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A tale of two Susans: the construction of gender identity on the British Columbia frontier 1997

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A T A L E O F T W O S U S A N S : T H E C O N S T R U C T I O N O F G E N D E R IDENTITY O N T H E BRITISH C O L U M B I A F R O N T I E R b y A N I T A M . J . B O N S O N B . A . , T h e Universi ty of V i c t o r i a M . A . , T h e Universi ty of British C o l u m b i a A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F D O C T O R O F P H I L O S O P H Y i n T H E F A C U L T Y O F G R A D U A T E S T U D I E S D e p a r t m e n t of E d u c a t i o n a l S t u d i e s W e a c c e p t this thesis a s c o n f o r m i n g to the required s t a n d a r d T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F BRITISH C O L U M B I A M a y 1997 © A n i t a M . J . B o n s o n , 1997 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of gpucAnfltslAL S T I ^ P I f f The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada •ate M A Y a q 1^7- DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT O v e r the last twenty-five y e a r s , w o m e n ' s h is tor ians h a v e str iven with the p r o b l e m of how to u n c o v e r w o m e n ' s l ives in the past . T h e ear ly c o n c e r n with mere ly "retrieving" w o m e n ' s life s tor ies h a s recently b e e n a u g m e n t e d by a m o r e theoret ical ly- i n f o r m e d a p p r o a c h w h i c h takes into c o n s i d e r a t i o n i s s u e s of e x p e r i e n c e , v o i c e , a n d representat ion, a n d w h i c h c h a l l e n g e s the notion of a b s o l u t e objectivity. T h i s s tudy w a s d e s i g n e d a s a contr ibut ion to the latter type of historical r e s e a r c h i n f o r m e d by the s o c i o l o g i c a l d e b a t e s o n these i s s u e s , a n d w a s i n f l u e n c e d b y feminis t material ist a p p r o a c h e s that insist o n a c c o u n t i n g for both the content of e x p e r i e n c e s a n d the var ious d i s c u r s i v e pos i t ions o c c u p i e d by s u b j e c t s . Speci f ica l ly , it e x a m i n e s the b a s e s of identity c o n s t r u c t i o n in the l ives of two w o m e n t e a c h e r s ( S u s a n A b e r c r o m b i e H o l m e s a n d S u s a n S u c k l e y Flood) in nineteenth-century British C o l u m b i a , a context in w h i c h relatively little work o n the history of w o m e n h a s b e e n d o n e . Identity is not p e r c e i v e d a s g iven or static, but rather a s c o n s t r u c t e d , c h a n g i n g , a n d s o m e t i m e s contradictory. E v e n t h o s e m a r k e r s of identity c o m m o n l y ca l led u p o n to d e s c r i b e a p e r s o n - s u c h a s g e n d e r , race , c l a s s , religion, a n d n a t i o n a l i t y - a r e s e e n a s p r o b l e m a t i c , a n d their ambigui t ies are d i s c u s s e d in relation to the life s tor ies of the two w o m e n . S u b s e q u e n t l y , the effects of t h e s e " m a r k e r s " are further a d u m b r a t e d through a n e x a m i n a t i o n of s o m e of the l e s s o b v i o u s w a y s in w h i c h the w o m e n ' s identities w e r e c o n s t r u c t e d . T h e s e are all s e e n as interrelated, a n d inc lude the i i influences of their families of origin on the women's earlier lives, especially regarding their education and marriage decisions, their functions as economic agents, their social relationships, and their self-images or self-representations. To the extent that these were fashioned by their gender identity, many similarities can be seen in their lives, but their experiences also diverged (widely or narrowly) as a result of their differences in other aspects, notably racial identity. These differences had a profound effect on the type and degree of material and ideological constraints placed upon them, and thus on the degree to which they were able to shape the construction of their own identities. TABLE OF CONTENTS A b s t r a c t ii T a b l e of C o n t e n t s iv A c k n o w l e d g e m e n t s vi C h a p t e r O n e H i s t o r i c a l " V o i c e " : T h e o r e t i c a l I n f l u e n c e s 1 F e m i n i s t M a t e r i a l i s m 5 T h e P r o j e c t s of F e m i n i s t H i s t o r y 1 4 W o m e n ' s P e r s o n a l N a r r a t i v e s 2 0 C h a p t e r T w o T h e A m b i g u i t i e s of Ident i ty 3 3 " Ident i ty" in H i s t o r i c a l R e c o r d s 3 4 S u s a n A b e r c r o m b i e H o l m e s 3 7 S u s a n S u c k l e y F l o o d 4 3 T h e Q u e s t i o n of R a c e 5 1 R a c i a l Identity on the W e s t e r n F r o n t i e r 5 4 C l a s s 6 0 R e l i g i o n 6 6 N a t i o n a l i t y 6 8 C h a p t e r T h r e e T h e F a m i l y of Or ig in 7 2 F a m i l y H i s t o r y 7 4 T h e N a g l e F a m i l y 7 8 F a m i l y S u r r o g a t e s 8 6 F a m i l y In f luence on M a r r i a g e 100 C h a p t e r F o u r E c o n o m i c Ident i t ies 117 T e a c h i n g in N i n e t e e n t h - C e n t u r y B r i t i sh C o l u m b i a 118 T e a c h i n g B e f o r e 1872 120 T e a c h i n g in the 1 8 8 0 s 130 T h e Impor tance of L a n d 139 T h e F a m i l y E c o n o m y 143 C h a p t e r F i v e T h e C o n s t r u c t i o n of S o c i a l Ident i t ies 159 H o m e a n d F a m i l y R e l a t i o n s 160 O t h e r H o u s e h o l d M e m b e r s 181 T h e L a r g e r C o m m u n i t y 184 O r g a n i z a t i o n s 198 i v C h a p t e r S i x S e l f - i m a g e s a n d S e l f - R e p r e s e n t a t i o n s 2 0 5 R e l i g i o u s / S p i r i t u a l I den t i t y 2 0 7 A r t i s t i c / L i t e r a r y C o n s t r u c t i o n s of t h e Se l f 221 S e l f - A s s e r t i o n a n d S e l f - i m a g e 2 3 7 C h a p t e r S e v e n R e f l e c t i o n s o n the T a l e , the T e l l i n g , a n d the Te l le r : H is to ry at the C r o s s r o a d s of P o w e r a n d Interested R e p r e s e n t a t i o n 2 4 6 Ident i ty O p t i o n s 2 4 7 I m p l i c a t i o n s 2 5 2 B ib l i og raphy 2 5 6 A p p e n d i x 1 C h r o n o l o g y : S u s a n A b e r c r o m b i e (Nag le ) H o l m e s 2 7 4 A p p e n d i x 2 C h r o n o l o g y : S u s a n S u c k l e y F l o o d 2 7 4 A p p e n d i x 3 F a m i l y T r e e : N a g l e / H o l m e s 2 7 5 A p p e n d i x 4 F a m i l y T r e e : S u c k l e y / F l o o d 2 7 7 v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I a m grateful to m a n y p e o p l e for the help they h a v e g i v e n m e , in both s m a l l a n d large w a y s , during the p r o c e s s of r e s e a r c h i n g a n d writing this dissertat ion. O n every s tep of the way , I h a v e b e e n the b e n e f i c i a r y of a s s i s t a n c e f rom f r iends , l ibrar ians , a r c h i v i s t s a n d n u m e r o u s others , a n d without s u c h a s s i s t a n c e this w o u l d h a v e b e e n a v e r y difficult task i n d e e d . T h e r e are a few p e o p l e that I w o u l d particularly like to thank. First a m o n g t h e s e are m y commit tee m e m b e r s - J e a n B a r m a n , D e i r d r e Kel ly , a n d L e s l i e R o m a n - f o r all of their e n c o u r a g e m e n t , a d v i c e , a n d faith. D o u g S i m a k has b e e n unstinting in his logistical a n d moral suppor t . D o n a n d Phyllis Rober ts were t r e m e n d o u s l y g r a c i o u s a n d g e n e r o u s both with their hospitality a n d with mater ia ls a n d thoughts regarding their g r a n d m o t h e r . M y mother , E i l e e n B o n s o n , p r o v i d e d the s a m e kind of living c o n n e c t i o n to her o w n g r a n d m o t h e r . Finally, I wish to a c k n o w l e d g e the " g u i d a n c e " of S u s a n H o l m e s a n d S u s a n F l o o d t h e m s e l v e s . Without m y s e n s e of their p r e s e n c e , I would not h a v e b e e n able to under take the telling of the i r t a l e s . v i CHAPTER ONE: HISTORICAL "VOICE": THEORETICAL INFLUENCES Until fairly recently, a s e r i o u s a n a l y s i s of the q u e s t i o n of g e n d e r a n d its importance to the unders tanding of w o m e n ' s a n d m e n ' s e x p e r i e n c e w a s largely m i s s i n g f rom s c h o l a r l y work o n Brit ish C o l u m b i a . T h i s o m i s s i o n d e n o t e s an i n c o m p l e t e n e s s in the p r o v i n c e ' s historical record : as Gil l ian C r e e s e a n d V e r o n i c a S t r o n g - B o a g h a v e noted, "the cont inued a b s e n c e of m u c h of w o m e n ' s l ives f rom m o s t s c h o l a r s h i p [on B . C ] reflects the work still to b e d o n e if f e m a l e e x p e r i e n c e in all its variety is to be retrieved a n d integrated into our u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the past a n d the present . " 1 B e y o n d the 1 Gillian Creese and Veronica Strong-Boag, eds., British Columbia Reconsidered: Essays on Women (Vancouver: Press Gang, 1992), p. 8. For other works that have dealt with the history of women in British Columbia, see Barbara Latham and Cathy Kess, eds., In Her Own Right: Selected Essavs on Women's History in B. C. (Victoria: Camosun College, 1980); Barbara K. Latham and Roberta J . Pazdro, eds., Not Just Pin Money: Selected Essays on the History of Women's Work in British Columbia (Victoria: Camosun College, 1984); and the BC Studies special double issue on "Women's History and Gender Studies," nos. 105-6 (Spring 1995), eds., Annalee Golz and Lynne Marks. Two works on specific women from this time period are: Margaret A. Ormsby, ed., A Pioneer Gentlewoman in British Columbia: The Recollections of Susan Allison (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1976), and Kathryn Bridge, Henry and Self: The Private Life of Sarah Crease 1826-1922 (Victoria: Sono Nis, 1996). A number of publications that consider the experiences of women in the context of the American western frontier may also be of interest. These include: Sandra L. Myres, Westering Women and the Frontier Experience 1800-1915 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982); Glenda Riley, The Female Frontier: A Comparative View of Women on the Prairie and the Plains (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1988); Lillian Schlissel, Vicki L. Ruiz, and Janice Monk, eds., Western Women: Their Land. Their Lives (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988); John W. Bennett and Seena B. Kohl, Settling the Canadian-American West. 1890-1915: Pioneer Adaptation and Community Building (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1995); Dean L. May, Three Frontiers: Family. Land, and Society in the American West. 1850- 1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); and Glenda Riley, Building and Breaking Families in the American West (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996). See Diana Pedersen, Changing Women. Changing History: A Bibliography of the History of Women in Canada, second edition (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1996) for a comprehensive source of material on Canadian women's history in general. 1 "correct ive" nature of the task, the work of e x c a v a t i n g the n e x u s of i d e o l o g i c a l a n d material relations within w h i c h w o m e n ' s e x p e r i e n c e s were situated a lso remains to be d o n e . T h e s t rong influence of context o n the lives a n d e x p e r i e n c e s of w o m e n in British C o l u m b i a ' s history cannot be d e n i e d . " R a c e " 2 a n d c l a s s ( p e r h a p s race in particular) h a v e b e e n major consti tuting fac tors , for the g e n d e r , racial , a n d c l a s s structure of B . C . s o c i e t y w a s long peculiarly s k e w e d : in particular, t h r o u g h the e n d of the n ineteenth century , m i d d l e - c l a s s , white w o m e n w e r e still few in n u m b e r relative to their m a l e c o u n t e r p a r t s . 3 T h e relations of p o w e r w e r e distinctively c o n s t r u c t e d t h r o u g h the c o l o n i a l (and later provincial ) political a n d e c o n o m i c e x p e r i e n c e a n d t h r o u g h t h e s e racial , c l a s s , a n d g e n d e r structures . T h e or iginal impetus for this historical project w a s a p e r s o n a l o n e . S i n c e I w a s a child, I w a s fasc inated by what I knew of m y grea t -grandmother , S u s a n S u c k l e y F l o o d , a w o m a n I p e r c e i v e d a s h a v i n g l ived in a n d c o p e d with three different wor lds . H o w e v e r , b e c a u s e the e v i d e n c e left of her life s e e m e d s o m e w h a t f r a g m e n t a r y , I h a d n e v e r thought of attempting to interpret her e x p e r i e n c e in a n y 2 O f course, "race" is, like gender, a problematic category, and its reification has tended to obscure its historical nature. In the context of this study, the construction of race in nineteenth-century B. C. is of considerable significance. This will be discussed more fully in Chapter Two. In order to indicate its socially constructed character, the term "race" has been put in quotations here, but will not subsequently be so marked, in the interests of reader convenience. 3 John Belshaw points out that the traditional view of frontier B. C. society as overwhelmingly male is not entirely accurate. A more moderate male:female ratio occurred among non-Asian settlers. Given the barriers against marriage between Asian men and European women, this would mean that women had a higher representation in the non-Asian population than has generally been acknowledged. John Belshaw, "Cradle to Grave: An Examination of Demographic Behaviour on Two British Columbia Frontiers," Journal of the Canadian Historical Association. New Series, vol. 5 (1994): 4 8 - 5 0 . s c h o l a r l y historical s e n s e . T h e n the diaries of S u s a n A b e r c r o m b i e (Nagle) H o l m e s were brought to m y attention. T h e s e diar ies provide o n e of the f e w publicly a c c e s s i b l e e x a m p l e s of long- term n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y w o m e n ' s autobiographica l writing in B . C , a n d a s s u c h offer a n e x c e p t i o n a l opportunity to d e l v e into the e x p e r i e n c e s of a w o m a n in this particular context. W h e n I s tarted reading t h e m , the possibil i ty of viewing S u s a n H o l m e s ' e x p e r i e n c e a n d that of S u s a n F l o o d a s a "point" a n d "counterpoint" o n the b a s e s of identity c o n s t r u c t i o n in the l ives of w o m e n in n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y Bri t ish C o l u m b i a b e g a n to take s h a p e . W h i l e I started out by wonder ing how m u c h a n e x a m i n a t i o n of S u s a n H o l m e s ' life c o u l d illuminate S u s a n F l o o d ' s , I e v e n t u a l l y d i s c o v e r e d that the research I did on e a c h o n e brought up n e w q u e s t i o n s to a s k about the other, a n d about the different w a y s they m a y h a v e e x p e r i e n c e d similar contexts , opportunit ies , a n d limitations. T o s o m e d e g r e e their lives c o u l d be s e e n a s f lowing o n a s imilar c o u r s e : both b e c a m e teachers at o n e point, p r o b a b l y m o r e for e c o n o m i c r e a s o n s rather than from a n y s e n s e of career ; both m a r r i e d m e n they " c h o s e " t h e m s e l v e s , but u n d e r certain constra ints at least partly i m p o s e d by others ; both e x p r e s s e d s t rong rel igious s e n t i m e n t s a n d artistic natures . H o w e v e r , t h e s e a p p a r e n t c o m m o n a l i t i e s only g o s o far, a s the d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n t h e m - f o r e x a m p l e , d i f f e r e n c e s of race , s o c i a l status, a n d r e l i g i o n - s e e m m u c h m o r e e l e m e n t a l . In light of t h e s e differences , S u s a n H o l m e s w o u l d a p p e a r to be a representative of w o m e n m o r e in the " m a i n s t r e a m " of her society, w h e r e a s S u s a n F l o o d w a s m o r e o n the " m a r g i n s . " T h e s e two w o m e n are, of course , only in a w e a k s e n s e " representat ive" of other w o m e n of their t ime a n d p l a c e . W h i l e neither is a f a m o u s or "great" w o m a n , e a c h is r e m a r k a b l e in m a n y w a y s - - b u t p e r h a p s a n y w o m a n s tudied at r a n d o m w o u l d a l s o s h o w s o m e r e m a r k a b l e traits. Yet , in both their o r d i n a r i n e s s a n d their r e m a r k a b l e n e s s , their l ives offer s o m e insight into the par t icular k i n d s of const ra ints , s t ruggles , a n d c o n d i t i o n s that c o n t r i b u t e d to s h a p i n g their e x p e r i e n c e . In this way, a d e e p e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of their e x p e r i e n c e s m a y , at the very least, offer a different w a y of thinking about other w o m e n ' s e x p e r i e n c e s within the early B . C . c o n t e x t . H o w e v e r , a " complete" u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e s e two l ives c a n n o t b e g a i n e d f rom a n interpretation of their e x p e r i e n c e a l o n e , a n y m o r e t h a n f r o m a n interpretation either of only the i d e o l o g i c a l or only the s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c structures in which they l ived. T h e i r " v o i c e s " must n e c e s s a r i l y be v i e w e d as limited, not s e p a r a b l e f ro m or . u n a f f e c t e d b y the context of p o w e r relations within w h i c h they w e r e e m b e d d e d . T h e s e w o m e n , a n d others similarly si tuated, c a n thus be s e e n a s active agents in a d i s c o u r s e they did not control , a n d in w h i c h their v o i c e s c o u l d be a c c o r d e d more or less weight (or s i l e n c e d altogether) w h e n c l a i m s were b e i n g m a d e with r e g a r d s to the definit ion of their work, identities, a n d e x p e r i e n c e . In interpret ing their v o i c e s in relation to other v o i c e s , i d e o l o g i e s , interests , a n d structures , I h a v e b e e n i n f l u e n c e d by s o m e feminist materialist t h e o r i e s a n d a p p r o a c h e s that insist o n taking a c c o u n t both of the content of w o m e n ' s e x p e r i e n c e s a n d of the d i s c u r s i v e p o s i t i o n s a n d structural locat ions of the v a r i o u s g r o u p s w h i c h c o n s t r u c t e d the m e a n i n g of their identities a n d l ives . Feminist Materialism In h e r d i s c u s s i o n of social is t feminist cr i t ic ism, C o r a K a p l a n n o t e d that the social is t feminist a p p r o a c h h a d not yet integrated q u e s t i o n s of subject ivi ty ( "semiotic or p s y c h o a n a l y t i c p e r s p e c t i v e s " ) into its " s o c i a l , e c o n o m i c a n d political a n a l y s i s . " 4 S u c h a n integrat ion is a t tempted within the feminis t mater ia l is t p e r s p e c t i v e , w h i c h t a k e s a materialist a p p r o a c h , f o c u s i n g o n " w o m e n ' s different material relations to their g e n d e r e d p o s i t i o n s t h r o u g h race , c l a s s , a g e , a n d s e x u a l o r i e n t a t i o n , " 5 while at the s a m e t ime a v o i d i n g a strictly "productivist" a n a l y s i s , s u c h a s that f o u n d in Marxis t a c c o u n t s . Within feminist materialist a n a l y s e s , s t ructures a n d relations of p o w e r tend to be c o n c e p t u a l i z e d l e s s in t e r m s of " reproduct ion" than of " h e g e m o n y , " a term w h i c h " d e s i g n a t e s a p r o c e s s w h e r e i n cultural authority is n e g o t i a t e d a n d c o n t e s t e d . It p r e s u p p o s e s that s o c i e t i e s contain a plurality of d i s c o u r s e s a n d d i s c u r s i v e si tes , a plurality of posi t ions a n d p e r s p e c t i v e s f rom w h i c h to s p e a k . " 6 In short, a s Judith N e w t o n a n d D e b o r a h Rosenfel t point out, a feminis t materialist p e r s p e c t i v e g e n e r a l l y m e a n s " m o r e f o c u s o n mater ia l reali t ies t h a n in most feminist cr i t ic ism a n d m o r e p o w e r g r a n t e d to i d e a s , l a n g u a g e a n d culture than in m u c h traditional 4 C o r a Kaplan, "Pandora's Box: Subjectivity, Class and Sexuality in Socialist Feminist Criticism," in Sea Changes: Culture and Feminism (London: Verso, 1986). 5 Lesl ie G. Roman and Linda K. Christian-Smith, eds., Becoming Feminine: The Politics of Popular Culture (London: Falmer Press, 1988), p. 5. 6 Nancy Fraser, "The Uses and Abuses of French Discourse Theories for Feminist Politics," boundary 2 17, no. 2 (1990): 85. M a r x i s t c r i t i c i s m . " 7 T h e latter a s p e c t of this a n a l y s i s is often d o n e t h r o u g h a d i s c u s s i o n of ideology, v i e w e d not a s a set of del iberate distortions i m p o s e d o n us f r om a b o v e , but [as] a c o m p l e x a n d contradictory s y s t e m of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s ( d i s c o u r s e , i m a g e s , myths) t h r o u g h w h i c h w e e x p e r i e n c e o u r s e l v e s in relation to e a c h other a n d to the soc ia l structures in which we live. Ideology is a s y s t e m of representat ions through w h i c h w e e x p e r i e n c e ourselves a s well, for the work of i d e o l o g y is a l s o to construct coherent s u b j e c t s . 8 S u b j e c t i v i t y is d i s c u r s i v e l y c o n s t r u c t e d " through ef fec ts of l a n g u a g e a n d -representation . . . a s the point of articulation of i d e o l o g i c a l f o r m a t i o n s , " 9 a n d is d i s p l a c e d a c r o s s a range of subject - p o s i t i o n s . T h e s e subjec t -posi t ions m a y be i n c o m p a t i b l e or e v e n c o n t r a d i c t o r y . 1 0 T h u s , in order to u n d e r s t a n d a n y individual 's s o c i a l identity, it is n e c e s s a r y to r e c o g n i z e that s u c h identities are " d i s c u r s i v e l y c o n s t r u c t e d in his tor ical ly s p e c i f i c s o c i a l c o n t e x t s ; they are c o m p l e x a n d plural , a n d they shift o v e r t i m e . " 1 1 S u c h a p e r s p e c t i v e implies a c o n c e p t i o n of " e x p e r i e n c e " quite different f r o m that often e m p l o y e d by w o m e n ' s his tor ians , w h i c h v i e w s it "as h a v i n g a 'core ' of subjectivity k n o w a b l e f i r s t - h a n d o n l y by t h o s e w h o s e minds a n d bodies 'lived' the e x p e r i e n c e . " 1 2 T h u s , 7Judith Newton and Deborah Rosenfelt, eds., Feminist Criticism and Social Change: Sex. Class and Race in Literature and Culture (New York: Methuen, 1985), p. x ix . 8 i b i d . 9 Teresa de Lauretis, Alice Doesn't: Feminism. Semiotics. Cinema (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984), p. 14. 1 0 Cather ine Belsey, "Constructing the Subject: Deconstructing the Text," in Feminist Criticism and Social Change, eds. Newton and Rosenfelt, p. 50. 1 1 Fraser , "The Uses and Abuses of French Discourse Theories," p. 84. 1 2 Ruth Roach Pierson, "Experience, Difference, Dominance and Voice in the Writing of Canadian Women's History," in Writing Women's History: International " e x p e r i e n c e " is not usual ly d e e m e d to be accurate ly r e n d e r e d u n l e s s this is d o n e in the particular w o m e n ' s o w n "voices" : the greater the d i s t a n c e , or "di f ference" f rom t h o s e v o i c e s , the l e s s authentici ty is a c c o r d e d the account . H o w e v e r , Ruth R o a c h P i e r s o n a r g u e s that it is by virtue of its "power over" others that a d o m i n a n t g r o u p is s e p a r a t e d f rom t h e s e others ' lived e x p e r i e n c e , rather than by the m e r e fact of di f ference itself. M o r e o v e r , w o m e n ' s written or s p o k e n w o r d s must a l s o b e critically e x a m i n e d , for they d o not s t a n d a l o n e a n d u n m e d i a t e d , but must a lways be contex tual ized . Narra t ives s h o u l d b e e x a m i n e d in relation to dominant d i s c o u r s e s of the time a n d p l a c e c o n c e r n e d , a n d their interpreters must be a w a r e of both the narrator 's a n d their o w n "political a n d institutional c o n t e x t s . " J o a n Scot t c o n t e n d s that, while an ins is tence o n the authority of e x p e r i e n c e a s e v i d e n c e has b e e n essential to c h a l l e n g e s to o r t h o d o x history, this " a p p e a l to e x p e r i e n c e a s u n c o n t e s t a b l e e v i d e n c e " h a s actually w e a k e n e d t h e s e critical histories b e c a u s e T h e y take a s se l f -evident the identities of t h o s e w h o s e e x p e r i e n c e is be ing d o c u m e n t e d a n d thus natural ize their dif ference . . . Q u e s t i o n s about the constructed nature of e x p e r i e n c e . . . are left as ide . T h e e v i d e n c e of e x p e r i e n c e then b e c o m e s e v i d e n c e for the fact of dif ference , rather than a w a y of exploring how difference is e s t a b l i s h e d , h o w it o p e r a t e s , how a n d in what w a y s it const i tutes s u b j e c t s w h o s e e a n d act in the w o r l d . 1 3 S u c h histories thus p r e c l u d e a critical e x a m i n a t i o n of the c a t e g o r i e s of g i v e n ideologica l s y s t e m s : the e x p e r i e n c e of t h o s e p l a c e d within Perspectives, eds. Karen Often, Ruth Roach Pierson, and Jane Rendall (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1991), p. 83. 1 3 J o a n W. Scott, "The Evidence of Experience," Critical Inquiry 17, no. 4 (1991): 777. t h e s e c a t e g o r i e s is m a d e visible , but the c a t e g o r i e s t h e m s e l v e s are not h i s t o r i c i z e d . " E x p e r i e n c e " is not h is tor ic ized . Scott d o e s not a d v o c a t e a b a n d o n i n g the term "exper ience . " S h e d o e s insist , h o w e v e r , that its s tudy must b e g i n to q u e s t i o n its s ta tus , to r e c o g n i z e its political construct ion , to a n a l y z e a n d redefine it. T h e r e must b e a new f o c u s o n identity product ion , but " e x p e r i e n c e is, in this a p p r o a c h , not the origin of our e x p l a n a t i o n , but that w h i c h w e want to e x p l a i n . " 1 4 S u c h a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g of e x p e r i e n c e is offered by T e r e s a de L a u r e t i s , 1 5 w h o u s e s the term not to e x p r e s s s o m e t h i n g "belonging" to an individual , but rather in the general s e n s e of a process by w h i c h , for all s o c i a l b e i n g s , subjectivity is c o n s t r u c t e d . T h r o u g h that p r o c e s s o n e p l a c e s oneself or is p l a c e d in s o c i a l reality, a n d s o p e r c e i v e s a n d c o m p r e h e n d s a s s u b j e c t i v e (referring to, e v e n originating in , o n e s e l f ) t h o s e r e l a t i o n s - m a t e r i a l , e c o n o m i c , a n d i n t e r p e r s o n a l — w h i c h are in fact s o c i a l a n d , in a larger p e r s p e c t i v e , h i s t o r i c a l . T h i s p r o c e s s , a n d therefore the subjectivity c o n s t r u c t e d , is o n g o i n g a n d "not a f ixed point of departure or arrival f rom w h i c h o n e then interac ts with the w o r l d . " 1 6 S u c h a definition of e x p e r i e n c e m e a n s that the notion of " f reeing" the v o i c e s of w o m e n a s past historical s u b j e c t s is not part icularly s traightforward. T h e i d e a of the " W o m a n ' s v o i c e , " a n d e v e n of " w o m e n ' s v o i c e s , " has b e e n extremely problemat ic for feminis ts . F o r e x a m p l e , the p r o b l e m s of representat ion a n d 1 4 ib id . , p. 797. 1 5 Teresa de Lauretis, Alice Doesn't (1984); and "Eccentric Subjects: Feminist Theory and Historical Consciousness," Feminist Studies 16, no. 1 (1990). 1 6 d e Lauretis, Alice Doesn't, p. 159. potential appropr ia t ion of v o i c e e v e n in pract ices a n d r e s e a r c h m e t h o d s d e s i g n e d to be responsive to the n e e d to hear the v o i c e s of a n d " e m p o w e r " the " subjugated" h a v e r e c e i v e d c o n s i d e r a b l e attention in recent y e a r s . L u g o n e s a n d S p e l m a n , while a c k n o w l e d g i n g the e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l , m o r a l , a n d political r e a s o n s for " d e m a n d i n g that the w o m a n ' s voice be h e a r d , " at the s a m e time point out two related p r o b l e m s with this d e m a n d . First, it t ends to ignore the l ikel ihood that w o m e n w h o "feel highly vulnerable with respect to other parts of [their] identity" will p r o b a b l y not s e e their v o i c e s " s i m p l y or essent ia l ly a s a 'woman's voice , ' " a n d s e c o n d , b e c a u s e of this some w o m e n ' s v o i c e s are more likely to be h e a r d n o w than are others . A s a result , " O t h e r " w o m e n feel a n u n e a s i n e s s with white, m i d d l e - c l a s s feminis t t h e o r i z i n g , in w h i c h they often c a n n o t r e c o g n i z e t h e m s e l v e s . 1 7 In a later work, E l i z a b e t h S p e l m a n notes h o w the condi t ion of white m i d d l e - c l a s s w o m e n h a s b e e n confla ted with the c o n d i t i o n of all w o m e n , s u c h that, just a s most phi losophica l a c c o u n t s of h u m a n nature are not about w o m e n , "neither are most feminist a c c o u n t s of ' w o m a n ' s nature, ' or 'women's e x p e r i e n c e s ' about all w o m e n . " 1 8 T h u s , a d o u b l e s t a n d a r d often exists w h e r e b y m u c h feminist t h e o r y insists that n o n - w h i t e w o m e n "separa te their ' w o m a n ' s v o i c e ' f r o m their racial or e thnic v o i c e without a lso requiring white w o m e n to d is t inguish b e i n g a ' w o m a n ' from being white" (and p r e s u m a b l y a l s o 1 7 Mar ia C. Lugones and Elizabeth V. Spelman, "Have We Got a Theory For You! Feminist Theory, Cultural Imperialism and the Demand For 'The Woman's Voice,'" Women's Studies International Forum 6, no. 6 (1983). 1 8 Elizabeth V. Spelman, Inessential Woman: Problems of Exclusion in Feminist Thought (Boston: Beacon Press, 1988), p. 6. f r o m b e i n g m i d d l e - c l a s s , he terosexual , a n d s o o n ) . 1 9 S i m p l y bringing "outs ide v o i c e s " into t h e s e a c c o u n t s will not n e c e s s a r i l y c h a n g e a n y t h i n g ~ t h e v o i c e s are still t h o s e of "outs iders , " a n d f e m i n i s m only h a s to b e c o m e more "inclusive," not to c h a n g e in a n y d e e p a n d s i g n i f i c a n t w a y . C h a n d r a M o h a n t y c la ims that the a s s u m p t i o n that w o m e n c o m p r i s e a h o m o g e n e o u s category of analys is is part of a "latent e t h n o c e n t r i s m " f o u n d in m u c h of western feminis ts ' writing o n T h i r d W o r l d w o m e n . 2 0 In western feminist d i s c o u r s e , T h i r d W o r l d w o m e n h a v e t e n d e d to be constructed a s a n "already consti tuted g r o u p , " v ic t ims of m a l e v i o l e n c e , of the co lonia l p r o c e s s , of famil ial s y s t e m s , of religious ideologies , a n d of the d e v e l o p m e n t p r o c e s s . In e a c h c a s e , the a n a l y s i s is ahistorical , a s s u m i n g w o m e n are " s e x u a l - polit ical s u b j e c t s " before they enter the rea lm of s o c i a l re lat ions , a n d ignoring the fact that they are a lso const ruc ted by t h e s e relations. S u c h a n analys is limits the definition of the f e m a l e subject to g e n d e r identity, c o m p l e t e l y b y p a s s i n g s o c i a l c l a s s a n d e thnic identities . . . B e c a u s e w o m e n are thus constituted a s a c o h e r e n t group, s e x u a l difference b e c o m e s c o t e r m i n o u s with f e m a l e s u b o r d i n a t i o n , a n d p o w e r is a u t o m a t i c a l l y d e f i n e d in binary terms: p e o p l e who h a v e it ( read: men) a n d p e o p l e who do not (read: women) 2 1 M o h a n t y a l s o crit icizes the w a y s in w h i c h the universal i ty of w o m e n ' s o p p r e s s i o n is c o n s i d e r e d to be "proven. " T h i s m a y be d o n e 1 9 ib id . , p. 13. 2 0 Chandra Talpade Mohanty, "Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses," in Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism, eds. Chandra Talpade Mohanty, Ann Russo, and Lourdes Torres (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1991). In this collection, "Third World women" is taken to include "black, Asian, Latino, and indigenous peoples in North America, Europe, and Australia." 2 1 ibid., p. 64. t h r o u g h a s i m p l e "arithmetic m e t h o d " in which "a large n u m b e r of f r a g m e n t e d e x a m p l e s from a variety of countr ies" is t a k e n to " a d d up to a universa l f a c t . " 2 2 It is a l so d o n e through e m p l o y i n g c o n c e p t s ( s u c h a s the s e x u a l division of labour) without attention to the s p e c i f i c context or t h r o u g h c o n f u s i n g " d i s c o u r s e s of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n " with mater ia l realities, a n d thus blurring the dis t inct ion b e t w e e n " w o m e n a s historical subjects" a n d " W o m a n " a s d i s c o u r s e - c o n s t r u c t e d O t h e r . B e c a u s e m a n y feminist sociologis ts s e e a n e e d for "an integrat ing t r a n s d i s c i p l i n a r y a p p r o a c h to k n o w l e d g e w h i c h g r o u n d s theory contextual ly in the concre te realm of w o m e n ' s e v e r y d a y l i v e s , " 2 3 a n a p p r o a c h which f o c u s e s on the "exper ience a n d l a n g u a g e of w o m e n " a n d s t r e s s e s reciprocity a n d intersubjectivity, t h e y h a v e a d v o c a t e d the u s e of a n ethnographic method. B a s e d o n s o m e of her o w n r e s e a r c h e x p e r i e n c e s , however , Judith S t a c e y h a s q u e s t i o n e d w h e t h e r the " a p p e a r a n c e of greater respect for a n d equali ty with r e s e a r c h subjec ts in the e thnographic a p p r o a c h m a s k s a d e e p e r , m o r e d a n g e r o u s form of e x p l o i t a t i o n . " 2 4 S h e s e e s contradic t ions b e t w e e n her feminist pr inciples a n d the e t h n o g r a p h i c m e t h o d in t e r m s of both the p r o c e s s a n d the product of r e s e a r c h . First, the i m p o r t a n c e of h u m a n relationship to the m e t h o d p l a c e s the r e s e a r c h subject at risk of b e i n g m a n i p u l a t e d a n d / o r "bet rayed" a n d the r e s e a r c h e r in a posit ion of inauthenticity. S e c o n d , the r e s e a r c h project is a n intrusion into a s y s t e m of relations w h i c h the 2 2 i b i d . , p. 66. 2 3 Judi th Stacey, "Can There Be a Feminist Ethnography?," Women's Studies International Forum 11, no. 1 (1988): 21. 2 4 i b i d . , p. 22. r e s e a r c h e r is m u c h freer to leave than is the subject , a n d this m a y h a v e n e g a t i v e implicat ions for the o u t c o m e . T h i r d , confl ic ts of interest b e t w e e n the r e s e a r c h e r a s participant a n d a s o b s e r v e r m a y b e u n a v o i d a b l e . Finally , regardless of how reciprocal the p r o c e s s is, the p r o d u c t is ultimately written in the v o i c e of the p e r s o n w h o interprets a n d e v a l u a t e s e v i d e n c e , the r e s e a r c h e r . S imi lar ly , A n n e O p i e b e l i e v e s that feminist r e s e a r c h h a s the potential to b e either liberatory, in that it m a y e m p o w e r par t i c ipants t h r o u g h " a v o i d i n g a p p r o p r i a t i o n a n d highl ight ing d i f f e r e n c e , " or r e p r e s s i v e in that it m a y s i l e n c e "s ignif icant e x p e r i e n t i a l e l e m e n t s w h i c h c h a l l e n g e or partially disrupt [the r e s e a r c h e r ' s ] interpretation." T h e s e e l e m e n t s d o not n e c e s s a r i l y contradic t the entire interpretation, but they m a y r e p r e s e n t d i s j u n c t i o n s b e t w e e n the "experient ial" a n d the " i d e o l o g i c a l " w h i c h must b e fully i n c o r p o r a t e d into the interpretation in o r d e r for a p p r o p r i a t i o n to b e a v o i d e d . 2 5 L i n d a Alcoff notes that the d i s c u s s i o n of the validity of " s p e a k i n g for others" a r i ses both f rom the recognit ion that w h e r e o n e s p e a k s f rom (one's "location") h a s a major effect o n what o n e s a y s a n d f rom the i d e a that "certain privi leged loca t ions are d i s c u r s i v e l y d a n g e r o u s . " M a n y now will not s p e a k for others b e c a u s e of the inevitably m e d i a t e d nature of representa t ion . Y e t Alcoff b e l i e v e s that the possibili ty of s p e a k i n g for is a n e c e s s a r y condi t ion for polit ical a c t i o n ; therefore , t h o s e w h o s i m p l y retreat f r o m d o i n g s o m a y b e m e r e l y a l lowing t h e m s e l v e s to a v o i d responsibi l i t ies 2 5 A n n e Opie, "Qualitative Research, Appropriation of the 'Other' and Empowerment," Feminist Review 40 (1992): 52-53. towards others . Fur thermore , s u c h a retreat d o e s not e v e n s o l v e the p r o b l e m of m e d i a t e d representat ion, for the self is not a u t o n o m o u s but rather "const i tuted by multiple intersect ing d i s c o u r s e s " s u c h that e v e n " w h e n I ' s p e a k for m y s e l f I am. participating in the c reat ion a n d reproduct ion of d i s c o u r s e s through w h i c h m y o w n a n d other s e l v e s are c o n s t i t u t e d . " 2 6 W h i l e rejecting the notion of a n outright retreat f r o m s p e a k i n g for others , Alcoff offers s o m e s u g g e s t i o n s for r e d u c i n g the d a n g e r s of this activity. A b o v e all, s h e argues that a n y o n e w h o d o e s s o s h o u l d only d o it out of "a concrete analys is of the particular p o w e r re la t ions a n d d i s c u r s i v e effects i n v o l v e d . " 2 7 T h i s will involve a n a l y z i n g the impetus to s p e a k a n d the effects both of the s p e a k e r ' s locat ion o n what is s a i d a n d of what is s a i d o n the context in w h i c h it is s a i d . L i k e w i s e , O p i e c la ims that appropria t ion c a n be mitigated but not entirely e r a d i c a t e d b e c a u s e it is i m p o s s i b l e to "write b e y o n d i d e o l o g y . " Instead, o n e c a n e m p l o y "a constant , sens i t ive reflection o n the w a y that the texts of the participants are c r e a t e d by i d e o l o g y a n d yet at s o m e points c h a l l e n g e i t . " 2 8 Finally, S t a c e y a d v o c a t e s a recogni t ion of the limitations of the r e s e a r c h a n d a reduct ion in the k n o w l e d g e c l a i m s m a d e - r e s e a r c h c a n look for "partial truths," a n d in this w a y there c a n exist a "partially feminist e t h n o g r a p h y . " 2 9 It s e e m s to m e that m u c h of this d i s c u s s i o n , while originally referr ing to s t u d i e s d e a l i n g with c o n t e m p o r a r y 2 6 L i n d a Alcoff, "The Problem of Speaking For Others," Cultural Critique 23 (1991): 21. 2 7 i b i d . , p. 24. 2 8 0 p i e , "Qualitative Research," p. 67. 