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A tale of two Susans: the construction of gender identity on the British Columbia frontier Bonson, Anita M. J. 1997

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A TALE OF TWO SUSANS: T H E C O N S T R U C T I O N O F G E N D E R IDENTITY O N T H E BRITISH C O L U M B I A F R O N T I E R by ANITA M . J. B O N S O N B.A., M.A.,  The  The  University  U n i v e r s i t y of  of  Victoria  British  Columbia  A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T O F T H E REQUIREMENTS FOR T H E D E G R E E O F D O C T O R O F PHILOSOPHY in T H E FACULTY O F G R A D U A T E STUDIES Department  We  of  Educational  a c c e p t this t h e s i s a s to  the  required  Studies  conforming  standard  T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F BRITISH C O L U M B I A May ©Anita  M . J.  1997 Bonson,  1997  In  presenting  degree freely  this  at the  thesis  in  partial  University  of  British Columbia, I agree  available for reference  copying  of  this  department publication  or of  thesis for by  his  fulfilment  of  and study. I further  or  her  this thesis for  representatives.  of  The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  •ate  DE-6 (2/88)  MAY  aq  1^7-  STI^PI  f f  that the  be  It  financial gain shall not  gpucAnfltslAL  requirements  agree  scholarly purposes may  permission.  Department  the  is  for  an  Library shall make  that permission for granted  by the  understood  be allowed  advanced  extensive  head  that  without  it  of  copying  my or  my written  ABSTRACT Over  the  last  striven  with t h e  past.  The  stories  informed  concern  recently  approach  experience,  and  n o t i o n of a b s o l u t e  the  to  been  uncover  the  materialist  content  occupied  of  approaches  experiences  by subjects.  that  a n d the  l i v e s of two  Holmes  Susan  Suckley Flood)  Columbia,  a  context  in w h i c h  life  issues  research  and was  insist  on  various  women  of the  as  a  informed  by  influenced by  accounting  discursive the  teachers  bases  (Susan  little w o r k  for  both  positions  on  of  identity  Abercrombie  in n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y  relatively  the  theoretically-  designed  S p e c i f i c a l l y , it e x a m i n e s  in t h e  l i v e s in  and which challenges  historical  construction and  more  This study was of  have  women's  into c o n s i d e r a t i o n  sociological debates on these issues,  feminist  women's  by a  representation,  latter t y p e  historians  "retrieving"  augmented  objectivity.  the  women's  with m e r e l y  which takes  voice,  contribution  years,  p r o b l e m of h o w to  early  has  twenty-five  British  the  history  of  women has been done. Identity constructed,  is not  changing,  markers  of  such  gender,  as  and  life s t o r i e s of t h e  the  less  are  g i v e n or s t a t i c ,  and sometimes  race,  class,  their  ambiguities  two  further a d u m b r a t e d  These  are  u p o n to  are  all s e e n  as i i  Even  describe  discussed  through  rather  a  an  women's  those  seen  in r e l a t i o n  the  e f f e c t s of  examination identities  interrelated,  as  person-  nationality-are  Subsequently,  in w h i c h t h e  but  contradictory.  religion, a n d  women.  obvious ways  constructed.  as  identity c o m m o n l y c a l l e d  problematic,  "markers"  perceived  to  as the  these  of s o m e  were  and include  the  of  influences of their families of origin on the women's earlier lives, especially regarding their education and marriage decisions, their functions as economic agents, their social relationships, and their self-images or self-representations.  To the extent that these were  fashioned by their gender identity, many similarities can be seen in their lives, but their experiences also diverged (widely or narrowly) as a result of their differences in other aspects, notably racial identity.  These differences had a profound effect on the type and  degree of material and ideological constraints placed upon them, and thus on the degree to which they were able to shape the construction of their own identities.  TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract  ii  Table  iv  of C o n t e n t s  Acknowledgements  vi  Chapter One  Historical "Voice": Theoretical Influences Feminist Materialism T h e P r o j e c t s of F e m i n i s t H i s t o r y W o m e n ' s Personal Narratives  1 5 1 4 2 0  Chapter Two  T h e A m b i g u i t i e s of Identity " I d e n t i t y " in H i s t o r i c a l R e c o r d s Susan Abercrombie Holmes S u s a n Suckley Flood T h e Q u e s t i o n of R a c e R a c i a l Identity o n t h e W e s t e r n F r o n t i e r Class Religion Nationality  3 3 34 37 4 3 51 54 60 66 68  Chapter Three  T h e F a m i l y of O r i g i n Family History The Nagle Family  72 74 78  Family  Surrogates  86  Family  Influence on Marriage  Chapter Four  100  E c o n o m i c Identities T e a c h i n g in N i n e t e e n t h - C e n t u r y Columbia T e a c h i n g Before 1872 T e a c h i n g in t h e 1 8 8 0 s T h e I m p o r t a n c e of L a n d  117 British  The Family Economy Chapter Five  The  Construction  of  118 120 130 139 143  Social  Identities  159  H o m e and Family Relations  160  Other Household Members The Larger Community Organizations  181 184 198  i v  Chapter  Six  Self-images  and  Self-Representations  Religious/Spiritual Identity Artistic/Literary Constructions of Self Self-Assertion and Self-image Chapter Seven  207 the  Reflections on the T a l e , the Telling, a n d t h e T e l l e r : H i s t o r y at t h e C r o s s r o a d s of P o w e r a n d Interested R e p r e s e n t a t i o n Identity O p t i o n s Implications  Bibliography Appendix  1  205  221 237  246 247 252 256  Chronology:  S u s a n Abercrombie  Holmes  (Nagle) 274  Appendix 2  Chronology:  Susan Suckley Flood  Appendix 3  Family Tree:  Nagle/Holmes  275  Appendix 4  Family Tree:  Suckley/Flood  277  v  274  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I a m grateful to m a n y p e o p l e for the h e l p t h e y h a v e g i v e n in b o t h s m a l l a n d l a r g e w a y s , writing this d i s s e r t a t i o n . beneficiary numerous a  very  First  of  others, are  among  these  Deirdre  Kelly,  a  and  a n d faith.  a n d moral support. gracious materials Eileen own  and  from  friends,  I have  librarians,  f e w p e o p l e that are  I would  my committee  Leslie Doug  archivists  a n d thoughts  Roman-for Simak has  members-Jean  been  all of t h e i r  been  both  with their  encouragement,  u n s t i n t i n g in h i s l o g i s t i c a l tremendously  hospitality a n d  r e g a r d i n g their g r a n d m o t h e r .  Finally,  I w i s h to a c k n o w l e d g e t h e  I w o u l d not h a v e  thank.  Barman,  with My  mother,  B o n s o n , p r o v i d e d t h e s a m e kind of living c o n n e c t i o n to  their p r e s e n c e ,  the  and  have  p a r t i c u l a r l y like to  D o n a n d Phyllis R o b e r t s were  generous  grandmother.  and  been  indeed.  S u s a n Holmes and S u s a n Flood themselves. their  of r e s e a r c h i n g  a n d without s u c h a s s i s t a n c e this w o u l d  task  There  advice,  process  O n e v e r y s t e p of t h e w a y ,  assistance  difficult  d u r i n g the  me,  her  "guidance"  of  W i t h o u t m y s e n s e of  b e e n a b l e to u n d e r t a k e t h e t e l l i n g of  tales.  vi  CHAPTER ONE: HISTORICAL "VOICE": THEORETICAL  Until gender  fairly r e c e n t l y ,  a n d its i m p o r t a n c e  serious  to the  was  Columbia.  This omission denotes  Boag from  have most  female  historical noted,  missing from  record:  as  of t h e  question  scholarly  work  an incompleteness  Gillian C r e e s e  and  on  [on  B. C ]  reflects t h e  in all its v a r i e t y  into o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the  is to  p a s t a n d the  be  in the Veronica  retrieved 1  men's  British  w o r k still to  present."  of  and  "the c o n t i n u e d a b s e n c e of m u c h of w o m e n ' s  scholarship  experience  analysis  u n d e r s t a n d i n g of w o m e n ' s  experience  province's  largely  a  INFLUENCES  and  be  Stronglives d o n e if  integrated  Beyond  the  Gillian Creese and Veronica Strong-Boag, eds., British Columbia Reconsidered: Essays on Women (Vancouver: Press Gang, 1992), p. 8. For other works that have dealt with the history of women in British Columbia, see Barbara Latham and Cathy Kess, eds., In Her Own Right: Selected Essavs on Women's History in B. C. (Victoria: Camosun College, 1980); Barbara K. Latham and Roberta J . Pazdro, eds., Not Just Pin Money: Selected Essays on the History of Women's Work in British Columbia (Victoria: Camosun College, 1984); and the B C Studies special double issue on "Women's History and Gender Studies," nos. 105-6 (Spring 1995), eds., Annalee Golz and Lynne Marks. Two works on specific women from this time period are: Margaret A. Ormsby, ed., A Pioneer Gentlewoman in British Columbia: The Recollections of Susan Allison (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1976), and Kathryn Bridge, Henry and Self: The Private Life of Sarah Crease 1826-1922 (Victoria: Sono Nis, 1996). A number of publications that consider the experiences of women in the context of the American western frontier may also be of interest. These include: Sandra L. Myres, Westering Women and the Frontier Experience 1800-1915 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982); Glenda Riley, The Female Frontier: A Comparative View of Women on the Prairie and the Plains (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1988); Lillian Schlissel, Vicki L. Ruiz, and Janice Monk, eds., Western Women: Their Land. Their Lives (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988); John W. Bennett and Seena B. Kohl, Settling the Canadian-American West. 1890-1915: Pioneer Adaptation and Community Building (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1995); Dean L. May, Three Frontiers: Family. Land, and Society in the American West. 18501900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); and Glenda Riley, Building and Breaking Families in the American West (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996). See Diana Pedersen, Changing Women. Changing History: A Bibliography of the History of Women in Canada, second edition (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1996) for a comprehensive source of material on Canadian women's history in general. 1  1  "corrective"  nature  ideological  and  experiences The women class  strong  (perhaps for the  C . society  few  in n u m b e r power  also  race  within  which  r e m a i n s to b e  in particular)  gender, long  nineteenth  were  racial, The  one.  w o r k of e x c a v a t i n g  i n f l u e n c e of c o n t e x t o n t h e  relative  racial,  century,  class,  and gender  great-grandmother,  because  the  be denied. major  "Race"  structure  and  2  of  in p a r t i c u l a r , t h r o u g h  through  women The  3  the  experience  of  constituting  and  the  were  still  relations  colonial  (and  through  structures.  f o r this  historical  project  was  a  personal  I w a s f a s c i n a t e d b y w h a t I k n e w of m y a woman  I perceived  in a n d c o p e d with t h r e e different w o r l d s .  I h a d never thought  of  done.  counterparts.  S u s a n Suckley Flood,  evidence  nexus  women's  m i d d l e - c l a s s , white  economic  the  lives a n d e x p e r i e n c e s  been  class  distinctively constructed  original impetus  lived  and  to t h e i r m a l e  S i n c e I w a s a child,  having  have  peculiarly s k e w e d :  provincial) political a n d  these  the  relations  situated  was  of t h e  later  material  were  end  of  task,  in British C o l u m b i a ' s history c a n n o t  factors, B.  of t h e  left of h e r life s e e m e d  of a t t e m p t i n g to  interpret  somewhat  as  However, fragmentary,  her experience  in a n y  O f course, "race" is, like gender, a problematic category, and its reification has tended to obscure its historical nature. In the context of this study, the construction of race in nineteenth-century B. C . is of considerable significance. This will be discussed more fully in Chapter Two. In order to indicate its socially constructed character, the term "race" has been put in quotations here, but will not subsequently be so marked, in the interests of reader convenience. J o h n Belshaw points out that the traditional view of frontier B. C . society as overwhelmingly male is not entirely accurate. A more moderate male:female ratio occurred among non-Asian settlers. Given the barriers against marriage between Asian men and European women, this would mean that women had a higher representation in the non-Asian population than has generally been acknowledged. John Belshaw, "Cradle to Grave: An Examination of Demographic Behaviour on Two British Columbia Frontiers," Journal of the Canadian Historical Association. New Series, vol. 5 (1994): 48-50. 2  3  s c h o l a r l y historical s e n s e . (Nagle) one  H o l m e s were  of t h e  few  offer a n  of a the  woman  d i a r i e s of S u s a n  b r o u g h t to m y attention.  women's  exceptional  o p p o r t u n i t y to  in t h i s p a r t i c u l a r c o n t e x t .  Flood as  construction  a  These  examples  autobiographical  p o s s i b i l i t y of v i e w i n g S u s a n  Susan  the  publicly a c c e s s i b l e  nineteenth-century such  Then  of  lives  of  writing in B .  delve  into t h e  W h e n I started  Holmes' experience  women  diaries  provide  long-term  "point" a n d " c o u n t e r p o i n t " o n t h e  in t h e  Abercrombie  C ,  and  as  experiences reading  a n d that  them, of  b a s e s of identity  in n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y  British  C o l u m b i a b e g a n to t a k e s h a p e . While Susan  I s t a r t e d out b y w o n d e r i n g h o w m u c h a n e x a m i n a t i o n  H o l m e s ' life c o u l d i l l u m i n a t e S u s a n  d i s c o v e r e d that t h e r e s e a r c h questions may  to a s k  have  about the  experienced  limitations.  To some  a similar course:  I did on e a c h other,  both b e c a m e  married  men  they  at  partly i m p o s e d b y o t h e r s ; and  commonalities example, much  artistic  more  w o u l d a p p e a r to b e a "mainstream" "margins."  natures.  only go  elemental.  themselves,  so  of  far,  race,  but  as  flowing  under certain  both e x p r e s s e d However, these  as  the  social  differences status,  and  strong  of h e r s o c i e t y ,  whereas  on  more  both  constraints religious  apparent between  them-for  religion-seem  In light of t h e s e d i f f e r e n c e s , representative  they  and  rather t h a n f r o m a n y s e n s e of c a r e e r ;  "chose"  differences  opportunities,  t e a c h e r s at o n e point, p r o b a b l y  reasons  sentiments  different w a y s  their lives c o u l d b e s e e n  for e c o n o m i c  least  I eventually  o n e brought up new  a n d about the  similar contexts,  degree  Flood's,  of  of w o m e n m o r e  Susan  Holmes  in t h e  Susan Flood was  more  on  the  T h e s e two w o m e n a r e , of c o u r s e , "representative"  of o t h e r  o n l y in a w e a k  w o m e n of their t i m e a n d p l a c e .  n e i t h e r is a f a m o u s or "great" w o m a n , e a c h ways--but some  perhaps  remarkable  remarkableness, kinds  of  a n y w o m a n s t u d i e d at traits.  their  constraints,  sense  Yet, lives  While  is r e m a r k a b l e in m a n y  random would  also  show  in b o t h their o r d i n a r i n e s s a n d  offer s o m e  struggles,  and  insight  into  the  c o n d i t i o n s that  their  particular  contributed  to  s h a p i n g their e x p e r i e n c e .  In this w a y , a d e e p e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of  their e x p e r i e n c e s  the  thinking  about  may,  at  very  least,  offer a  other w o m e n ' s experiences  different w a y  within t h e  early  of  B. C .  context. However, be  a  "complete"  gained from an  than  from an  social must  and economic  unaffected  as  be  b y the  embedded. seen  silenced  either  of o n l y t h e  structures  in w h i c h t h e y  viewed as  limited,  context  of  power  active  definition  interests,  could be accorded  of t h e i r w o r k ,  their  voices  a n d structures,  materialist b o t h of t h e  any  ideological or lived.  Their  within  cannot more  only  the  "voices"  f r o m or  .  which they  were be  a g e n t s in a d i s c o u r s e t h e y d i d not c o n t r o l , a n d in more  altogether) w h e n claims were  interpreting  alone,  not s e p a r a b l e  relations  lives  T h e s e w o m e n , a n d others similarly situated, c a n thus  w h i c h their v o i c e s  the  interpretation of their e x p e r i e n c e  interpretation  necessarily  u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e s e two  theories content  and  identities,  in r e l a t i o n I have  to  been  approaches  or less  being made and  weight  with r e g a r d s  experience.  other  voices,  insist o n  of w o m e n ' s e x p e r i e n c e s  to  In  ideologies,  influenced by s o m e  that  (or  taking  a n d of t h e  feminist account  discursive  positions  and  structural  locations  constructed  the  Feminist  Materialism  In noted  her  of  an  perspective,  through  in  into  its  race,  avoiding a  Marxist  age,  strictly  accounts. and  a  contested.  It p r e s u p p o s e s  discourses  process  and  perspectives  In s h o r t ,  as  material  realities ideas,  their  speak."  perspective  than  in  language  most  integrated  focusing  analysis,  such  materialist be  on positions  w h i l e at t h e  5  as  that  a term  contain  plurality of  same  found  analyses,  conceptualized  authority  4  materialist  gendered  orientation,"  cultural  a  Kaplan  analysis."  is  less  in  which negotiated  a  and  plurality of  positions  and  6  Judith Newton a n d D e b o r a h Rosenfelt  materialist  to  to  of " h e g e m o n y , "  sites,  w h i c h to  feminist  granted  approach,  that s o c i e t i e s  discursive  from  feminist  feminist  wherein  yet  within the  of p o w e r t e n d to  a  not  Cora  political  "productivist"  "designates  criticism,  had  which  lives.  and  and sexual  t e r m s of " r e p r o d u c t i o n " t h a n  groups  psychoanalytic  economic  relations  Within  relations  or  materialist  material  class,  approach  attempted  which takes  different  structures  is  and  feminist  ("semiotic  "social,  various  identities  socialist  feminist  subjectivity  integration  "women's  of  socialist  perspectives") Such  of t h e i r  discussion  that t h e  questions  time  meaning  of t h e  generally  means  feminist  criticism  a n d culture than  "more and  in m u c h  point out, focus more  a  on power  traditional  C o r a Kaplan, "Pandora's Box: Subjectivity, Class and Sexuality in Socialist Feminist Criticism," in S e a Changes: Culture and Feminism (London: Verso, 1986). 4  L e s l i e G . Roman and Linda K. Christian-Smith, eds., Becoming Feminine: The Politics of Popular Culture (London: Falmer Press, 1988), p. 5. 5  N a n c y Fraser, "The Uses and Abuses of French Discourse Theories for Feminist Politics," boundary 2 17, no. 2 (1990): 85. 6  Marxist  criticism."  through a a  T h e latter a s p e c t  7  d i s c u s s i o n of i d e o l o g y , v i e w e d not  set  of d e l i b e r a t e  above,  but [as]  which  we  social  system  experience also  Subjectivity language  to is  of  positions.  construct  formations," These  necessary  "discursively  views  a  from  it " a s  subjects.  that having  often a  . . .  point of a r t i c u l a t i o n  as  the  may  be  understand that  historically  effects  a  any  or  identities  specific  social  employed  by  subject-  even  time."  are contexts;  1 1  of " e x p e r i e n c e "  women's  of s u b j e c t i v i t y  of  individual's social  such  conception  of  r a n g e of  incompatible  implies a  'core'  Ideology we  "through  recognize in  other  8  a n d p l u r a l , a n d t h e y shift o v e r  perspective  by those w h o s e  live. which  a n d is d i s p l a c e d a c r o s s  to  each  constructed  in o r d e r to  constructed  complex  Such different  Thus,  of  through  well, for t h e w o r k of i d e o l o g y  subject-positions  identity,  it is  9  through  coherent  discursively  1 0  are  as  done  from  system  myths)  s t r u c t u r e s in w h i c h w e  ourselves  us  in relation to  representations  contradictory.  they  ourselves  a n d -representation  ideological  imposed on  images,  is o f t e n  as  a n d contradictory  (discourse,  experience  a n d to t h e is a  distortions  a complex  representations  is  of this a n a l y s i s  historians,  knowable  quite  which  first-hand  m i n d s a n d b o d i e s 'lived' t h e e x p e r i e n c e . "  1 2  only  Thus,  Judith Newton and Deborah Rosenfelt, eds., Feminist Criticism and Social Change: Sex. Class and Race in Literature and Culture (New York: Methuen, 1985), p. xix. 7  8  ibid.  T e r e s a de Lauretis, Alice Doesn't: Indiana University Press, 1984), p. 14. 9  Feminism. Semiotics. Cinema (Bloomington:  C a t h e r i n e Belsey, "Constructing the Subject: Deconstructing the Text," in Feminist Criticism and Social Change, eds. Newton and Rosenfelt, p. 50. 10  F r a s e r , "The Uses and Abuses of French Discourse Theories," p. 84. R u t h Roach Pierson, "Experience, Difference, Dominance and Voice in the Writing of Canadian Women's History," in Writing Women's History: International 11  1 2  "experience"  is not u s u a l l y d e e m e d to b e a c c u r a t e l y  t h i s is d o n e  in t h e  distance,  "difference" from those  or  particular w o m e n ' s o w n "voices":  a c c o r d e d the account.  voices,  the  others  separated  from these  lived e x p e r i e n c e ,  mere  of d i f f e r e n c e  words and  must  also  others' itself.  be  examined  and  place  the  narrator's Joan  Scott  of e x p e r i e n c e orthodox  as  They  has  take  always  own  contends  "political a n d  that, w h i l e a n  evidence has  as  is  than  by  the  written  or  spoken  d o not s t a n d  be contextualized.  must  of t h e  be aware  institutional  insistence  experience  weakened  these  self-evident the  as  time  of b o t h  contexts."  on the  authority to  uncontestable  critical  histories  identities of t h o s e  is b e i n g d o c u m e n t e d  alone  Narratives  b e e n e s s e n t i a l to c h a l l e n g e s  " a p p e a l to  a n d thus  because whose  naturalize  their  nature  experience  experience  . . . a r e left a s i d e .  then  becomes  than  a  how  it o p e r a t e s ,  way  histories  evidence  T h e e v i d e n c e of  for the  fact of d i f f e r e n c e ,  of e x p l o r i n g h o w d i f f e r e n c e is  who see thus  h o w a n d in w h a t a n d act  preclude  of g i v e n i d e o l o g i c a l s y s t e m s :  a  in t h e critical the  ways  world.  it  of  rather  established, constitutes  1 3  examination  experience  is  that it is  d i f f e r e n c e . . . Q u e s t i o n s a b o u t the c o n s t r u c t e d  subjects Such  their  actually  experience  Moreover, women's  a n d their interpreters  h i s t o r y , this  evidence"  rather  the  authenticity  in relation to d o m i n a n t d i s c o u r s e s  concerned, and  less  unless  greater  that a d o m i n a n t g r o u p  b e critically e x a m i n e d , f o r t h e y  u n m e d i a t e d , but m u s t  should  the  H o w e v e r , Ruth R o a c h P i e r s o n a r g u e s  b y virtue of its " p o w e r o v e r "  fact  rendered  of t h e  of t h o s e  categories  placed  within  Perspectives, eds. Karen Often, Ruth Roach Pierson, and Jane Rendall (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1991), p. 83. J o a n W. Scott, "The Evidence of Experience," Critical Inquiry 17, no. 4 (1991): 7 7 7 . 1 3  these not  categories  is m a d e  historicized. Scott d o e s  does  insist,  status,  to  visible,  "Experience" not a d v o c a t e  however,  that  recognize  its  but t h e  is  not  its s t u d y  must  new focus  "experience  is, in this a p p r o a c h ,  not t h e  but that w h i c h w e w a n t to e x p l a i n . " experience  is o f f e r e d b y T e r e s a  to  something  o r i g i n of o u r  an  all  social  beings,  subjectivity  T h r o u g h that p r o c e s s  one places  social  perceives  reality, a n d s o  subjective those  (referring  to,  even  relations-material,  which  are  and  explanation,  1 5  who uses  the term  not  individual,  process  but r a t h e r in t h e g e n e r a l s e n s e of a for  analyze  its  o n identity p r o d u c t i o n , but  Lauretis,  " b e l o n g i n g " to  to  question  She  S u c h a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g of  1 4  de  "experience."  b e g i n to  political construction,  T h e r e must be a  are  historicized.  a b a n d o n i n g the term  r e d e f i n e it.  express  categories themselves  is  by which,  constructed.  o n e s e l f or is p l a c e d in  and comprehends originating  economic,  in f a c t s o c i a l a n d , in a  and  larger  in,  as  oneself)  interpersonal— perspective,  historical. This and  process,  a n d therefore  subjectivity  "not a f i x e d point of d e p a r t u r e  interacts  with  Such "freeing"  a  the  the  world."  of " w o m e n ' s  of w o m e n  feminists.  voices,"  For example,  is  ongoing  or arrival f r o m w h i c h o n e  d e f i n i t i o n of e x p e r i e n c e voices  constructed,  then  1 6  particularly straightforward. even  the  as  The has  the  means  past  n o t i o n of  historical subjects  i d e a of t h e  been  that t h e  "Woman's  extremely  is  voice,"  problematic  p r o b l e m s of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n  not and  for  and  14  i b i d . , p. 797.  1 5  T e r e s a de Lauretis, Alice Doesn't (1984); and "Eccentric Subjects: Feminist  Theory and Historical Consciousness," Feminist Studies 16, no. 1 (1990). 1 6  d e Lauretis, Alice Doesn't, p. 159.  potential  appropriation  methods  d e s i g n e d to b e r e s p o n s i v e to the  and  "empower"  the  in r e c e n t y e a r s .  woman's  problems that of  [their]  as  will  middle-class such  nature are  not  a  standard  non-white ethnic  distinguish  received  voices  considerable  for  s a m e time it t e n d s  ignore respect  probably  their  voices  not  see  voice,'" a n d s e c o n d ,  the that  point out two  to  the to  of  attention  "demanding  with  related  likelihood other  parts  "simply  or  some  b e c a u s e of this  likely to b e h e a r d n o w t h a n a r e  others.  feel  middle-class  an  uneasiness  in w h i c h t h e y  often  with w h i t e ,  cannot  Elizabeth Spelman  women  about  nature,'  or  n e e d to h e a r the  reasons  at the First,  has  that, just a s  'woman's  racial  research  As  recognize  1 7  all w o m e n ,  that  and  highly vulnerable  more  later w o r k ,  double  have  political  heard,"  women  theorizing,  In a white  "feel  are  "Other"  themselves.  and  a 'woman's  voices  result,  feminist  who  in p r a c t i c e s  a n d S p e l m a n , while a c k n o w l e d g i n g  demand.  identity"  essentially  a  be  with this  women  women's  moral,  voice  even  "subjugated"  Lugones  epistemological, the  of v o i c e  women,  or ' w o m e n ' s often  women voice  being a  been most  conflated  with t h e  are  whereby their  also  of  condition of  much  all w o m e n . "  feminist  'woman's  voice'  requiring white  ' w o m a n ' from b e i n g white"  (and  1 8  theory from  women  of  human  most feminist a c c o u n t s  experiences' about  "separate  condition  philosophical accounts  "neither  exists  without  notes h o w the  of  Thus, insists  their to  presumably  also  M a r i a C . Lugones and Elizabeth V. Spelman, "Have We Got a Theory For You! Feminist Theory, Cultural Imperialism and the Demand For 'The Woman's Voice,'" Women's Studies International Forum 6, no. 6 (1983). 17  E l i z a b e t h V. Spelman, Inessential Woman: Problems of Exclusion in Feminist Thought (Boston: Beacon Press, 1988), p. 6. 18  from  being middle-class,  "outside  voices"  anything~the  into t h e s e  voices  o n l y h a s to b e c o m e significant  a  found  systems, each  case,  male  in m u c h  the  analysis  ignoring the  before  of w e s t e r n  as  an  of t h e  identity,  they  in a n y d e e p  and  coherent  are  d e f i n i t i o n of t h e  completely group,  female  the  realm  "latent  writing o n  Third World  of  process. are  social  constructed  women  familial  women of  Third  group,"  development  assuming  also  female  bypassing  sexual  In  "sexual-  relations,  by t h e s e  criticizes  class  to  gender  and  ethnic  w o m e n are thus constituted difference  becomes  power  is  the  women) ways  as  a  coterminous automatically  p e o p l e w h o h a v e it ( r e a d :  a n d p e o p l e w h o d o not ( r e a d : also  subject  social  subordination, and  d e f i n e d in b i n a r y t e r m s :  Mohanty  of a  feminists'  colonial process,  enter  women  analysis  identities . . . B e c a u s e  men)  2 1  in w h i c h t h e  w o m e n ' s o p p r e s s i o n is c o n s i d e r e d to b e " p r o v e n . "  19  feminism  "already constituted  is a h i s t o r i c a l ,  fact that t h e y  S u c h an  limits t h e  with  change  and  a s s u m p t i o n that  feminist d i s c o u r s e ,  constructed  violence,  subjects"  relations.  necessarily  "outsiders,"  of r e l i g i o u s i d e o l o g i e s , a n d of t h e  political and  of  Simply bringing  1 9  c a t e g o r y of a n a l y s i s is part  In w e s t e r n  2 0  h a v e t e n d e d to b e of  those  not  on).  m o r e " i n c l u s i v e , " not to c h a n g e  homogeneous  women.  victims  still  will  M o h a n t y c l a i m s that t h e  ethnocentrism" World  are  accounts  and so  way.  Chandra comprise  heterosexual,  universality  This m a y be  of  done  i b i d . , p. 13.  C h a n d r a Talpade Mohanty, "Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses," in Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism, eds. Chandra Talpade Mohanty, Ann Russo, and Lourdes Torres (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1991). In this collection, "Third World women" is taken to include "black, Asian, Latino, and indigenous peoples in North America, Europe, and Australia." 20  2  1  ibid., p. 64.  through  a s i m p l e "arithmetic  fragmented to a  universal f a c t . "  (such  as  specific with  examples  the  sexual  context  material  "women  as  of  division through  of l a b o u r )  and  thus  blurring  and  the  and  in t h e  stresses  the  experiences, "appearance  subjects  dangerous  between  concrete  to  realm  reciprocity  and  at  researcher project  between  discourse-  knowledge  which  of w o m e n ' s  of g r e a t e r  24  process  and  has  is a n  p o s i t i o n of i n a u t h e n t i c i t y .  i n t r u s i o n into a  system  of  have  e q u a l i t y with  masks  She sees  a  ethnographic  m e t h o d in First,  method places  the and  S e c o n d , the relations  deeper,  contradictions  risk of b e i n g m a n i p u l a t e d a n d / o r " b e t r a y e d " in a  they  questioned  a n d t h e p r o d u c t of r e s e a r c h .  of h u m a n r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e  language  B a s e d o n s o m e of h e r  r e s p e c t for a n d  in t h e e t h n o g r a p h i c a p p r o a c h  grounds  everyday  intersubjectivity,  Judith S t a c e y  f o r m of e x p l o i t a t i o n . "  t e r m s of b o t h t h e  subject  however,  her feminist principles a n d the  importance  the  representation"  a n a p p r o a c h w h i c h f o c u s e s o n the " e x p e r i e n c e  research  more  "add up  a n e e d for " a n  a d v o c a t e d t h e u s e of a n e t h n o g r a p h i c m e t h o d .  research  to  distinction  "Woman" as  m a n y feminist sociologists s e e  contextually  whether  of  to  concepts  without a t t e n t i o n  confusing "discourses  transdisciplinary approach  women"  own  is t a k e n  Other.  integrating  2 3  n u m b e r of  It is a l s o d o n e t h r o u g h e m p l o y i n g  2 2  realities,  Because  lives,"  f r o m a v a r i e t y of c o u n t r i e s "  historical subjects"  constructed  theory  or  m e t h o d " in w h i c h " a l a r g e  which  the  research the  research the  i b i d . , p. 66. J u d i t h Stacey, "Can There Be a Feminist Ethnography?," Women's Studies International Forum 11, no. 1 (1988): 21. i b i d . , p. 22. 2 2  23  2 4  researcher have  negative  interest be  is m u c h f r e e r to l e a v e t h a n is t h e s u b j e c t , implications for the  between  the  unavoidable.  the  product  interprets  evaluates  Similarly, to  Finally,  Anne  be  either  participants  through  difference,"  or  experiential  elements  researcher's] contradict  must  be  Linda "speaking  liberatory,  in that  which challenge  the  into t h e  be a v o i d e d . notes  for others"  a n d from the  that t h e  arises  of t h e  that t h e  but  they and  do  disrupt  not  may the  interpretation  nature  political action;  therefore,  so  may  allowing  necessarily  represent  "ideological" which in o r d e r  for  has  v a l i d i t y of where  a m a j o r effect o n w h a t privileged locations  of  representation.  those  who  themselves  to  simply  Yet  because  Alcoff  necessary retreat  one  are  condition  from  doing  avoid responsibilities  A n n e Opie, "Qualitative Research, Appropriation of the 'Other' and Empowerment," Feminist Review 40 (1992): 52-53. 2 5  the  [the  r e c o g n i t i o n that  p o s s i b i l i t y of s p e a k i n g for is a  merely  has  "significant  d i s c u s s i o n of t h e  "certain  for  be  who  M a n y n o w will not s p e a k f o r o t h e r s  inevitably mediated  believes  person  is,  highlighting  partially  elements  both from the  i d e a that  discursively dangerous."  process  2 5  o n e s p e a k s f r o m ( o n e ' s "location") says  may  empower  silence  or  "experiential"  incorporated  Alcoff  it m a y  it m a y  These  of  researcher.  in that  interpretation,  between  a p p r o p r i a t i o n to  the  of t h e  may  observer  b e l i e v e s that f e m i n i s t r e s e a r c h  interpretation."  fully  voice  "avoiding appropriation and  entire  conflicts  of h o w r e c i p r o c a l t h e  in t h e  evidence,  Opie  Third,  participant a n d a s  regardless  repressive  the  disjunctions  as  is u l t i m a t e l y written  and  potential  researcher  outcome.  a n d this  towards  others.  problem  of  but  rather  other  and  retreat d o e s  representation, by  for the  others,  are  constituted."  rejecting Alcoff  of this activity.  the  self  discourses"  and  a n a l y z i n g the  discursive  outright  argues  retreat  effects  but  not  entirely eradicated  involved."  ideology." on the  Instead,  one  can  a n d yet at s o m e  effects  b o t h of t h e  recognition  of t h e  l i m i t a t i o n s of t h e  knowledge  claims  made-research  in t h i s  way  there  It s e e m s referring  2 6  (1991):  to  to  can me  studies  exist that  a  2 8  can  and  look for  "partially f e m i n i s t  a  mitigated  "write  created  Finally, S t a c e y  research  be  sensitive  participants are  speaker's  c o n t e x t in w h i c h  it is i m p o s s i b l e to  points c h a l l e n g e i t . "  power  T h i s will i n v o l v e  2 7  e m p l o y "a constant,  w a y that t h e texts of t h e  so  particular  c l a i m s that a p p r o p r i a t i o n c a n because  dangers  that a n y o n e w h o d o e s  i m p e t u s to s p e a k a n d t h e  Likewise, Opie  and  from speaking  for r e d u c i n g the  l o c a t i o n o n w h a t is s a i d a n d of w h a t is s a i d o n t h e it is s a i d .  such  2 6  o n l y d o it out of "a c o n c r e t e a n a l y s i s of t h e  relations  autonomous  through which my own  suggestions  A b o v e all, s h e  the  I am. p a r t i c i p a t i n g in t h e  n o t i o n of a n  offers s o m e  not e v e n s o l v e is not  multiple intersecting  r e p r o d u c t i o n of d i s c o u r s e s  selves  should  such a  " w h e n I ' s p e a k for m y s e l f  While for  mediated  "constituted  that e v e n creation  Furthermore,  beyond  reflection  by ideology  advocates  a  r e d u c t i o n in t h e  "partial truths," ethnography."  and 2 9  m u c h of this d i s c u s s i o n , w h i l e o r i g i n a l l y  dealing  with  contemporary  L i n d a Alcoff, "The Problem of Speaking For Others," Cultural Critique 23 21.  2 7  i b i d . , p. 24.  2 8  0 p i e , "Qualitative Research," p. 67.  29  S t a c e y , "Can There Be a Feminist Ethnography?"  participants/subjects, research  can  a n d subjects.  of pitfalls d e s c r i b e d especially)  if t h e  interaction  between  latter's  The  them of  their  among  structures  is h a r d l y i m m u n e to t h e  no  longer  researcher  words  first t a s k  from  women's  and  (or  living,  rooted  fully a n a l y z e d .  obscurity"  experience  social  by a  and  in  power  as  experience  structural  been  simple  is s e e n  resulting from t h e m  the as  a  "basic  these  need  beyond a focus  t h e w h o l e of  a  commonly  inequalities;  s t u d y of n e i t h e r  structures alone  can  (or of m e n ' s )  "increasing  offer a  to  be  only on  women's  insistence  on  husbands,  employers,  or  been  ideology  T h i s b o d y of  understanding vantage  political  nor  complete  lives a n d w o r k .  o n their o w n t e r m s rather t h a n f r o m t h e fathers,  "the  in itself not  r e c e n t w o r k o n t e a c h e r s ' history h a s  economic  an  the  3 1  u n d e r s t a n d i n g of w o m e n ' s  women  relations  r e a l i z a t i o n that t h e  indicates  is  F r o m this p e r s p e c t i v e ,  patriarchal  past."  For instance, informed  historians.  " a c h i e v e d " to " e m b r a c e  in t h e  the  artifacts.  (certainly  3 0  H o w e v e r , retrieval m u s t g o  women who have  and  is l i m i t e d to  other  kinds  perhaps  of f e m i n i s t h i s t o r y  majority of w o m e n ' s  a n d the  historical  Feminist History  women  of t h e  oppression"  who  a p p l i e d to  works, e v e n  are  a n d the  be  or u n p r o b l e m a t i c m i s s i o n s t a t e m e n t ) h a s  silencing  work  above  "participants"  v i e w that t h e of  simple held  in t h e  Projects of  retrieval  should also  S u c h research  interpretation  The  and  historical  point of  men  representatives  R u t h Roach Pierson and Alison Prentice, "Feminism and the Writing and Teaching of History," in Clio's Craft: A Primer of Historical Methods, ed. Terry Crowley (Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman, 1988), p. 216. ibid., p. 217. 3 0  3 1  sought  to d e f i n e or i n f l u e n c e w o m e n ' s  understanding women's  will  also  "own terms"  race and class. "women's  include a  imperial/colonial  cannot  of w o m e n  emphasis, stance  much  in a n  historical historical feminist to b e  defining practices feminist that  the  have  materialist.  