument For and Against the Suffrage for Women Ably Presented," Halifax Mail. 30 November 1909; "Women on School Boards: Are They Eligible and is Their Appointment Desirable?" editorial, Halifax Mail. 24 January 1911. 2 0 "Victoria School of Art and Design," flyer on fees and programs, 1896-97, MG 17 vol. 43 no. 21 (P.A.N.S.). See also VSAD flyers on programs and fees for 1897-98 and 1898-99, MG 17 vol. 43 no. 21 (P.A.N.S.). 2 1 Sandra MacLeod, A History of the Halifax Ladies' College (Halifax: Halifax Ladies' College, 1973), 14. 107 societies to purchase a building for their common use.22 When that plan did not work out, the directors began looking for a place to rent. In June 1896 they finally decided on rooms in the Thomas Building, downtown on the southwest corner of Barrington and Sackville Streets. The rooms were an improvement over the attic in the Halifax Academy, where the VSAD had spent the previous five years. The new location was also easily reached by Halifax's new electric tramcar, which that year had replaced horsecars. Rental for the Thomas Building rooms was low: one hundred dollars a year plus water rates, with the building's owner agreeing to pay all other taxes. That owner was James E. Roy, a Halifax businessman, city alderman, and future director of the Victoria Sch