2 9 Stacey, "Can There Be a Feminist Ethnography?" par t i c ipants / subjec ts , c a n a n d s h o u l d a lso b e a p p l i e d to historical r e s e a r c h a n d subjects . S u c h research is hardly i m m u n e to the kinds of pitfalls d e s c r i b e d in the a b o v e works , e v e n (or p e r h a p s e s p e c i a l l y ) if the "participants" are no longer living, a n d the interact ion b e t w e e n t h e m a n d the r e s e a r c h e r is limited to the latter's interpretat ion of their w o r d s a n d other art ifacts . The Projects of Feminist History T h e v i e w that the first task of feminist history is "the s i m p l e retr ieval of w o m e n f r o m o b s c u r i t y " 3 0 (certainly in itself not a simple or u n p r o b l e m a t i c m i s s i o n statement) h a s b e e n c o m m o n l y held a m o n g w o m e n ' s historians. F r o m this perspec t ive , the s i l e n c i n g of the majority of w o m e n ' s e x p e r i e n c e is s e e n a s a " b a s i c o p p r e s s i o n " r o o t e d in patr iarchal structural i n e q u a l i t i e s ; t h e s e s t ructures a n d the p o w e r relations resulting f rom t h e m n e e d to b e fully a n a l y z e d . H o w e v e r , retrieval must go b e y o n d a f o c u s only o n w o m e n w h o h a v e " a c h i e v e d " to " e m b r a c e the whole of w o m e n ' s e x p e r i e n c e in the p a s t . " 3 1 F o r ins tance , recent work on teachers ' history h a s b e e n i n f o r m e d by a realization that the s tudy of neither i d e o l o g y nor s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c structures a l o n e c a n offer a c o m p l e t e u n d e r s t a n d i n g of w o m e n ' s (or of men's) lives a n d work. T h i s b o d y of work i n d i c a t e s a n " i n c r e a s i n g i n s i s t e n c e o n u n d e r s t a n d i n g historical w o m e n o n their o w n terms rather than from the v a n t a g e point of m e n w h o a s fa thers , h u s b a n d s , e m p l o y e r s , or political r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s 3 0 R u t h Roach Pierson and Alison Prentice, "Feminism and the Writing and Teaching of History," in Clio's Craft: A Primer of Historical Methods, ed. Terry Crowley (Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman, 1988), p. 216. 3 1 ibid., p. 217. s o u g h t to def ine or inf luence w o m e n ' s l i v e s . " 3 2 Hopeful ly , s u c h a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g will a l so inc lude a recognit ion of the w a y s in w h i c h w o m e n ' s "own terms" m a y vary greatly, d e p e n d i n g o n s u c h factors a s race a n d c l a s s . T h i s would require an a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t that " w o m e n ' s history c a n n o t b e written without recogni t ion of the i m p e r i a l / c o l o n i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s of past a n d present , c r e a t i n g re la t ionships of d o m i n a n c e a n d difference a m o n g w o m e n . " 3 3 W h i l e there h a s b e e n a t e n d e n c y for the work of feminist his tor ians of w o m e n to be u n d e r t h e o r i z e d d u e to its e m p i r i c a l e m p h a s i s , m u c h recent work is m o v i n g towards a m o r e theoret ical s t a n c e in a n attempt to d e v e l o p a "theoretically i n f o r m e d feminis t h i s t o r i c a l c o n s c i o u s n e s s . " 3 4 T h e theories informing feminist historical work h a v e thus far t e n d e d to be either posts tructural or feminist materialist . In m a n y c a s e s , the lines b e t w e e n t h e s e s e e m to b e blurred . F o r instance , Judith N e w t o n d i s c u s s e s the p r o b l e m of d e f i n i n g the " n e w h i s t o r i c i s m , " c l a i m i n g that s o m e of the critical p r a c t i c e s of this a p p r o a c h are e m p l o y e d by cultural material is ts a n d feminis t material is ts a s well a s by "new historicists . " S h e n o t e s that the " p o s t - m o d e r n i s t " a s s u m p t i o n s identif ied with this or ienta t ion a r e famil iar f rom m a n y other c o n t e x t s - t h e s e a s s u m p t i o n s inc lude the belief in no universal h u m a n e s s e n c e , the 3 2 Al i son Prentice and Marjorie R. Theobald, "The Historiography of Women Teachers: A Retrospect," in Women Who Taught: Perspectives on the History of Women and Teaching, eds. Alison Prentice and Marjorie R. Theobald (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991), p. 14. 3 3 K a r e n Often, Ruth Roach Pierson, and Jane Rendall, "Introduction," in Writing Women's History, eds. Often, Pierson, and Rendall, p. xxxv. 3 4Ann4_ouise Shapiro, "History and Feminist Theory; or Talking Back to the Beadle," in Feminists Revision History, ed. Ann-Louise Shapiro (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1994), p. 2. c o n s t r u c t i o n of subjectivity t h r o u g h cultural c o d e s , a n d n o "objec t ive" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s . T h e "new historicist" p e r c e p t i o n of history is that it is "best told a s a story of p o w e r relat ions a n d s t ruggle , a s tory that is contradictory, h e t e r o g e n e o u s , f r a g m e n t e d . " 3 5 H o w e v e r , N e w t o n a r g u e s that feminist theor iz ing of t h e s e s a m e kinds of p r e m i s e s h a s r e c e i v e d little attention, a n d that the feminis t v e r s i o n s of s o m e differ s ignif icantly f r o m t h o s e m o r e d o m i n a n t a n d l e s s - p o l i t i c i z e d v e r s i o n s genera l ly e m b r a c e d by n e w h i s t o r i c i s m . F o r e x a m p l e , feminist c h a l l e n g e s to "objectivity" g e n e r a l l y h a v e not b e e n a c c o m p a n i e d by a s l ide to relativism; nor h a s the feminis t c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of c o n s t r u c t e d subject ivi ty led to cultural d e t e r m i n i s m , or notions of the "death of the subject . " In other w o r d s , the feminist v e r s i o n s "allow for h u m a n a g e n c y a n d s o c i a l c h a n g e . " 3 6 T h e result h a s b e e n v e r s i o n s of feminist history w h i c h m a y o v e r l a p in s o m e w a y s with n e w his tor ic ism, but w h i c h g e n e r a l l y differ f r o m it in the d e g r e e to w h i c h they insist u p o n v i e w i n g g e n d e r identity a n d g e n d e r relations a s within the realm of "history." T h i s i n s i s t e n c e in itself is not part icularly n e w - S a l l y A l e x a n d e r c o m m e n t s that "feminists f rom the 17th century h a v e r e f u s e d to c o n c e d e that re la t ionships b e t w e e n the s e x e s b e l o n g o u t s i d e history in a n y c o n c e p t i o n of the natural world, w h i c h is w h e r e p h i l o s o p h e r s , p o e t s or marxist historians, until p r o v o k e d , h a v e b e e n content to 3 5 Jud i th Newton, "History as Usual? Feminism and the 'New Historicism,'" Cultural Critique 9 (1988): 89. 3 6 i b i d . , pp. 98-99. a b a n d o n or p l a c e t h e m . " 3 7 Determining the m e a n i n g of gender , h o w e v e r , h a s o c c a s i o n e d c o n s i d e r a b l e d i s a g r e e m e n t . A s Judi th Butler h a s noted , the p r o b l e m a t i c circularity of a feminis t inquiry into g e n d e r is u n d e r s c o r e d by the p r e s e n c e of posi t ions which , o n the o n e h a n d , p r e s u m e that g e n d e r is a s e c o n d a r y characterist ic of p e r s o n s a n d t h o s e which , o n the other h a n d , a rgue that the v e r y notion of the p e r s o n , p o s i t i o n e d within l a n g u a g e a s a 'subject , ' is a mascul inis t c o n s t r u c - tion a n d prerogat ive w h i c h effect ively e x c l u d e s the structural a n d s e m a n t i c possibil i ty of a f e m i n i n e g e n d e r . 3 8 A theor iza t ion of "gender" a s a historical c a t e g o r y w o u l d n e v e r t h e l e s s s e e m n e c e s s a r y to feminist history. F o r J o a n Scott , g e n d e r is not s e e n a s merely another var iable to b e a d d e d to historical research , but must be c o n s i d e r e d a s both "a const i tut ive e l e m e n t of s o c i a l re la t ionships b a s e d o n p e r c e i v e d d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n the s e x e s " a n d "a primary w a y of s igni fy ing r e l a t i o n s h i p s of p o w e r . " 3 9 In terms of p e r c e i v e d d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n the s e x e s , g e n d e r is consti tuted by four interrelated e l e m e n t s : "culturally ava i lable s y m b o l s that e v o k e multiple ( a n d of ten contradic tory) representa t ions" ; normat ive c o n c e p t s by m e a n s of w h i c h t h e s e s y m b o l s are interpreted (often f ixed binary o p p o s i t i o n s ) ; poli t ical a n d s o c i a l institutions (for e x a m p l e , 3 7 S a l l y Alexander, "Women, Class and Sexual Differences in the 1830s and 1840s: Some Reflections on the Writing of a Feminist History," History Workshop Journa l 17 (1984): 130. 3 8 Jud i th Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New York: Routledge, 1990), p. 11. 3 9 J o a n W. Scott, "Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis," American Historical Review 91, no. 5 (1986): 1067. e d u c a t i o n ) ; a n d s u b j e c t i v e i d e n t i t y . 4 0 T h e task for historical r e s e a r c h is to d e t e r m i n e how t h e s e e l e m e n t s are interrelated in the const ruc t ion of g e n d e r in a n y g iven context. Scot t ' s c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of g e n d e r is useful to a feminis t historical project b e c a u s e , a s R o m a n a n d C h r i s t i a n - S m i t h e x p l a i n , it is " g e n u i n e l y feminist a n d materialist ; that is, it a t tempts to a c c o u n t for the role of g e n d e r representat ions in i d e o l o g i c a l a n d cul tural f o r m a t i o n s while e x p l a i n i n g historical c h a n g e s in the s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of r e l a t i o n s h i p s . " 4 1 A s a n e e d to practise a m o r e t h e o r e t i c a l l y - g r o u n d e d history has b e e n a c k n o w l e d g e d , there h a s b e e n at the s a m e time a growing recognit ion that a s p e c i f i c a l l y historical a p p r o a c h is imperat ive for feminist theory . A d v o c a t e s of "a historically or iented s o c i a l theory w h i c h f o c u s e s o n g e n d e r " b e l i e v e s u c h a m o d e l will allow a greater u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the i d e o l o g i c a l ramif ica t ions of m o d e r n w e s t e r n c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n s of the relat ions a m o n g family, state, a n d e c o n o m y - a n d a recogni t ion "that the divis ions b e t w e e n t h e s e s p h e r e s are not a s rigid a s w e are led to b e l i e v e a n d that c o n c e i v i n g t h e m in s u c h a m a n n e r o b s c u r e s the realities of w o m e n ' s l i v e s . " 4 2 S o m e c o n s i d e r a n e m p h a s i s o n g e n d e r to be e s p e c i a l l y pertinent in a s tudy b a s e d in the nineteenth-century W e s t e r n world b e c a u s e it c a n b e a r g u e d that a lmost all Vic tor ian s t ruggles for authority " a s s u m e d a n d reinforced [a] binary m o d e l of d i f f e r e n c e 4 0 i b i d . , pp. 1067-1068. 4 1 Roman and Christian-Smith, eds., Becoming Feminine, p. 7. 4 2 L i n d a J . Nicholson, Gender and History: The Limits of Social Theory in the Age of the Family (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986), p. 11. art iculated u p o n s e x . " 4 3 M a r y P o o v e y a r g u e s that the " ideologica l work" p e r f o r m e d by g e n d e r representat ions in the V i c t o r i a n e r a c r e a t e d a n ideologica l formulation that w a s " u n e v e n " both b e c a u s e it w a s e x p e r i e n c e d differently by differently p o s i t i o n e d i n d i v i d u a l s a n d b e c a u s e it w a s const ruc ted a n d d e p l o y e d differently in v a r i o u s institutions, d i s c o u r s e s , a n d prac t ices . T h e r e w e r e thus c o n t r a d i c t i o n s a n d f i s s u r e s within the i d e o l o g i c a l s y s t e m w h i c h a l l o w e d for contestat ion of that s y s t e m . A n u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e s e p r o c e s s e s c a n e n a b l e a n understanding of how c h a n g e o c c u r s a n d h o w it is r e s i s t e d . P o o v e y ' s d i s c u s s i o n of u n e v e n ideologica l d e v e l o p m e n t s rests a l m o s t entirely o n a n e x a m i n a t i o n of textual mater ia ls . T h e effects of i d e o l o g i c a l a n d material contradict ions o n the daily l ives a n d p r a c t i c e s of n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y m i d d l e - c l a s s E n g l i s h m e n a n d w o m e n are c o n s i d e r e d in detail in L e o n o r e Davidoff a n d C a t h e r i n e Hall ' s F a m i l y F o r t u n e s . T h e authors c laim that " these contradic t ions . . . p r e v e n t e d c l o s u r e a n d e n s u r e d continual shifts both in d i s c o u r s e a n d p r a c t i c e . " 4 4 C o n t r a d i c t i o n s within definit ions of feminini ty a n d mascul in i ty , a n d in the w a y s t h e s e intersected with f o r m s of s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c organiza t ion , n e c e s s i t a t e d a constant negot ia t ion in "self c o n s t r u c t i o n . " A l t h o u g h both of t h e s e w o r k s d e a l s p e c i f i c a l l y with the first half of the nineteenth century in E n g l a n d , they still h a v e a fair d e g r e e of re levance for C a n a d a in the latter half of the century a n d e v e n into the twentieth, for s o c i a l c h a n g e o c c u r r e d 4 3 Mary Poovey, Uneven Developments: The Ideological Work of Gender in Mid- Victorian England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), p. 6. 4 4 Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class. 1780-1850 (London: Hutchinson, 1987), p. 450. s lowly , a n d attitudes a s well a s f a s h i o n s took l o n g e r to f ind their w a y to the "co lonies . " N e v e r t h e l e s s , it must a l so be r e m e m b e r e d that the part icular c o n d i t i o n s exist ing in British C o l u m b i a w o u l d m e a n that t h e s e p r o c e s s e s would be manifest there in different w a y s . Women's Personal Narratives T h e real izat ion that the "retrieval of v o i c e " for the p u r p o s e of "getting at the actual e x p e r i e n c e of w o m e n in the past" c a n b e a difficult u n d e r t a k i n g h a s led m a n y historians to r e c o n s i d e r what s o u r c e s m a y be d e e m e d appropriate a n d how t h e s e s o u r c e s s h o u l d b e u s e d . A s E l i a n e S i l v e r m a n notes, it is not sufficient to f o c u s o n s u b j e c t s "merely b e c a u s e they are a c c e s s i b l e . " Rather , " w o m e n ' s his torians must a l s o be p r e p a r e d to be far m o r e dar ing than they h a v e b e e n , m o r e p r e p a r e d to a s k new quest ions , to s p e c u l a t e e v e n f rom f r a g m e n t a r y data , to be s u g g e s t i v e a s well a s definitive. T h e r e are e l u s i v e q u e s t i o n s to raise, e v e n if the a n s w e r s r e m a i n t e n t a t i v e . " 4 5 W h e r e m o r e traditional s o u r c e s are u s e d , n e w q u e s t i o n s must be a s k e d of them, a n d materials that o n c e w o u l d h a v e b e e n o v e r l o o k e d - s u c h a s "the letters a n d diar ies of ordinary w o m e n , s c r a p b o o k s a n d photograph a l b u m s , recipe b o o k s , a n d r e m i n i s c e n c e s r e c o r d e d in writing or o n t a p e " 4 6 - - s h o u l d b e c o n s i d e r e d a s potentially v a l u a b l e s o u r c e s . In particular , the rec lamation of the diary a s a n important s o u r c e for feminist history h a s b e e n the object of c o n s i d e r a b l e 4 5 E l i a n e Leslau Silverman, "Writing Canadian Women's History, 1970-82: An Historiographical Analysis." Canadian Historical Review 63. no. 4 (1982): 531. 4 6 P ie rson and Prentice, "Feminism and the Writing and Teaching of History," p. 2 1 8 . attention. S o m e historians are incl ined to view the diary m a i n l y a s "an additional s o u r c e " by which "the thread of the diarist 's narrative w e a v e s into what is a lready known . . . a n d renders the latter m o r e v i v i d . " 4 7 A s s u c h , it c a n be a "corrective" for insti tutional history , w h i c h t e n d s to dilute i n d i v i d u a l e x p e r i e n c e within the larger picture a n d , in s o doing , to present a p e r h a p s too m o n o l i t h i c i m a g e of the institution (or situation) in q u e s t i o n . T h i s v iew s t r e s s e s the diary's u s e f u l n e s s as a window o n p e r s o n a l a n d e v e r y d a y life, a s well a s o n c h a n g i n g e x p e r i e n c e s throughout a life. H o w e v e r , it a l s o e m p h a s i z e s the form's limitations, notably both the possibil i ty that ment ion of very intimate events m a y b e a v o i d e d , a n d the " o m n i s c i e n t p e r s p e c t i v e , " w h i c h c o u l d result in the o m i s s i o n of e x p l a n a t o r y d e t a i l s . O t h e r his tor ians attribute m u c h greater s i g n i f i c a n c e to d i a r i e s a n d m e m o i r s , t h o u g h . F o r e x a m p l e , Margaret C o n r a d c l a i m s that " s u c h d o c u m e n t s are extremely v a l u a b l e tools for learning h o w the l a r g e r h i s t o r i c a l f o r c e s intersect with w o m e n ' s d a i l y r e a l i t i e s - h o w ' c e n s u s t ime' intersects with ' w o m e n ' s t i m e . ' " 4 8 T h e y are c o n s i d e r e d to be of i m m e n s e u s e in e n a b l i n g the const ruc t ion of life s tor ies for w o m e n a b s e n t f rom public r e c o r d s . S u c h a viewpoint is l e s s likely to e m b r a c e the traditional notion of history a s a n objective m e t h o d of getting at the "truth" of the past . It is m o r e interested in e x a m i n i n g the "partial truths" 4 7 Johanna Selles-Roney, "A Canadian Girl at Cheltenham: The Diary as an Historical Source," Historical Studies in Education 3. no. 1 (1991): 98. 4 8Margaret Conrad, '"Sundays Always Make Me Think of Home': Time and Place in Canadian Women's History," in Rethinking Canada: The Promise of Women's History, second edition, eds. Veronica Strong-Boag and Anita Clair Fellman (Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman Ltd., 1991), pp. 100-101. d i s c u s s e d earlier , g i v e n that "unlike the r e a s s u r i n g T r u t h of the sc ient i f ic i d e a l , the truths of p e r s o n a l narrat ives are nei ther o p e n to proof nor se l f -evident , " but c a n only be u n d e r s t o o d t h r o u g h interpretat ion, a n activity w h i c h c a n n e v e r be c o m p l e t e l y " o b j e c t i v e " or d i s i n t e r e s t e d . 4 9 It s e e k s to illuminate the truths that m a y h a v e b e e n o b s c u r e d by the elevation of certain kinds of " T r u t h " to normat ive status on the b a s i s of their conformity to s p e c i f i c criteria. T h e truths r e v e a l e d in p e r s o n a l narrat ives a r e s e e n a s i s s u i n g f rom the multiple posit ions o c c u p i e d by subject ivi t ies in p r o g r e s s ; in this p e r s p e c t i v e , e v e n the o m i s s i o n s of a narrative tell us s o m e t h i n g . Its "guiding principle" is that "all a u t o b i o g r a p h i c a l m e m o r y is true; it is up to the interpreter to d i s c o v e r in w h i c h s e n s e , where , for which p u r p o s e . " 5 0 O n e of the m o r e interesting sidelights of this project h a s b e e n c o n s i d e r i n g h o w the different kinds of materials a v a i l a b l e o n e a c h w o m a n structured the m e t h o d s I u s e d to u n d e r s t a n d their e x p e r i e n c e . T o put it a n o t h e r way, I c a m e to "know" t h e m in different w a y s , a n d this h a s h a d a profound effect o n the entire s tudy. O f the two S u s a n s , S u s a n H o l m e s h a s left by far the more direct m e a n s to interpreting her p e r s o n a l e x p e r i e n c e , her diar ies f rom the 1860s until 1911 in the latter part of her life (she d i e d in 1921). H e r s is ter J e s s i e a lso kept a diary of s e v e r a l years ' durat ion, thus p r o v i d i n g a n o t h e r p e r s o n a l p e r s p e c t i v e of s o m e e v e n t s f r o m within 4 9 Persona l Narratives Group, ed., Interpreting Women's Lives: Feminist Theory and Personal Narratives (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1989), p. 261. 5 0 L u i s a Passerini, "Women's Personal Narratives: Myths, Experiences, and Emotions," in Interpreting Women's Lives, ed. Personal Narratives Group (1989), p. 197 . the s a m e family. T h e e v i d e n c e left of S u s a n F l o o d ' s life is in a n o b v i o u s s e n s e m u c h m o r e fragmentary, s i n c e s h e kept no s u s t a i n e d journal of her life (at least n o n e that h a s survived) . T h e r e is certainly a m o r e evident n e e d for s p e c u l a t i o n . Yet in s o m e w a y s this " f ragmentary" e v i d e n c e w a s a lso potentially quite r ich, largely d u e to m y direct c o n n e c t i o n with it. S h e did leave some written work ( r e m i n i s c e n c e s , p o e m s , a n d s o on), a n d I h a d a c c e s s to letters, written a n d oral r e m i n i s c e n c e s of other p e o p l e , local history, a n d m a n y other p i e c e s of information w h i c h individually m a y s e e m s m a l l but, t a k e n together , offer a fairly vivid portrait. N e v e r t h e l e s s , the p r o c e s s of paint ing that portrait offered m o r e a n d different constraints than w a s the c a s e for S u s a n H o l m e s , a n d the effects of t h e s e will b e a p p a r e n t throughout this s tudy . R e c e n t interest in " w o m e n ' s p e r s o n a l n a r r a t i v e s " 5 1 h a s often f o c u s e d o n the w a y s in which these h a v e d e p a r t e d f rom the tradit ional a u t o b i o g r a p h i c a l g e n r e w h i c h , g r o u n d e d in the l iberal h u m a n i s t c o n c e p t i o n of the unified self, t e n d e d to be a " W e s t e r n white m a l e ' s " f o r m . T h e genre 's valorization of a u t o n o m y a n d the notion of the "quest" m e a n t that autobiographica l writings h a d a fairly " p u b l i c " charac ter , w h i c h t e n d e d to e x c l u d e w o m e n ' s life s tories in E u r o p e a n d North A m e r i c a , espec ia l ly a s t h e s e w e r e c h a n n e l e d m o r e a n d more into the realm of the " p r i v a t e . " 5 2 W o m e n 5 1 "Women's personal narratives" are defined in different ways: some definitions include all kinds of "narratives," no matter how unsustained, including letters and diary entries, and others focus more narrowly on biography, autobiography, and life history. 5 2 Margo Culley notes that, in the United States, journals were more likely to be kept by men than women until after the mid-nineteenth century, at which point the trend was reversed. She believes that a large part of the reason for this reversal was the fact that, during this period, diaries changed from being "semi-public" documents to a means of recording private thoughts. Margo Culley, A Day at a Time: The Diary w h o u s e d the genre (in any of its forms) h a d therefore to c o n f o r m to its " m a s t e r narra t ives , " thus o b s c u r i n g their f e m a l e s u b j e c t p o s i t i o n s . H o w e v e r , t h e s e subjectivities c o u l d still be p r e s e n t in a " d o u b l e - v o i c e d n e s s " by w h i c h f e m a l e life e x p e r i e n c e is indirect ly r e p r e s e n t e d . 5 3 T h u s , the "s i lences" in w o m e n ' s life-writing m a y b e a s important a s what is actually s a i d . 5 4 C a r o l y n Hei lbrun c la ims that anonymity h a s long b e e n thought the "proper condit ion of w o m a n . " 5 5 M o r e than anything e lse , anger , a n d with it the des i re for control o v e r one ' s life, h a s b e e n c o n s i d e r e d u n w o m a n l y . T h u s , w o m e n h a v e not h a d a c c e s s to "narrat ives" or "plots" that might h a v e a l l o w e d t h e m to take p o w e r o v e r their o w n l ives . T h e i r stories, "if they h a v e b e e n written at all , h a v e b e e n written u n d e r the constraints of a c c e p t a b l e d i s c u s s i o n , of a g r e e m e n t about what c a n be left o u t . " 5 6 Hei lbrun p e r c e i v e s the c o m m o n u s e of p s e u d o n y m s by w o m e n writers a s indicative of the d e s i r e to c reate a n alter e g o , "another possibili ty of f e m a l e d e s t i n y " a n d of the s e a r c h for "an e s c a p e from g e n d e r " into a n e w identity of their o w n . 5 7 Literature of American Women From 1764 to the Present (New York: The Feminist Press at the City University of New York, 1985). 5 3 Sidon ie Smith, A Poetics of Women's Autobiography: Marginality and the Fictions of Self-Representation (Bloomington and Indianapolis: University of Indiana Press, 1987). 5 4 R e c e n t works dealing with subjectivity, identity, and autobiography are reviewed in Laura Marcus, "Border Crossings: Recent Feminist Auto/biographical Theory," in Gender and Memory: International Yearbook of Oral History and Life Stories, vol. IV, eds. Selma Leydesdorff, Luisa Passerini, and Paul Thompson (London: Oxford University Press, 1996). 5 5 Caro lyn G. Heilbrun, Writing a Woman's Life (New York: Ballantine Books, 1988), p. 12. 5 6 i b i d . , p. 30. 5 7 i b i d . , pp. 110-111. H o w e v e r , most recent works d o not v iew this identity a s unified, or set o n c e a n d for all . In s o m e instances , this m a y be readily a p p a r e n t ; for e x a m p l e , B a r b a r a P o w e l l e x a m i n e s the "different s t r a t e g i e s of s e l f - r e p r e s e n t a t i o n " a d o p t e d by the C r e a s e family w o m e n in nineteenth-century V i c t o r i a . T h e s e w o m e n kept different d i a r i e s for different p u r p o s e s , thus writing "mul t iple v e r s i o n s of their l ives" w h i c h "as a whole offer a p o l y p h o n i c variety of v o i c e s . " 5 8 In other c a s e s , t h e s e multiple s u b j e c t - p o s i t i o n s are not a s evident o n the surface . In h e r work o n C a n a d i a n w o m e n ' s a u t o b i o g r a p h i c a l writings, H e l e n B u s s s e e k s a m e a n s of unders tanding t h e s e c o m p l e x subject ivi t ies . S h e c h o o s e s to posi t ion herself b e t w e e n the two " e x t r e m e s " of h u m a n i s t a n d poststructuralist t h e o r i e s of subjectivity b e c a u s e s h e f e e l s her task requires both the " b r o a d working h y p o t h e s e s " of h u m a n i s m and a "theory of l a n g u a g e that will a l low for f ree ly c o n n o t a t i v e interpretat ions that r e c o g n i z e the possibil i ty of m a n y texts in o n e t e x t . " 5 9 S h e b e l i e v e s that a " m a p p i n g " m e t a p h o r is most useful for this project b e c a u s e " l a n g u a g e ' m a p s ' both the self a n d the coexistent w o r l d , " a n d the historian of a u t o b i o g r a p h y is e n g a g e d in " a r c h a e o l o g i c a l m a p m a k i n g . " S u c h a metaphor is c o n s i d e r e d to be c o m p l e x e n o u g h to c o m p r e h e n d "the poss ibi l i ty of multiplicity of identity f o r m a t i o n . " 6 0 5 8 Barbara Powell, "The Diaries of the Crease Family Women," BC Studies, nos. 105 & 106 (Spring/Summer 1995): 46. 5 9 He len M. Buss, Mapping Our Selves: Canadian Women's Autobiography in English (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1993), p. 28. 6 0 i b i d . , pp. 9-10. G e n d e r is p e r c e i v e d a s a strong influence o n the w a y s u c h m a p s are m a d e . B u s s fee ls that w o m e n ' s a u t o b i o g r a p h i c a l writings s h o u l d be m o r e a c c u r a t e l y d e s c r i b e d as " f issured" rather than " d i s c o n t i n u o u s , " a s w o m e n m a y "find identity not a l w a y s l o c a t e d in that m a n - m a d e m a p , but s e e m i n g l y welling u p f rom s o m e unwritten, u n s p o k e n other m a p . " 6 1 A n understanding of t h e s e works calls for a n act ive r e a d i n g , e s p e c i a l l y in the c a s e of diaries , s i n c e "we are e n g a g e d in a task of d e c o d i n g e n c o d e d materials ; that is, w e u s e historical k n o w l e d g e u n a v a i l a b l e to the diarist to d e c o d e s i g n i f i c a n c e s in her writing, w h e r e a s s h e h a d p e r s o n a l k n o w l e d g e s h e h a s not s h a r e d with us, but which led her to e n c o d e certain p r e s e n c e s a s s i l e n c e s in her tex t . " 6 2 T h i s kind of reading c a n help to mitigate the s i l e n c e s . B u s s e n v i s i o n s a relat ionship with the text in w h i c h the r e a d e r will be "mother," "sister," a n d "daughter" to the text. A s m o t h e r to the text, s h e holds the responsibil i ty of nur tur ing the text while still r e c o g n i z i n g its ult imate s e p a r a t e n e s s ; a s sister , s h e r e c o g n i z e s the paral lels b e t w e e n her o w n subjectivity a n d that e x p r e s s e d through the text; a n d a s daughter , s h e real izes that her subjectivity is a l s o c h a n g e d through r e a d i n g the text. In her r e a d i n g of var ious w o m e n ' s a u t o b i o g r a p h i c a l a c c o u n t s , H e l e n B u s s n o t e d with s o m e surprise that, while the a c c o u n t s of m o r e a n d l e s s pr ivi leged w o m e n differed in o b v i o u s w a y s , there w e r e a l s o w a y s in w h i c h both s o u g h t "similar m a p s of subject ivi ty . " F o r her, this h e l p e d to confirm a belief "that it is in the e x a m i n a t i o n 6 1 ibid., p. 15. 6 2ibid., p. 23. of w o m e n ' s o w n stories that we c a n find the n u a n c e s of the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p of subject ivi ty a n d s o c i e t y that will a l low u s to a v o i d [the] two e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l t raps" of " a d v o c a t i n g ei ther s a m e n e s s or d i f f e r e n c e . " 6 3 In s o m e w a y s , this is what I a m at tempting to d o here . If the empiric is t notion of a n object ive r e s e a r c h e r is re jec ted , t h e n the r e s e a r c h e r ' s p e r s p e c t i v e must be a cont inual ly self- c o n s c i o u s o n e . T h e historian is required to p r o c e e d "with m e t h o d o l o g i c a l a n d e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l caut ion a n d humility" not just to r e c l a i m v o i c e s but a l s o "to contextual ize the individual v o i c e s , to reconst i tute the ' d i s c u r s i v e ' world w h i c h the ' subjec ts ' i n h a b i t e d a n d were s h a p e d b y . " 6 4 W h i l e I feel a d e e p c o n n e c t i o n with (and c o m m i t m e n t to) both S u s a n F l o o d a n d S u s a n H o l m e s , I a m aware that I cannot fully c o m p r e h e n d their interior e x p e r i e n c e , t h o u g h I c a n attempt to reconstruct the contexts of that e x p e r i e n c e - - a n d to get to " k n o w " t h e m a s well a s p o s s i b l e through a c o m b i n a t i o n of that reconstruct ion a n d what they t h e m s e l v e s h a v e left b e h i n d . T h e d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n my position a n d those of the two S u s a n s are m a n y . In particular, the ambiguit ies of S u s a n H o l m e s ' s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c status are foreign to m e . T h i s a m b i g u o u s posi t ion (as part of a s o c i a l but not e c o n o m i c elite) h a d important effects o n her e v e r y d a y life: s h e h a d to work both for a living a n d in the h o m e and k e e p up her s o c i a l responsibi l i t ies of constant ca l ls a n d visi tors . 6 3 i b i d . , p. 135. 6 4 Pierson, "Experience, Difference, Dominance and Voice," p. 94. O n the other h a n d , b e c a u s e I a m S u s a n F lood 's direct d e s c e n d a n t a n d b e c a u s e s h e has a va lued a n d respec ted place in m y family history, I feel that w h o s h e w a s is a part of w h o I a m . A l t h o u g h I n e v e r met her, the m e m o r i e s a n d percept ions of m y g r a n d m o t h e r a n d parents h a v e h a d a strong influence o n m y o w n vis ion of the w o m a n herself. Furthermore , s h e h a s a l w a y s h a d a material p r e s e n c e in m y life, g iven the large n u m b e r of her b e l o n g i n g s that c a m e into m y grandmother ' s , a n d later m y mother ' s , p o s s e s s i o n . F r o m a fairly y o u n g age , these artifacts e n g a g e d m y i m a g i n a t i o n , a n d f rom the v a n t a g e of my admittedly limited k n o w l e d g e I tried to s p e c u l a t e how s h e would h a v e felt a b o u t her s i tuat ion, f requent ly fee l ing out raged or indignant o n her behalf . S u c h a level of identification, while e n s u r i n g that I c o u l d not take a d e t a c h e d s t a n c e , c o u l d a lso easi ly b e c o m e problemat ic if c a r e w a s not t a k e n to a v o i d i m p o s i n g my own emotional react ions onto m y great -grandmother . A s I h a v e learned more about her life, I h a v e h a d to a c k n o w l e d g e the limitations of t h e s e r e s p o n s e s . I a m s e p a r a t e d f rom her e x p e r i e n c e b e c a u s e , a m o n g other things, I h a v e n e v e r h a d her particular racial e x p e r i e n c e , I h a v e n e v e r l ived in a n d c o p e d with three "different worlds" as s h e h a d to do, a n d I d o not s h a r e her religious b a c k g r o u n d . I c la im my heritage from her, but I c a n n o t c l a i m h e r e x p e r i e n c e . T h e possibi l i ty of over- ident if icat ion w a s a l s o p r e s e n t , t h o u g h to a l e s s e r extent, with S u s a n H o l m e s ' s t o r y . 6 5 W h i l e the bulk of m y 6 5 B e l l e Chevigny posits a "fantasy of reciprocity" in women's biography of women, "in which author and subject in effect become surrogate mothers in that they offer one another 'maternal' nurture," through "a sanctioning of their autonomy." Belle Gale Chevigny, "Daughters Writing: Toward a Theory of Women's Biography," in Carol Ascher, Louise De Salvo, and Sara Ruddick, eds., Between Women: Biographers. e n g a g e m e n t with her life took p l a c e through the written texts s h e left b e h i n d , I a l s o h a d s e v e r a l long a n d interesting c o n v e r s a t i o n s about her with her g r a n d s o n a n d granddaughter - in- law, D o n a n d Phyll is R o b e r t s . T h e Rober ts h a v e d o n e c o n s i d e r a b l e g e n e a l o g i c a l r e s e a r c h o n S u s a n a n d her family, a n d their s e n s e of kinship with the subject of this r e s e a r c h w a s similar to m y o w n with S u s a n F l o o d s S i n c e I a l r e a d y "l iked" the S u s a n H o l m e s I e n c o u n t e r e d in the journals , our d i s c u s s i o n s often took on the tone of a chat about a mutual f r iend, a n d their e n t h u s i a s m a n d s o l i c i t o u s n e s s for her story p r o v o k e d s imilar r e s p o n s e s in m y o w n attitude t o w a r d s it. With respec t to both S u s a n s , I a lso h a v e the pr ivi leged posi t ion of e v e r y historian. I c a n look back a n d know what h a p p e n e d both to t h e m a n d to the soc ie ty in which they l ived. History is a l w a y s written f r o m the point of view of the time per iod in w h i c h it is written a n d this is not a negat ive thing in itself, but it must b e a r e c o g n i z e d condi t ion a n d care must be taken that it not l e a d to d e c o n t e x t u a l i z a t i o n of the time u n d e r s tudy. O f c o u r s e , t h e s e two w o m e n a l s o k n e w m u c h that I cannot a c c e s s . I be l ieve that, while I b u s y myself with a n interpretation of the S u s a n s ' l ives , I c a n k e e p the q u e s t i o n of h o w they might interpret my life a n d e x p e r i e n c e a l o n g s i d e m y q u e s t i o n s of t h e m ; in this way, I c a n a l s o be the "daughter" to their texts, e v e n though it m a y a p p e a r that the " m o t h e r i n g " relat ionship w o u l d h a v e to b e the s t rongest in this s i t u a t i o n . Novelists. Critics. Teachers and Artists Write About Their Work on Women (Boston: Beacon Press, 1984), p. 373. If historical narrat ives are a l w a y s b a s e d in a part icular set of v a l u e s , t h e n "feminist history is inextricably b o u n d up with feminis t theory a n d the q u e s t i o n of i d e n t i t y . " 6 6 M y own perspec t ive o n the historical work I a m undertaking , a n d the m e t h o d with w h i c h I a p p r o a c h it, are both i n f l u e n c e d by the feminist materialist s tance(s ) d i s c u s s e d earlier in this chapter . L ike H e l e n B u s s , I w o u l d not a l i g n m y s e l f with either the liberal h u m a n i s t belief in the unif ied subjec t a n d "objectivity" b a s e d o n t r a n s c e n d e n t a l r e a s o n or the m o r e r a d i c a l l y relativistic posts tructural is t r e s i s t a n c e to the u s e of a n y ca tegor ies a n d resultant u n d e r m i n i n g of a posit ive feminis t poli t ics . A s C h r i s t i n e Di S t e f a n o notes : T o the extent that feminist politics is b o u n d up with a s p e c i f i c c o n s t i t u e n c y or subject , n a m e l y , w o m e n , the p o s t m o d e r n i s t p r o h i b i t i o n a g a i n s t s u b j e c t - c e n t r e d inquiry a n d theory u n d e r m i n e s the legi t imacy of a b r o a d - b a s e d o r g a n i z e d m o v e m e n t d e d i c a t e d to articulating a n d implement ing the g o a l s of s u c h a c o n s t i t u e n c y . 6 7 L i k e w i s e , whi le the feminis t materialist a p p r o a c h is c o n c e r n e d with l a n g u a g e a n d discourse , a n d m a y e m p l o y a d e c o n s t r u c t i v e m e t h o d (or at least h a v e a d e c o n s t r u c t i v e "intent"; that is, a t reatment of "cultural f o r m s a n d their g e n d e r i d e o l o g i e s a s constructs subjec t to u n d o i n g or d e c o n s t r u c t i o n " 6 8 ) , it d o e s not r e d u c e all e x p e r i e n c e to the "play" of l a n g u a g e . F u r t h e r m o r e , the " feminis t material is t not ion of d e c o n s t r u c t i o n d e f i n e s the text m o r e 6 6 Rosemary Hennessy, Materialist Feminism and the Politics of Discourse (New York: Routledge, 1993), p. xvii. 6 7 Christ ine Di Stefano, "Dilemmas of Difference: Feminism, Modernity, and Postmodernism," in Feminism/Postmodernism, ed. Linda J . Nicholson (New York: Routledge, 1990), p.76. 6 8 R o m a n and Christian-Smith, Becoming Feminine, p. 21. b r o a d l y to i n c l u d e s o c i a l relations a n d their confl ic t ing d i v i s i o n s by g e n d e r , c l a s s , race, age , a n d s e x u a l orientation . . . a t tempting to f ind the f i s s u r e s or contradict ions b e t w e e n p e o p l e ' s l ives a n d r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of g e n d e r . " 6 9 S u c h contradic t ions are apparent throughout the v a r i e d a s p e c t s of S u s a n H o l m e s ' a n d S u s a n F lood 's lives, a n d t h e s e will b e the subjec t of the c h a p t e r s w h i c h follow. In the next chapter , I will outline the l ives of t h e s e two w o m e n . In doing s o , I h o p e to highlight the c o m p l e x i t i e s inherent in the w a y s in w h i c h "identity" is c o m m o n l y d e l i n e a t e d - - i n te rms of race , s o c i a l s ta tus , nationality, religion, a n d the b a s i c "facts" of our l ives by w h i c h w e t e n d to def ine o u r s e l v e s . T h e s e complexi t ies affect all the a r e a s of our l ives , a n d the w a y s in which this o c c u r r e d in the S u s a n s ' life s tor ies is e x a m i n e d in s u b s e q u e n t chapters . C h a p t e r three will e x a m i n e the i n f l u e n c e s of their re la t ionships with their f a m i l i e s of or igin o n their earl ier l ives , e s p e c i a l l y with r e g a r d s to e d u c a t i o n a n d m a r r i a g e d e c i s i o n s . T h e i r part icipation in their f a m i l i e s ' e c o n o m i c l ives (both before a n d after m a r r i a g e ) - o r h o w t h e y f u n c t i o n e d a s e c o n o m i c a g e n t s - w i l l b e highl ighted in C h a p t e r four, whi le C h a p t e r five will b e c o n c e r n e d with the c o n s t r u c t i o n of their s o c i a l identi t ies t h r o u g h their r e l a t i o n s h i p s with o t h e r s , both within the family a n d in the larger c o m m u n i t y . T h e s e are , of c o u r s e , all interrelated. F inal ly , in C h a p t e r six, I will c o n s i d e r h o w all of t h e s e fac tors c o a l e s c e d in e a c h w o m a n ' s s e l f - i m a g e , or p r e s e n t a t o n of self . 