the  "new  develop  thus  assumptions  present,  for t h e  a  far t e n d e d cases,  to  be  the  as  well  to  its  many  3 3  a  empirical  more  theoretical  informed feminist  informing feminist either  poststructural  lines b e t w e e n  "new  assumptions  familiar from  include the  by  the  w o r k of f e m i n i s t  some  these  the of  e m p l o y e d by cultural  as  or  seem  p r o b l e m of  the  critical  materialists  historicists."  She  i d e n t i f i e d with  this  other  as  creating  Judith Newton d i s c u s s e s  are  of  women."  "theoretically  h i s t o r i c i s m , " c l a i m i n g that  "post-modernist" are  and  T h e theories  3 4  In m a n y  approach  materialists  orientation  past  undertheorized due  For instance,  of this  of  in w h i c h  that  recognition  r e c e n t w o r k is m o v i n g t o w a r d s to  ways  an  depending on s u c h factors  without  a tendency  be  consciousness."  blurred.  of t h e  and difference a m o n g  been to  attempt  work  written  relationships  While there has  Hopefully, s u c h  3 2  require an a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t  be  r e l a t i o n s h i p s of d o m i n a n c e  historians  recognition  m a y v a r y greatly,  This would  history  lives."  and  notes  contexts-these  belief in n o u n i v e r s a l h u m a n e s s e n c e ,  the  A l i s o n Prentice and Marjorie R. Theobald, "The Historiography of Women Teachers: A Retrospect," in Women Who Taught: Perspectives on the History of Women and Teaching, eds. Alison Prentice and Marjorie R. Theobald (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991), p. 14. K a r e n Often, Ruth Roach Pierson, and Jane Rendall, "Introduction," in Writing Women's History, eds. Often, Pierson, and Rendall, p. xxxv. 3 2  3 3  Ann4_ouise Shapiro, "History and Feminist Theory; or Talking Back to the Beadle," in Feminists Revision History, ed. Ann-Louise Shapiro (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1994), p. 2. 34  construction "objective" history  of s u b j e c t i v i t y representations.  a  story  fragmented."  the  same  dominant  versions  to  of  cultural  "new a  For  have  example,  words,  conceptualization  social  the  change." The  overlap  gender in  comments  that  concede  that  itself  versions  with n e w  challenges  3 6  to  of  that  more  by  new  "objectivity" relativism;  constructed "death  and  those  embraced  b y a s l i d e to  nor  subjectivity  of t h e  led  subject."  In  and  degree  not  relationships  marxist  to w h i c h t h e y  relations is  of t h e  as  within t h e  particularly  between natural  historians,  of f e m i n i s t h i s t o r y w h i c h  historicism,  17th the  world,  but w h i c h  realm  of  new-Sally century sexes  may  generally  insist u p o n v i e w i n g "history."  gender This  Alexander  have  refused  belong outside  w h i c h is w h e r e  until p r o v o k e d , h a v e  J u d i t h Newton, "History as Usual? Cultural Critique 9 (1988): 89. i b i d . , pp. 98-99. 35  and  " a l l o w for h u m a n a g e n c y  "feminists from the  conception or  been  ways  it in t h e  insistence  poets  has  in s o m e  identity a n d  in a n y  feminist versions  of  3 6  result  differ f r o m  little a t t e n t i o n ,  generally  c u l t u r a l d e t e r m i n i s m , or n o t i o n s of t h e  other  relations  differ s i g n i f i c a n t l y f r o m  not b e e n a c c o m p a n i e d  feminist  perception  that f e m i n i s t t h e o r i z i n g of  received  feminist  no  heterogeneous,  Newton argues  some  and  of p o w e r  contradictory,  has  codes,  historicist"  story  less-politicized versions  historicism.  the  is  However,  3 5  and  generally  that  k i n d s of p r e m i s e s  feminist  has  The  is that it is " b e s t t o l d a s  struggle,  these  through  been  to history  philosophers, content  to  Feminism and the 'New Historicism,'"  a b a n d o n or place t h e m . " however,  has  Butler h a s  D e t e r m i n i n g the m e a n i n g of  3 7  occasioned  considerable  disagreement.  gender, A s Judith  noted,  the  problematic  into g e n d e r  circularity  of  is u n d e r s c o r e d  p o s i t i o n s w h i c h , o n the o n e gender  is a  secondary  a  feminist  b y the  inquiry  presence  of  hand, presume  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of  that  persons  a n d t h o s e w h i c h , o n the o t h e r h a n d , a r g u e that the  very  n o t i o n of the  language  as  tion  prerogative  and  the  structural  feminine A  a  nevertheless  'subject,' and  gender.  theorization  of  For Joan  is a  which  semantic  as  a  necessary  element  of  differences  between  the  relationships  of  between  sexes,  often  to  of  social  power."  which these  oppositions);  sexes" 3 9  gender  feminist  a  and  symbols  are  and  "a  would  history. as  but m u s t  merely another be considered based  on  primary way  variable as  both  of  signifying  differences  is c o n s t i t u t e d  interrelated  symbols  that  evoke  normative  interpreted  social  by four  (often  institutions  multiple  concepts fixed  (for  "a  perceived  In t e r m s of p e r c e i v e d  representations";  political  construc-  category  relationships  "culturally available  contradictory)  within  excludes  p o s s i b i l i t y of  S c o t t , g e n d e r is not s e e n  constitutive  elements:  masculinist effectively  historical  to b e a d d e d to historical r e s e a r c h ,  the  positioned  3 8  "gender"  seem  person,  by  (and means  binary  example,  S a l l y Alexander, "Women, Class and Sexual Differences in the 1830s and 1840s: Some Reflections on the Writing of a Feminist History," History Workshop J o u r n a l 17 (1984): 130. 3 7  J u d i t h Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New Routledge, 1990), p. 11. J o a n W. Scott, "Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis," American Historical Review 91, no. 5 (1986): 1067. 38  York:  3 9  education); research  and  is to  construction  is  determine  of g e n d e r  Scott's historical  subjective  "genuinely  feminist  for the  cultural  formations  role  of  the  historical "a  the  and  while  is  a  relations  "that t h e  of  realities Some  of  women's  has  in a  study  because  it c a n  be  authority  "assumed  ibid.,  4 1  4 2  that  been  pp.  argued and  a  the  feminist  is,  it  attempts  changes  recognition  that a  for feminist  theory.  which focuses  western  and  has  specifically Advocates  on  not a s  of  gender" of  the  conceptualizations  economy-and are  social  more  there  greater understanding  modern  and  in t h e a  it  to  in i d e o l o g i c a l  acknowledged,  these spheres  based  in  Christian-Smith explain,  historical  theory  lives."  interrelated  u s e f u l to  a  of  recognition  rigid a s  in s u c h a m a n n e r  we  are  obscures  4 2  c o n s i d e r a n e m p h a s i s o n g e n d e r to b e  pertinent  4 0  is  and  l e d to b e l i e v e a n d that c o n c e i v i n g t h e m the  historical  A s a n e e d to p r a c t i s e  4 1  family, state,  divisions between  are  representations  m o d e l will a l l o w a  among  gender  growing  social  ramifications  elements  Roman  imperative  historically oriented  T h e task for  context.  explaining  a  4 0  materialist;  history  time  approach  ideological  as  relationships."  same  believe such  of  of g e n d e r  theoretically-grounded at  in a n y g i v e n  because,  account  been  how these  conceptualization  project  organization  identity.  in the  nineteenth-century  that a l m o s t  reinforced  especially  [a]  Western  all V i c t o r i a n s t r u g g l e s binary m o d e l  of  world for  difference  1067-1068.  Roman and Christian-Smith, eds., Becoming Feminine, p. 7.  L i n d a J . Nicholson, Gender and History: The Limits of Social Theory in the Age  of the Family (New York:  Columbia University Press, 1986), p. 11.  articulated work"  performed  created was and  upon sex."  an  by g e n d e r  because  representations  differently  it w a s  and  by  constructed  discourses,  contradictions allowed  a r g u e s that t h e in t h e  i d e o l o g i c a l f o r m u l a t i o n that w a s  experienced  institutions,  Mary Poovey  4 3  and  fissures  for contestation  within t h e  were  ideological  era  because  various  thus  system  which  A n understanding  of  these  p r o c e s s e s c a n e n a b l e a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g of h o w c h a n g e o c c u r s a n d it  is  almost  practices women Hall's  discussion  entirely  ideological of  are  on and  and "self with have  closure  and  economic  first  middle-class  and ensured  ways  organization,  half  on  and  even  materials. the  English  nineteenth  into t h e  twentieth,  men  Davidoff a n d  intersected  necessitated  Although both of t h e  daily lives  "these  within d e f i n i t i o n s  these  The  a  of t h e s e century  of  works  effects and  Catherine contradictions discourse  femininity  with f o r m s  constant  of  deal  for s o c i a l  in  specifically still  latter half of  change  and  social  negotiation  in E n g l a n d , t h e y in t h e  rests  and  c o n t i n u a l shifts b o t h in  a fair d e g r e e of r e l e v a n c e for C a n a d a  century  developments  T h e a u t h o r s c l a i m that  in t h e  construction."  of t e x t u a l  contradictions  Contradictions  4 4  ideological  in detail in L e o n o r e  Fortunes.  practice."  the  examination  material  considered  Family  masculinity,  an  of u n e v e n  nineteenth-century  . . . prevented and  how  resisted. Poovey's  of  it  individuals  d i f f e r e n t l y in  There  of that s y s t e m .  both  positioned  deployed  practices.  Victorian  "uneven"  differently and  "ideological  the  occurred  M a r y Poovey, Uneven Developments: The Ideological Work of Gender in MidVictorian England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), p. 6. 4 3  L e o n o r e Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class. 1780-1850 (London: Hutchinson, 1987), p. 450. 44  slowly,  and  w a y to t h e that  the  mean  attitudes  as  "colonies."  particular  that t h e s e  well  as  fashions took  Nevertheless,  conditions  processes  it m u s t a l s o  existing  would  l o n g e r to  in  be  be  find  remembered  British C o l u m b i a  manifest  their  there  would  in d i f f e r e n t  ways.  Women's The  Personal  Narratives  r e a l i z a t i o n that t h e  "getting at t h e a c t u a l  "retrieval  experience led  of w o m e n in t h e p a s t "  many  sources  m a y be d e e m e d appropriate a n d how these s o u r c e s  subjects  "merely b e c a u s e  historians must  also  they  are  to  can  undertaking  A s E l i a n e S i l v e r m a n notes,  historians  purpose  difficult  used.  has  of v o i c e " f o r t h e  be  reconsider  Rather,  b e p r e p a r e d to b e far m o r e  should  are  fragmentary  to  e l u s i v e q u e s t i o n s to  tentative."  4 5  questions  must  have  data,  been  women,  Where be  be suggestive  raise,  even  daring than  if t h e  well a s answers  m o r e traditional s o u r c e s  asked  of t h e m ,  o v e r l o o k e d - s u c h as  are  a n d materials  "the  letters a n d  recorded  considered  potentially v a l u a b l e  as  In p a r t i c u l a r ,  the  in writing or  reclamation  for feminist history  has  on t a p e "  4 6  on  they even  definitive.  There  remain  used,  new  that o n c e  would  diaries  ordinary  of  s c r a p b o o k s a n d photograph albums, recipe books,  reminiscences  source  as  be  "women's  h a v e b e e n , m o r e p r e p a r e d to a s k n e w q u e s t i o n s , to s p e c u l a t e from  a  what  it is not s u f f i c i e n t to f o c u s accessible."  of  --should  and be  sources. of t h e  been  the  diary a s object  of  an  important  considerable  E l i a n e Leslau Silverman, "Writing Canadian Women's History, 1970-82: An Historiographical Analysis." Canadian Historical Review 63. no. 4 (1982): 531. 4 5  46  218.  P i e r s o n and Prentice, "Feminism and the Writing and Teaching of History," p.  attention.  Some  historians  additional  "an  narrative latter  source"  weaves  more  within t h e  A s s u c h , it c a n  4 7  history,  image  which  of t h e  view s t r e s s e s the everyday  life, a s  However,  it a l s o  p o s s i b i l i t y that  explanatory  documents  larger  historical  'census  c o n s i d e r e d to  the  are  the  dilute  experience  individual  d o i n g , to p r e s e n t situation)  as  a  perhaps  form's  This  throughout  limitations, events  which could  too  in q u e s t i o n .  a window on personal  intimate  attribute  a  extremely  notably  and a  life.  both  the  be  avoided,  and  in t h e  omission  of  may  result  intersects  be  of i m m e n s e absent  with  use  interested  to  diaries  for learning h o w  women's  daily  time.'"  in e n a b l i n g t h e  from public  realities-  They  4 8  the  are  construction  of life  records.  likely to  objective  significance  M a r g a r e t C o n r a d c l a i m s that  with ' w o m e n ' s  v i e w p o i n t is l e s s an  greater  valuable tools  intersect  time'  It is m o r e  much  For example,  forces  of h i s t o r y a s  past.  the  of v e r y  perspective,"  for w o m e n  notion  to  as  diarist's  for  on changing experiences  emphasizes  historians  "such  Such  of t h e  be a "corrective"  institution (or  well a s  and memoirs, though.  stories  diary mainly  details.  Other  how  tends  diary's usefulness  mention  "omniscient  view the  b y w h i c h "the t h r e a d  l a r g e r p i c t u r e a n d , in s o  monolithic  the  i n c l i n e d to  into w h a t is a l r e a d y k n o w n . . . a n d r e n d e r s  vivid."  institutional  are  method  embrace  the  of g e t t i n g  in e x a m i n i n g t h e  at  traditional the  "partial  "truth"  of  truths"  J o h a n n a Selles-Roney, "A Canadian Girl at Cheltenham: The Diary as an Historical Source," Historical Studies in Education 3. no. 1 (1991): 98. 47  Margaret Conrad, '"Sundays Always Make Me Think of Home': Time and Place in Canadian Women's History," in Rethinking Canada: The Promise of Women's History, second edition, eds. Veronica Strong-Boag and Anita Clair Fellman (Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman Ltd., 1991), pp. 100-101. 48  discussed  earlier,  scientific to  proof  i d e a l , t h e truths  "objective"  a n activity  or  that m a y h a v e  as  which c a n never  status  discover  in p r o g r e s s ;  revealed  memory  of t h e m o r e  considering  in this  neither  open  through  completely  to i l l u m i n a t e t h e  of t h e i r  truths  k i n d s of  conformity  in p e r s o n a l  to  narratives  structured  is t r u e ; where,  the methods  Susan  interpreting 1911  are  purpose."  s i d e l i g h t s of this  another  perspective  has on  been  each  experience.  in different w a y s , a n d  years'  of s o m e  O f the two  direct m e a n s  her diaries  k e p t a d i a r y of s e v e r a l personal  project  available  o n t h e entire s t u d y .  experience,  to  5 0  I u s e d to u n d e r s t a n d t h e i r  H o l m e s h a s left b y f a r t h e m o r e  also  omissions  p r i n c i p l e " is that " a l l  in t h e latter part of h e r life ( s h e d i e d  Jessie  providing  for which  w a y , I c a m e to " k n o w " t h e m  her personal  the  it is u p to t h e i n t e r p r e t e r  interesting  this h a s h a d a p r o f o u n d effect Susans,  Its " g u i d i n g  even  h o w t h e different k i n d s of m a t e r i a l s  put it a n o t h e r  sister  be  perspective,  tell u s s o m e t h i n g .  in w h i c h s e n s e ,  One  until  It s e e k s  4 9  on the basis  T h e truths  autobiographical  To  are  i s s u i n g f r o m t h e multiple p o s i t i o n s o c c u p i e d b y  narrative  woman  narratives  T r u t h of t h e  b e e n o b s c u r e d b y t h e e l e v a t i o n of c e r t a i n  criteria.  subjectivities of a  of p e r s o n a l  disinterested.  to n o r m a t i v e  specific seen  "unlike the r e a s s u r i n g  n o r s e l f - e v i d e n t , " but c a n o n l y b e u n d e r s t o o d  interpretation,  "Truth"  g i v e n that  from the in 1 9 2 1 ) . duration, events  to 1860s Her  thus  from  within  P e r s o n a l Narratives Group, ed., Interpreting Women's Lives: Feminist Theory and Personal Narratives (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1989), p. 2 6 1 . 4 9  L u i s a Passerini, "Women's Personal Narratives: Myths, Experiences, and Emotions," in Interpreting Women's Lives, ed. Personal Narratives Group (1989), p. 197. 5 0  the  s a m e family.  T h e evidence  left of S u s a n  obvious s e n s e m u c h more fragmentary, j o u r n a l of h e r certainly  a  more  "fragmentary" to  life (at  connection  (reminiscences, written many but,  and  process  constraints these  will  p a i n t i n g that than be  humanist  fairly  the  apparent interest  conception  of t h e "public"  form.  Yet quite  did leave  of o t h e r  rich,  fairly v i v i d  portrait  offered  c a s e for S u s a n this  of the  letters,  history,  may  personal  which,  and  and  departed  effects  to  has  51  from  grounded  that a u t o b i o g r a p h i c a l  into the  the  different  narratives"  to  exclude  North A m e r i c a , especially as  and more  small  Nevertheless,  of  in t h e  be  a  r e a l m of the  liberal  "Western and  writings  these 52  the  had  women's  "private."  often  the  T h e g e n r e ' s v a l o r i z a t i o n of a u t o n o m y  which tended  and  seem  H o l m e s , a n d the  unified self, t e n d e d  meant  work  study.  in w h i c h t h e s e h a v e genre  more  this  due  written  local  portrait.  ways  largely  some  people,  is  in s o m e  on), a n d I h a d a c c e s s to  throughout  character,  more  She  in " w o m e n ' s  "quest"  s t o r i e s in E u r o p e channeled  a  autobiographical  male's"  notion  was  potentially  sustained  There  information which individually  offer  o n the w a y s  traditional  white  of  together,  Recent focused  and so  reminiscences  pieces  of  also  with it.  poems,  oral  other taken  was  kept n o  survived).  n e e d for s p e c u l a t i o n .  evidence  m y direct  since she  l e a s t n o n e that h a s  evident  F l o o d ' s life is in a n  a  life  were Women  "Women's personal narratives" are defined in different ways: some definitions include all kinds of "narratives," no matter how unsustained, including letters and diary entries, and others focus more narrowly on biography, autobiography, and life history. 5 1  M a r g o Culley notes that, in the United States, journals were more likely to be kept by men than women until after the mid-nineteenth century, at which point the trend was reversed. She believes that a large part of the reason for this reversal was the fact that, during this period, diaries changed from being "semi-public" documents to a means of recording private thoughts. Margo Culley, A Day at a Time: The Diary 5 2  who its  u s e d the "master  positions.  genre  narratives,"  represented. important  as  what  Heilbrun  with it t h e  the  "narratives"  or  have  been  agreement common desire  to  written  5 5  Thus,  of t h e s e a r c h  an  alter  long  life,  has  allowed them  "if t h e y  constraints  "another  in  a  is i n d i r e c t l y  been  More than anything else,  b e left o u t . "  ego,  present  may  be  5 6  have  anger,  to  to t a k e  been  of a c c e p t a b l e Heilbrun  thought  been  w o m e n h a v e not h a d a c c e s s  T h e i r stories,  to  5 4  might h a v e  u n d e r the  be  life-writing  of p s e u d o n y m s b y w o m e n writers a s  create  own.  said.  to c o n f o r m subject  experience  c l a i m s that a n o n y m i t y h a s  about what c a n  use  life  " s i l e n c e s " in w o m e n ' s  is a c t u a l l y  " p l o t s " that  o v e r their o w n lives.  female  c o u l d still  d e s i r e for control o v e r o n e ' s  considered unwomanly.  their  subjectivities  " p r o p e r c o n d i t i o n of w o m a n . "  and  and  o b s c u r i n g their  by which female  Thus,  5 3  Carolyn the  thus  However, these  "double-voicedness"  as  (in a n y of its f o r m s ) h a d t h e r e f o r e  power  written  at a l l ,  d i s c u s s i o n , of  perceives  the  i n d i c a t i v e of  p o s s i b i l i t y of f e m a l e  the  destiny"  for " a n e s c a p e f r o m g e n d e r " into a n e w identity of  5 7  Literature of American Women From 1764 to the Present (New York: The Feminist Press at the City University of New York, 1985). S i d o n i e Smith, A Poetics of Women's Autobiography: Marginality and the Fictions of Self-Representation (Bloomington and Indianapolis: University of Indiana Press, 1987). R e c e n t works dealing with subjectivity, identity, and autobiography are reviewed in Laura Marcus, "Border Crossings: Recent Feminist Auto/biographical Theory," in Gender and Memory: International Yearbook of Oral History and Life Stories, vol. IV, eds. Selma Leydesdorff, Luisa Passerini, and Paul Thompson (London: Oxford University Press, 1996). C a r o l y n G . Heilbrun, Writing a Woman's Life (New York: Ballantine Books, 1988), p. 12. i b i d . , p. 30. i b i d . , pp. 110-111. 53  5 4  55  56  5 7  However, u n i f i e d , or s e t readily  recent  for e x a m p l e ,  strategies  women  w o r k s d o not v i e w this i d e n t i t y  o n c e a n d for a l l .  apparent;  "different family  most  of  In s o m e Barbara  different  diaries  versions  of t h e i r l i v e s " w h i c h " a s  of  voices."  not a s  5 8  different  In o t h e r  evident o n the In  these  She  "extremes"  of  humanist  subjectivity  because  for  chooses  freely  Crease  women  writing  she  to  "multiple  p o l y p h o n i c variety  and feels  poststructuralist her task  of h u m a n i s m connotative  is m o s t  complex  between  theories  requires  the  both the  "broad  a "theory of l a n g u a g e that  and  interpretations 59  that  recognize  S h e b e l i e v e s that  u s e f u l for this p r o j e c t  the  a  metaphor  "language  ' m a p s ' b o t h the self a n d t h e c o e x i s t e n t w o r l d , " a n d of a u t o b i o g r a p h y is e n g a g e d  two  of  "mapping"  making."  are  a u t o b i o g r a p h i c a l writings,  position herself  p o s s i b i l i t y of m a n y texts in o n e t e x t . "  historian  kept  multiple s u b j e c t - p o s i t i o n s  a m e a n s of u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e s e  working hypotheses"  the  surface.  subjectivities.  allow  thus  be  the  by  These  w h o l e offer a  her work on C a n a d i a n women's  Helen Buss seeks  will  purposes,  cases,  adopted  Victoria.  a  this m a y  Powell examines  self-representation"  in n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y for  instances,  as  because  in " a r c h a e o l o g i c a l  the  map  S u c h a m e t a p h o r is c o n s i d e r e d to b e c o m p l e x e n o u g h to  comprehend  "the  p o s s i b i l i t y of  multiplicity  of  identity  formation."  B a r b a r a Powell, "The Diaries of the Crease Family Women," B C Studies, nos. 105 & 106 (Spring/Summer 1995): 46. H e l e n M. Buss, Mapping Our Selves: Canadian Women's Autobiography in English (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1993), p. 28. 58  59  6 0  i b i d . , pp. 9-10.  6 0  G e n d e r is p e r c e i v e d a s are be  made. more  Buss  feels  accurately as  that  map,  unspoken active  other  reading,  engaged  the  the  text.  As  the  and  less  were  also  ways  62  located  still  the  diarist had  that is, w e  to  a  knowledge  with s o m e  certain  r e l a t i o n s h i p with t h e  holds the  parallels  of v a r i o u s  its  through  "daughter"  ultimate her  daughter,  text in the  separateness;  own she  reading the  subjectivity realizes text.  autobiographical  s u r p r i s e that, w h i l e t h e  accounts,  accounts  d i f f e r e d in o b v i o u s w a y s ,  in w h i c h b o t h  "similar m a p s  sought  to  h e l p to  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of  between  women's  confirm a  use  decode  personal  "sister," a n d  changed  are  T h i s kind of r e a d i n g c a n  62  recognizing  the  is a l s o  h e l p e d to  in  unwritten,  "we  privileged w o m e n  ibid., p. 15. ibid., p. 23.  6 1  since  materials;  t h r o u g h t h e text; a n d a s  reading  more  this  text, s h e  recognizes  noted  always  up from s o m e  of d i a r i e s ,  envisions  "mother,"  while  subjectivity  Buss  her,  Buss  to t h e  text  she  In h e r  For  case  in h e r t e x t . "  silences.  should  than  with u s , but w h i c h l e d h e r to e n c o d e  a n d that e x p r e s s e d  Helen  identity not  welling  u n a v a i l a b l e to  silences  mother  sister,  her  in the  r e a d e r will b e  nurturing  that  "find  writing, w h e r e a s s h e  not s h a r e d  which  as  may  writings  maps  A n u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e s e w o r k s c a l l s f o r a n  6 1  especially  in h e r  presences as mitigate  "fissured" rather  but s e e m i n g l y  knowledge  significances has  as  autobiographical  in a t a s k of d e c o d i n g e n c o d e d  historical  she  women  map."  influence o n the w a y s u c h  that w o m e n ' s  described  "discontinuous," man-made  a strong  of  belief "that it is in t h e  of  there  subjectivity." examination  of w o m e n ' s  o w n stories  that w e c a n f i n d t h e  interrelationship  of  avoid  epistemological  [the]  two  subjectivity  sameness  or  difference."  attempting  to  do  If t h e then  the  empiricist  one.  and  reclaim  but  voices the  Susan  of  an  perspective  "to  'discursive'  as  their the  "advocating  differences many.  deep  objective  must  be  contextualize world  is  continually  and  self-  "with  humility"  up  of that  her  just  voices,  which the  'subjects'  inhabited  with ( a n d  commitment  though  I can  experience--and  to  attempt get  to  to "know"  c o m b i n a t i o n of that have  a m b i g u i t i e s of S u s a n  f o r e i g n to m e .  both  fully  left b e h i n d .  The  Holmes' social  are and  T h i s a m b i g u o u s p o s i t i o n (as  elite) h a d i m p o r t a n t  effects  on  r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of c o n s t a n t  calls  and  6 3  i b i d . , p. 135.  64  P i e r s o n , "Experience, Difference, Dominance and Voice," p. 94.  part  her  s h e h a d to work both for a living a n d in t h e h o m e social  to  to  to)  m y p o s i t i o n a n d t h o s e of t h e t w o S u s a n s  but not e c o n o m i c  e v e r y d a y life:  not  individual  a n d what they t h e m s e l v e s  status are  rejected,  the  connection  possible through a  between  social  to  either  researcher  a  caution  interior e x p e r i e n c e ,  In p a r t i c u l a r , t h e  economic  us  6 4  contexts  well a s  reconstruction  keep  allow  F l o o d a n d S u s a n H o l m e s , I a m a w a r e that I c a n n o t  reconstruct  of a  notion  also  I feel a  comprehend  them  of  will  the  In s o m e w a y s , this is w h a t I a m  6 3  epistemological  and were s h a p e d b y . " While  traps"  that  T h e h i s t o r i a n is r e q u i r e d to p r o c e e d  methodological  reconstitute  society  of  here.  researcher's  conscious  and  nuances  and  visitors.  O n the other h a n d , b e c a u s e  I a m S u s a n F l o o d ' s direct  descendant and because she has a valued and respected family history, Although  I f e e l that w h o s h e  I n e v e r met  her, t h e  grandmother a n d parents  presence  Furthermore, she  F r o m a fairly y o u n g a g e ,  imagination,  and  Such  a  large  from the  vantage  I tried to s p e c u l a t e  a n d later  of  my  or  would  could also  easily b e c o m e  my  mother's, my  limited  h a v e felt a b o u t  indignant on  a  her  engaged  admittedly  l e v e l of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , w h i l e e n s u r i n g that stance,  my  has always had  t h e s e artifacts  how she  frequently feeling outraged  detached  of  n u m b e r of  into m y g r a n d m o t h e r ' s ,  possession.  situation,  part of w h o I a m .  memories and perceptions  in m y life, g i v e n t h e  b e l o n g i n g s that c a m e  knowledge  is a  have h a d a strong influence on m y o w n  v i s i o n of t h e w o m a n h e r s e l f . material  was  p l a c e in m y  her  her  behalf.  I c o u l d not t a k e  p r o b l e m a t i c if c a r e  not t a k e n to a v o i d i m p o s i n g m y o w n e m o t i o n a l r e a c t i o n s  onto  was my  great-grandmother.  A s I h a v e l e a r n e d m o r e a b o u t h e r life, I h a v e  to a c k n o w l e d g e t h e  limitations of t h e s e  from her experience  because,  her  responses.  I am  I have  never  claim  her The  to a  lesser  I claim my heritage  had  l i v e d in a n d c o p e d with  t h r e e "different w o r l d s " a s s h e h a d to d o , a n d I d o not s h a r e religious b a c k g r o u n d .  had  separated  a m o n g other things, I h a v e n e v e r  particular racial e x p e r i e n c e ,  a  from her,  her  but I c a n n o t  experience. p o s s i b i l i t y of  over-identification was  e x t e n t , with S u s a n  Holmes' story.  6 5  also  present,  though  W h i l e t h e bulk of m y  B e l l e Chevigny posits a "fantasy of reciprocity" in women's biography of women, "in which author and subject in effect become surrogate mothers in that they offer one another 'maternal' nurture," through "a sanctioning of their autonomy." Belle Gale Chevigny, "Daughters Writing: Toward a Theory of Women's Biography," in Carol Ascher, Louise De Salvo, and Sara Ruddick, eds., Between Women: Biographers. 6 5  engagement left b e h i n d , about  with h e r I also  life t o o k  had several  h e r with h e r g r a n d s o n  Phyllis Roberts. research subject Since  place  through the  long a n d interesting  have  done considerable  she  Don and genealogical  o n S u s a n a n d h e r f a m i l y , a n d their s e n s e of k i n s h i p with t h e of this  research  was  s i m i l a r to  m y o w n with S u s a n  "liked" the S u s a n H o l m e s I e n c o u n t e r e d  j o u r n a l s , o u r d i s c u s s i o n s o f t e n t o o k o n the t o n e friend,  provoked  and  their  enthusiasm  similar responses  With  in m y  a n d to t h e  written  f r o m the  written  a n d this  and  of a  I also  chat about for  towards  h a v e the  Floods  in t h e  solicitousness  o w n attitude  r e s p e c t to b o t h S u s a n s ,  of e v e r y h i s t o r i a n . them  texts  conversations  and granddaughter-in-law,  T h e Roberts  I already  mutual  written  her  privileged position  I c a n look b a c k a n d k n o w w h a t h a p p e n e d b o t h to society  in w h i c h t h e y  lived.  p o i n t of v i e w of t h e is not a  always  p e r i o d in w h i c h it is  r e c o g n i z e d c o n d i t i o n a n d c a r e m u s t b e t a k e n that it not l e a d  to  decontextualization  the  negative  time  H i s t o r y is  be  busy  of t h e t i m e  under study.  k n e w m u c h that I c a n n o t  m y s e l f with a n  interpretation  q u e s t i o n of h o w t h e y  "mothering"  of t h e  m i g h t interpret  to their texts, e v e n t h o u g h relationship would  have  Of course,  access.  to  lives,  life a n d  my  I can  the  I can  two  keep  experience  also be  it m a y a p p e a r be  these  a  I b e l i e v e that, w h i l e I  Susans'  a l o n g s i d e m y q u e s t i o n s of t h e m ; in this w a y , "daughter"  story  it.  t h i n g in itself, but it m u s t  w o m e n also  a  that  strongest  the the  in t h i s  situation.  Novelists. Critics. Teachers and Artists Write About Their Work on Women (Boston: Beacon Press, 1984), p. 373.  If h i s t o r i c a l values, theory  then  "feminist  a n d the  historical  work  approach  narratives  it,  are  align  both  unified  myself  subject  the  more  use  of a n y  feminist To  and  a  "objectivity" relativistic  categories and  broad-based articulating  and  Likewise,  that  is,  a  reduce  the  method of to  feminist  materialist  is b o u n d  I would  the  reason to  or the  positive  u p with  women,  the  subject-centred dedicated  goals  of  a  to  of s u c h  materialist  and discourse, (or  at  least  a  u n d o i n g or  notion  a  and  is a  deconstructive their  gender  deconstruction" ),  " p l a y " of l a n g u a g e . of  approach  and may employ  have  "cultural f o r m s  all e x p e r i e n c e to the  "feminist  the  notes:  legitimacy  movement  in  resistance  namely,  the  i m p l e m e n t i n g the  with l a n g u a g e  constructs s u b j e c t  belief  transcendental  against  undermines  on  6 7  while  treatment  on  or subject,  organized  constituency.  humanist  politics  feminist  Like H e l e n B u s s ,  Di S t e f a n o  prohibition  theory  with  deconstruction  68  "intent";  ideologies  it d o e s  Furthermore, defines  the  as  not the  text  more  R o s e m a r y Hennessy, Materialist Feminism and the Politics of Discourse (New Routledge, 1993), p. xvii. 66  York:  of  materialist  r e s u l t a n t u n d e r m i n i n g of a  constituency  inquiry a n d  up  set  with w h i c h I  feminist  poststructuralist  Christine  postmodernist  deconstructive  based  particular  bound  method  by the  liberal  e x t e n t that f e m i n i s t  specific  concerned  a n d the  the  in a  My own perspective  66  in this c h a p t e r .  either  As  based  inextricably  of i d e n t i t y . "  earlier  radically  the  is  influenced  with  politics.  always  undertaking,  stance(s) discussed not  history  question I am  are  C h r i s t i n e Di Stefano, "Dilemmas of Difference: Feminism, Modernity, and Postmodernism," in Feminism/Postmodernism, ed. Linda J . Nicholson (New York: Routledge, 1990), p.76. 67  6 8  R o m a n and Christian-Smith, Becoming Feminine, p. 21.  broadly  to  gender,  class,  find  the  include social race, age,  fissures  representations Such  relations  or of  and  and sexual  contradictions gender."  contradictions  their  conflicting divisions by  orientation . . . attempting  between  people's  lives  to  and  6 9  are  apparent  throughout the  varied  aspects  of S u s a n H o l m e s ' a n d S u s a n F l o o d ' s l i v e s , a n d t h e s e will b e  the  subject  I will  of t h e  chapters  w h i c h follow.  In t h e  o u t l i n e t h e l i v e s of t h e s e two w o m e n . highlight is  the  commonly  nationality, tend our  complexities  to  delineated--in terms  religion,  stories  the  on  their  economic functioned  of  decisions.  lives (both as  before  be  through  interrelated.  these of  factors  Finally,  coalesced  self.  6 9  i b i d . , p.  22.  race,  "facts"  chapters.  concerned  their  all t h e  Susans'  Chapter three with t h e i r  regards  life  will  families  to  of  education  how  they  construction  with  larger c o m m u n i t y .  woman's  of  in t h e i r f a m i l i e s '  with t h e  in C h a p t e r six,  we  areas  h i g h l i g h t e d in C h a p t e r  relationships  in e a c h  in t h e  marriage)-or  be  "identity"  status,  affect  relationships  after  to  of o u r l i v e s b y w h i c h  participation  and  I hope  in w h i c h  social  complexities  agents-will  within t h e f a m i l y a n d in t h e all  ways  e s p e c i a l l y with  Their  economic  identities  their  lives,  C h a p t e r f i v e will  social  These  in s u b s e q u e n t  earlier  in t h e of  basic  chapter,  In d o i n g s o ,  in w h i c h this o c c u r r e d  influences  marriage  while  ways  is e x a m i n e d  examine  and  a n d the  define ourselves.  lives, a n d the  origin  inherent  next  I will  others,  T h e s e are, consider  self-image,  or  of  four, their  both of  course,  h o w all of presentaton  Rosemary  H e n n e s s y c l a i m s that  a  politically-informed  historical a g e n d a " a l w a y s h a s i n s c r i b e d within It i s , in o t h e r w o r d s , a r e a d i n g the  future."  7 0  of  the past  it a ' U t o p i a n  from  the present  contemporary  d e b a t e s in s u c h a w a y a s to c o n t r i b u t e to t h e " s t r u g g l e t o hopefully  feminine  within  relations."  70  transform the  the  contexts  historical contradictions of  conflicting  sets  of  7 1  H e n n e s s y , Materialist Feminism, p.  7 1  for  T h e h o p e u n d e r l y i n g m y p u r s u i t of t h i s p r o j e c t i s t h a t ,  a s r e s e a r c h into t h e " p a s t , " it m a y a l s o b e l i n k e d to  and  future.'  102.  Roman and Christian-Smith, Becoming Feminine, p. 4.  of  understand becoming  power  CHAPTER TWO: THE AMBIGUITIES OF IDENTITY  A s m a n y w h o h a v e s o u g h t to a n a l y z e s u c h i s s u e s a s politics"  h a v e d i s c o v e r e d , the  formed  is a n y t h i n g  but  n o t i o n of " i d e n t i t y "  and how  s i m p l e or non-contradictory.  "identity it  is  Certain  c a t e g o r i e s a n d c l a s s i f i c a t o r y s c h e m e s t e n d to b e u t i l i z e d  both  by  s o c i e t y a n d b y i n d i v i d u a l s in d e t e r m i n i n g  h o w p e o p l e a r e to  be  defined.  of t h e s e c a t e g o r i e s  is  seldom  H o w e v e r , the  historical nature  c o n s i d e r e d , a n d potential  contradictions  among them  often  go unremarked.  T h e r e is a t e n d e n c y to s e e " s e l v e s " a s " m a d e u p of  separable  units  of  person,"  s o m e of t h e m o s t c o m m o n of t h e s e u n i t s of i d e n t i t y  1  identity  strung  g e n d e r , c l a s s , r a c e , nationality, is the (or  view  that  non-identity),  [carrying]  identity and  multiple  are situated  and  together  a n d religion.  is c o n t i n g e n t ,  "rarely  to  identical  sometimes  constitute  whole being  O p p o s e d to t h i s  predicated to  a  itself  contradictory  on  but  notion  "difference"  instead  meanings."  a l o n g v a r i o u s d i m e n s i o n s of i d e n t i t y ,  a  but  2  People  these  d i m e n s i o n s a r e not p a r a l l e l ; rather, t h e y c u t a c r o s s e a c h o t h e r  such  that  placed  an  individual's  e x p e r i e n c e will  differ  from  that  of  others  a l o n g t h e s a m e d i m e n s i o n a c c o r d i n g to w h i c h o t h e r d i m e n s i o n s is p l a c e d a l o n g at t h e s a m e t i m e .  T h i s is t h e c a s e e v e n  s o m e o n e d o e s not c o n s c i o u s l y r e c o g n i z e t h e i r p l a c e m e n t  1  each  when along  Spelman, Inessential Woman, p. 158.  D i a n a Fuss, Essentially Speaking: Routledge, 1989), p. 98. 2  33  Feminism. Nature and Difference (New York:  certain itself  lines, for the  be  a  significant  "Identity" On some  in a  practical the  of t h e  Typically,  must  nonofficial  are  person's  ways  identity.  o p e n to  rely o n t h e  h i s t o r i a n s to  "facts"  and records  by no m e a n s  past  are  achieve  such  as  birth,  and census  materials.  uncontaminated  same  reasons.  information agendas any  of t h o s e  always  and and  death  However,  accuracy  for certain  pertinent  categories  (and  may  "kinds" vary for  under which  determined  by the  various of  society.  