6 9 i b i d . , p. 22. R o s e m a r y H e n n e s s y c l a i m s that a p o l i t i c a l l y - i n f o r m e d h i s t o r i ca l a g e n d a " a l w a y s h a s i n s c r i b e d wi th in it a 'U top ian fu tu re . ' It i s , in o ther w o r d s , a read ing of the past from the p resen t for t h e f u t u r e . " 7 0 T h e h o p e unde r l y i ng my pursui t of th is p ro jec t is that , a s r e s e a r c h into the "pas t , " it m a y a l s o be l i nked to c o n t e m p o r a r y d e b a t e s in s u c h a w a y a s to cont r ibu te to the "s t rugg le to u n d e r s t a n d a n d h o p e f u l l y t r a n s f o r m the h i s to r i ca l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s of b e c o m i n g f e m i n i n e w i th in t he c o n t e x t s of con f l i c t i ng s e t s of p o w e r r e l a t i o n s . " 7 1 7 0 Hennessy , Materialist Feminism, p. 102. 7 1 Roman and Christian-Smith, Becoming Feminine, p. 4. CHAPTER TWO: THE AMBIGUITIES OF IDENTITY A s m a n y w h o h a v e s o u g h t to a n a l y z e s u c h i s s u e s a s " ident i ty po l i t i cs " h a v e d i s c o v e r e d , the no t ion of " ident i ty" a n d h o w it is f o r m e d is a n y t h i n g but s i m p l e or non -con t rad i c t o r y . C e r t a i n c a t e g o r i e s a n d c l a s s i f i c a t o r y s c h e m e s tend to be u t i l i zed bo th by a s o c i e t y a n d by i nd i v idua l s in de te rm in ing h o w p e o p l e a re to be d e f i n e d . H o w e v e r , the h i s to r i ca l na tu re of t h e s e c a t e g o r i e s is s e l d o m c o n s i d e r e d , a n d potent ia l con t rad i c t i ons a m o n g t h e m o f ten g o u n r e m a r k e d . T h e r e is a t e n d e n c y to s e e " s e l v e s " a s " m a d e up of s e p a r a b l e un i t s of ident i ty s t rung t o g e t h e r to cons t i t u te a w h o l e p e r s o n , " 1 s o m e of the mos t c o m m o n of t h e s e uni ts of ident i ty b e i n g g e n d e r , c l a s s , r a c e , nat iona l i ty , a n d re l ig ion . O p p o s e d to th is no t i on is t he v i e w that ident i ty is con t i ngen t , p r e d i c a t e d o n " d i f f e r e n c e " (or non - i den t i t y ) , a n d " ra re ly i den t i ca l to i tsel f but i n s t e a d [car ry ing ] mu l t i p le a n d s o m e t i m e s c o n t r a d i c t o r y m e a n i n g s . " 2 P e o p l e a r e s i t u a t e d a l o n g v a r i o u s d i m e n s i o n s of ident i ty , but t h e s e d i m e n s i o n s a r e not pa ra l l e l ; rather, t hey cut a c r o s s e a c h o the r s u c h that a n i n d i v i d u a l ' s e x p e r i e n c e wi l l d i f fer f r om that of o t h e r s p l a c e d a l o n g the s a m e d i m e n s i o n a c c o r d i n g to w h i c h o the r d i m e n s i o n s e a c h is p l a c e d a l o n g at the s a m e t ime. T h i s is the c a s e e v e n w h e n s o m e o n e d o e s not c o n s c i o u s l y r e c o g n i z e the i r p l a c e m e n t a l o n g 1 Spelman, Inessential Woman, p. 158. 2 Diana Fuss, Essentially Speaking: Feminism. Nature and Difference (New York: Routledge, 1989), p. 98. 33 certain l ines , for the lack of a w a r e n e s s of s o m e e l e m e n t s c a n in itself be a s ignif icant reflection of a p e r s o n ' s i d e n t i t y . 3 "Identity" in Historical Records O n a practical level , the p r o b l e m s of u n d e r s t a n d i n g , e v e n to s o m e d e g r e e , the identities of p e o p l e in the past are highlighted by a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the w a y s o p e n to historians to a c h i e v e this task . T y p i c a l l y , w e must rely o n the "facts" p r o v i d e d by official a n d nonoffic ial d o c u m e n t s a n d records s u c h a s birth, marr iage a n d d e a t h certif icates a n d a n n o u n c e m e n t s , a n d c e n s u s materials . H o w e v e r , t h e s e r e c o r d s are by no m e a n s u n c o n t a m i n a t e d by "subject ive" interpretations. M o r e care m a y be taken for a c c u r a c y (and a c c u r a c y m a y i n d e e d b e d e f i n e d differently) with records for cer tain " k i n d s " of p e o p l e , a n d t y p e s of information d e e m e d pertinent m a y vary for the s a m e r e a s o n s . Furthermore , the categories u n d e r w h i c h information is g a t h e r e d are a lways d e t e r m i n e d by the v a r i o u s a g e n d a s of t h o s e w h o set t h e m , a n d reflect the c h a n g i n g c o n c e r n s of a n y g i v e n soc ie ty . F o r instance , Patrick D u n a e h a s s t r e s s e d the n e e d to p a y attention to the p r o c e s s of e n u m e r a t i o n for the c e n s u s in British C o l u m b i a - - h o w e n u m e r a t o r s w e r e c h o s e n a n d h o w the activities of e n u m e r a t i o n w e r e carr ied out, e s p e c i a l l y g i v e n the g e o g r a p h y a n d d i s p e r s e d populat ion of the p r o v i n c e . 4 S u c h k n o w l e d g e w o u l d aid interpreters in r e c o g n i z i n g "the i n a c c u r a c i e s , i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s a n d b i a s e s that c h a r a c t e r i z e manuscr ipt c e n s u s r e t u r n s . " 5 W h i l e D u n a e 3 Spelman, Inessential Woman, pp. 101 & 96. 4Patrick A. Dunae, "Taking and Shaping the 1891 Census in British Columbia," paper presented at the B.C. Studies Conference, Kelowna, B. C , October 7-10, 1994. 5 ibid., p. 2. f e e l s that overal l the work of the e n u m e r a t o r s of the 1891 c e n s u s in B . C . w a s efficient a n d a c c e p t a b l e by the s t a n d a r d s of the t ime, the a b o v e - m e n t i o n e d f laws are still readily a p p a r e n t . E n u m e r a t o r s v a r i e d great ly in their a p p r o a c h to the information t h e y g a t h e r e d , a n d t h e s e variat ions resulted in a s o m e w h a t u n e v e n portrait of the p e o p l e p o l l e d . L e s s attention to detail m a y h a v e b e e n p a i d to certain g r o u p s of p e o p l e , particularly Indians a n d C h i n e s e . F r o m s c a n n i n g m u c h of the 1901 c e n s u s , I noted that it would b e very difficult to d e t e r m i n e m u c h about m a n y of the p e o p l e in t h e s e g r o u p s , at least in te rms of the c e n s u s ca tegories . It w a s plain in m a n y of t h e s e c a s e s that e n u m e r a t o r s ei ther felt u n e q u a l to, or d is in teres ted in , the t a s k of trying to c o n v e y accurate ly a c o m p l e t e n a m e or a n y deta i led i n f o r m a t i o n . L a n g u a g e w a s certainly s o m e t i m e s a contr ibuting factor (a l though t h e s e o u t c o m e s still o c c u r r e d e v e n w h e n the m o t h e r t o n g u e w a s listed a s English) , a n d D u n a e notes that s o m e e n u m e r a t o r s f o u n d northern Indians s u s p i c i o u s of, a n d therefore reluctant to c o o p e r a t e with, the p r o c e s s . 6 A different sort of i d i o s y n c r a s y a p p e a r s in the w a y in w h i c h "race" w a s a p p r o a c h e d . O f the three c e n s u s e s a v a i l a b l e , 7 only the 1901 return c a l l e d for the d e s i g n a t i o n of the individual ' s race ; this w a s d e t e r m i n e d through the ca tegor ies of "colour" a n d "racial or tribal or ig in . " T h e c lassif icat ion of p e o p l e of m i x e d Indian a n d white b a c k g r o u n d is particularly interest ing. T h e i r rac ia l or igin is g e n e r a l l y d e s c r i b e d in a b b r e v i a t e d form as " H B " (for halfbreed) or, 6 ibid., p. 10. 7 These are the censuses for 1881, 1891, and 1901. British Columbia did not enter Confederation in time to be a part of the 1871 census, and the manuscript censuses subsequent to 1901 have not yet been released to the public. m o r e specif ical ly , " E B , " " S B , " " F B , " "IB," or " O B " (for E n g l i s h b r e e d , S c o t t i s h b r e e d , F r e n c h b r e e d , Irish b r e e d , or O t h e r b r e e d , r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . V e r y rarely is the s p e c i f i c tribal b a c k g r o u n d of the Indian parent m e n t i o n e d . W h e r e s o m e o n e c lassif ied a s a " b r e e d " 8 a n d a white p e r s o n h a d chi ldren , these chi ldren were still d e s i g n a t e d a s b r e e d s , with p e r h a p s a c h a n g e to reflect the (white) father 's or igin : for e x a m p l e , the chi ldren of a n " E n g l i s h " father a n d a "Scot t i sh b r e e d " mother would be d e s c r i b e d a s " E n g l i s h b r e e d s . " (Interestingly, this s t rategy, while fo l lowing the typica l E u r o p e a n patri l ineal m o d e , o b s c u r e d the paternal line of the m o t h e r in f a v o u r of the m a t e r n a l . It w o u l d a p p e a r that the survival of the racial m a r k e r w a s paramount . ) In a n y c a s e , t h e s e chi ldren 's racial identity a s Indian or "red" r e m a i n e d . O n the other h a n d , w h e n p e o p l e of m i x e d - b l o o d m a r r i e d Indians, their chi ldren w e r e c l a s s i f i e d a s "Indian," a n d a n y reference to their "white b l o o d " w a s e r a s e d . 9 With t h e s e kinds of constraints in m i n d , the rest of this c h a p t e r will be c o n c e r n e d with how S u s a n H o l m e s a n d S u s a n F l o o d w o u l d m o s t readily be " d e f i n e d " in terms of the e l e m e n t s of identity m o s t c o m m o n l y c a l l e d u p o n in creating a biographical s k e t c h . O n o n e level , t h e s e m a y a p p e a r the m o r e superfic ial a n d u n c o m p l i c a t e d c o m p o n e n t s of self -defini t ion, t h o s e things w e c a n " k n o w " a b o u t p e o p l e without d e l v i n g into their interior lives or e x p e r i e n c e s . Y e t e v e n t h e s e s e e m i n g l y straightforward e l e m e n t s are often f raught with a m b i g u i t i e s a n d contradic t ions . In outlining the l ives of t h e s e 8 The Indian or mixed-blood partner was virtually always a woman, so it is difficult to separate the roles race and gender played in this scheme. 9 This was most frequently encountered in the separate return for the reserves. two w o m e n in te rms of their " e x p e r i e n c e externally o b s e r v e d , " 1 0 m y h o p e is to clarify h o w t h e s e ambigui t ies a n d contradic t ions w e r e m a n i f e s t e d in the var ious posi t ions the w o m e n fi l led. T h i s will b e d o n e first t h r o u g h a brief descr ipt ion of their lives a n d t h e n t h r o u g h a m o r e i n - d e p t h d i s c u s s i o n of the actual c o m p l e x i t i e s of the " m a r k e r s " of identity w h i c h m a y a p p e a r " o b v i o u s " in their life s t o r i e s . Susan Abercrombie Holmes S u s a n H o l m e s w a s born S u s a n n a h A b e r c r o m b i e N a g l e o n M a y 18, 1840, o n b o a r d the T h o m a s L o w r i e . ten d a y s before that ship l a n d e d in S y d n e y , Austra l ia . S h e w a s the s e c o n d of J e r e m i a h a n d C a t h e r i n e N a g l e ' s eight chi ldren w h o s u r v i v e d infancy (a s o n a n d d a u g h t e r w e r e born a n d d i e d b e t w e e n S u s a n a n d her elder sister Kate) . J e r e m i a h w a s a s e a captain a n d , while the family settled in N e w Z e a l a n d for s o m e y e a r s (adding Harry, J e s s i e , Isabella, a n d F r e d to their ranks) , his a p p a r e n t w a n d e r l u s t eventual ly brought t h e m to the west c o a s t of North A m e r i c a . T h e y m o v e d to S a n F r a n c i s c o in the spr ing of 1850 a n d s t a y e d there for eight y e a r s , during w h i c h t ime their last two chi ldren , E l l a a n d E d d i e , were born. In 1858, w h e n S u s a n w a s e i g h t e e n , the N a g l e family (with the except ion of K a t e w h o h a d by t h e n married) m a d e its last m o v e to Victoria , in the y o u n g c o l o n y of V a n c o u v e r I s l a n d . 1 1 C a p t a i n N a g l e , who h a d b e e n involved in real estate a n d s h i p p i n g while in C a l i f o r n i a , c o n t i n u e d his v a r i e d act ivi t ies after sett l ing in V i c t o r i a . B e s i d e s his office a s H a r b o u r m a s t e r , he w a s 1 0 Pie rson , "Experience, Difference, Dominance and Voice," p. 94. 1 1 This information has been culled mostly from notes provided by Don Roberts, Susan's grandson. a p p o i n t e d C o l l e c t o r for V i c t o r i a 1 2 a n d Just ice of the P e a c e for V a n c o u v e r I s l a n d . 1 3 After he g a v e up the H a r b o u r m a s t e r post in 1861, he c o n t i n u e d working in var ious a s p e c t s of s h i p p i n g , t h o u g h it w o u l d s e e m his i m p e t u o u s n e s s c rea ted a rather unset t led life for his family: he w a s "a g o o d father but not a very g o o d p r o v i d e r . " 1 4 In D e c e m b e r 1865, he o p e n e d a "shipping c u s t o m s a n d broker 's off ice" in N e w W e s t m i n s t e r a n d m o v e d his family to that town, s e l l i n g their "delightfully s i tuated h o u s e a n d property at J a m e s B a y , " only to m o v e t h e m b a c k to Vic tor ia a g a i n by July 1 8 6 6 . 1 5 H e w a s later a p p o i n t e d a port w a r d e n for Vic tor ia a n d E s q u i m a l t , 1 6 a post that w o u l d h a v e a u g m e n t e d s o m e w h a t his p r o b a b l y rather erratic i n c o m e f rom his s h i p p i n g a g e n c y . S u s a n H o l m e s ' journals , e s p e c i a l l y during t h e s e ear ly y e a r s , reflect a s t rong interest in s h i p p i n g matters of all k i n d s - w h i c h s h i p s h a d d o c k e d , w h i c h e m b a r k e d , what t h e y car r ied , c o n c e r n s about the effects of the weather o n t h o s e at s e a . B y all a c c o u n t s , the N a g l e family w a s c losely-knit a n d loyal , a n d the o l d e r chi ldren a l s o contributed to the family i n c o m e in varying w a y s . Harry w o r k e d both as a clerk in the H a r b o u r m a s t e r ' s office while his father h a d control of it a n d in the b u s i n e s s in N e w W e s t m i n s t e r , F r e d at s e v e n t e e n w o r k e d at the H u d s o n ' s B a y C o m p a n y trading post at Fort A l e x a n d r i a , a n d J e s s i e w a s e m p l o y e d a s 1 2 Br i t i sh Colonist. 13 June 1859, p. 3. 1 3 Br i t i sh Colonist. 15 June 1859, p. 3. 1 4 D o n Roberts, "Susan Holmes," in Memories Never Lost: Stories of the Pioneer Women of the Cowichan Valley and a Brief History of the Valley. 1850-1920 (Duncan: Pioneer Researchers, 1986). 1 5 Br i t i sh Colonist. 11 December 1865, p. 3; 19 March 1866, p. 3; 16 July 1866, p. 3. 1 6 J i m Nesbitt, "Old Homes and Families," Daily Colonist. 8 February 1953, p. g o v e r n e s s by C o l o n e l Richard a n d M a r y M o o d y 1 7 a n d later a s a s c h o o l t e a c h e r in N e w W e s t m i n s t e r . At the t ime of the first diary entries we h a v e from S u s a n , in 1865, s h e w a s working at " M r . R e e c e ' s s c h o o l " 1 8 in Victor ia . B y 1869, s h e w a s fretting about her inability to find a w a y to help out, s i n c e " P a p a is d o i n g next to nothing , & not likely to do a n y better"; unfortunately, s h e felt that "the only thing there s e e m s to d o is to o p e n a s c h o o l , & there are a l r e a d y . . . a lmost m o r e [schools] than s c h o l a r s . " 1 9 A few m o n t h s later, s h e w a s a p p o i n t e d to t e a c h in the public s c h o o l at Y a l e , then h e a d of navigat ion o n the F r a s e r River . At the time of her arrival in Y a l e , S u s a n w a s e n g a g e d to A l g e r n o n Hill, a y o u n g m a n s h e h a d not s e e n for s o m e time, a s he a t tempted to build a c a r e e r in the C o l o n i a l S e r v i c e s . (By this t ime he h a d r e c e i v e d a minor posting in British H o n d u r a s . ) Within a year , s h e h a d b r o k e n off the e n g a g e m e n t a n d shortly thereafter s h e a c q u i r e d a n o t h e r suitor, R e v e r e n d D a v i d H o l m e s , the C h u r c h of E n g l a n d c l e r g y m a n at Y a l e . At first s o m e w h a t resistant, s h e eventual ly c o n s e n t e d a n d they were married in Vic tor ia o n J u n e 19, 1871 , a f terwards returning to Y a l e . D a v i d H o l m e s w a s born in Lincolnshire in 1837, a n d a t t e n d e d St . A u g u s t i n e ' s C o l l e g e in C a n t e r b u r y . 2 0 H e arrived in Vic tor ia a s a m i s s i o n a r y in 1 8 6 4 2 1 a n d w a s later sent to Y a l e , w h e r e he built a reputation as a t ireless worker. H e h a d b e e n o r d a i n e d to the order of 1 7 Colonel Moody was commander of the Royal Engineers in British Columbia. 1 8 M r . Reece was an Anglican clergyman. 1 9 S u s a n Abercrombie Holmes Diary (hereafter SAH), 7 April 1869, British Columbia Archives and Records Service (hereafter BCARS). 2 0 F r o m Don Roberts' notes. 2 1 Fourth Census of Canada. 1901. d e a c o n s in 1 8 6 8 2 2 a n d w a s o r d a i n e d as a priest the y e a r after his m a r r i a g e . 2 3 S u s a n s e e m s to h a v e b e e n in intermittently p o o r health d u r i n g the m o n t h s following their w e d d i n g , a n d h a d thought s h e might b e p r e g n a n t in the fall of 1871. H o w e v e r , their first c h i l d , Harry , w a s not born until N o v e m b e r 1872. S u s a n h a d at least o n e miscarr iage , early in 1876, s o there w a s a five y e a r g a p between Harry a n d F r e d , born in 1877, but F r e d a n d the last four H o l m e s chi ldren fo l lowed e a c h other fairly c l o s e l y : after F r e d c a m e Beatr ice in 1878, Isabel in 1880, J o s e p h i n e (Zephie ) in 1882, a n d Phil in 1884. T h u s , be tween the a g e s of thirty-two a n d forty-four, S u s a n h a d six chi ldren . All of the c h i l d r e n s u r v i v e d to a d u l t h o o d , t h o u g h Phil would die from p n e u m o n i a in 1907, at the a g e of t w e n t y - t h r e e . T h e H o l m e s ' h a d m o v e d back to V a n c o u v e r Island in the fall of 1873, w h e n D a v i d w a s a p p o i n t e d rector of the c h u r c h at C o w i c h a n . 2 4 H e r e , they r e s i d e d at the p a r s o n a g e until 1884, w h e n they m o v e d into the large h o u s e they h a d built at H o l m e s d a l e , the property they h a d a c q u i r e d in what is now the town of D u n c a n . D a v i d H o l m e s ' z e a l a n d e n e r g y h a d cont inued at his new posting, as he w a s s o o n r e s p o n s i b l e for u n d e r t a k i n g f u n d r a i s i n g for the e rec t ion of three n e w c h u r c h e s in the district, at S o m e n o s , C h e m a i n u s , a n d Q u a m i c h a n , the latter spec i f i ca l ly for I n d i a n s . 2 5 H o w e v e r , this z e a l w a s likely a factor in his a p p a r e n t falling-out with s o m e of his p a r i s h i o n e r s - - h i s v i e w s o n the great "spiritual w a n t s of this 2 2 Brit ish Colonist. 21 September 1868, p. 3. 2 3 Bri t ish Colonist. 28 May 1872, p. 3. 2 4 Brit ish Colonist. 26 September 1873, p. 3. 2 5 Bri t ish Colonist. 18 April 1874, p. 3. District" m o s t likely e x t e n d e d not only to the " n e e d s " of the local Indians, but a l so to t h o s e of the area 's white settlers. Partly in c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e s e d i s a g r e e m e n t s , in 1884 he r e s i g n e d f rom his c ler i ca l office at C o w i c h a n in o r d e r to f o u n d a n agricultural c o l l e g e , 2 6 a n e n d e a v o u r w h i c h fit in with his earlier activities at the m i s s i o n f a r m at Fort H o p e a n d with his belief that " industrial i m p r o v e m e n t [was] a n e c e s s a r y s u p p l e m e n t to religious a n d m o r a l t r a i n i n g . " 2 7 T h e fate of this col lege is u n k n o w n , but it d o e s not a p p e a r to h a v e b e e n s u c c e s s f u l in the long run (or p e r h a p s D a v i d s i m p l y did not like the job), for it is n e v e r m e n t i o n e d a n y w h e r e a g a i n after 1884. D a v i d H o l m e s s p e n t the rest of his working life involved in a mix of f a r m i n g a n d cler ical duties , the latter of w h i c h s o m e t i m e s took him far f rom h o m e . In 1896, he w a s p r e a c h i n g at W a t s o n v i l l e , C a l i f o r n i a , 2 8 a n d in 1898 he w a s c h o s e n by " u n a n i m o u s vote" a s rector of the p a r i s h at G a i n e s v i l l e , T e x a s . 2 9 S u s a n visited him at least o n c e in W a t s o n v i l l e , but in general s h e r e m a i n e d at C o w i c h a n , r u n n i n g H o l m e s d a l e , a n d taking fairly f requent trips to V i c t o r i a , both to attend to the b u s i n e s s of sel l ing parts of their land a n d to attempt to s e c u r e work situations for o n e or the other of her s o n s . D a v i d s e e m s to h a v e returned h o m e for g o o d by 1903. In both the 1891 a n d 1901 c e n s u s e s , his o c c u p a t i o n w a s listed a s "clerk in holy o r d e r s , " 3 0 but the majority of his time (when at h o m e in C o w i c h a n ) 2 6 Brit ish Colonist. 6 August 1884, p. 3. 2 7 Brit ish Colonist. 26 September 1868, p. 3. 2 8 Letter from Susan Holmes to her children, 6 June 1896, Holmes family papers. 2 9 Colon is t . 28 February 1898, p. 5. 3 0 C e n s u s of Canada. 1890-1: Fourth Census of Canada. 1901. w a s p r o b a b l y s p e n t in farming duties ; despi te his a p p a r e n t lack of e n t h u s i a s m for t h e s e c h o r e s , he a p p r o a c h e d t h e m with his c u s t o m a r y e n e r g y , a n d S u s a n frequently worried that he w o r k e d too h a r d , a c o n c e r n that c o u l d a lso have b e e n appl ied to her. D a v i d did h a v e t e m p o r a r y clerical duties at C o b b l e Hill , S h a w n i g a n , a n d L a d y s m i t h , a n d the latter post n e c e s s i t a t e d his a b s e n c e f rom h o m e f ro m S a t u r d a y to M o n d a y every week. B y this point, both H o l m e s ' h a d r e a c h e d their ear ly s e v e n t i e s . S u s a n ' s rel igious inclination, a l w a y s s t rong, b e c a m e e v e n m o r e s o a s s h e grew older. S h e took ser iously her role in the c o m m u n i t y a s c l e r g y m a n ' s wife, a n d D a v i d ' s t roubles a n d c o n s e q u e n t res ignat ion h a d a l s o b e e n a great blow to h e r . 3 1 It s e e m s that s h e c o n t i n u e d to take the s a m e kinds of c o m m u n i t y responsibi l i t ies t h r o u g h o u t the rest of her life, visit ing the s ick, o r g a n i z i n g a n d part ic ipat ing in f u n d r a i s i n g events for the C h u r c h a n d miss ions , a n d s o o n . S h e w a s act ive with the K i n g ' s D a u g h t e r s , an A n g l i c a n w o m e n ' s g r o u p , s e r v i n g o n the b o a r d of directors, a n d acting a s o n e of the driving f o r c e s b e h i n d the local group 's major project of building a c o n v a l e s c e n t h o m e . A s i d e f rom t h e s e kinds of activities (as well a s a n u m b e r of m o n e y - m a k i n g s c h e m e s ) a n d all those involved in running the h o m e a n d bringing up the children, often in the a b s e n c e of her h u s b a n d , S u s a n in her later y e a r s a lso a p p l i e d herself to the writing s h e h a d long d e s i r e d to d o . S h e h a d kept a journal, with s o m e g a p s , for most 3 1 Bishop George Hills describes a meeting with the Holmes' the year after the "trouble," in which "her eyes were full of tears & he could barely speak from emotion." The Journal of Bishop Hills, Bishop of Columbia, Archives, Ecclesiastical Province of British Columbia, 12 July 1885, p. 17. of her life, a n d w h e n her children were grown e n o u g h to d o their part in the h o u s e h o l d work (and s h e w a s a lso able to afford a C h i n e s e h o u s e k e e p e r ) , s h e b e g a n to work on other forms of writing. S h e c o m p o s e d s o n g s 3 2 a n d wrote p o e m s , children's s tories , a n d articles, s o m e of w h i c h were p u b l i s h e d in journals of the t i m e . 3 3 S u s a n ' s parents h a d both died in the 1880s ( J e r e m i a h in V i c t o r i a a n d C a t h e r i n e in O a k l a n d , where s h e w a s living with her d a u g h t e r Ella) a n d D a v i d , ill for the last few y e a r s of his life, d i e d in the fall of 1915. B y the time S u s a n fol lowed, o n J a n u a r y 24, 1921, s h e h a d b e e n p r e d e c e a s e d by all but two (Fred a n d Ella) of her s i b l i n g s . D e s p i t e a p e r c e p t i o n of herself as p r e c a r i o u s l y heal thy o v e r the c o u r s e of her life, s h e h a d lived to a lmost e i g h t y - o n e y e a r s of a g e . Susan Suckley Flood T h e s p e c i f i c s of S u s a n F l o o d ' s entry into the world are s o m e w h a t m o r e s h r o u d e d . In o n e respect , there is a similarity b e t w e e n her family of origin a n d that of S u s a n H o l m e s : both w o m e n c o u l d b e s a i d to h a v e h a d interesting fathers a n d a l m o s t invis ible m o t h e r s , at least in terms of public records . C a t h e r i n e N a g l e did at least a c q u i r e s o m e f leshing-out in her d a u g h t e r s ' journals , but of S u s a n F l o o d ' s mother little is known outside of her n a m e a n d her p a r e n t a g e . E v e n her n a m e , C e c i l i a , is most likely not the o n e s h e w a s g i v e n at birth. 3 2 S u c h as "Daughters of the Empire", words and music by Susan A. Holmes, copyright 1918, Holmes family papers. 3 3 l have been unable to locate any of these, though the recording of approximate publication dates and other references indicate that some indeed were published. After whites b e g a n settling in the Puget S o u n d a r e a , C e c i l i a ' s father w a s c o m m o n l y known as Big J o h n ; his Indian n a m e w a s C u o - d i s - k i d . 3 4 H e w a s apparent ly c o n s i d e r e d the "last war chief of the S u q u a m i s h , " o n e of the "old Indian n o b i l i t y , " 3 5 w h o s e lifetime e n c o m p a s s e d "the a lmost total overturning of the w a y of life of the S a l i s h p e o p l e s . " 3 6 His wife, Martha , w a s a Skagit , a n d their e c o n o m i c activities i n c l u d e d fur t rapping a s far north a s the u p p e r r e a c h e s of the S k a g i t River . D e s p i t e C u o - d i s - k i d ' s repor ted f i e r c e n e s s , his warl ike t e n d e n c i e s w e r e g e n e r a l l y d i r e c t e d a g a i n s t ra iding par t ies f r o m other tr ibes , particularly the H a i d a ; the S u q u a m i s h were c o n s i d e r e d a group "friendly" to the H u d s o n ' s B a y C o m p a n y . 3 7 D u e to the influence of the D u w a m i s h chief Seatt le , w h o m C u o - d i s - k i d s u p p o r t e d , the S u q u a m i s h were a m o n g the earl iest of the W a s h i n g t o n Territory Indians to give up w a r a n d their warr ior t radit ions . A 1950 m a g a z i n e article, written d u r i n g the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the A g a t e P a s s Br idge f rom Seat t le to B a i n b r i d g e Island (the heart of S u q u a m i s h territory, a n d the a r e a to w h i c h their l a n d w a s c o n f i n e d w h e n reservat ions were i m p l e m e n t e d ) , notes that: history l a n d e d o n C u o - d i s - k i d with s e v e n - l e a g u e b o o t s . Af ter 1850, it n a r r o w e d d o w n his tribe's w i d e , f ree d o m a i n to a few t h o u s a n d acres in the Port M a d i s o n Indian R e s e r v a t i o n . It f r e e d his s l a v e s . It d i v e s t e d him of his Indian n a m e a n d substituted Big J o h n . It o u s t e d him from the s m o k y ancestral halls of h u g e O l d 3 4 T h i s is sometimes also spelled Qu-dis-kid. 3 5 Ernes t B. Bertelson, "The Land of Spooks," Seattle Sunday Times Magazine Sect ion. 18 June 1950. 3 6 George Pierre Castile, ed., Introduction to The Indians of Puget Sound: The Notebooks of Myron Eells (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1985), p. xiii. 3 7 Wil l iam Fraser Tolmie, Physician and Fur Trader: The Journals of William Fraser Tolmie (Vancouver: Mitchell Press Limited, 1963), p. 216. M a n H o u s e a n d installed him in a f rame h o m e s u r r o u n d e d by a picket f e n c e . It wiped out his career a s a tribal warrior a n d left him only the hollow h o n o r of b e i n g k n o w n a s the 'last war chief of the S u q u a m i s h . ' 3 8 S u s a n ' s father, G e o r g e S u c k l e y , arrived in the P u g e t S o u n d a r e a at the t ime w h e n O r e g o n Terri tory w a s split into two parts , with the northern part b e c o m i n g W a s h i n g t o n Territory. S u c k l e y h a d g r a d u a t e d f rom the C o l l e g e of P h y s i c i a n s a n d S u r g e o n s (now part of C o l u m b i a University) in N e w Y o r k a n d h a d then s e r v e d a s resident s u r g e o n in a N e w Y o r k hospital until early 1853. At that time, at the a g e of twenty- three , he w a s a p p o i n t e d s u r g e o n a n d naturalist for the e a s t e r n port ion of the Paci f ic R a i l r o a d S u r v e y of the f o r t y - s e v e n t h a n d forty-ninth paral lels b e t w e e n St. P a u l , M i n n e s o t a a n d Fort V a n c o u v e r , W a s h i n g t o n Territory, u n d e r the c o m a n d of G e n e r a l Isaac I. S t e v e n s (recently a p p o i n t e d first g o v e r n o r of the territory). Af ter r e a c h i n g Fort V a n c o u v e r in D e c e m b e r 1853 (he h a d split f r om the m a i n party to travel by c a n o e from Fort O w e n s to Fort V a n c o u v e r ) , he jo ined the U . S . A r m y as a n assistant s u r g e o n . H e w a s first s t a t i o n e d at Fort S t e i l a c o o m a n d w a s t ransferred to Fort D a l l e s in the s u m m e r of 1854, but a lmost immediately r e c e i v e d a l e a v e of a b s e n c e to c o n t i n u e his col lect ion of natural history s p e c i m e n s . S u c k l e y ' s duties with the S u r v e y h a d i n c l u d e d e t h n o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s , a n d he h a d sent translations of Indian v o c a b u l a r y to the S m i t h s o n i a n Institution a l o n g with his s p e c i m e n s a n d reports ; he h a d a l s o for a t ime c o n s i d e r e d taking a post a s Indian a g e n t . 3 9 A s his p r o f e s s i o n a l activities took him a m o n g the Indians of the a r e a , it 3 8Bertelson, "The Land of Spooks." 3 9 "Notes and Documents: Sidelights on the Stevens Railway Survey," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 36, no. 3 (July 1945). is p r o b a b l y not surpr is ing that he d e v e l o p e d a l iaison with a n Indian w o m a n , t h o u g h virtually nothing is k n o w n of the nature of their re la t ionship . A l m o s t certainly they did not marry , either by c h u r c h c e r e m o n y or by "the c u s t o m of the country," a c u s t o m no longer c o n s i d e r e d appropria te in the a g e of sett lement . In a n y c a s e , it w a s during S u c k l e y ' s stint in the army, f r om w h i c h he r e s i g n e d in O c t o b e r 1856, that S u s a n C e c i l i a S u c k l e y w a s b o r n . H e r birthdate a n d p l a c e of birth w e r e the first e l e m e n t s of her identity that r e c e i v e d a var ied recording . In the 1881 a n d 1891 c e n s u s e s , s h e is l isted as twenty-three a n d thirty-three y e a r s o l d respect ively , w h i c h w o u l d h a v e m a d e 1858 the y e a r of her b i r t h . 4 0 H e r b a p t i s m a l record, da ted J u n e 1876, states that s h e w a s born in J u l y 1 8 5 6 ; 4 1 this date w a s probably arrived at in k e e p i n g with the records of the Sis ters of St . A n n , who h a d recorded her a g e u p o n her arrival at the Vic tor ia c o n v e n t in 1870 a s f o u r t e e n . 4 2 T h e date that S u s a n herself g a v e to her family w a s April 13, 1855, a n d this is a l s o the date s p e c i f i e d o n the 1901 c e n s u s 4 3 G i v e n the record of Dr . S u c k l e y ' s w a n d e r i n g s , it s e e m s the most likely to b e a c c u r a t e . T h e p l a c e of birth is g i v e n var iously a s O l y m p i a or S t e i l a c o o m ; while the exac t loca t ion m a y be difficult to a s c e r t a i n , it w a s cer tainly s o m e w h e r e in this a r e a . 4 0 C e n s u s of Canada. 1881: Census of Canada. 1891. 4 1 Baptismal record 246, June 1876, St. Andrew's Roman Catholic Cathedral (Victoria), Baptismal Register, BCARS. This record also listed her mother's name as "Maria," a name commonly given to native women. 4 2 Let ter from Sister Mary Martha, Registrar, Sisters of St. Ann, to Charles S. Flood, December 26, 1944, Flood family papers. Sister Mary Martha also noted that Susan's mother's name was not indicated. 4 3 Four th Census of Canada. 1901. Virtual ly nothing is k n o w n of S u s a n ' s life f r o m her birth until her a d m i s s i o n to St . A n n ' s A c a d e m y in M a y 1870. H e r s o n ' s r e m i n i s c e n c e s h a v e her living in the S u q u a m i s h a r e a with her m o t h e r a n d , s i n c e her grandparents were on the Port M a d i s o n R e s e r v e , this s e e m s p o s s i b l e , at least for a part of t h e s e fifteen y e a r s . It is k n o w n that C e c i l i a eventual ly married a n d h a d m o r e c h i l d r e n , but the t iming of t h e s e events is u n c l e a r . 4 4 W h e t h e r S u s a n h a d a n y formal s c h o o l i n g during this time is a lso u n k n o w n , a s is the extent of her father 's i n v o l v e m e n t with his family. Dr. S u c k l e y m a y h a v e s p e n t p e r i o d s of t ime with C e c i l i a a n d their daughter , but t h e s e w o u l d h a v e b e e n limited. After his resignation f rom the a r m y , he c o n t i n u e d his work col lec t ing s p e c i m e n s , writing the reports o n m a m m a l s a n d s a l m o n i d a e co l lec ted by the Northwest B o u n d a r y S u r v e y of 1857 4 5 a n d c o - a u t h o r i n g with Dr. J a m e s C o o p e r T h e Natural History of W a s h i n g t o n T e r r i t o r y . 4 6 H e b e c a m e w e l l - k n o w n in natural history c i rc les , a n d h a d a n u m b e r of s p e c i e s , particularly of waterfowl , n a m e d in his h o n o u r . 4 7 During this time, S u c k l e y a lso travelled farther a f i e l d - - a n expedi t ion to P a n a m a with C o o p e r , a s o j o u r n in Par is , a n d apparent ly a trip to C h i n a , from which he returned to the eas tern U . S . , a g a i n c r o s s i n g the continent v ia Salt L a k e to S a n 4 4 Susan 's halfbrothers were named John and Joe Pratt, and in later life she definitely kept in touch with them, though it is uncertain when their correspondence was initiated. 4 5 G e o r g e Suckley Papers, Smithsonian Institution Archives. 4 6 J . G. Cooper and G. Suckley, The Natural History of Washington Territory (New York: Balliere Brothers, 1859). The monograph was published simultaneously in London, Paris, and Madrid. 4 7 E d g a r Erskine Hume, Ornithologists of the United States Army Medical Corps (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1942), pp. 439-442. F r a n c i s c o in I 8 6 0 . 4 8 W h e n the Civil W a r broke out, he enl is ted o n c e m o r e a n d w a s a p p o i n t e d S u r g e o n of V o l u n t e e r s in 1861; after r e s i g n i n g for the final t ime in Apri l 1865, he w a s a p p o i n t e d brevet L i e u t e n a n t C o l o n e l a n d C o l o n e l of V o l u n t e e r s for faithful a n d m e r i t o r i o u s s e r v i c e . 4 9 H e n e v e r returned to W a s h i n g t o n Terri tory, d y i n g in N e w Y o r k in July 1869. In M a y of the y e a r following her father's death , S u s a n a p p e a r e d at St . A n n ' s in Victor ia . While St . A n n ' s took in m a n y o r p h a n s o n charity, S u s a n w a s a p a y i n g boarder , "at the rate of $56 .50 p e r q u a r t e r . " 5 0 T h e p e r s o n paying w a s not s p e c i f i e d , but it w a s p r o b a b l y her father 's unc le R u t s e n S u c k l e y , w h o h a d likely p r o m i s e d to d e a l with the u n d o u b t e d l y u n w e l c o m e task of s e e i n g to the w e l l - b e i n g of his n e p h e w ' s illegitimate a n d half-Indian d a u g h t e r . 5 1 T h e r e a s o n s for the c h o i c e of St . A n n ' s are unclear . G e o r g e S u c k l e y w a s certainly not a C a t h o l i c , but m a n y n o n - C a t h o l i c s a t tended the c o n v e n t s c h o o l . A p l a u s i b l e explanat ion is that the s c h o o l w a s s u g g e s t e d by W i l l i a m F . T o l m i e , w h o , a l s o a doctor a n d naturalist, w a s a lmost certainly k n o w n to G e o r g e S u c k l e y during the former 's d a y s with the P u g e t ' s S o u n d Agricul tural C o m p a n y at Fort N i s q u a l l y . 5 2 T o l m i e , by this t ime res ident in Vic tor ia , w a s quite likely o n e of three t r u s t e e s n a m e d for S u s a n in S u c k l e y ' s will. It w a s not a posit ion T o l m i e took 4 8 Washina ton Standard. 17 February 1872, p. 2, col. 3. 4 9 Let ter from U. S. War Department to C. S. Flood, 1947, Flood family papers. 5 0 Boarders" Accounts, 1866-1876, Sisters of St. Ann Archives. 5 1 Letters from G. Tillotson to Susan Suckley, 31 March 1874 and 20 August 1875, Flood family papers. 5 2 Tha t an acquaintance existed between these two men is confirmed in a letter from George Suckley to his aunt, Mary Suckley, dated 25 October 1856. Ms. no. 20, George Suckley Papers, Beinecke Rare Books and Manuscripts Library, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. o n , but he did appparent ly take s o m e interest in her p r o g r e s s through the y e a r s , 5 3 a n d it s e e m s feasible that he m a y h a v e offered this kind of a d v i c e , a n d p e r h a p s to k e e p an e y e on the girl to s o m e extent. In a n y event , S u s a n r e m a i n e d at St . A n n ' s until 1 8 8 0 . 5 4 In the s u m m e r of that y e a r s h e wrote the B . C . t e a c h e r s ' e x a m i n a t i o n , m a n a g i n g to a c q u i r e a third c l a s s c e r t i f i c a t e . 5 5 S h e w a s s tay ing in Seat t le in the fall of 1880, but w a s b a c k in Vic tor ia by M a r c h of 1881; at that t ime, the s c h o o l t e a c h e r at Fort H o p e h a d r e s i g n e d a n d s h e w a s a p p o i n t e d to replace h i m . 5 6 Of course , s h e w a s required to rewrite the e x a m i n a t i o n that s u m m e r a n d did not fare e v e n a s well a s o n the previous o c c a s i o n , but did well e n o u g h to cont inue in her p o s i t i o n . 5 7 H o w e v e r , the Fort H o p e trustees h a d to request another t e a c h e r the fol lowing y e a r , 5 8 a s S u s a n marr ied W i l l i a m L e w i s F l o o d at s o m e point in early 1882. A c c o r d i n g to var ious a c c o u n t s , Wil l iam F l o o d w a s born in W o o d s t o c k , Ontar io , in 1846. T o w a r d s the e n d of the A m e r i c a n Civi l W a r , he apparent ly volunteered to s e r v e in the U n i o n a r m y a n d , a l t h o u g h his t ime a s a soldier w a s short, he n e v e r a g a i n returned to O n t a r i o . A l o n g with a n u m b e r of other activities, he p u r s u e d mining 5 3 Let ter from W. F. Tolmie to Susan Suckley on her marriage (undated), Flood family papers. 5 4 P u p i l Registration, Sisters of St. Ann Archives. Susan did apparently withdraw October 22, 1873 and re-registered in September of the following year. 5 5 Reg is te r of Teachers' Certificates, 1880, British Columbia, Superintendent of Education, BCARS. 5 6 S u s a n Suckley to C. C. McKenzie, British Columbia, Superintendent of Education, Correspondence Inward, 10 March 1881 and 12 March 1881; C. C. McKenzie to Susan Suckley, Correspondence Outward, 14 March 1881, B C A R S . 