to t h e  Columbia--how  Patrick D u n a e h a s s t r e s s e d  process  carried  in  biases  characterize  that  were  out,  p o p u l a t i o n of t h e  interpreters  t h e n e e d to  of e n u m e r a t i o n for t h e  enumerators  enumeration were  3  are  a  task.  w h o s e t t h e m , a n d reflect t h e c h a n g i n g c o n c e r n s  For instance,  dispersed  Furthermore, the  is g a t h e r e d  given  attention  of i n f o r m a t i o n d e e m e d  to  by "subjective"  d e f i n e d differently) with r e c o r d s  the  this  marriage  may  of p e o p l e , a n d t y p e s  3  p r o v i d e d b y official  M o r e c a r e m a y b e t a k e n for a c c u r a c y  be  in  highlighted by  interpretations. indeed  can  p r o b l e m s of u n d e r s t a n d i n g , e v e n  and announcements,  records  a  elements  Records  level, the  documents  certificates  of  of s o m e  identities of p e o p l e in t h e  consideration we  reflection  Historical  degree,  these  l a c k of a w a r e n e s s  recognizing  chosen  and  census how the  especially given the  province. "the  4  in B r i t i s h activities  geography  of  and  S u c h knowledge would aid  inaccuracies,  manuscript  pay  census  inconsistencies  returns."  5  and  While D u n a e  Spelman, Inessential Woman, pp. 101 & 96.  Patrick A . Dunae, "Taking and Shaping the 1891 Census in British Columbia," paper presented at the B.C. Studies Conference, Kelowna, B. C , October 7-10, 1994. ibid., p. 2. 4  5  feels  that o v e r a l l t h e  B. C . was  and  greatly  these  variations Less  of p e o p l e ,  much  of t h e  determine  tongue  was  reluctant A  1901 was tribal  these  origin."  6  been  certainly  difficult to  a  suspicious  process.  of,  cases task  contributing  and  the  mother  therefore  6  appears  in t h e  way  O f the t h r e e c e n s u s e s a v a i l a b l e ,  the  l e a s t in  detailed  some  designation  at  in, the  E n g l i s h ) , a n d D u n a e n o t e s that  of t h e  c a t e g o r i e s of  T h e classification  described  very  when  with, the  certain  scanning  or a n y  sometimes  still o c c u r r e d  Indians  the  From  disinterested  name  the  of  p a i d to  even  for the  is  or  a complete  outcomes  through  background  generally  was  approached. called  portrait  p l a i n in m a n y of t h e s e  u n e q u a l to,  accurately  cooperate  determined  white  felt  It w a s  in  gathered,  m a n y of the p e o p l e in t h e s e g r o u p s ,  f o u n d northern  return  uneven  I n o t e d that it w o u l d b e  d i f f e r e n t sort of i d i o s y n c r a s y  "race" was  census  Enumerators  information they  to detail m a y h a v e  either  listed a s  to  the  attention  Language  enumerators  to  1891  of t h e t i m e ,  readily apparent.  in a s o m e w h a t  categories.  of t r y i n g to c o n v e y  (although  still  resulted  census,  census  information.  are  approach  m u c h about  enumerators  factor  of t h e  particularly Indians a n d C h i n e s e .  1901  t e r m s of t h e that  flaws  in t h e i r  people polled. groups  enumerators  efficient a n d a c c e p t a b l e b y the s t a n d a r d s  above-mentioned varied  w o r k of the  of p e o p l e  and  of m i x e d  interesting.  in a b b r e v i a t e d  form as  only the  individual's race;  "colour"  particularly  7  in w h i c h  "racial  Indian  T h e i r racial " H B " (for  this or  and origin  halfbreed)  is  or,  ibid., p. 10.  T h e s e are the censuses for 1881, 1891, and 1901. British Columbia did not enter Confederation in time to be a part of the 1871 census, and the manuscript censuses subsequent to 1901 have not yet been released to the public. 7  more  s p e c i f i c a l l y , " E B , " " S B , " " F B , " "IB," o r " O B " (for E n g l i s h b r e e d ,  Scottish  breed,  respectively).  French Very  breed,  rarely  Indian p a r e n t m e n t i o n e d . a  white  breeds,  person  the  mother  of t h e  maternal.  marker as  mode,  was  a  strategy,  obscured  "Indian," a n d With  married any  these  most  "English  case,  be  these  components people even with  may  their  children  with h o w S u s a n  more  d e l v i n g into their  seemingly  ambiguities  were  and  European  mother  in  favour  racial  racial  classified  the  identity  of t h e  elements  interior  contradictions.  Flood  of  a biographical sketch.  we  elements  identity On  one  uncomplicated  can  lives or  9  this  Holmes and Susan  things  straightforward  as  erased.  rest of  superficial and  of s e l f - d e f i n i t i o n , t h o s e  without  these  the  typical  blood" was  " d e f i n e d " in t e r m s  appear  origin:  O n the other h a n d , w h e n p e o p l e of  m o s t c o m m o n l y c a l l e d u p o n in c r e a t i n g level,  as  breeds."  children's  k i n d s of c o n s t r a i n t s in m i n d ,  readily  and  8  "Scottish  s u r v i v a l of t h e  these  the  "breed"  (white) f a t h e r ' s  l i n e of t h e  that the  of  still d e s i g n a t e d  following the  r e f e r e n c e to their "white  c h a p t e r will b e c o n c e r n e d would  as  paternal  In a n y  Indians,  a  " E n g l i s h " father a n d a  It w o u l d a p p e a r  Indian o r " r e d " r e m a i n e d .  background  classified as  reflect the  while  the  breed,  children were  c h a n g e to  paramount.)  mixed-blood  tribal  Where someone  c h i l d r e n of a n  this  or O t h e r  specific  would be described  (Interestingly, patrilineal  is t h e  children, these  with p e r h a p s  for e x a m p l e , breed"  had  Irish b r e e d ,  "know"  about  experiences. are  In o u t l i n i n g t h e  often lives  Yet  fraught of  these  T h e Indian or mixed-blood partner was virtually always a woman, so it is difficult to separate the roles race and gender played in this scheme. 8  9  T h i s was most frequently encountered in the separate return for the reserves.  two  women  hope  is to  manifested done a  in t e r m s  of t h e i r  "experience  clarify h o w t h e s e  ambiguities  in t h e  various  first t h r o u g h  more  a  p o s i t i o n s the  brief d e s c r i p t i o n  in-depth discussion  "markers"  of  of t h e  identity w h i c h m a y  externally and  actual  appear  contradictions  women  of t h e i r  observed,"  filled.  were  This  lives a n d  complexities  will  then of  my  1 0  be  through  the  " o b v i o u s " in t h e i r  life  stories.  Susan Abercrombie Holmes S u s a n H o l m e s was born S u s a n n a h Abercrombie Nagle on M a y 1840,  o n b o a r d the T h o m a s  in S y d n e y , A u s t r a l i a . N a g l e ' s eight  was  a  some his  sea  years (adding  and  Harry, J e s s i e ,  wanderlust  stayed  Isabella,  eventually  brought  then  the  t h e r e f o r eight  years,  N a g l e f a m i l y (with the  married)  Vancouver  Catherine  made  Island.  its last m o v e  in N e w Z e a l a n d  them  to  the  exception  for  ranks),  west  coast  in the s p r i n g of  during which time In 1858,  were  Jeremiah  a n d F r e d to t h e i r  T h e y m o v e d to S a n F r a n c i s c o  two children, Ella a n d E d d i e , were born. eighteen,  and  S u s a n and her elder sister Kate).  a n d , while the family settled  of N o r t h A m e r i c a . 1850  of J e r e m i a h  c h i l d r e n w h o s u r v i v e d i n f a n c y (a s o n a n d d a u g h t e r  captain  apparent  L o w r i e . t e n d a y s b e f o r e that s h i p l a n d e d  S h e w a s the s e c o n d  born and died between  18,  their  when Susan  was  of K a t e w h o h a d  to V i c t o r i a , in t h e  last  by  young colony  of  1 1  C a p t a i n N a g l e , w h o h a d b e e n i n v o l v e d in real e s t a t e a n d shipping settling  while  in  in V i c t o r i a .  California, continued Besides  his  his o f f i c e a s  varied  activities  Harbourmaster,  he  after was  P i e r s o n , "Experience, Difference, Dominance and Voice," p. 94. This information has been culled mostly from notes provided by Don Roberts, Susan's grandson. 10  1 1  appointed  Collector  Vancouver  Island.  1861,  he  would  seem  his f a m i l y :  in  1865,  New Westminster  move  them  appointed would from  have  early  warden  augmented  years,  the  reflect  all a c c o u n t s ,  and  property  Susan a  trading  post  by July  had the the  docked,  that t o w n ,  James 1866.  1 5  Bay,"  1 6  interest  e f f e c t s of t h e  selling only  later  a post  contributed  that  to t h e  British  Colonist. 13 June 1859, p. 3.  British  Colonist. 15 June 1859, p. 3.  during  a c l e r k in t h e in t h e  of  they  and  family income  sea. loyal,  in  Harbourmaster's business  in N e w  Hudson's Bay  Alexandria, and Jessie was  13  income  w e a t h e r o n t h o s e at  of it a n d  12  what  closely-knit  their  to  in s h i p p i n g m a t t e r s  Nagle family was  In  1 4  office"  especially  which embarked,  it  life f o r  He was  Esquimalt,  F r e d at s e v e n t e e n w o r k e d at the Fort  unsettled  H o l m e s ' journals,  H a r r y w o r k e d both a s  at  p o s t in  his p r o b a b l y r a t h e r e r r a t i c  strong  office while his father h a d control Westminster,  for  of s h i p p i n g , t h o u g h  rather  at  for V i c t o r i a a n d  older children also  varying ways.  a  his f a m i l y to  somewhat  c o n c e r n s about  By  Peace  "shipping c u s t o m s a n d broker's  moved  house  k i n d s - w h i c h ships  carried,  and  and  his s h i p p i n g a g e n c y .  these all  port  aspects  created  b a c k to V i c t o r i a a g a i n a  a n d J u s t i c e of t h e  " a g o o d f a t h e r but not a v e r y g o o d p r o v i d e r . "  he o p e n e d a  "delightfully situated  1 2  w o r k i n g in v a r i o u s  impetuousness  he was  December  Victoria  A f t e r h e g a v e u p the H a r b o u r m a s t e r  1 3  continued his  for  employed  Company  as  D o n Roberts, "Susan Holmes," in Memories Never Lost: Stories of the Pioneer Women of the Cowichan Valley and a Brief History of the Valley. 1850-1920 (Duncan: Pioneer Researchers, 1986). B r i t i s h Colonist. 11 December 1865, p. 3; 19 March 1866, p. 3; 16 July 1866, p. 3. J i m Nesbitt, "Old Homes and Families," Daily Colonist. 8 February 1953, p. 1 4  15  1 6  g o v e r n e s s by C o l o n e l Richard a n d M a r y M o o d y schoolteacher entries we Reece's  in N e w W e s t m i n s t e r .  have from S u s a n ,  school"  in 1865,  in V i c t o r i a .  1 8  & not  likely to  do  she  B y 1869,  inability to f i n d a w a y to h e l p out, nothing,  At t h e  any  since  better";  a n d later a s  1 7  time  was she  of t h e  was  "Papa  head  was  a p p o i n t e d to t e a c h  of n a v i g a t i o n At the time  o n the  Fraser  fretting  he  build a  had received  she  had  unfortunately,  acquired  a n o t h e r suitor,  England  clergyman  eventually 1871,  St.  afterwards  reputation  Reverend Yale.  in as  Susan  was  College 1864  2 1  David H o l m e s , the  At first s o m e w h a t  to  at  then  to he  ( B y this  time  Within a  year,  she  Church  of  she  in V i c t o r i a o n J u n e  19,  Yale.  in C a n t e r b u r y .  a tireless worker.  are  Yale,  resistant,  b o r n in L i n c o l n s h i r e in 1837,  and was  that  months  engaged  Colonial Services.  and they were married  returning  felt  & there  e n g a g e m e n t a n d shortly thereafter  Holmes was  Augustine's  missionary  at  consented  David  public s c h o o l  her  to  h a d not s e e n for s o m e t i m e , a s  c a r e e r in the  off t h e  she  A few  1 9  a m i n o r p o s t i n g in British H o n d u r a s . )  broken  about  River.  of h e r arrival in Y a l e ,  A l g e r n o n Hill, a y o u n g m a n s h e a t t e m p t e d to  in t h e  diary  is d o i n g next  . . . almost more [schools] than s c h o l a r s . "  later, s h e  first  w o r k i n g at " M r .  "the o n l y t h i n g t h e r e s e e m s to d o is to o p e n a s c h o o l , already  a  2 0  and  attended  H e a r r i v e d in V i c t o r i a a s  later s e n t to Y a l e , w h e r e h e built He had been  o r d a i n e d to t h e  a a  order  17  C o l o n e l Moody was commander of the Royal Engineers in British Columbia.  1 8  M r . Reece was an Anglican clergyman.  S u s a n Abercrombie Holmes Diary (hereafter SAH), 7 April 1869, British Columbia Archives and Records Service (hereafter BCARS). F r o m Don Roberts' notes. Fourth Census of Canada. 1901. 1 9  2 0  2 1  of  deacons  in  marriage.  1868  and was  2 2  Susan  2 3  during the  months  might  be  Harry,  was Susan  s e e m s to h a v e  in t h e  fall of  h a d at  least o n e  was  a five y e a r g a p b e t w e e n  and  the  after F r e d in  1882,  came  and  forty-four,  1871.  had  six  However,  1873,  first  child,  so  there  1872. early  in 1876,  H a r r y a n d F r e d , b o r n in 1877,  Isabel  in 1880,  T h u s , between children.  she  the  A l l of the  but  Fred  o t h e r fairly  closely:  Josephine  (Zephie)  a g e s of thirty-two children survived  P h i l w o u l d d i e f r o m p n e u m o n i a in 1 9 0 7 ,  and to  at t h e  age  H o l m e s ' h a d m o v e d b a c k to V a n c o u v e r Island in t h e fall of  when  Here, they into t h e  David was  appointed  r e s i d e d at t h e  large h o u s e  they  rector of the  church  p a r s o n a g e until 1884, h a d built at  and energy  H o l m e s d a l e , the  h a d c o n t i n u e d at his n e w p o s t i n g , a s  responsible  for  churches  Quamichan, likely  in t h e the  a  undertaking  at  Somenos,  latter s p e c i f i c a l l y  factor  parishioners--his  fundraising for the  district,  in his  views  on  apparent the  for  Indians.  "spiritual  22  B r i t i s h Colonist. 21 September 1868, p. 3.  23  B r i t i s h Colonist. 28 May 1872, p. 3.  24  B r i t i s h Colonist. 26 September 1873, p. 3.  25  British  Colonist. 18 April 1874, p. 3.  Cowichan.  2 5  2 4  moved  property  they  David Holmes' zeal he was  soon  erection  of  Chemainus,  falling-out  great  at  w h e n they  h a d a c q u i r e d in w h a t is n o w the town of D u n c a n .  was  their  health  twenty-three. The  new  poor  had thought  H o l m e s children followed e a c h  Phil in 1884.  Susan  in intermittently  miscarriage,  B e a t r i c e in 1878,  adulthood, though of  been  b o r n until N o v e m b e r  last f o u r  a priest the y e a r a f t e r h i s  following their w e d d i n g , a n d  pregnant not  ordained as  and  However,  with s o m e wants  three  of  of  this his  this  zeal  District"  most  likely e x t e n d e d  Indians,  but a l s o to t h o s e of t h e  consequence clerical  the  at  an  2 6  endeavour  training."  at  [was]  Fort a  David  job),  and  California,  clerical  2 8  resigned from  an  agricultural activities  s u p p l e m e n t to  religious a n d  is u n k n o w n , but it d o e s  duties,  In 1896,  p a r i s h at  mentioned anywhere  the  Gainesville,  b o t h to  attend  business  to t h e  secure  D a v i d s i m p l y d i d not again  2 9  she  orders,"  3 0  but t h e  m i x of  took  as  trips  to  Victoria,  of s e l l i n g p a r t s of t h e i r l a n d a n d or t h e  other  his o c c u p a t i o n  was  majority of his t i m e ( w h e n  listed a s at  home  of h e r  In b o t h t h e " c l e r k in h o l y in C o w i c h a n )  B r i t i s h Colonist. 6 August 1884, p. 3.  27  B r i t i s h Colonist. 26 September 1868, p. 3.  28  L e t t e r from Susan Holmes to her children, 6 June 1896, Holmes family  papers. 29  C o l o n i s t . 28 February 1898, p. 5.  C e n s u s of Canada. 1890-1: Fourth Census of Canada. 1901.  to  sons.  26  3 0  him  r e m a i n e d at C o w i c h a n ,  t a k i n g fairly f r e q u e n t  work situations for o n e  censuses,  1884.  S u s a n v i s i t e d h i m at  D a v i d s e e m s to h a v e r e t u r n e d h o m e for g o o d b y 1903. 1901  after  by " u n a n i m o u s v o t e "  Texas.  in W a t s o n v i l l e , but in g e n e r a l and  to  p r e a c h i n g at W a t s o n v i l l e ,  he w a s c h o s e n  Holmesdale,  and  at  not a p p e a r  latter of w h i c h s o m e t i m e s  he was  running  1891  his  moral  rest of his w o r k i n g life i n v o l v e d in a  a n d in 1898  r e c t o r of t h e  a t t e m p t to  he  in t h e l o n g run (or p e r h a p s  f o r it is n e v e r  far from h o m e .  least o n c e  found  P a r t l y in  H o p e a n d with h i s b e l i e f that " i n d u s t r i a l  necessary  H o l m e s spent the  farming  in 1884  local  2 7  been successful  like t h e  of t h e  w h i c h fit in with h i s e a r l i e r  T h e f a t e of this c o l l e g e have  "needs"  a r e a ' s white s e t t l e r s .  C o w i c h a n in o r d e r to  mission farm  improvement  o n l y to t h e  of t h e s e d i s a g r e e m e n t s ,  office  college,  not  was  probably spent  in f a r m i n g d u t i e s ; d e s p i t e  e n t h u s i a s m for t h e s e energy,  chores,  he  his a p p a r e n t  approached them  a n d S u s a n f r e q u e n t l y w o r r i e d that h e w o r k e d t o o  c o n c e r n that c o u l d a l s o h a v e b e e n a p p l i e d to her. temporary and  with h i s  the  clerical duties  latter p o s t  at  Cobble  necessitated  their early  Susan's so  as she  as  clergyman's  the  rest  of  grew older.  her  wife,  D a v i d did h a v e  from h o m e  from  strong,  became  David's troubles a n d c o n s e q u e n t 3 1  It s e e m s  with t h e  even  more  resignation  that s h e c o n t i n u e d to  of c o m m u n i t y r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s t h r o u g h o u t  visiting  the  sick,  organizing and  King's  Daughters, an Anglican  on the  b o a r d of d i r e c t o r s ,  behind  the  local group's  a n d acting as major  project  women's  a  She  was  group, serving  o n e of t h e d r i v i n g of b u i l d i n g  the  p a r t i c i p a t i n g in  f u n d r a i s i n g e v e n t s for t h e C h u r c h a n d m i s s i o n s , a n d s o o n . active  a  S h e t o o k s e r i o u s l y h e r role in t h e c o m m u n i t y  and  kinds  life,  hard,  seventies.  religious inclination, always  same  customary  B y this point, b o t h H o l m e s ' h a d  h a d a l s o b e e n a g r e a t b l o w to h e r . take  of  Shawnigan, and Ladysmith,  his a b s e n c e  S a t u r d a y to M o n d a y e v e r y w e e k . reached  Hill,  lack  forces  convalescent  home. Aside from these money-making  k i n d s of activities  s c h e m e s ) a n d all t h o s e  (as  well a s  in h e r later y e a r s  l o n g d e s i r e d to d o .  n u m b e r of  i n v o l v e d in r u n n i n g t h e  a n d b r i n g i n g u p t h e c h i l d r e n , often in the a b s e n c e Susan  a  home  of h e r h u s b a n d ,  a l s o a p p l i e d h e r s e l f to t h e writing s h e  S h e h a d kept a j o u r n a l , with s o m e  g a p s , for  had most  Bishop George Hills describes a meeting with the Holmes' the year after the "trouble," in which "her eyes were full of tears & he could barely speak from emotion." The Journal of Bishop Hills, Bishop of Columbia, Archives, Ecclesiastical Province of British Columbia, 12 July 1885, p. 17. 3 1  of h e r life, a n d w h e n h e r c h i l d r e n w e r e  g r o w n e n o u g h to d o their  part  in t h e h o u s e h o l d w o r k ( a n d s h e w a s a l s o a b l e to a f f o r d a C h i n e s e housekeeper), composed some  she  songs  b e g a n to w o r k o n o t h e r f o r m s of w r i t i n g . 3 2  a n d wrote  of w h i c h w e r e Susan's  poems,  published  parents  in j o u r n a l s of t h e  h a d b o t h d i e d in the  V i c t o r i a a n d C a t h e r i n e in O a k l a n d , daughter  Ella) a n d David,  t h e fall of 1 9 1 5 .  Despite a  over the  course  ill for the  where  time.  and  she  was  articles,  3 3  1880s (Jeremiah  in  living with  last f e w y e a r s  B y the time S u s a n followed,  she had been predeceased siblings.  children's stories,  She  her  of h i s life, d i e d in  on January  24,  1921,  b y all but two ( F r e d a n d E l l a ) of h e r  p e r c e p t i o n of h e r s e l f  of h e r life, s h e  as  precariously  h a d l i v e d to a l m o s t  healthy  eighty-one  years  of a g e .  Susan Suckley Flood The  s p e c i f i c s of S u s a n  somewhat between could  more  least  s a i d to  have  at  in t e r m s  respect,  some  h a d interesting fathers of p u b l i c r e c o r d s .  are  t h e r e is a s i m i l a r i t y both w o m e n  and almost  invisible  C a t h e r i n e N a g l e d i d at  f l e s h i n g - o u t in h e r d a u g h t e r s '  journals,  F l o o d ' s m o t h e r little is k n o w n o u t s i d e of h e r n a m e  parentage. was  least  acquire  Susan  In o n e  world  h e r f a m i l y of origin a n d that of S u s a n H o l m e s :  be  mothers,  shrouded.  F l o o d ' s e n t r y into t h e  but  of  and  her  E v e n h e r n a m e , C e c i l i a , is m o s t likely not t h e o n e  she  g i v e n at  birth.  S u c h as "Daughters of the Empire", words and music by Susan A. Holmes, copyright 1918, Holmes family papers. 3 2  l have been unable to locate any of these, though the recording of approximate publication dates and other references indicate that some indeed were published. 3 3  After whites father w a s dis-kid.  He was  3 4  one  encompassed  reaches  fierceness, raiding  parties  total  from  other  tribes,  whom earliest  of t h e  warrior  traditions.  construction  land  (the  was  Washington A  of t h e  history After  landed  1850,  on  Pass  it n a r r o w e d  h i m f r o m the  the  of life of  the  their  as  the  upper  directed Haida;  article,  down  give  the  S e a t t l e to  were  and  during  their  the  Bainbridge which  their  implemented),  notes  that:  his t r i b e ' s  It f r e e d his s l a v e s . a n d substituted  the  a r e a to  with s e v e n - l e a g u e  s m o k y ancestral  Bay  Seattle,  up war  written  a n d the  against  Hudson's  D u w a m i s h chief  Bridge from  Cuo-dis-kid  h i m of his Indian n a m e ousted  the  I n d i a n s to  magazine  reservations  Reservation.  north  generally  d o m a i n to a f e w t h o u s a n d a c r e s in the Indian  way  S u q u a m i s h were a m o n g  h e a r t of S u q u a m i s h territory, confined when  far  Cuo-  lifetime  a Skagit, a n d as  was  c h i e f of  whose  of t h e  particularly  Territory  1950  Agate  3 5  a g r o u p "friendly" to the  C u o - d i s - k i d s u p p o r t e d , the  Island  were  D u e to t h e i n f l u e n c e of the  3 7  "last w a r  Cecilia's  Despite Cuo-dis-kid's reported  warlike tendencies  S u q u a m i s h were considered Company.  the  overturning  i n c l u d e d fur t r a p p i n g River.  S o u n d area,  B i g J o h n ; his Indian n a m e  H i s wife, M a r t h a , w a s  3 6  Skagit  his  Puget  " o l d Indian n o b i l i t y , "  almost  activities of t h e  in the  apparently considered  of the  "the  peoples."  economic  settling  commonly known as  Suquamish,"  Salish  began  wide,  boots. free  Port  Madison  It  divested  Big John.  It  h a l l s of h u g e O l d  3 4  T h i s is sometimes also spelled Qu-dis-kid.  35  E r n e s t B. Bertelson, "The Land of Spooks," Seattle Sunday Times Magazine  Section. 18 June 1950. G e o r g e Pierre Castile, ed., Introduction to The Indians of Puget Sound: The Notebooks of Myron Eells (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1985), p. xiii. 3 6  W i l l i a m Fraser Tolmie, Physician and Fur Trader: The Journals of William Fraser Tolmie (Vancouver: Mitchell Press Limited, 1963), p. 216. 37  M a n H o u s e a n d i n s t a l l e d h i m in a f r a m e h o m e  surrounded  by a  a tribal  picket f e n c e .  warrior  and  known  as  left h i m o n l y t h e  the  the  time  when  h o l l o w h o n o r of  'last w a r chief of the  S u s a n ' s father, at  It w i p e d out his c a r e e r a s  Suquamish.'  G e o r g e S u c k l e y , a r r i v e d in the  O r e g o n Territory w a s  part b e c o m i n g  W a s h i n g t o n Territory.  from the  C o l l e g e of P h y s i c i a n s a n d S u r g e o n s  eastern and  he  portion  1853.  was  appointed  of t h e  Pacific  forty-ninth parallels  and  Paul,  Vancouver,  W a s h i n g t o n T e r r i t o r y , u n d e r the  I.  (recently  Stevens  reaching main  Fort  appointed  the  at  summer  absence  to  Fort of  and  Smithsonian  1854,  continue  Suckley's studies,  Steilacoom  he  but a l m o s t  was  (he  duties  with t h e  of  h a d sent translations  Institution  along  natural  Survey  had  professional  38  activities  took  age for  the  forty-seventh Fort Isaac  territory).  Fort  After  He was to  Fort  received  the  Vancouver),  a  first D a l l e s in  leave  of  history  specimens.  included  ethnological  of Indian v o c a b u l a r y to  with his s p e c i m e n s  him a m o n g  in a  of  h a d split f r o m  transferred  the  and  reports;  Indian a g e n t . Indians  the  of t h e  3 9  he As area,  Bertelson, "The Land of Spooks."  " N o t e s and Documents: Sidelights on the Stevens Railway Survey," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 36, no. 3 (July 1945). 39  the  graduated  of G e n e r a l  of t h e  h a d a l s o for a time c o n s i d e r e d taking a post a s his  of t h e  comand  immediately  his collection  at t h e  naturalist  an assistant s u r g e o n . and  with  part of C o l u m b i a  Minnesota and  governor 1853  parts,  area  resident s u r g e o n  b y c a n o e f r o m Fort O w e n s to  he joined the U . S. A r m y as stationed  first  V a n c o u v e r in D e c e m b e r  p a r t y to t r a v e l  as  Railroad Survey St.  Sound  Suckley had  At that t i m e ,  surgeon  between  Puget  (now  U n i v e r s i t y ) in N e w Y o r k a n d h a d t h e n s e r v e d N e w Y o r k h o s p i t a l until e a r l y  3 8  split into t w o  northern  twenty-three,  being  it  is p r o b a b l y not s u r p r i s i n g that h e woman,  though  relationship. ceremony  A l m o s t certainly  appropriate  In a n y which  he  born.  case,  censuses,  she  respectively, Her  1856;  records  listed  record, this  4 1  as  dated  date was  of t h e S i s t e r s  arrival  at  Susan  herself  the  is  the  age  of  1856,  made  June  and  1858  1876,  census  it s e e m s the  of birth is g i v e n v a r i o u s l y a s  exact  location  be  by  church  longer  army,  from  Cecilia Suckley  1881  difficult to  and  thirty-three  the  year  as  4  3  most  her a g e  13,  4 2  1855,  of  her  old  birth.  4 0  b o r n in  in k e e p i n g with  fourteen.  April  was  was  1891  years  of h e r  s t a t e s that s h e  in 1 8 7 0  place  in this  In the  p r o b a b l y a r r i v e d at  1901  no  their  of birth w e r e t h e first e l e m e n t s  g a v e to h e r f a m i l y w a s  Suckley's wanderings,  either  in t h e  of S t . A n n , w h o h a d r e c o r d e d  d a t e s p e c i f i e d o n the  somewhere  that S u s a n  twenty-three  Victoria convent  may  marry,  of  Indian  settlement.  a varied recording.  which would have  baptismal  July  and place  received  d i d not  d u r i n g S u c k l e y ' s stint  in O c t o b e r  H e r birthdate  they  nature  of the c o u n t r y , " a c u s t o m  in t h e  it w a s  resigned  identity that  l i a i s o n with a n  virtually n o t h i n g is k n o w n of t h e  o r b y "the c u s t o m  considered  developed a  the  upon  her  T h e d a t e that a n d this is  also  G i v e n the r e c o r d of D r . likely to b e  Olympia ascertain,  accurate.  or S t e i l a c o o m ; it w a s  The  while  the  certainly  area.  C e n s u s of Canada. 1881: Census of Canada. 1891.  4 0  Baptismal record 246, June 1876, St. Andrew's Roman Catholic Cathedral (Victoria), Baptismal Register, B C A R S . This record also listed her mother's name as "Maria," a name commonly given to native women. 4 1  L e t t e r from Sister Mary Martha, Registrar, Sisters of St. Ann, to Charles S . Flood, December 26, 1944, Flood family papers. Sister Mary Martha also noted that Susan's mother's name was not indicated. 42  43  F o u r t h Census of Canada. 1901.  Virtually  nothing  is  k n o w n of S u s a n ' s  life f r o m  h e r a d m i s s i o n to S t . A n n ' s A c a d e m y in M a y 1870. reminiscences and, since seems  have  her  living in the  her grandparents  possible,  at  k n o w n that C e c i l i a e v e n t u a l l y  d u r i n g this t i m e  father's involvement periods have his  of t i m e  been  married  work  with C e c i l i a a n d  collecting  salmonidae  specimens, b y the  Territory.  circles,  and  had  named  in his h o n o u r .  Paris,  and  a  4 6  Whether  4 7  more  c h i l d r e n , but  Susan  unknown, as  had any  is t h e  from the  writing t h e  army,  reports  Boundary  have  but t h e s e  on  of s p e c i e s ,  spent would  he  continued  of  1857  expedition  to  Panama  of  4  5  a trip to C h i n a , f r o m w h i c h h e via Salt  history  waterfowl,  Suckley also  with C o o p e r ,  a g a i n c r o s s i n g the c o n t i n e n t  and  N a t u r a l H i s t o r y of  particularly  D u r i n g this t i m e ,  her  mammals  Survey  the  formal  e x t e n t of  Dr. S u c k l e y m a y  their d a u g h t e r ,  this  It is  H e b e c a m e w e l l - k n o w n in n a t u r a l  number  apparently  eastern U . S.,  had  with D r . J a m e s C o o p e r T h e  Washington  farther afield--an  and  Northwest  mother  Port M a d i s o n R e s e r v e ,  A f t e r his r e s i g n a t i o n  collected  and co-authoring  is a l s o  4 4  with his f a m i l y .  limited.  son's  part of t h e s e fifteen y e a r s .  t i m i n g of t h e s e e v e n t s is u n c l e a r . schooling  Her  birth until  S u q u a m i s h a r e a with h e r  w e r e o n the  l e a s t for a  her  travelled a  sojourn  returned  L a k e to  to  in the  San  S u s a n ' s halfbrothers were named John and Joe Pratt, and in later life she definitely kept in touch with them, though it is uncertain when their correspondence was initiated. 44  G e o r g e Suckley Papers, Smithsonian Institution Archives. J . G . Cooper and G . Suckley, The Natural History of Washington Territory (New York: Balliere Brothers, 1859). The monograph was published simultaneously in London, Paris, and Madrid. E d g a r Erskine Hume, Ornithologists of the United States Army Medical Corps (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1942), pp. 439-442. 4 5  4 6  4 7  Francisco more  in I 8 6 0 .  and was  resigning  appointed Surgeon  for the  Lieutenant  W h e n the C i v i l W a r b r o k e out, h e e n l i s t e d  4 8  final time  Colonel and  meritorious  service.  of V o l u n t e e r s in 1 8 6 1 ;  in A p r i l  he  was  d y i n g in N e w Y o r k in J u l y  appointed  returned  to  Washington  at S t . A n n ' s in V i c t o r i a . S u s a n was  quarter."  her father's uncle with t h e his  for the not  a  a paying boarder, paying was  Rutsen  choice  Susan  illegitimate  and  C a t h o l i c , but m a n y  "at the  rate of $ 5 6 . 5 0  t a s k of s e e i n g  to  unclear.  the 5 1  The  George Suckley was  non-Catholics attended school  F.  Tolmie,  doctor  naturalist,  was  almost  S u c k l e y during the former's  days  with t h e  k n o w n to Sound time  George  A g r i c u l t u r a l C o m p a n y at  resident  in V i c t o r i a , w a s  n a m e d for S u s a n  Fort quite  in S u c k l e y ' s will.  suggested  Nisqually. likely It w a s  one  5 2  school.  by  William  certainly Puget's  T o l m i e , b y this  of t h r e e  not a  certainly  convent  is that t h e and  was  the  deal  reasons  plausible explanation a  probably  w e l l - b e i n g of  A  also  on  per  not s p e c i f i e d , but it w a s  half-Indian d a u g h t e r .  of S t . A n n ' s a r e  who,  appeared  S u c k l e y , w h o h a d likely p r o m i s e d to  undoubtedly unwelcome  nephew's  Territory,  W h i l e S t . A n n ' s took in m a n y o r p h a n s  T h e person  5 0  brevet  1869.  In M a y of t h e y e a r f o l l o w i n g h e r f a t h e r ' s d e a t h ,  charity,  after  C o l o n e l of V o l u n t e e r s f o r faithful a n d H e never  4 9  1865,  once  trustees  position T o l m i e took  48  W a s h i n a t o n Standard. 17 February 1872, p. 2, col. 3.  49  L e t t e r from U. S. War Department to C . S . Flood, 1947, Flood family papers.  50  B o a r d e r s " Accounts, 1866-1876, Sisters of St. Ann Archives.  Letters from G . Tillotson to Susan Suckley, 31 March 1874 and 20 August Flood family papers. 5 1  1875,  T h a t an acquaintance existed between these two men is confirmed in a letter from George Suckley to his aunt, Mary Suckley, dated 25 October 1856. Ms. no. 20, George Suckley Papers, Beinecke Rare Books and Manuscripts Library, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 52  on,  but h e d i d a p p p a r e n t l y t a k e s o m e  the  years,  interest  in h e r p r o g r e s s  a n d it s e e m s f e a s i b l e that h e m a y h a v e  5 3  offered this  of a d v i c e , a n d p e r h a p s to k e e p a n e y e o n t h e girl to s o m e In  any event,  S u s a n r e m a i n e d at S t . A n n ' s until  s u m m e r of that y e a r s h e managing Seattle 1881; she  was  third c l a s s  1880,  certificate.  but w a s  a p p o i n t e d to r e p l a c e  the  o n the  examination  5 7  some  H o w e v e r , the following  According Woodstock,  to  5 6  at  5 8  as  She was  she was  a n d d i d not f a r e  Susan  s t a y i n g in  and  r e q u i r e d to  even  married William  William  Flood was  T o w a r d s t h e e n d of t h e  a soldier was  with a  examination,  as  well  another  Lewis  Flood  1882.  O n t a r i o , in 1846.  Along  In t h e  5 4  Fort H o p e h a d r e s i g n e d  Of course,  h e a p p a r e n t l y v o l u n t e e r e d to s e r v e  Ontario.  1880.  but d i d well e n o u g h to c o n t i n u e in h e r  various accounts,  a l t h o u g h his t i m e a s  extent.  Fort H o p e t r u s t e e s h a d to r e q u e s t  year,  point in e a r l y  him.  55  kind  b a c k in V i c t o r i a b y M a r c h of  that s u m m e r  previous occasion,  t e a c h e r the  War,  a  B. C . teachers'  at that t i m e , t h e s c h o o l t e a c h e r  position.  at  acquire  in t h e fall of  rewrite as  to  wrote t h e  through  short,  n u m b e r of o t h e r  b o r n in A m e r i c a n Civil  in t h e U n i o n a r m y a n d , he never again activities,  he  returned  pursued  to  mining  L e t t e r from W. F. Tolmie to Susan Suckley on her marriage (undated), Flood family papers. P u p i l Registration, Sisters of St. Ann Archives. Susan did apparently withdraw October 22, 1873 and re-registered in September of the following year. R e g i s t e r of Teachers' Certificates, 1880, British Columbia, Superintendent of Education, B C A R S . S u s a n Suckley to C . C . McKenzie, British Columbia, Superintendent of Education, Correspondence Inward, 10 March 1881 and 12 March 1881; C . C . McKenzie to Susan Suckley, Correspondence Outward, 14 March 1881, B C A R S . R e g i s t e r of Teachers' Certificates, 1881. l could not determine whether or not Susan Suckley finished out the year (or would have been allowed to). It seems that she probably did, given the date of the trustees' request, in June of 1882. 53  5 4  55  5 6  57  5 8  opportunities,  5 9  Australia),  heard  headed  he  a n d while in S a n of the  Francisco  discovery  in that d i r e c t i o n i n s t e a d .  (supposedly en  of g o l d in t h e  Skagit Valley  B y the time S u s a n  6 0  route  to and  Suckley  a r r i v e d in Fort H o p e , h e h a d by a n d l a r g e g i v e n u p his pursuit of mining as  in f a v o u r  of w o r k i n g in c o n s t r u c t i o n .  a c a r p e n t e r in the  sawmill, which was building  considerable  of  later. the  a i d to h i m a s  1882;  their  A bit of a  household was  daughter mystery  L e i l a d i d not  surfaces  described  as  and Louise Flood.  daughter  of the h e a d of the h o u s e h o l d .  to f i n d a n y  record  in t h e  consisting  Charles,  he sought  numerous  b o r n in late  f o l l o w until 1891  would s e e m  of W i l l i a m ,  L o u i s e , t w e l v e y e a r s o l d , is listed a s 6 2  likely that s h e  indicated by s o m e  However, I have been  b e e n b o r n in 1879, was  William  relationship, though she or e v e n  a  of the  census  b e f o r e t h e y met.  Flood's daughter  from a  could have been a niece  n o n - r e l a t i v e that the  that  Susan,  b e s i d e s this o n e of L o u i s e F l o o d , a n d s h e  to b e  she would have  ten  census--at  c o u l d not h a v e b e e n the d a u g h t e r of both W i l l i a m a n d S u s a n  relation)  listed  a n d h e s o o n h a d his o w n  6 1  F l o o d s ' first c h i l d , C h a r l e s S u c k l e y F l o o d , w a s  November  time  a  census,  is  contracts.  The  years  1881  His occupation  the  unable  certainly (as  information) It s e e m s  since  most  previous  (or s o m e  Floods had taken  other in.  6 3  She  A c c o r d i n g to some accounts, William Flood prospected with his brother James, who would later have considerable success with silver in Nevada. 59  60  M o r l e y Gillander, "The Skagit Saga," unpublished manuscript, Flood family  papers. 6 1  6 2  Census of Canada. 1881. C e n s u s of Canada. 1890-1.  T h e r e is not much possibility that Louise was Susan's daughter. Given the strictness of rules governing teachers, the already existing impediment of her racial background, and her uninterrupted residence at the convent, there seems to be little chance of her having had a child or of being allowed to teach if she had. 6 3  p r o b a b l y either d i e d within the next few y e a r s or went  to  live  e l s e w h e r e , a s C h a r l e s Flood's daughter has no k n o w l e d g e  whatsoever  of t h i s girl w h o w o u l d a p p a r e n t l y h a v e b e e n h e r a u n t . T h e F l o o d s l i v e d in H o p e until a b o u t 1 9 0 0 , at w h i c h t i m e  they  m o v e d to t h e h o m e s t e a d f i v e m i l e s w e s t of t h e r e t h a t t h e y h a d clearing over nearly ten years. Flood.  been  T h i s a r e a l a t e r b e c a m e t h e v i l l a g e of  T h e o r i g i n a l l o g h o u s e W i l l i a m h a d built w a s a d d e d t o , a n d  b o t h t h e e l d e r F l o o d s r e m a i n e d t h e r e f o r t h e r e s t of t h e i r  lives.  William's  often  construction  business apparently  flourished  and  h i m a w a y f r o m h o m e f o r l e n g t h y p e r i o d s of t i m e ; S u s a n w a s b u s y with the family a n d the  kept  farm.  In 1 9 1 7 , t h e F l o o d s ' d a u g h t e r d i e d of b o n e d i s e a s e . that W i l l i a m  took  It a p p e a r s  n e v e r r e c o v e r e d from this l o s s , a s he withdrew  h i m s e l f until h e t o o d i e d e l e v e n y e a r s later.  into  S u s a n l i v e d o n at  their  h o m e s t e a d o n h e r o w n , with h e l p o n t h e f a r m f r o m h e r s o n a n d h i s family,  The  until  h e r o w n d e a t h at t h e a g e of e i g h t y - e i g h t  Question  of  in  1943.  Race  A l t h o u g h a g r e a t e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of g e n e t i c s h a s l e d to a twentieth-century rather  than  remains century  perception  biological  powerful  that  realities,"  6 4  '"races' are the  socially  imagined  discursive category  in its " c o m m o n s e n s e "  effects.  