5 7 Reg is te r of Teachers' Certificates, 1881. 5 8 l could not determine whether or not Susan Suckley finished out the year (or would have been allowed to). It seems that she probably did, given the date of the trustees' request, in June of 1882. o p p o r t u n i t i e s , 5 9 a n d while in S a n F r a n c i s c o ( s u p p o s e d l y e n route to Austral ia ) , he h e a r d of the d i s c o v e r y of gold in the Skagi t V a l l e y a n d h e a d e d in that direction i n s t e a d . 6 0 By the time S u s a n S u c k l e y arr ived in Fort H o p e , he h a d by a n d large given up his pursuit of m i n i n g in f a v o u r of working in construct ion. H i s o c c u p a t i o n is l isted a s a carpenter in the 1881 c e n s u s , 6 1 a n d he s o o n h a d his o w n s a w m i l l , w h i c h w a s a c o n s i d e r a b l e a id to him a s he s o u g h t n u m e r o u s b u i l d i n g c o n t r a c t s . T h e F l o o d s ' first child, C h a r l e s S u c k l e y F l o o d , w a s born in late N o v e m b e r of 1882; their daughter Lei la did not follow until ten y e a r s later. A bit of a mystery s u r f a c e s in the 1891 c e n s u s - - a t that t ime the h o u s e h o l d w a s d e s c r i b e d a s consis t ing of W i l l i a m , S u s a n , C h a r l e s , a n d L o u i s e F l o o d . L o u i s e , twelve y e a r s old , is listed a s the d a u g h t e r of the h e a d of the h o u s e h o l d . 6 2 H o w e v e r , I h a v e b e e n unable to find a n y record b e s i d e s this o n e of L o u i s e F l o o d , a n d s h e certainly c o u l d not h a v e b e e n the daughter of both William a n d S u s a n (as w o u l d s e e m to be indicated by s o m e of the c e n s u s information) s i n c e s h e w o u l d h a v e b e e n born in 1879, before they met. It s e e m s most likely that s h e w a s Wil l iam F l o o d ' s d a u g h t e r f rom a p r e v i o u s relationship, t h o u g h s h e c o u l d h a v e b e e n a niece (or s o m e other relation) or e v e n a non-relative that the F l o o d s h a d t a k e n i n . 6 3 S h e 5 9 According to some accounts, William Flood prospected with his brother James, who would later have considerable success with silver in Nevada. 6 0 Mor ley Gillander, "The Skagit Saga," unpublished manuscript, Flood family papers. 6 1 Census of Canada. 1881. 6 2 C e n s u s of Canada. 1890-1. 6 3 There is not much possibility that Louise was Susan's daughter. Given the strictness of rules governing teachers, the already existing impediment of her racial background, and her uninterrupted residence at the convent, there seems to be little chance of her having had a child or of being allowed to teach if she had. p r o b a b l y e i the r d i e d wi th in the next f ew y e a r s o r wen t to l i ve e l s e w h e r e , a s C h a r l e s F l o o d ' s d a u g h t e r h a s no k n o w l e d g e w h a t s o e v e r of th is gir l w h o w o u l d appa ren t l y h a v e b e e n he r aun t . T h e F l o o d s l i ved in H o p e until abou t 1 9 0 0 , at w h i c h t ime they m o v e d to the h o m e s t e a d f ive m i l es wes t of the re that t h e y h a d b e e n c l e a r i n g o v e r nea r l y ten y e a r s . T h i s a r e a later b e c a m e the v i l l age of F l o o d . T h e or ig ina l log h o u s e W i l l i am h a d built w a s a d d e d to, a n d bo th the e l d e r F l o o d s r e m a i n e d there for the rest of the i r l i v e s . W i l l i a m ' s c o n s t r u c t i o n b u s i n e s s a p p a r e n t l y f l o u r i s h e d a n d o f ten t ook h im a w a y f rom h o m e for leng thy p e r i o d s of t ime ; S u s a n w a s kep t b u s y wi th the f am i l y a n d the f a r m . In 1917 , the F l o o d s ' daugh te r d i ed of b o n e d i s e a s e . It a p p e a r s that W i l l i a m n e v e r r e c o v e r e d f rom th is l o s s , a s he w i t h d r e w into h imse l f unti l h e too d i e d e l e v e n y e a r s later. S u s a n l i ved o n at the i r h o m e s t e a d o n he r o w n , with he lp o n the fa rm f rom her s o n a n d h is f am i l y , unt i l h e r o w n d e a t h at the a g e of e igh ty -e igh t in 1 9 4 3 . The Question of Race A l t h o u g h a g rea te r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of g e n e t i c s h a s l ed to a la te t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y p e r c e p t i o n that ' " r a c e s ' a r e s o c i a l l y i m a g i n e d r a t h e r t h a n b i o l o g i c a l r e a l i t i e s , " 6 4 t he d i s c u r s i v e c a t e g o r y of " r a c e " r e m a i n s p o w e r f u l in its " c o m m o n s e n s e " e f f e c t s . 6 5 In n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y E u r o p e , a s w e s t e r n na t i ons w e r e c o n s o l i d a t i n g o v e r s e a s e m p i r e s , t he q u e s t i o n of r ace w a s a ma jo r p r e o c c u p a t i o n , g i v e n the i n c r e a s i n g con tac t b e t w e e n E u r o p e a n s a n d the p e o p l e t hey c o l o n i z e d . R o b e r t Y o u n g a r g u e s that V i c t o r i an rac ia l t h e o r i e s w e r e d r i v e n by 6 4 Rober t Miles, Racism (London: Routledge, 1989), p. 71. 6 5 S e e James Donald and Ali Rattansi, eds., 'Race'. Culture and Difference (London: Sage Publications Ltd., 1992). " c o l o n i a l d e s i r e , " a f a s c i n a t i o n with the i d e a of " interracial t r a n s g r e s s i o n . " T h i s in turn led to an o b s e s s i o n with the possibil i ty of "hybridity , graft ing, of forc ing i n c o m p a t i b l e entit ies to g r o w t o g e t h e r (or n o t ) . " 6 6 T h e rising discipline of a n t h r o p o l o g y w a s d i v i d e d o n this q u e s t i o n : s i n c e a true "hybrid" w a s by definition the result of the c r o s s i n g of two s p e c i e s , hybridity a s s u c h c o u l d o n l y b e p o s s i b l e if the r a c e s were s e p a r a t e s p e c i e s . P o l y g e n i s t s a r g u e d that this w a s the c a s e , while m o n o g e n i s t s c l a i m e d o n e origin a n d s p e c i e s for h u m a n i t y a n d therefore e x p l a i n e d the chi ldren of m i x e d - r a c e r e l a t i o n s h i p s a s " m o n g r e l s " of a sort. D a r w i n a r g u e d that there w a s no "essent ia l dis t inct ion" b e t w e e n s p e c i e s a n d varieties, a n d that an a c c e p t a n c e of e v o l o u t i o n a r y t h e o r y w o u l d obvia te the p o l y g e n i s t / m o n o g e n i s t d e b a t e . H i s theory dealt specif ical ly with c h a n g e s in s p e c i e s (or varieties) a n d , a s the century wore o n , s u c h c h a n g e s , particularly "the a l l e g e d d e g e n e r a t i o n of those of m i x e d race," b e c a m e m o r e the f o c u s of c o n c e r n . 6 7 Publ ic attitudes were increas ingly af fec ted by a belief in h i e r a r c h i c a l differentiation, a n d racial "purity" t o o k o n m o r e i m p o r t a n c e . T h u s , " racial ism o p e r a t e d both a c c o r d i n g to the s a m e - O t h e r m o d e l a n d through the ' computat ion of normali t ies ' a n d ' d e g r e e s of d e v i a n c e ' f rom the white n o r m , by m e a n s of w h i c h racial d i f f e r e n c e b e c a m e identified with other f o r m s of s e x u a l a n d s o c i a l p erv er s i t y a s d e g e n e r a c y , d e f o r m a t i o n , or a r r e s t e d e m b r y o l o g i c a l d e v e l o p m e n t . But none w a s s o d e m o n i z e d as those of m i x e d r a c e . " 6 8 6 6 Rober t J . C. Young, Colonial Desire: Hybridity in Theory. Culture and Race (London & New York: Routledge, 1995), p. 4. 6 7 i b i d . , pp. 11-16. 6 8 i b i d . , p. 180. W h i l e "hybridity" w a s a n ineteenth-century te rm, it is o n c e a g a i n in c o m m o n circulat ion, n o w with a m o r e cultural c o n n o t a t i o n . In this incarnat ion , hybridity theory h a s b e e n i n f l u e n c e d by B a k h t i n ' s l inguistic m o d e l , in w h i c h hybridizat ion is p e r c e i v e d a s a " d o u b l e - v o i c e d " d i s c o u r s e in which "each voice c a n u n m a s k the other ." Hybridity is thus not only a fusion into o n e , but a l s o a dialogic , pol i t i c ized , a n d contestatory p r o c e s s , "a d o u b l e n e s s that both br ings together , f u s e s , but a l s o maintains s e p a r a t i o n . " 6 9 S u c h a p e r s p e c t i v e reflects a posit ive va luat ion , a s i n d i c a t e d by c o n t e m p o r a r y d i s c u s s i o n s of the "new m e s t i z a . " 7 0 T h e n e w m e s t i z a c o n s c i o u s n e s s is s e e n a s providing a " c o u n t e r d i s c o u r s e of hybridity" (or " m i x e d n e s s " ) w h i c h "subverts m e t a p h y s i c a l , cul tural , a n d racial b o u n d a r i e s a n d w o r k s against the imper ia l i sm of 'purity' that h a s lethally o p p r e s s e d s o m u c h of h u m a n k i n d . " 7 1 Jul ia E m b e r l e y d r a w s a c o m p a r i s o n b e t w e e n the figure of the m e s t i z a a n d that of the C a n a d i a n M e t i s ; however , s h e s e e s the va lue of this figure a s a m b i g u o u s . W h i l e "the construct ion of Met is subjectivity a s internal ly ' h y b r i d i z e d ' d e s t a b i l i z e s the law of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n in w h i c h h e g e m o n i c inscript ions of subjectivity are unif ied a r o u n d a white centr ing of the subject , " there is a lso a d a n g e r that the Me t is " m a r g i n a l e x p e r i e n c e will b e c o m e v a l u e d primarily for its f u n c t i o n a s a s i g n , a n d thus c o m m o d i f i e d . " 7 2 6 9 i b i d . , pp. 20-22. 7 0 G l o r i a Anzaldua, Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza (San Francisco: Aunt Lute Books, 1987). 7 1 Laura E. Donaldson, Decolonizing Feminisms: Race. Gender, and Empire- Building (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1992), p. 116. 7 2 J u l i a V. Emberley, Thresholds of Difference: Feminist Critique. Native Women's Writings. Postcolonial Theory (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993), pp. 163-164. The mestiza, metis, or halfbreed is seen to occupy a third or border position. Gloria Anzaldua writes that the resultant alienation creates a "dual identity" whereby individuals identify totally with neither set of cultural values. They are "caught between the spaces" of two different worlds, both of which they inhabit. Anzaldua believes that such people are more likely to develop a tolerance for contradiction and ambiguity that may lead to a new "mestiza consciousness" which can eventually break down the dualistic thinking which has to this point characterized the collective consciousness--the future, she feels, will be dependent on the ability to "straddle cultures."73 Maria Campbell, author of the autobiographical Halfbreed. 7 4 describes a similar process when she states that the play Jessica "was supposed to be a play about a woman struggling with two cultures, and how she got them balanced; because when she leaned into one, a part of her got lost, so she had to lean into the other one and try to understand and find a balance." 7 5 Racial Identity on the Western Frontier Analyses of fur trade society in Canada, and in particular of its family relations, have been presented in the works of Sylvia Van Kirk and Jennifer S. H. Brown. 7 6 Although there were important policy differences resulting in varied social configurations between the Hudson's Bay Company and the Northwest Company, both groups 7 3 Anzaldua, Borderlands/La Frontera. 7 4 M a r i a Campbell, Halfbreed (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1973). 7 5 L i n d a Griffiths and Maria Campbell, The Book of Jessica: A Theatrical Transformation (Toronto: The Coach House Press, 1989), p. 17. 7 6 S y l v i a Van Kirk, "Many Tender Ties": Women in Fur Trade Society in Western Canada. 1670-1870 (Winnipeg: Watson & Dwyer Publishing Ltd., 1980); Jennifer S. H. Brown, Strangers in Blood: Fur Trade Company Families in Indian Country (Vancouver: University of B. C. Press, 1980). w e r e eventual ly c h a r a c t e r i z e d by unions b e t w e e n t raders a n d w o m e n of Indian d e s c e n t . W h i l e variable in nature, m a n y of t h e s e u n i o n s "a la f a c o n d u p a y s " were long-lasting a n d c o n s i d e r e d to be a s s e r i o u s a s a n y marr iage s a n c t i o n e d by clergy. In t h e s e c a s e s , t raders took p a i n s to inculcate "c ivi l ized" E u r o p e a n v a l u e s a n d b e h a v i o u r in their m i x e d - b l o o d chi ldren . S o n s took jobs within the c o m p a n y a n d d a u g h t e r s , c l o s e r both in looks a n d behaviour to the E u r o p e a n ideal of w o m a n h o o d t h a n their fully Indian mothers , m a r r i e d other t raders , thus providing links in the b u s i n e s s ties of fur t rade s o c i e t y . After the m e r g e r of the two c o m p a n i e s in 1821, the s i tuat ion b e g a n to c h a n g e , particularly a m o n g the former N o r ' W e s t e r s , a s the m e r g e r brought with it the m o r e authoritarian structure of the H u d s o n ' s B a y C o m p a n y . It a lso brought a new governor , G e o r g e S i m p s o n , w h o s e o w n pre judiced attitudes t o w a r d s native w o m e n e v e n t u a l l y h a d a c o n s i d e r a b l e influence o n fur t rade d o m e s t i c relations. T h e c h u r c h e s , too, h a d b e g u n to s e n d representat ives to the frontier, a n d the c lergy were d e e p l y o p p o s e d to the c u s t o m a r y m a r r i a g e s in p l a c e there; after 1821, m a n y of t h e s e u n i o n s w e r e s o l e m n i z e d in C h r i s t i a n c e r e m o n i e s . T h e b e g i n n i n g s of white se t t lement , c o u p l e d with the e m e r g i n g racial t h e o r i e s a n d att i tudes, w e r e the d e a t h knell for fur trade socie ty as it h a d p r e v i o u s l y e x i s t e d . In particular, m i x e d - b l o o d w o m e n were p l a c e d in a n a m b i g u o u s p o s i t i o n by the i n c r e a s i n g racial ca tegor iza t ion : " ' H a l f b r e e d ' w o m e n w e r e not only part-Indian a n d largely lacking in the e d u c a t i o n or c iv i l ized arts that r e s p e c t a b l e E u r o p e a n ladies w e r e a s s u m e d to p o s s e s s ; they were a lso the daughters a n d partners of u n c h r i s t i a n i z e d u n i o n s a n d h a d m a t u r e d in c i r c u m s t a n c e s in w h i c h their chast i ty s e e m e d u n p r o t e c t e d . " 7 7 T h e i r status in q u e s t i o n , m i x e d - b l o o d w o m e n m a y h a v e b e e n p l a c e d in a particularly v u l n e r a b l e pos i t ion by their fathers ' very d e s i r e to "accul turate t h e m to British s t a n d a r d s of w o m a n h o o d " : w h e n there w e r e white w o m e n a v a i l a b l e , the m i x e d - b l o o d w o m e n ' s racial b a c k g r o u n d w o u l d ultimately d e n y t h e m the status of "British w o m a n h o o d , " but h a v i n g b e e n p r e s s e d into "the increasingly p a s s i v e a n d d e p e n d e n t m o u l d that w a s d e e m e d appropria te to the function of w o m e n in n i n e t e e n t h - century E u r o p e a n society , " they m a y h a v e b e e n i l l -prepared to c o p e with the c h a n g i n g socie ty , e s p e c i a l l y if they l a c k e d s t r o n g parenta l r e s o u r c e s . 7 8 W h i l e it h a s b e e n c o m m o n to view the halfbreed or Met is p o p u l a t i o n a s a p e o p l e " in-between" Indian a n d white soc ie ty , Juliet P o l l a r d a r g u e s that this c o u l d not h a v e b e e n the c a s e in the P a c i f i c Northwest . H e r e , the d e c i m a t i o n of m a n y tribes (due largely to d i s e a s e , but a l s o , s h e c la ims , to the fact that, a s m a n y w o m e n allied t h e m s e l v e s with white t raders , fewer native b a b i e s w e r e born) m e a n t that in m a n y c a s e s there w a s virtually no mother 's p e o p l e to turn to. A n d a l though it h a s b e e n typically thought that h a l f b r e e d s w e r e w e l c o m e in their mothers ' soc ie t ies , P o l l a r d p r o v i d e s e v i d e n c e that this w a s not n e c e s s a r i l y true in the Paci f ic Nor thwest . Indeed, att i tudes a m o n g the C o a s t S a l i s h , while not consis tent , w e r e often quite host i le , particularly w h e n the chi ldren in q u e s t i o n w e r e 7 7 Brown, Strangers in Blood, p. 212. 7 8 V a n Kirk, "Many Tender Ties", pp. 7, 152-153. i l legi t imate . In t h e s e patri l ineal s o c i e t i e s , c h i l d r e n without a r e c o g n i z e d father were d e e m e d to be without a s s e t s or s tatus , a n d the native c o m m u n i t y felt no responsibil i ty for t h e m : they b e l o n g e d to their f a t h e r s . F u r t h e r m o r e , a s Indian/white conflict i n c r e a s e d a n d native p o p u l a t i o n s d e c l i n e d , s u c h chi ldren w e r e p r o b a b l y c o n s t a n t r e m i n d e r s of the negat ive effects of white se t t lement . In short , " H a l f b r e e d chi ldren a m o n g the tribes upset the exis t ing h ierarc hi c a l s o c i a l a n d political order . T h e y violated the C h i n o o k ' s e t h n o c e n t r i c c o n c e p t s of race a n d cultural superiori ty , w h i c h d e e m e d white m e n inferior to t h e m s e l v e s . " 7 9 G i v e n that both s i d e s of the E u r o p e a n debate o n race c o n s i d e r e d the white race s u p e r i o r to all others , ha l fbreed children in this a r e a a p p e a r to h a v e b e e n thought "inferior" by both s i d e s . T h e p o p u l a r nineteenth-century i m a g e of h a l f b r e e d s a s p e o p l e " s u s p e n d e d b e t w e e n two cultures" a n d i n c a p a b l e of a d a p t i n g fully to ei ther d e v e l o p e d a l o n g s i d e the s o m e w h a t p a r a d o x i c a l not ion, b u t t r e s s e d by hybridity theory, that p e o p l e of m i x e d - b l o o d w o u l d inevitably revert to o n e or the other of their parental r a c e s , thus " b e c o m i n g white" or "Indian." In reality, J a m e s Clif ton c l a i m s , they b e c a m e "identified a s a m e m b e r of o n e , two, or no ethnic g r o u p s , d e p e n d i n g o n the nature of the cultural frontier w h e r e they w e r e b o r n a n d l i v e d , " a n d o n their o w n individual c i r c u m s t a n c e s . 8 0 In m a n y c a s e s , a s s i m i l a t i o n into m a i n s t r e a m white s o c i e t y w a s 7 9 Jul iet Thelma Pollard, "The Making of the Metis in the Pacific North West Fur Trade Children: Race, Class and Gender" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of British Columbia, 1990), p. 9. Pollard notes that this situation sometimes led to abortion and infanticide. 8 0 J a m e s A. Clifton, "Alternate Identities and Cultural Frontiers," in Being and Becoming Indian: Biographical Studies of North American Frontiers, ed. James A. Clifton (Chicago: The Dorsey Press, 1989), p. 28. i m p o s s i b l e d u e to a variety of factors , which often i n c l u d e d p h y s i c a l a p p e a r a n c e . H o w e v e r , m a n y p e o p l e of m i x e d - b l o o d met the c h a l l e n g e s of their racial identity in highly creat ive f a s h i o n , t aking o n w h i c h e v e r identity w a s most f a vour a ble for t h e m at a n y g i v e n t ime throughout their lives or "operating . . . o n the e d g e s b e t w e e n both . " Cl i f ton a r g u e s that " s u c h p e o p l e [became] not d i m i n i s h e d , but c u l t u r a l l y e n l a r g e d . " 8 1 B y no m e a n s w a s the native cultural identity a l w a y s rejected w h e n e v e r it w a s p o s s i b l e to d o s o . 8 2 N e v e r t h e l e s s , for m a n y it s e e m e d expedient or preferable to at least d o w n p l a y that s i d e of their identity. F o r ins tance , V a n Kirk notes that J a m e s D o u g l a s u r g e d his daughters not to ment ion their Indian a n c e s t r y at s c h o o l in E n g l a n d , a n d his wife A m e l i a w a s officially r e c o r d e d a s b e i n g I r i s h . 8 3 T h e Interior S a l i s h w o m a n C h r i s t i n e Q u i n t a s k e t (Mourning Dove) , who a p p e a r s to h a v e c h o s e n a n identity a s a "cultural mediator , " a l s o took o n a h a l f b r e e d identity, a s s h e s e e m i n g l y invented a white grandfather , p r o b a b l y in o r d e r to better a p p e a l to white r e a d e r s . 8 4 T h e official o b s c u r i n g of Indian b l o o d w o u l d h a v e b e e n a fairly s i m p l e task, e s p e c i a l l y for those with the right c o n n e c t i o n s . It is likely that s o m e e n u m e r a t o r s listed the m i x e d - b l o o d c h i l d r e n of f r iends or prominent c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s a s white a n d of the s a m e 8 1 ibid., p. 29. The edited book provides biographies of fourteen such individuals. 8 2 S e e David Peterson-del Mar, "Intermarriage and Agency: A Chinookan Case Study," Ethnohistorv 42, no. 1 (Winter 1995). 8 3 V a n Kirk, "Many Tender Ties", p. 237. This was in the 1881 census, which did not specifically ask for "racial origin." It would have been interesting to see how she would have been listed in the 1901 census, the first to record such data. 8 4 S e e Jay Miller, "Mourning Dove: The Author as Cultural Mediator," in Being and Becoming Indian (1989) and Mourning Dove, A Salishan Autobiography, ed. Jay Miller (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990). "racial or ig in" (ethnicity) as their fa thers . It is par t icular ly interesting, then , that o n the 1901 c e n s u s S u s a n F l o o d ' s c o l o u r is listed a s " red" a n d her racial origin a s " O B , " while her chi ldren , a l s o " red , " are d e s c r i b e d a s " I B . " 8 5 H e r h u s b a n d Will iam F l o o d himself w a s the enumerator ; thus it would s e e m that neither of t h e m h a d a n y q u a l m s a b o u t represent ing S u s a n or the chi ldren a s part-Indian. In the p h y s i c a l s e n s e , S u s a n w o u l d h a v e h a d difficulty identifying herself a s white, for her features bore a character is t ic "Indian look" a n d s h e w a s definitely not f a i r - s k i n n e d . N e v e r t h e l e s s , there is n o e v i d e n c e that s h e d e s i r e d to hide this s ide of her heritage, a n d the s u r v i v i n g k n o w l e d g e of at least s o m e of her b a c k g r o u n d indica tes that s h e not only informed her chi ldren about it but a l s o f o s t e r e d s o m e pride in it. In s o m e ways , as we shall s e e , s h e too ac ted a s a "cultural m e d i a t o r , " t h o u g h not in a particularly s e l f - c o n s c i o u s w a y . Final ly , a l t h o u g h by then her "identity" as a white m a n ' s wife in British C o l u m b i a h a d r e m o v e d her from a more Indian mil ieu, s h e m a y h a v e strategically mainta ined the Indian s i d e of her identity in o r d e r to benefit f rom the A m e r i c a n G e n e r a l Allotment A c t a s a n heir to h e r g r a n d f a t h e r ' s a l l o t m e n t . 8 6 S u s a n H o l m e s ' racial identity as a white w o m a n in a s o c i e t y w h e r e t h e s e w e r e relatively s c a r c e w a s c o m p o u n d e d by her role in the c h u r c h . A d e l e Perry c l a i m s that colonial d i s c o u r s e c o n s t r u c t e d white w o m e n a s "civilizing agents , " a n d the C h u r c h of E n g l a n d in 8 5 Fourth Census of Canada. 1901. The request for this information is in itself probably a reflection of the increased racialization of Canadian society. The description of Susan as "OB" is puzzling, as George Suckley's background would seem to have been English. 8 6 Whites did benefit from the allotments too (see Clifton, "Alternate Identities"), but she probably was not aware of this. part icular w a s c o n c e r n e d with their emigra t ion to Brit ish C o l u m b i a . T h e s e " w o m e n w e r e n e c e s s a r y participants in the p r o c e s s of c o l o n y - building in three w a y s : they would raise the moral tone of the white , m a l e - d o m i n a t e d society , quell the rapid d e v e l o p m e n t of a m i x e d - b l o o d c o m m u n i t y , a n d e n s u r e that British law, m o r e s , a n d e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t f l o u r i s h e d . " 8 7 H a v i n g married an A n g l i c a n c l e r g y m a n , a n d e s p e c i a l l y o n e w h o ministered to nat ives , S u s a n herself of n e c e s s i t y b e c a m e a m i s s i o n a r y , p e r f o r m i n g s u c h f u n c t i o n s a s t e a c h i n g d o m e s t i c skills to Indian girls in her h u s b a n d ' s "Indian s c h o o l . " A s a f e m a l e missionary , s h e would be e x p e c t e d to act a s a "role m o d e l " for Indian w o m e n . 8 8 T h u s , in m a n y w a y s , her racial identity w a s c o n s t r u c t e d not only in relation to, but a l s o in direct o p p o s i t i o n to, that of native w o m e n , a n d e s p e c i a l l y to that of m i x e d - b l o o d w o m e n . Class N i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y E n g l a n d is general ly , a n d for g o o d r e a s o n , c o n s i d e r e d to be a r e m a r k a b l y rigid c l a s s - d r i v e n soc ie ty , a n d within that s o c i e t y the m i d d l e - c l a s s w a s d e c i d e d l y a s c e n d a n t , e v e n t h o u g h it l a c k e d direct political p o w e r at the b e g i n n i n g of the century . D e s p i t e its ev ident i m p o r t a n c e , the m i d d l e - c l a s s w a s hardly unitary; i n d e e d , "the m o s t pluralistic part of a n i n c r e a s i n g l y pluralist ic soc ie ty" w o u l d m o r e accurate ly be d e s c r i b e d a s the "middle 8 7 Ade le Perry, '"Oh I'm Just Sick of the Faces of Men": Gender Imbalance, Race, Sexuality, and Sociability in Nineteenth-Century British Columbia," BC Studies, nos. 105 & 106 (Spring/Summer 1995), p. 34. Perry notes that the combination of skewed demography and colonial discourse seriously restricted white women's social opportunities outside of the "heterosexual nexus." 8 8Margaret Whitehead, "Women Were Made for Such Things: Women Missionaries in British Columbia 1850s-1940s," Atlantis 14, no. 1 (1988). classes."69 F u r t h e r m o r e , m e m b e r s h i p in the m i d d l e - c l a s s often s e e m s to h a v e b e e n subject ively d e t e r m i n e d : f rom o u r historical v a n t a g e point, "it might a lmost be s a i d that the best definition of the m i d d l e c l a s s is that it w a s m a d e up of those p e o p l e w h o thought t h e m s e l v e s to b e middle c l a s s a n d were a l lowed by their n e i g h b o u r s to b e s o , or w e r e a c c u s e d of i t . " 9 0 H o w e v e r , this overs impl i f ies a s y s t e m in w h i c h the m a r k e r s (if not a l w a y s the exact b o u n d a r i e s ) of c l a s s w e r e readily apparent , if s o m e t i m e s intangible , to t h o s e w h o l ived within it. T h u s , whether a m a n might be c o n s i d e r e d to be middle c l a s s might b e d e c i d e d by the educat ion he h a d rece ived , by the style of his life, by his m a n n e r s , by the district in w h i c h he l ived, by whether he went to c h u r c h or c h a p e l o n S u n d a y , by the way he d r e s s e d , or by a n y n u m b e r of p o s s i b l e tests s o m e of w h i c h it w o u l d be quite i m p o s s i b l e to r e c o v e r . 9 1 M e n w h o w o r k e d in c o m m e r c e , the p r o f e s s i o n s , certain t rades , a n d f a r m i n g c o u l d be s e e n to be m i d d l e - c l a s s , t h o u g h there w e r e definite d i f f e r e n c e s in status a m o n g t h e s e o c c u p a t i o n s . In their s t u d y of the articulation of g e n d e r a n d c l a s s in the first half of the n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y in Britain, Davidoff a n d Hal l d e s c r i b e the " g e n d e r e d f o r m " taken by c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s . T h e y a r g u e that the m i d d l e - c l a s s "enterprise" w a s u n d e r p i n n e d by the s e x u a l d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r a n d s u p p o r t within f a m i l i e s . 9 2 T o a great extent, the definit ion of a family as m i d d l e - c l a s s rested a s m u c h o n the 8 9 Richard D. Altick, Victorian People and Ideas (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1973), p. 27. 9 0 G . Kitson Clark, The Making of Victorian England (London: Methuen & Co. Ltd., 1962), p. 119. 9 1 ibid. 9 2Davidoff and Hall, Family Fortunes. "femininity" of the w o m e n as o n the o c c u p a t i o n s of the m e n . A s " r e f i n e d " feminini ty b e c a m e m o r e a n d m o r e identif ied with s e p a r a t i o n f r o m the "public s p h e r e , " m i d d l e - c l a s s s ta tus r e q u i r e d that w o m e n not b e e m p l o y e d gainfully (or o therwise , e x c e p t in cer tain stringently d e f i n e d areas) outs ide the h o m e , u n l e s s they w e r e in dire f inancia l c i r c u m s t a n c e s . ( A n d in t h e s e s i tuat ions , f e w o c c u p a t i o n s w e r e c o n s i d e r e d a c c e p t a b l e for t h e m , that of g o v e r n e s s b e i n g the most c o m m o n fallback.) M i d d l e - c l a s s w o m e n w e r e the k e e p e r s of the Vic tor ian "moral c o d e , " for w h o m " c o n v e n t i o n d i c t a t e d a r igorously s t e r e o t y p e d p e r s o n a l i t y . " 9 3 T h e fur t rade soc ie ty of the C a n a d i a n west ( e s p e c i a l l y within the H u d s o n ' s B a y C o m p a n y ) w a s a lso strongly stratified, a n d the ear ly part of the nineteenth-century s a w a sol idifying of the s o c i a l dis t inct ions d r a w n b e t w e e n the " g e n t l e m e n " a n d the lower e m p l o y e e s of the c o m p a n y . 9 4 T h i s c l a s s structure w a s t ransferred to the c o l o n y of V a n c o u v e r Island, where C o m p a n y m e n held m o s t a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p o s t s , a n d c o l o u r e d s o c i a l relat ions t h r o u g h o u t British C o l u m b i a for s o m e t ime a s w e l l . 9 5 At the s a m e time, the relat ionship of c l a s s a n d g e n d e r w a s blurred d u e to two factors in part icular . First , frontier c i r c u m s t a n c e s dic tated that m a n y p e o p l e w o u l d h a v e a higher soc ia l status in the c o l o n i e s than they w o u l d h a v e e n j o y e d in E n g l a n d . S i n c e condit ions w e r e m o r e primitive, d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t s l e s s ava i lable , a n d e c o n o m i c oppor tuni t ies 9 3Altick, Victorian People and Ideas, p. 53. 9 4 S e e Brown, Strangers in Blood, and Elizabeth Vibert, "Real Men Hunt Buffalo: Masculinity, Race and Class in British Fur Traders' Narratives," Gender and History 8, no. 1 (April 1996). 9 5 S e e Margaret Ormsby, British Columbia: A History (Vancouver: Macmillan of Canada, 1958). p e r h a p s m o r e u n s t a b l e , w o m e n w e r e m o r e l ike ly to b e requ i r ed bo th to p e r f o r m u n a c c u s t o m e d d o m e s t i c c h o r e s a n d to w o r k o u t s i d e the h o m e ; i n d e e d , "the s o c i a l va lue to the c o l o n i e s of s i n g l e w o m e n , a n d m o r e e s p e c i a l l y of e d u c a t e d w o m e n , w a s too grea t for t h e m to l o s e c a s t e s i m p l y by pe r f o rm ing m e n i a l w o r k . " 9 6 A s e c o n d amb igu i t y o c c u r r e d wi th r e g a r d s to r a c e . E l i z a b e t h V i b e r t n o t e s the "p ro found a m b i v a l e n c e " that s u r r o u n d e d the fur t r a d e g e n t l e m e n ' s "a t tempts to d r a w b o u n d a r i e s a r o u n d t h e m s e l v e s . " T h e de f in i t ion of the i r m a s c u l i n i t y w a s p r e d i c a t e d o n c l a s s a n d r a c e d i s t i nc t i ons , but at the s a m e t ime mos t of t h e m h a d Ind ian o r par t - Ind ian w i v e s . W h i l e "u l t imate ly . . . m a r r i a g e s to w o m e n of t he c o u n t r y c a m e to be s e e n a s a threat to the t rade rs ' g e n t l e m a n l y se l f - f a s h i o n i n g , " 9 7 m a n y of t h e s e w i v e s b e c a m e part of the n e w c o l o n i e s ' e s t a b l i s h m e n t by v i r tue of the i r h u s b a n d s ' a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p o s i t i o n s , a n d the i r d a u g h t e r s a l s o ma r r i ed the mos t p r o m i n e n t c o l o n i a l se t t l e r s . T h e i r r ace m a y s e l d o m h a v e b e e n a l l u d e d to, but it w a s n o n e t h e l e s s a mat te r of a w a r e n e s s a n d the re fo re of t e n s i o n in a n i n c r e a s i n g l y r a c i s t s o c i e t y . S u s a n N a g l e ' s fami ly w a s o n e rung d o w n the s o c i a l l a d d e r f rom the " a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c l a s s e s " of V i c t o r i a , but t h e y w o u l d c e r t a i n l y h a v e b e e n a m o n g t h o s e to w h o m B i s h o p Hi l ls re fe r red in h i s j o u r n a l s a s "our be t te r p e o p l e " ( even in sp i te of J e r e m i a h ' s " I r ish" c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ) . T h e y w e r e a r e s p e c t a b l e C h u r c h of E n g l a n d f am i l y w i th h i g h m o r a l s t a n d a r d s w h o pa r t i c i pa ted in a l l t h e impor tan t 9 6 A . James Hammerton, Emigrant Gentlewomen: Genteel Poverty and Female Emigration. 1830-1914 (London: Croom Helm, 1979), p. 82. He is speaking specifically of the case of Mary Taylor in New Zealand. 9 7 Vibert, "Real Men Hunt Buffalo," p. 8. a s p e c t s of their c o m m u n i t y . M a n y of the prominent f igures of V a n c o u v e r Island a n d British C o l u m b i a society m o v e d t h r o u g h the p a g e s of S u s a n ' s a n d J e s s i e ' s diaries: the M o o d y s , the C r e a s e s , the B u s h b y s , Mat thew Baillie B e g b i e , a n d m a n y others . Yet b e c a u s e of the family 's f requent f inancial h a r d s h i p s , both S u s a n a n d J e s s i e n e e d e d to work outside the h o m e , usually as s c h o o l t e a c h e r or g o v e r n e s s , w h e n e v e r p o s s i b l e . T h e y were a lso certainly no s t r a n g e r s to " m e n i a l " d o m e s t i c labour within their o w n h o m e s . T h u s , they might go to the d a n c e at G o v e r n m e n t H o u s e , but it w a s likely in "worn out" d r e s s e s . 9 8 A n d they were in a lower s o c i a l posi t ion than a n u m b e r of w o m e n w h o in different c i r c u m s t a n c e s w o u l d , by virtue of their race , h a v e b e e n their inferiors . In m a n y w a y s , S u s a n ' s c l a s s status r e m a i n e d m u c h the s a m e after s h e marr ied , t h o u g h D a v i d H o l m e s ' posit ion a s a n A n g l i c a n c l e r g y m a n , a n d hers a s his wife, would h a v e a d d e d to her overall m i d d l e - c l a s s "respectabili ty ." E v e n a s a "clerk in holy o r d e r s " w h o h a d to work at fa rming , D a v i d mainta ined the c redent ia ls that his e d u c a t i o n a n d his affiliation with the C h u r c h of E n g l a n d a f f o r d e d h i m ; in the mainly rural socie ty of the C o w i c h a n val ley the H o l m e s ' w e r e p r o m i n e n t f igures soc ia l ly . E c o n o m i c a l l y , too, S u s a n ' s s i tuation in marr ied life w a s not m u c h different than it h a d b e e n in her family of origin. W h i l e the H o l m e s ' at t imes were a b l e to afford d o m e s t i c help , they were a lso often in a t e n u o u s situation f inancia l ly , w h i c h f o r c e d t h e m to e m p l o y v a r i o u s s t ra tegies to m a k e e n d s meet . In short, throughout her life, the s o c i a l s i d e of S u s a n ' s " J e s s i e Melville Nagle Diary, 12 July 1867, BCARS. c l a s s s ta tus w a s often s o m e w h a t inconsis tent with the e c o n o m i c s i d e . S u s a n F l o o d ' s c l a s s status w a s further c o m p l i c a t e d by the var iable of her race. Until s h e was a teenager , s h e w a s most likely at least s o m e t i m e s a part of the socie ty of her mother 's S u q u a m i s h p e o p l e - t r a d i t i o n a l l y a highly stratified a n d c l a s s - c o n s c i o u s soc ie ty , but a l s o o n e in w h i c h the markers of c l a s s s tatus w e r e b e i n g o v e r t u r n e d . H e r white father w a s evidently m i d d l e - c l a s s a n d t h r o u g h his a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t (limited as it m a y h a v e been) , s h e w o u l d h a v e a c q u i r e d s o m e socia l s tanding, though not as m u c h a s t h o s e d a u g h t e r s of the fur trade w h o were actually brought up by their fa thers . At least s h e w a s p r o v i d e d for e c o n o m i c a l l y , both by G e o r g e S u c k l e y a n d (however reluctantly) by his unc le R u t s e n S u c k l e y . At St . A n n ' s , w h i c h m a d e r e m a r k a b l y few dist inct ions a m o n g s tudents during its earlier d a y s , s h e w a s a m o n g the p a y i n g b o a r d e r s rather than the charity o r p h a n s , a n d her f r iends i n c l u d e d girls like L o u i s a H e l m c k e n (as J a m e s a n d A m e l i a D o u g l a s ' g r a n d d a u g h t e r , a l so a m i x e d - b l o o d girl, t h o u g h to a l e s s e r d e g r e e , a n d certainly of a higher soc ia l s tanding) . Eventual ly , s h e too h a d to e a r n her k e e p . " S i n c e he h a d not m a n a g e d to strike it rich, W i l l i a m F l o o d ' s earl ier o c c u p a t i o n a s a prospector a n d miner w o u l d likely h a v e put him in the ca tegory of the "rougher" types B i s h o p Hills d e s c r i b e d in detail in his journal entries about his travels t h r o u g h C o l u m b i a . After his marr iage , h o w e v e r , Wil l iam w o u l d h a v e fit m o r e or l e s s "While Susan Suckley was at St. Ann's, she apparently at times did help out with the orphans. In 1877, she appears on the staff lists at Nanaimo as a "helper"; the Boarders' Accounts still have her as a paying student at the same time. into the m i d d l e c l a s s e s , a s a sawmil l owner , bui lding contractor , a n d farmer . In the c o m m u n i t y centring o n H o p e , a large proportion of p e o p l e h a d Indian b l o o d , 1 0 0 s o S u s a n ' s racial b a c k g r o u n d w a s l e s s of a n i m p e d i m e n t to her status than it might h a v e b e e n in other a r e a s , a n d h e r original posit ion a s s c h o o l t e a c h e r would h a v e car r ied s o m e respectabil i ty . Later, w h e n the town a n d area 's c o m p o s i t i o n c h a n g e d a n d racial b o u n d a r i e s m a y h a v e h a r d e n e d , her p l a c e within soc ie ty , part icularly g i v e n that her h u s b a n d w a s a w e l l - k n o w n local white m a n , w o u l d a l r e a d y h a v e solidified to s u c h a n extent that it w o u l d not b e q u e s t i o n e d . T h u s , while her race (and the condit ions of her birth) definitely l o w e r e d her status from what it w o u l d h a v e b e e n h a d s h e b e e n G e o r g e S u c k l e y ' s white, legitimate daughter , at the s a m e time his e c o n o m i c c o n c e r n for her led to a greater d e g r e e of a c c e p t a n c e within white s o c i e t y than s h e w o u l d o therwise h a v e e n j o y e d . Religion R e l i g i o n w a s a major c o m p o n e n t in the identities of both w o m e n , a n d w a s a lso c o n n e c t e d to c lass status. S u s a n H o l m e s h a d b e e n born into a C h u r c h of E n g l a n d family a n d b e c a m e e v e n m o r e s t rongly A n g l i c a n after her marr iage to a c l e r g y m a n ; her rel igious bel iefs w e r e central to her act ions throughout her life. If in n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y Britain "it w a s migrat ion to the C h u r c h of E n g l a n d that finally certified o n e ' s f i tness to m i n g l e in the bes t V i c t o r i a n c i r c l e s , " 1 0 1 this requirement w a s p r o b a b l y s o m e w h a t l e s s 1 0 0 T h i s (while something I had been vaguely aware of before) became clear through reading the biographical sketches contained in a local history for the area, Forging a New Hope: Struggles and Dreams 1848-1948 (Hope: Hope and District Historical Society, 1984). 