6 5  In  late  of  "race"  nineteenth-  E u r o p e , as western nations were consolidating o v e r s e a s  e m p i r e s , t h e q u e s t i o n of r a c e w a s a m a j o r p r e o c c u p a t i o n , g i v e n  the  i n c r e a s i n g contact between E u r o p e a n s a n d the p e o p l e they c o l o n i z e d . R o b e r t Y o u n g a r g u e s that V i c t o r i a n racial t h e o r i e s w e r e d r i v e n R o b e r t Miles, Racism (London: Routledge, 1989), p. 71. S e e James Donald and Ali Rattansi, eds., 'Race'. Culture and Difference (London: Sage Publications Ltd., 1992). 64  6 5  by  "colonial  desire,"  transgression." of  "hybridity,  together  (or  a  fascination  This  in turn  grafting, not)."  of  of t h e  crossing  possible  if t h e  this w a s  the  for  and  relationships  as  Darwin between  debate.  "the  as  of  concern.  belief  in  hierarchical  importance.  same-Other  of a  perversity  as  development.  Polygenists  claimed one the  was  wore  no  origin a n d  c h i l d r e n of  "essential  the  be that  species  mixed-race  distinction" of  polygenist/monogenist  on, such  and  in s p e c i e s  changes,  racial  "racialism operated the  or  affected took  of  to  of w h i c h  sexual  arrested  and  the by  the and racial social  embryological  B u t n o n e w a s s o d e m o n i z e d a s t h o s e of m i x e d  race."  R o b e r t J . C . Young, Colonial Desire: Hybridity in Theory. Culture and Race (London & New York: Routledge, 1995), p. 4. i b i d . , pp. 11-16. i b i d . , p. 180. 66  6 7  6 8  a  on  of n o r m a l i t i e s '  white n o r m , b y m e a n s  deformation,  more  both a c c o r d i n g  forms  (or  particularly  "purity"  'computation  i d e n t i f i e d with o t h e r  degeneracy,  argued  of t h o s e of m i x e d r a c e , " b e c a m e  differentiation,  Thus,  was  could only  P u b l i c attitudes w e r e i n c r e a s i n g l y  6 7  grow  by definition the  such  s p e c i f i c a l l y with c h a n g e s  ' d e g r e e s of d e v i a n c e ' f r o m the became  to  a n d that a n a c c e p t a n c e  model a n d through  difference  entities  possibility  sort.  obviate  century  degeneration  focus  more  would  the  with t h e  hybridity a s  explained  that t h e r e  dealt  "interracial  a true " h y b r i d " w a s  species,  a n d varieties,  His theory  alleged  of t w o  therefore  theory  varieties) a n d ,  since  "mongrels"  species  evoloutionary  incompatible  while m o n o g e n i s t s  argued  of  obsession  races were separate species.  case,  humanity  an  idea  rising d i s c i p l i n e of a n t h r o p o l o g y  d i v i d e d o n this q u e s t i o n : result  l e d to  forcing  The  6 6  with t h e  6 8  While again  "hybridity" w a s  in c o m m o n  In t h i s  model,  together,  and  perspective  but  and  works  internally which white  as  maintains  as  against  the  she  of t h e  experience  subject," will  a  doubleness  as  other."  a  dialogic,  that  both  the  7 0  by  T h e new  of h y b r i d i t y "  cultural,  and  'purity' that  a n d that of  Metis subjectivity of  of s u b j e c t i v i t y t h e r e is a l s o  become  valued  mestiza  racial has  Julia Emberley draws  7 1  law  brings  Such a  6 9  indicated  mestiza  of  Bakhtin's  "double-  s e e s the v a l u e of this f i g u r e  'hybridized' destabilizes  ibid.,  but a l s o  i m p e r i a l i s m of  construction  inscriptions  as  "counterdiscourse  f i g u r e of the  once  connotation.  u n m a s k the  m u c h of h u m a n k i n d . "  a sign, a n d thus c o m m o d i f i e d . "  6 9  perceived  metaphysical,  the  it is  influenced by  mestiza."  providing a  term, cultural  separation."  "new  "subverts  W h i l e "the  centring  "a  valuation,  of the  Metis; however,  hegemonic  "marginal  so  between  ambiguous.  been  voice can  process,  positive  which  lethally o p p r e s s e d comparison  a  is s e e n  "mixedness")  boundaries  also  discussions  consciousness  has  more  not o n l y a f u s i o n into o n e ,  reflects  contemporary  Canadian  hybridity theory  contestatory  fuses,  n o w with a  in w h i c h " e a c h  H y b r i d i t y is t h u s politicized,  nineteenth-century  in w h i c h h y b r i d i z a t i o n is  voiced" discourse  (or  circulation,  incarnation,  linguistic  a  a  the as as  representation  are  unified  danger  in  around  that t h e  primarily for  a  its  a  Metis  function  7 2  pp. 20-22.  G l o r i a Anzaldua, Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza (San Francisco: Aunt Lute Books, 1987). Laura E. Donaldson, Decolonizing Feminisms: Race. Gender, and EmpireBuilding (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1992), p. 116. 7 0  7 1  J u l i a V. Emberley, Thresholds of Difference: Feminist Critique. Native Women's Writings. Postcolonial Theory (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993), pp. 163-164. 7 2  The mestiza, metis, or halfbreed is seen to occupy a third or border position.  Gloria Anzaldua writes that the resultant  alienation creates a "dual identity" whereby individuals identify totally with neither set of cultural values.  They are "caught  between the spaces" of two different worlds, both of which they inhabit.  Anzaldua believes that such people are more likely to  develop a tolerance for contradiction and ambiguity that may lead to a new "mestiza consciousness" which can eventually break down the dualistic thinking which has to this point characterized the collective consciousness--the future, she feels, will be dependent on the ability to "straddle cultures." autobiographical Halfbreed.  74  73  Maria Campbell, author of the  describes a similar process when she  states that the play Jessica "was supposed to be a play about a woman struggling with two cultures, and how she got them balanced; because when she leaned into one, a part of her got lost, so she had to lean into the other one and try to understand and find a balance." Racial  Identity  on  the  Western  75  Frontier  Analyses of fur trade society in Canada, and in particular of its family relations, have been presented in the works of Sylvia Van Kirk and Jennifer S. H. Brown.  76  Although there were important  policy differences resulting in varied social configurations between the Hudson's Bay Company and the Northwest Company, both groups 73  7 4  A n z a l d u a , Borderlands/La  Frontera.  M a r i a Campbell, Halfbreed (Toronto:  McClelland and Stewart, 1973).  L i n d a Griffiths and Maria Campbell, The Book of Jessica: A Theatrical Transformation (Toronto: The Coach House Press, 1989), p. 17. 7 5  S y l v i a Van Kirk, "Many Tender Ties": Women in Fur Trade Society in Western C a n a d a . 1670-1870 (Winnipeg: Watson & Dwyer Publishing Ltd., 1980); Jennifer S. H. Brown, Strangers in Blood: Fur Trade Company Families in Indian Country (Vancouver: University of B. C. Press, 1980). 7 6  were  eventually characterized  of Indian d e s c e n t . la f a c o n as  W h i l e v a r i a b l e in n a t u r e ,  du pays" were  any marriage  p a i n s to  daughters,  closer  thus  and  and  S o n s t o o k j o b s within t h e  providing  links  Indian m o t h e r s ,  in t h e  business  two  companies  "a  serious  In t h e s e c a s e s , t r a d e r s  European values  t h e i r fully  women  m a n y of t h e s e u n i o n s  took  b e h a v i o u r in t h e i r  company  b o t h in l o o k s a n d b e h a v i o u r to t h e  of w o m a n h o o d t h a n traders,  by clergy.  "civilized"  children.  traders  l o n g - l a s t i n g a n d c o n s i d e r e d to b e a s  sanctioned  inculcate  mixed-blood  by unions between  E u r o p e a n ideal  married  ties  and  other  of f u r t r a d e  society. After the began  to  merger  merger  change,  brought  of t h e  with it t h e  whose  own  had  relations.  T h e churches,  frontier,  marriages  more  in p l a c e  too,  clergy  there;  h a d b e g u n to s e n d  were  in C h r i s t i a n c e r e m o n i e s .  settlement,  coupled  the  death  situation  of  native  k n e l l f o r fur t r a d e s o c i e t y  as  the  women  domestic  unions  theories it h a d  to  customary  T h e b e g i n n i n g s of racial  the  representatives  m a n y of t h e s e  emerging  as  George  d e e p l y o p p o s e d to t h e  after 1 8 2 1 ,  with t h e  towards  i n f l u e n c e o n fur t r a d e  solemnized  were  structure  It a l s o brought a n e w g o v e r n o r ,  considerable  a n d the  authoritarian  p r e j u d i c e d attitudes  eventually  the  a  the  particularly a m o n g the former N o r ' W e s t e r s ,  Hudson's Bay Company. Simpson,  in 1 8 2 1 ,  were  white  and  attitudes,  previously  existed. In p a r t i c u l a r , position were  not  civilized  by the  mixed-blood women were  increasing  racial  placed  categorization:  respectable  European  ambiguous  "'Halfbreed' w o m e n  o n l y p a r t - I n d i a n a n d l a r g e l y l a c k i n g in t h e a r t s that  in a n  ladies were  education  or  assumed  to  possess;  they  w e r e a l s o the  unchristianized their  chastity  mixed-blood vulnerable them  to  women  was  seemed women  may  position  available,  have  b y their  deemed  century  the  the  into "the  resources.  T h e i r s t a t u s in q u e s t i o n ,  7 7  placed  in a  very  desire  fathers'  status  of  to the they  society,  disease,  as  a  been  people  meant  with w h i t e  welcome  in t h e i r  was  attitudes  among  hostile,  77  7 8  "acculturate  when there were racial  may  have  especially  if t h e y  in  would  but  and dependent  been  white  background  f u n c t i o n of w o m e n  c o m m o n to v i e w the "in-between"  having  m o u l d that  nineteenth-  i l l - p r e p a r e d to  lacked  strong  cope  parental  not  traders,  it h a s  Indian a n d b e e n the  white  fewer  Coast  particularly  native  (due  in t h e  Pollard  S a l i s h , w h i l e not  when  the  children  were  that  born) people  to  halfbreeds evidence  Northwest.  Indeed,  in q u e s t i o n  V a n Kirk, "Many Tender Ties", pp. 7, 152-153.  allied  provides  consistent,  B r o w n , Strangers in Blood, p. 212.  to  many women  babies  Pacific  Juliet  Pacific  largely  virtually n o m o t h e r ' s  societies,  true  society,  c a s e in t h e  b e e n typically thought  mothers'  necessarily the  halfbreed or Metis  c l a i m s , to the fact that, a s  c a s e s there was  A n d although  that t h i s  quite  to  d e c i m a t i o n of m a n y t r i b e s  she  that in m a n y  t u r n to. were  H e r e , the  but a l s o ,  themselves  particularly  "British w o m a n h o o d , "  P o l l a r d a r g u e s that this c o u l d not h a v e Northwest.  in w h i c h  7 8  W h i l e it h a s population  been  of  in c i r c u m s t a n c e s  increasingly passive  appropriate  changing  matured  of w o m a n h o o d " :  E u r o p e a n society,"  with t h e  a n d partners  mixed-blood women's  deny them  pressed  had  unprotected."  British s t a n d a r d s  ultimately been  unions and  daughters  were were  often  illegitimate.  In  these  patrilineal  recognized  father  the  c o m m u n i t y felt n o  to  native their  and  fathers.  native  constant short,  social  of t h e  and  concepts  Indian/white  negative  white  men  effects  the  race  inferior to  and  they  conflict  children were  a  upset  themselves."  belonged  increased  settlement.  the  T h e y violated  cultural  In  existing the  superiority,  Chinook's  which  G i v e n that b o t h  7 9  and  probably  of w h i t e  tribes  political o r d e r . of  without  b e without a s s e t s o r s t a t u s ,  as  "Halfbreed children a m o n g  deemed  sides  E u r o p e a n d e b a t e o n r a c e c o n s i d e r e d the white r a c e s u p e r i o r  all o t h e r s , thought  h a l f b r e e d c h i l d r e n in this a r e a a p p e a r  "inferior" by both  The  between  developed  buttressed inevitably "becoming became  by  two  and  white"  o n the  one  or  or the  "Indian." a member  nature  lived," and  cases,  the  hybridity theory,  "identified a s  depending  cultures"  alongside  revert to  of the  image  have  been  and  incapable  somewhat that other  of h a l f b r e e d s  people  into  of  of their  In reality,  parental  fully  to  notion,  races,  Clifton  they  society  they  groups,  circumstances. white  thus  claims,  or n o e t h n i c  c u l t u r a l frontier w h e r e  mainstream  people  mixed-blood would  James  of o n e , two,  as  of a d a p t i n g  paradoxical  o n their o w n i n d i v i d u a l  assimilation  to  to  sides.  popular nineteenth-century  "suspended  many  of t h e  children  responsibility for t h e m :  Furthermore,  reminders  ethnocentric  born  to  populations declined, such  hierarchical  either  were d e e m e d  societies,  were 8 0  In  was  J u l i e t Thelma Pollard, "The Making of the Metis in the Pacific North West Fur Trade Children: Race, Class and Gender" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of British Columbia, 1990), p. 9. Pollard notes that this situation sometimes led to abortion and infanticide. J a m e s A. Clifton, "Alternate Identities and Cultural Frontiers," in Being and Becoming Indian: Biographical Studies of North American Frontiers, ed. James A. Clifton (Chicago: The Dorsey Press, 1989), p. 28. 79  8 0  impossible  due  appearance. of  whichever  their  of f a c t o r s ,  racial  identity most  always  d o w n p l a y that s i d e  n o t e s that J a m e s  o n the  was  the  as  as  as  seemingly  better  a  appeal The  simple  to  it s e e m e d  of their  expedient  identity.  For  being  Irish.  mediator,"  readers.  especially  some  8 3  also  The  8 2  or preferable  instance, not to  Interior  took  on  a  identity  Van  at  Kirk  mention  Salish  to  their  was woman  to h a v e  chosen  halfbreed  an  identity,  p r o b a b l y in o r d e r  to  8 4  for t h o s e  enumerators  given between  in E n g l a n d , a n d his wife A m e l i a  i n v e n t e d a white g r a n d f a t h e r , white  any  taking  cultural  official o b s c u r i n g of Indian b l o o d w o u l d h a v e  task,  likely that  "cultural  at  edges  so.  Christine Quintasket (Mourning Dove), who appears identity  fashion,  native  p o s s i b l e to d o  D o u g l a s u r g e d his d a u g h t e r s  I n d i a n a n c e s t r y at s c h o o l recorded  it w a s  for m a n y  . . .  the  p e o p l e [ b e c a m e ] not d i m i n i s h e d , but  B y no m e a n s  8 1  whenever  Nevertheless,  she  included physical  in h i g h l y c r e a t i v e  their l i v e s or " o p e r a t i n g  enlarged."  rejected  officially  which often  f a v o u r a b l e for t h e m  C l i f t o n a r g u e s that " s u c h  culturally  least  variety  identity w a s  time throughout both."  a  H o w e v e r , m a n y p e o p l e of m i x e d - b l o o d m e t  challenges on  to  with t h e  listed the  friends or prominent community m e m b e r s  right  connections.  mixed-blood as  been  children  white a n d of t h e  a fairly It  is  of same  ibid., p. 29. The edited book provides biographies of fourteen such individuals. S e e David Peterson-del Mar, "Intermarriage and Agency: A Chinookan Case Study," Ethnohistorv 42, no. 1 (Winter 1995). 8 1  8 2  V a n Kirk, "Many Tender Ties", p. 237. This was in the 1881 census, which did not specifically ask for "racial origin." It would have been interesting to see how she would have been listed in the 1901 census, the first to record such data. S e e Jay Miller, "Mourning Dove: The Author as Cultural Mediator," in Being and Becoming Indian (1989) and Mourning Dove, A Salishan Autobiography, ed. Jay Miller (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990). 8 3  8 4  "racial  origin"  interesting, listed a s  the  physical  and  fathers.  that o n the  1901  census Susan  her  described  about  herself  their  as  she  knowledge  that s h e  not  to  to  her  mediator,"  where the  by then  grandfather's  children as had  bore  least s o m e  Adele as  not  her  removed  in a  a  of t h e m  also  of h e r  "Indian there  background  American  the  In  look" no the  indicates fostered  self-conscious man's  Indian m i l i e u ,  Indian s i d e  of  a way.  w i f e in  her  she  identity in  G e n e r a l Allotment Act a s  an  heir  8 6  identity a s  relatively s c a r c e w a s claims  any  s h e too a c t e d a s  white  more  is  and  it but a l s o  particularly a  had  difficulty i d e n t i f y i n g  Nevertheless,  her from a  allotment.  Perry  is  part-Indian.  characteristic  "identity" a s  maintained  H o l m e s ' racial  these were  white w o m e n  features  though  benefit from the  church.  or the  would have  of at  strategically  Susan  Susan  In s o m e w a y s , a s w e s h a l l s e e ,  British C o l u m b i a h a d  order  Flood's colour  d e s i r e d to h i d e this s i d e of h e r h e r i t a g e ,  s o m e p r i d e in it.  have  particularly  that n e i t h e r  only informed her children about  although  is  Her h u s b a n d William F l o o d himself  8 5  d e f i n i t e l y not f a i r - s k i n n e d .  surviving  may  her  It  " O B , " while her children,  it w o u l d s e e m  Susan  for  that s h e  Finally,  "IB."  thus  sense,  white,  was  racial origin a s  representing  evidence  "cultural  as  enumerator;  qualms the  then,  as  "red" and  "red," are was  (ethnicity)  a white  woman  compounded  in a by her  that c o l o n i a l d i s c o u r s e  "civilizing a g e n t s , " a n d the  society role in  constructed  C h u r c h of E n g l a n d in  F o u r t h Census of Canada. 1901. The request for this information is in itself probably a reflection of the increased racialization of Canadian society. The description of Susan as "OB" is puzzling, as George Suckley's background would seem to have been English. 85  W h i t e s did benefit from the allotments too (see Clifton, "Alternate Identities"), but she probably was not aware of this. 86  particular These  was  concerned  "women  were  necessary  b u i l d i n g in t h r e e w a y s : white,  economic  herself as  community,  of  and  teaching  school." "role  and  ensure  one  became  domestic  quell the  a  was  opposition blood  British C o l u m b i a . process  of  m o r a l t o n e of  the  development  British l a w ,  colony-  of  mores,  Having married an A n g l i c a n  m i n i s t e r e d to  natives,  performing  Indian girls in h e r  Susan  such  functions  husband's  not  that of n a t i v e  T h u s , in m a n y w a y s ,  8 8  o n l y in relation women,  a  and  "Indian  m i s s i o n a r y , s h e w o u l d b e e x p e c t e d to act  constructed  to,  to  in t h e  rapid  missionary,  m o d e l " f o r Indian w o m e n .  identity  8 7  who  skills to  A s a female  that  flourished."  especially  necessity  participants  society,  development  clergyman,  emigration  t h e y w o u l d r a i s e the  male-dominated  mixed-blood  with t h e i r  and  to,  but  especially  her  also to  as  a  racial in  direct  that of  mixed-  women.  Class Nineteenth-century considered  to  that s o c i e t y it l a c k e d  be  the  direct  a  E n g l a n d is g e n e r a l l y ,  remarkably  middle-class  Despite  its  evident  indeed,  "the  society"  would more  most  at  importance, pluralistic  rigid c l a s s - d r i v e n  was  political p o w e r  be  society,  reason,  and  within  decidedly ascendant,  even  the  century.  the  part  accurately  a n d for g o o d  of  b e g i n n i n g of t h e middle-class an  was  increasingly  described  as  the  hardly  though  unitary;  pluralistic "middle  A d e l e Perry, '"Oh I'm Just Sick of the Faces of Men": Gender Imbalance, Race, Sexuality, and Sociability in Nineteenth-Century British Columbia," B C Studies, nos. 105 & 106 (Spring/Summer 1995), p. 34. Perry notes that the combination of skewed demography and colonial discourse seriously restricted white women's social opportunities outside of the "heterosexual nexus." 87  Margaret Whitehead, "Women Were Made for Such Things: Women Missionaries in British Columbia 1850s-1940s," Atlantis 14, no. 1 (1988). 88  classes."  Furthermore,  69  seems  to  vantage the  have point,  been  membership  subjectively  "it m i g h t  almost  m i d d l e c l a s s is that it w a s  themselves to b e s o , system  to  be  in w h i c h t h e  were  lived  within it.  determined:  be  from our  s a i d that the  made  of i t . "  markers  readily apparent,  whether  middle-class  best  d e f i n i t i o n of  u p of t h o s e p e o p l e w h o  H o w e v e r , this  9 0  (if not a l w a y s if s o m e t i m e s  the  neighbours  exact  a  boundaries)  i n t a n g i b l e , to  those  of  who  Thus, a man  style  thought  oversimplifies  might b e c o n s i d e r e d to b e m i d d l e c l a s s  m i g h t b e d e c i d e d b y the e d u c a t i o n h e h a d r e c e i v e d , the  often  historical  middle c l a s s a n d were allowed by their  or were a c c u s e d  class  in the  of  his life,  b y his m a n n e r s ,  in w h i c h h e l i v e d , b y w h e t h e r  by the  by  district  h e went to c h u r c h  or  c h a p e l o n S u n d a y , b y the w a y h e d r e s s e d , or b y a n y n u m b e r of p o s s i b l e t e s t s s o m e quite Men  i m p o s s i b l e to  recover.  w h o w o r k e d in c o m m e r c e ,  and farming could be s e e n definite study  differences  of t h e  "gendered  middle-class and  definition  of a  the  professions,  these  and class  Davidoff and  was  in t h e  Hall  9 2  middle-class  first  describe  sexual  T o a great extent, rested  as  In  trades, were their  half of  much  on  the  the  T h e y a r g u e that  u n d e r p i n n e d by the  within f a m i l i e s .  family as  certain  occupations.  by c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s .  "enterprise" support  among  of g e n d e r  in B r i t a i n ,  form" taken  be  to b e m i d d l e - c l a s s , t h o u g h t h e r e  in s t a t u s  articulation  nineteenth-century  labour  of w h i c h it w o u l d  9 1  the  division  of  the the  R i c h a r d D. Altick, Victorian People and Ideas (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1973), p. 27. 89  G . Kitson Clark, The Making of Victorian England (London: Methuen & Co. Ltd., 1962), p. 119. ibid. 9 0  9  1  92  Davidoff and Hall, Family Fortunes.  " f e m i n i n i t y " of t h e w o m e n a s  o n the  "refined"  more  femininity b e c a m e  separation  from  that w o m e n certain were  not  be  stringently  and  "public sphere,"  being the  were  most  keepers  of t h e  dictated  a  e m p l o y e d g a i n f u l l y (or  defined areas)  considered  common  outside  part  of t h e drawn  between  employees  of  company.  the  home,  also  the 9 4  for w h o m  except unless  a  "gentlemen"  in they  situations,  British  posts,  C o l u m b i a for s o m e  relationship  of c l a s s  particular.  First,  would  a  have  and  9 3  (especially  solidifying and  the  and  of  have  enjoyed  domestic  93  time  as  and gender  frontier  social well.  was  servants  less  9 5  circumstances  the  and  social  transferred most  throughout  A t the s a m e t i m e ,  dictated  that  the  many  people  colonies than they would  S i n c e conditions were more  available,  the  b l u r r e d d u e to t w o f a c t o r s in  h i g h e r s o c i a l s t a t u s in the in E n g l a n d .  relations  within  lower  T h i s c l a s s structure w a s  coloured  the  "convention  to t h e c o l o n y of V a n c o u v e r Island, w h e r e C o m p a n y m e n h e l d administrative  few  governess  were  s t r o n g l y stratified,  saw  As  required  that of  C a n a d i a n west  nineteenth-century  distinctions  the  personality."  of t h e  Hudson's Bay Company) was  early  otherwise,  Middle-class women  stereotyped  fur t r a d e s o c i e t y  status  a c c e p t a b l e for t h e m ,  fallback.)  men.  identified with  ( A n d in t h e s e  Victorian "moral code,"  rigorously  The  more  of t h e  middle-class  in d i r e f i n a n c i a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s .  occupations  the  the  occupations  economic  primitive,  opportunities  Altick, Victorian People and Ideas, p. 53.  S e e Brown, Strangers in Blood, and Elizabeth Vibert, "Real Men Hunt Buffalo: Masculinity, Race and Class in British Fur Traders' Narratives," Gender and History 8, no. 1 (April 1996). 9 4  S e e Margaret Ormsby, British Columbia: A History (Vancouver: Macmillan of Canada, 1958). 9 5  p e r h a p s m o r e u n s t a b l e , w o m e n w e r e m o r e l i k e l y to b e r e q u i r e d to p e r f o r m  both  u n a c c u s t o m e d d o m e s t i c c h o r e s a n d to w o r k o u t s i d e t h e  h o m e ; i n d e e d , " t h e s o c i a l v a l u e to t h e c o l o n i e s of s i n g l e w o m e n , a n d m o r e e s p e c i a l l y of e d u c a t e d w o m e n , w a s t o o g r e a t f o r t h e m t o l o s e caste simply  by performing  A s e c o n d ambiguity Vibert trade The  definition  distinctions,  to draw  masculinity  boundaries  W h i l e "ultimately  around  w a s predicated  b u t at t h e s a m e t i m e m o s t of t h e m  Indian w i v e s . country  9 6  Elizabeth  a m b i v a l e n c e " that s u r r o u n d e d  "attempts  of t h e i r  work."  o c c u r r e d with regards to r a c e .  notes the "profound gentlemen's  menial  the fur themselves."  on class a n d race h a d Indian o r part-  . . . m a r r i a g e s to w o m e n  of t h e  c a m e t o b e s e e n a s a t h r e a t to t h e t r a d e r s ' g e n t l e m a n l y  fashioning,"  m a n y of t h e s e w i v e s b e c a m e part of t h e n e w c o l o n i e s '  9 7  establishment a n d their settlers.  self-  by virtue  daughters  of t h e i r  husbands'  also married the most  administrative prominent  positions,  colonial  T h e i r r a c e m a y s e l d o m h a v e b e e n a l l u d e d t o , b u t it w a s  n o n e t h e l e s s a matter increasingly  racist  of a w a r e n e s s a n d t h e r e f o r e  of t e n s i o n  in a n  society.  S u s a n N a g l e ' s family w a s o n e rung d o w n t h e s o c i a l l a d d e r from the  "administrative  classes"  of V i c t o r i a ,  h a v e b e e n a m o n g t h o s e to w h o m a s "our better  T h e y were  with  standards  moral  would  B i s h o p Hills referred  p e o p l e " ( e v e n in s p i t e of J e r e m i a h ' s  characteristics). high  but they  certainly  in h i s j o u r n a l s  "Irish"  a r e s p e c t a b l e C h u r c h of E n g l a n d w h o participated  family  in a l l t h e i m p o r t a n t  A . James Hammerton, Emigrant Gentlewomen: Genteel Poverty and Female Emigration. 1830-1914 (London: Croom Helm, 1979), p. 82. He is speaking specifically of the case of Mary Taylor in New Zealand. 9 6  97  V i b e r t , "Real Men Hunt Buffalo," p. 8.  aspects  of t h e i r  Vancouver  community.  Island  p a g e s of S u s a n ' s Bushbys, the  and  M a t t h e w Baillie B e g b i e ,  whenever  strangers  to  the  possible.  "menial"  moved  and many others.  home,  both  usually as  position would,  than  out"  a  dresses.  number  by virtue  In m a n y w a y s , after s h e  race,  Susan's  married, though  clergyman,  and hers as  had  at  education him; were  and  in t h e  his  figures  in m a r r i e d  ends  meet.  David  as  In short,  them  homes.  "clerk  m u c h the  often to  throughout  an Anglican overall  credentials England  that  too,  different t h a n times  in a t e n u o u s  employ  various  h e r life, the  his  Holmes'  Susan's it h a d  were  able  been to  in  afford  situation strategies  s o c i a l s i d e of  " J e s s i e Melville Nagle Diary, 12 July 1867, B C A R S .  who  afforded  C o w i c h a n valley the  H o l m e s ' at  same  in h o l y o r d e r s "  C h u r c h of  much  social  a d d e d to h e r  the  was  inferiors.  Economically,  not  were also  a  of the  W h i l e the  which forced  their  maintained  socially.  life w a s  help, they  financially,  Even  affiliation with t h e  h e r f a m i l y of o r i g i n . domestic  been  or  circumstances  c l a s s status remained  m a i n l y rural s o c i e t y  prominent  situation  farming,  have  of  Jessie  H o u s e , but it  in different  his wife, w o u l d h a v e  "respectability."  work  own  David H o l m e s ' position a s  middle-class to  who  the  no  A n d t h e y w e r e in a l o w e r  of w o m e n  of t h e i r  and  certainly  l a b o u r within t h e i r  9 8  the  because  schoolteacher  T h u s , t h e y might g o to t h e d a n c e at G o v e r n m e n t likely in " w o r n  of  through  Yet  Susan  T h e y were also  domestic  figures  the M o o d y s , t h e C r e a s e s ,  financial hardships,  to w o r k o u t s i d e  governess,  prominent  British C o l u m b i a s o c i e t y  a n d J e s s i e ' s diaries:  family's frequent  needed  M a n y of t h e  to  make  Susan's  class  status  was  often  Susan  Flood's  somewhat  inconsistent  with t h e  economic  side.  v a r i a b l e of h e r at  c l a s s status was  race.  least s o m e t i m e s  Until s h e a  people-traditionally society, being  but a l s o  through  a  highly  their fathers.  (limited a s  At least s h e  At St.  was  (however  Ann's,  rather than  the  charity  granddaughter, a n d certainly earn her  After  of a  he  it m a y  been),  orphans,  was  and  few  and  she  much  brought  b y his u n c l e  she  were  middle-class  have  remarkably  as  up  by  both  by  Rutsen  distinctions  among  the  paying  her friends included  James and Amelia Douglas'  m i x e d - b l o o d girl, t h o u g h to a  higher social standing).  not m a n a g e d  as  a  prospector  c a t e g o r y of t h e  in h i s j o u r n a l his  a  had  occupation  in t h e  detail  of c l a s s s t a t u s  lesser  Eventually, s h e  degree, too  had  to  keep."  Since  him  also  Suquamish  p r o v i d e d for e c o n o m i c a l l y ,  which made  likely  class-conscious  evidently  reluctantly)  the  most  mother's  of the fur t r a d e w h o w e r e a c t u a l l y  girls like L o u i s a H e l m c k e n (as  earlier  markers  s t u d e n t s d u r i n g its e a r l i e r d a y s ,  boarders  and  H e r white father w a s  Suckley and  Suckley.  stratified  of h e r  by  was  a c q u i r e d s o m e s o c i a l s t a n d i n g , t h o u g h not a s  those daughters  George  complicated  a teenager, she  society  in w h i c h the  his a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t  would have  among  part of the  one  overturned.  was  further  marriage,  to strike and  "rougher"  entries however,  about  it rich, W i l l i a m  m i n e r w o u l d likely h a v e  types  put  B i s h o p Hills d e s c r i b e d  his t r a v e l s t h r o u g h  William  Flood's  would have  in  Columbia.  fit m o r e  or  less  " W h i l e Susan Suckley was at St. Ann's, she apparently at times did help out with the orphans. In 1877, she appears on the staff lists at Nanaimo as a "helper"; the Boarders' Accounts still have her as a paying student at the same time.  into t h e  middle classes,  and farmer.  as  sawmill owner,  building  In t h e c o m m u n i t y c e n t r i n g o n H o p e ,  p e o p l e h a d Indian b l o o d , an  a  her original position a s  respectability. and  would  already  her  have  been  been  would  less  in o t h e r  have  hardened,  husband was  a  s o l i d i f i e d to s u c h  her place  carried  some changed  within  society,  well-known local an  her  white  e x t e n t that it w o u l d  status from what  it w o u l d  G e o r g e S u c k l e y ' s white, l e g i t i m a t e  have  daughter,  her been  at  the  s a m e time his e c o n o m i c  c o n c e r n for h e r l e d to a g r e a t e r d e g r e e  acceptance  society  within  white  than  she  of  areas,  T h u s , while her r a c e ( a n d t h e c o n d i t i o n s of  definitely lowered  had she  p r o p o r t i o n of  w h e n the town a n d a r e a ' s c o m p o s i t i o n  g i v e n that  not b e q u e s t i o n e d . birth)  schoolteacher  racial b o u n d a r i e s m a y h a v e  particularly man,  Later,  a large  s o S u s a n ' s racial b a c k g r o u n d w a s  1 0 0  i m p e d i m e n t to h e r s t a t u s t h a n it might h a v e  and  contractor,  would  otherwise  of  have  enjoyed.  Religion Religion  was  a  major  component  in t h e  i d e n t i t i e s of  w o m e n , a n d w a s a l s o c o n n e c t e d to c l a s s s t a t u s .  Susan Holmes had  b e e n b o r n into a C h u r c h of E n g l a n d f a m i l y a n d b e c a m e  even  strongly  her  Anglican  beliefs were  after  central  nineteenth-century  to  her  marriage  her  actions  Britain  England  that f i n a l l y  Victorian  circles,"  1 0 1  "it w a s  certified o n e ' s this  to  a  clergyman;  throughout  her  m i g r a t i o n to fitness  requirement  was  to  both  the  life.  more religious  If in  Church  m i n g l e in t h e  of best  probably somewhat  T h i s (while something I had been vaguely aware of before) became clear through reading the biographical sketches contained in a local history for the area, Forging a New Hope: Struggles and Dreams 1848-1948 (Hope: Hope and District Historical Society, 1984). 1 0 0  1 0 1  Altick, Victorian People and Ideas, p. 33.  less  stringent  in  British  encouraged have an  Columbia.  here, the  established  denominations  existed,  with  besides  Catholicism that  most was  religion's  the  status  was  inevitably  difficult  to  exposed  her  an  circles  down  unofficial adhering  in that  Churchmen  overshadowed doctrines  his  and  religious  might  to  Anglicanism.  the  Indians,  deep  1 0 3  arrived  merely  at the  convent  Her baptismal before  that s h e  record  this  had  and  she  been  a  However,  more  Catholic  be  would  baptized  but this  no  it w o u l d  n o t e s that s h e  event,  not  was  such  unlikely  t h e r e is  if a n y ,  she  but  prejudice  It s e e m s  although  leanings,  reflecting  admire  the  activities.  training,  to  hierarchy  hierarchy,  by the  a Catholic,  religious  what  A n g l i c a n faith  likely i n d i c a t e s  that  not  other  to prior to h e r s c h o o l i n g at St. A n n ' s .  C a t h o l i c faith.  abjured  birth.  of  determine  y e a r s after s h e  Roman  far  S u c k l e y ' s father w a s  confirmation  was  1 0 2  h a r d w o r k of p r i e s t s a m o n g  Catholic  definite  six  said  in B r i t a i n .  admiration  have been  be  England.  governing  definitely  and  that S u s a n  C h u r c h of  in t h e  zeal  Roman  activity  a n d g a v e s u p p o r t to t h r e e  it c o u l d  missionary  against  religious  colonial governments were determined  church,  Nevertheless,  While  into  the  had than  since  1 0 4  In a n y c a s e , S u s a n t o o k maintained  1 0 2  it until h e r d e a t h .  her a d o p t e d E v e n her  faith s e r i o u s l y  m a r r i a g e to a  and  non-Catholic  O r m s b y , British Columbia: A History, p. 179.  T h e r e are letters which indicate a connection to a Protestant church, but the denomination is not clear. 1 0 3  S t . Andrew's Baptismal Registration, B C A R S . The baptismal record indicates the date of confirmation as June 13, 1876; the St. Ann's register for confirmation (Sisters of St. Ann's Archives, document 35-1-16) records the date as June 15, 1876. That her faith had been "Anglican" at least seems unlikely, although her father could have been Episcopalian. 1 0 4  d i d not affect h e r a d h e r e n c e ; E n g l a n d o n the and  1901  convert,  and  baptized  he  apparently as  saw rest  listed a s  enumerator).  i n s i s t e d that  into t h e  the  was  but t h e y w e r e  1 0 5  Susan  be  faith  census,  (by h i m s e l f a s  officially priest,  1881  i n d e e d , W . L . F l o o d , listed a s  of  R o m a n C a t h o l i c in  1891  H e r h u s b a n d p r o b a b l y d i d not  married  both their  Catholic r e l i g i o n .  fit to  C h u r c h of  by a  Roman  children a n d  Catholic grandchildren  For t h e s e or other  1 0 6  represent himself as  reasons,  b e l o n g i n g to t h e  same  his f a m i l y .  Nationality The in this  m a t t e r of nationality  place.  have  been  have  thought  points  A t their d e a t h s ,  considered  lives.  Columbia since  unusual)  a  as  Both  not  a  simple one  both w o m e n  Canadians,  of h e r s e l f  in t h e i r  colony as  was  such had  yet the  would more  s e e m s to h a v e l i v e d in t h e  maintained  that  national  even though she  n e v e r s e t foot in E n g l a n d .  Canadian  1901  in t h e  of c l a i m i n g that s h e  c e n s u s (though immigrated  province  by no  orientation 1 0 7  the  at  same  may  various of  British the  means all  her  S h e is d e s c r i b e d makes  or  likely  H o l m e s c a m e to  that r e c o r d  in 1864,  than  fluctuated  future  their t e e n a g e y e a r s , but S u s a n  she  this t i m e  d e g r e e to w h i c h e i t h e r  British c i t i z e n a n d it is p r o b a b l e ( a n d  that  at  the  year her  life, as  mistake husband  W i l l i a m Flood's granddaughter expressed surprise that he was listed as a Catholic on the censuses, as he was known to his family to be a Protestant. Sister Mary Providence of St. Ann's apparently knew he was a Protestant (letter from W. F. Tolmie to Susan Suckley), though another of the Sisters seems to have been informed (by Susan?) that he was Catholic (letter from Sister Mary Florence to Susan Suckley, 8 May 1882, Flood family papers). 105  1 0 6  T h e i r daughter-in-law was also a Protestant.  T e c h n i c a l l y , Canadian "citizenship" did not exist until after the passing of the Statute of Westminster in 1931. However, the notion of Canadian "nationality" did exist, as attested by the categories of the 1901 census. 107  arrived  in the  colony),  1 0 8  but in h e r d i a r i e s s h e still r e f e r s t o  the  e a s t e r n part of t h e c o u n t r y a s " C a n a d a " l o n g after B . C . j o i n e d Confederation. but w o u l d  S h e d i d s e e m to f e e l that t h e c o l o n y w a s h e r h o m e ,  h a v e p r e f e r r e d t h a t it r e m a i n f u l l y  in t h e  British s p h e r e .  In A p r i l of 1 8 6 9 s h e r e p o r t e d t h e " l o n g f a c e s a n d b l a c k l o o k s " d u e t o the  i m p e n d i n g c l o s u r e of t h e n a v a l s t a t i o n at E s q u i m a l t , f o r  thing  "every  s e e m s c o n s p i r i n g a g a i n s t u s , in t h i s p o o r little p l a c e , &  there  will b e n o t h i n g f o r u s but C o n f e d e r a t i o n o r j o i n i n g t h e Y a n k e e s equally  disagreeable m e a s u r e s . "  1 0 9  Despite a strong lobby for  C o n f e d e r a t i o n a m o n g s o m e of t h e p o p u l a t i o n , s h e w a s f a r f r o m in  this  alone  sentiment.  S u s a n F l o o d a l s o s p o k e of " C a n a d a " a s a s e p a r a t e p l a c e e v e n after s h e w a s living there.  W h i l e at t h e c o n v e n t in 1 8 7 5 s h e  t h a t " 9 s i s t e r s of S t . A n n a r e o n t h e i r w a y f r o m C a n a d a Victoria."  1 1 0  wrote  to  In h e r c a s e , t h i s w a s p r o b a b l y d u e m o r e to t h e w a y t h e  S i s t e r s w o u l d h a v e s p o k e n t h a n to h e r o w n h a b i t u a l w a y of thinking.  1 1 1  T o s o m e o n e b r o u g h t u p at this t i m e in a C o a s t S a l i s h  m i l i e u , e v e n o n e l i m i t e d to a r e s e r v e , t h e i d e a of a b o r d e r a l o n g t h e forty-ninth  parallel w a s  probably  still  not  ingrained.  The  g r o u p s f r o m t h i s part of t h e c o n t i n e n t w e r e d i v i d e d m o r e  native between  c o a s t a l a n d interior g r o u p s than b e t w e e n north a n d s o u t h , a n d  108  F o u r t h Census of Canada.  