1 0 1 Altick, Victorian People and Ideas, p. 33. str ingent in Brit ish C o l u m b i a . W h i l e rel igious activity w a s e n c o u r a g e d here , the colonial g o v e r n m e n t s w e r e d e t e r m i n e d not to h a v e a n e s t a b l i s h e d church , a n d g a v e support to three other d e n o m i n a t i o n s b e s i d e s the C h u r c h of E n g l a n d . 1 0 2 N e v e r t h e l e s s , it c o u l d b e s a i d that a n unofficial h i e r a r c h y e x i s t e d , with most in the g o v e r n i n g c i rc les a d h e r i n g to A n g l i c a n i s m . C a t h o l i c i s m w a s definitely far d o w n in that h i e r a r c h y , ref lect ing that rel igion's s tatus in Britain. C h u r c h m e n might a d m i r e the m i s s i o n a r y z e a l a n d hard work of priests a m o n g the Indians, but s u c h a d m i r a t i o n w a s inevitably o v e r s h a d o w e d by the d e e p p r e j u d i c e a g a i n s t R o m a n C a t h o l i c doctr ines a n d activities. It s e e m s unlikely that S u s a n S u c k l e y ' s father w a s a C a t h o l i c , a l though there is no definite c o n f i r m a t i o n of his rel igious l e a n i n g s , 1 0 3 a n d it w o u l d b e difficult to d e t e r m i n e what religious training, if a n y , s h e w o u l d h a v e b e e n e x p o s e d to prior to her school ing at St. A n n ' s . H o w e v e r , six y e a r s after s h e arrived at the convent s h e w a s b a p t i z e d into the R o m a n C a t h o l i c faith. H e r bapt ismal record notes that s h e h a d a b j u r e d her A n g l i c a n faith before this event , but this m o r e t h a n likely indicates mere ly that s h e h a d not b e e n a C a t h o l i c s i n c e b i r t h . 1 0 4 In a n y c a s e , S u s a n took her a d o p t e d faith ser ious ly a n d m a i n t a i n e d it until her d e a t h . E v e n her marr iage to a n o n - C a t h o l i c 1 0 2 O r m s b y , British Columbia: A History, p. 179. 1 0 3 T h e r e are letters which indicate a connection to a Protestant church, but the denomination is not clear. 1 0 4 S t . Andrew's Baptismal Registration, BCARS. The baptismal record indicates the date of confirmation as June 13, 1876; the St. Ann's register for confirmation (Sisters of St. Ann's Archives, document 35-1-16) records the date as June 15, 1876. That her faith had been "Anglican" at least seems unlikely, although her father could have been Episcopalian. did not affect her a d h e r e n c e ; i n d e e d , W . L. F l o o d , listed a s C h u r c h of E n g l a n d o n the 1881 c e n s u s , w a s listed a s R o m a n C a t h o l i c in 1891 a n d 1901 (by himself a s enumerator) . H e r h u s b a n d p r o b a b l y did not off ic ial ly c o n v e r t , 1 0 5 but they were married by a R o m a n C a t h o l i c priest , a n d S u s a n insis ted that both their chi ldren a n d g r a n d c h i l d r e n b e b a p t i z e d into the C a t h o l i c r e l i g i o n . 1 0 6 F o r t h e s e or other r e a s o n s , he a p p a r e n t l y s a w fit to represent himself a s b e l o n g i n g to the s a m e faith a s the rest of his family . Nationali ty T h e matter of nationality w a s not a s i m p l e o n e at this t ime or in this p l a c e . At their deaths , both w o m e n w o u l d m o r e than likely h a v e b e e n c o n s i d e r e d C a n a d i a n s , yet the d e g r e e to w h i c h either m a y h a v e thought of herself a s s u c h s e e m s to h a v e f luctuated at v a r i o u s points in their l ives . Both h a d l ived in the future p r o v i n c e of British C o l u m b i a s i n c e their t e e n a g e years , but S u s a n H o l m e s c a m e to the c o l o n y a s a British citizen a n d it is probable (and by no m e a n s u n u s u a l ) that s h e m a i n t a i n e d that national orientation all her life, e v e n t h o u g h s h e never set foot in E n g l a n d . 1 0 7 S h e is d e s c r i b e d a s C a n a d i a n in the 1901 c e n s u s (though that record m a k e s the m i s t a k e of c l a i m i n g that s h e immigrated in 1864, the s a m e y e a r her h u s b a n d 1 0 5 Wi l l i am Flood's granddaughter expressed surprise that he was listed as a Catholic on the censuses, as he was known to his family to be a Protestant. Sister Mary Providence of St. Ann's apparently knew he was a Protestant (letter from W. F. Tolmie to Susan Suckley), though another of the Sisters seems to have been informed (by Susan?) that he was Catholic (letter from Sister Mary Florence to Susan Suckley, 8 May 1882, Flood family papers). 1 0 6 T h e i r daughter-in-law was also a Protestant. 1 0 7 Technica l ly , Canadian "citizenship" did not exist until after the passing of the Statute of Westminster in 1931. However, the notion of Canadian "nationality" did exist, as attested by the categories of the 1901 census. a r r i v e d in t he c o l o n y ) , 1 0 8 but in he r d i a r i es s h e st i l l re fe rs to the e a s t e r n part of the coun t ry a s " C a n a d a " l ong af ter B. C . j o i ned C o n f e d e r a t i o n . S h e d id s e e m to fee l that the c o l o n y w a s he r h o m e , but w o u l d h a v e p re fe r red that it r e m a i n fu l ly in the B r i t i sh s p h e r e . In Ap r i l of 1 8 6 9 s h e repor ted the " long f a c e s a n d b l a c k l o o k s " d u e to t he i m p e n d i n g c l o s u r e of the n a v a l s ta t ion at E s q u i m a l t , fo r " e v e r y th ing s e e m s c o n s p i r i n g a g a i n s t u s , in th is poo r little p l a c e , & t h e r e wil l b e no th ing for us but C o n f e d e r a t i o n or jo in ing the Y a n k e e s e q u a l l y d i s a g r e e a b l e m e a s u r e s . " 1 0 9 D e s p i t e a s t rong l obby fo r C o n f e d e r a t i o n a m o n g s o m e of the popu la t i on , s h e w a s fa r f r om a l o n e in t h i s s e n t i m e n t . S u s a n F l o o d a l s o s p o k e of " C a n a d a " a s a s e p a r a t e p l a c e e v e n a f ter s h e w a s l iv ing the re . W h i l e at the c o n v e n t in 1 8 7 5 s h e wro te that "9 s i s t e r s of S t . A n n a re on thei r w a y f rom C a n a d a to V i c t o r i a . " 1 1 0 In he r c a s e , th is w a s p robab ly d u e m o r e to t he w a y the S i s t e r s w o u l d h a v e s p o k e n than to he r o w n hab i tua l w a y of t h i n k i n g . 1 1 1 T o s o m e o n e brought up at this t ime in a C o a s t S a l i s h m i l i eu , e v e n o n e l imi ted to a r e s e r v e , the i d e a of a b o r d e r a l o n g the fo r ty -n in th pa ra l l e l w a s p r o b a b l y st i l l not i n g r a i n e d . T h e na t i ve g r o u p s f r om th is part of the con t inen t w e r e d i v i d e d m o r e b e t w e e n c o a s t a l a n d in ter ior g r o u p s than b e t w e e n north a n d s o u t h , a n d 1 0 8 Fourth Census of Canada. 1901. 1 0 9 S A H , 2 April 1869. 1 1 0 S u s a n Suckley's "Pacific Diary," Flood family papers. The sisters' arrival is mentioned in Sister Mary Margaret Down, A Century of Service: A History of the Sisters of Saint Ann and Their Contributions to Education in British Columbia, the Yukon and Alaska (Victoria: The Sisters of Saint Ann, 1966), p. 73. (Their number is given as eight here.) 1 1 1 H a v i n g originally come from Quebec, the Sisters sometimes used the term "Canada" when referring to that province. c r o s s i n g what b e c a m e the "border" h a d b e e n d o n e largely without t h o u g h t ~ a s w h e n S u s a n ' s g r a n d p a r e n t s h a d t e n d e d their t r a p l i n e s . 1 1 2 S h e likely identified with a spec i f i c " p l a c e " a n d thought of herself a s neither A m e r i c a n nor C a n a d i a n (and certainly not British like the other S u s a n ) ; rather, s h e s e e m s to h a v e t a k e n a c o n s c i o u s l y p r a g m a t i c a p p r o a c h to the q u e s t i o n of her nationality . In the 1901 c e n s u s , Wil l iam F l o o d r e c o r d e d S u s a n ' s nationality a s A m e r i c a n , a l though an examinat ion of the c e n s u s for B . C . overall s h o w s that, in most c a s e s , where h u s b a n d s were " C a n a d i a n s , " their w i v e s w e r e listed that w a y too, reg ard l ess of w h e r e they w e r e b o r n or h o w long they h a d b e e n in the c o u n t r y . 1 1 3 S u s a n ' s descr ipt ion a s a n A m e r i c a n w a s s o m e w h a t u n u s u a l , then. O n e plausible explanat ion for this s i tuation for a w o m a n w h o almost certainly n e v e r i n t e n d e d to return to the Uni ted States for more than a visit (and did not likely h a v e a n y a t tachment to that country a s a political entity) l ies in the A m e r i c a n allotment laws of the late n ineteenth-century . T h e G e n e r a l Al lo tment L a w ( D a w e s Act) of 1887 p r o v i d e d Indians with a l l o t m e n t s of l a n d w h i c h w e r e held in trust for twenty-f ive y e a r s , at w h i c h point the Indian rece ived the land in fee s i m p l e . U p o n receiving a n allotment, the Indian b e c a m e a U . S . c i t i z e n . 1 1 4 S u s a n e v e n t u a l l y r e c e i v e d part of the Big J o h n Allotment o n B a i n b r i d g e 1 1 2 S e e Robin Fisher, "Indian Warfare and Two Frontiers: A Comparison of British Columbia and Washington Territory During the Early Years of Settlement," Pacific Hisorical Review 50, no. 1 (February 1981), pp. 32-34; and Mourning Dove, A Salishan Autobiography. 1 1 3 Fou r th Census of Canada. 1901. It appears that people from Britain were "naturalized" upon their arrival in Canada, while others had to go through the official process. 1 1 4 F r a n c i s Paul Prucha, The Great Father: The United States Government and the American Indians, abridged ed. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1986), p. Island, a n d it is likely that both s h e a n d Wil l iam c h o s e to mainta in h e r nat ional identity a s a n A m e r i c a n in order to a v o i d a n y potential j e o p a r d i z i n g of her o w n e r s h i p of this l a n d . F o r both S u s a n H o l m e s a n d S u s a n F l o o d , the "markers" of identity w e r e s o m e t i m e s a m b i g u o u s a n d s o m e t i m e s c h a n g i n g . E v e n t h o s e by w h i c h they u n e q u i v o c a l l y would h a v e d e f i n e d t h e m s e l v e s w e r e anything but u n c o m p l i c a t e d ca tegories . A s J o y P a r r r e m a r k s in her s t u d y of two industrial towns in O n t a r i o : T h e referents by w h i c h c lass , gender , a n d ethnic identi t ies w e r e u n d e r s t o o d , a n d sol idar i t ies in ethnicity, g e n d e r a n d c l a s s were f o r m e d , w e r e c h a n g e a b l e a n d often interchanged. T h e p r o c e s s e s by which t h e s e m e a n i n g s were m a d e a n d the insti tutions t h r o u g h w h i c h they w e r e ar t i cula ted w e r e neither s i n g u l a r nor set t led. T h e m a i n s t r e a m i d e o l o g i c a l c a t e g o r i e s of that t ime w e r e present , but a s taut threads shot through the o r d i n a r i n e s s of d a i l y life, f r e q u e n t l y d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e f r o m the p a t t e r n i t s e l f . 1 1 5 N e v e r t h e l e s s , " c h a n g i n g identities do a s s u m e s p e c i f i c , c o n c r e t e pat terns , a s in a k a l e i d o s c o p e , against particular s e t s of historical a n d s o c i a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s . O u r cultural identities are s i m u l t a n e o u s l y our cultures in p r o c e s s , but they a c q u i r e s p e c i f i c m e a n i n g s in a g i v e n c o n t e x t . " 1 1 6 In the chapters w h i c h follow, I h o p e to c a p t u r e the workings of s o m e of t h e s e p r o c e s s e s a n d their m e a n i n g s in the "ordinar iness" of t h e s e w o m e n ' s "daily l ives . " 1 1 5 J o y Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners: Women. Men, and Change in Two Industrial Towns 1880-1950 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990), p. 231. 1 1 6 A v t a r Brah, "Difference, Diversity and Differentiation," in Donald and Rattansi, eds., 'Race.' Culture and Difference, p. 143. CHAPTER THREE: THE FAMILY OF ORIGIN M e n , it s e e m e d to m e in those d a y s , were uniquely h o n o r e d by the s tories that erupted in their l ives , w h e r e a s w o m e n were m o r e likely to be s m o t h e r e d by theirs . . . T h e stories that h a p p e n to w o m e n blow up a s big a s bal loons a n d c o v e r over the d a y - t o - d a y m e a s u r e of their l ives , swel l ing a n d p r e s s i n g with s u c h f i e r c e n e s s that e v e n the plain a n d s i m p l e s e p a r a t i o n s of t i m e - h o u r s , w e e k s , m o n t h s - g e t lost f r o m v i e w . 1 O n e of the c h a l l e n g e s of looking at the lives of p e o p l e in the past l ies in d e t e r m i n i n g h o w to structure the results of the e x a m i n a t i o n . A n y attempt to categorize the events a n d a s p e c t s of a life will l e a d to a n artificial s e n s e of h o w that life w a s l i v e d , s i n c e n o n e of t h e s e events a n d a s p e c t s exist in isolation f rom the others . Y e t s u c h ca tegor izat ions must be m a d e , s o m e kind of "order" brought to b e a r w h e r e it might not have b e e n p e r c e i v e d by the p e o p l e in q u e s t i o n . T h e c h a l l e n g e , then, is to m a k e u s e of the order without a l l o w i n g it to o v e r s h a d o w the l ives . W o r k s o n w o m e n ' s history often u s e a themat ic a p p r o a c h , with the t h e m e s c h o s e n f o c u s i n g most frequently o n the s t a g e s of the life c y c l e a n d / o r the notion of the division b e t w e e n publ ic a n d private " s p h e r e s . " 2 W h i l e this a p p r o a c h certainly p o s e s p r o b l e m s , it is difficult to a b a n d o n it entirely. W o m e n ' s lives in the n i n e t e e n t h 1 Carol Shields, The Stone Diaries (Toronto: Vintage Books, 1993), pp. 121- 122 . 2 S e e Beth Light and Alison Prentice, eds., Pioneer and Gentlewomen of British North America 1713-1867 (Toronto: New Hogtown Press, 1980), p. 2. An example of the life cycle approach in Canadian women's history can be found in Veronica Strong- Boag, The New Day Recalled: Lives of Girls and Women in English Canada 1919-1939 (Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman, 1988). 72 c e n t u r y w e r e b o u n d up in their re lat ionships with, a n d roles within, their f a m i l i e s at all points . T h i s is not to s a y that m e n ' s life s tor ies c o u l d not be v i e w e d in the s a m e w a y - - t h e y c o u l d ; h o w e v e r , by a n d large they are not. With m e n ' s life histories, there is u s u a l l y m o r e of a n option to f o c u s o n activities outs ide of family r e l a t i o n s h i p s (often in fact ignoring the effects of t h e s e r e l a t i o n s h i p s o n s u c h ac t iv i t ies ) . 3 F o r w o m e n of this t ime p e r i o d (outside of the very few noted for their publ ic l ives) , this is i m p o s s i b l e - n o matter what a s p e c t of the life is c o n s i d e r e d , the c o n s i d e r a t i o n l e a d s b a c k to the w o m a n ' s family relations. T h e r e is no possibil i ty of the illusion of t r a n s c e n d e n c e , a s there m a y be for m e n . T h i s c h a p t e r will e x a m i n e the i n f l u e n c e s of s u c h r e l a t i o n s h i p s o n the earlier lives of S u s a n N a g l e a n d S u s a n S u c k l e y , up until the t ime of their m a r r i a g e s . In g e n e r a l , the re la t ionships in q u e s t i o n are within the family of origin, but not exc lus ive ly s o . E s p e c i a l l y in S u s a n S u c k l e y ' s c a s e , there were s o m e important c o n n e c t i o n s w h i c h c o u l d b e c o n s i d e r e d family "surrogates ," a n d t h e s e a l s o h a d s ignif icant effects . T h e two major a r e a s d i s c u s s e d will b e e d u c a t i o n a n d the c o n s i d e r a t i o n s a n d c i r c u m s t a n c e s l e a d i n g to m a r r i a g e . A l t h o u g h e c o n o m i c i s s u e s were certainly a l s o c o n n e c t e d to t h e s e family d y n a m i c s , they will not be s p e c i f i c a l l y e x a m i n e d until the next chapter . 3Hopefully, more studies on the construction of masculinity may mean that more attention is paid to these relationships. Family History F o r s e v e r a l y e a r s now, m a n y historical works h a v e q u e s t i o n e d the m o r e traditional a s s u m p t i o n s about the nature a n d f u n c t i o n s of the family a s a historical entity. F o r instance , Davidoff a n d Hall c l a i m that, while the family p r o v i d e d the f r a m e for n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y m i d d l e - c l a s s life in Britain, a n d s p e c i f i c roles within it w e r e fairly f o r m a l i z e d , its b o u n d a r i e s w e r e quite f l u i d . 4 F u r t h e r m o r e , a view of the family a s a n active rather t h a n p a s s i v e agent in s o c i a l c h a n g e entails a more d y n a m i c a p p r o a c h to the " c o n s t a n t l y c h a n g i n g " f a m i l y : S o c i a l sc ient is ts h a v e often s t u d i e d the family a s a m o n o l i t h i c institution. In reality, the family is in constant flux. It is the s c e n e of interaction b e t w e e n v a r i o u s fluid individual l ives . Individual t ransi t ions into a n d out of different family roles . . . a re interrelated with c h a n g e s in the family a s a col lect ive unit . . . At i ssue here is the s y n c h r o n i z a t i o n of s e v e r a l c o n c e p t s of t i m e - i n d i v i d u a l t ime, f a m i l y t ime , a n d historical t i m e . 5 A c c o r d i n g to T a m a r a H a r e v e n , " individual t ime" a n d "family t ime" (the t iming of transitional e v e n t s s u c h a s m a r r i a g e or m o v i n g into different roles within the family) are not a l w a y s h a r m o n i o u s , a n d both c a n be i m p i n g e d u p o n by "historical t ime," the outs ide c o n d i t i o n s u n d e r w h i c h s u c h transitions take p l a c e . In the nineteenth century, w h e n "most of the educat ional , e c o n o m i c , a n d w e l f a r e f u n c t i o n s [were] c o n c e n t r a t e d in the family , " the t iming of t ransi t ional e v e n t s h a d m o r e s i g n i f i c a n c e for the family a s a 4Davidoff and Hall, Family Fortunes, p. 321. 5 Tamara K. Hareven, "Family Time and Historical Time," Daedulus 106 (1977): 58. col lec t ive unit than is usual ly the c a s e now, a n d individual t iming w a s m o r e likely to be s u b o r d i n a t e d to family t iming w h e n e v e r there w a s conflict . D e c i s i o n s a n d m o v e s which would general ly b e c o n s i d e r e d i n d i v i d u a l c o n c e r n s in late twent ie th-century w e s t e r n s o c i e t i e s w o u l d h a v e b e e n s e e n a s family matters o n e h u n d r e d y e a r s a g o , a n d w o u l d h a v e h a d to be s y n c h r o n i z e d with the family 's col lect ive a g e n d a a n d n e e d s at the t i m e . 6 T h a t s u c h confl ic ts ex is ted indicates that the f a m i l y ' s interests w e r e not a l w a y s uniform with t h o s e of the i n d i v i d u a l s c o m p r i s i n g it. T h e t e n d e n c y to a s s u m e h a r m o n y of interests within the family h a s b e e n a corollary of a more genera l a c c e p t a n c e of the family a s a natural unit s e p a r a t e from the outs ide wor ld , rather t h a n a s a s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n in cont inual interact ion with that w o r l d . 7 T h e dist inction b e t w e e n private a n d public " s p h e r e s , " s o important a part of V i c t o r i a n i d e o l o g y (and s u c h a c o r n e r s t o n e of historical writing o n w o m e n of the time), w a s o n e result of this a c c e p t a n c e . T w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y w o m e n ' s his tor ians w h o i n v e s t i g a t e d the o p e r a t i o n s of the "separate s p h e r e s " of nineteenth-century m e n a n d w o m e n at first t e n d e d to view t h e s e as strictly negat ive a n d o p p r e s s i v e . B a r b a r a W e l t e r d e s c r i b e d the charac ter is t i cs of the ideal or "true w o m a n " a s piety, purity, s u b m i s s i v e n e s s , a n d d o m e s t i c i t y ; together , t h e s e f o r m e d a s t e r e o t y p e s o i d e o l o g i c a l l y c o m p e l l i n g that it s t if led a l m o s t all creativity or n o n - c o n f o r m i t y in 6ibi<±, p. 64. 7 Rayna Rapp, Ellen Ross, and Renate Bridenthal, "Examining Family History," in Sex and Class in Women's History: Essavs from Feminist Studies, eds. Judith L. Newton, Mary P. Ryan, and Judith R. Walkowitz (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1983), p. 233. w o m e n . 8 A l t h o u g h w o m e n m a y h a v e v a l u e d their roles in their " p r o p e r s p h e r e " (that is, the home) , the rhetoric p r o p o u n d i n g their s e c l u s i o n in this s p h e r e w a s p e r c e i v e d by t h e s e historians to h a v e " t r a p p e d " or " l o c k e d t h e m into a restricted realm of e n d e a v o u r . " 9 In her 1975 s t u d y of f e m a l e f r i e n d s h i p s , C a r r o l l S m i t h - R o s e n b e r g offered a n o p p o s i n g interpretation of the s e p a r a t e s p h e r e s , o n e that a c c o r d e d the w o m e n ' s s p h e r e a m o r e posit ive v a l u a t i o n . R a t h e r than being s imply o p p r e s s i v e , the s e p a r a t e w o m e n ' s s p h e r e m a d e p o s s i b l e a distinctive a n d s u p p o r t i v e " w o m e n ' s culture . " T h u s , w o m e n . . . did not form an isolated a n d o p p r e s s e d s u b - c a t e g o r y in m a l e socie ty . T h e i r letters a n d diar ies indicate that w o m e n ' s s p h e r e h a d a n e s s e n t i a l integrity a n d dignity that grew out of w o m e n ' s s h a r e d e x p e r i e n c e s a n d mutual affection a n d that, d e s p i t e the p r o f o u n d c h a n g e s w h i c h affected A m e r i c a n s o c i a l s tructure a n d institutions b e t w e e n the 1760s a n d the 1870s , re ta ined a c o n s t a n c y a n d predictabili ty. T h e w a y s in w h i c h w o m e n thought of a n d interacted with e a c h other r e m a i n e d u n c h a n g e d . Continuity , not d i s c o n t i n u i t y c h a r a c t e r i z e d this f e m a l e w o r l d . 1 0 A l t h o u g h separa te , the w o m e n ' s s p h e r e c o u l d thus be v i e w e d a s a p l a c e w h e r e w o m e n c o u l d exerc ise their o w n power , s tatus , a n d creativity, a n d w h e r e they c o u l d d e v e l o p d e e p a n d lasting b o n d s a n d n e t w o r k s with other w o m e n . 8 Barbara Welter, "The Cult of True Womanhood: 1820-1860," American Quarterly XVIII, no. 2, pt. 1 (1966). 9 Ramsay Cook and Wendy Mitchinson, eds., The Proper Sphere: Woman's Place in Canadian Society (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1976), p. 7. 1 0 Carro l l Smith-Rosenberg, "The Female World of Love and Ritual: Relations Between Women in Nineteenth-Century America," Signs 1, no. 1 (1975): 9-10. T h e s e negat ive a n d positive percept ions of the w o m e n ' s s p h e r e a s either o p p r e s s i v e or liberating created a d u a l i s m s i n c e c h a l l e n g e d by a "third s tage" in thinking about the m e t a p h o r of s e p a r a t e s p h e r e s . T h i s n e w e r perspect ive s e e s the public a n d private s p h e r e s a s i n t e r s e c t i n g : taking a n interactive view of s o c i a l p r o c e s s e s , his torians now s e e k to s h o w how w o m e n ' s a l legedly ' separate s p h e r e ' w a s affected by what m e n did , a n d h o w activities d e f i n e d by w o m e n in their o w n s p h e r e i n f l u e n c e d a n d e v e n set constraints a n d limitations o n what m e n might c h o o s e to d o - - h o w , in short , that s p h e r e w a s soc ia l ly constructed both for a n d by w o m e n . 1 1 T h e s o c i a l l y c o n s t r u c t e d nature of the w o m e n ' s s p h e r e is thought to b e i n d i c a t e d by the vast a m o u n t of ideological work that went into m a i n t a i n i n g its b o u n d a r i e s . T h e rigid divis ion b e t w e e n public a n d private, a n d its i n c r e a s i n g ident i f icat ion with g e n d e r , w a s d e c i d e d l y inter twined with the p r o c e s s of m i d d l e - c l a s s se l f -def ini t ion . A l t h o u g h the i d e o l o g y of s e p a r a t e s p h e r e s w a s p r o m o t e d later in the century a m o n g w o r k i n g - c l a s s a n d non-white famil ies a s a n e c e s s a r y c o r o l l a r y of u p w a r d mobility a n d respectabil i ty , the o p e r a t i o n of a n y t h i n g a p p r o a c h i n g its ideal w o u l d h a v e b e e n virtually l imited to the m i d d l e - c l a s s e s , a n d e v e n there only in certain c i r c u m s t a n c e s . Cer ta inly , s u c h a separa t ion would h a v e b e e n next to i m p o s s i b l e in a 1 1 Linda Kerber, "Separate Spheres, Female Worlds, Woman's Place: The Rhetoric of Women's History," The Journal of American History 75, no. 1 (1988): 18. frontier soc ie ty , except p e r h a p s a m o n g the few v e r y elite f a m i l i e s . 1 2 The Nagle Family In m a n y w a y s , the N a g l e family fit the ideal picture of the V i c t o r i a n m i d d l e - c l a s s family as a col lec t ive unit p r o v i d i n g s u p p o r t a n d secur i ty for the individuals within it. T h e s t rong ties a m o n g parents a n d s ibl ings are apparent throughout S u s a n ' s a n d J e s s i e ' s journals , e v e n a s p h y s i c a l scattering a n d d e a t h s broke apart the original family n u c l e u s . Indeed, the pain incurred by s u c h part ings (with both family m e m b e r s a n d c l o s e friends) w a s a c o m m o n subjec t of the p o e m s that S u s a n w r o t e . 1 3 C o n n e c t i o n s were kept alive t h r o u g h f requent letters a n d the s h a r i n g of n e w s with the entire family , a n d visits w e r e l o n g e d - f o r events , i m m e n s e l y s a v o u r e d w h e n t h e y f inal ly a r r i v e d . At the s a m e time, there were w a y s in w h i c h the family did not funct ion exact ly a c c o r d i n g to the n o r m d e s c r i b e d by Davidoff a n d H a l l . (Of c o u r s e , this n o r m itself w a s built o n t h e s e kinds of interior contradic t ions . ) J e r e m i a h N a g l e certainly e n j o y e d the famil ia l authority g r a n t e d to the V i c t o r i a n father, a n d his i n f l u e n c e o n the major d e c i s i o n s m a d e by his children is evident . Still , e v e n his d a u g h t e r s e x e r c i s e d a fair a m o u n t of a u t o n o m y , a l though a n a u t o n o m y d e c i d e d l y f o r m e d within the p a r a m e t e r s of the family ' s 1 2 Robert L. Griswold claims that western Anglo-American women's "domestic ideology" was more fluid than that of their eastern counterparts, since a separation of spheres was "virtually impossible to establish on the plains and in the mining towns of the West." "Anglo Women and Domestic Ideology in the American West in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries," in Western Women, eds. Schlissel, Ruiz, and Monk, p. 18. 1 3 Several of these poems were written in the back of Jessie's journal, which Susan preserved. interests . H i s p o w e r a n d control were not likely w i e l d e d in a d o m i n e e r i n g m a n n e r , t h o u g h his general ly e a s y g o i n g a n d genia l nature (he w a s d e s c r i b e d as "a jolly g o o d natured gent" by s o m e o n e w h o h a d met him in N e w Z e a l a n d 1 4 ) , leading a s it did to r a s h n e s s a n d o c c a s i o n a l e m o t i o n a l erupt ions , in itself p r o b a b l y a l s o m a d e him s o m e w h a t difficult to live with. A s i d e f rom his volatility, he c o u l d h a v e b e e n p e r c e i v e d a s not p o s s e s s i n g (at least not perfectly) "the m a i n s t r a n d in defining the g o o d father": the expecta t ion of f i n a n c i a l s u p p o r t . 1 5 In spi te of this, there is no e v i d e n c e that J e r e m i a h s u f f e r e d a n y diminution of his children's respect . T h e y a p p e a r to h a v e t a k e n a realistic m e a s u r e of both his capabil i t ies a n d his s h o r t c o m i n g s , a n d to h a v e a c c e p t e d the n e c e s s i t y for their o w n f inancia l contr ibut ions to the f a m i l y ' s w e l l - b e i n g a s a fair trade-off for the overal l s u p p o r t they r e c e i v e d f rom being a part of it. P o s s i b l y his f laws w e r e only p e r c e i v e d a s factors of his lovable nature, for his d a u g h t e r s u n d o u b t e d l y did love h im. T h e r e w a s only o n e ins tance in either S u s a n ' s or J e s s i e ' s diaries in which he w a s cr i t ic ized. T h i s o c c u r r e d in Apri l 1870 w h e n J e s s i e , in turmoil b e c a u s e of a crisis in her e n g a g e m e n t to C h r i s t o p h e r B e r k e l e y (whom s h e c a l l e d "Will ie") , w a s late in getting h o m e to prepare the family's dinner . S h e e x p l a i n e d that, "in c o n s e q u e n c e it w a s s o late that it m a d e P a p a very a n g r y a s he dis l ikes to eat his d inner w h e n it is too light for l a m p s & a l m o s t too dark to s e e without." H o w e v e r , s h e quickly a d d e d , "I'm sorry to s a y , I w a s very c r o s s too a n d s p o k e disrespectfully to him I must 1 4 Holmes family papers. 1 5Davidoff and Hall, Family Fortunes, p. 334. not d o it a g a i n . " A few d a y s later, s h e noted that s h e w a s a g a i n a n g r y with her father b e c a u s e of his c o m m e n t s about Wil l ie , but o n c e m o r e s h e c o n c l u d e d with a judgement of her o w n b e h a v i o u r : "I k n o w I w a s wrong but he d o e s s a y things in s u c h a w a y . " 1 6 T h e dutiful a n d loving d a u g h t e r h a d the last w o r d . In contrast with the f inancial e x p e c t a t i o n s p l a c e d o n fa thers , "mothers were to b e relied u p o n for p e r s o n a l care a n d e m o t i o n a l rather than e c o n o m i c s u p p o r t . " 1 7 T h e r e is a m p l e e v i d e n c e in their writings that C a t h e r i n e N a g l e ' s d a u g h t e r s r e c e i v e d s u c h s u p p o r t f r o m their mother , a n d that they e n j o y e d the kind of "intimate m o t h e r - d a u g h t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p " that S m i t h - R o s e n b e r g d e s c r i b e s . 1 8 Both S u s a n ' s a n d J e s s i e ' s diaries at var ious points indica ted a conflict b e t w e e n the s is ters ' d e s i r e to e a s e their m o t h e r ' s life t h r o u g h e c o n o m i c contributions (which t e n d e d to take t h e m a w a y from h o m e ) a n d their longing to be there with a n d for her physica l ly . In S u s a n ' s c a s e , this yearning did not e n d u p o n her o w n marr iage , but h a d t h e n to be b a l a n c e d with car ing for her o w n g r o w i n g family . Still , there w a s no ques t ion of her not giving C a t h e r i n e w h a t e v e r suppor t s h e c o u l d , s u c h a s s p e n d i n g six w e e k s with her during a " s e v e r e i l lness" in the a u t u m n of 1876 a n d not returning h o m e to C o w i c h a n until C a t h e r i n e w a s out of d a n g e r . 1 9 Earl ier in that year , S u s a n h a d reported o n her mother 's lonel iness n o w that all her c h i l d r e n w e r e living a w a y from h o m e , E l l a h a v i n g b e e n marr ied o n 1 6 J e s s i e Nagle, 25 April 1870 and 27 April 1870. 1 7Davidoff and Hall, Family Fortunes, p. 335. 1 8Smith-Rosenberg, "Love and Ritual", pp. 15-19. 1 9 S A H , 1 January 1877. Catherine seems often to have been in precarious health throughout the latter thirty years of her life. M a r c h 18th (a w e d d i n g C a t h e r i n e w a s apparent ly too ill to attend). S h e went o n to m u s e , "I do not think if I h a d b e e n the last o n e at h o m e that I c o u l d h a v e g o n e a w a y & left t h e m a lone , " h a s t e n i n g to a d d that "it is p e r h a p s hard to j u d g e . " 2 0 C a t h e r i n e N a g l e s e e m s to h a v e fulfilled the major e d u c a t i o n a l f u n c t i o n s p r e s c r i b e d for the n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y m i d d l e - c l a s s mother , to provide both spiritual a n d moral training for her c h i l d r e n a n d a n "apprent iceship" in d o m e s t i c duties for her d a u g h t e r s . In addi t ion to this, s h e w a s probably the major inf luence in S u s a n ' s s c h o o l i n g . Unfortunately , there is no spec i f i c record of S u s a n ' s e d u c a t i o n a l history, but s h e certainly a c q u i r e d e n o u g h s c h o o l i n g to be a b l e to t e a c h s c h o o l herself . It is likely that s h e a t tended a s c h o o l for a t ime while the N a g l e family w a s in S a n F r a n c i s c o , but they h a d lived in a n isolated a r e a in N e w Z e a l a n d a n d w o u l d not likely h a v e b e e n able to afford boarding s c h o o l s . T h u s , S u s a n ' s g r a n d s o n ' s u n d e r s t a n d i n g that C a t h e r i n e , herself a fairly w e l l - e d u c a t e d w o m a n , provided m u c h of at least her d a u g h t e r s ' e d u c a t i o n s , s e e m s w e l l - f o u n d e d . 2 1 S u s a n ' s educat ion went b e y o n d the b a s i c s to e n c o m p a s s s o m e of the " a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s " d e e m e d s o v a l u a b l e to the m i d d l e - c l a s s w o m a n ' s i n s t r u c t i o n . 2 2 H e r mother definitely taught her to play the p i a n o (as s h e would in turn teach all of her own children) , a n d S u s a n ' s k n o w l e d g e of m u s i c w a s obviously d e e p e n o u g h to e n a b l e her 2 0 S A H , 18 May, 1876. 2 1 Don Roberts, personal communication, 1 May 1996. 2 2 S e e Marjorie R. Theobald, '"Mere Accomplishments'? Melbourne's Early Ladies' Schools Reconsidered," in Women Who Taught, eds. Prentice and Theobald. to c o m p o s e s o n g s later in l i f e . 2 3 S h e a lso knew F r e n c h , a l though her exper t i se w a s not what s h e w i s h e d it to be--at a g e t w e n t y - s e v e n , s h e noted that s h e w o u l d "like very m u c h " to take further F r e n c h l e s s o n s , a possibi l i ty m a d e unlikely by the family ' s f i n a n c i a l condi t ion . S h e m a y h a v e p a s s e d up an earlier c h a n c e to i m p r o v e her skil ls , for s h e c o n c l u d e d : "how little a n y of us think of our opportunit ies w h e n we h a v e t h e m & w h e n they are g o n e lament t h e m like all o ther u n a t a i n a b l e [sic] t h i n g s . " 2 4 D e s p i t e this s e l f - c r i t i c i s m , S u s a n e v i d e n t l y p e r c e i v e d h e r s e l f a s a n e d u c a t e d w o m a n , a n estimation only c o n f i r m e d by her d e s i r e to c o n t i n u e her pursuit of learning throughout her adult life. In F e b r u a r y 1868, s h e wrote of her preference for r e a d i n g both a b o o k o n the F r e n c h Revolut ion a n d Plutarch's L i v e s : " s u c h works are far m o r e interesting to m e than novels tho s o m e of t h e m are c o n s t r u c t i v e , but cont inual r e a d i n g of light litriture [sic] I f ind unfits m e for m o r e useful & sol id r e a d i n g . " 2 5 H e r curiosity a l s o led h e r into s p e c u l a t i o n s in the realm of s c i e n c e , e s p e c i a l l y in its pract ical a p p l i c a t i o n s . W h i l e in Y a l e , s h e w a s s u r p r i s e d to s e e s p a r k s e m a n a t i n g from her c o m b w h e n s h e t o u c h e d it to her h e a d . Fur ther exper imentat ion p i q u e d her imaginat ion e v e n m o r e , a n d s h e 2 3 Marjor ie Theobald has claimed that "in the iconography of nineteenth-century female education, a central figure is the woman at the piano." [Marjorie R. Theobald, "The Sins of Laura: The Meaning of Culture in the Education of Nineteenth-Century Women," Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 1 (1990), p. 258.] The importance of the piano to Susan's sense of herself as an accomplished, educated woman was clearly expressed in a journal passage in which she referred to the lack of a piano as a "great detriment" and then remarked, "I often think if Algy & I marry, if we cannot afford to have any other piece of furniture, he will manage to get a piano someway or other." These comments were made in the context of a discussion of the historical reading she had been doing (SAH, 1 February 1868). 2 4 S A H , 12 December 1867. 2 5 S A H , 1 February 1868. c o n c l u d e d , "I h a v e a l w a y s b e e n s o interested in Electricity a n d s h o u l d like m u c h to k n o w more about it, there is s o m u c h to learn in this world a n d w e k n o w s o very little. H o w I s h o u l d like to m a k e s o m e d i s c o v e r y in this wonderful S c i e n c e . " 2 6 S o m u c h a part of her w a s this kind of attitude that s h e f o u n d it p u z z l i n g w h e n it s e e m e d to h a v e a b a t e d during the first few months of her m a r r i a g e . After her N e w Y e a r ' s E v e m u s i n g s on the c h a n g e s wrought by the previous year , s h e c o n t i n u e d , "I s o m e t i m e s w o n d e r at myself for c a r i n g s o little, to what I u s e d , for study, p e r h a p s it will c o m e b a c k to m e n o w that I a m getting s o m u c h stronger." S h e w o u l d not b e content to let this s i d e of herself be s u b s u m e d by her n e w duties ; i n d e e d , s h e went o n to resolve : "I wish too that I c o u l d get into the w a y of writing. I really will m a k e a n effort & s e e if I c a n n o t write s o m e t h i n g worth r e a d i n g - - w e n o n e of us know what w e c a n d o till w e try, & I fear I h a v e b e e n to[o] negligent for long in this m a t t e r . " 2 7 In her s t u d i o u s n e s s , S u s a n s e e m s to h a v e b e e n a l o n e a m o n g her s i b l i n g s , but the di f ferences in their natures did not k e e p her f rom b e i n g f ierce ly a t tached to t h e m , e s p e c i a l l y to her s is ters J e s s i e a n d Isabel (Belle) . T h r o u g h o u t her life, s h e r e c o r d e d in her diary all the n e w s s h e r e c e i v e d of a n y of her brothers a n d sisters in the f requent letters that p a s s e d a m o n g t h e m . S h e worried about their heal th a n d the p a t h s t h e y w e r e taking in life. S h e revel led in the brief visits s h e h a d with t h e m a n d gr ieved over their misfor tunes , l o s s e s , a n d d e a t h s . In spite of the d i s t a n c e s that eventually s e p a r a t e d her f rom most of t h e m , s h e s e e m s to have b e e n p e r c e i v e d a s a sister to be 2 6 S A H , 13 April 1870. 