1 0 9  S A H , 2 April  1901.  1869.  S u s a n Suckley's "Pacific Diary," Flood family papers. The sisters' arrival is mentioned in Sister Mary Margaret Down, A Century of Service: A History of the Sisters of Saint Ann and Their Contributions to Education in British Columbia, the Yukon and Alaska (Victoria: The Sisters of Saint Ann, 1966), p. 73. (Their number is given as eight here.) H a v i n g originally come from Quebec, the Sisters sometimes used the term "Canada" when referring to that province. 1 1 0  1 1 1  c r o s s i n g what thought~as traplines. thought  became  the  when Susan's She  1 1 2  "border" h a d b e e n d o n e largely without grandparents  likely identified with a  of h e r s e l f a s  pragmatic  In t h e as  1901  specific "place"  approach  census,  rather, s h e to t h e  William  s h o w s that,  in m o s t  wives  l i s t e d that w a y too,  question  Flood  for this to  of  recorded  cases,  where  husbands were  regardless  or h o w l o n g t h e y h a d b e e n in the c o u n t r y . an American was  likely in t h e  somewhat  situation for a  return to t h e have  any  her  laws  Allotment Law (Dawes  allotments  of  land  at w h i c h point t h e  which were  " C a n a d i a n s , " their they  received  of t h e Act) held  late  of  were  certainly  as  never  part  of t h e  in trust  Big J o h n  as  a  intended  d i d not  p o l i t i c a l entity)  nineteenth-century.  1887  Indian b e c a m e  born  O n e plausible explanation  lies The  p r o v i d e d I n d i a n s with for twenty-five  Indian r e c e i v e d t h e l a n d in f e e s i m p l e .  receiving a n allotment, the eventually  country  nationality  for B. C . overall  U n i t e d S t a t e s for m o r e t h a n a visit ( a n d that  a  nationality.  S u s a n ' s description  1 1 3  unusual, then.  a t t a c h m e n t to  certainly  Susan's  of w h e r e  w o m a n who almost  A m e r i c a n allotment  General  and  s e e m s to h a v e t a k e n  A m e r i c a n , a l t h o u g h a n e x a m i n a t i o n of the c e n s u s  were  their  neither A m e r i c a n nor C a n a d i a n (and  not B r i t i s h like t h e o t h e r S u s a n ) ; consciously  had tended  a U . S. c i t i z e n .  years,  Upon 1 1 4  Susan  Allotment on Bainbridge  S e e Robin Fisher, "Indian Warfare and Two Frontiers: A Comparison of British Columbia and Washington Territory During the Early Years of Settlement," Pacific Hisorical Review 50, no. 1 (February 1981), pp. 32-34; and Mourning Dove, A Salishan Autobiography. 1 1 2  F o u r t h Census of Canada. 1901. It appears that people from Britain were "naturalized" upon their arrival in Canada, while others had to go through the official process. F r a n c i s Paul Prucha, The Great Father: The United States Government and the American Indians, abridged ed. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1986), p. 1 1 3  1 1 4  Island, her  and  it is likely that b o t h s h e  national  identity a s  jeopardizing  of  her  an  and William  c h o s e to  A m e r i c a n in o r d e r to  ownership  of this  maintain  avoid any  potential  land.  F o r both S u s a n H o l m e s a n d S u s a n F l o o d , t h e " m a r k e r s " identity w e r e s o m e t i m e s those  by which they  ambiguous and sometimes  unequivocally would have  w e r e a n y t h i n g but u n c o m p l i c a t e d her  study  of t w o  The  categories.  industrial towns  were  ethnicity,  gender  changeable  understood, and  gender, and  through  neither  ideological but a s daily  pattern  and  as  social  categories frequently  itself.  Nevertheless, patterns,  which  of that  remarks  in  ethnic  were  time  in  were the  articulated  The  mainstream  were  present,  ordinariness from  of  the  cultures  do  assume  specific,  particular  sets  O u r cultural  identities  are  in p r o c e s s ,  but t h e y  meanings  given context."  1 1 6  w o r k i n g s of s o m e  in t h e  Parr  against  our  meanings  themselves  processes  and  t h r o u g h the  kaleidoscope,  simultaneously  to c a p t u r e t h e  and  The  distinguishable  identities  circumstances.  in a  Even  1 1 5  "changing in a  they  singular nor settled.  taut t h r e a d s s h o t life,  A s Joy  class were formed,  a n d often i n t e r c h a n g e d .  institutions  defined  solidarities  by which these meanings were m a d e were  changing.  in O n t a r i o :  referents by which class,  identities  of  "ordinariness"  concrete of  acquire  historical  specific  In t h e c h a p t e r s w h i c h f o l l o w , I h o p e of t h e s e p r o c e s s e s a n d  of t h e s e w o m e n ' s  their  "daily lives."  J o y Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners: Women. Men, and Change in Two Industrial Towns 1880-1950 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990), p. 231. A v t a r Brah, "Difference, Diversity and Differentiation," in Donald and Rattansi, eds., 'Race.' Culture and Difference, p. 143. 1 1 5  1 1 6  CHAPTER THREE: THE FAMILY OF ORIGIN  Men,  it s e e m e d to m e in t h o s e d a y s , w e r e u n i q u e l y  honored  by the  stories  whereas  w o m e n were  that e r u p t e d more  in their  likely to b e  lives,  smothered  b y t h e i r s . . . T h e s t o r i e s that h a p p e n to w o m e n b l o w up as  big a s  measure  that e v e n the time-hours,  view. of t h e  will  none  lead  to  of t h e s e  such  allowing  it to  themes  challenges  an  months-get  lost  of l o o k i n g at t h e l i v e s of p e o p l e in t h e structure  artificial s e n s e  events  of  the  the  results  events  h o w that  of  the  a n d a s p e c t s of  life w a s  lived,  a n d a s p e c t s exist in i s o l a t i o n f r o m t h e must  be m a d e ,  it might not h a v e  overshadow on women's  chosen  a n d / o r the  "spheres." difficult to  1  plain a n d s i m p l e  some  a  since  others.  k i n d of " o r d e r "  brought  b e e n p e r c e i v e d b y t h e p e o p l e in  T h e c h a l l e n g e , t h e n , is to m a k e u s e of t h e o r d e r without  Works  cycle  with  1  categorizations  question.  day-to-day  pressing  weeks,  A n y a t t e m p t to c a t e g o r i z e  to b e a r w h e r e  the  of  l i e s in d e t e r m i n i n g h o w to  examination.  Yet  lives, swelling a n d  such fierceness  One  life  of t h e i r  separations from  past  balloons a n d c o v e r o v e r the  2  the  lives.  history o f t e n  focusing most  n o t i o n of t h e  abandon  it e n t i r e l y .  a thematic  frequently on the  division  W h i l e this a p p r o a c h  use  between  certainly p o s e s Women's  Carol Shields, The Stone Diaries (Toronto:  approach,  stages  public a n d  with  of t h e  life  private  p r o b l e m s , it is  l i v e s in t h e  nineteenth  Vintage Books, 1993), pp. 121-  122. S e e Beth Light and Alison Prentice, eds., Pioneer and Gentlewomen of British North America 1713-1867 (Toronto: New Hogtown Press, 1980), p. 2. An example of the life cycle approach in Canadian women's history can be found in Veronica StrongBoag, The New Day Recalled: Lives of Girls and Women in English Canada 1919-1939 (Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman, 1988). 2  72  century  were  bound  t h e i r f a m i l i e s at stories by  all p o i n t s .  c o u l d not  of a n  This  not.  (often  relationships  on  of t h e  impossible-no consideration  is not to s a y  in f a c t  such  same  With men's  o p t i o n to f o c u s  relationships  (outside  r e l a t i o n s h i p s with,  b e v i e w e d in t h e  a n d large they are  more  no  u p in their  outside  ignoring the  leads  what  p o s s i b i l i t y of t h e  life  could;  however,  of  effects  of  family these  F o r w o m e n of this t i m e p e r i o d  3  aspect  b a c k to t h e  within,  life h i s t o r i e s , t h e r e is u s u a l l y  v e r y f e w n o t e d f o r their p u b l i c matter  roles  that m e n ' s  way--they  o n activities  activities).  and  of t h e  l i v e s ) , this  life  is  w o m a n ' s family  i l l u s i o n of t r a n s c e n d e n c e ,  considered,  relations.  as  is  there  the  There  may  be  is for  men. This  chapter  will  examine  the  i n f l u e n c e s of s u c h  relationships  o n t h e e a r l i e r l i v e s of S u s a n N a g l e a n d S u s a n S u c k l e y , u p until time are  of t h e i r  marriages.  within the  Susan could  family  the  but not  there were  some  be c o n s i d e r e d family "surrogates," effects.  education  a n d the  marriage. these  until  of o r i g i n ,  Suckley's case,  significant  to  In g e n e r a l ,  the  T h e two  considerations  Although family next  major  economic  d y n a m i c s , they  r e l a t i o n s h i p s in q u e s t i o n  exclusively so.  and these also discussed  and circumstances  will  were not  E s p e c i a l l y in  important c o n n e c t i o n s  areas  issues  the  be  had  will  be  leading  certainly also specifically  which  to  connected examined  chapter.  Hopefully, more studies on the construction of masculinity may mean that more attention is paid to these relationships. 3  Family  History  For several the  more  the  family a s  claim  traditional  that,  century were  years  a  now,  assumptions  historical  while the  about  entity.  life in  fairly f o r m a l i z e d , a  historical works  For  its  Britain,  boundaries  v i e w of the  family as  entails a more  "constantly  family:  changing" scientists  a  monolithic  in  c o n s t a n t flux.  between are of  unit  several  time,  According (the  . . .  to  of  roles  quite  active  as  reality,  the  family  is  Individual  family as  h e r e is the  within the  . . . a  synchronization family  5  Hareven,  t i m i n g of t r a n s i t i o n a l  "individual  events family)  such  as  marriage  roles  and  both c a n  b e i m p i n g e d u p o n b y "historical t i m e , " the  u n d e r which s u c h transitions  nineteenth  century,  welfare  functions  transitional  (1977):  events  [were] had  "most  of the  concentrated more  not  and  different  conditions  are  time"  into  when  the  interaction  lives.  in t h e  passive  to  family  always  take place. educational, in t h e  significance  In  "family or  harmonious, outside the  economic,  family," the  for the  moving  family as  and  timing a  4  Davidoff and Hall, Family Fortunes, p. 321.  5  T a m a r a K. Hareven, "Family Time and Historical Time," Daedulus 106 58.  it  4  rather t h a n  the  of  Hall  within  fluid.  t i m e - i n d i v i d u a l time,  time.  Tamara  specific  of  nineteenth-  of different f a m i l y r o l e s  At i s s u e  historical  for  studied  scene  with c h a n g e s  functions  dynamic approach  individual  out  concepts  and  In  It is the fluid  into a n d  interrelated  collective  often  institution.  various  transitions  time"  have  and  questioned  Davidoff a n d  frame  were an  have  nature  instance,  and  a g e n t in s o c i a l c h a n g e  Social  the  family provided the  middle-class  Furthermore,  many  of  collective  unit t h a n  was  more  was  conflict.  likely to  considered societies ago,  be  individual  agenda  interests  were  comprising  it.  the family has family  as  a  a  T h e tendency  in c o n t i n u a l private  of t h e  Twentieth-century operations  of t h e  women  first t e n d e d  or  time),  compelling  that  the  of  to  western  such  a  was  one  these  stifled  world,  so  of  strictly  the  almost  all  a  investigated  negative  characteristics  stereotype creativity  or  world.  so  7  a  acceptance.  purity, s u b m i s s i v e n e s s ,  formed  than  historical  of t h i s  who  the  important  of n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y as  within  rather  with that  cornerstone result  individuals  a c c e p t a n c e of  "spheres,"  historians  described  piety,  family's  of i n t e r e s t s  outside  interaction  view these  Welter  together, it  be  hundred years  the  harmony  public  "separate spheres"  Barbara  that  and  women's  "true w o m a n " a s  domesticity;  indicates  unit s e p a r a t e f r o m t h e  construction  on women  there  6  b e e n a c o r o l l a r y of a m o r e g e n e r a l  of V i c t o r i a n i d e o l o g y ( a n d  ideal  time.  to a s s u m e  part  oppressive.  generally  twentieth-century  u n i f o r m with t h o s e  distinction between  at  which would late  at t h e  The  writing  individual timing  as family matters o n e  existed  always  natural  social  and  h a d to b e s y n c h r o n i z e d with t h e f a m i l y ' s  conflicts  not  in  been seen  and needs  such  now,  s u b o r d i n a t e d to f a m i l y t i m i n g w h e n e v e r  concerns  and would have  That  case  Decisions and moves  would have  collective  as  is u s u a l l y t h e  the  men  and  and of  the  and  ideologically  non-conformity  in  ibi<±, p. 64. R a y n a Rapp, Ellen Ross, and Renate Bridenthal, "Examining Family History," in Sex and Class in Women's History: Essavs from Feminist Studies, eds. Judith L. Newton, Mary P. Ryan, and Judith R. Walkowitz (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1983), p. 233. 6  7  women.  A l t h o u g h w o m e n m a y h a v e v a l u e d their r o l e s in t h e i r  8  "proper sphere" seclusion  in t h i s s p h e r e  "trapped" or  Rosenberg  valuation.  1975  study  offered a n  women's  sphere  culture."  Thus,  than  structure  and  society.  Their sphere out  which affected  institutions a  other  where  more  letters  separate  this  "women's  essential  of w o m e n ' s  shared  despite  the  social  1760s  and  the  predictability. of a n d  remained unchanged.  characterized  positive  and  had an  the  and  A l t h o u g h s e p a r a t e , the w o m e n ' s s p h e r e place  separate  oppressed  American  between  constancy  interacted  C o n t i n u i t y , not  female  world.  1 0  could thus be v i e w e d a s  w o m e n c o u l d e x e r c i s e their o w n p o w e r ,  status,  a n d where they could d e v e l o p d e e p a n d lasting b o n d s  networks  with  and  women.  B a r b a r a Welter, "The Cult of True Womanhood: Quarterly XVIII, no. 2, pt. 1 (1966). 8  a  and  creativity,  other  9  Smith-  distinctive a n d s u p p o r t i v e  in w h i c h w o m e n t h o u g h t  discontinuity  a  have  endeavour."  of t h e  m u t u a l a f f e c t i o n a n d that,  changes  with e a c h  of  friendships, Carroll  dignity that g r e w  profound  ways  realm  the w o m e n ' s s p h e r e  possible a  and  retained  p r o p o u n d i n g their  being simply oppressive, the  in m a l e  integrity a n d  The  of f e m a l e  i n d i c a t e that w o m e n ' s  experiences  1870s,  restricted  d i d not f o r m a n i s o l a t e d a n d  sub-category diaries  rhetoric  o p p o s i n g interpretation  made  women . . .  the  p e r c e i v e d b y t h e s e h i s t o r i a n s to  into a  o n e that a c c o r d e d Rather  home),  was  "locked them  In h e r  spheres,  (that is, t h e  1820-1860," A m e r i c a n  R a m s a y Cook and Wendy Mitchinson, eds., The Proper Sphere: Woman's Place in Canadian Society (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1976), p. 7. 9  C a r r o l l Smith-Rosenberg, "The Female World of Love and Ritual: Relations Between Women in Nineteenth-Century America," Signs 1, no. 1 (1975): 9-10. 10  These as  negative  a n d p o s i t i v e p e r c e p t i o n s of t h e  either o p p r e s s i v e or liberating c r e a t e d  by a  T h i s n e w e r p e r s p e c t i v e s e e s the  an  historians  interactive now seek  challenged  separate  public a n d private  spheres  v i e w of s o c i a l  how  and  on what m e n  The  sphere  was  women.  1 1  even  The  nature  vast  to d o - - h o w , in s h o r t , b o t h for  and  that  by  of t h e w o m e n ' s s p h e r e  is t h o u g h t  a m o u n t of i d e o l o g i c a l w o r k that w e n t  between  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with  process  of  public a n d private,  gender,  was  to  into  working-class and  corollary  of  anything  a p p r o a c h i n g its  was  and  ideal  middle-classes, and even  respectability,  would  have  there only  its  Although  p r o m o t e d later  non-white families as  u p w a r d mobility  and  decidedly intertwined  middle-class self-definition.  i d e o l o g y of s e p a r a t e s p h e r e s among  sphere  a n d limitations  boundaries.  rigid d i v i s i o n  increasing the  its  constraints  socially constructed  indicated by the  maintaining  b y w o m e n in their o w n set  might c h o o s e  socially constructed  with  a f f e c t e d b y what m e n d i d , a n d  activities defined  influenced  processes,  to s h o w h o w w o m e n ' s a l l e g e d l y  'separate sphere' was  the  since  sphere  intersecting: taking  be  dualism  "third s t a g e " in t h i n k i n g a b o u t t h e m e t a p h o r of  spheres. as  a  women's  been  in t h e a  the  century  necessary  the  operation  of  virtually limited  in c e r t a i n  to  circumstances.  C e r t a i n l y , s u c h a s e p a r a t i o n w o u l d h a v e b e e n next to i m p o s s i b l e in a  Linda Kerber, "Separate Spheres, Female Worlds, Woman's Place: The Rhetoric of Women's History," The Journal of American History 75, no. 1 (1988): 1 1  18.  frontier  society,  families.  The  ways,  the  middle-class  security  for the  family  even  as  poems  through family, they  and  Indeed,  visits  were  arrived.  At the  same  Hall.  familial  authority major  his d a u g h t e r s  friends)  sharing  to t h e  Jeremiah  granted  decisions exercised  to  made  the  events,  Susan's  ties and  was  a  of n e w s  among Jessie's the  partings  common  immensely  subject  alive  with t h e  entire  savoured  in w h i c h t h e  when  family did  not  by Davidoff a n d  certainly  Victorian father,  k i n d s of  enjoyed and  of a u t o n o m y , parameters  the  his  b y his c h i l d r e n is e v i d e n t .  within the  support  broke apart  built o n t h e s e  Nagle  the  providing  strong  norm described  a fair a m o u n t  decidedly formed  of  C o n n e c t i o n s were kept  1 3  this n o r m itself w a s  contradictions.)  autonomy  elite  pain incurred by s u c h  time, there were w a y s  interior  unit  and deaths  and close  longed-for  exactly according  (Of c o u r s e ,  o n the  very  ideal picture  The  throughout  the  letters a n d the  finally  function  few  collective  physical scattering  that S u s a n w r o t e .  frequent  a  apparent  both family m e m b e r s  of t h e  as  i n d i v i d u a l s within it.  original family n u c l e u s . (with  the  N a g l e f a m i l y fit the  p a r e n t s a n d siblings are journals,  among  Family  In m a n y  and  perhaps  1 2  Nagle  Victorian  except  influence  Still,  although of  the  even an  family's  R o b e r t L. Griswold claims that western Anglo-American women's "domestic ideology" was more fluid than that of their eastern counterparts, since a separation of spheres was "virtually impossible to establish on the plains and in the mining towns of the West." "Anglo Women and Domestic Ideology in the American West in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries," in Western Women, eds. Schlissel, Ruiz, and Monk, p. 18. 12  S e v e r a l of these poems were written in the back of Jessie's journal, which Susan preserved. 13  interests.  H i s p o w e r a n d control were  domineering nature  manner,  (he w a s  w h o h a d met  described as  somewhat  difficult  have  perceived  financial  to  In s p i t e  ) , leading as  in itself  live w i t h .  Aside  from (at  g o o d father":  to  have  accepted  to  the  they  of  both  the  necessity  Susan's  or J e s s i e ' s  in A p r i l  1870  say,  d i s l i k e s to  eat  d a r k to s e e I was  fair t r a d e - o f f  part of it.  There was  he  could "the  financial  f o r his  only one  overall  criticized.  she  support  h i s d i n n e r w h e n it is t o o However, she  only  in e i t h e r This  crisis  called  the family's dinner.  and  daughters  instance  of a  She  in  occurred her  "Willie"),  P a p a very angry  light f o r l a m p s &  v e r y c r o s s t o o a n d s p o k e d i s r e s p e c t f u l l y to h i m  H o l m e s family papers.  15  Davidoff and Hall, Family Fortunes, p. 334.  was  explained as  almost  q u i c k l y a d d e d , "I'm s o r r y  14  a  contributions  P o s s i b l y his flaws w e r e  it w a s s o late that it m a d e  without."  suffered  his s h o r t c o m i n g s ,  for the  in turmoil b e c a u s e  h o m e to p r e p a r e  that, "in c o n s e q u e n c e  too  own  Christopher Berkeley (whom  late in g e t t i n g  he  a  for their  d i a r i e s in w h i c h h e w a s  when Jessie, to  him  of  that J e r e m i a h  and  f a c t o r s of h i s l o v a b l e n a t u r e ,  u n d o u b t e d l y did love him.  engagement  expectation  and  T h e y a p p e a r to h a v e t a k e n  his c a p a b i l i t i e s  received from being a as  made  l e a s t not p e r f e c t l y )  is n o e v i d e n c e  family's well-being as  perceived  it d i d to r a s h n e s s  h i s volatility,  the  a n y d i m i n u t i o n of his c h i l d r e n ' s r e s p e c t . measure  someone  1 5  of this, t h e r e  realistic  a  genial  by  probably also  not p o s s e s s i n g  in d e f i n i n g t h e  support.  1 4  eruptions,  as  and  "a jolly g o o d n a t u r e d g e n t "  h i m in N e w Z e a l a n d  emotional  main strand  likely w i e l d e d in  t h o u g h his g e n e r a l l y e a s y g o i n g  occasional  been  not  to  I must  not d o it a g a i n . " angry  A f e w d a y s later, s h e n o t e d that s h e w a s  with h e r f a t h e r  once  more  because  of his c o m m e n t s  s h e c o n c l u d e d with a j u d g e m e n t  about  Willie,  loving  daughter  In c o n t r a s t "mothers  their  Catherine  mother,  mother-daughter Both  Susan's  through  economic  In S u s a n ' s had Still,  sisters'  support she  be  balanced no  could, such as  to  such  the  of  kind  ease  in t h e i r  support  "intimate describes.  points indicated their  mother's  to t a k e t h e m  1 8  a life away  b e t h e r e with a n d f o r h e r p h y s i c a l l y .  until  Catherine  reported  giving Catherine  was  of 1876 out  a n d not  of d a n g e r .  on her mother's  whatever  from h o m e ,  1 9  returning h o m e E a r l i e r in that  l o n e l i n e s s n o w that all Ella having been  to year,  her  married  on  J e s s i e Nagle, 25 April 1870 and 27 April 1870. Davidoff and Hall, Family Fortunes, p. 335.  18  Smith-Rosenberg, "Love and Ritual", pp. 15-19. S A H , 1 January 1877.  but  s p e n d i n g six w e e k s with h e r d u r i n g a  17  1 9  fathers,  emotional  received  (which t e n d e d  of h e r not  autumn  c h i l d r e n w e r e living a w a y  1 6  on  with c a r i n g f o r h e r o w n g r o w i n g f a m i l y .  question  " s e v e r e i l l n e s s " in t h e  had  care and  Smith-Rosenberg  desire  contributions  placed  c a s e , this y e a r n i n g d i d not e n d u p o n h e r o w n m a r r i a g e ,  there was  Susan  enjoyed  that  a n d their l o n g i n g to  t h e n to  Cowichan  daughters  a n d that t h e y  the  The  1 6  T h e r e is a m p l e e v i d e n c e  1 7  a n d J e s s i e ' s d i a r i e s at v a r i o u s  between  home)  Nagle's  relationship"  conflict  from  financial expectations  support."  "I  last w o r d .  r e l i e d u p o n for p e r s o n a l  economic  w r i t i n g s that from  with t h e  w e r e to b e  rather than  h a d the  but  of h e r o w n b e h a v i o u r :  k n o w I w a s w r o n g but h e d o e s s a y t h i n g s in s u c h a w a y . " dutiful a n d  again  Catherine seems often to have been in precarious  health throughout the latter thirty years of her life.  March  18th  (a  wedding Catherine  S h e w e n t o n to m u s e ,  a d d that "it is p e r h a p s  functions  h a r d to  prescribed  for  mother,  to  and  "apprenticeship"  an  a d d i t i o n to t h i s ,  she  too  ill to  attend).  the  both  judge." have  in d o m e s t i c  fulfilled t h e  moral  major  U n f o r t u n a t e l y , t h e r e is n o s p e c i f i c  educational  history,  b e a b l e to t e a c h s c h o o l  certainly  herself.  s c h o o l f o r a t i m e w h i l e the  educational  middle-class  training for h e r  schooling.  but s h e  major  children  duties for her d a u g h t e r s .  p r o b a b l y the  to  2 0  nineteenth-century  spiritual a n d  was  at  a w a y & left t h e m a l o n e , " h a s t e n i n g  N a g l e s e e m s to  provide  apparently  "I d o not think if I h a d b e e n t h e last o n e  h o m e that I c o u l d h a v e g o n e  Catherine  was  i n f l u e n c e in record  acquired  enough  It is likely that s h e  N a g l e family was  of  in S a n  In  Susan's Susan's  schooling  attended  to  a  Francisco,  but  t h e y h a d l i v e d in a n i s o l a t e d a r e a in N e w Z e a l a n d a n d w o u l d not likely h a v e  been  grandson's educated  understanding  woman,  educations,  herself  Thus, a  Susan's  fairly  well-  daughters'  2 1  e d u c a t i o n w e n t b e y o n d the b a s i c s to e n c o m p a s s  woman's  instruction.  p i a n o (as  she  2 0  Catherine,  well-founded.  "accomplishments"  Susan's  that  p r o v i d e d m u c h of at l e a s t h e r  seems  Susan's of t h e  a b l e to afford b o a r d i n g s c h o o l s .  2 2  deemed  so  Her mother  v a l u a b l e to t h e  some  middle-class  definitely t a u g h t h e r to  w o u l d in turn t e a c h all of h e r o w n c h i l d r e n ) ,  play  and  k n o w l e d g e of m u s i c w a s o b v i o u s l y d e e p e n o u g h to e n a b l e  S A H , 18 May, 1876.  Don Roberts, personal communication, 1 May 1996. S e e Marjorie R. Theobald, '"Mere Accomplishments'? Melbourne's Early Ladies' Schools Reconsidered," in Women Who Taught, eds. Prentice and Theobald. 2 1  2 2  the  her  to c o m p o s e expertise she  songs  was  later in l i f e .  not  what  n o t e d that s h e  lessons,  a  condition.  she  would  S h e also knew French, although  2 3  w i s h e d it to  be--at  age  unlikely  by the  family's financial  concluded:  " h o w little a n y of u s think of  opportunities w h e n we have them & w h e n they are all o t h e r  unatainable  Despite as  this  an educated  continue  her  February  1868,  on  the  more  her  [sic]  things."  self-criticism,  Susan  w o m a n , an estimation  she  evidently  me  for m o r e  useful & solid  into s p e c u l a t i o n s  practical  in the  applications.  realm  of  perceived  Lives:  light  reading."  of t h e m litriture  2 5  of s c i e n c e ,  W h i l e in Y a l e , s h e  was  experimentation  book far  are [sic]  I find  H e r curiosity also especially  led  in its  s u r p r i s e d to  piqued her imagination e v e n  to  In  "such works are  s p a r k s emanating from her c o m b w h e n she touched Further  them  herself  for r e a d i n g both a  i n t e r e s t i n g to m e t h a n n o v e l s tho s o m e reading  lament  h e r a d u l t life.  wrote of h e r p r e f e r e n c e  continual  gone  only confirmed by her desire  Revolution a n d Plutarch's  but  our  2 4  p u r s u i t of l e a r n i n g t h r o u g h o u t  French  constructive, unfits  French  S h e m a y h a v e p a s s e d u p a n e a r l i e r c h a n c e to i m p r o v e h e r  skills, for s h e  like  twenty-seven,  "like v e r y m u c h " to t a k e f u r t h e r  possibility m a d e  her  it to h e r more,  see head. and  she  M a r j o r i e Theobald has claimed that "in the iconography of nineteenth-century female education, a central figure is the woman at the piano." [Marjorie R. Theobald, "The Sins of Laura: The Meaning of Culture in the Education of Nineteenth-Century Women," Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 1 (1990), p. 258.] The importance of the piano to Susan's sense of herself as an accomplished, educated woman was clearly expressed in a journal passage in which she referred to the lack of a piano as a "great detriment" and then remarked, "I often think if Algy & I marry, if we cannot afford to have any other piece of furniture, he will manage to get a piano someway or other." These comments were made in the context of a discussion of the historical reading she had been doing (SAH, 1 February 1868). 23  2 4  S A H , 12 December 1867.  2 5  S A H , 1 February 1868.  concluded,  "I h a v e  always  been  so  interested  in E l e c t r i c i t y  s h o u l d like m u c h to k n o w m o r e a b o u t it, t h e r e is s o this w o r l d a n d w e k n o w s o v e r y little. some was to  discovery this  have  abated  during the  her N e w Year's year,  she  little, to  that s h e  found  what  n o w that I a m  it p u z z l i n g  wrought by the  w o n d e r at  perhaps  w h e n it  After previous  m y s e l f for c a r i n g  it will c o m e  getting s o m u c h s t r o n g e r . "  seemed  of h e r m a r r i a g e .  E v e m u s i n g s o n the c h a n g e s  I u s e d , for study,  make  S o m u c h a part of h e r  2 6  first f e w m o n t h s  c o n t i n u e d , "I s o m e t i m e s  m u c h to l e a r n in  H o w I s h o u l d like to  in this w o n d e r f u l S c i e n c e . "  k i n d of attitude  and  b a c k to  S h e w o u l d not b e  so me  content  to let t h i s s i d e of h e r s e l f  be s u b s u m e d by her new duties; i n d e e d ,  she  "I w i s h too that I c o u l d get  w e n t o n to r e s o l v e :  writing.  I r e a l l y will m a k e  something w e try,  worth  & I fear  an  reading--we I have  effort & s e e  none  b e e n to[o]  of u s  into t h e w a y  if I c a n n o t  know what  of  write  we  can  n e g l i g e n t f o r l o n g in this  d o till matter."  In h e r s t u d i o u s n e s s , S u s a n s e e m s to h a v e b e e n a l o n e a m o n g siblings, being  differences  fiercely attached  Isabel news  but t h e  (Belle). she  letters that p a s s e d paths  she  h a d with t h e m In s p i t e  t a k i n g in life.  her  recorded  of a n y of h e r b r o t h e r s  were  d i d not  e s p e c i a l l y to  among them.  the  deaths.  them,  T h r o u g h o u t h e r life, s h e  received  they  to  in their n a t u r e s  keep  sisters  distances  Jessie  a n d s i s t e r s in t h e  SAH,  2 7  S A H , 31 December 1871.  13 April 1870.  and  frequent  r e v e l l e d in t h e  and  brief v i s i t s losses,  that e v e n t u a l l y s e p a r a t e d  and  her  m o s t of t h e m , s h e s e e m s to h a v e b e e n p e r c e i v e d a s a s i s t e r to  2 6  from  S h e worried about their health She  her  in h e r d i a r y all t h e  a n d g r i e v e d o v e r their m i s f o r t u n e s ,  of t h e  her  2 7  from be  d e p e n d e d o n for s u p p o r t a n d a d v i c e . were  together  w e l c o m e d the could  d u r i n g the  Both situation  timeframe  arrival of " d e a r  " c h a t t e r " till t w o Susan  with  O n the f e w o c c a s i o n s of J e s s i e ' s  S u e " as  or t h r e e  of  their  in t h e  other  contrasted  sisters,  particularly  married  in 1865,  soon  connection  Buckingham was  his appointment  he a n d  Duke as  of  Colonial  Algy  Hill t h r o u g h the  sworn  in a s  appointment  Colonial was  served  as  months  between  Anthony  objection  may  have  d u e to  been  had  loftier  married  ambitions Whatever  the  hierarchy,  her sisters.  for  the  In 1 8 6 9 ,  clearly  colony.  struggling colony's  Belle's  His  Philip  and  he  for the  death  well a s  first was  however,  and  . . .  his  only four  Governor  ( F a m i l y tradition  has  it  towns-people"  p e o p l e of V i c t o r i a , w h o  who had s e e m e d  Victorians may  a  instrumental  e n d it s e e m s  his familiarity to the  into a  In the  probably  government  of "officials a s  c o u l d h a v e felt that s o m e o n e and  a n d in the  arrival in t h e  part of t h e  or  posting for S u s a n ' s  Governor Frederick Seymour's  that  on  world.  S e c r e t a r y f o r British C o l u m b i a ;  A d m i n i s t r a t i n g O f f i c e r of t h e  Musgrave's  Belle  S e c r e t a r y for British H o n d u r a s ,  Duke's influence.  controversial,  Belle.  of P o l i c e in  a r o u n d the  Belle both worked on gaining s o m e  fiance  she  own  after e m b a r k e d  both of t h e m  with t h e  eagerly  than either S u s a n  diplomatic c a r e e r which took  to  their  H e r h u s b a n d , Philip H a n k i n , S u p e r i n t e n d e n t  Victoria w h e n they  Jessie  morning.  h a d m a r r i e d at n i n e t e e n , a m u c h y o u n g e r a g e Jessie.  two  a c o m p a n i o n with w h o m  and Jessie sometimes  those  diary,  the  to r i s e f r o m  l o c a l f a m i l y d i d not  nowhere  fit t h e i r  status.)  have  thought  situation  m i d s t of h e r s e c o n d  was  about far  her  removed  winter at Y a l e ,  p o s i t i o n in f r o m that and  shortly  of  before s h e sister  agreed  and  to m a r r y D a v i d H o l m e s , S u s a n  brother-in-law's  Philip h a s will get  latest  appt.  a Lieut. G o v . S h i p o n s o m e  is v i s i t i n g at t h e  What  a  D u k e of  contrast between  a  D u k e s the  a  ragged  I h a v e the  of the  long run, S u s a n  he  Islands  a  guest  a (I might a l m o s t I hope I am  at say) out  not  c o n s o l a t i o n of k n o w i n g I h a v e  only d o n e my d u t y . In t h e  2 8  probably envied Belle neither  her  g l a m o u r o u s t h o u g h it m a y h a v e b e e n , nor h e r h u s b a n d . remained death,  closely  connected  both S u s a n ' s somewhat  wheedles  at t h e s a m e t i m e .  others  mind  time w e  into  after  her  perhaps  In fact, J e s s i e ,  Susan,  Philip " m a k e s  latest p l a c e  from h i m . "  in d r a g g i n g  the  latest  2 9  h e t h i n k s of settling]  T h e r e are  her  hints that S u s a n in 1903,  off with h i m w h e n  as  he  " t h e r e is  and  and and  so  trust w h a t  i n v o l v e d with h i s  r e s p o n s i b l e for her sister's d e a t h  persisted  both lovable  not fulfil that I c a n n o t getting  overbearing,  Catherine many  he  plans  h i m s e l f s i n c e "he is s o c h a n g a b l e that h e m a y  [about the hear  impetuous,  similar sentiments:  that h e d o e s  abandon them  partly  Philip  H o l m e s ' f i n a n c i a l l y , but h e c o m e s t h r o u g h in  a n d J e s s i e ' s diaries as  all e x p r e s s e d  promises  his  his w i f e ' s f a m i l y e v e n  undependable-someone  exasperating Nagle  to  life,  a n d h e a n d B e l l e f r o m time to time p r o b a b l y h e l p e d b o t h  e l d e r N a g l e s a n d the  her  Buckinghams  s c h o o l , or next d o o r to it, in a little  of the w a y part of the w o r l d envious,  a n d thinks  us t w o - o n e  other teaching  w o r d of  movements:  a p p l i e d for a n o t h e r  Bella  received  by the  says"; only  he to  change next  held him h a d yet  again  something  S A H , 30 January 1871. J e s s i e Nagle, 6 July 1870; S A H , 25 April 1903; letter from Catherine Nagle to Susan Holmes, 15 December 1884, Holmes family papers. 2 8  2 9  r a d i c a l l y w r o n g with her, Nevertheless,  & h e r h u s b a n d can't s e e  h e c o n t i n u e d to b e a  it."  3 0  part of t h e f a m i l y , in m o r e  t h e s a m e c a p a c i t y a s a brother; i n d e e d , S u s a n s e e m e d to s e e  or  less  and  hear  m o r e of h i m t h a n s h e d i d of H a r r y , F r e d , or E d d i e .  Family  Surrogates  Clearly, Susan also  " f a m i l y of o r i g i n "  S u c k l e y ' s life c o u r s e  was  as  i n f l u e n t i a l in s h a p i n g  as was S u s a n Nagle's.  H o w e v e r , it c o u l d  b e s a i d that t h e f a m i l y of origin did not e x i s t f o r h e r in t h e  same was her  her  way  that  it d i d f o r t h e  i n d i r e c t at mother's  was  best,  a n d it s e e m s  c a r e for large  viewed as  an  (and  or not h e r m o t h e r  was  was  later  Ann's.  first  least.  society and  to p l a c e  in W a s h i n g t o n  father  removed  life, at  still a l i v e ) ,  his u n c l e after him) c h o s e  family situations,  St.  likely that s h e  p o r t i o n s of h e r e a r l y  "surrogate" at  H e r r e l a t i o n s h i p with h e r  " o r p h a n " b y t h o s e in m a i n s t r e a m  is u n c l e a r w h e t h e r that h e r f a t h e r  latter.  from She  (though it  it  appears  h e r in  Territory  and  Like the N o r ' W e s t e r s , G e o r g e S u c k l e y " c a m e from the . . . societies  of e a s t e r n C a n a d a a n d t h e  time, the  Indian h a d b e e n  Furthermore, certainly  as  have  a  been  regarded  naturalist  interested  debates  of t h e d a y , a n d a s  interest  l a y in his g a t h e r i n g  been  p a r t i c i p a n t in t h e  a  T e r r i t o r y in t h e  3 0  3 1  and  very year  United States where,  for a  in a n u n f a v o u r a b l e l i g h t . "  ethnologist  (and  he  would  long  31  almost  p r o b a b l y i n v o l v e d ) in t h e  racial  a military d o c t o r ( e v e n t h o u g h his m a i n of n a t u r a l s p e c i m e n s )  Indian w a r s  w h i c h b r o k e out  of his d a u g h t e r ' s  S A H , 14 June 1903. Van Kirk, "Many Tender Ties", p. 13.  he  birth.  would  have  in W a s h i n g t o n  A l l of  these  factors  would  towards  have  S u c k l e y ' s letters written to  while he w a s Washington  o n the  in t h e  "stepping stones" connections  his  his  attitude  his f a m i l y in N e w  army  an  he  in m u c h the s a m e w a y h e h a d u s e d  and  scientific  ambitious y o u n g  a n d his s c i e n t i f i c p u r s u i t s  a n d s i t u a t i o n s to get to w h e r e  travel  York  r a i l r o a d e x p e d i t i o n a n d t h e n a n a r m y d o c t o r in  T e r r i t o r y i n d i c a t e that h e w a s  his stint  wanted  profound implications for  Susan.  George  Both  had  adventure  interests,  he was  first a n d t h e n  and  perhaps  to  as  other  at that p o i n t .  marry,  ultimately  saw  man.  continue  enter  public  He with  life-he  c o n f i d e d to his a u n t that h e h a d "often h a d a d r e a m y m i s t y s o r t of castle  rearing  arise  in a  itself  been  a  of c h o i c e .  & it v e r y  often  the  would  U . S.  seem  Senate  liability f o r h i m in t h e s e e n d e a v o u r s . as  m a n y of his c o n t e m p o r a r i e s  would  did their  offspring.  at  least  some  small  part  of h e r first f i f t e e n y e a r s ,  e v i d e n c e that G e o r g e S u c k l e y m a d e for the in  his  Still, h e d i d not  W h i l e S u s a n w o u l d s e e m to h a v e b e e n in t h e c a r e of h e r for  to  being  Undoubtedly, a halfbreed daughter  3 2  completely abandon Susan, Indian  future  political s t y l e of a r c h i t e c t u r e , "  neighbourhood have  in t h e  1858  i n v o l v e m e n t of o t h e r s from an  contained  the  I saw  following  coded  your T e n a s s  3 3  a  additional  in h e r u p b r i n g i n g .  unknown correspondent  well, a n d for her age, grown  some  in Fort  is  arrangements  A letter h e  received  Steilacoom  message:  a short time [ago]; s h e e x c e e d i n g l y robust.  great deal a n d  there  mother  I think will w e i g h  was  She  has  nearly  32  " N o t e s and Documents: Sidelights on the Stevens Railway Survey," p. 236.  3 3  C h i n o o k for "little"; in this context, "little one."  fifty  lbs.  -and  She  will  be  quite  they call her S u s a n .  occasionally her mother,  but  the  pretty,  Maly  little o n e  3 4  has  This  passage  mother "Mrs.  at  life  of  3 5  her  forgotten  reconciled  to  disposed  and seems  to  intrigue.  c e r t a i n l y i n d i c a t e s that S u s a n h a d b e e n t a k e n f r o m  t h i s point a n d  p l a c e d in s o m e o n e  D i g g s " mentioned a few s e n t e n c e s About ten  Nisqually,  intelligent  M a l y d o e s not s e e m  to p r o v i d e h e r with a n o t h e r T y h e r , a  almost  w h o s e e m s to h a v e b e c o m e  l e a v e h e r w h e r e s h e is. prefer  is v e r y  g o e s to s e e  written  years  later,  George  else's  later.  care-probably  by E d w a r d Huggins, who w a s  a  letter f r o m  apparently in t h e a r e a  T o w a r d s the  e n d of this letter,  "Mr.  r e g a r d i n g S u c k l e y ' s "affairs"; h e t h e n a d d e d ,  Prosch"  the  3 6  Suckley received  c a r e of t h e t a x e s o n S u c k l e y ' s m a n y p r o p e r t i e s  her  taking 3  7  H u g g i n s m e n t i o n e d s p e a k i n g with  a  " T h e girl is,  I b e l i e v e , d o i n g w e l l , at least M r . P r o s c h g i v e s a v e r y g o o d a c c o u n t her."  H e r p h o t o g r a p h h a d b e e n t a k e n , a n d t h e " c a r t e s " w e r e to  f o r w a r d e d to weeks  ago,  Suckley.  H u g g i n s himself "saw  in c o m p a n y with M r s . P r o s c h ,  Olympia,  when she  Susan's  halfbrothers  l o o k e d well, a n d w a s were  surnamed  little S u e  at a p u b l i c respectably  Pratt, s o  it d o e s  some  lecture  be few  in  draped." not  of  3 8  seem  likely  T h e Salishan form of "Mary." As mentioned earlier, this is not the name by which Susan knew her mother (Cecilia), but was a name commonly applied by whites to native women. The name given to her at birth was most likely neither Mary nor Cecilia. C h i n o o k for "father." The writer's subsequent comments indicate that Susan's mother had become one of many native women living around the fort, possibly engaged in prostitution-or at least resisting pressures to form another "marriage." L e t t e r to George Suckley, 29 August 1858, ms. no. 21, the George Suckley Papers, Beinecke Rare Books and Manuscripts, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. T h i s was most likely the Edward Huggins who was married to one of John Work's daughters. See N. de Bertrand Lugrin, The Pioneer Women of Vancouver Island 1843-1866 (Victoria: The Women's Canadian Club of Victoria, Vancouver Island, 1928), p. 63. L e t t e r from Edward Huggins to George Suckley, 27 February 1868, the George Suckley Papers, Huntington Library, San Marino, California. 3 4  35  36  3 7  38  that M r . P r o s c h w a s h e r s t e p f a t h e r . live with t h e of c e r t a i n  Prosch's  aspects  Whether she had b e e n sent  n o w or t h e y w e r e  of h e r life c a n n o t  m e r e l y a s k e d to t a k e  be ascertained,  t h e s e letters m a k e it plain that s h e w a s separated  at  least  to s o m e  a s from her father. of  course,  but  extent from her mother's  her  parents  were  d e f i n i t e l y still  engaged  p h o t o g r a p h t a k e n during his a r m y d a y s .  when  he  apparently took  over  situation.  L i k e m a n y fur t r a d e f a t h e r s ,  and any  of h i s life a n d w o r k o f f e r s t h e  existed),  and  possible exception  likely that  mementos  one  a  policy his  responsibility for  uncle her  G e o r g e d i d not l e a v e  accounts  Rutsen  her,  of h i s m i x e d - b l o o d c h i l d ( n o n e  it is m o s t  in a  T h e evidence available  3 9  d i d not write directly to  continued  record  not  of t h e  slightest even  of h i s u n c l e R u t s e n , w a s  a n d m a y h a v e b e e n a n earlier confidant. material  desire  for a n y  duty towards other  any  published  c l u e that s h e  his family,  with  informed about  c e r t a i n l y k n e w of h e r at t h e time of G e o r g e ' s d e a t h  fulfil a  well  S h e probably  of h i m in h e r p o s s e s s i o n s e e m to h a v e b e e n limited to  public  as  alive.  d i d not r e m e m b e r h i m at all in a p h y s i c a l s e n s e ,  that h e  occasion  family  for h e r f a t h e r t h r o u g h o u t m u c h of h e r y o u t h .  suggests  of  C e c i l i a herself m a y h a v e b e e n d e a d b y this time,  It w o u l d not b e difficult to e n v i s i o n S u s a n a s "search"  charge  but b o t h  on more than one  to  even  the her.  in  1869,  A l t h o u g h h e w a s p r e p a r e d to  his g r a n d - n i e c e ,  r e l a t i o n s h i p with h e r ,  it a p p e a r s  p r e f e r r i n g to  he  had  no  channel  all  c o n t a c t t h r o u g h M r . G . T i l l o t s o n , a l a w y e r in N e w Y o r k . Susan with  Rutsen  3 9  obviously attempted and  even  to  b r o a c h e d the  F l o o d family papers.  initiate a  direct  correspondence  p o s s i b i l i t y of visiting h i m .  Rutsen  d i d not  Tillotson, her  reply himself; instead,  who  letter to  i n f o r m e d h e r that h e  her great-uncle.  Susan  received  had been  Rutsen  a  letter f r o m  instructed  to  answer  was  m u c h p l e a s e d to h e a r of t h e p r o g r e s s y o u  have  made  improvement,  in y o u r s t u d i e s a n d of y o u r g e n e r a l  a n d t h i n k s it b e s t that y o u s h o u l d r e m a i n u n d e r k i n d c a r e of t h e S i s t e r s  the  of S t . A n n a w h i l e l o n g e r .  H e d e s i r e s m e h o w e v e r to s a y that h e is not in a c o n d i t i o n to remains year.  in t h e  But he  f o r h i m to One  year  another  receive  later,  country is s o  receive  to  been  to  recognition  Rutsen may  correspondence,  (apparently  the  in r e s p o n s e death.  have  in h e r g r e a t - u n c l e ' s  b e e n too  family m e m b e r  to Just  "to  b e n e f i t " ; this w o u l d  be  seem will.  to  4 1  ill to d e a l with h i s  but t h e fact that h e d e l e g a t e d  another  of  h a d s e n t $ 5 0 0 . 0 0 to T i l l o t s o n  Dr. T o l m i e for [Susan's]  Certainly,  rather than  wrote  to i n f o r m h e r of R u t s e n ' s  Rutsen  in lieu of a n y  g r e a t e r part  that it is i m p o s s i b l e  4 0  again  letter f r o m S u s a n )  forwarded  during the  situated you.  Tillotson  p r i o r to t h i s e v e n t ,  have  y o u in N e w Y o r k - - i n d e e d h e  t h e j o b to a  suggests  either  that  lawyer he  was  t h e o n l y o n e w h o k n e w a b o u t S u s a n or that n o o n e in t h e f a m i l y w i s h e d to e n c o u r a g e previous  h e r in h e r q u e s t for c o n t a c t .  k n o w l e d g e of w h a t  Tillotson's  enumeration,  those  behind by Rutsen  left  nieces  (not  uncle,  aunt,  she  h a d is i n d i c a t e d  e v i d e n t l y in a n s w e r  including S u s a n ) , nieces,  relatives  That she had  to  S u c k l e y - - a brother,  Susan's a  sister,  by  query, four  a n d a n e p h e w ; that is, G e o r g e  a n d brother.  no  of grand-  Suckley's  A w a r e of h e r e x i s t e n c e or not,  no  L e t t e r from G . Tillotson to S. Suckley, 31 March 1874, Flood family papers. Letters from G . Tillotson to S. Suckley, 20 August 1875 and 10 April 1877, Flood family papers. 40  4  1  one  in t h e f a m i l y m a d e  would s e e m she  must  she  have  how much she  a n y a t t e m p t to c o n t a c t h e r :  h e l d the  s t a t u s of the  given up her quest,  "family s e c r e t . "  She was  Eventually,  a n d it is difficult to  e v e r actually knew about her father's  accomplishments.  e i t h e r w a y , it  in effect  determine  life a n d  d e n i e d that part of  her  heritage. As  Susan's  granddaughter, uncovering  great-granddaughter  I have  and  George's  great-great-  h a d a n i n t e r e s t i n g mix of r e a c t i o n s  of G e o r g e S u c k l e y ' s life.  M y grandfather,  to m y o w n  Charles  Flood,  h a d e x p e n d e d a g o o d d e a l of e n e r g y in trying to l e a r n m o r e a b o u t his grandfather, record.  little m o r e  a  Suckley's  papers  L i b r a r y at Y a l e California;  Charles  at  the  show  George's  T h e r e were  my  entire c o l l e c t i o n s of  S m i t h s o n i a n Institution, t h e  But t h e n  George  Bienecke  he was  I found  Marino, the  I t h o u g h t a g a i n of S u s a n and  base)  reaction  H u n t i n g t o n L i b r a r y in S a n  a n d their f r u i t l e s s s e a r c h e s ,  of i n f o r m a t i o n a n n o y e d m e  military  immediate  m e n t i o n e d in b o o k s a n d a r t i c l e s ;  of o t h e r a r t i c l e s .  meant so  it t h a n  of m a t e r i a l ,  U n i v e r s i t y , a n d the  he was  for  (aided by a m u c h greater r e s o u r c e  snowballing amount  w o n d e r a n d elation.  subject  to  W h e n my own search  revealed was  with  and  that this  plethora  rather m o r e t h a n a n y t h i n g e l s e .  If it  m u c h to m e , h o w m u c h m o r e might it h a v e m e a n t to  them?  H o w m u c h w a s their i g n o r a n c e d e l i b e r a t e l y i m p o s e d o n t h e m  by  f a m i l y that d i d not w a n t to o w n t h e m ,  of their  legacy?  For example,  the  materials  were donated by M . F. S a v a g e  and thus in t h e  in 1923;  of  Susan's-one  d e f i n i t e l y not  Huntington collection  permission must be  to r e p r o d u c e or cite a n y of the m a t e r i a l s . relative  robbed them  as  a  M . F. S a v a g e closely  requested  was  related  to  likely a her  father  as  she  was,  yet with t h e  that s h e c o u l d n e v e r s e e . race  relations  p o w e r to c o n t r o l p o s s e s s i o n s  of h i s  S u c h a situation s a y s a g r e a t d e a l a b o u t  in n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y  (and  on  into t h e  present)  North  America. H o w m u c h h e r s e a r c h for h e r f a t h e r w a s a c c o m p a n i e d b y a "denial"  of h e r m o t h e r  potentially images  negative  of t h e  lives e x p o s e d strongly effects  that  racial  them.  heritage The  4 2  some  i n f e r i o r to  term seem  impact  current were  the  deliberate dutiful to  Although  likely  a n d heritage  to  disseminated  to  eradicate  a n d the  self-  white  were  tendency  attitudes  also  native mothers.  vision  of w h a t  himself w a s  not  Indian  have they  mothers,  potential for  children's self-esteem have  created  H o w often w a s  mother,  (they  a n d this must a l s o  While the  4 3  as  the  to  longmay  contradictory  l o v e m i x e d with  only m e a n s  his children s h o u l d  present  to  different  children, for "in effect,  o n the  must  to  schools  s u p e r i o r to t h e i r  fathers."  the  inculcate  a  of b e i n g be?  white  values  h e c o u l d to e n s u r e  P o l l a r d , "The Making of the Metis in the Pacific North West Fur Trade Children," pp. 398-400. i b i d . , p. 392. 4 3  daily  in t h e i r  in t h e  "respectability," G e o r g e S u c k l e y did what  42  the  w h i c h their  shortcomings  of t h e time),  situation  father's he  children's  s c i e n t i f i c b e l i e f s with r e g a r d s  distancing from the the  race  attempts  perceived  that t h e y  their  feelings about the  and  cultures  for a n y  of t h e s e  evident,  Pollard notes  mixed-blood  towards  inner conflict for s u c h  being taught  Juliet  T h e u p b r i n g i n g of m a n y of t h e s e c h i l d r e n w a s  d i s c u s s e d in t e x t b o o k s  were  for  prevailing attitudes  capabilities  caused  question.  i n f l u e n c e d by their fathers'  children.  but  implications  of t h e i r m o t h e r s '  blame  were  is a n o t h e r  that  S u s a n b e c a m e a s "proper" a young lady a s s h e could. through  a p p o i n t i n g for her  Mr. a n d  Mrs. Prosch,  St.  a  of  white  Dr. Tolmie, Tillotson,  A n n - w h o s e i n f l u e n c e c o u l d s e r v e to  replace  completely  at t h e been  time s h e  that of h e r  finally r e m o v e d of i n f l u e n c e .  records  would s e e m  pressures white  also  to  (perhaps  counteract If h e r  mother  to  correspond  was  of a  perhaps  dress,  s i d e in m a n y w a y s .  to  have her  baptismal  and  side  k n e w of it to  the  s t r i v e d to fulfil t h e educational However,  more secure), she  efforts, at  image  of  dis-kid the  and  as  her children.  the  grandson  with  corresponding  4 4  i n c l u d e d the  " I n d i a n life" in t h e connection  in h e r s o n  Martha Skagit.  Hope area  the the  the  least  l a t e r in life  a c k n o w l e d g e d her  Indian  I n d e e d , s h e n e v e r tried to h i d e h e r b a c k g r o u n d  of h i s h e r i t a g e  photographs  life.  I think that  ( a n d p e r h a p s c o u l d not h a v e d o n e s o , in a n y c a s e ) a n d p a s s e d she  alive  not at this e a r l y t i m e ) r e s i s t e d  Christian religion.  when she was  still  but a l s o f r o m  extent " d e n y " h e r m o t h e r ,  of  to  with h e r e l i s i o n in S u s a n ' s  Certainly, s h e  proper  Diggs,  Sisters  or e v e n  T h e e l i s i o n of C e c i l i a in S u s a n ' s  (though  do so.  lady-the  observance  a n d finally t h e  not o n l y f r o m h e r c a r e ,  If S u s a n d i d to s o m e did, she  mother.  caretakers-Mrs.  w e n t to V i c t o r i a , t h e n S u s a n w o u l d s e e m  sphere  she  string  H e d i d this  Puget  her  She  Charles,  who  p r i d e in that  i d e n t i f i e d h i m s e l f in  of C e c i l i a a n d g r e a t - g r a n d s o n Reminiscences recollection  Sound area  halfbrothers  with t h e m  o b v i o u s l y instilled a  4  and  5  on what  of C u o -  of y o u n g e r s e t t l e r s in  of h e r t e l l i n g s t o r i e s S h e also maintained  their  families,  until the t i m e of h e r d e a t h .  4 4  F l o o d family papers.  45  M o r l e y Gillander, "The Skagit Saga," Flood family papers.  of a  visiting Had she  and not  felt some pride in that side of her identity, it is doubtful that any of her story would have come down to the level of her greatgrandchildren.  At most, her "Indian blood" may have been something  whispered, with the admonition not to let anyone know. Nevertheless, at the time Susan Suckley was enrolled at St. Ann's, it is plain that the Sisters and other students came to function in many ways as a surrogate family for her.  As such, they  probably helped to assuage both any ambivalence or anxiety she felt due to separation from her birth family and the longing she evinced for some connection to her father through his family.  The convent  school was structured in such a way as to emphasize a family setting.  Boarders lived in close contact with the nuns, who until the  1880s were called "by their name in religion prefixed by 'Aunt.'"  46  The older boarders would help out with the younger girls, taking on the role of elder sister; for example, in August 1875 Susan noted that she had "charge of the little boarders, they are 12 in number."  47  Accompanied by the lay assistant Mary Mainville and/or one or two of the Sisters, they would go on picnic outings to Beacon Hill, spend evenings in the music room where "Aunt Lucy" would play the piano and sing duets with another Sister, and prevail upon Miss Mainville, Sister Mary Patrick, or Sister Mary Romuald to exercise their storytelling abilities.  Years later, Susan recalled:  "They could hold  us spellbound at a whole week's recreation period, with one story  4 6  D o w n , A Century of Service, p. 91.  4 7  S u s a n Suckley's "Pacific Diary," Flood family papers.  alone--the the  longer,  the  fascination."  better; t h e  greater the  suspense,  m a n y of t h e  correspondence, treasured of  although after to  other  girls w e r e  Many  it is d o u b t f u l  writing h e r  she  second  was  when  as  the s a m e  Sister Mary  ever  Sisters  a b l e to  developed by  the  that s h e o b v i o u s l y  reflect  the  same  4 9  kind  And  visit V i c t o r i a a g a i n  examination there.  clearly  people  a t t e s t e d to  by S m i t h - R o s e n b e r g .  teachers'  r e m a i n in t o u c h with t h e  them echoed  very close,  of t h e s e artifacts  relationship described  other  T h e friendships she  p h o t o g r a p h s , a n d other k e e p s a k e s  for y e a r s .  intense  at S t . A n n ' s w e r e  a n d f o c u s e d m o r e o n h e r relations with t h e  there than o n her s c h o o l i n g as s u c h . with  greater  4 8  T h e m e m o r i e s S u s a n h e l d of h e r y e a r s fond ones,  the  in 1 8 8 1 ,  she  d i d try  N o d o u b t h e r letters  kind of a f f e c t i o n t h e y e x p r e s s e d  to h e r ,  F l o r e n c e told h e r that e v e r y t i m e s h e  to as  p l a y e d the  p i e c e s of m u s i c S u s a n h a d s e n t to her, "I think of y o u a n d w o n d e r h o w y o u a r e " a n d t h e n c o n t i n u e d , "I n e e d not s a y , d e a r S u s a n , that I was  truly r e j o i c e d to  advantage  hear  of y o u r m a r r i a g e ,  o r g o o d f o r t u n e that h a p p e n s to y o u , c a n n o t fail  interest  us a n d give us pleasure."  charges  felt a n a b i d i n g c o n n e c t i o n s e e m s  1919,  forty y e a r s  after  Susan's  M a r y T h e o d o r e w r o t e to her: w e w o u l d b e s o g l a d to s e e her  part,  4 8  49  f o r y o u k n o w that  T h a t the  departure  Sisters  plain:  "I think if y o u p a i d t h e  to  a n d their f o r m e r  even as  from the  late  school,  as Sister  c o n v e n t a visit  y o u , w e w o u l d h a r d l y let y o u w a l k . "  S u s a n , like m a n y o t h e r f o r m e r s t u d e n t s ,  A Chaplet of Years - 1858-1918  any  was  more  5 0  than  (Victoria, The Sisters of St. Ann, 1918).  Smith-Rosenberg, "Love and Ritual."  Letters to Susan Flood from Sister Mary Florence, 8 May 1882 and from Sister Mary Theodore, 14 May 1919, Flood family papers. 50  For  willing the  to  furnish  sixtieth  materials  anniversary  Like  other  for the  of  the  educational  souvenir  Sisters'  book  arrival  institutions  commemorating  in V i c t o r i a .  in B r i t i s h  Columbia,  A n n ' s A c a d e m y w a s f o u n d e d a n d d e v e l o p e d in r e s p o n s e perceived  needs  schooling  as  social The  "preparation  order,  and  first s c h o o l s  denominational dramatically the  Gold  Modeste  Demers  School was  grew  the  saw  large  Victoria's  the  persuaded  existing  Island w e r e need  In 1860,  until 1863.  a n d the  "the  number  was  1871  of  Victoria's  at  the  time  Catholic  Their  5 2  student Cabin  on View  Street  still  operated  T e n y e a r s later, e x p a n s i o n  was  again  c o r n e r s t o n e for the St.  and  citizens."  Log  Bishop  Cabin  state  the  of  west  original L o g  a new convent  opened;  the  beliefs."  of S t . A n n to c o m e  y e a r the  l a y i n g of the  of  within  for  increased  population  which would operate as gathering  natives)  "fee-based  at this time that the  r a p i d l y , a n d within a  St.  the  religious  for which  four Sisters  to  and  place  denominational  burgeoning  It w a s  for b o a r d e r s  Street convent,  a  Vancouver  overcrowded.  a free school  necessary,  of  settlers  in o r d e r to o p e n a s c h o o l for girls.  with f a c i l i t i e s  1974,  on  both white  maintain  inculcation  R u s h in 1858.  population  to  structures,"  with  from Q u e b e c  as  of c h i l d r e n (of  5 1  A n n ' s A c a d e m y until  church 5 3  Humboldt  officials together  Having arrived  previous year, S u s a n Suckley would have  been  with  in V i c t o r i a  p r e s e n t at  this  This was A Chaplet of Years. Susan had apparently sent the material in 1908, presumably for the fiftieth anniversary, but the booklet did not materialize until the sixtieth anniversary in 1918. 5 1  J e a n Barman, "Transfer, Imposition or Consensus? The Emergence of Educational Structures in Nineteenth-Century British Columbia," in Schools in the West: Essays in Canadian Educational History, eds. Nancy M. Sheehan, J . Donald Wilson, and David C . Jones (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises Limited, 1986), p. 242. 5 2  5 3  D o w n , A Century of Service, p. 68.  ceremony, exciting  one  of s e v e r a l  diversions  in t h e  In t e r m s of t h e Catholic  institution  endeavours education  St.  a n d for what he  Ann's  education  which  However,  the  " o b s t a c l e to F r o m the  s a m e as  the  Ontario  consistent  insisted and  that  A n n ' s (in  System.  curriculum  of E d u c a t i o n , effect from  comprising  man  the  to  for w h a t  man's  school's  of  "since he  no  as  true  5 5  did indeed  described  no  attend.  more or  less  of the t i m e a n d , in fact, b a s e d  5 6  This would also have  and  textbooks  b y the  1872  to  "system  of  after  the  Ontario-trained)  The second 1890)  on  been  introduced  new (and  be  sublime  be  end."  must  religion" w a s  non-Catholics  John Jessop.  about  last  a  instructional  in o r d e r to attain t h e  curriculum was  Educational the  its  as  philosophy:  "difference  many  that in o t h e r s c h o o l s  with  school,  situated  Catholic  created  5 4  c r e a t e d , it is c l e a r that t h e r e c a n  admission,"  Superintendent  courses  of  have  in p r e p a r i n g  B . C . P u b l i c S c h o o l A c t of 1872  St.  within t h e  do, here below,  b e g i n n i n g , the  the  received  is not w h o l l y d i r e c t e d  school  1 8 7 0 s that  students.  framework  e n d , for which he w a s  in t h e  of  would  essentially  must  events  daily lives  education  within t h e consists  important  listed  prospectus  the  for  following  education":  S u s a n ' s response to this particular event is unknown, but she did mention attending the opening of St. Joseph's Hospital in 1876. On this occasion, she was most impressed by Dr. Helmcken's "patronizing speech on the Charatable zele [sic] of the Sisters of St. Ann in undertaking such a difficult important and such a truly charitable task upon themselves . . . [He] closed his speech with these words 'O death! where is thy Sting. O grave where is thy victory.'" Susan Suckley's "Pacific Diary," Flood family papers. 54  P o p e Pius XI, Christian Education--A Papal Encyclical on Education (New York: McGrath Publishing Company, 1903-1933), p. 206, quoted in Edith E. Down, S. S. A., "An Overview of Catholic Education in the Diocese of Victoria, B. C . 18471960," paper given at the St. Andrew's Cathedral Centennial Conference, Victoria, B. C , November 13, 1992, p. 5. While this is taken from a 1929 encyclical, it was doubtless the same attitude towards education that prevailed in the 1870s. 5 5  5 6  D o w n , A Century of Service, p. 113.  "Orthography, Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, Grammar, Geography, and the use of the Globes, History, Botany, Natural Philosophy, Composition, French, Music, Drawing, Painting, Plain and Fancy Needlework in all its variety."  Some of these courses, such as  music, drawing, and painting, were not part of the regular curriculum, and students who took them were assessed additional fees.  5 7  The implementation of this curriculum is indicated by one of Susan's notebooks, and part of another, that have survived.  58  They  are full of her answers to questions on, for example, Roman history, geography (complete with longitudinal and latitudinal readings for locations around the world), the causes of tides and avalanches, and the "characteristics" of the Chinese.  Her tiny, flourishing  handwriting is evidence of the Sisters' emphasis on penmanship. reliance on memorizing passages deemed to be "classic" of learning "refined correct language" is also apparent.  A  as a means 59  In 1874,  Susan began taking drawing lessons. In this area, she clearly had some talent, as a number of her drawings and watercolour paintings that still exist can attest.  Her artistic nature was also expressed  through the fancy needlework in which she "excelled"--an embroidered table cover still in her granddaughter's possession was awarded a prize at the "Annual Exposition of the King County Industrial Association" at Seattle in the fall of 1880.  On the other  hand, her scholastic abilities were probably not spectacular, as  57  Victoria. 5 8  59  S e c o n d Prospectus, St. Ann's School for Young Ladies, Humboldt Street, Archives of the Sisters of St. Ann, doc. #35-1-7.2. F l o o d family papers. D o w n , A Century of Service, p. 48.  shown by her marks on the teachers' examinations, though it is 60  interesting to note that her highest scores were achieved in composition and reading, areas that held an "honoured place in the St. Ann's curriculum."  61  The Sisters of St. Ann took pride in the lack of distinctions they made among students on the basis of race or class, and in the early days there certainly was parity to a large extent.  However,  distinctions did start to creep in when a division was made between the "Select School" and the free school, though what was taught at both may have remained quite similar.  By the mid-1870s, native and  halfbreed girls were moved to Cowichan, though differences in their educational treatment were probably relatively minimal until later in the century, when the demands of white society caused a complete separation and growing inequality (both in quantity and in quality) in both Catholic and Protestant schools.  62  Even so, the  Sisters' consciousness of their "civilizing mission," which allotted to them "the trying task of preparing the minds of Indian and halfbreed children for the rudiments of learning"  63  (which would also  include domestic training), must have had some effect on their instruction of these children.  No matter how indulgent or  affectionate they felt towards them, the Sisters would remember that "in those days, the half-breed children were not even a generation removed from savagery." 60  64  And it is hard to imagine that  R e g i s t e r of Teachers' Certificates, 1880 and  6 1  1881.  Down, A Century of Service, p. 48.  S e e Jean Barman, "Separate and Unequal: Indian and White Girls at All Hallows School, 1884-1920," in Rethinking Canada, eds. Strong-Boag and Fellman. 6 2  6 3  D o w n , A Century of Service, p. 39.  6 4  i b i d . , p. 89.  one  of t h e s e s t u d e n t s ,  education  yet  aware  t r y i n g to c o n f o r m to t h e  of h e r  could copy even such a English  adventurers,  manners  back  confusion  in h e r  Family  Statistical the  own  European  ancient  have  generally  late,  However,  in B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ,  was  country:  26.6  number never  y e a r s in 1881  I s l a n d or 2 5 . 3 and  in O n t a r i o a n d 2 2 . 3  for the  other  B.  C . w h i c h , a l o n g with the  "substantial young. as  6 7  attributed  two  generally  of  the  "The  cultivate  life"  the  without  6 5  to  civilization on  the  high  to  at  the  rude and  some  first m a r r i a g e  at  with 2 6 . 9  probably  f o r t h e s e w o m e n to  T h e r e were  regional variations  to  for the  female  with  27.9  tendency ratio  in  of w h i t e w o m e n resulted  marry,  a n d to  within t h e  d i f f e r e n c e s a c c o r d i n g to r a c e a n d r e l i g i o n .  This  6 6  high.  Edward  compared  colonial construction  B e l s h a w n o t e s that w o m e n in t h e  p a r t s of  respectively.  pressure"  relatively  in P r i n c e  (white) m a l e  in  was  marriage  other  y e a r s in 1891  frontier,  in C a n a d a  "Western  marrying was  in m o s t  provinces,  the  marriage  average age  compared  is  agents  is, a g e  c o n s i d e r a b l y lower than  20  of  conformed  that  relatively  women  mode  i n d i c a t e d that  pattern";  a n d the  heritage,  Marriage  studies  marriage  of e n d e a v o u r i n g to  "white"  self-evaluation.  on  nineteenth-century  racial  . . . s u f f e r e d t h e m to r e m a i n i g n o r a n t ,  into t h e i r  Influence  f r o m it in h e r  relatively i n n o c u o u s s t a t e m e n t a s  instead  of t h e n a t i v e s  f i n a l l y fall  distance  i d e a l s of h e r  in marry  province, as  For example,  K a m l o o p s a r e a t e n d e d to  John marry  S u s a n Suckley's school notebook, Flood family papers. E l l e n M. Thomas Gee, "Marriage in Nineteenth-Century Canada," Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 19, no. 3 (1982): 320. 6 5  66  67  P e r r y , '"Oh I'm Just Sick of the Faces of Men,'" pp. 37-40.  as  well  later t h a n t h e i r c o u n t e r p a r t s largely  related  carryover As  (though  21.5  years,  and perhaps  coal-mining community  women  generally  the  traditions).  m a r r i e d later  still at a n a v e r a g e of 2 2 . 0 9 y e a r s f r o m  respectively.  figures  suggest  individual-underlying  woman. and  he feels w a s  a  variety  marriage  w h o they would marry were  interest.  In h i s s t u d y  to  17.33  6 8  of f a c t o r s - s o c i e t a l ,  for the  all q u e s t i o n s in w h i c h m o r e  a n d their e v e n t u a l p a r t n e r s  of m a r r i a g e  familial  nineteenth-century  W h e t h e r t h e y w o u l d m a r r y at a l l , w h e n t h e y w o u l d  than the w o m e n themselves  than  1885  a n d n a t i v e w o m e n e a r l i e r t h a n white w o m e n , at a r o u n d  These and  in t h e m a r k e t p l a c e "  in K a m l o o p s , A n g l i c a n  Methodists  and  to " v a r i a t i o n s  in N a n a i m o of E n g l i s h  well,  1888),  in N a n a i m o ( a t e n d e n c y  marry, people  had an  in n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y  (eastern)  E n g l i s h C a n a d a , P e t e r W a r d points out that " l o n g after t h e y o u n g h a d assumed  t h e l e a d in m a k i n g their m a r r i a g e  their c h o i c e preserved  of p a r t n e r s  on sentiment  more than  great influence over the process  T h i s w a s achieved through a nexus  arrangements,  basing  prudence,  of t a k i n g a  society  spouse."  6 9  of r e l i g i o u s , l e g a l , a n d c o m m u n i t y  constraints. According Susan  to t h e t e n d e n c i e s  and Jessie  Suckley  (at  particular  social  N a g l e (at thirty-one a n d t w e n t y - s e v e n )  almost  older than the norm. suggestive  in their  twenty-seven)  all m a r r i e d  at a g e s  milieu,  and Susan considerably  T h e p a t h s t h e y took to arrive at that point a r e  of "the s y s t e m  of i n d i v i d u a l  choice  of p a r t n e r  under  B e l s h a w , "Cradle to Grave," pp. 51-53. The latter figures are based on extrapolations from data on first births, rather than specific marriage statistics. 68  P e t e r Ward, Courtship. Love, and Marriage in Nineteenth-Century English C a n a d a (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1990), p. 169. 69  careful the  monitoring" described  by  Davidoff  c a s e s of S u s a n a n d J e s s i e N a g l e .  in t h e i r c h o i c e s coercion.  b y their p a r e n t s ,  While  by  their  Susan  b y v i r t u e of m a r r y i n g at lengthier  and  more  circuitous  situation  was  likely t h e  ratio  with t h e  were  high  before  a  in s o c i a l  status,  prevailing norm  finally w e d d i n g . of f a c t o r s ,  high  their  and  equally respectable.  Nagle daughters  g e n e r a l l y in p o o r e c o n o m i c in g o o d s t e a d  would  b e e n suitable for t h e m ,  were  more  often  than  i n t r o d u c t i o n " to m a k e marriage very even  of t w o  fortuitous. regardless  70  Nagles  respectability  would  certain  class the  to m a r r y a n y of t h e m i n e r s f o r w h o m t h e C h u r c h of  stand them have  female  It w o u l d not b e c o n s i d e r e d s u i t a b l e f o r  E n g l a n d s o u g h t w i v e s a n d a s t a b l e f a m i l y life. Nagles were  This  The  d e m a n d that a n y s e r i o u s s u i t o r s w o u l d h a v e to b e of a  a  which  m a l e to  of w h i t e w o m e n . and  overt  society.  fit t h e  confluence  marriage  any  older sisters both took  s i m p l e e q u a t i o n of a  probable early  relatively  of  Isabel  never  both c o n d i t i o n e d a n d  colonial  the two  route  result  together u n d e r m i n e d the  the  sister  nineteen,  p a r t i c u l a r l y in  7 0  T h e y were strongly influenced  wishes were  p o s i t i o n within  and Jessie's  Hall,  though there w a s  In t u r n , their p a r e n t s '  constrained  and  with t h e  not  circumstances.  Regardless of J e s s i e ' s  This  "letters  who  of their  abilities a n d  reputation a s  one  Davidoff and Hall, Family Fortunes, p. 323.  not  be  The  considered  characters,  of "the  men  of  posts they could.  poverty" would  the  d i d not  e s p e c i a l l y g i v e n that s u c h  s c r a b b l i n g with t h e i r  in " g e n t e e l  hand,  limited p o o l of y o u n g m e n  contacts a n d gain what  people  O n the other  b e l l e s of  and the  Fraser  River,"  t h e N a g l e s i s t e r s w e r e not p o s i t i o n e d to  7 1  marry  easily. Shortly diary: me.  after  her twenty-fifth  birthday,  Susan  wrote  in  her  "I s u p p o s e p e o p l e will s o o n b e g i n to c a l l m e a n o l d m a i d . How  dreadful!!!  I a m a f r a i d that I s h a l l n e v e r g e t o v e r it,  perhaps, indeed most cheek  remark  l i k e l y , d i e of t h e c o m p l a i n t . "  notwithstanding,  she apparently  7 2  Dear but  Her tongue-in-  felt s o m e  concern  t h a t s h e w a s l e s s h e l p f u l to h e r f a m i l y in h e r s i n g l e s t a t u s t h a n  she  might  her  b e if m a r r i e d .  In p a r t i c u l a r , s h e w a n t e d t o b e a b l e to h e l p  mother, a s " P o o r M a m a n e e d s a regular c h a n g e .  I never wished  before  s o m u c h that I h a d a h o m e of m y o w n that I m i g h t b e a b l e to h a v e M a m a w i t h m e f o r a p e r f e c t rest."  H e r next w o r d s s u g g e s t that s h e  h a d t u r n e d d o w n a p r o p o s a l in t h e p a s t : foolish when  "I b e l i e v e I h a v e b e e n v e r y  I h a d e v e r y t h i n g t h a t I c o u l d w i s h in a  h o m e o f f e r e d to m e a n d not t a k e it.  comfortable  It's s t r a n g e h o w o n e ' s i d e a s  c h a n g e b e t w e e n 2 0 a n d 2 5 , at w h i c h d i g n i f i e d a g e I h a v e arrived."  now  7 3  S u s a n a n d A l g e r n o n ( A l g y ) Hill s e e m to h a v e b e c o m e e n g a g e d sometime  l a t e in  1867, though  whether  this o c c u r r e d before  h e left V i c t o r i a to s e e k a p o s t i n g in t h e C o l o n i a l S e r v i c e i s  or  after  unclear.  T h e r e is a g a p in h e r d i a r i e s b e t w e e n 1 8 6 5 a n d D e c e m b e r 1 8 6 7 , a n d A l g y h a d a l r e a d y d e p a r t e d b y t h e t i m e of h i s first m e n t i o n D e c e m b e r 9th.  on  H o w e v e r strong her feelings for him m a y h a v e  it i s p l a i n t h a t s h e h o p e d that t h e i r e v e n t u a l m a r r i a g e w o u l d  71  O r m s b y , ed., A Pioneer Gentlewoman in British Columbia, p. 7.  7 2  S A H , 9 May  7 3  ibid.  1865.  been, help  to  e a s e s o m e of t h e e c o n o m i c b u r d e n h e r p a r e n t s s u f f e r e d .  Although  A l g y d i d r e c e i v e ( p r o b a b l y l a r g e l y d u e to t h e i n f l u e n c e of P h i l i p a n d B e l l e ) a m i n o r p o s t i n g in B e l i z e , b y m i d - 1 8 6 8 a n e x p e c t e d s a l a r y i n c r e a s e to 2 0 0 p o u n d s p e r a n n u m h a d not c o m e t h r o u g h ,  which  7 4  m e a n t that his anticipated s e n d i n g for S u s a n w o u l d c o n t i n u e to d e l a y e d indefinitely.  O n e y e a r l a t e r , s h e w a s still w a i t i n g a n d  to d e s p a i r of t h i s e v e n t e v e r h a p p e n i n g .  E v e n if s h e w a s to  A l g e r n o n n o w s h e f e a r e d t h a t " o n t h e s m a l l p i t t e n c e [sic] to g e t . . .  I c o u l d d o but little t o w a r d s h e l p i n g a n y o n e  be began  marry  h e is l i k e l y  else."  7 5  B y t h i s t i m e , S u s a n h a d a l r e a d y b e g u n to h a v e s o m e d o u b t s about her engagement.  A few d a y s earlier s h e h a d  written:  s o m e t i m e s I a l m o s t r e g r e t h a v i n g e n t e r e d into t h i s e n g a g e m e n t not o n l y o n m y o w n a c c o u n t , but o n h i s , I d a r e s a y it is a g r e a t d r a g o n h i m , f e e l i n g b o u n d to a n d yet without a n y p r o s p e c t of m a r r y i n g , a n d after all p e r h a p s t h e b e s t t h i n g I c a n d o is to tell h i m s o , a d d i n g cryptically, influences tell."  me  "there  a little,  is p e r h a p s a n o t h e r  but  I will  not  reason  which  w r i t e it e v e n h e r e , t i m e  will  N o c l u e s a s to w h a t t h i s " r e a s o n " m i g h t h a v e b e e n a r e  7 6  e v i d e n t in s u b s e q u e n t e n t r i e s . teaching  In J u l y of t h e s a m e y e a r s h e b e g a n  at Y a l e , still w i s h i n g that " s o m e t h i n g c o u l d b e  settled."  W h e n s h e h e a r d t h a t J e s s i e ' s e n g a g e m e n t w a s l i k e l y to b e b r o k e n s h e c o m m e n t e d that " s h e h a s b e e n very unfortunate  7 4  S A H , 26 May  in h e r l o v e  1868.  S A H , 7 April 1869. Algy's fate seemed to be tied to Philip Hankin's at this time. Philip was in Victoria, but it looked as though he might soon leave. If he had stayed, Algy might also have ended up at a post there. 7 5  7 6  S A H , 2 April  1869.  off,  affairs; [sic]  I am  b e g i n n i n g rather to d e s p a i r a b o u t  rather  hopeless."  Finally,  in J u l y  mine  I am  meeting."  1870  Susan  equivocal. off t h e  A response  7 8  S h e sought  engagement. it s e e m s v e r y  w r o t e to tell A l g y s h e  it.  of  determined  e v i d e n t that h e h a s  H e fancied  intention  d i d not c o m e until O c t o b e r ,  This she  matter s o  marrying  someone  a n d it  of was  a d v i s e d to  break  to d o , c l a i m i n g that:  lost a  I won't  I w i s h e d to b r e a k  thought  no p r o s p e c t  her mother's opinion, a n d was  of h i s i n t e r e s t in the to  its  7 7  t h e i r e n g a g e m e n t s h o u l d b e b r o k e n "as t h e r e s e e m s our  afraid  great  keep  it off with  else,  this  part  him the  certainly  is not the c a s e & h a d h e b e e n w o r k i n g a n d s h o w i n g that h e w a s waited  any  d o i n g the b e s t h e c o u l d I w o u l d n u m b e r of y e a r s for h i m , but a s  is b e t t e r at a n e n d Although anxiety  this w a s  about  her action,  her  to  previous  proposal,  her  she  continued  to f e e l  some  a s for a while s h e s e e m s to h a v e Algy,  d i e d of  long afterwards,  "re-consider"  it is it  9  about  of h i m or h a d  Not  7  h e r final d e c i s i o n ,  p l a g u e d with d r e a m s treatment  have  Susan  in w h i c h h e c o m p l a i n e d of disappointment.  had  her  8 0  n o t e d that " M r . H o l m e s " h a d  decision, thus  which she  been  o b v i o u s l y a l l u d i n g to  refused.  S h e justified her  asked a refusal  o n t h e b a s i s that "altho I feel h e is a g o o d m a n a n d n o d o u b t w d . d o his  b e s t to  will  marry  being.  