2 7 S A H , 31 December 1871. d e p e n d e d o n for support a n d advice . O n the few o c c a s i o n s the two w e r e together dur ing the t imeframe of J e s s i e ' s diary , J e s s i e e a g e r l y w e l c o m e d the arrival of "dear S u e " as a c o m p a n i o n with w h o m s h e c o u l d "chatter" till two or three in the m o r n i n g . Both S u s a n a n d J e s s i e s o m e t i m e s contras ted their o w n s i tuat ion with t h o s e of their other s is ters , part icularly B e l l e . B e l l e h a d marr ied at nineteen, a m u c h y o u n g e r a g e than either S u s a n or J e s s i e . H e r h u s b a n d , Philip H a n k i n , S u p e r i n t e n d e n t of P o l i c e in V i c t o r i a w h e n they marr ied in 1865, s o o n after e m b a r k e d o n a d iplomat ic c a r e e r w h i c h took both of t h e m a r o u n d the world . H i s c o n n e c t i o n with the D u k e of B u c k i n g h a m w a s p r o b a b l y instrumental to his a p p o i n t m e n t a s C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y for British H o n d u r a s , a n d he a n d Bel le both w o r k e d o n gaining s o m e post ing for S u s a n ' s first f i a n c e A l g y Hill through the D u k e ' s influence . In 1869, Phil ip w a s s w o r n in a s C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y for British C o l u m b i a ; h o w e v e r , his a p p o i n t m e n t w a s controversial , a n d in the e n d it s e e m s h e only s e r v e d a s A d m i n i s t r a t i n g Off icer of the g o v e r n m e n t for the f o u r m o n t h s b e t w e e n G o v e r n o r Freder ick S e y m o u r ' s death a n d G o v e r n o r A n t h o n y M u s g r a v e ' s arrival in the c o l o n y . ( F a m i l y tradition h a s it that part of the object ion of "officials a s well a s . . . t o w n s - p e o p l e " m a y h a v e b e e n d u e to his familiarity to the p e o p l e of Vic tor ia , w h o c o u l d h a v e felt that s o m e o n e w h o h a d s e e m e d to rise f rom n o w h e r e a n d h a d marr ied into a s truggling local family did not fit their loftier a m b i t i o n s for the c o l o n y ' s status.) W h a t e v e r Vic tor ians m a y h a v e thought about her posi t ion in the h i e r a r c h y , c lear ly Bel le ' s situation w a s far r e m o v e d f r o m that of her s is ters . In the midst of her s e c o n d winter at Y a l e , a n d shortly before s h e a g r e e d to marry D a v i d H o l m e s , S u s a n r e c e i v e d w o r d of her s i s t e r a n d b r o t h e r - i n - l a w ' s latest m o v e m e n t s : Phil ip h a s a p p l i e d for another appt. a n d thinks he will get a Lieut. G o v . S h i p o n s o m e of the Islands B e l l a is visiting at the D u k e of B u c k i n g h a m s W h a t a contrast b e t w e e n us t w o - o n e a guest at a D u k e s the other teaching a (I might a lmost say) a r a g g e d s c h o o l , or next door to it, in a little out of the w a y part of the world I h o p e I a m not e n v i o u s , I h a v e the consolat ion of knowing I h a v e only d o n e m y d u t y . 2 8 In the long run, S u s a n probably e n v i e d Bel le neither her life, g l a m o u r o u s t h o u g h it m a y h a v e b e e n , nor her h u s b a n d . Philip r e m a i n e d c l o s e l y c o n n e c t e d to his wife's family e v e n after her d e a t h , a n d he a n d Bel le from time to time probably h e l p e d both the e l d e r N a g l e s a n d the H o l m e s ' financially, but he c o m e s t h r o u g h in both S u s a n ' s a n d J e s s i e ' s diaries as impetuous , o v e r b e a r i n g , a n d s o m e w h a t u n d e p e n d a b l e - s o m e o n e p e r h a p s both lovable a n d e x a s p e r a t i n g at the s a m e time. In fact, J e s s i e , S u s a n , a n d C a t h e r i n e N a g l e all e x p r e s s e d similar sent iments : Philip " m a k e s s o m a n y p r o m i s e s that he d o e s not fulfil that I cannot trust what he s a y s " ; he w h e e d l e s o thers into getting involved with his latest p l a n s only to a b a n d o n t h e m himself s i n c e "he is s o c h a n g a b l e that he m a y c h a n g e his m i n d [about the latest p l a c e he thinks of settling] by the next t ime w e h e a r f rom h i m . " 2 9 T h e r e are hints that S u s a n held him partly r e s p o n s i b l e for her sister's death in 1903, a s he h a d yet a g a i n p e r s i s t e d in d r a g g i n g her off with him w h e n "there is s o m e t h i n g 2 8 S A H , 30 January 1871. 2 9 J e s s i e Nagle, 6 July 1870; SAH, 25 April 1903; letter from Catherine Nagle to Susan Holmes, 15 December 1884, Holmes family papers. radically w r o n g with her, & her h u s b a n d can't s e e i t . " 3 0 N e v e r t h e l e s s , he c o n t i n u e d to be a part of the family, in m o r e or l e s s the s a m e capaci ty a s a brother; indeed , S u s a n s e e m e d to s e e a n d hear m o r e of him than s h e did of Harry, F r e d , or E d d i e . Family Surrogates C l e a r l y , h e r "family of origin" w a s a s influential in s h a p i n g S u s a n S u c k l e y ' s life c o u r s e a s w a s S u s a n N a g l e ' s . H o w e v e r , it c o u l d a l s o b e s a i d that the family of origin did not exist for her in the s a m e w a y that it did for the latter. H e r relat ionship with her father w a s indirect at best , a n d it s e e m s likely that s h e w a s r e m o v e d f rom her mother 's c a r e for large portions of her early life, at least . S h e w a s v i e w e d a s a n " o r p h a n " by those in m a i n s t r e a m s o c i e t y ( though it is u n c l e a r w h e t h e r or not her mother w a s still alive) , a n d it a p p e a r s that her father (and his uncle after him) c h o s e to p l a c e her in " s u r r o g a t e " f a m i l y s i tuat ions , first in W a s h i n g t o n Terr i tory a n d later at St . A n n ' s . Like the Nor 'Westers , G e o r g e S u c k l e y " c a m e from the . . . s o c i e t i e s of eas tern C a n a d a a n d the United Sta tes w h e r e , for a long time, the Indian h a d b e e n regarded in a n u n f a v o u r a b l e l i g h t . " 3 1 F u r t h e r m o r e , a s a naturalist a n d ethnologist he w o u l d a l m o s t certainly h a v e b e e n interested (and probably involved) in the racial d e b a t e s of the day , a n d as a military doctor (even t h o u g h his m a i n interest lay in his gathering of natural s p e c i m e n s ) he w o u l d h a v e b e e n a participant in the Indian wars which broke out in W a s h i n g t o n Terr i tory in the very y e a r of his daughter 's birth. All of t h e s e 3 0 S A H , 14 June 1903. 3 1 Van Kirk, "Many Tender Ties", p. 13. fac tors w o u l d h a v e h a d p r o f o u n d implicat ions for his attitude t o w a r d s S u s a n . G e o r g e S u c k l e y ' s letters written to his family in N e w Y o r k while he w a s o n the railroad expedit ion a n d then a n a r m y doc tor in W a s h i n g t o n Terri tory indicate that he w a s a n ambit ious y o u n g m a n . B o t h his stint in the a r m y a n d his scientific pursuits he s a w a s "s tepping s t o n e s " in m u c h the s a m e way he h a d u s e d other c o n n e c t i o n s a n d situations to get to where he w a s at that point. H e w a n t e d travel a n d a d v e n t u r e first a n d then to marry, c o n t i n u e with his s c i e n t i f i c interests , a n d p e r h a p s ult imately enter p u b l i c l i f e - h e c o n f i d e d to his aunt that he h a d "often h a d a d r e a m y misty sort of cas t le rear ing itself in the future & it very often w o u l d s e e m to ar i se in a political style of architecture," the U . S . S e n a t e b e i n g his n e i g h b o u r h o o d of c h o i c e . 3 2 Undoubtedly , a halfbreed d a u g h t e r w o u l d h a v e b e e n a liability for him in t h e s e e n d e a v o u r s . Still , he did not c o m p l e t e l y a b a n d o n S u s a n , a s m a n y of his c o n t e m p o r a r i e s did their Indian o f f s p r i n g . W h i l e S u s a n would s e e m to have b e e n in the care of her mother for at least s o m e s m a l l part of her first fifteen y e a r s , there is e v i d e n c e that G e o r g e S u c k l e y m a d e s o m e additional a r r a n g e m e n t s for the i n v o l v e m e n t of others in her upbringing . A letter he r e c e i v e d in 1858 f r o m a n u n k n o w n c o r r e s p o n d e n t in Fort S t e i l a c o o m c o n t a i n e d the fol lowing c o d e d m e s s a g e : I s a w your T e n a s s 3 3 a short time [ago]; s h e w a s well , a n d for her age , exceedingly robust. S h e h a s g r o w n a great deal a n d I think will weigh nearly 3 2 "Notes and Documents: Sidelights on the Stevens Railway Survey," p. 236. 3 3 Chinook for "little"; in this context, "little one." fifty l b s . S h e will be quite pretty, is v e r y intelligent - a n d they call her S u s a n . M a l y 3 4 g o e s to s e e her o c c a s i o n a l l y but the little o n e h a s a l m o s t forgotten her mother , w h o s e e m s to h a v e b e c o m e reconci led to leave her where s h e is. M a l y d o e s not s e e m d i s p o s e d to provide her with another T y h e r , 3 5 a n d s e e m s to prefer a life of intrigue. T h i s p a s s a g e certainly indicates that S u s a n h a d b e e n t a k e n f rom her m o t h e r at this point a n d p l a c e d in s o m e o n e e lse 's c a r e - p r o b a b l y the " M r s . D i g g s " m e n t i o n e d a few s e n t e n c e s l a t e r . 3 6 A b o u t ten y e a r s later, G e o r g e S u c k l e y r e c e i v e d a letter f rom N i s q u a l l y , written by E d w a r d H u g g i n s , w h o w a s a p p a r e n t l y taking care of the taxes o n S u c k l e y ' s m a n y properties in the a r e a 3 7 T o w a r d s the e n d of this letter, H u g g i n s m e n t i o n e d s p e a k i n g with a " M r . P r o s c h " regarding S u c k l e y ' s "affairs"; he then a d d e d , " T h e girl is, I be l ieve , d o i n g well , at least Mr . P r o s c h g ives a very g o o d a c c o u n t of her." H e r photograph h a d b e e n taken, a n d the "cartes" were to be f o r w a r d e d to S u c k l e y . H u g g i n s himself "saw little S u e s o m e few w e e k s a g o , in c o m p a n y with M r s . P r o s c h , at a public lecture in O l y m p i a , w h e n s h e l o o k e d well , a n d w a s respectably d r a p e d . " 3 8 S u s a n ' s halfbrothers were s u r n a m e d Pratt, s o it d o e s not s e e m likely 3 4 T h e Salishan form of "Mary." As mentioned earlier, this is not the name by which Susan knew her mother (Cecilia), but was a name commonly applied by whites to native women. The name given to her at birth was most likely neither Mary nor Cecilia. 3 5 Chinook for "father." The writer's subsequent comments indicate that Susan's mother had become one of many native women living around the fort, possibly engaged in prostitution-or at least resisting pressures to form another "marriage." 3 6 Let ter to George Suckley, 29 August 1858, ms. no. 21, the George Suckley Papers, Beinecke Rare Books and Manuscripts, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 3 7 T h i s was most likely the Edward Huggins who was married to one of John Work's daughters. See N. de Bertrand Lugrin, The Pioneer Women of Vancouver Island 1843-1866 (Victoria: The Women's Canadian Club of Victoria, Vancouver Island, 1928), p. 63. 3 8 Let ter from Edward Huggins to George Suckley, 27 February 1868, the George Suckley Papers, Huntington Library, San Marino, California. that M r . P r o s c h w a s her stepfather. W h e t h e r s h e h a d b e e n sent to live with the P r o s c h ' s n o w or they were merely a s k e d to take c h a r g e of cer tain a s p e c t s of her life cannot be a s c e r t a i n e d , but both of t h e s e letters m a k e it plain that s h e w a s on m o r e than o n e o c c a s i o n s e p a r a t e d at least to s o m e extent from her mother 's family a s well a s f rom her father. C e c i l i a herself m a y h a v e b e e n d e a d by this t ime, of c o u r s e , but her parents w e r e definitely still a l ive . It w o u l d not be difficult to envis ion S u s a n a s e n g a g e d in a " s e a r c h " for her father throughout m u c h of her youth . S h e p r o b a b l y did not r e m e m b e r him at all in a physical s e n s e , a n d a n y m e m e n t o s of him in her p o s s e s s i o n s e e m to h a v e b e e n limited to o n e p h o t o g r a p h t a k e n during his a r m y d a y s . 3 9 T h e e v i d e n c e avai lable s u g g e s t s that he did not write directly to her, a policy his u n c l e c o n t i n u e d w h e n he apparent ly took over responsibil i ty for her s i tuat ion. Like m a n y fur trade fathers, G e o r g e did not l e a v e a n y publ ic record of his m i x e d - b l o o d child (none of the p u b l i s h e d a c c o u n t s of his life a n d work offers the slightest c l u e that s h e e v e n exis ted) , a n d it is m o s t likely that not e v e n his family , with the p o s s i b l e e x c e p t i o n of his uncle R u t s e n , w a s informed about her. R u t s e n certainly knew of her at the time of G e o r g e ' s d e a t h in 1869, a n d m a y h a v e b e e n a n earlier confidant. A l t h o u g h he w a s p r e p a r e d to fulfil a material duty towards his g r a n d - n i e c e , it a p p e a r s he h a d no d e s i r e for a n y other relat ionship with her, preferr ing to c h a n n e l all contact t h r o u g h M r . G . Ti l lotson, a lawyer in N e w Y o r k . S u s a n o b v i o u s l y a t tempted to initiate a direct c o r r e s p o n d e n c e with R u t s e n a n d e v e n b r o a c h e d the possibility of visiting h i m . 3 9 F l o o d family papers. R u t s e n did not reply himself ; instead, S u s a n r e c e i v e d a letter f r o m T i l l o t s o n , w h o informed her that he h a d b e e n instructed to a n s w e r her letter to her great -uncle . R u t s e n w a s m u c h p l e a s e d to hear of the progress y o u h a v e m a d e in your s tudies a n d of your general i m p r o v e m e n t , a n d thinks it best that y o u s h o u l d remain u n d e r the kind c a r e of the Sis ters of St. A n n a while longer . H e d e s i r e s m e h o w e v e r to s a y that he is not in a condi t ion to receive y o u in N e w Y o r k - - i n d e e d he r e m a i n s in the country during the greater part of the year . But he is s o si tuated that it is i m p o s s i b l e for him to receive y o u . 4 0 O n e y e a r later, Ti l lo tson a g a i n wrote (apparently in r e s p o n s e to a n o t h e r letter f rom S u s a n ) to inform her of R u t s e n ' s d e a t h . Jus t prior to this event , R u t s e n h a d sent $500 .00 to T i l l o t s o n "to be f o r w a r d e d to Dr . T o l m i e for [Susan's] benefit" ; this w o u l d s e e m to h a v e b e e n in lieu of a n y recognition in her great -uncle ' s w i l l . 4 1 Certa inly , R u t s e n m a y h a v e b e e n too ill to d e a l with his c o r r e s p o n d e n c e , but the fact that he d e l e g a t e d the job to a lawyer rather t h a n to another family m e m b e r s u g g e s t s either that he w a s the only o n e w h o knew about S u s a n or that no o n e in the family w i s h e d to e n c o u r a g e her in her quest for contact . T h a t s h e h a d no p r e v i o u s k n o w l e d g e of what relatives s h e h a d is i n d i c a t e d by T i l l o t s o n ' s e n u m e r a t i o n , evidently in a n s w e r to S u s a n ' s q u e r y , of t h o s e left b e h i n d by R u t s e n S u c k l e y - - a brother, a sister , four g r a n d - n i e c e s (not including S u s a n ) , a n d a n e p h e w ; that is, G e o r g e S u c k l e y ' s uncle , aunt, n i e c e s , a n d brother. A w a r e of her ex is tence or not, no 4 0 Letter from G. Tillotson to S. Suckley, 31 March 1874, Flood family papers. 4 1 Letters from G. Tillotson to S. Suckley, 20 August 1875 and 10 April 1877, Flood family papers. o n e in the family m a d e a n y attempt to contact her: either way , it w o u l d s e e m s h e h e l d the status of the "family secret . " E v e n t u a l l y , s h e must h a v e g i v e n up her quest , a n d it is difficult to d e t e r m i n e h o w m u c h s h e e v e r actually knew about her father's life a n d a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s . S h e w a s in effect d e n i e d that part of her h e r i t a g e . A s S u s a n ' s g r e a t - g r a n d d a u g h t e r a n d G e o r g e ' s great -great - g r a n d d a u g h t e r , I h a v e h a d a n interesting mix of react ions to m y o w n u n c o v e r i n g of G e o r g e S u c k l e y ' s life. M y grandfather , C h a r l e s F l o o d , h a d e x p e n d e d a g o o d deal of energy in trying to learn m o r e about his g r a n d f a t h e r , with little m o r e to s h o w for it than G e o r g e ' s military record . W h e n m y own s e a r c h (aided by a m u c h greater r e s o u r c e base ) r e v e a l e d a s n o w b a l l i n g a m o u n t of material , my i m m e d i a t e react ion w a s w o n d e r a n d elat ion. T h e r e were entire col lect ions of G e o r g e S u c k l e y ' s p a p e r s at the S m i t h s o n i a n Institution, the B i e n e c k e Library at Y a l e University , a n d the Huntington Library in S a n M a r i n o , C a l i f o r n i a ; he w a s m e n t i o n e d in b o o k s a n d articles; he w a s the subject of other articles. But then I thought again of S u s a n a n d C h a r l e s a n d their fruitless s e a r c h e s , a n d I f o u n d that this p le thora of information a n n o y e d m e rather m o r e than anything e l s e . If it m e a n t s o m u c h to me , how m u c h more might it h a v e meant to t h e m ? H o w m u c h w a s their ignorance deliberately i m p o s e d o n t h e m by a family that did not want to o w n them, a n d thus r o b b e d t h e m of their l e g a c y ? F o r e x a m p l e , the materials in the Huntington col lec t ion were d o n a t e d by M . F . S a v a g e in 1923; permiss ion must b e r e q u e s t e d to r e p r o d u c e or cite a n y of the materials. M . F . S a v a g e w a s likely a relative of S u s a n ' s - o n e definitely not a s c l o s e l y related to her father a s s h e w a s , yet with the p o w e r to control p o s s e s s i o n s of his that s h e c o u l d n e v e r s e e . S u c h a situation s a y s a great d e a l about race relat ions in nineteenth-century (and o n into the present ) Nor th A m e r i c a . H o w m u c h her s e a r c h for her father w a s a c c o m p a n i e d by a " d e n i a l " of her mother is another q u e s t i o n . Juliet P o l l a r d n o t e s the potent ia l ly n e g a t i v e i m p l i c a t i o n s for m i x e d - b l o o d c h i l d r e n ' s se l f - i m a g e s of the prevai l ing attitudes towards race to w h i c h their dai ly lives e x p o s e d t h e m . T h e upbringing of m a n y of t h e s e chi ldren w a s s t rongly i n f l u e n c e d by their fathers ' a t tempts to e r a d i c a t e the effects of their mothers ' cultures a n d heritage a n d the t e n d e n c y to b l a m e that heri tage for a n y p e r c e i v e d s h o r t c o m i n g s in their c h i l d r e n . 4 2 T h e current scientif ic bel iefs with r e g a r d s to different racial c a p a b i l i t i e s w e r e likely d i s s e m i n a t e d in the s c h o o l s (they w e r e d i s c u s s e d in textbooks of the time), a n d this must a l s o h a v e c a u s e d s o m e inner conflict for s u c h chi ldren , for "in effect , t h e y w e r e b e i n g taught that they were s u p e r i o r to their Indian m o t h e r s , but inferior to their white f a t h e r s . " 4 3 W h i l e the potential for l o n g - term i m p a c t of t h e s e attitudes o n the chi ldren 's s e l f - e s t e e m m a y s e e m evident , the situation must a l s o h a v e c r e a t e d contradic tory f e e l i n g s about the native mothers . H o w often w a s love m i x e d with a del ibera te d i s t a n c i n g from the mother, a s the only m e a n s of b e i n g dutiful to the father 's v is ion of what his chi ldren s h o u l d b e ? A l t h o u g h h e himself w a s not present to inculcate white v a l u e s a n d "respectabili ty ," G e o r g e S u c k l e y did what he c o u l d to e n s u r e that 4 2 Pol lard, "The Making of the Metis in the Pacific North West Fur Trade Children," pp. 398-400. 4 3 i b i d . , p. 392. S u s a n b e c a m e a s "proper" a y o u n g lady a s s h e could . H e did this t h r o u g h a p p o i n t i n g for her a string of white c a r e t a k e r s - M r s . D i g g s , M r . a n d M r s . P r o s c h , Dr. T o l m i e , Ti l lo tson, a n d finally the S i s t e r s of St . A n n - w h o s e inf luence c o u l d s e r v e to counteract or e v e n to r e p l a c e c o m p l e t e l y that of her mother . If her m o t h e r w a s still a l ive at the time s h e went to Victoria , then S u s a n would s e e m to h a v e b e e n finally r e m o v e d not only from her care , but a l s o f rom her s p h e r e of inf luence . T h e elision of C e c i l i a in S u s a n ' s b a p t i s m a l r e c o r d s w o u l d s e e m to c o r r e s p o n d with her e l is ion in S u s a n ' s life. If S u s a n did to s o m e extent "deny" her mother, a n d I think that s h e d i d , s h e a l s o (though p e r h a p s not at this early time) res is ted the p r e s s u r e s to d o s o . Certainly , s h e strived to fulfil the i m a g e of the white l a d y - t h e p r o p e r d r e s s , the e d u c a t i o n a l efforts, the o b s e r v a n c e of a C h r i s t i a n religion. H o w e v e r , at least later in life ( p e r h a p s w h e n s h e w a s m o r e secure) , s h e a c k n o w l e d g e d her Indian s i d e in m a n y w a y s . Indeed, s h e n e v e r tried to hide her b a c k g r o u n d (and p e r h a p s c o u l d not have d o n e so , in any case) a n d p a s s e d on what s h e k n e w of it to her chi ldren. S h e o b v i o u s l y instilled a pride in that s i d e of his heri tage in her s o n C h a r l e s , w h o identified himself in p h o t o g r a p h s a s the g r a n d s o n of C e c i l i a a n d g r e a t - g r a n d s o n of C u o - d i s - k i d a n d M a r t h a S k a g i t . 4 4 R e m i n i s c e n c e s of y o u n g e r settlers in the H o p e a r e a i n c l u d e d the recollection of her telling s tor ies of "Indian life" in the Puget S o u n d a r e a 4 5 S h e a lso mainta ined a c o n n e c t i o n with her halfbrothers a n d their f a m i l i e s , visi t ing a n d c o r r e s p o n d i n g with t h e m until the time of her d e a t h . H a d s h e not 4 4 F l o o d family papers. 4 5 Morley Gillander, "The Skagit Saga," Flood family papers. felt some pride in that side of her identity, it is doubtful that any of her story would have come down to the level of her great- grandchildren. At most, her "Indian blood" may have been something whispered, with the admonition not to let anyone know. Nevertheless, at the time Susan Suckley was enrolled at St. Ann's, it is plain that the Sisters and other students came to function in many ways as a surrogate family for her. As such, they probably helped to assuage both any ambivalence or anxiety she felt due to separation from her birth family and the longing she evinced for some connection to her father through his family. The convent school was structured in such a way as to emphasize a family setting. Boarders lived in close contact with the nuns, who until the 1880s were called "by their name in religion prefixed by 'Aunt. '" 4 6 The older boarders would help out with the younger girls, taking on the role of elder sister; for example, in August 1875 Susan noted that she had "charge of the little boarders, they are 12 in number." 4 7 Accompanied by the lay assistant Mary Mainville and/or one or two of the Sisters, they would go on picnic outings to Beacon Hill, spend evenings in the music room where "Aunt Lucy" would play the piano and sing duets with another Sister, and prevail upon Miss Mainville, Sister Mary Patrick, or Sister Mary Romuald to exercise their storytelling abilities. Years later, Susan recalled: "They could hold us spellbound at a whole week's recreation period, with one story 4 6 D o w n , A Century of Service, p. 91. 4 7 S u s a n Suckley's "Pacific Diary," Flood family papers. a l o n e - - t h e longer , the better; the greater the s u s p e n s e , the greater the f a s c i n a t i o n . " 4 8 T h e m e m o r i e s S u s a n held of her years at St . A n n ' s w e r e clearly f o n d o n e s , a n d f o c u s e d more o n her relations with the other p e o p l e there than o n her s c h o o l i n g as s u c h . T h e f r iendships s h e d e v e l o p e d with m a n y of the other girls were very c l o s e , a s at tested to by the c o r r e s p o n d e n c e , p h o t o g r a p h s , a n d other k e e p s a k e s that s h e o b v i o u s l y t r e a s u r e d for y e a r s . M a n y of t h e s e artifacts reflect the s a m e kind of i n t e n s e relat ionship d e s c r i b e d by S m i t h - R o s e n b e r g . 4 9 A n d a l t h o u g h it is doubtful s h e w a s e v e r able to visit V i c t o r i a a g a i n after writing her s e c o n d teachers ' e x a m i n a t i o n in 1881, s h e d i d try to r e m a i n in t o u c h with the Sis ters there. N o doubt her letters to t h e m e c h o e d the s a m e kind of affection they e x p r e s s e d to her, a s w h e n S i s t e r M a r y F l o r e n c e told her that every time s h e p l a y e d the p i e c e s of m u s i c S u s a n h a d sent to her, "I think of y o u a n d w o n d e r h o w y o u are" a n d then continued, "I n e e d not say , d e a r S u s a n , that I w a s truly rejoiced to hear of your marriage , for y o u k n o w that a n y a d v a n t a g e or g o o d fortune that h a p p e n s to y o u , c a n n o t fail to interest us a n d give us p l e a s u r e . " T h a t the S is te rs a n d their f o r m e r c h a r g e s felt a n abiding connect ion s e e m s plain: e v e n a s late a s 1919, forty y e a r s after S u s a n ' s departure from the s c h o o l , S i s t e r M a r y T h e o d o r e wrote to her: "I think if y o u paid the c o n v e n t a visit we w o u l d be s o glad to s e e y o u , we would hardly let y o u w a l k . " 5 0 F o r her part, S u s a n , like m a n y other former s tudents , w a s m o r e t h a n 4 8 A Chaplet of Years - 1858-1918 (Victoria, The Sisters of St. Ann, 1918). 4 9Smith-Rosenberg, "Love and Ritual." 5 0Letters to Susan Flood from Sister Mary Florence, 8 May 1882 and from Sister Mary Theodore, 14 May 1919, Flood family papers. willing to f u r n i s h mater ia ls for the s o u v e n i r b o o k c o m m e m o r a t i n g the sixtieth a n n i v e r s a r y of the S i s t e r s ' arrival in V i c t o r i a . 5 1 L i k e other e d u c a t i o n a l institutions in Brit ish C o l u m b i a , St . A n n ' s A c a d e m y w a s f o u n d e d a n d d e v e l o p e d in r e s p o n s e to the p e r c e i v e d n e e d s of chi ldren (of both white settlers a n d natives) for s c h o o l i n g a s "preparat ion to maintain exist ing p l a c e within the s o c i a l order , a n d inculcat ion of d e n o m i n a t i o n a l rel igious b e l i e f s . " 5 2 T h e first s c h o o l s o n V a n c o u v e r Island were " f e e - b a s e d d e n o m i n a t i o n a l s t ructures , " the n e e d for w h i c h i n c r e a s e d d r a m a t i c a l l y with Vic tor ia ' s b u r g e o n i n g p o p u l a t i o n at the t ime of the G o l d R u s h in 1858. It w a s at this time that the C a t h o l i c B i s h o p M o d e s t e D e m e r s p e r s u a d e d four Sis ters of St . A n n to c o m e west f rom Q u e b e c in order to o p e n a s c h o o l for girls. T h e i r s tudent p o p u l a t i o n grew rapidly, a n d within a y e a r the original L o g C a b i n S c h o o l w a s o v e r c r o w d e d . In 1860, a new convent o n V i e w Street with facili t ies for b o a r d e r s w a s o p e n e d ; the L o g C a b i n still o p e r a t e d a s a free s c h o o l until 1863. T e n years later, e x p a n s i o n w a s a g a i n n e c e s s a r y , a n d the 1871 laying of the c o r n e r s t o n e for the H u m b o l d t Street c o n v e n t , w h i c h w o u l d operate a s St . A n n ' s A c a d e m y until 1974, s a w "the gather ing of state a n d c h u r c h officials t o g e t h e r with a large n u m b e r of Vic tor ia ' s c i t i z e n s . " 5 3 H a v i n g arr ived in V i c t o r i a the p r e v i o u s year , S u s a n S u c k l e y would h a v e b e e n present at this 5 1 This was A Chaplet of Years. Susan had apparently sent the material in 1908, presumably for the fiftieth anniversary, but the booklet did not materialize until the sixtieth anniversary in 1918. 5 2 J e a n Barman, "Transfer, Imposition or Consensus? The Emergence of Educational Structures in Nineteenth-Century British Columbia," in Schools in the West: Essays in Canadian Educational History, eds. Nancy M. Sheehan, J . Donald Wilson, and David C. Jones (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises Limited, 1986), p. 242. 5 3 D o w n , A Century of Service, p. 68. c e r e m o n y , o n e of s e v e r a l important e v e n t s in the 1870s that c r e a t e d exci t ing d i v e r s i o n s in the daily lives of s t u d e n t s . 5 4 In t e r m s of the e d u c a t i o n r e c e i v e d within the s c h o o l , a s a C a t h o l i c institution St . A n n ' s w o u l d h a v e s i tuated its ins t ruct ional e n d e a v o u r s within the f ramework of C a t h o l i c p h i l o s o p h y : " s i n c e e d u c a t i o n c o n s i s t s essent ia l ly in prepar ing m a n for what he m u s t b e a n d for what he must do , here below, in order to attain the s u b l i m e e n d , for w h i c h he w a s created, it is c lear that there c a n b e no true e d u c a t i o n w h i c h is not wholly directed to m a n ' s last e n d . " 5 5 H o w e v e r , the s c h o o l insis ted that "difference of rel igion" w a s no " o b s t a c l e to a d m i s s i o n , " a n d m a n y n o n - C a t h o l i c s did i n d e e d a t tend. F r o m the b e g i n n i n g , the curriculum w a s d e s c r i b e d a s m o r e or l e s s the s a m e a s that in other s c h o o l s of the time a n d , in fact, b a s e d o n the O n t a r i o E d u c a t i o n a l S y s t e m . 5 6 T h i s would also h a v e b e e n c o n s i s t e n t with the c u r r i c u l u m a n d tex tbooks i n t r o d u c e d after the B . C . P u b l i c S c h o o l Act of 1872 by the n e w (and Ontario- t rained) S u p e r i n t e n d e n t of E d u c a t i o n , J o h n J e s s o p . T h e s e c o n d p r o s p e c t u s for St . A n n ' s (in effect f rom about 1872 to 1890) l isted the fol lowing c o u r s e s c o m p r i s i n g the s c h o o l ' s " sys tem of e d u c a t i o n " : 5 4 Susan 's response to this particular event is unknown, but she did mention attending the opening of St. Joseph's Hospital in 1876. On this occasion, she was most impressed by Dr. Helmcken's "patronizing speech on the Charatable zele [sic] of the Sisters of St. Ann in undertaking such a difficult important and such a truly charitable task upon themselves . . . [He] closed his speech with these words 'O death! where is thy Sting. O grave where is thy victory.'" Susan Suckley's "Pacific Diary," Flood family papers. 5 5 P o p e Pius XI, Christian Education--A Papal Encyclical on Education (New York: McGrath Publishing Company, 1903-1933), p. 206, quoted in Edith E. Down, S. S. A., "An Overview of Catholic Education in the Diocese of Victoria, B. C. 1847- 1960," paper given at the St. Andrew's Cathedral Centennial Conference, Victoria, B. C , November 13, 1992, p. 5. While this is taken from a 1929 encyclical, it was doubtless the same attitude towards education that prevailed in the 1870s. 5 6 D o w n , A Century of Service, p. 113. "Orthography, Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, Grammar, Geography, and the use of the Globes, History, Botany, Natural Philosophy, Composition, French, Music, Drawing, Painting, Plain and Fancy Needlework in all its variety." Some of these courses, such as music, drawing, and painting, were not part of the regular curriculum, and students who took them were assessed additional f e e s . 5 7 The implementation of this curriculum is indicated by one of Susan's notebooks, and part of another, that have survived. 5 8 They are full of her answers to questions on, for example, Roman history, geography (complete with longitudinal and latitudinal readings for locations around the world), the causes of tides and avalanches, and the "characteristics" of the Chinese. Her tiny, flourishing handwriting is evidence of the Sisters' emphasis on penmanship. A reliance on memorizing passages deemed to be "classic" as a means of learning "refined correct language" is also apparent. 5 9 In 1874, Susan began taking drawing lessons. In this area, she clearly had some talent, as a number of her drawings and watercolour paintings that still exist can attest. Her artistic nature was also expressed through the fancy needlework in which she "excelled"--an embroidered table cover still in her granddaughter's possession was awarded a prize at the "Annual Exposition of the King County Industrial Association" at Seattle in the fall of 1880. On the other hand, her scholastic abilities were probably not spectacular, as 5 7 S e c o n d Prospectus, St. Ann's School for Young Ladies, Humboldt Street, Victoria. Archives of the Sisters of St. Ann, doc. #35-1-7.2. 5 8 F l o o d family papers. 5 9 D o w n , A Century of Service, p. 48. shown by her marks on the teachers' examinations,60 though it is interesting to note that her highest scores were achieved in composition and reading, areas that held an "honoured place in the St. Ann's curriculum."61 The Sisters of St. Ann took pride in the lack of distinctions they made among students on the basis of race or class, and in the early days there certainly was parity to a large extent. However, distinctions did start to creep in when a division was made between the "Select School" and the free school, though what was taught at both may have remained quite similar. By the mid-1870s, native and halfbreed girls were moved to Cowichan, though differences in their educational treatment were probably relatively minimal until later in the century, when the demands of white society caused a complete separation and growing inequality (both in quantity and in quality) in both Catholic and Protestant schools. 6 2 Even so, the Sisters' consciousness of their "civilizing mission," which allotted to them "the trying task of preparing the minds of Indian and half- breed children for the rudiments of learning"6 3 (which would also include domestic training), must have had some effect on their instruction of these children. No matter how indulgent or affectionate they felt towards them, the Sisters would remember that "in those days, the half-breed children were not even a generation removed from savagery." 6 4 And it is hard to imagine that 6 0 Register of Teachers' Certificates, 1880 and 1881. 6 1 Down, A Century of Service, p. 48. 6 2 S e e Jean Barman, "Separate and Unequal: Indian and White Girls at All Hallows School, 1884-1920," in Rethinking Canada, eds. Strong-Boag and Fellman. 6 3 D o w n , A Century of Service, p. 39. 6 4 i b i d . , p. 89. o n e of t h e s e s tudents , trying to c o n f o r m to the ideals of h e r "white" e d u c a t i o n yet a w a r e of her d is tance from it in her racial heri tage , c o u l d c o p y e v e n s u c h a relatively i n n o c u o u s s tatement a s " T h e E n g l i s h a d v e n t u r e r s , instead of e n d e a v o u r i n g to cultivate the rude m a n n e r s of the natives . . . suffered t h e m to remain ignorant, a n d finally fall b a c k into their ancient m o d e of l i f e " 6 5 without s o m e c o n f u s i o n in h e r o w n s e l f - e v a l u a t i o n . Family Influence on Marriage Statist ical s tudies h a v e indicated that m a r r i a g e in C a n a d a in the n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y genera l ly c o n f o r m e d to the " W e s t e r n E u r o p e a n m a r r i a g e pattern"; that is, a g e at first m a r r i a g e w a s relatively late, a n d the n u m b e r n e v e r marrying w a s relatively h i g h . H o w e v e r , in British C o l u m b i a , the a v e r a g e a g e at m a r r i a g e for w o m e n w a s c o n s i d e r a b l y lower than in most other parts of the country : 20 y e a r s in 1881 c o m p a r e d with 26 .9 in P r i n c e E d w a r d Island or 25 .3 in Ontar io a n d 22.3 years in 1891 c o m p a r e d with 27 .9 a n d 26 .6 for the other two p r o v i n c e s , r e s p e c t i v e l y . 6 6 T h i s t e n d e n c y is g e n e r a l l y attributed to the high (white) m a l e to f e m a l e ratio in B . C . w h i c h , a l o n g with the colonial construct ion of white w o m e n a s a g e n t s of c ivi l izat ion o n the frontier, p r o b a b l y resul ted in "substant ia l p r e s s u r e " for t h e s e w o m e n to marry, a n d to marry y o u n g . 6 7 T h e r e were regional variations within the p r o v i n c e , a s well a s d i f f e r e n c e s a c c o r d i n g to race a n d religion. F o r e x a m p l e , J o h n B e l s h a w notes that w o m e n in the K a m l o o p s a r e a t e n d e d to marry 6 5 S u s a n Suckley's school notebook, Flood family papers. 6 6 El len M. Thomas Gee, "Marriage in Nineteenth-Century Canada," Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 19, no. 3 (1982): 320. 6 7 Perry , '"Oh I'm Just Sick of the Faces of Men,'" pp. 37-40. later than their counterparts in N a n a i m o (a t e n d e n c y he f e e l s w a s largely related to "variations in the m a r k e t p l a c e " a n d p e r h a p s the c a r r y o v e r in N a n a i m o of E n g l i s h c o a l - m i n i n g c o m m u n i t y tradit ions) . A s wel l , in K a m l o o p s , A n g l i c a n w o m e n genera l ly m a r r i e d later t h a n M e t h o d i s t s ( though still at a n a v e r a g e of 22 .09 y e a r s f rom 1885 to 1888), a n d native w o m e n earlier than white w o m e n , at a r o u n d 17.33 a n d 21 .5 y e a r s , r e s p e c t i v e l y . 6 8 T h e s e f i g u r e s s u g g e s t a variety of f a c t o r s - s o c i e t a l , famil ia l a n d i n d i v i d u a l - u n d e r l y i n g m a r r i a g e for the n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y w o m a n . W h e t h e r they would marry at all , w h e n they w o u l d marry , a n d w h o they w o u l d marry were all ques t ions in which m o r e p e o p l e t h a n the w o m e n t h e m s e l v e s a n d their eventual partners h a d a n interest . In his s t u d y of marr iage in nineteenth-century (eastern) E n g l i s h C a n a d a , Peter W a r d points out that "long after the y o u n g h a d a s s u m e d the lead in m a k i n g their marriage a r r a n g e m e n t s , b a s i n g their c h o i c e of partners o n sent iment m o r e than p r u d e n c e , s o c i e t y p r e s e r v e d great inf luence over the p r o c e s s of taking a s p o u s e . " 6 9 T h i s w a s a c h i e v e d through a n e x u s of religious, legal , a n d c o m m u n i t y c o n s t r a i n t s . A c c o r d i n g to the t e n d e n c i e s in their part icular s o c i a l m i l i e u , S u s a n a n d J e s s i e N a g l e (at thirty-one a n d twenty-seven) a n d S u s a n S u c k l e y (at a l m o s t twenty-seven) all marr ied at a g e s c o n s i d e r a b l y o lder t h a n the n o r m . T h e paths they took to arrive at that point are s u g g e s t i v e of "the s y s t e m of individual c h o i c e of partner u n d e r 6 8 Belshaw, "Cradle to Grave," pp. 51-53. The latter figures are based on extrapolations from data on first births, rather than specific marriage statistics. 