8 1  7 7  make him."  me She  h a p p y , still I c a n t [sic] was  still a n x i o u s  b r i n g m y s e l f to s a y I  about  Algernon's  D a v i d H o l m e s , no doubt i m p r e s s e d by S u s a n ' s  S A H , 14 December 1869; 13 May 1870.  7 8  S A H , 12 July 1870.  7 9  S A H , 17 October 1870.  8 0  S A H , 5 October and 31 October 1870.  8 1  S A H , 15 December 1870.  well-  pious  nature,  made  one  more  try f o r t h e  a t t e m p t e a r l y in 1871.  n e x t two  months  to  like h i m , s o  I c a n forget the past a n d d o s o , that s h e  thought  would make affection." unknown,  "a k i n d affect,  so, and  although she perhaps  perhaps  o n the  subject  D a v i d (to w h o m s h e  She  admitted  her accept,  but s h e  d i d c o n f i d e that "I think I a m  love any o n e a g a i n . "  1  was  are  8 2  as  Mr. Holmes)  still u n a b l e to  b e g i n n i n g to  do  'like' h i m ,  I h a v e felt & s a i d I  T w o d a y s afterwards,  8 3  who  his  this time  out.  to  of that t i m e if  little h a s t y "  still r e f e r r e d  it m a y e n d in m y loving h i m , tho  w[oul]d n e v e r  a  at  next p a g e of the d i a r y w a s torn  "tried h a r d " to m a k e  end  "promised  h u s b a n d to o n e w h o c o u l d return  H e r further thoughts a s the  at t h e  I a m to m a r r y h i m . "  h i m " a truly g o o d m a n  In F e b r u a r y , again  T h i s time, S u s a n  she  exclaimed: Well,  I've  been gone  & d o n e i t - W h e t h e r for g o o d  or b a d , I a m e n g a g e d to M r . H o l m e s . quite  r e a l i z e that  I d o n e right?  I really h a v e  quite  healed,  to f o r g e t him  S h e felt s u r e thought to  it.  [sic]  word,  have  not d e c e i v e d h i m  H e know[s] the o l d w o u n d is not  but is s a t i s f i e d that  it--and perhaps  more  s a i d the  I hope so--l have  a s to m y f e e l i n g s  I cant  t h a n f o r the  may  other.  I will d o  e n d in m y c a r i n g  best for  8 4  h e r p a r e n t s w o u l d b e g l a d , for s h e  o n l y of h e r h a p p i n e s s ,  my  a n d w o u l d rejoice  believed  they  in a n y t h i n g that l e d  8 5  This engagement expressed  some  w a s not to b e a l o n g o n e .  doubts  ( m a i n l y in the  8 2  S A H , 5 January 1871.  8 3  S A H , 17 February 1871.  8 4  S A H , 19 February 1871.  8 5  S A H , 20 February 1871.  S u s a n still  f o r m of p r e s e n t i m e n t s  that  she  w o u l d n e v e r b e m a r r i e d ) , but o v e r t h e next two m o n t h s  r e p o r t e d g o i n g o n a n u m b e r of p l e a s a n t w a l k s with D a v i d , time s h e "my  w e n t to V i c t o r i a in April s h e  dear  were  David."  Yale.  e v e n i n g for a f e w d a y s  least  she  perhaps  1867,  she was  San  would  Nagle seems expressed  f o r that  the c o u r s e  for  19th,  r e f e r to  him  before  as  a n d they  leaving again  in N e w W e s t m i n s t e r  to h a v e  that  returning  to  reason,  her  parents  a p p a r e n t l y not  miss  more  i n c l i n e d to " s e n s i b i l i t y "  were  more  o l d a n d e n g a g e d to J a m e s M o o r h e a d .  h e r first e n g a g e m e n t ,  later in t h e  d i r e c t l y i n v o l v e d in  W h e n h e r d i a r y o p e n e d in e a r l y  w a s twenty-two y e a r s  Francisco  been  s u c h f e e l i n g s m o r e f r e e l y in h e r d i a r y ) a n d ,  of h e r r o m a n t i c life.  year she  for w h e n J a m e s  a d m i t t e d that, a l t h o u g h  he  is p a s s i o n a t e l y f o n d of m e , too f o n d ,  for  I cannot  return  it with s u c h  m u c h attached  ardor,  to h i m a s  c a l l e d & that I've b e e n e n g a g e d no  how I wish  h e is to m e , s h a l l  d i f f e r e n c e in h i s f e e l i n g s t o w a r d s  me,  b y t h e e n d of t h e y e a r their e n g a g e m e n t  not  directly by J e s s i e ,  [ J a m e s ] b e i n g a b l e to m a r r y . " 1  not r e g r e t this e v e n t ,  8 8  was  James yet.  b r o k e n off, t h o u g h  "there w a s  S A H , 7-25 June 1871. J e s s i e Nagle, 10 May 1867.  "that  no prospect  he of his  F o r h e r part, J e s s i e i n s i s t e d that  r e a s o n i n g that "I o u g h t not to  S A H , 20 April 1871.  8 8  h a d written to J a m e s  [ J e r e m i a h ] w i s h e d it to b e s o " b e c a u s e  8 7  dear  do d e s e r v e more love than I c a n give y o u  for J e r e m i a h  it is  b e f o r e , but it m a k e s  But  8 6  she  I tell h i m  I e v e r b e , h e k n o w s h e is not m y first l o v e , a s  you  left  him,  I was as  did  a n d by the  8 7  Jessie  This  to  D a v i d f o l l o w e d h e r to V i c t o r i a in J u n e ,  m a r r i e d quietly by D e a n C r i d g e o n the  same  (at  8 6  h a d started  she  have  she  accepted  him, I thought  m a r r y , but a b s e n c e  I respected  n e v e r c a r e d for m e in s p i t e of all h i s  to h a v e  b e e n m u c h sought-after,  a n d within  h a d a n o t h e r p r o p o s a l , this time f r o m M r . B u r n a b y , a  considerably  older than  herself.  Unfortunately, s h e  unlikely e v e r to b e a b l e to  s u f f i c i e n t l y f o r h i m to  him," although s h e  marry  man did  "care  felt that s h e  could  trust h i m , m o r e t h a n s h e c o u l d s a y for m a n y m e n s h e d i d l i k e .  9 0  M r . B u r n a b y w a s d i s a p p o i n t e d , leaving the d o o r o p e n for M r .  B e r k e l e y (Willie), a f r i e n d f r o m h e r d a y s accepted into a  h i s p r o p o s a l in D e c e m b e r  crisis a few months  in N e w W e s t m i n s t e r .  1869,  $ 4 0 0 from the T r e a s u r y . "  later w h e n W i l l i e ,  herself  turmoil  of  was  H e r parents  "wretched."  emotion,  9 1  an  accountant,  were  pulled  b e g g e d h e r not to e n d t h e e n g a g e m e n t ,  w a n t i n g b o t h to  their w o r d s a n d actions brother-in-law  (Belle  in all d i r e c t i o n s .  while her parents  d e f e n d W i l l i e to  Philip)  angry  her  and  Willie  a r g u e d with  b o t h of t h e m a l s o e x p r e s s i n g  to h i m a s  and  told  " h e h a d lost  both extremely  d i s p l e a s u r e to W i l l i e in n o u n c e r t a i n t e r m s . between  ran  F o r t h e next f e w m o n t h s s h e w a s in a  feeling herself  e q u a l p a s s i o n f o r h e r to d o s o ,  She  but t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p  that t h e m a r r i a g e w o u l d h a v e to b e p o s t p o n e d b e c a u s e  she  a  felt that s h e  not u n d e r s t a n d h i m a n d w a s  Thus,  has  8 9  Jessie appears year she  h i m s u f f i c i e n t l y to  h a s s h o w n m e that I d o not, a n d I'm s u r e h e  e i t h e r c h a n g e d or h e h a s protestations."  & esteemed  Jessie was her  their " d u t y . " also  became  parents  torn  a n d to justify  Her sister involved  their  on  and Willie's  s i d e , c a u s i n g J e s s i e a g o o d d e a l of a n g u i s h a s t h e y m a n i p u l a t e d h e r " J e s s i e Nagle, 22 December 1867. 9 0  J e s s i e Nagle, 30 November 1868; 4 April 1869.  9 1  Jessie Nagle, 22 April 1870.  into s e e i n g to c o m e her  W i l l i e at their h o u s e  to their h o m e .  feelings  troubled  had forbidden him  B e l l e a n d P h i l i p ' s l a c k of c o n s i d e r a t i o n  her,  b r e a k off t h e e n g a g e m e n t , think that I o u g h t to s e e I d o not w a n t to s e e  after h e r p a r e n t s  especially and she  after s h e  finally  c o m p l a i n e d that t h e y  h i m a n d yet t h e y m i g h t . "  9 2  right o r w r o n g  arrival f r o m Y a l e ;  h e r s e l f wrote,  although  August.  was  . . . t h e r e is o n l y o n e s a t i s f a c t i o n  the  situation w h e n J e s s i e ' s  diary entries  Their marriage  died  in D e c e m b e r  shortly  was  a p p a r e n t l y m a r r i e d with  not to  last  birth of their o n l y c h i l d  after t h e  of  as  the  also  e n d e d in  Philip H a n k i n h a d p a i d t h e a m o u n t ,  In a n y c a s e , t h e y w e r e  who  done  to  h e h a d o f f e r e d to d o .  d i d not s u r v i v e t h e  the  somehow  Perhaps  Jessie  I've  it w o u l d a p p e a r that h e h a d m a n a g e d  family's blessing.  Susan  9 3  c l e a r u p his p r o b l e m s .  as  both  been  in it a n d that is that  S i n c e s h e a n d Willie d i d e v e n t u a l l y m a r r y ,  the following year,  to  had done  "I d o not k n o w w h e t h e r  b o t h P a p a a n d M a m a w i s h e d m e to d o i t . " This  "seem  S h e must have  a n d C a t h e r i n e s y m p a t h i z e d with her, t h e y told h e r s h e She  to  h i m or rather . . . t h e y c a n ' t u n d e r s t a n d w h y  particularly glad for S u s a n ' s  right t h i n g .  decided  for  birth)  in  long, (a  however,  daughter  1873.  A l t h o u g h S u s a n S u c k l e y ' s f a t h e r h a d not b e e n a p h y s i c a l presence  in h e r life a n d h a d p r o b a b l y n e v e r g i v e n h e r a n y  instructions  or a d v i c e ,  was  nevertheless  from  George  in h e r f a t h e r ' s  his i n f l u e n c e o n at  quite definitive.  In 1875,  S u c k l e y ' s l a w y e r in w h i c h t h e will w e r e  laid out.  9 2  J e s s i e Nagle, 12 July 1870.  9 3  J e s s i e Nagle, 18 July 1870.  least s o m e  She  was  Susan  direct  of h e r  choices  received  provisions m a d e left $ 1 0 0 0 . 0 0  a  letter  for  her  (not  a  huge  sum,  but at t h e t i m e w h a t s h e  c o u p l e of y e a r s a s was  to  receive  might h a v e e x p e c t e d  a t e a c h e r ) in trust, u n d e r c e r t a i n  payment  of this s u m u p o n " m a r r i a g e  a p p r o v e d b y the trustees."  interest  p a i d to  principal  to a w h i t e  She man  nineteen  not a p p r o v e d b y  m o n e y w a s to b e i n v e s t e d b y t h e t r u s t e e s a n d her throughout  u n d e r the  her  life o r until s h e  previously stipulated  without a p p r o v a l , a n d died divided  or m a r r i e d s o m e o n e  a  conditions.  If s h e d i d not m a r r y b y a g e  (which s h e h a d already passed), the trustees, the  to e a r n o v e r  equally a m o n g the  conditions.  leaving children, the children.  received If s h e  the  the married  principal would  T h e lawyer,  be  Mr. Tillotson,  was  to b e t h e s o l e t r u s t e e ; h e c o n c l u d e d b y s a y i n g , "I regret that I c a n n o t p a y o v e r the  m o n e y to y o u , but the d i r e c t i o n s in t h e  explicit,  I am  that  contemplated  by the  In t h i s w a y , control over The  use  arrangements, particular  nineteenth a  place."  Suckley was  in c h o o s i n g a  because  practical as  contingency  a b l e to  exert significant hardly knew him.  to p r o v i d e f o r f e m a l e  century.  9 5  marriage  kin w a s  quite  B e s i d e s b e i n g , like o t h e r  of n o t i o n s  other  so  9 4  life, e v e n t h o u g h s h e  manifestation  provision carried  it until t h e  of f e m a l e  implications.  p o t e n t i a l o p t i o n not to m a r r y at  autonomy not just  George  his d a u g h t e r ' s  in t h e  retain  will s h a l l t a k e  of trust a r r a n g e m e n t s  common  Susan's  c o m p e l l e d to  will a r e  dependence,  Not  only  all d e c r e a s e d ,  partner w a s  such  limited.  this  was  but a l s o  her  This was  of t h e f i n a n c i a l a s p e c t ( t h o u g h f o r s o m e o n e  S u s a n a p p e a r s to h a v e b e e n , this a l o n e w o u l d h a v e  so  as been  L e t t e r from G . Tillotson to Susan Suckley, 20 August 1875, Flood family papers. Tillotson did not explain why he was only then (six years after George's death) informing her of these terms, but it was probably connected to the death of Rutsen. 94  9 5  S e e Davidoff and Hall, Family Fortunes, pp. 209-215.  quite compelling); there would undoubtedly also psychological wishes  as  concern  d i m e n s i o n to t h e  expressed  pressure  in his will.  marriage  his part,  George  originated  "respectability" "middle-class"  his c o n c e r n  was  possible.  she  longed. s t i p u l a t i o n of  daughter's  become  as  "white"  T h e c o n d i t i o n s of h i s will  that, w h e n it c a m e d o w n to a c h o i c e , S u s a n w o u l d opt to white,"  and  to  be  to  force  that  passed the  her  children's lives were  within a  white c o n t e x t .  construction  father's  a g o o d e d u c a t i o n by the  for his  a n d f r o m a d e s i r e f o r h e r to as  her  S u c k l e y probably v i e w e d the  from  a  a f t e r a l l , i n d i c a t i o n s of  acknowledgement  to a white m a n in t h e s a m e light a s  nuns--both  been  c o n f o r m to  T h e y were,  from a figure for w h o s e  For  to  have  therefore  He was  of h i s d e s c e n d a n t s '  ensured  "become  even  more  deliberately identities  and  likely  attempting  in a  certain  direction. Of  course,  such  limitations o n t h e  were  in p l a c e f o r w o m e n like the  were  much  interracial been  or  marriage  T h e societal  outside  sufficient for t h e m  well,  not  partners  but  they  injunctions  against  of o n e ' s  class  even  imagine violating  to  would  have  A h a l f b r e e d girl, o n the o t h e r h a n d , might b e t h o u g h t to overt  Susan  guidance  in this matter.  Suckley's choices  Nagles,  were  more  in o t h e r w a y s t h e y w e r e  of g r o w i n g u p in a s t a b l e father,  of m a r r i a g e  Nagle sisters as  implicit f o r t h e m .  marriage  considered  them. more  more  choice  Yet,  restricted  less so.  extreme,  James  than  those  ways of  Not having h a d the  household headed  S u s a n w o u l d certainly never h a v e  c o l o n i a l elite, a s  a l t h o u g h in s o m e  the benefit  by a prominent white  b e e n a b l e to  Douglas' daughters  need  did.  At the  marry  into  other  h e r p o t e n t i a l h u s b a n d h a d to b e a p p r o v e d b y t h e  trustee,  the  0  112 a n d a s s u c h c o u l d not h a v e b e e n t o o " l o w " o r r o u g h a p e r s o n . way,  her father's  will  likely a l s o protected  (In t h i s  her against the fate  m a n y m i x e d - b l o o d w o m e n of t h e t i m e , t h a t i s , t o b e t r e a t e d "concubines"  by white  m e n w i t h o u t t h e s e c u r i t i e s of  of  as  marriage.)  H o w e v e r , t h e t r u s t e e w o u l d p r o b a b l y not b e t o o c i r c u m s p e c t  in  approving a h u s b a n d , a s long a s he w a s reasonably respectable a n d white. It is u n k n o w n w h e t h e r S u s a n h a d a n y a t t a c h m e n t s b e f o r e met William Flood.  L i v i n g in t h e c o n v e n t m o s t of t h e t i m e ,  o p p o r t u n i t i e s to d o s o m u s t h a v e b e e n f e w . relationship  with William must  the  In a n y c a s e , h e r  have started  a r r i v e d at F o r t H o p e in t h e s p r i n g of 1 8 8 1 .  she  not  long  after  she  S o m e of t h e e n t r i e s in  h e r a u t o g r a p h b o o k f r o m t h e s u m m e r of that y e a r  (presumably  w r i t t e n w h e n s h e w a s b a c k in V i c t o r i a to t a k e t h e t e a c h e r s ' examination)  m a d e v e i l e d r e f e r e n c e s to h e r r o m a n t i c  connection.  H o w m u c h of t h e c o n n e c t i o n w a s r o m a n t i c a n d h o w m u c h i s d i f f i c u l t to  ascertain.  T h e p r a c t i c a l e l e m e n t s (for  both  pragmatic sides)  r e a d i l y a p p a r e n t , but it s e e m s t h e r e m u s t h a v e b e e n s o m e t h i n g r o m a n c e there too. (in a d i f f e r e n t Alphabet? the  c o l o u r of ink):  Ans.  romantic  A m o n g h e r p a g e s of c o p i e d r i d d l e s , S u s a n  are  of wrote  " W h e n a r e t h e r e o n l y 2 5 l e t t e r s in t h e  W h e n W & I are o n e . "  9 6  T h a t s h e s h a r e d in m a n y of  p r e o c c u p a t i o n s of h e r p e e r s is e v i d e n t in t h e  notes,  a u t o g r a p h s , a n d o t h e r bits a n d p i e c e s s h e k e p t , a s w e l l a s in t h e sentimental poetry s h e c o p i e d a n d wrote.  T h e c o m m u n i t y at  Fort  H o p e a p p e a r s to h a v e v i e w e d S u s a n a n d W i l l i a m ' s c o u r t s h i p in t h i s  9 6  S u s a n Suckley's "Pacific Diary," Flood family papers.  way as  well.  includes  A n a n o n y m o u s p o e m a b o u t t h e t o w n d u r i n g this p e r i o d  the  Of  following  all t h e  lines:  s c h o o l m a r m s that h e l d  Among  the  Misses  Miller,  rest we'll  ne'er  forget  Suckley, Smith and  T w o b e i n g c a u g h t in C u p i d ' s At least s h e married  a  what  adjustments  net.  King,  9 7  d i d not h a v e to s u f f e r t h r o u g h a l o n g e n g a g e m e n t ,  within  To  sway,  year  extent  of  meeting  were  for t h e m ?  these  Carroll  being  William. women's  marriages  difficult  Smith-Rosenberg suggests  that:  If m e n a n d w o m e n g r e w u p a s t h e y d i d in relatively h o m o g e n e o u s groups,  then  problem we  interpret  distance  marriage porary  and segregated represented  in a d j u s t m e n t .  could  and  marriage  as  that a  of t h e  associate  structural  sex-role  socialization.  F r o m this  much we  a  sexual  major  perspective  emotional with  consequence  differentiation a n d  With marriage  stiffness  Victorian of  contem-  gender-role  both w o m e n a n d  men  h a d to a d j u s t to life with a p e r s o n w h o w a s , in essence,  a m e m b e r of a n a l i e n g r o u p .  However,  in a  society  relatively  few  opportunities for f e m a l e  barriers  (societal  of d i f f e r e n t r a c e s economic home,  the  means  and were  w h e r e white w o m e n in p a r t i c u l a r h a d  s e l f - i m p o s e d ) to so  strong,  f o r their f e m a l e  9 9  companionship, where association  extent a s  between  the  women  and where few families h a d  members  i d e o l o g y of " s e p a r a t e s p h e r e s "  itself to q u i t e t h e s a m e  9 8  to  w i t h d r a w into  p r o b a b l y d i d not  it m a y h a v e e l s e w h e r e .  the  the  manifest Both  S u s a n a n d J e s s i e N a g l e h a d a n u m b e r of m a l e f r i e n d s , i n d e e d s o m e  97  F o r g i n g a New Hope, p. 284.  98  Smith-Rosenberg, "Love and Ritual," p. 28.  " S e e Perry, '"Oh I'm Just Sick of the Faces of Men,'" pp. 40-42.  quite and  close  friends,  on picnics.  a convent  book.  St.  however,  Fort  Hope  was  There  for ten  e v i d e n t f r o m the  autograph Ann's;  (She  the t i m e  relatively  years,  numerous  between  by m e n  in  so  other  it s e e m s  the  the  past and so Susan  problems. a d m i t t e d to  that e v e n t  and her  hand, she  was  likely s h e  relatively  may  had adapted  have  Nagle apparently  Suckley fared  Following her marriage  at the  became  attributes  1 0 0  were  given was  S A H , 23 November 1871.  Susan  very  mid-century, that the  not g o o d a n d  case."  p r e v a i l i n g a s s e s s m e n t of m a l e a n d f e m a l e  women  difficulties.  she  my giving way  by the  through  the  also  not quite u n d e r s t a n d  acquaintance  that,  h e l p in h e r  likely  "part  sexes  in  adjustment  S h e feared  varied  asserts  with m e n ,  a  task.  some  her health w a s  b e i n g "low s p i r i t e d at t i m e s . "  natural) a n d  n e w to  had some  did experience  to b e i n g c r o s s , w h i c h is far f r o m b e i n g the  Theriot  at  to e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n s  m a y h a v e b e e n fairly a d e p t  is q u i t e  h a d left  arrival  not m a r r i e d l o n g b e f o r e s h e  D a v i d u n h a p p y , e x p l a i n i n g that " h e d o e s (which  her  S h e h a d not k n o w n h e r h u s b a n d l o n g  In a d d i t i o n , s h e  On  young  male  S h e d i d not h a v e the benefit of h e r o w n m o t h e r ' s  situation.  helped  Susan  had  is n o i n f o r m a t i o n a v a i l a b l e o n h o w S u s a n  community,  feel  entries  have  Even  apparently  riding,  short.)  before they married and was  new  walking, horseback  m a y h a v e met t h e s e m e n o n l y after s h e  in a d a p t i n g to m a r r i e d life.  mother.  went  with the w a y s of the o p p o s i t e s e x .  living at  acquaintances,  they  T h e i r multiple r e l a t i o n s h i p s s h o u l d a l s o  to a c q u a i n t t h e m Suckley,  with w h o m  1 0 0  still  "natures." of t h e  were so  made  how I  and  Despite  was  she  crying her  affected Nancy  message different f r o m  each  o t h e r that c o m m u n i c a t i o n  and  mutual  understanding  were  between  w o m e n a n d m e n . . . Y o u n g w o m e n learned, from the  at  and  large  emotional this  from  support  divergence  m a r r i e d life. difficulty month  their  own  or understanding  was  part  It m a y h a v e  with  this  a f t e r this  family situations,  of t h e  by P r o v i d e n c e  and  we cannot s e e  now.  woman's  appeared  she  wrote,  "my marrying  it is p o s s i b l e t h e r e m a y  have  important  in the  although  their  changing, most  with  families  closely  a  and Susan  immediate  and  into h e r  A n a c c e p t a n c e of into  David  her  having  more  than  was  a  ordained  r e a s o n s for it w h i c h  " f a m i l y of  often  the  in A u g u s t  origin" w e r e  connected  to  relationships  b y h e r f a t h e r (or  St.  Despite  mother's  his a g e n t s ) ,  a  Suckley's  At v a r i o u s  times  family, then  within  group  of  was  a  she  was  to  a n d finally to t h e  his p h y s i c a l a b s e n c e f r o m h e r life, h e r  influence on her was  she  Suckley,  encompassed  N a g l e ' s family c o m p r i s e d  her  1 0 2  extremely  Nagle and S u s a n  " s u r r o g a t e " entity.  1874,  us."  David.  b l o o d kin, while S u s a n  appointed Ann.  little  h a p p y a s this l e a v e s  life with  l i v e s of both S u s a n  differed vastly.  closely-knit  be  culture  I think w e a r e v e r y well s u i t e d to e a c h o t h e r . . .  settled  Relationships  them  little  h e r next s u r v i v i n g d i a r y o p e n e d ,  to  1 0 1  acculturation  nevertheless,  m a y t h e e n d of t h e next [year] find u s a s B y the time  men."  expect  b e e n the c a s e that S u s a n w a s  adaptation;  entry,  from  to  rare  non-relatives Sisters  of  father's  profound.  Nancy M. Theriot, Mothers and Daughters in Nineteenth-Century America: The Biosocial Construction of Femininity (Lexington: the University Press of Kentucky, 1996), p. 67. S A H , 31 December 1871. 1 0 1  1 0 2  T h e i n f l u e n c e s of b o t h S u s a n s ' f a m i l i e s c a n and  content  specifics  of their e d u c a t i o n .  of S u s a n  received her  a  destiny were did  not  she more was  m i d d l e - c l a s s kind of e d u c a t i o n ,  women  in t e r m s  also  seems  the to  fully.  of t h e i r  direct  have  but  had  areas,  to  the  means  also to  aid  over  however,  her  sister  their  their  Susan Jessie  Nagle  d i d , but  in t h e  S u c k l e y ' s father's  options  matter  influence  potent. for the  most  life, t h o u g h t h e r e is a n  their  that  Susan  part  marriages.  left a s i d e  the  question  obvious interconnection  T h e next c h a p t e r  h o w t h e s e two w o m e n functioned a s after  a  internalized her family's interests  it a n d f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s .  and  self-control  marriages;  interference  the  Susan Suckley  partly a s  form  society.  some  eventual  discussion has  of e c o n o m i c  white  in t h e  conformed  b y their f a m i l y c i r c u m s t a n c e s .  A s in o t h e r  indirect  into  ostensibly  constrained  face  This  it c l e a r l y  girl of h e r b a c k g r o u n d .  hoped-for absorption Both  W h i l e little is k n o w n of  Nagle's education,  typical e d u c a t i o n for a  be s e e n  will t a k e u p t h e  economic  agents,  between  issue  both  of  before  CHAPTER FOUR: ECONOMIC IDENTITIES  D e s p i t e the  Victorian  m i d d l e - c l a s s i d e a l of  a  "separate  s p h e r e " f o r w o m e n w h i c h e n c o m p a s s e d t h e d o m e s t i c a s p e c t s of to the  e x c l u s i o n of a n y e c o n o m i c i n v o l v e m e n t ,  many  nineteenth-century  e c o n o m i c life. active  women  it is d o u b t f u l  r e m a i n e d p u r e of t h e t a i n t  life  that of  Certainly, both S u s a n H o l m e s a n d S u s a n F l o o d w e r e  1  participants  in t h e i r  financial  and  non-financial  virtually  i m p o s s i b l e to  families'  economic  capacities.  completely  While  l i v e s , in  both  r e c o g n i z i n g that  disentangle  the  economic  it from  o t h e r a s p e c t s of a life ( a s V i c t o r i a n i d e o l o g y d e s i r e d to d o ) , in chapter  I w o u l d l i k e to e x a m i n e s o m e of t h e w a y s in w h i c h  participation Once  took  both similarities  e a r n e d s a l a r i e s a s t e a c h e r s ; later,  Before  both  a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d in b u y i n g a n d s e l l i n g l a n d , a n i n t e r e s t  lives  strictly  her father.  financial-while  family  income was  nature  of t h e i r  to  searching  an ever-present  for  various  some  economic  their  each  may  c o n s t r a i n e d by legal, s o c i a l , a n d cultural  their of  evolving  d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r  T h e i r c h o i c e s of w o r k  activities  were  limitations.  the  were  sources  preoccupation, the  h o u s e h o l d work a n d the family  perform  in  N o r w a s t h e e c o n o m i c s i d e of  n o l e s s a f a c t o r in t h e f a m i l y e c o n o m y . ability  this  and differences  w a y s the two w o m e n functioned a s e c o n o m i c agents.  h a v e inherited from  this  place.  again, there were  marriages, both  is  was  and  undoubtedly T h e s e are  also  1 n d e e d , the wife's function within marriage, the base of middle-class society, was inherently economic, both in terms of symbolic value and of connections between families as economic entities. See Davidoff and Hall, Family Fortunes. 1  117  a  part of their e x p e r i e n c e  with  their  actual  Teaching  in  studies  North A m e r i c a have  of  schoolteaching  occupation,  " f e m i n i z a t i o n " of t e a c h i n g , and  the  of t h e s e s y s t e m s . the  majority  last  century  school  of  method. against spheres  the  include  eventually  the y o u n g e r grades,  of  among  public s c h o o l  and  during the  tendency  of  hierarchalization  of w o m e n .  latter  became  part  as  a  biases  i d e o l o g y of  separate  m o b i l i z e d in f a v o u r of hiring w o m e n  since s u c h a task could be constructed an  the  cost-cutting  a n y lingering  I n d e e d , the  merely  of  financially-constrained  teachers  could help o v e r c o m e  sexual  extension  of  as  to  teach  a  women's  role.  Later the  changing  connections  development  teachers  the  "mothering" function, a n d thus natural  a n d o n the  v i e w hiring w o m e n  employment  was  nineteenth-century  bureaucratization  primary school  to  in  T h e r e a s o n s g i v e n to e x p l a i n w h y w o m e n  2  S u c h concerns  3  the  increasing  usually  boards  along  British C o l u m b i a  o f t e n f o c u s e d o n a s p e c t s of t h e  d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r in the  systems,  be considered  activities.  Nineteenth-Century  Historical  the  in this a r e a , a n d m u s t  studies  complexity  consideration  called  of t h e social,  more  attention  phenomenon economic,  to t h e  need  of f e m i n i z a t i o n .  and  cultural  factors  to  acknowledge  These such  took as  into  marital  D i s c u s s i o n s of the "feminization of teaching" in the Canadian (or British North American) context can be found in: Alison Prentice, "The Feminization of Teaching in British North America and Canada 1845-1875," Social History 8. no. 15 (1975); Marta Danylewicz, Beth Light, and Alison Prentice, "The Evolution of the Sexual Division of Labour in Teaching: A Nineteenth-Century Ontario and Quebec Case Study," Social History 16, no. 31 (May 1983); and Marta Danylewicz and Alison Prentice, "Teachers, Gender, and Bureaucratizing School Systems in Nineteenth Century Montreal and Toronto," History of Education Quarterly 24, no. 1 (Spring 1984). 2  Prentice, "The Feminization of Teaching," p. 7. As Prentice notes (p. 12), "low pay and status were probably a condition of female employment in the first place." 3  and  h o u s e h o l d status,  regional  variations.  ethnicity, a n d a g e In the  4  device."  to a  degree  lesser  there  were  also  as  well  as  British C o l u m b i a c o n t e x t , J e a n  s u g g e s t s that " f e m i n i z a t i o n m a y explanatory  structure,  have  Barman  been overemphasized as  In B . C , t h e p r o c e s s  occurred more slowly and  t h a n in E n g l a n d or t h e  significant differences  an  rest of N o r t h A m e r i c a ;  between  rural  and  urban  a r e a s a n d a m o n g teachers d e p e n d i n g on w h e n they were hired. Furthermore, character more  " f e m i n i z a t i o n of  of t e a c h i n g  reflective The  of m o s t 1872  occupation,"  urban/rural  situation  in  necessarily  as  retention  split t h a n  of  British C o l u m b i a  a  publicly-funded  rules,  teachers'  the  occupation  centralized  control  S c h o o l in 1 9 0 1 . vocation "select"  certification  until  Thus,  in B . C . w a s themselves  passing  (even  the  differed from  school  appointments,  was  still  establishment  minimally) the  the  school  free  first  from  examination  overt  Normal as  a could  s i m p l y b y d e c i d i n g to  teachers'  that  system  " p e c u l i a r l y v o l u n t a r y " ; that is, t e a c h e r s occupation  5  regulated  and  relatively of  were  divisions.  b e t w e e n t h o s e two d a t e s , t e a c h i n g  for the  Nevertheless,  6  of t e a c h e r  the  P u b l i c S c h o o l A c t of  non-sectarian  and  alter  rates  gender  B o a r d a n d S u p e r i n t e n d e n t of E d u c a t i o n w h i c h  curricula,  year.  an  d i d not  rest of C a n a d a in that, w h i l e t h e  established  with a  and  of t h e  particular  of t h e  as  itself  set  w h i l e t h e b a c k g r o u n d s of t e a c h e r s m a y  write  every have  S e e Danylewicz, Light, and Prentice, "The Evolution of the Sexual Division of Labour in Teaching," and Marta Danylewicz and Alison Prentice, "Revising the History of Teachers: A Canadian Perspective," Interchange 17, no. 2 (Summer 1986). 4  J e a n Barman, "Birds of Passage or Early Professionals? Teachers in Late Nineteenth-Century British Columbia," Historical Studies in Education 2, no. 1 (1990): 17-18. 5  6  ibid.  broadened did  somewhat  become  during these years,  teachers  indicates  t e a c h e r s in p u b l i c s c h o o l s homogeneous  Teaching  group.  Before  the most Jessie  took  milieu  predating the  occupational  more  one  her  minded In  her  j o b within t h e  were  a  earlier  although  middle-class  Neither s e e m e d thus  matter  of f i n a n c i a l  lacked  breeding  status),  than  said  relatively  performed her teaching  little  their  exigency,  type  they of were  educational  the  w h o w o u l d later p r e d o m i n a t e Susan  overly  financial m e a n s ,  and  of  educational  In this s e n s e ,  nineteenth-century  they  probably  i n d i c a t i n g that  and "accomplishments"  maintaining  diaries,  under which she  and  choice  was  less-organized  teacher,  mainly a  of the  who,  their  teachers  existed  Nagle a n d her sister  result of a n y s e n s e of v o c a t i o n .  (and  actually  remarkably  capacity  Both S u s a n  work as  b a c k g r o u n d in both b a s i c s livelihood  in s o m e  Public School Act.  exemplary  to . p a r l a y  still  y o u n g w o m e n w h o h a d little  living, t e a c h i n g  choices  "schoolmistresses" able  educated  than  about  r a t h e r t h a n the were  in B . C . r e m a i n e d a  o b v i o u s route to t a k e .  enthusiastic  barriers  of w h o  1872  a  more  many  analysis  7  For reasonably but to try to e a r n  that  an  into a more  in t h e about  means  of  professionallyfield. the  8  conditions  w o r k or, i n d e e d a b o u t  the  l n her research on pioneer teachers in B. C , Jean Barman has found few instances of teachers who did not fit the white "middle-class" or even Protestant (outside of the Catholic institutions) norms. Profiles of pioneer teachers and a discussion of their motivations are provided in Jean Barman, "British Columbia's Pioneer Teachers," in Children. Teachers and Schools in the History of British Columbia, eds. Jean Barman, Neil Sutherland, and J . Donald Wilson (Calgary: Detselig, 1995). 7  S e e Joyce Senders Pedersen, "Schoolmistresses and Headmistresses: Elites and Education in Nineteenth-Century England," in Women Who Taught, eds. Prentice and Theobald. 8  nature  of t h e  w o r k itself.  In t h e  first of t h e s e ,  s h e h a d b e g u n g o i n g to " M r s . R e e c e ' s " 1865,  but d i d not e l a b o r a t e  appears  that s h e  was  w h i l e w o r k i n g at t h e  "I e n j o y b e i n g at M r s . R e e c e ' s .  is little G e o r g i e F o s t e r  boarders.  F r o m two  o'clock  conversation  with all t h e  in t h e  than  girl  girls."  with e d u c a t e d  Nevertheless, school  degree  ever  I d o this  Susan,  9  who  of rapport b e t w e e n t h e  l o o k e d f o r w a r d to  vacation."  contribute  to t h e  family income  lack  start yet  to a n y t h i n g , s h e  of  alternative  another  liberty well  to h a v e Reeces  enjoyed  been and  Jessie,  the salary  S A H , 5 June 1865.  quite  herself. "No  with m o r e  pleasure  Susan  Nagle for  in a n y s i g n i f i c a n t w a y . school  in V i c t o r i a w a s  was  her  to  Recognizing not  likely  a p p l i e d for a n d r e c e i v e d a n a p p o i n t m e n t  S A H , 10 March 1865.  1 0  particularly  opportunities  t e a c h t h e s c h o o l at Y a l e , c o m m e n c i n g J u l y 15,  9  q u i t e at  do  it u s e d to b e , in t h e  leaving school  of h e r f e e l i n g s a b o u t t e a c h i n g , the  her sister  n o t h i n g to  1 0  about  t r y i n g to  than as  people, would s e e m  pragmatic  come  T h e only  a s t h e e n d of t e r m a p p r o a c h e d , s h e c o n f e s s e d ,  Regardless  that  I am  week.  I sit with M r . a n d M r s . R e e c e in t h e s t u d y in t h e  room  fortunate  in M a r c h  I like . . . W e h a v e s o v e r y f e w d a y s c h o l a r s a s  e v e n i n g s , w h i c h is m u c h m o r e a g r e e a b l e school  and I have  It  home  R e e c e ' s for a p e r i o d of at l e a s t a  with h i m a f t e r s c h o o l t i m e .  as  her parents'  R e e c e ' s school, although bad weather  in t h e h o u s e  that  performed there.  a b l e to c o n t i n u e living at  At this point, s h e s t a t e d :  to d o w h a t e v e r  remarked  at the b e g i n n i n g of F e b r u a r y  o n what duties s h e  f o r c e d h e r to r e m a i n at t h e  boarder  she  was  the  1869.  to  to  A c c o r d i n g to  " v e r y n i c e s u m " of $ 8 0 . 0 0  per  m o n t h , a n d S u s a n c o u l d b o a r d with " a nice r e s p e c t a b l e w o m a n " for $25.00 per  month.  1 1  A t first S u s a n d i d b o a r d w i t h a M r s . B a r l o w , c o m m e n t i n g " m y r o o m i s v e r y little but I e x p e c t I s h a l l m a n a g e . "  1 2  Within  m o n t h , h o w e v e r , s h e h a d left M r s . B a r l o w ' s to s t a y , "for t h e at l e a s t , " w i t h h e r c o u s i n N e l l i e M c K a y a n d h e r f a m i l y .  that a  present  Nellie w a s  1 3  m a r r i e d to J o s e p h M c K a y , a H u d s o n ' s B a y C o m p a n y official  (and  a p p a r e n t l y a l s o a S c h o o l T r u s t e e in Y a l e ) , a n d it w a s p r o b a b l y  partly  d u e t o t h e i r i n f l u e n c e b o t h that S u s a n w a s p e r s u a d e d to a p p l y f o r t h e p o s i t i o n in Y a l e a n d that s h e w a s h i r e d for it. herself  "far  more  comfortable"  i n d e e d s e e m e d to fit  staying  with h e r  Susan  found  relations,  and  n i c e l y into t h e i r d a i l y l i v e s .  T h e s a l a r y m a y not h a v e b e e n e x a c t l y w h a t J e s s i e r e p o r t e d t o b e - - a t l e a s t not c o n s i s t e n t l y .  O n A u g u s t 19th, S u s a n  noted  s h e h a d r e c e i v e d $ 4 1 . 6 2 1/2 f r o m t h e T r u s t e e s f o r J u l y 1st  it  that  to  A u g u s t 1st, o n S e p t e m b e r 4 t h , $ 4 1 . 6 0 f o r t h e m o n t h of A u g u s t , a n d o n N o v e m b e r 1st, $ 8 3 . 6 2 1/2 for S e p t e m b e r a n d O c t o b e r . c a s h accounts (whether  for  1870 or  1871  H e r later  is unclear) i n d i c a t e  that  s h e r e c e i v e d from the S c h o o l B o a r d $46.68 on M a r c h 2 n d , $ 1 1 . 7 5 o n M a r c h 20th, a n d $ 1 1 2 . 2 5 on April 1 s t .  1 4  T h e s e varying figures  r e f l e c t t h e u n s t a b l e f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n of B . C . s c h o o l s a n d of government theatre  1 1  1871.  itself--a few y e a r s earlier, S u s a n  performance  in V i c t o r i a put o n  Jessie Nagle, 18 May  had mentioned  "for t h e b e n e f i t  of t h e  may the a Public  1869.  1 2  S A H , 9 July  1869.  1 3  S A H , 31 July  1 4  S A H : 19 August 1869; 4 September 1869; 1 November 1869;  1869. Journal for  School teachers who have services,  as  treasury  which  not r e c e i v e d  a c e n t this y e a r  for their  in m a n y o t h e r c a s e s t h e e x c u s e is n o m o n e y in t h e unfortunately  is  too  true."  1 5  T h r o u g h o u t h e r d i a r y at this t i m e , S u s a n p r o v i d e d a g o o d of d e t a i l o n h e r f i n a n c i a l t r a n s a c t i o n s ,  not o n l y o n t h e  deal  payment  of  h e r s a l a r y but a l s o o n s m a l l l o a n s g i v e n to h e r ( m o s t l y b y M r . M c K a y ) and  the m o n e y , sometimes  b o r r o w e d , s h e s e n t h o m e to h e r  In a d d i t i o n to h e r s c h o o l t e a c h i n g , lessons  to  a  augmented lessons.)  she  in.  her salary.  (She  was  paid  Nevertheless,  she  Susan in f a c t ,  never found she  was  began  less  until t h e  and repaying w h e n the least  she  m e n t i o n e d that s h e  complained,  getting  "I a m  could be  concerned  money seldom)  d e s c r i p t i o n of h e r  e n d of h e r t e n u r e ,  to t e a c h i n g  entry  (or at  the  school  its w a y into h e r r e c o u n t i n g of h e r d a i l y life. teaching,  also  mother.  f o r t h c o m i n g with a n y very  work  to b e b a r e l y s c r a p i n g by,  apparently never  her next reference  something  extracurricular  French  $10.00 for two m o n t h s ' m u s i c  Overall, however, she s e e m e d  f a i l e d to f i n d s o m e t h i n g to s e n d to h e r  itself;  giving m u s i c a n d  n u m b e r of c h i l d r e n , a n d this  continually borrowing o n her salary came  was  mother.  almost  O n the  h a d twenty-six  c a m e in D e c e m b e r , w h e n  work  day  pupils;  she  v e r y tired of this w o r k a n d w i s h  settled."  