6 9 Peter Ward, Courtship. Love, and Marriage in Nineteenth-Century English Canada (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1990), p. 169. c a r e f u l m o n i t o r i n g " d e s c r i b e d by Davidoff a n d H a l l , 7 0 particularly in the c a s e s of S u s a n a n d J e s s i e N a g l e . T h e y were strongly i n f l u e n c e d in their c h o i c e s by their parents , though there w a s n e v e r a n y overt c o e r c i o n . In turn, their parents ' w i s h e s w e r e both c o n d i t i o n e d a n d c o n s t r a i n e d by their posi t ion within the c o l o n i a l s o c i e t y . W h i l e S u s a n a n d J e s s i e ' s sister Isabel fit the prevai l ing n o r m by virtue of m a r r y i n g at n ineteen , the two older s is ters both took a lengthier a n d m o r e circuitous route before finally w e d d i n g . T h i s s i tuat ion w a s likely the result of a c o n f l u e n c e of fac tors , w h i c h together u n d e r m i n e d the s i m p l e equat ion of a high m a l e to f e m a l e ratio with the p r o b a b l e early marriage of white w o m e n . T h e N a g l e s w e r e relatively high in s o c i a l status, a n d their respectabi l i ty w o u l d d e m a n d that a n y s e r i o u s suitors would h a v e to be of a certain c l a s s a n d e q u a l l y r e s p e c t a b l e . It would not be c o n s i d e r e d sui table for the N a g l e d a u g h t e r s to marry a n y of the miners for w h o m the C h u r c h of E n g l a n d s o u g h t wives a n d a stable family life. O n the other h a n d , the N a g l e s w e r e general ly in poor e c o n o m i c c i r c u m s t a n c e s . T h i s did not s t a n d t h e m in g o o d s tead with the limited pool of y o u n g m e n w h o w o u l d h a v e b e e n suitable for them, espec ia l ly g i v e n that s u c h m e n w e r e m o r e often t h a n not s c r a b b l i n g with their "letters of introduction" to m a k e contacts a n d gain what posts they c o u l d . T h e m a r r i a g e of two p e o p l e in "genteel poverty" w o u l d not b e c o n s i d e r e d v e r y fortuitous. R e g a r d l e s s of their abilities a n d c h a r a c t e r s , a n d e v e n r e g a r d l e s s of J e s s i e ' s reputation a s o n e of "the bel les of the 7 0Davidoff and Hall, Family Fortunes, p. 323. F r a s e r R i v e r , " 7 1 the N a g l e s i s t e r s w e r e not p o s i t i o n e d to m a r r y e a s i l y . S h o r t l y a f ter h e r twenty- f i f th b i r thday , S u s a n w r o t e in h e r d ia ry : "I s u p p o s e p e o p l e wil l s o o n beg in to ca l l m e a n o l d m a i d . D e a r m e . H o w d r e a d f u l ! ! ! I a m af ra id that I sha l l n e v e r get o v e r it, but p e r h a p s , i n d e e d mos t l ike ly , d ie of the c o m p l a i n t . " 7 2 H e r t o n g u e - i n - c h e e k r e m a r k no tw i t hs tand ing , s h e a p p a r e n t l y felt s o m e c o n c e r n that s h e w a s l e s s he lp fu l to he r fami ly in he r s i n g l e s t a t us t h a n s h e might b e if m a r r i e d . In par t icu lar , s h e w a n t e d to b e a b l e to he lp he r mo the r , a s " P o o r M a m a n e e d s a regu lar c h a n g e . I n e v e r w i s h e d be fo re s o m u c h that I h a d a h o m e of my o w n that I might be a b l e to h a v e M a m a wi th m e for a per fec t rest ." H e r next w o r d s s u g g e s t that s h e h a d tu rned d o w n a p r o p o s a l in the past : "I be l i eve I h a v e b e e n ve ry f o o l i s h w h e n I h a d eve ry th ing that I c o u l d w i s h in a c o m f o r t a b l e h o m e o f fe red to m e a n d not take it. It's s t r a n g e h o w o n e ' s i d e a s c h a n g e b e t w e e n 2 0 a n d 2 5 , at wh i ch d ign i f ied a g e I h a v e n o w a r r i v e d . " 7 3 S u s a n a n d A l g e r n o n (Algy) Hil l s e e m to h a v e b e c o m e e n g a g e d s o m e t i m e la te in 1 8 6 7 , t h o u g h w h e t h e r th is o c c u r r e d b e f o r e o r a f ter he left V i c t o r i a to s e e k a pos t i ng in the C o l o n i a l S e r v i c e is u n c l e a r . T h e r e is a g a p in her d ia r ies b e t w e e n 1865 a n d D e c e m b e r 1 8 6 7 , a n d A l g y h a d a l r e a d y d e p a r t e d by the t ime of h i s f irst m e n t i o n o n D e c e m b e r 9 th . H o w e v e r s t rong he r f ee l i ngs for h im m a y h a v e b e e n , it is p la in that s h e h o p e d that the i r e v e n t u a l m a r r i a g e w o u l d h e l p to 7 1 Ormsby, ed., A Pioneer Gentlewoman in British Columbia, p. 7. 7 2 S A H , 9 May 1865. 7 3 i b i d . e a s e s o m e of the e c o n o m i c bu rden her pa ren ts su f f e red . A l t h o u g h A l g y d id r e c e i v e (p robab ly la rge ly d u e to the i n f l uence of Ph i l i p a n d B e l l e ) a m i n o r pos t i ng in B e l i z e , by m i d - 1 8 6 8 a n e x p e c t e d s a l a r y i n c r e a s e to 2 0 0 p o u n d s pe r a n n u m h a d not c o m e t h r o u g h , 7 4 w h i c h m e a n t that h is an t i c i pa ted s e n d i n g for S u s a n w o u l d c o n t i n u e to b e d e l a y e d indef in i te ly . O n e y e a r later , s h e w a s st i l l wa i t i ng a n d b e g a n to d e s p a i r of th is even t e v e r h a p p e n i n g . E v e n if s h e w a s to mar r y A l g e r n o n n o w s h e f e a r e d that "on the s m a l l p i t t ence [sic] h e is l i ke ly to get . . . I c o u l d do but little t o w a r d s he lp ing a n y o n e e l s e . " 7 5 B y th is t ime, S u s a n h a d a l r eady b e g u n to h a v e s o m e d o u b t s a b o u t he r e n g a g e m e n t . A f ew d a y s ear l ie r s h e h a d wr i t ten: s o m e t i m e s I a l m o s t regret h a v i n g e n t e r e d into th is e n g a g e m e n t not on ly o n my o w n a c c o u n t , but o n h is , I d a r e s a y it is a great d rag o n h im , f e e l i n g b o u n d to a n d yet wi thout a n y p r o s p e c t of m a r r y i n g , a n d af ter al l p e r h a p s the bes t th ing I c a n d o is to tel l h im s o , a d d i n g c ryp t i ca l l y , " there is p e r h a p s a n o t h e r r e a s o n w h i c h i n f l u e n c e s m e a l i t t le, but I wi l l not wr i te it e v e n h e r e , t i m e wi l l t e l l . " 7 6 N o c l u e s a s to what th is " r e a s o n " might h a v e b e e n a r e ev iden t in s u b s e q u e n t en t r ies . In Ju l y of the s a m e y e a r s h e b e g a n t e a c h i n g at Y a l e , st i l l w i s h i n g that " s o m e t h i n g c o u l d b e s e t t l e d . " W h e n s h e h e a r d that J e s s i e ' s e n g a g e m e n t w a s l ike ly to b e b r o k e n off, s h e c o m m e n t e d that " s h e h a s b e e n ve ry unfor tunate in he r l ove 7 4 S A H , 26 May 1868. 7 5 S A H , 7 April 1869. Algy's fate seemed to be tied to Philip Hankin's at this time. Philip was in Victoria, but it looked as though he might soon leave. If he had stayed, Algy might also have ended up at a post there. 7 6 S A H , 2 April 1869. affairs ; I a m b e g i n n i n g rather to d e s p a i r about mine I a m afraid its [sic] rather h o p e l e s s . " 7 7 Final ly , in J u l y 1870 S u s a n wrote to tell A l g y s h e thought their e n g a g e m e n t s h o u l d be broken "as there s e e m s no p r o s p e c t of o u r m e e t i n g . " 7 8 A r e s p o n s e did not c o m e until O c t o b e r , a n d it w a s e q u i v o c a l . S h e sought her mother 's opinion, a n d w a s a d v i s e d to break off the e n g a g e m e n t . T h i s s h e determined to do , c l a i m i n g that: it s e e m s very evident that he h a s lost a great part of his interest in the matter s o I won't k e e p him to it. H e f a n c i e d I w i s h e d to break it off with the intention of m a r r y i n g s o m e o n e e l s e , this cer tainly is not the c a s e & h a d he b e e n working a n d s h o w i n g that he w a s doing the best he could I would h a v e wai ted a n y n u m b e r of y e a r s for h im, but a s it is it is better at a n e n d 7 9 A l t h o u g h this w a s her final d e c i s i o n , s h e c o n t i n u e d to fee l s o m e anxiety about her action, as for a while s h e s e e m s to h a v e b e e n p l a g u e d with d r e a m s about Algy , in which he c o m p l a i n e d of her t reatment of him or h a d d i e d of d i s a p p o i n t m e n t . 8 0 Not long afterwards, S u s a n noted that " M r . H o l m e s " h a d a s k e d her to " r e - c o n s i d e r " her d e c i s i o n , thus o b v i o u s l y a l luding to a p r e v i o u s p r o p o s a l , w h i c h s h e h a d refused . S h e justified her refusal o n the b a s i s that "altho I feel he is a g o o d m a n a n d no doubt w d . d o his best to m a k e m e h a p p y , still I cant [sic] bring myself to s a y I will m a r r y h i m . " S h e w a s still a n x i o u s about A l g e r n o n ' s wel l - b e i n g . 8 1 D a v i d H o l m e s , no doubt i m p r e s s e d by S u s a n ' s pious nature, 7 7 S A H , 14 December 1869; 13 May 1870. 7 8 S A H , 12 July 1870. 7 9 S A H , 17 October 1870. 8 0 S A H , 5 October and 31 October 1870. 8 1 S A H , 15 December 1870. m a d e o n e m o r e attempt early in 1871. T h i s t ime, S u s a n " p r o m i s e d to try for the next two months to like him, s o at the e n d of that t ime if I c a n forget the past a n d d o s o , I a m to marry h i m . " S h e admitted that s h e thought him "a truly g o o d m a n p e r h a p s a little hasty" w h o w o u l d m a k e "a kind affect, h u s b a n d to o n e w h o c o u l d return his af fec t ion . " H e r further thoughts o n the subject at this t ime are u n k n o w n , a s the next p a g e of the diary w a s torn o u t . 8 2 In F e b r u a r y , D a v i d (to w h o m s h e still referred a s M r . H o l m e s ) a g a i n "tried h a r d " to m a k e her accept , but s h e w a s still u n a b l e to d o s o , a l though s h e did confide that "I think I a m b e g i n n i n g to 'like' h i m , a n d p e r h a p s it m a y e n d in m y loving him, tho 1 I h a v e felt & s a i d I w[oul]d n e v e r love a n y o n e a g a i n . " 8 3 T w o d a y s afterwards, s h e e x c l a i m e d : W e l l , I've b e e n g o n e & d o n e i t - W h e t h e r for g o o d or b a d , I a m e n g a g e d to Mr. H o l m e s . I cant [sic] quite realize that I really h a v e s a i d the w o r d , h a v e I d o n e right? I h o p e so - - l h a v e not d e c e i v e d him a s to m y feel ings H e know[s] the old w o u n d is not quite h e a l e d , but is sat isf ied that I will d o m y best to forget i t - -and p e r h a p s m a y e n d in m y car ing for him m o r e than for the o t h e r . 8 4 S h e felt s u r e her parents would be glad , for s h e b e l i e v e d they thought only of her h a p p i n e s s , a n d would rejoice in anything that led to i t . 8 5 T h i s e n g a g e m e n t w a s not to be a long o n e . S u s a n still e x p r e s s e d s o m e d o u b t s (mainly in the form of p r e s e n t i m e n t s that 8 2 S A H , 5 January 1871. 8 3 S A H , 17 February 1871. 8 4 S A H , 19 February 1871. 8 5 S A H , 20 February 1871. s h e w o u l d n e v e r be married), but over the next two m o n t h s s h e reported going o n a n u m b e r of pleasant walks with D a v i d , a n d by the t ime s h e went to Vic tor ia in April s h e h a d started to refer to h im a s " m y d e a r D a v i d . " 8 6 D a v i d fol lowed her to Victoria in J u n e , a n d they w e r e marr ied quietly by D e a n C r i d g e o n the 19th, l eaving a g a i n that s a m e e v e n i n g for a few d a y s in N e w W e s t m i n s t e r before returning to Y a l e . 8 7 J e s s i e N a g l e s e e m s to h a v e b e e n m o r e incl ined to "sensibil i ty" (at least s h e e x p r e s s e d s u c h feel ings more freely in her diary) a n d , p e r h a p s for that r e a s o n , her parents were m o r e directly i n v o l v e d in the c o u r s e of her romantic life. W h e n her diary o p e n e d in early 1867, s h e w a s twenty-two y e a r s old a n d e n g a g e d to J a m e s M o o r h e a d . T h i s w a s a p p a r e n t l y not her first e n g a g e m e n t , for w h e n J a m e s left for S a n F r a n c i s c o later in the year s h e admitted that, a l t h o u g h s h e w o u l d m i s s h i m , he is p a s s i o n a t e l y f o n d of m e , too f o n d , I tell him for I c a n n o t return it with s u c h ardor, how I w i s h I w a s a s m u c h at tached to him a s he is to m e , shal l I e v e r be , he knows he is not m y first love, a s it is c a l l e d & that I've b e e n e n g a g e d before, but it m a k e s no dif ference in his feel ings towards m e , d e a r J a m e s y o u d o d e s e r v e more love than I c a n give y o u y e t . 8 8 But by the e n d of the y e a r their e n g a g e m e n t w a s b r o k e n off, t h o u g h not directly by J e s s i e , for J e r e m i a h h a d written to J a m e s "that he [Jeremiah] w i s h e d it to be s o " b e c a u s e "there w a s no p r o s p e c t of his [ James 1 ] be ing able to marry." F o r her part, J e s s i e insis ted that s h e d i d not regret this event , r e a s o n i n g that "I ought not to h a v e 8 6 S A H , 20 April 1871. 8 7 S A H , 7-25 June 1871. 8 8 J e s s i e Nagle, 10 May 1867. a c c e p t e d h i m , I thought I r e s p e c t e d & e s t e e m e d him sufficiently to marry, but a b s e n c e h a s s h o w n m e that I do not, a n d I'm s u r e he h a s either c h a n g e d or he h a s never c a r e d for m e in spite of all his p r o t e s t a t i o n s . " 8 9 J e s s i e a p p e a r s to h a v e b e e n m u c h sought-after , a n d within a y e a r s h e h a d another p r o p o s a l , this time from M r . B u r n a b y , a m a n c o n s i d e r a b l y o l d e r than herself . Unfortunately , s h e felt that s h e did not u n d e r s t a n d him a n d w a s unlikely ever to be able to "care sufficiently for him to marry h i m , " a l though s h e felt that s h e c o u l d trust h im, m o r e than s h e c o u l d s a y for m a n y m e n s h e did l i k e . 9 0 T h u s , M r . B u r n a b y w a s disappointed , leaving the door o p e n for M r . B e r k e l e y (Willie), a friend from her d a y s in N e w W e s t m i n s t e r . S h e a c c e p t e d his p r o p o s a l in D e c e m b e r 1869, but their relat ionship ran into a cr is is a few m o n t h s later w h e n Willie , a n a c c o u n t a n t , told her that the marr iage would h a v e to be p o s t p o n e d b e c a u s e "he h a d lost $ 4 0 0 f rom the T r e a s u r y . " H e r parents were both extremely a n g r y a n d s h e herself w a s " w r e t c h e d . " 9 1 F o r the next few months s h e w a s in a turmoil of e m o t i o n , fee l ing herself pul led in all d i r e c t i o n s . Wil l ie b e g g e d her not to e n d the e n g a g e m e n t , while her parents a r g u e d with e q u a l p a s s i o n for her to d o so , both of t h e m also e x p r e s s i n g their d i s p l e a s u r e to Will ie in no uncertain terms . J e s s i e w a s torn b e t w e e n want ing both to d e f e n d Willie to her parents a n d to justify their w o r d s a n d act ions to him as their "duty." H e r s is ter a n d brother - in- law (Belle a n d Philip) a l so b e c a m e i n v o l v e d o n Wil l ie ' s s i d e , c a u s i n g J e s s i e a g o o d deal of a n g u i s h as they m a n i p u l a t e d her " J e s s i e Nagle, 22 December 1867. 9 0 J e s s i e Nagle, 30 November 1868; 4 April 1869. 9 1 Jessie Nagle, 22 April 1870. into s e e i n g Will ie at their h o u s e after her parents h a d f o r b i d d e n him to c o m e to their h o m e . Belle a n d Philip's lack of c o n s i d e r a t i o n for her f e e l i n g s t r o u b l e d her, e s p e c i a l l y after s h e finally d e c i d e d to b r e a k off the e n g a g e m e n t , a n d s h e c o m p l a i n e d that they " s e e m to think that I ought to s e e him or rather . . . they can't u n d e r s t a n d w h y I d o not want to s e e him a n d yet they m i g h t . " 9 2 S h e must h a v e b e e n particularly g l a d for S u s a n ' s arrival f rom Y a l e ; a l t h o u g h both S u s a n a n d C a t h e r i n e s y m p a t h i z e d with her, they told her s h e h a d d o n e the right thing. S h e herself wrote, "I d o not know whether I've d o n e right or w r o n g . . . there is only o n e satisfaction in it a n d that is that both P a p a a n d M a m a wished m e to do i t . " 9 3 T h i s w a s the situation w h e n J e s s i e ' s diary entries e n d e d in A u g u s t . S i n c e s h e a n d Willie did eventually marry, in D e c e m b e r of the fol lowing year , it would a p p e a r that he h a d m a n a g e d s o m e h o w to c lear up his p r o b l e m s . P e r h a p s Philip H a n k i n h a d paid the amount , a s he h a d offered to d o . In a n y c a s e , they were apparent ly m a r r i e d with the family ' s b l e s s i n g . T h e i r marr iage w a s not to last l o n g , h o w e v e r , a s J e s s i e did not survive the birth of their only child (a d a u g h t e r w h o a l s o d i e d shortly after the birth) in 1873. A l t h o u g h S u s a n S u c k l e y ' s father h a d not b e e n a p h y s i c a l p r e s e n c e in her life a n d h a d probably n e v e r g i v e n her a n y direct instructions or a d v i c e , his influence o n at least s o m e of her c h o i c e s w a s n e v e r t h e l e s s quite definitive. In 1875, S u s a n r e c e i v e d a letter f rom G e o r g e S u c k l e y ' s lawyer in which the p r o v i s i o n s m a d e for her in her father 's will were laid out. S h e w a s left $1000 .00 (not a h u g e 9 2 J e s s i e Nagle, 12 July 1870. 9 3 J e s s i e Nagle, 18 July 1870. s u m , but at the time what s h e might h a v e e x p e c t e d to e a r n o v e r a c o u p l e of y e a r s a s a teacher) in trust, u n d e r certain condi t ions . S h e w a s to rece ive p a y m e n t of this s u m u p o n "marriage to a white m a n a p p r o v e d by the trustees." If s h e did not marry by a g e n i n e t e e n (which s h e h a d already p a s s e d ) , or married s o m e o n e not a p p r o v e d by the t rustees , the m o n e y w a s to be invested by the t rustees a n d the interest p a i d to her throughout her life or until s h e r e c e i v e d the pr incipal u n d e r the p r e v i o u s l y s t ipulated c o n d i t i o n s . If s h e m a r r i e d without a p p r o v a l , a n d d i e d leaving chi ldren, the principal w o u l d b e d i v i d e d e q u a l l y a m o n g the chi ldren . T h e lawyer, M r . T i l l o t s o n , w a s to be the s o l e trustee; he c o n c l u d e d by s a y i n g , "I regret that I c a n n o t p a y o v e r the m o n e y to y o u , but the directions in the will are s o explicit , that I a m c o m p e l l e d to retain it until the c o n t i n g e n c y c o n t e m p l a t e d by the will shal l take p l a c e . " 9 4 In this way , G e o r g e S u c k l e y w a s able to exert s ignificant control o v e r his daughter 's life, e v e n t h o u g h s h e hardly k n e w h i m . T h e u s e of trust a r r a n g e m e n t s to provide for f e m a l e kin w a s quite c o m m o n in the nineteenth c e n t u r y . 9 5 B e s i d e s b e i n g , like other s u c h a r r a n g e m e n t s , a manifesta t ion of notions of f e m a l e d e p e n d e n c e , this par t icular p r o v i s i o n car r ied other implica t ions . Not o n l y w a s S u s a n ' s potential option not to marry at all d e c r e a s e d , but a l s o her a u t o n o m y in c h o o s i n g a marriage partner w a s limited. T h i s w a s s o not just b e c a u s e of the f inancial a s p e c t ( though for s o m e o n e a s practical a s S u s a n a p p e a r s to have b e e n , this a lone would h a v e b e e n 9 4 Letter from G. Tillotson to Susan Suckley, 20 August 1875, Flood family papers. Tillotson did not explain why he was only then (six years after George's death) informing her of these terms, but it was probably connected to the death of Rutsen. 9 5 S e e Davidoff and Hall, Family Fortunes, pp. 209-215. quite c o m p e l l i n g ) ; there would undoubtedly a lso h a v e b e e n a p s y c h o l o g i c a l d i m e n s i o n to the p r e s s u r e to c o n f o r m to h e r father 's w i s h e s a s e x p r e s s e d in his will. T h e y were , after all , indicat ions of c o n c e r n f rom a figure for w h o s e a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t s h e l o n g e d . F o r his part, G e o r g e S u c k l e y probably v i e w e d the st ipulation of marr iage to a white m a n in the s a m e light a s a g o o d e d u c a t i o n by the n u n s - - b o t h or iginated from his c o n c e r n for his d a u g h t e r ' s "respectabil i ty" a n d from a desi re for her to b e c o m e a s "white" a n d " m i d d l e - c l a s s " a s w a s p o s s i b l e . T h e condi t ions of his will e n s u r e d that, w h e n it c a m e d o w n to a choice , S u s a n would opt to " b e c o m e white , " a n d that her chi ldren 's l ives were therefore e v e n m o r e likely to b e p a s s e d within a white context. H e w a s del iberate ly a t tempting to f o r c e the const ruc t ion of his d e s c e n d a n t s ' identities in a cer ta in d i r e c t i o n . O f c o u r s e , s u c h limitations o n the c h o i c e of m a r r i a g e partners w e r e in p l a c e for w o m e n like the N a g l e sisters a s well , but t h e y w e r e m u c h m o r e implicit for t h e m . T h e soc ie ta l injunctions agains t interracial m a r r i a g e or marr iage outside of o n e ' s c l a s s w o u l d h a v e b e e n c o n s i d e r e d sufficient for t h e m not e v e n to i m a g i n e violat ing t h e m . A hal fbreed girl, o n the other h a n d , might be thought to n e e d m o r e overt g u i d a n c e in this matter. Yet , a l though in s o m e w a y s S u s a n S u c k l e y ' s c h o i c e s were more restricted than t h o s e of the N a g l e s , in other w a y s they were less s o . Not having h a d the benefit of growing up in a s table h o u s e h o l d h e a d e d by a prominent white father, S u s a n w o u l d certainly never h a v e b e e n able to marry into the co lonia l elite, a s J a m e s D o u g l a s ' daughters d i d . At the other extreme, her potential h u s b a n d h a d to b e a p p r o v e d by the trustee, 0 1 1 2 a n d a s s u c h c o u l d not h a v e b e e n too " low" or rough a p e r s o n . (In th is w a y , h e r f a the r ' s wi l l l i ke ly a l s o p ro tec ted h e r a g a i n s t t he fa te of m a n y m i x e d - b l o o d w o m e n of the t ime , that i s , to be t r ea ted a s " c o n c u b i n e s " by wh i te m e n wi thout the s e c u r i t i e s of m a r r i a g e . ) H o w e v e r , t he t r us tee w o u l d p r o b a b l y not be too c i r c u m s p e c t in a p p r o v i n g a h u s b a n d , a s long a s he w a s r e a s o n a b l y r e s p e c t a b l e a n d w h i t e . It is u n k n o w n w h e t h e r S u s a n h a d a n y a t t a c h m e n t s be fo re s h e me t W i l l i a m F l o o d . L i v ing in the c o n v e n t mos t of the t ime , t he oppor tun i t i es to do s o mus t h a v e b e e n few. In a n y c a s e , he r r e l a t i o n s h i p wi th W i l l i a m m u s t h a v e s ta r t ed not l ong a f ter s h e a r r i ved at For t H o p e in the sp r i ng of 1 8 8 1 . S o m e of the en t r i es in h e r a u t o g r a p h b o o k f rom the s u m m e r of that y e a r ( p r e s u m a b l y wr i t ten w h e n s h e w a s b a c k in V i c t o r i a to t a k e the t e a c h e r s ' e x a m i n a t i o n ) m a d e v e i l e d r e f e r e n c e s to he r r oman t i c c o n n e c t i o n . H o w m u c h of the c o n n e c t i o n w a s romant i c a n d h o w m u c h p r a g m a t i c is d i f f icul t to a s c e r t a i n . T h e p rac t i ca l e l e m e n t s (for bo th s i d e s ) a r e read i l y a p p a r e n t , but it s e e m s the re mus t h a v e b e e n s o m e t h i n g of r o m a n c e the re too . A m o n g he r p a g e s of c o p i e d r idd les , S u s a n wro te (in a d i f ferent c o l o u r of ink): " W h e n a re there on l y 2 5 le t ters in t he A l p h a b e t ? A n s . W h e n W & I a re o n e . " 9 6 Tha t s h e s h a r e d in m a n y of t he r o m a n t i c p r e o c c u p a t i o n s of he r p e e r s is ev iden t in t he n o t e s , a u t o g r a p h s , a n d o ther bi ts a n d p i e c e s s h e kept , a s we l l a s in the s e n t i m e n t a l poe t ry s h e c o p i e d a n d wrote . T h e c o m m u n i t y at Fo r t H o p e a p p e a r s to h a v e v i e w e d S u s a n a n d W i l l i a m ' s cou r t sh i p in th is 9 6 S u s a n Suckley's "Pacific Diary," Flood family papers. w a y a s well . A n a n o n y m o u s p o e m about the town during this per iod i n c l u d e s the fo l lowing l ines : O f all the s c h o o l m a r m s that he ld s w a y , A m o n g the rest we'll ne 'er forget M i s s e s Miller, S u c k l e y , S m i t h a n d K i n g , T w o being caught in C u p i d ' s n e t . 9 7 At least s h e did not h a v e to suffer through a long e n g a g e m e n t , b e i n g m a r r i e d within a y e a r of meet ing W i l l i a m . T o what extent w e r e t h e s e w o m e n ' s m a r r i a g e s difficult a d j u s t m e n t s for t h e m ? C a r r o l l S m i t h - R o s e n b e r g s u g g e s t s that: If m e n a n d w o m e n grew up a s they did in relatively h o m o g e n e o u s a n d s e g r e g a t e d s e x u a l g r o u p s , then marr iage r e p r e s e n t e d a major p r o b l e m in adjustment . F r o m this p e r s p e c t i v e w e c o u l d interpret m u c h of the e m o t i o n a l s t i f fness a n d d i s t a n c e that we a s s o c i a t e with V i c t o r i a n m a r r i a g e a s a structural c o n s e q u e n c e of c o n t e m - p o r a r y s e x - r o l e differentiat ion a n d g e n d e r - r o l e s o c i a l i z a t i o n . With marr iage both w o m e n a n d m e n h a d to adjust to life with a p e r s o n w h o w a s , in e s s e n c e , a m e m b e r of an alien g r o u p . 9 8 H o w e v e r , in a s o c i e t y w h e r e white w o m e n in particular h a d relat ively f e w opportuni t ies for f e m a l e c o m p a n i o n s h i p , w h e r e the barr iers (societal a n d s e l f - i m p o s e d ) to a s s o c i a t i o n b e t w e e n w o m e n of different r a c e s were s o s t r o n g , 9 9 a n d w h e r e few famil ies h a d the e c o n o m i c m e a n s for their f e m a l e m e m b e r s to withdraw into the h o m e , the i d e o l o g y of "separate s p h e r e s " probably did not manifest itself to quite the s a m e extent a s it m a y h a v e e l s e w h e r e . Both S u s a n a n d J e s s i e N a g l e h a d a n u m b e r of male fr iends, i n d e e d s o m e 9 7 Forging a New Hope, p. 284. 9 8Smith-Rosenberg, "Love and Ritual," p. 28. " S e e Perry, '"Oh I'm Just Sick of the Faces of Men,'" pp. 40-42. quite c l o s e f r i e n d s , with w h o m they went w a l k i n g , h o r s e b a c k riding, a n d o n p i c n i c s . T h e i r multiple relationships s h o u l d a l s o h a v e h e l p e d to acquaint t h e m with the w a y s of the opposi te sex . E v e n S u s a n S u c k l e y , living at a c o n v e n t for ten years , apparent ly h a d m a l e a c q u a i n t a n c e s , evident from the n u m e r o u s entries by m e n in h e r a u t o g r a p h book. ( S h e m a y h a v e met these m e n only after s h e h a d left St . A n n ' s ; h o w e v e r , the time b e t w e e n that event a n d her arrival at Fort H o p e w a s relatively short.) T h e r e is no information available o n h o w S u s a n S u c k l e y f a r e d in a d a p t i n g to married life. S h e h a d not known her h u s b a n d long before they marr ied a n d w a s not married long before s h e b e c a m e a mother . S h e did not h a v e the benefit of her o w n mother 's help in her n e w si tuation. In addit ion, s h e w a s relatively n e w to the c o m m u n i t y , s o it s e e m s likely s h e m a y h a v e h a d s o m e difficulties. O n the other h a n d , s h e h a d a d a p t e d to entirely different s i tuat ions in the past a n d s o m a y h a v e b e e n fairly adept at the task. S u s a n N a g l e apparent ly did e x p e r i e n c e s o m e adjustment p r o b l e m s . Fol lowing her marriage her health w a s not g o o d a n d s h e admit ted to b e i n g "low spirited at t imes . " S h e f e a r e d s h e a l s o m a d e D a v i d u n h a p p y , explaining that "he d o e s not quite u n d e r s t a n d h o w I fee l (which is quite natural) a n d attributes m y giving w a y a n d c r y i n g to b e i n g c r o s s , w h i c h is far f rom being the c a s e . " 1 0 0 D e s p i t e her v a r i e d a c q u a i n t a n c e with m e n , S u s a n very likely w a s still a f f e c t e d by the prevai l ing a s s e s s m e n t of male a n d f e m a l e "natures ." N a n c y T h e r i o t a s s e r t s that, t h r o u g h mid-century , "part of the m e s s a g e y o u n g w o m e n were g iven w a s that the s e x e s were s o different f r om 1 0 0 S A H , 23 November 1871. e a c h other that c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d mutual u n d e r s t a n d i n g w e r e rare b e t w e e n w o m e n a n d m e n . . . Y o u n g w o m e n learned, f rom the culture at large a n d f rom their o w n family s i tuat ions , to e x p e c t little e m o t i o n a l suppor t or u n d e r s t a n d i n g from m e n . " 1 0 1 A n a c c e p t a n c e of this d i v e r g e n c e w a s part of the w o m a n ' s accul turat ion into her marr ied life. It m a y h a v e b e e n the c a s e that S u s a n w a s h a v i n g difficulty with this a d a p t a t i o n ; n e v e r t h e l e s s , little m o r e t h a n a m o n t h after this entry, s h e wrote, "my marrying D a v i d w a s o r d a i n e d by P r o v i d e n c e a n d it is p o s s i b l e there m a y be r e a s o n s for it w h i c h we cannot s e e now. I think we are very well sui ted to e a c h other . . . m a y the e n d of the next [year] find us as h a p p y a s this l e a v e s u s . " 1 0 2 B y the t ime her next surviving diary o p e n e d , in A u g u s t 1874, s h e a p p e a r e d to h a v e settled into her life with D a v i d . R e l a t i o n s h i p s with a "family of origin" w e r e e x t r e m e l y important in the lives of both S u s a n N a g l e a n d S u s a n S u c k l e y , a l t h o u g h their f a m i l i e s a n d the re la t ionships e n c o m p a s s e d within t h e m differed vastly. S u s a n N a g l e ' s family c o m p r i s e d a g r o u p of c lose ly -kni t i m m e d i a t e b l o o d kin, while S u s a n S u c k l e y ' s w a s a c h a n g i n g , a n d often "surrogate" entity. At v a r i o u s t i m e s s h e w a s m o s t c l o s e l y c o n n e c t e d to her mother 's family , then to n o n - r e l a t i v e s a p p o i n t e d by her father (or his agents) , a n d finally to the S i s t e r s of St . A n n . D e s p i t e his p h y s i c a l a b s e n c e from her life, her father 's inf luence o n her w a s profound. 1 0 1 Nancy M. Theriot, Mothers and Daughters in Nineteenth-Century America: The Biosocial Construction of Femininity (Lexington: the University Press of Kentucky, 1996), p. 67. 1 0 2 S A H , 31 December 1871. T h e inf luences of both S u s a n s ' families c a n be s e e n in the form a n d content of their e d u c a t i o n . W h i l e little is k n o w n of the s p e c i f i c s of S u s a n N a g l e ' s e d u c a t i o n , it c learly c o n f o r m e d to the typical e d u c a t i o n for a girl of her b a c k g r o u n d . S u s a n S u c k l e y a l s o r e c e i v e d a m i d d l e - c l a s s kind of educat ion , partly a s a m e a n s to a id h e r h o p e d - f o r a b s o r p t i o n into white soc ie ty . B o t h w o m e n os tens ibly h a d s o m e self -control o v e r their d e s t i n y in t e r m s of their eventual m a r r i a g e s ; h o w e v e r , their o p t i o n s w e r e a l s o c o n s t r a i n e d by their family c i r c u m s t a n c e s . S u s a n N a g l e did not f a c e the direct interference that her s ister J e s s i e d i d , but s h e s e e m s to h a v e internal ized her family 's interests in the matter m o r e fully. A s in other a reas , S u s a n S u c k l e y ' s father 's inf luence w a s indirect but potent . T h i s d i s c u s s i o n h a s for the most part left a s i d e the q u e s t i o n of e c o n o m i c life, t h o u g h there is a n o b v i o u s in terconnec t ion b e t w e e n it a n d family relations. T h e next chapter will take up the i s s u e of h o w t h e s e two w o m e n funct ioned a s e c o n o m i c agents , both before a n d after their m a r r i a g e s . CHAPTER FOUR: ECONOMIC IDENTITIES D e s p i t e the V i c t o r i a n m i d d l e - c l a s s i dea l of a " s e p a r a t e s p h e r e " fo r w o m e n w h i c h e n c o m p a s s e d the d o m e s t i c a s p e c t s of l ife to t h e e x c l u s i o n of a n y e c o n o m i c i n v o l v e m e n t , it is doub t fu l that m a n y n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y w o m e n r e m a i n e d pu re of the taint of e c o n o m i c l i f e . 1 Ce r ta in l y , both S u s a n H o l m e s a n d S u s a n F l o o d w e r e a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t s in the i r f a m i l i e s ' e c o n o m i c l i v e s , in b o t h f i n a n c i a l a n d n o n - f i n a n c i a l c a p a c i t i e s . W h i l e r e c o g n i z i n g that it is v i r tua l l y i m p o s s i b l e to c o m p l e t e l y d i s e n t a n g l e the e c o n o m i c f r o m o the r a s p e c t s of a l i fe (as V i c t o r i an i d e o l o g y d e s i r e d to do ) , in th is c h a p t e r I w o u l d l ike to e x a m i n e s o m e of the w a y s in w h i c h th is p a r t i c i p a t i o n t o o k p l a c e . O n c e a g a i n , t he re w e r e both s im i la r i t i es a n d d i f f e r e n c e s in the w a y s the two w o m e n func t i oned a s e c o n o m i c a g e n t s . B e f o r e the i r m a r r i a g e s , bo th e a r n e d s a l a r i e s a s t e a c h e r s ; later , bo th w e r e ac t i ve l y i n v o l v e d in b u y i n g a n d se l l i ng l and , a n in terest e a c h m a y h a v e inher i ted f rom he r fa ther . N o r w a s the e c o n o m i c s i d e of the i r l i v e s s t r i c t l y f i n a n c i a l - w h i l e s e a r c h i n g for v a r i o u s s o u r c e s of f am i l y i n c o m e w a s a n e v e r - p r e s e n t p r e o c c u p a t i o n , the e v o l v i n g na tu re of the i r h o u s e h o l d wo rk a n d the fami l y d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r w a s no l e s s a fac to r in the fami ly e c o n o m y . T h e i r c h o i c e s of w o r k a n d ab i l i t y to p e r f o r m s o m e e c o n o m i c ac t i v i t i es w e r e u n d o u b t e d l y c o n s t r a i n e d by l e g a l , s o c i a l , a n d cu l tura l l im i ta t ions . T h e s e a r e a l s o 1 1 n d e e d , the wife's function within marriage, the base of middle-class society, was inherently economic, both in terms of symbolic value and of connections between families as economic entities. See Davidoff and Hall, Family Fortunes. 117 a part of their e x p e r i e n c e in this a rea , a n d must b e c o n s i d e r e d a l o n g with their a c t u a l ac t ivi t ies . Teaching in Nineteenth-Century British Columbia H i s t o r i c a l s t u d i e s of s c h o o l t e a c h i n g in n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y North A m e r i c a h a v e often f o c u s e d on a s p e c t s of the c h a n g i n g s e x u a l divis ion of labour in the occupat ion , a n d o n the c o n n e c t i o n s a m o n g the " f e m i n i z a t i o n " of t e a c h i n g , the d e v e l o p m e n t of publ ic s c h o o l s y s t e m s , a n d the i n c r e a s i n g b u r e a u c r a t i z a t i o n a n d h i e r a r c h a l i z a t i o n of t h e s e s y s t e m s . 2 T h e r e a s o n s given to explain w h y w o m e n b e c a m e the majority of pr imary s c h o o l t e a c h e r s during the latter part of the last c e n t u r y u s u a l l y i n c l u d e the t e n d e n c y of f i n a n c i a l l y - c o n s t r a i n e d s c h o o l b o a r d s to v iew hiring w o m e n t e a c h e r s a s a cost -cut t ing m e t h o d . 3 S u c h c o n c e r n s could help o v e r c o m e a n y lingering b i a s e s agains t the e m p l o y m e n t of w o m e n . Indeed, the i d e o l o g y of s e p a r a t e s p h e r e s w a s eventual ly m o b i l i z e d in f a v o u r of hiring w o m e n to t e a c h the y o u n g e r g r a d e s , s i n c e s u c h a task c o u l d be const ruc ted a s a " m o t h e r i n g " funct ion, a n d thus mere ly a n ex tens ion of w o m e n ' s natura l role . La ter s t u d i e s c a l l e d m o r e attention to the n e e d to a c k n o w l e d g e the c o m p l e x i t y of the p h e n o m e n o n of feminizat ion . T h e s e took into c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o c i a l , e c o n o m i c , a n d cultural factors s u c h a s marital 2 Discussions of the "feminization of teaching" in the Canadian (or British North American) context can be found in: Alison Prentice, "The Feminization of Teaching in British North America and Canada 1845-1875," Social History 8. no. 15 (1975); Marta Danylewicz, Beth Light, and Alison Prentice, "The Evolution of the Sexual Division of Labour in Teaching: A Nineteenth-Century Ontario and Quebec Case Study," Social History 16, no. 31 (May 1983); and Marta Danylewicz and Alison Prentice, "Teachers, Gender, and Bureaucratizing School Systems in Nineteenth Century Montreal and Toronto," History of Education Quarterly 24, no. 1 (Spring 1984). 3Prentice, "The Feminization of Teaching," p. 7. As Prentice notes (p. 12), "low pay and status were probably a condition of female employment in the first place." a n d h o u s e h o l d status, ethnicity, a n d a g e structure, a s well a s r e g i o n a l v a r i a t i o n s . 4 In the British C o l u m b i a context, J e a n B a r m a n s u g g e s t s that "feminization m a y h a v e b e e n o v e r e m p h a s i z e d a s a n explanatory d e v i c e . " In B. C , the p r o c e s s o c c u r r e d m o r e s lowly a n d to a l e s s e r d e g r e e than in E n g l a n d or the rest of North A m e r i c a ; there w e r e a l s o significant d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n rural a n d u r b a n a r e a s a n d a m o n g teachers d e p e n d i n g o n w h e n they were hi red . F u r t h e r m o r e , " feminiza t ion of itself did not n e c e s s a r i l y alter the c h a r a c t e r of t e a c h i n g a s a n o c c u p a t i o n , " a s retention rates w e r e m o r e reflective of the urban/rural split than of g e n d e r d i v i s i o n s . 5 T h e part icular s i tuation in British C o l u m b i a di f fered f r o m that of m o s t of the rest of C a n a d a in that, while the P u b l i c S c h o o l A c t of 1872 e s t a b l i s h e d a p u b l i c l y - f u n d e d n o n - s e c t a r i a n s c h o o l s y s t e m with a B o a r d a n d S u p e r i n t e n d e n t of E d u c a t i o n w h i c h regula ted c u r r i c u l a , t e a c h e r s ' certification a n d a p p o i n t m e n t s , a n d s c h o o l rules , the o c c u p a t i o n of t e a c h e r w a s still relatively f ree f r o m overt c e n t r a l i z e d control until the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the first N o r m a l S c h o o l in 1901. T h u s , between those two dates , t e a c h i n g a s a v o c a t i o n in B . C . w a s "peculiarly voluntary" ; that is, t e a c h e r s c o u l d "select" t h e m s e l v e s for the o c c u p a t i o n s i m p l y by d e c i d i n g to write a n d p a s s i n g (even minimally) the teachers ' e x a m i n a t i o n set e v e r y y e a r . 6 N e v e r t h e l e s s , while the b a c k g r o u n d s of t e a c h e r s m a y h a v e 4 S e e Danylewicz, Light, and Prentice, "The Evolution of the Sexual Division of Labour in Teaching," and Marta Danylewicz and Alison Prentice, "Revising the History of Teachers: A Canadian Perspective," Interchange 17, no. 2 (Summer 1986). 5 Jean Barman, "Birds of Passage or Early Professionals? Teachers in Late Nineteenth-Century British Columbia," Historical Studies in Education 2, no. 1 (1990): 17-18. 6 i b i d . b r o a d e n e d s o m e w h a t during t h e s e y e a r s , a n a n a l y s i s of w h o actually did b e c o m e t e a c h e r s indicates that m a n y barriers still e x i s t e d a n d t e a c h e r s in public s c h o o l s in B. C . r e m a i n e d a r e m a r k a b l y h o m o g e n e o u s g r o u p . 7 Teaching Before 1872 F o r r e a s o n a b l y e d u c a t e d y o u n g w o m e n w h o h a d little c h o i c e but to try to e a r n a living, t e a ching in s o m e c a p a c i t y w a s p r o b a b l y the most o b v i o u s route to take. Both S u s a n N a g l e a n d her sister J e s s i e took m o r e than o n e job within the l e s s - o r g a n i z e d e d u c a t i o n a l mil ieu predat ing the P u b l i c S c h o o l Act . Nei ther s e e m e d over ly e n t h u s i a s t i c a b o u t her work as a teacher , thus indicat ing that their o c c u p a t i o n a l c h o i c e s w e r e mainly a matter of f inancia l e x i g e n c y , rather than the result of a n y s e n s e of vocat ion . In this s e n s e , they w e r e m o r e e x e m p l a r y of the earlier n ineteenth-century type of " s c h o o l m i s t r e s s e s " w h o , a l though they l a c k e d f inancia l m e a n s , w e r e a b l e to .parlay their m i d d l e - c l a s s b r e e d i n g a n d e d u c a t i o n a l b a c k g r o u n d in both b a s i c s a n d " a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s " into a m e a n s of l i v e l i h o o d (and m a i n t a i n i n g status) , than of the m o r e p r o f e s s i o n a l l y - m i n d e d t e a c h e r s w h o w o u l d later p r e d o m i n a t e in the f i e l d . 8 In her d iar ies , S u s a n s a i d relatively little a b o u t the c o n d i t i o n s u n d e r w h i c h s h e p e r f o r m e d her teaching work or, i n d e e d about the 7 l n her research on pioneer teachers in B. C , Jean Barman has found few instances of teachers who did not fit the white "middle-class" or even Protestant (outside of the Catholic institutions) norms. Profiles of pioneer teachers and a discussion of their motivations are provided in Jean Barman, "British Columbia's Pioneer Teachers," in Children. Teachers and Schools in the History of British Columbia, eds. Jean Barman, Neil Sutherland, and J . Donald Wilson (Calgary: Detselig, 1 9 9 5 ) . 8 S e e Joyce Senders Pedersen, "Schoolmistresses and Headmistresses: Elites and Education in Nineteenth-Century England," in Women Who Taught, eds. Prentice and Theobald. nature of the work itself. In the first of t h e s e , s h e r e m a r k e d that s h e h a d b e g u n going to " M r s . R e e c e ' s " at the beginning of F e b r u a r y 1865, but did not e laborate o n what duties s h e p e r f o r m e d there . It a p p e a r s that s h e w a s able to continue living at her parents ' h o m e while working at the R e e c e ' s s c h o o l , a l though b a d weather in M a r c h f o r c e d her to remain at the R e e c e ' s for a period of at least a w e e k . At this point, s h e stated: "I enjoy being at M r s . R e e c e ' s . T h e only b o a r d e r in the h o u s e is little G e o r g i e Fos ter a n d I h a v e nothing to d o with h im after s c h o o l t ime. F r o m two o 'clock I a m quite at liberty to d o whatever I like . . . W e h a v e s o very few d a y s c h o l a r s a s well a s b o a r d e r s . I sit with Mr. a n d M r s . R e e c e in the s tudy in the e v e n i n g s , w h i c h is m u c h more a g r e e a b l e than a s it u s e d to b e , in the s c h o o l r o o m with all the g i r l s . " 9 S u s a n , w h o particularly e n j o y e d c o n v e r s a t i o n with e d u c a t e d p e o p l e , would s e e m to h a v e b e e n quite fortunate in the d e g r e e of rapport b e t w e e n the R e e c e s a n d herself . N e v e r t h e l e s s , a s the e n d of term a p p r o a c h e d , s h e c o n f e s s e d , " N o s c h o o l girl e v e r l o o k e d forward to leaving s c h o o l with m o r e p l e a s u r e t h a n I d o this v a c a t i o n . " 1 0 R e g a r d l e s s of her feel ings about teaching , S u s a n N a g l e w a s p r a g m a t i c a b o u t the lack of alternative opportunit ies for her to contr ibute to the family i n c o m e in a n y significant w a y . R e c o g n i z i n g that trying to start yet another s c h o o l in V i c t o r i a w a s not likely to c o m e to anything , s h e a p p l i e d for a n d r e c e i v e d a n appointment to t e a c h the s c h o o l at Y a l e , c o m m e n c i n g July 15, 1869. A c c o r d i n g to her s is ter J e s s i e , the sa lary w a s the "very nice s u m " of $80 .00 p e r 9 S A H , 10 March 1865. 1 0 S A H , 5 June 1865. m o n t h , a n d S u s a n c o u l d b o a r d with " a n i ce r e s p e c t a b l e w o m a n " for $ 2 5 . 0 0 p e r m o n t h . 1 1 At first S u s a n d id b o a r d with a M r s . B a r l o w , c o m m e n t i n g that "my r o o m is ve ry little but I e x p e c t I sha l l m a n a g e . " 1 2 W i th in a m o n t h , h o w e v e r , s h e h a d left M r s . B a r l o w ' s to s t ay , " for t he p r e s e n t at l eas t , " wi th he r c o u s i n Ne l l i e M c K a y a n d he r f a m i l y . 1 3 Ne l l i e w a s ma r r i ed to J o s e p h M c K a y , a H u d s o n ' s B a y C o m p a n y off ic ia l (and a p p a r e n t l y a l s o a S c h o o l T r u s t e e in Y a l e ) , a n d it w a s p r o b a b l y par t ly d u e to the i r i n f l uence both that S u s a n w a s p e r s u a d e d to a p p l y fo r the pos i t i on in Y a l e a n d that s h e w a s h i red for it. S u s a n f o u n d h e r s e l f " far m o r e c o m f o r t a b l e " s t a y i n g wi th h e r r e l a t i ons , a n d i n d e e d s e e m e d to fit n i ce l y into the i r da i l y l i ves . T h e s a l a r y m a y not h a v e b e e n exac t l y wha t J e s s i e repo r ted it to be - -a t l eas t not cons i s ten t l y . O n A u g u s t 19th , S u s a n n o t e d that s h e h a d r e c e i v e d $ 4 1 . 6 2 1/2 f rom the T r u s t e e s fo r J u l y 1st to A u g u s t 1st, o n S e p t e m b e r 4 th , $ 4 1 . 6 0 for the mon th of A u g u s t , a n d o n N o v e m b e r 1st, $ 8 3 . 6 2 1/2 for S e p t e m b e r a n d O c t o b e r . H e r la ter c a s h a c c o u n t s (whe the r for 1 8 7 0 o r 1871 is u n c l e a r ) i n d i c a t e that s h e r e c e i v e d f rom the S c h o o l B o a r d $ 4 6 . 6 8 on M a r c h 2 n d , $ 1 1 . 7 5 o n M a r c h 2 0 t h , a n d $ 1 1 2 . 2 5 o n Apr i l 1 s t . 1 4 T h e s e va ry i ng f i gu res m a y ref lect the u n s t a b l e f i nanc ia l s i tua t ion of B. C . s c h o o l s a n d of t he g o v e r n m e n t i t se l f - -a f e w y e a r s ear l ie r , S u s a n h a d m e n t i o n e d a t hea t re p e r f o r m a n c e in V i c t o r i a put o n "for the bene f i t of the P u b l i c 1 1 Jessie Nagle, 18 May 1869. 1 2 S A H , 9 July 1869. 1 3 S A H , 31 July 1869. 1 4 S A H : 19 August 1869; 4 September 1869; 1 November 1869; Journal for 1871. S c h o o l t e a c h e r s w h o h a v e not rece ived a cent this y e a r for their s e r v i c e s , a s in m a n y other c a s e s the e x c u s e is no m o n e y in the t r e a s u r y w h i c h unfortunately is too t r u e . " 1 5 T h r o u g h o u t her diary at this time, S u s a n p r o v i d e d a g o o d d e a l of detail o n h e r f inancial t ransact ions , not only o n the p a y m e n t of her s a l a r y but a lso o n smal l loans given to her (mostly by M r . M c K a y ) a n d the m o n e y , s o m e t i m e s borrowed, s h e sent h o m e to her mother . In addit ion to her s c h o o l t e a c h i n g , s h e w a s giving m u s i c a n d F r e n c h l e s s o n s to a n u m b e r of chi ldren, a n d this extracurricular work a l s o a u g m e n t e d her salary . ( S h e w a s paid $10.00 for two m o n t h s ' m u s i c l e s s o n s . ) O v e r a l l , however , s h e s e e m e d to be barely s c r a p i n g by, cont inual ly borrowing o n her sa lary a n d repaying w h e n the m o n e y c a m e in. N e v e r t h e l e s s , s h e apparently n e v e r (or at least s e l d o m ) fa i led to f ind s o m e t h i n g to s e n d to her mother . S u s a n w a s l e s s for thcoming with a n y descr ipt ion of her work itself; in fact, until the very e n d of her tenure , the s c h o o l a l m o s t n e v e r f o u n d its w a y into her recounting of her daily life. O n the d a y s h e b e g a n t e a c h i n g , s h e m e n t i o n e d that s h e h a d twenty-six p u p i l s ; her next reference to teaching c a m e in D e c e m b e r , w h e n s h e c o m p l a i n e d , "I a m getting very tired of this work a n d w i s h s o m e t h i n g c o u l d be s e t t l e d . " 1 6 T h i s t h e m e w a s c o n t i n u e d in the next entry c o n c e r n e d with the s c h o o l , eight months later: " B e g a n s c h o o l 1 5 S A H , 17 December 1867. See Jean Barman, The West Beyond the West: A History of British Columbia (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991) regarding the province's precarious finances, "never on very firm ground" during this period (p. 1 04) . 1 6 S A H , 14 December 1869. Susan's engagement to Algy was still on at this time, but her dissatisfaction with that situation was growing. This was probably what she meant by the "something" she wished would be "settled." t o d a y with 20 s c h o l a r s I a m afraid I don't take to it very kindly I shal l s o o n get b r o k e n in t h o ' . " 1 7 Before the e n d of the year , s h e b e g a n to m a k e a l lus ions to her "troubles" with the s c h o o l . T h e nature of t h e s e p r o b l e m s is never e x p l a i n e d . T h e y c o u l d e a s i l y h a v e b e e n the result of a c o m b i n a t i o n of political a n d p e r s o n a l factors . S u s a n ' s relationship to the M c K a y s m a y h a v e p l a c e d her, in the e y e s of s o m e t o w n s p e o p l e , too firmly o n the s i d e of o n e fact ion in town, a n d there m a y h a v e b e e n s o m e resentment of h e r c o n n e c t i o n s with the m o r e "elite" s e g m e n t s of loca l s o c i e t y , with their visits f rom p e r s o n a g e s s u c h a s G o v e r n o r M u s g r a v e . In her r e c o l l e c t i o n s of life in Y a l e , F l o r e n c e G o o d f e l l o w (formerly A g a s s i z ) s u g g e s t e d the e x i s t e n c e of s u c h divis ions b e t w e e n the townsfolk a n d the " g e n t l e m e n " a n d " ladies" w h o lived "on the hill a b o v e the t o w n . " 1 8 S u s a n c o u l d also h a v e run afoul of o n e or m o r e of the f a m i l i e s of chi ldren s h e taught, if they p e r c e i v e d that s h e w a s too strict or f a v o u r e d other chi ldren . E s p e c i a l l y in rural a r e a s , parents a n d t rustees h a d a fair a m o u n t of p o w e r to m a k e t e a c h e r s ' l ives m i s e r a b l e , if they c h o s e to d o s o . 1 9 W h a t e v e r the r e a s o n s , S u s a n re turned to the s c h o o l in early N o v e m b e r of 1870 after a n i l lness to d i s c o v e r that "for s o m e r e a s o n or other m o r e than half the chi ldren h a v e left," a n d s h e h a d only ten p u p i l s . 2 0 1 7 S A H , 8 August 1870. 1 8 Florence Goodfellow, Memories of Pioneer Life in British Columbia: A Short History of the Agassiz Family (Hope: Canyon Press, reprinted 1982), pp. 18-19. 1 9 S e e , for example, J . Donald Wilson, '"I am Ready to be of Assistance When I Can: Lottie Bowron and Rural Women Teachers in British Columbia," in Women Who Taught, eds. Prentice and Theobald, for a discussion of this in early twentieth-century B. C. 2 0 S A H , 7 November 1870. A l t h o u g h s h e n e v e r d i s c u s s e d the p o s s i b l e i s s u e s b e h i n d her p r o b l e m s at the s c h o o l , S u s a n did at s e v e r a l points reveal her o w n f e e l i n g s about the events , a n d it is c lear that s h e felt herself to b e a n a g g r i e v e d party. In D e c e m b e r , s h e d e c l a r e d that "it is v e r y a n n o y i n g w h e n o n e is doing the best they c a n to meet with s o m u c h d i s c o u r a g e m e n t w h e n least e x p e c t e d , " 2 1 but the h o p e s s h e h a d of the c h i l d r e n c o m i n g b a c k after the hol idays w e r e d i s a p p o i n t e d w h e n only eight s h o w e d up in J a n u a r y . S h e c o n s i d e r e d this to be "their l o s s - h o w very fool ish t h e s e p e o p l e h a v e s h o w n t h e m s e l v e s . " 2 2 T h e y w e r e not o n l y f o o l i s h , but a l s o " n a r r o w - m i n d e d , " a n d their attitude w o r k e d a g a i n s t their self- interest , a s "they might h a v e got a n o t h e r t e a c h e r without h a v i n g a n y of this bother, for it is m o r e t h a n likely I will g ive it up in the [ s ] p r i n g . " 2 3 A s i d e f ro m w h a t e v e r confl ic ts w e r e fuel ing this situation, the s c h o o l m a y h a v e b e e n in d a n g e r of c l o s i n g b e c a u s e the g o v e r n m e n t tax h a d b e e n " d o n e a w a y with," a c c o r d i n g to S u s a n . 2 4 P a r a d o x i c a l l y , a l though S u s a n c l a i m e d at the b e g i n n i n g of J a n u a r y that "after all the bother there has b e e n about the s c h o o l I really dont [sic] feel the s a m e interest in it that I d i d , " it w a s only d u r i n g t h e s e last few m o n t h s of t e a c h i n g that s h e referred regularly to g o i n g to s c h o o l a s part of her daily activities. F r e q u e n t l y , t h e s e r e f e r e n c e s h a d to d o with the difficulty of getting to s c h o o l in 2 1 S A H , 15 December 1870. 2 2 S A H , 4 January 1871. 2 3 S A H , 9 January 1871 or 10 January 1871. (There are two separate diaries covering this period.) 2 4 S A H , 12 December 1870. This is mentioned in connection with a school meeting at which "Messrs. Holmes, Church, and McQuarrie" were elected to the local Board for 1871. inc lement weather . S h e a lso noted that her duties w e r e "not very a r d u o u s " at that time d u e to the smal l n u m b e r of s tudents . A s the term w o r e o n , this b e c a m e more of a b l e s s i n g , for s h e s u f f e r e d f rom frequent bouts of i l lness , no doubt brought o n (or at least e x a c e r b a t e d ) by the s t r e s s f u l n e s s of her si tuation. E v e n t u a l l y , her p o o r heal th c o n v i n c e d her to withdraw from t e a c h i n g the s c h o o l before the e n d of M a r c h . H a v i n g d e c i d e d to marry D a v i d H o l m e s , s h e w o u l d only h a v e b e e n finishing out the term in a n y c a s e . S h o r t l y after her first m e n t i o n of her difficulties at the s c h o o l , S u s a n r e c e i v e d n e w s that her sister J e s s i e h a d b e e n a p p o i n t e d t e a c h e r at the Esquimal t s c h o o l a n d c o m m e n t e d , "I h o p e s h e will get a l o n g with the p e o p l e better than I d o h e r e . " 2 5 T h e s u r v i v i n g portion of J e s s i e ' s o w n journal w a s cut off b e f o r e s h e went to E s q u i m a l t , but w h e n it o p e n e d in J a n u a r y 1867 s h e w a s e m p l o y e d a s a t e a c h e r in N e w W e s t m i n s t e r 2 6 Like S u s a n , J e s s i e a p p a r e n t l y did not perce ive teaching as a vocat ion but rather a s a p r a c t i c a l part of a s o l u t i o n to her family ' s f i n a n c i a l diff icul t ies . S h e a l s o did not write m u c h about the details of the job itself, but her journal d o e s provide s o m e il lumination of the effects that living a r r a n g e m e n t s c o u l d h a v e on the lives of y o u n g w o m e n t e a c h e r s , in a w a y that S u s a n ' s d o e s not. 2 5 S A H , 10 November 1870. Jessie remained in this position less than five months, apparently because of a lack of accommodation for her. As the end of her employment at Esquimalt occurred around the time when Susan was giving up the Yale school, she wondered if Jessie might be able to take it over. This evidently did not occur, but whether because of Susan's problems there or because of Jessie's renewed engagement to Willie is unknown (SAH, 7 March 1871). 2 6 J e s s i e had also worked as a governess for the Moodys in 1860, though apparently not for a long term, as she left when she became engaged, probably to Mr. Moorhead's unknown predecessor. See Jacqueline Gresko, '"Roughing It in the Bush' in British Columbia: Mary Moody's Pioneer Life in New Westminster, 1859-1863," in British Columbia Reconsidered, eds. Creese and Strong-Boag, p. 44. J e s s i e re tu rned to N e w W e s t m i n s t e r ea r l y in J a n u a r y 1 8 6 7 " o n c e m o r e to b e g i n the dul l rout ine of t e a c h i n g , t e a c h i n g f rom m o r n i n g till n ight , I f ee l ra ther d i s i n t e res ted n o w , but I d a r e s a y in a f e w d a y s I s h a l l get a c c u s t o m e d to my du t ies a g a i n . " 2 7 ( H e r l ack of e n t h u s i a s m w a s p r o b a b l y i n c r e a s e d d u e to the fact that s h e h a d b e c o m e e n g a g e d to J a m e s M o o r h e a d just the d a y be fo re s h e left V i c t o r i a fo r N e w W e s t m i n s t e r . ) In N e w W e s t m i n s t e r , s h e w a s s t a y i n g wi th the fam i l y of H e n r y C r e a s e , t he a t to rney g e n e r a l of B r i t i sh C o l u m b i a . A l t h o u g h s h e d id little s p e c i f i c c o m p l a i n i n g , t he c i r c u m s t a n c e s d e s c r i b e d m a k e it c l e a r that J e s s i e w a s t a k e n a d v a n t a g e of, t r ea ted at t imes wi th a lack of c o n s i d e r a t i o n , a n d p e r h a p s e v e n h a r a s s e d , in th is s i tua t ion . T h r e e w e e k s af ter h e r re turn , M r s . C r e a s e s u d d e n l y i n fo rmed he r "that h e r a r r a n g e m e n t s w o u l d be a l t e red a n d that in a month ' s t ime , if c o n v e n i e n t s h e w o u l d w i s h to h a v e m y r o o m . " 2 8 T h e C r e a s e s w e r e e x p e c t i n g g u e s t s , a n d "I h a v e to g i ve up m y room & s l e e p in the s c h o o l r o o m , w h i c h wi l l not b e half s o p l e a s a n t , I mus t m a k e the bes t of i t . " 2 9 In add i t i on to b e i n g s h u n t e d a r o u n d o n shor t no t i ce , s h e h a d to a c c o m m o d a t e herse l f to S a r a h C r e a s e ' s d e s i r e d s c h e d u l e wi th r e g a r d s to the l e s s o n s J e s s i e g a v e he r d a u g h t e r s M a r y , S u s a n , a n d B a r b a r a . J e s s i e , w h o w a s p r e s u m a b l y be ing pa id for t h e s e l e s s o n s in o n e w a y or ano the r , w o u l d h a v e p re fe r red to g i ve t h e m af ter s h e c a m e h o m e f rom s c h o o l . H o w e v e r , M r s . C r e a s e , des i r i ng he r d a u g h t e r s ' a s s i s t a n c e in s e w i n g a n d o ther t a s k s la ter in the d a y , 2 7 J e s s i e Nagle, 4 January 1867. 2 8 J e s s i e Nagle, 21 January 1867. 2 9 J e s s i e Nagle, 5 February 1867. w i s h e d the larger part of t h e s e l e s s o n s to take p l a c e in the m o r n i n g s , before s c h o o l . In her diary, J e s s i e e x p r e s s e d her d i s p l e a s u r e fairly mildly: "I m u c h prefer h a v i n g no l e s s o n s before breakfast , I h a v e m o r e time to myself , I shal l not m i n d it s o m u c h w h e n the d a y s are longer a n d the weather warmer , but the m o r n i n g s are s o c o l d a n d dark now, that it is a great hardship to h a v e to get up ear ly particularly if y o u g o to b e d l a t e . " 3 0 T h e result of M r s . C r e a s e ' s d e m a n d s w a s particularly long d a y s for J e s s i e , w h o g a v e l e s s o n s before breakfast , taught at the s c h o o l during the day , a n d t h e n (both b e c a u s e s h e often h a d trouble getting up early in the m o r n i n g s a n d s o c o u l d not finish before breakfast a n d b e c a u s e the girls w e r e s o m e t i m e s to b e g iven l e s s o n s at different t imes) c a m e h o m e to give yet more l e s s o n s . W h i l e it w a s not the c a s e that M r s . C r e a s e e x p r e s s e d no c o n c e r n at all for J e s s i e , s o m e t i m e s e v e n her c o n c e r n s e e m e d s o m e w h a t self - interested. F o r e x a m p l e , o n a heavi ly rainy d a y in February , M r s . C r e a s e would not h e a r of J e s s i e ' s g o i n g to s c h o o l for fear that s h e might take "fresh c o l d . " Instead, J e s s i e s e w e d until n o o n , g a v e l e s s o n s to B a r b a r a until luncht ime , a n d t h e n to the others until five o ' c l o c k . 3 1 O n top of this workload , Mr . C r e a s e ' s ac t ions o n v a r i o u s o c c a s i o n s must certainly h a v e i n c r e a s e d the strains o n J e s s i e ' s daily life. In s e v e r a l entries, s h e c o m p l a i n e d v a g u e l y of his " teas ing , " w h i c h kept her from a c c o m p l i s h i n g t a s k s s u c h a s s e w i n g al terat ions a n d writing in her journal , a s it m e a n t that s h e c o u l d 3 0 J e s s i e Nagle, 9 January 1867. In her defence, Sarah Crease was apparently in the late stages of pregnancy, a fact which also may have mitigated Jessie's annoyance with her. 3 1 Jessie Nagle, 8 February 1867. " s c a r c e l y think let a l o n e w r i t e . " 3 2 T h i s culminated o n e e v e n i n g in his s n a t c h i n g her journal a w a y from her: "he at last car r ied it off & w o u l d not g ive it m e & after sitting up till near ly 2 o ' c lock e x p e c t i n g he w o u l d bring it to me, I at last went to b e d fee l ing v e r y c r o s s with h i m . " 3 3 S h e got the book back the next day , but not without a little m o r e " teasing . " At the very least a n i n v a s i o n of privacy, s u c h b e h a v i o u r c o u l d not h a v e m a d e J e s s i e feel very s e c u r e or f ree in her s i t u a t i o n . 3 4 In c o m b i n a t i o n with the other c o n d i t i o n s of her life with the C r e a s e ' s , it must h a v e m a d e it difficult to s e e m u c h a d v a n t a g e in continuing o n at the s c h o o l . F o r a brief time in January , J e s s i e h a d h o p e d that s h e a n d her brothers Harry a n d F r e d might be able to "keep h o u s e to-gether ," but that p l a n c a m e to nothing w h e n F r e d lost his job a n d h a d to m o v e e l s e w h e r e to s e a r c h for work. H e r parents urged her to give up the s c h o o l a n d go b a c k to Victoria , ostensibly b e c a u s e of her p o o r heal th , a l though they probably h a d s o m e a w a r e n e s s of the other a s p e c t s of her situation a n d thought s h e w o u l d be better off out of it. J e s s i e , w h o w a s a lso s e n d i n g h o m e half of her quarterly s a l a r y of $60 .00 , worried that it w a s m o r e important than e v e r for her to k e e p her job s i n c e F r e d w a s out of e m p l o y m e n t , thus d i m i n i s h i n g the family f i n a n c e s . Eventual ly , however , s h e did d e c i d e to give up the s c h o o l , citing her ill health as the main r e a s o n . 3 2 J e s s i e Nagle, 16 February 1867. 3 3 J e s s i e Nagle, 28 February 1867. 3 4 l t would also mean that Jessie probably consciously veiled what she wrote in her journal even more than might have been the case otherwise. (Later in her journal, Jessie was much more open than Susan generally was.) It might also help to explain why most of the Crease women revealed very little of their inner thoughts in their own journals. See Powell, "The Diaries of the Crease Family Women." Teaching in the 1880s T h e con tex t in w h i c h S u s a n S u c k l e y e x p e r i e n c e d he r t e a c h i n g c a r e e r w a s bo th s i m i l a r a n d di f ferent to that in w h i c h the N a g l e s i s t e r s d id the i r t e a c h i n g . A f te r 1 8 7 2 , t he re w a s ce r t a i n l y m o r e regu la t i on a n d cen t ra l con t ro l t han p rev i ous l y h a d b e e n the c a s e , but in t h e rura l a r e a s the l o c a l o f f i c ia ls st i l l c a r r i e d the m a j o r c lou t , s u c h that " the p r e d i l e c t i o n s of t r us tees h e l p e d d e t e r m i n e w h o w a s h i red a n d h o w long he or s h e r e m a i n e d . " 3 5 T h e r e f o r e , the comfor t of a t e a c h e r ' s life sti l l d e p e n d e d to a la rge d e g r e e o n the goodw i l l of t he l o c a l p e o p l e . T h e r e w a s p r o b a b l y not a lot of d i f fe rence b e t w e e n Y a l e in 1 8 7 0 a n d For t H o p e in 1880 . T h e two t o w n s w e r e on ly a f e w m i l es apar t o n the F r a s e r R i v e r a n d w e r e p r o b a b l y fa i r ly e q u a l in r o u g h n e s s of c h a r a c t e r . F o u n d e d to s e r v i c e the fur t r ade , For t H o p e h a d , l ike Y a l e , g a i n e d n e w life th rough the G o l d R u s h . H o w e v e r , it h a d lost out to Y a l e a s the h e a d of nav iga t ion o n the F r a s e r , a n d its p o p u l a t i o n d w i n d l e d to n e a r ghos t town n u m b e r s o n m o r e t h a n o n e o c c a s i o n . T h o s e p e o p l e w h o r e m a i n e d h a d la rge ly c o m e wi th the v a r i o u s m i n i n g e x c i t e m e n t s that a r o s e in the a r e a . W h i l e For t H o p e w a s he r on ly off ic ial e n g a g e m e n t a s a t e a c h e r , S u s a n S u c k l e y p r o b a b l y h a d s o m e pr ior e x p e r i e n c e a s a t e a c h e r ' s a s s i s t a n t . S h e h a d cer ta in l y h e l p e d out wi th the y o u n g e r g i r ls du r i ng h e r s t a y at the c o n v e n t in V i c to r i a , a n d in 1877 s h e h a d g o n e a s a "he lpe r " a l o n g with S i s t e r s M a r y de l a C r o i x P e r r e a u l t a n d M a r y E l e a n o r D i g n e r w h e n they w e r e sen t to o p e n the S i s t e r s of S t . A n n ' s 3 5 Barman, "Birds of Passage," p. 19. c o n v e n t s c h o o l in N a n a i m o . 3 6 Undoub ted l y , m u c h of he r wo rk the re w o u l d h a v e b e e n in the a r e a of h o u s e k e e p i n g , but the S i s t e r s a l s o w o u l d not l i ke ly h a v e w a s t e d the po ten t ia l fo r c l a s s r o o m a i d o f f e red by s o m e o n e w h o h a d a l r eady rece i ved a S t . A n n ' s e d u c a t i o n . W h e n S u s a n d e c i d e d to wr i te the t e a c h e r s ' e x a m i n a t i o n in t he s u m m e r of 1 8 8 0 , t he S i s t e r s w i l l i ng ly s u p p l i e d a t e s t i m o n i a l , if not to br i l l iant a c a d e m i c a c h i e v e m e n t , t h e n at l eas t to h e r " i r r e p r o a c h a b l e c o n d u c t . . . ass idu i t y a n d g o o d behav iou r " w h i c h h a d "won the e s t e e m of h e r t e a c h e r s . " 3 7 T h e latter qua l i t i es w e r e p r o b a b l y m o r e re levan t to m o s t rura l s c h o o l b o a r d s at the t ime, in a n y c a s e . D u e to the re la t ive l ack of t e a c h e r s in Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a , S u s a n d i d not h a v e to wai t l ong for a pos i t i on , e v e n wi th a th i rd c l a s s ce r t i f i ca te . L i k e m a n y o ther w o m e n t e a c h e r s , h o w e v e r , s h e " p r o v i d e d the f i l ler," b e i n g h i red pa r tway t h rough the y e a r w h e n the o r ig ina l t e a c h e r h a d l e f t . 3 8 Or ig ina l l y , s h e h a d h o p e d to a c q u i r e a pos t at a s c h o o l in the V i c to r i a a r e a , a n un l i ke ly o c c u r r e n c e g i v e n he r b a c k g r o u n d a n d l imi ted qua l i f i ca t i ons . In the fa l l of 1 8 8 0 , s h e wro te to C . C . M c K e n z i e , t hen S u p e r i n t e n d e n t of E d u c a t i o n , e x p r e s s i n g h e r c o n c e r n that he r p r e s e n t hab i ta t i on in S e a t t l e m igh t m e a n that s h e w o u l d not h e a r of a n y v a c a n c i e s in t ime to a p p l y for t h e m . M c K e n z i e a s s u r e d he r that s h e wou ld be du ly i n fo rmed of a n y s u c h p o s s i b i l i t y . 3 9 3 6 D o w n , A Century of Service, p. 86; S38 Nominations, St. Ann's Convent, Nanaimo B. C , 1877-1899, Archives of the Sisters of St. Ann, Victoria (here Susan is described as an "orphan cook"); doc. 24-3, Victoria Convent Historical Eye-View and Nominations, 1940, p. 74 ("orphan help"). 3 7Testimonial of the Sisters of St. Ann, Flood family papers. 3 8 B a r m a n , "Birds of Passage," pp. 19-20. 3 9 C . C. McKenzie to Susan Suckley, 4 November 1880, Superintendent of Education, outgoing correspondence. W h e t h e r from M c K e n z i e or s o m e other s o u r c e , s h e did learn of a v a c a n c y at Fort H o p e in M a r c h of 1881, a n d a g a i n "took the liberty" of writing to him "to k n o w if the situation, as teacher , at Fort H o p e is t a k e n yet? At present , I a m doing nothing for myself but h a v e offers of si tuations, n o n e of which I h a v e a s yet a c c e p t e d a s I prefer the situation y o u were s p e a k i n g about at Fort H o p e , a n d I a m still in h o p e of b e i n g the lucky a p p l i c a n t . " 4 0 M c K e n z i e replied that a s s o o n a s the i n c u m b e n t h a d "settled up with s c h o o l affairs at H o p e , " s h e w o u l d be g i v e n first refusal of the p o s i t i o n . 4 1 A l t h o u g h s h e m a y h a v e e x a g g e r a t e d her other "offers," her tone in this letter is r e v e a l i n g of h e r g e n e r a l attitude in d e a l i n g with the a u t h o r i t i e s - s h e w a s sui tably deferential , but in no w a y d i m i n i s h e d herself . T h e evolut ion of the situation in Fort H o p e w a s in itself a n interest ing story, with both racial a n d g e n d e r s u b t e x t s . C o r r e s p o n d e n c e b e t w e e n the trustees at Fort H o p e a n d the S u p e r i n t e n d e n t indica tes that the s c h o o l h a d a history of difficulty in k e e p i n g a t tendance up. In the spring of 1880, M i s s J . E . T r e n a m a n , w h o h a d taught there s i n c e 1876, res igned in the w a k e of s o m e disc ipl inary p r o b l e m s . In J u n e , the s c h o o l w a s c l o s e d , but at the e n d of A u g u s t , the s c h o o l b o a r d secretary wrote that there w a s n o w "the full c o m p l e m e n t of c h i l d r e n " w h o s e parents w e r e "waiting with s o m e anxiety" to learn whether the s c h o o l would be r e o p e n e d . 4 2 V o i c i n g the typica l c o n c e r n s of "rural authorit ies [who] w o r r i e d a b o u t the ability of w o m e n t e a c h e r s , particularly if they w e r e 4 0 S u s a n Suckley to C. C. McKenzie, 12 March 1881, Superintendent of Education, incoming correspondence. 4 1 C . C. McKenzie to Susan Suckley, 14 March 1881. 4 2 J a m e s Wardle to C. C. McKenzie, 22 August 1880. y o u n g , to m a n a g e s c h o o l s a t tended by y o u n g m e n a n d abou t t he ab i l i ty of w o m e n to 'govern* ch i l d ren in g e n e r a l , " 4 3 the t r u s t e e s r e q u e s t e d a m a l e t e a c h e r if p o s s i b l e , " a s s o m e of the c h i l d r e n a r e ge t t ing to[o] l a rge for a f e m a l e t e a c h e r . " 4 4 At f irst, M r . E . J . W o o d , the m a l e t e a c h e r w h o w a s h i red , s e e m e d fa i r l y w e l l - d i s p o s e d to h is p o s t i n g , a l t h o u g h the y o u n g E n g l i s h m a n o b v i o u s l y c o n s i d e r e d the p l a c e fa r r e m o v e d f r o m c i v i l i z a t i o n . Ini t ial ly, h e d e s c r i b e d h is s t u d e n t s a s not by a n y m e a n s a n in te l lec tua l c r o w d but I s u p p o s e I s h a l l m a n a g e to dr ive s o m e t h i n g into t h e m be fo re l o n g , the y o u n g r a s c a l s s p e a k but ve ry imper fec t E n g l i s h a n d a s the C h i n o o k l a n g u a g e w a s not taught at m y C o l l e g e I f ind it ra ther dif f icult to u n d e r s t a n d t h e m ; h o w e v e r I a m get t ing o n ve ry we l l c o n s i d e r i n g a l l t h i n g s . 4 5 B y the nex t m o n t h , h o w e v e r , h e w a s s tar t ing to c o m p l a i n of p r o b l e m s wi th s t u d e n t s (he h a d lost a fami l y of f i ve) , w h i c h h e at th is po in t b l a m e d o n the R o m a n C a t h o l i c c le rgy , w h o m he c o n s i d e r e d " the f i e r c e o p p o n e n t s of the G o v e r n m e n t S y s t e m of e d u c a t i o n . " 4 6 At the b e g i n n i n g of 1 8 8 1 , Mr . W o o d h a d a l r e a d y e x p r e s s e d h is in tent ion to l e a v e For t H o p e . H e c l a i m e d that h is r e a s o n s for d o i n g s o w e r e t w o f o l d : f i rst , he f o u n d it i m p o s s i b l e to s u b s i s t o n h is s a l a r y , g i v e n h o w e x p e n s i v e it w a s to l ive at For t H o p e ; a n d , s e c o n d , wi th r e g a r d s to the s c h o o l , he h a d not "had a b e d of r o s e s . " H e wen t on to exp la i n that " s o m e of the h a l f b r e e d s a t tend ing th is s c h o o l a r e to s a y the 4 3 Danylewicz, Light, and Prentice, "The Evolution of the Sexual Division of Labour in Teaching," p. 85. 4 4 Wil l iam Yates to C. C. McKenzie, 8 April 1880. 4 5 E . J . Wood to C. C. McKenzie, 6 October 1880. 4 6 E . J . Wood to C. C. McKenzie, [?] November 1880. least d o w n r i g h t ' g a o l - b i r d s . ' " 4 7 It is c lear from the c o r r e s p o n d e n c e of both M r . W o o d a n d the trustees that a ser ious conflict of p e r s o n a l i t y a n d lifestyle exis ted b e t w e e n the t e a c h e r a n d the c o m m u n i t y , with both s i d e s bel ieving t h e m s e l v e s to b e the w r o n g e d party. (Al though W o o d c l a i m e d that the "most r e s p e c t a b l e portion of the inhabitants" c o n d e m n e d the trustees ' ac t ions , this s e e m s unl ikely , a s the t rustees w e r e t h e m s e l v e s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of that " p o r t i o n . " 4 8 ) W o o d obviously c o n s i d e r e d most of his pupils to b e u n r e d e e m e d s a v a g e s , a n estimation not likely to e n d e a r h im to t rus tees w h o s e chi ldren were a m o n g that n u m b e r . T h e fallout f rom W o o d ' s tenure carr ied o v e r for a while after S u s a n S u c k l e y b e g a n teaching in Fort H o p e , a n d s h e w a s p r o b a b l y required to e m p l o y a g o o d d e a l of d i p l o m a c y in d e a l i n g with the leftover i s s u e s . M r . W o o d h a d left without s e n d i n g a report to V i c t o r i a for the m o n t h of F e b r u a r y ; the t rustees i n f o r m e d S u s a n that he h a d n e v e r furnished t h e m with any reports at al l . T h e y m a y only h a v e b e e n trying to m a k e him look b a d , but the result w a s that s h e h a d to p i e c e together as best s h e could a report for a month w h e n s h e h a d not b e e n present at the s c h o o l . 4 9 M o r e ser iously , s h e h a d to d e a l with the d i m i n i s h e d n u m b e r of s tudents that w a s his l e g a c y . T h e s c h o o l w a s o n c e a g a i n threatened with c losure , if s h e c o u l d not " i n d u c e " the p e o p l e to s e n d their children to s c h o o l , s o that a n 4 7 E . J . Wood to C. C. McKenzie, 25 January 1881. 4 8 E . J . Wood to C. C. McKenzie, 25 February 1881. 4 9 S u s a n Suckley to C. C. McKenzie, 2 April 1881; C. C. McKenzie to Susan Suckley, 9 April 1881. a v e r a g e of t en ch i ld ren c o u l d be kept u p . 5 0 T h i s s h e e n d e a v o u r e d to d o i m m e d i a t e l y , rep ly ing to M c K e n z i e : T h e p e o p l e he re s e e m qui te a n x i o u s to k e e p up the S c h o o l . W h e n I in t imated that you w e r e a n x i o u s to s e e the R e p o r t of M a y h a v e a bet ter b e a r i n g , t hey a l m o s t b rough t up by f o r ce a fami ly con ta in ing a n u m b e r of ch i l d ren f rom a R a n c h s o m e m i l es b e l o w H o p e s o that the s c h o o l s h o u l d h a v e the a v e r a g e n u m b e r a g a i n . 5 1 E v i d e n t l y s h e w a s s u c c e s s f u l , for the s c h o o l r e o p e n e d in t he fa l l w i th f i f teen n a m e s o n the r e g i s t e r . 5 2 In t he m e a n t i m e , S u s a n h a d to rewr i te the t e a c h e r s ' e x a m i n a t i o n . In the shor t pe r iod of t ime s h e h a d taught at the s c h o o l , s h e h a d a p p a r e n t l y w o n o v e r the t r u s t e e s , w h o wro te to t he S u p e r i n t e n d e n t : W e h a v e grea t p l e a s u r e in s ta t ing that du r ing the t ime M i s s S u c k l e y h a s b e e n in c h a r g e of the P u b l i c S c h o o l at th is p l a c e , the re h a s b e e n a m a r k e d i m p r o v e m e n t in the p r o g r e s s of the s c h o l a r s , a n d s i n c e r e l y t rust that y o u wi l l a l l o w he r to return to fulf i l l he r du t i es a s T e a c h e r , a s s h e h a s ent i re ly g a i n e d the respec t , c o n f i d e n c e , a n d a f fec t i on of he r pup i l s by he r k i n d n e s s , f i r m n e s s , a n d a b i l i t y . 5 3 S u s a n d id m a n a g e to do we l l e n o u g h o n the e x a m i n a t i o n , a l t h o u g h at f i ve p e r cen t l o w e r t han the p r e v i o u s yea r , to b e a l l o w e d to c o n t i n u e . 5 4 5 0 C . C. McKenzie to Susan Suckley, 10 May 1881. 5 1 Susan Suckley to C. C. McKenzie, 22 May 1881. 5 2 S u s a n Suckley to C. C. McKenzie, 1 September 1881. 5 3 H o p e school trustees, James Wardle, William Yates, and [signature illegible] to C. C. McKenzie, 28 June 1881. 5 4 Regis ter of Teachers' Certificates 1881. Superintendent McKenzie felt the need to exhort her to begin preparing for the next year's examination right away--and especially to strive to improve her spelling. C. C. McKenzie to Susan Suckley, 22 September 1881. D e s p i t e a n y d e f i c i e n c i e s s h e m a y h a v e h a d in a c a d e m i c e x c e l l e n c e , t he re is e v i d e n c e that S u s a n took he r t e a c h i n g qu i te s e r i o u s l y . I n d e e d , the con ten t of her let ters to the S u p e r i n t e n d e n t w a s s o m e w h a t s u r p r i s i n g to m e , a s I h a d o r ig ina l l y b e l i e v e d that s h e v i e w e d he r work a lmos t ent i re ly a s a m e a n s to a n e n d . W h i l e th is p r a c t i c a l e l e m e n t w a s u n d o u b t e d l y p r e s e n t , he r le t ters a l s o i n d i c a t e a d e d i c a t i o n to he r pup i l s a n d the i r l ea rn ing , a n d a d e t e r m i n a t i o n to d o the bes t job s h e c o u l d . In cont rast to Mr . W o o d , s h e a l m o s t i m m e d i a t e l y s t a t e d that s h e w a s "qui te p l e a s e d " w i th h e r s t u d e n t s ' b e h a v i o u r , a n d then m o v e d on to "cand id ly " a s s e s s the b o o k s a n d s u p p l i e s n e c e s s a r y for the s c h o o l unti l v a c a t i o n . S h e a l s o a s k e d to h a v e s e n t to her , wi th the cos t d e d u c t e d f rom he r s a l a r y , a n u m b e r of o the r b o o k s , i nc lud ing " M o s e l P s E s s e n t i a l s of E n g l i s h G r a m m a r wi th e x e r c i s e s , a n a d v a n c e d Ar i thmet ic , a n d a M o d e r n G e o g r a p h y . " S h e d id not r e s i g n f rom the s c h o o l w h e n s h e mar r i ed (her let ter of M a r c h 15 , 1882 w a s s i g n e d S u s a n F lood ) , a n d m a y e v e n h a v e en te r t a i ned h o p e s of con t inu ing on the next y e a r h a d s h e not b e c o m e p regnan t . In a n y c a s e , s h e r e m a i n e d c o n c e r n e d for he r pup i l s , p r a i s i n g the i r regu la r i t y a n d d e s i r e to l e a r n , a n d repor t i ng p r o u d l y o n the i r p r o g r e s s - s u c h a s w h e n f ive s t u d e n t s h a d b e e n a l l o w e d to b e g i n s t u d y i n g G e o g r a p h y a n d h o p e d to c o m m e n c e H is to ry a s we l l . S h e o f f e red he r o p i n i o n that the C o l l i e r ' s E n g l i s h H i s t o r i e s p o s s e s s e d by the s c h o o l w e r e "not s o e a s i l y re ta ined by b e g i n n e r s " a s a s m a l l " c a t e c h i s m " w o u l d be ; h e n c e , s h e h a d d e t e r m i n e d to "get a f e w of the C a t e c h i s m s of E n g l i s h H is to ry for the p u r p o s e of l e a r n i n g t he r u d i m e n t s of H is to ry , a n d at the s a m e t ime r e a d out of C o l l i e r ' s E n g l i s h H i s t o r y till fu r ther a d v a n c e d . " 5 5 S u s a n ' s work a s a t e a c h e r thus i nc luded a s s e s s i n g n e e d s a n d o r d e r i n g b o o k s a n d o ther s u p p l i e s , t end ing to the i n c r e a s i n g a m o u n t s of p a p e r w o r k that wen t a l o n g wi th a m o r e c e n t r a l i z e d s y s t