1 6  This theme  with the s c h o o l , eight  was  months  c o n t i n u e d in t h e  later:  "Began  next  school  S A H , 17 December 1867. See Jean Barman, The West Beyond the West: A History of British Columbia (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991) regarding the province's precarious finances, "never on very firm ground" during this period (p. 1 04). 1 5  S A H , 14 December 1869. Susan's engagement to Algy was still on at this time, but her dissatisfaction with that situation was growing. This was probably what she meant by the "something" she wished would be "settled." 1 6  today  with 2 0  shall s o o n began  to  get  placed  afraid  a l l u s i o n s to  I don't t a k e to  been  the  factors.  her,  result  Susan's  in t h e  connections  her  "troubles"  with t h e  of a  combination  r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e  more  "elite"  with their visits f r o m p e r s o n a g e s s u c h recollections suggested and  the  town."  and  the  life  in Y a l e ,  existence  "gentlemen"  of s u c h  or f a v o u r e d  taught,  to t h e  school  discover  that "for s o m e  1 7  in e a r l y reason  have side  b e e n s o m e r e s e n t m e n t of of  local  society,  Governor Musgrave.  G o o d f e l l o w (formerly the  In  her  Agassiz)  townsfolk  hill a b o v e  the  run a f o u l of o n e or m o r e of t h e if t h e y  perceived  Especially  that s h e  in rural  of p o w e r to m a k e  if t h e y c h o s e to d o s o .  returned  and  firmly o n t h e  divisions between  other children.  t r u s t e e s h a d a fair a m o u n t  left," a n d s h e  too  a n d " l a d i e s " w h o lived " o n the  of c h i l d r e n s h e  miserable,  have  Florence  S u s a n could also have  1 8  families strict  of  T h e y could  of political  segments as  she  school.  McKays may  e y e s of s o m e t o w n s p e o p l e ,  with t h e  kindly I  B e f o r e the e n d of the y e a r ,  1 7  of o n e f a c t i o n in t o w n , a n d t h e r e m a y h a v e her  it v e r y  n a t u r e of t h e s e p r o b l e m s is n e v e r e x p l a i n e d .  have  personal  I am  b r o k e n in t h o ' . "  make  The easily  scholars  1 9  Whatever  N o v e m b e r of or o t h e r m o r e  h a d only ten p u p i l s .  was  areas,  too  parents  teachers'  lives  the  reasons,  Susan  1870  after a n  illness  than  half t h e  to  children  2 0  S A H , 8 August 1870.  F l o r e n c e Goodfellow, Memories of Pioneer Life in British Columbia: A Short History of the Agassiz Family (Hope: Canyon Press, reprinted 1982), pp. 18-19. 18  S e e , for example, J . Donald Wilson, '"I am Ready to be of Assistance When I Can: Lottie Bowron and Rural Women Teachers in British Columbia," in Women Who Taught, eds. Prentice and Theobald, for a discussion of this in early twentieth-century B. C. S A H , 7 November 1870. 1 9  2 0  Although she  n e v e r d i s c u s s e d the p o s s i b l e i s s u e s  p r o b l e m s at t h e s c h o o l , S u s a n d i d at s e v e r a l feelings an  about the  events,  a g g r i e v e d party.  behind  points reveal  a n d it is c l e a r that s h e  her own  felt h e r s e l f to  children  when  coming back  least  expected,"  after  the  e i g h t s h o w e d u p in J a n u a r y .  2 1  holidays were  disappointed when  S h e c o n s i d e r e d this to b e  very foolish these people have s h o w n t h e m s e l v e s . "  were  not  only foolish,  against  but a l s o  t e a c h e r without h a v i n g a n y I will g i v e it u p in t h e were  "narrow-minded," and  their self-interest,  as  "they  of this b o t h e r ,  [s]pring."  23  Aside  might  because  a c c o r d i n g to  t h e g o v e r n m e n t tax  Susan.  Paradoxically, January really  that "after  d o n t [sic]  during  these  from  h a d to  all t h e  got  attitude another  than  likely  conflicts  in d a n g e r  had been "done away  few  bother there has same  months part  of  with,"  interest  in it that  of t e a c h i n g  d o with t h e  S A H , 15 December 1870.  2 2  I d i d , " it w a s  that s h e  S A H , 4 January 1871.  difficulty of g e t t i n g  S A H , 9 January 1871 or 10 January 1871. covering this period.)  b e g i n n i n g of  b e e n about the s c h o o l I  of h e r daily a c t i v i t i e s .  2 1  2 3  been  a l t h o u g h S u s a n c l a i m e d at t h e  to g o i n g to s c h o o l a s references  their  whatever  loss-  They  2 2  have  only  2 4  feel the  last  "their  f o r it is m o r e  fueling this situation, the s c h o o l m a y h a v e  closing  much  but the h o p e s s h e h a d of t h e  how  worked  be  In D e c e m b e r , s h e d e c l a r e d that "it is v e r y  a n n o y i n g w h e n o n e is d o i n g the best t h e y c a n to m e e t with s o discouragement  her  referred  regularly  Frequently, to  school  only  these in  (There are two separate diaries  S A H , 12 December 1870. This is mentioned in connection with a school meeting at which "Messrs. Holmes, Church, and McQuarrie" were elected to the local Board for 1871. 2 4  inclement  weather.  arduous"  She  at that t i m e  t e r m w o r e o n , this frequent  bouts  exacerbated) poor  health  also noted  that h e r d u t i e s  of i l l n e s s ,  no doubt  brought  s t r e s s f u l n e s s of  convinced  h e r to  b e f o r e the e n d of M a r c h .  her  withdraw  o n (or  school,  Susan  her  received  will get  surviving w e n t to  employed  as  apparently  from teaching  She  d i d not  her  journal  of  her  Esquimalt school people  does  teaching  much  provide  to  some  a r r a n g e m e n t s c o u l d h a v e o n the w a y that S u s a n ' s  does  her  about  difficulties  her  school  as  cut  in J a n u a r y  off  a vocation  hope  The  she  she was Jessie  but r a t h e r a s  of t h e  i l l u m i n a t i o n of t h e  "I  before  1867  financial  details  the  2 5  Like S u s a n ,  2 6  she  been  I do h e r e . "  was  family's the  at  and commented,  better t h a n  own journal  solution  write  from  case.  that h e r s i s t e r J e s s i e h a d  but w h e n it o p e n e d  a  suffered  the  news  d i d not p e r c e i v e part  also  of  a t e a c h e r in N e w W e s t m i n s t e r  practical  the  Eventually,  mention  of J e s s i e ' s  Esquimalt,  As  least  first  a l o n g with the  portion  very  H a v i n g d e c i d e d to m a r r y D a v i d H o l m e s ,  a p p o i n t e d t e a c h e r at the she  at  situation.  w o u l d o n l y h a v e b e e n f i n i s h i n g out the t e r m in a n y after  "not  d u e to t h e s m a l l n u m b e r of s t u d e n t s .  b e c a m e m o r e of a b l e s s i n g , for s h e  by the  Shortly  were  difficulties. j o b itself,  effects  lives of y o u n g w o m e n  a  that  teachers,  but living in a  not.  S A H , 10 November 1870. Jessie remained in this position less than five months, apparently because of a lack of accommodation for her. As the end of her employment at Esquimalt occurred around the time when Susan was giving up the Yale school, she wondered if Jessie might be able to take it over. This evidently did not occur, but whether because of Susan's problems there or because of Jessie's renewed engagement to Willie is unknown (SAH, 7 March 1871). 2 5  J e s s i e had also worked as a governess for the Moodys in 1860, though apparently not for a long term, as she left when she became engaged, probably to Mr. Moorhead's unknown predecessor. See Jacqueline Gresko, '"Roughing It in the Bush' in British Columbia: Mary Moody's Pioneer Life in New Westminster, 1859-1863," in British Columbia Reconsidered, eds. Creese and Strong-Boag, p. 44. 2 6  Jessie  returned  to N e w W e s t m i n s t e r e a r l y in J a n u a r y  " o n c e m o r e to b e g i n t h e d u l l r o u t i n e of t e a c h i n g , t e a c h i n g morning  till n i g h t ,  I feel  rather disinterested  n o w , but  1867 from  I dare say  a f e w d a y s I s h a l l g e t a c c u s t o m e d to m y d u t i e s a g a i n . "  in  (Her lack  2 7  of e n t h u s i a s m w a s p r o b a b l y i n c r e a s e d d u e to t h e f a c t t h a t s h e  had  b e c o m e e n g a g e d to J a m e s M o o r h e a d just t h e d a y b e f o r e s h e left Victoria for  N e w Westminster.)  staying with the family British C o l u m b i a .  of H e n r y C r e a s e , t h e a t t o r n e y  Although  s h e did  circumstances described make a d v a n t a g e of, t r e a t e d  In N e w W e s t m i n s t e r , s h e  general  it c l e a r t h a t J e s s i e w a s  and  T h r e e w e e k s after  h e r "that h e r  her  arrangements  w o u l d b e a l t e r e d a n d t h a t in a m o n t h ' s t i m e , if c o n v e n i e n t s h e w i s h to h a v e m y r o o m . "  2 8  the  taken  at t i m e s w i t h a l a c k of c o n s i d e r a t i o n ,  Mrs. C r e a s e suddenly informed  of  little s p e c i f i c c o m p l a i n i n g ,  p e r h a p s e v e n h a r a s s e d , in t h i s s i t u a t i o n . return,  was  would  The C r e a s e s were expecting guests, and  h a v e to g i v e u p m y r o o m & s l e e p in t h e s c h o o l r o o m , w h i c h will b e half s o p l e a s a n t , I m u s t m a k e t h e b e s t of  it."  "I  not  2 9  In a d d i t i o n t o b e i n g s h u n t e d a r o u n d o n s h o r t n o t i c e , s h e h a d to a c c o m m o d a t e h e r s e l f to S a r a h C r e a s e ' s d e s i r e d s c h e d u l e w i t h r e g a r d s to t h e l e s s o n s J e s s i e g a v e h e r d a u g h t e r s M a r y , S u s a n , Barbara.  and  J e s s i e , w h o w a s p r e s u m a b l y b e i n g p a i d f o r t h e s e l e s s o n s in  o n e w a y o r a n o t h e r , w o u l d h a v e p r e f e r r e d to g i v e t h e m a f t e r c a m e h o m e from school.  she  However, Mrs. C r e a s e , desiring her  d a u g h t e r s ' a s s i s t a n c e in s e w i n g a n d o t h e r t a s k s l a t e r in t h e  2 7  J e s s i e Nagle, 4 January  2 8  1867.  J e s s i e Nagle, 21 January  1867.  2 9  J e s s i e Nagle, 5 February  1867.  day,  w i s h e d the mornings,  l a r g e r part of t h e s e before school.  In h e r diary, J e s s i e  d i s p l e a s u r e fairly m i l d l y : breakfast,  I have  l e s s o n s to t a k e  in t h e  expressed  "I m u c h p r e f e r h a v i n g  m o r e t i m e to m y s e l f , I s h a l l  w h e n the d a y s are  place  her  no l e s s o n s  before  not m i n d it s o  l o n g e r a n d the w e a t h e r w a r m e r ,  much  but t h e m o r n i n g s  a r e s o c o l d a n d d a r k n o w , that it is a g r e a t h a r d s h i p to h a v e to get e a r l y p a r t i c u l a r l y if y o u g o to b e d l a t e . " Crease's lessons  demands was  t h e n (both b e c a u s e  T h e result of M r s .  3 0  particularly long d a y s for J e s s i e ,  b e f o r e breakfast, taught  who  at t h e s c h o o l d u r i n g t h e  gave  day,  and  s h e often h a d t r o u b l e getting u p e a r l y in t h e  m o r n i n g s a n d s o c o u l d not finish b e f o r e b r e a k f a s t a n d b e c a u s e girls w e r e  sometimes  to  be  given lessons  h o m e to g i v e yet m o r e l e s s o n s . Crease  expressed  concern  seemed  up  at  different times)  came  W h i l e it w a s not t h e c a s e that M r s .  n o c o n c e r n at all f o r J e s s i e , somewhat  the  self-interested.  sometimes  For example,  even on  her  a  h e a v i l y r a i n y d a y in F e b r u a r y , M r s . C r e a s e w o u l d not h e a r of J e s s i e ' s g o i n g to s c h o o l for f e a r that s h e Jessie  sewed  until n o o n ,  a n d t h e n to t h e  others  gave  occasions d a i l y life. "teasing," alterations  must  certainly h a v e  In s e v e r a l which  l e s s o n s to  until five  O n t o p of this w o r k l o a d ,  entries,  might t a k e  o'clock.  "fresh cold."  Barbara  actions on various  i n c r e a s e d the  strains  on  Jessie's  c o m p l a i n e d v a g u e l y of h i s  kept her from a c c o m p l i s h i n g tasks  a n d writing  until l u n c h t i m e ,  3 1  Mr. Crease's  she  Instead,  in h e r j o u r n a l , a s  it m e a n t  such  as  that s h e  sewing could  J e s s i e Nagle, 9 January 1867. In her defence, Sarah Crease was apparently in the late stages of pregnancy, a fact which also may have mitigated Jessie's annoyance with her. 3 0  3 1  Jessie Nagle, 8 February 1867.  " s c a r c e l y t h i n k let his snatching would  not  expecting  write."  her journal a w a y  give  it m e  without  a  privacy,  such  or f r e e  in h e r  This culminated  3 2  from her:  & after sitting  h e w o u l d b r i n g it to  c r o s s with h i m . "  of h e r  alone  me,  at  last c a r r i e d  u p till n e a r l y  I at  last w e n t  evening  2  little m o r e  "teasing."  At the  very  b e h a v i o u r c o u l d not h a v e  to  situation.  3 4  In c o m b i n a t i o n  Crease's,  it  must  m u c h a d v a n t a g e in c o n t i n u i n g o n at the F o r a brief t i m e in J a n u a r y ,  made  invasion  other  school  and go  health,  although they  it difficult to  J e s s i e h a d h o p e d that s h e house  and  p r o b a b l y h a d s o m e a w a r e n e s s of t h e  it.  Jessie,  of $ 6 0 . 0 0 , keep  who was  sending home  w o r r i e d that it w a s  her job s i n c e  family finances. school,  also  citing  her  Fred was  more  as  would be  important  the  3 2  J e s s i e Nagle, 16 February 1867.  3 3  J e s s i e Nagle, 28 February 1867.  she  main  did decide  of  salary  e v e r for h e r  thus  the  other  b e t t e r off o u t  than  but  poor  half of h e r q u a r t e r l y  out of e m p l o y m e n t ,  Eventually, however, ill h e a l t h  she  her  move  H e r p a r e n t s u r g e d h e r to g i v e u p  a n d thought  see  to-gether,"  b a c k to V i c t o r i a , o s t e n s i b l y b e c a u s e of h e r  a s p e c t s of h e r s i t u a t i o n  secure  conditions  that p l a n c a m e to n o t h i n g w h e n F r e d lost his j o b a n d h a d to to s e a r c h for w o r k .  of  school.  H a r r y a n d F r e d might b e a b l e to " k e e p  elsewhere  very  not  J e s s i e feel very  with t h e  have  it off &  bed feeling  least a n  made  in  o'clock  S h e got the b o o k b a c k the next d a y , but  3 3  life with t h e  brothers  "he  one  to  diminishing the to g i v e  up  the  reason.  l t would also mean that Jessie probably consciously veiled what she wrote in her journal even more than might have been the case otherwise. (Later in her journal, Jessie was much more open than Susan generally was.) It might also help to explain why most of the Crease women revealed very little of their inner thoughts in their own journals. See Powell, "The Diaries of the Crease Family Women." 3 4  Teaching in the  1880s  T h e c o n t e x t in w h i c h S u s a n S u c k l e y e x p e r i e n c e d h e r t e a c h i n g c a r e e r w a s b o t h s i m i l a r a n d d i f f e r e n t to that in w h i c h t h e sisters did their t e a c h i n g .  After  1872, there  was  Nagle  certainly  more  regulation a n d central control than previously had b e e n the c a s e , in t h e  rural  a r e a s the  local officials  still c a r r i e d t h e  major  s u c h t h a t " t h e p r e d i l e c t i o n s of t r u s t e e s h e l p e d d e t e r m i n e hired a n d how long he or s h e r e m a i n e d . "  3 5  but  clout,  who  was  Therefore, the comfort  a t e a c h e r ' s life still d e p e n d e d to a l a r g e d e g r e e o n t h e g o o d w i l l  of  of  the local people. T h e r e w a s p r o b a b l y not a lot of d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n Y a l e 1 8 7 0 a n d F o r t H o p e in 1 8 8 0 .  T h e two towns were only a few  in miles  a p a r t o n t h e F r a s e r R i v e r a n d w e r e p r o b a b l y f a i r l y e q u a l in r o u g h n e s s of c h a r a c t e r .  F o u n d e d to s e r v i c e t h e f u r t r a d e , F o r t H o p e  h a d , l i k e Y a l e , g a i n e d n e w life t h r o u g h t h e G o l d R u s h .  H o w e v e r , it  h a d l o s t o u t to Y a l e a s t h e h e a d of n a v i g a t i o n o n t h e F r a s e r , a n d its p o p u l a t i o n d w i n d l e d to n e a r g h o s t t o w n n u m b e r s o n m o r e t h a n occasion.  one  T h o s e p e o p l e w h o r e m a i n e d h a d largely c o m e with the  v a r i o u s m i n i n g e x c i t e m e n t s that a r o s e in t h e a r e a . W h i l e F o r t H o p e w a s h e r o n l y official e n g a g e m e n t a s a t e a c h e r , S u s a n S u c k l e y p r o b a b l y h a d s o m e prior e x p e r i e n c e a s a t e a c h e r ' s assistant.  S h e h a d c e r t a i n l y h e l p e d out w i t h t h e y o u n g e r  girls  d u r i n g h e r s t a y at t h e c o n v e n t in V i c t o r i a , a n d in 1 8 7 7 s h e h a d g o n e a s a "helper" a l o n g with S i s t e r s M a r y d e la C r o i x P e r r e a u l t a n d M a r y E l e a n o r D i g n e r w h e n t h e y w e r e s e n t to o p e n t h e S i s t e r s of S t . A n n ' s  35  B a r m a n , "Birds of Passage," p. 19.  c o n v e n t s c h o o l in N a n a i m o .  3 6  U n d o u b t e d l y , m u c h of h e r w o r k t h e r e  w o u l d h a v e b e e n in t h e a r e a of h o u s e k e e p i n g , but t h e S i s t e r s a l s o would  not  likely h a v e w a s t e d the  potential  for c l a s s r o o m aid  by s o m e o n e w h o had already received a St. A n n ' s education. S u s a n d e c i d e d to w r i t e t h e t e a c h e r s ' e x a m i n a t i o n 1880,  the  S i s t e r s willingly  supplied  brilliant a c a d e m i c a c h i e v e m e n t , then  l e a s t to  When  in t h e s u m m e r  a testimonial, at  offered  if  her  not  to  "irreproachable  conduct . . . assiduity a n d g o o d behaviour" which had "won the of  her t e a c h e r s . "  3 7  T h e latter q u a l i t i e s w e r e p r o b a b l y  to m o s t r u r a l s c h o o l b o a r d s at t h e t i m e , in a n y D u e to t h e  of  more  esteem relevant  case.  r e l a t i v e l a c k of t e a c h e r s in B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , S u s a n  d i d not h a v e to w a i t l o n g f o r a p o s i t i o n , e v e n w i t h a t h i r d c l a s s certificate.  Like m a n y other w o m e n teachers, however,  " p r o v i d e d t h e filler," b e i n g h i r e d p a r t w a y original teacher had left.  3 8  through  she  the y e a r w h e n  O r i g i n a l l y , s h e h a d h o p e d to a c q u i r e  p o s t at a s c h o o l in t h e V i c t o r i a a r e a , a n u n l i k e l y o c c u r r e n c e her background  a n d limited  qualifications.  In t h e f a l l of  the a  given  1880,  she  w r o t e to C . C . M c K e n z i e , t h e n S u p e r i n t e n d e n t of E d u c a t i o n , e x p r e s s i n g h e r c o n c e r n that her present  habitation  in S e a t t l e  might  m e a n t h a t s h e w o u l d not h e a r of a n y v a c a n c i e s in t i m e to a p p l y them.  for  M c K e n z i e a s s u r e d h e r that s h e w o u l d b e d u l y i n f o r m e d of a n y  such  possibility.  3 9  D o w n , A Century of Service, p. 86; S38 Nominations, St. Ann's Convent, Nanaimo B. C , 1877-1899, Archives of the Sisters of St. Ann, Victoria (here Susan is described as an "orphan cook"); doc. 24-3, Victoria Convent Historical Eye-View and Nominations, 1940, p. 74 ("orphan help"). Testimonial of the Sisters of St. Ann, Flood family papers. B a r m a n , "Birds of Passage," pp. 19-20. C . C . McKenzie to Susan Suckley, 4 November 1880, Superintendent of Education, outgoing correspondence. 3 6  37  3 8  3 9  W h e t h e r f r o m M c K e n z i e or s o m e a vacancy  at Fort H o p e in M a r c h of 1881,  of writing to is t a k e n offers  other s o u r c e ,  h i m "to  yet?  k n o w if the  At present,  of s i t u a t i o n s ,  none  I am  as  the  would have  be  lucky a p p l i c a n t . "  g i v e n first r e f u s a l  exaggerated  revealing she  was  of  her  her  general  The  attitude  e v o l u t i o n of t h e  interesting  story,  Correspondence Superintendent  with  as  position.  and  in this  letter  Hope was  Hope and  had  a  history  of d i f f i c u l t y  Miss J. E. Trenaman,  b o a r d s e c r e t a r y w r o t e that t h e r e w a s  of  parents  Voicing about  the  the  closed,  some  school  anxiety"  were  ability of  concerns women  of  "rural  teachers,  but at t h e  "waiting  to l e a r n w h e t h e r the s c h o o l w o u l d b e  typical  now with  reopened.  4 1  4 2  4 2  authorities  [who]  worried  particularly  if t h e y  were  S u s a n Suckley to C . C. McKenzie, 12 March 1881, Superintendent of Education, incoming correspondence. C . C . McKenzie to Susan Suckley, 14 March 1881. J a m e s Wardle to C. C . McKenzie, 22 August 1880. 4 0  an  the  of A u g u s t , t h e  some  school was  children" whose  is  subtexts.  In J u n e ,  complement  may  in itself  disciplinary problems.  full  she  herself.  r e s i g n e d in t h e w a k e of  the  soon  authorities-  diminished  gender  school  1876,  still in  Hope,"  with t h e  In the s p r i n g of 1880,  w h o h a d taught there since  I prefer  Although she  her tone  but in n o w a y  racial  Hope  have  accepted as  affairs at  in d e a l i n g  that t h e  in k e e p i n g a t t e n d a n c e u p .  Fort  Hope, and I am  4 1  b e t w e e n t h e t r u s t e e s at Fort indicates  yet  Fort  s i t u a t i o n in Fort  both  at  liberty"  M c K e n z i e r e p l i e d that a s  4 0  "offers,"  suitably deferential,  "took t h e  teacher,  u p with s c h o o l  of the  other  as  d i d l e a r n of  d o i n g n o t h i n g f o r m y s e l f but  of w h i c h I h a v e  i n c u m b e n t h a d "settled  and again  situation,  t h e s i t u a t i o n y o u w e r e s p e a k i n g a b o u t at h o p e of b e i n g t h e  she  end "the  y o u n g , t o m a n a g e s c h o o l s a t t e n d e d by y o u n g m e n a n d a b o u t t h e ability  of w o m e n  to  'govern* children  in g e n e r a l , "  4 3  the  trustees  r e q u e s t e d a m a l e t e a c h e r if p o s s i b l e , " a s s o m e of t h e c h i l d r e n getting  to[o]  large for a f e m a l e  teacher."  are  4 4  A t first, M r . E . J . W o o d , t h e m a l e t e a c h e r w h o w a s h i r e d , s e e m e d fairly  w e l l - d i s p o s e d to  his posting, although  the  E n g l i s h m a n o b v i o u s l y c o n s i d e r e d the p l a c e far r e m o v e d civilization.  Initially, h e  d e s c r i b e d his students  young from  as  not b y a n y m e a n s a n i n t e l l e c t u a l c r o w d but I s u p p o s e I s h a l l m a n a g e to d r i v e s o m e t h i n g into t h e m b e f o r e l o n g , t h e y o u n g r a s c a l s s p e a k but v e r y i m p e r f e c t E n g l i s h a n d a s t h e C h i n o o k l a n g u a g e w a s not t a u g h t at m y C o l l e g e I f i n d it r a t h e r difficult to u n d e r s t a n d t h e m ; h o w e v e r I a m getting on very well c o n s i d e r i n g all t h i n g s . 4 5  B y t h e n e x t m o n t h , h o w e v e r , h e w a s s t a r t i n g to c o m p l a i n p r o b l e m s with students  of  (he h a d l o s t a f a m i l y of f i v e ) , w h i c h h e  at  this point b l a m e d o n the R o m a n C a t h o l i c clergy, w h o m he c o n s i d e r e d " t h e f i e r c e o p p o n e n t s of t h e G o v e r n m e n t S y s t e m of e d u c a t i o n . " t h e b e g i n n i n g of 1 8 8 1 , M r . W o o d h a d a l r e a d y e x p r e s s e d h i s to l e a v e F o r t H o p e . twofold:  4 6  intention  H e c l a i m e d that h i s r e a s o n s f o r d o i n g s o w e r e  first, h e f o u n d  it i m p o s s i b l e to s u b s i s t o n h i s s a l a r y ,  h o w e x p e n s i v e it w a s to live at F o r t H o p e ; a n d , s e c o n d , w i t h to t h e s c h o o l , h e h a d not " h a d a b e d of r o s e s . "  given  regards  H e w e n t o n to e x p l a i n  t h a t " s o m e of t h e h a l f b r e e d s a t t e n d i n g t h i s s c h o o l a r e to s a y  the  D a n y l e w i c z , Light, and Prentice, "The Evolution of the Sexual Division of Labour in Teaching," p. 85. W i l l i a m Yates to C. C. McKenzie, 8 April 1880. E . J . Wood to C. C. McKenzie, 6 October 1880. E . J . Wood to C. C. McKenzie, [?] November 1880. 43  44  4 5  4 6  At  least  downright  of b o t h  'gaol-birds.'"  M r . W o o d a n d t h e t r u s t e e s that a s e r i o u s  personality  and  community,  with b o t h  party. the  lifestyle  inhabitants"  unlikely,  as  "portion." ) 4 8  unredeemed  the  the  c l a i m e d that t h e  condemned trustees  the  savages,  an  were  children were a m o n g  fallout f r o m W o o d ' s  issues.  to  month  b e e n trying to m a k e  deal  "induce" the  portion  of  that  him  number. over  trustees  h i m l o o k b a d , but the best s h e  for a  while  after  probably the  report  to  informed S u s a n They may  result w a s  that  c o u l d a report for a m o n t h 4 9  be to  d e a l of d i p l o m a c y in d e a l i n g with  the  o n c e a g a i n t h r e a t e n e d with c l o s u r e ,  his  if s h e  p e o p l e to s e n d their c h i l d r e n to s c h o o l , s o  that  she  when  More seriously, s h e  of s t u d e n t s that w a s  4 8  4 9  that  only  h a d to  legacy. could an  E . J . Wood to C . C . McKenzie, 25 January 1881. E . J . Wood to C. C . McKenzie, 25 February 1881. S u s a n Suckley to C. C. McKenzie, 2 April 1881; C. C . McKenzie to Susan Suckley, 9 April 1881. 4 7  of  that  m o s t of his p u p i l s to  in Fort H o p e , a n d s h e w a s  diminished number  The school was  wronged  seems  not likely to e n d e a r  h a d not b e e n p r e s e n t at t h e s c h o o l . with t h e  the  the  representative  tenure carried  of F e b r u a r y ;  h a d to p i e c e t o g e t h e r a s she  be  this  h e h a d n e v e r f u r n i s h e d t h e m with a n y reports at a l l . have  and  M r . W o o d h a d left without s e n d i n g a  V i c t o r i a for the  of  respectable  actions,  themselves  estimation  r e q u i r e d to e m p l o y a g o o d  teacher  "most  trustees'  correspondence  conflict  believing themselves  S u s a n Suckley began teaching  leftover  between  W o o d obviously considered  whose  The  existed  sides  (Although W o o d  trustees  It is c l e a r f r o m t h e  4 7  not  a v e r a g e of t e n c h i l d r e n c o u l d b e kept u p . do  immediately,  5 0  This she endeavoured  to  r e p l y i n g to M c K e n z i e :  T h e p e o p l e h e r e s e e m quite a n x i o u s to k e e p u p t h e S c h o o l . W h e n I i n t i m a t e d that y o u w e r e a n x i o u s to s e e t h e R e p o r t of M a y h a v e a b e t t e r b e a r i n g , t h e y a l m o s t b r o u g h t u p b y f o r c e a f a m i l y c o n t a i n i n g a n u m b e r of c h i l d r e n from a R a n c h s o m e miles b e l o w H o p e s o that the s c h o o l s h o u l d h a v e the a v e r a g e n u m b e r a g a i n . 5 1  E v i d e n t l y s h e w a s s u c c e s s f u l , f o r t h e s c h o o l r e o p e n e d in t h e with fifteen n a m e s In t h e examination.  on the  meantime,  register.  5 2  S u s a n h a d to r e w r i t e t h e  teachers'  In t h e s h o r t p e r i o d of t i m e s h e h a d t a u g h t at  school, s h e had apparently  fall  the  w o n o v e r t h e t r u s t e e s , w h o w r o t e to  the  Superintendent: W e h a v e g r e a t p l e a s u r e in s t a t i n g t h a t d u r i n g t h e t i m e M i s s S u c k l e y h a s b e e n in c h a r g e of t h e P u b l i c S c h o o l at t h i s p l a c e , t h e r e h a s b e e n a m a r k e d i m p r o v e m e n t in t h e p r o g r e s s of t h e s c h o l a r s , a n d s i n c e r e l y t r u s t t h a t y o u w i l l a l l o w h e r to r e t u r n to fulfill h e r d u t i e s a s T e a c h e r , a s s h e h a s entirely g a i n e d the respect, c o n f i d e n c e , a n d a f f e c t i o n of h e r p u p i l s b y h e r k i n d n e s s , f i r m n e s s , a n d ability. 5 3  S u s a n d i d m a n a g e to d o w e l l e n o u g h o n t h e e x a m i n a t i o n , a l t h o u g h f i v e p e r c e n t l o w e r t h a n t h e p r e v i o u s y e a r , to b e a l l o w e d continue.  at  to  5 4  C . C. McKenzie to Susan Suckley, 10 May 1881. Susan Suckley to C . C . McKenzie, 22 May 1881. S u s a n Suckley to C. C. McKenzie, 1 September 1881. H o p e school trustees, James Wardle, William Yates, and [signature illegible] to C. C. McKenzie, 28 June 1881. R e g i s t e r of Teachers' Certificates 1881. Superintendent McKenzie felt the need to exhort her to begin preparing for the next year's examination right away--and especially to strive to improve her spelling. C. C. McKenzie to Susan Suckley, 22 September 1881. 5 0  5 1  5 2  5 3  54  D e s p i t e a n y d e f i c i e n c i e s s h e m a y h a v e h a d in a c a d e m i c e x c e l l e n c e , t h e r e i s e v i d e n c e that S u s a n t o o k h e r t e a c h i n g seriously.  Indeed, the content  was somewhat  of h e r l e t t e r s to t h e  s u r p r i s i n g to m e , a s I h a d o r i g i n a l l y  quite  Superintendent b e l i e v e d that  v i e w e d h e r w o r k a l m o s t e n t i r e l y a s a m e a n s to a n e n d .  While  practical  also  element  was  undoubtedly  present,  her  letters  she  this indicate  a d e d i c a t i o n to h e r p u p i l s a n d t h e i r l e a r n i n g , a n d a d e t e r m i n a t i o n d o the best job s h e could. immediately  to  In c o n t r a s t to M r . W o o d , s h e a l m o s t  s t a t e d that s h e w a s  "quite  p l e a s e d " with her  students'  b e h a v i o u r , a n d t h e n m o v e d o n to " c a n d i d l y " a s s e s s t h e b o o k s a n d s u p p l i e s n e c e s s a r y f o r t h e s c h o o l until v a c a t i o n .  S h e a l s o a s k e d to  h a v e s e n t to her, with the cost d e d u c t e d from her s a l a r y , a of o t h e r  books, including  number  " M o s e l P s E s s e n t i a l s of E n g l i s h G r a m m a r  with e x e r c i s e s , a n a d v a n c e d Arithmetic, a n d a M o d e r n G e o g r a p h y . " S h e d i d not r e s i g n f r o m t h e s c h o o l w h e n s h e m a r r i e d ( h e r letter  of  March 15, 1882 w a s signed S u s a n Flood), and may even have entertained pregnant.  h o p e s of c o n t i n u i n g o n t h e n e x t y e a r h a d s h e not  become  In a n y c a s e , s h e r e m a i n e d c o n c e r n e d f o r h e r p u p i l s ,  praising their  regularity  a n d d e s i r e to l e a r n , a n d  reporting  proudly  o n their p r o g r e s s - s u c h a s w h e n five s t u d e n t s h a d b e e n a l l o w e d  to  b e g i n s t u d y i n g G e o g r a p h y a n d h o p e d to c o m m e n c e H i s t o r y a s w e l l . S h e offered  h e r o p i n i o n that the  Collier's English  Histories  p o s s e s s e d b y t h e s c h o o l w e r e "not s o e a s i l y r e t a i n e d b y  beginners"  a s a s m a l l " c a t e c h i s m " w o u l d b e ; h e n c e , s h e h a d d e t e r m i n e d to "get few  of t h e C a t e c h i s m s of E n g l i s h H i s t o r y f o r t h e  p u r p o s e of  a  learning  t h e r u d i m e n t s of H i s t o r y , a n d at t h e s a m e t i m e English  History  till f u r t h e r  advanced."  r e a d out of C o l l i e r ' s  5 5  S u s a n ' s work a s a teacher thus included a s s e s s i n g n e e d s a n d o r d e r i n g b o o k s a n d o t h e r s u p p l i e s , t e n d i n g to t h e i n c r e a s i n g a m o u n t s of  paperwork  example, school,  that went  monthly  a l o n g with a more c e n t r a l i z e d s y s t e m  reports  and  registers),  p h y s i c a l c a r e of  5 6  the  recruiting students a n d keeping up a t t e n d a n c e , preparing  her next  examination, and maintaining  the trustees.  good working  5 7  " c o n v e r t i n g ] t h e h o u s e . . . f r o m a p i g s t y into 5 8  with  Mr. W o o d had  c o m p l a i n e d of t h e m o n e y a n d effort h e h a d h a d to put  habitable,"  relations  for  T h e t e a c h e r at H o p e a p p a r e n t l y l i v e d b e h i n d t h e  s c h o o l r o o m , in a b u i l d i n g o v e r l o o k i n g t h e r i v e r .  into  something  a n d , u n l e s s h e h a d d o n e a v e r y g o o d j o b of t h i s , S u s a n  p r o b a b l y a l s o h a d s o m e w o r k to d o t h e r e . evident  (for  interest  In s p i t e of all t h i s , h e r  in h e r " s c h o l a r s " a n d in h e r p o s i t i o n i n d i c a t e s t h a t  s h e v e r y l i k e l y r e g r e t t e d h a v i n g to g i v e u p t h e s c h o o l at t h e e n d of the  1881-1882 term.  T h e t r u s t e e s w e r e a l s o s o r r y to s e e h e r  f a c t , w h e n t h e y w r o t e to M c K e n z i e in J u l y r e q u e s t i n g  go-in  another  t e a c h e r , t h e y a d d e d that they w o u l d "prefer a L a d y t e a c h e r . "  5 9  W h y w a s S u s a n S u c k l e y ' s e x p e r i e n c e at F o r t H o p e s e e m i n g l y s o m u c h m o r e p o s i t i v e t h a n S u s a n N a g l e ' s at Y a l e ?  5 5  Susan Nagle was  S u s a n Suckley to C . C . McKenzie, 2 April 1881 and 15 March 1882.  S e e Marta Danylewicz and Alison Prentice, "Teachers' Work: Changing Patterns and Perceptions in the Emerging School Systems of Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Central Canada," in Women Who Taught, eds. Prentice and Theobald. 5 6  5 7  5 8  5 9  S u s a n is listed as the only member of the household on the 1881 census. E . J . Wood to C . C . McKenzie, 10 March 1881. J a m e s Wardle to C. C. McKenzie, 17 July 1882.  much  closer  nineteenth  to  the  n o r m for British C o l u m b i a n t e a c h e r s  century-white,  Protestant,  middle-class.  There  d o u b t that S u s a n  Nagle would have  teacher, and she  h a d a g e n u i n e f o n d n e s s for c h i l d r e n .  at  one  point c l a i m e d  assertion life. )  was  not to  belied  by  her  been an extremely  like o t h e r p e o p l e ' s interactions  entirely formal, w a s enthusiastic dutiful a n d  about  g o o d for a w o m a n the  work  of t e a c h i n g  hard-working, and would have  effort into d o i n g h e r j o b .  Yet she  though  of the  there  situation others,  in Fort as  Hope.  When she  were  still  attitude t o w a r d s  them  a n d towards  Superintendent,  wondering  thought  was than  her  was  not  certainly enough  to run a f o u l of s o m e  of  e n o u g h to m a k e h e r life  6 1  who and  were trustees  by the the  to  previous  pupils.  d o with a  among  understanding  concerned.  during S u s a n ' s  H . D. Shuttleworth-had  children, a n d they  6 0  helped  a r r i v e d , the t r u s t e e s ( a n d  outraged  what  have  and  native  "halfbreed"  as  that  their  T w o of  teacher-William halfbreed  f o u n d h e r to  children  the  applicant,  wives a n d thus  o t h e r s might well h a v e flexible where  probably  It c o u l d b e  term  her  teacher's  that h e r e might b e a p l a c e that w o u l d a c c e p t h e r .  men  more  she  not  If s h e  she  Suckley's background may  well)  Yates  (Although  miserable. Ironically, S u s a n  the  no  competent  perhaps  put m o r e  t h e p e o p l e in Y a l e , a n d in the e n d that w a s  is  throughout  time.  itself,  managed  late  c h i l d r e n , that  with t h e m  T h e q u a l i t y of h e r o w n e d u c a t i o n ,  6 0  in t h e  be  were  In a n y c a s e , s h e w o u l d not h a v e b e e n p e r c e i v e d a s  either  S h e made this remark the autumn following her marriage (SAH, 30 October  1871). William Yates, originally a Hudson's Bay Company man, had been at Fort Hope since 1854. Susan Allison described him as "one of the most amusing characters I ever met." Ormsby, ed., A Pioneer Gentlewoman in British Columbia, p. 7. 6 1  condescending or antagonistic towards them. they  viewed things  ideologically, they  T o the extent  a d a p t e d their  that  i d e o l o g y t o fit  the c i r c u m s t a n c e s , a n d a n y prejudices they might h a v e h a d c o u l d h a v e b e e n mitigated  by their recent e x p e r i e n c e .  W h e t h e r o r not S u s a n N a g l e felt a n y s o c i a l d i v i s i o n  between  h e r s e l f a n d t h e b u l k of t h e p o p u l a t i o n of Y a l e , h e r v i s i b l e c o n n e c t i o n s m a d e t h e p e r c e p t i o n b y o t h e r s of s u c h a d i v i s i o n likely.  O n the other hand, s h e could merely have  stepped on some toes-throughout  more  inadvertently  h e r life, s h e w a s not s h y i n  e x p r e s s i n g h e r o p i n i o n s , a n d t h e s e c o u l d often b e p e r c e i v e d a s judgemental. school,  In g e n e r a l , rural t e a c h e r s d i d not s t a y l o n g at o n e  a n d s u c h c o n f l i c t s w e r e p r o b a b l y t h e f a t e of m a n y .  6 2  The Importance of Land L a r g e l y b e c a u s e "the prevailing myth  of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a h a s  b e e n f o u n d e d not o n agricultural settlement, rush,"  but r a t h e r o n t h e g o l d  t h e r e h a s b e e n a r e l a t i v e l a c k of h i s t o r i c a l i n t e r e s t  6 3  r e l a t i o n s h i p of s e t t l e r s to t h e l a n d in t h i s p r o v i n c e . that there  were  probably f e w w h o m a d e their  farmers, the ownership weight  in s e t t l e r s '  allowed.  6 4  l i v e s of b o t h  W h i l e it i s t r u e  livings entirely a s  of l a n d , a n d its w o r k i n g , c a r r i e d  self-identification  Certainly, real property  than  in t h e  has generally  greater been  carried s o m e s i g n i f i c a n c e in t h e  Susans.  S e e Susan Laskin, Beth Light, and Alison Prentice, "Studying the History of Occupation: Quantitative Sources on Canadian Teachers in the Nineteenth Century," Archivaria 14 (Summer 1982): 83. 6 2  G w e n Szychter, "Women's Role in Early Farming in British Columbia," B. C . Historical News (Winter 1990-91): 22. 6 3  R u t h Sandwell makes this point and elaborates on the actual importance of the relationship in her study of Salt Spring Island, "Peasants on the Coast? A Problematique of Rural British Columbia," Canadian Papers in Rural History X (1996). Robin 6 4  During the  N a g l e f a m i l y ' s e a r l y y e a r s in V i c t o r i a , J e r e m i a h  N a g l e w a s a c t i v e l y e n g a g e d in b u y i n g u p a c o n s i d e r a b l e a m o u n t of p r i m e l a n d (for e x a m p l e , t h e i r J a m e s B a y h o m e ) in t h e  area.  6 5  H o w e v e r , h i s b u s i n e s s m i s f o r t u n e s a p p e a r to h a v e e v e n t u a l l y h i m all his l a n d .  cost  F a m i l y d e s c e n d a n t s b e l i e v e it u n l i k e l y t h a t  6 6  i n h e r i t e d a n y l a n d f r o m h e r f a t h e r , a l t h o u g h t h e r e i s at l e a s t r e f e r e n c e in h e r j o u r n a l s to p r o p e r t y H o l m e s ' were also frequently  in E s q u i m a l t .  Susan one  But the  6 7  i n v o l v e d in b u y i n g a n d s e l l i n g  property,  a n d t h e l o c a t i o n of t h i s p r o p e r t y at s u c h a d i s t a n c e f r o m t h e i r in t h e C o w i c h a n V a l l e y m a y h a v e m e a n t little.  I n d e e d , l a t e in 1 9 0 5 ,  S u s a n d e s c r i b e d t h e i r u n s u c c e s s f u l a t t e m p t to " b u y i n " a lot V i c t o r i a W e s t at a t a x s a l e , t h u s i n d i c a t i n g that t h e y on  land opportunities  relatively distant from  home  where  in  kept their  they  lived.  eyes 6 8  G e o r g e S u c k l e y a l s o s e e m s to h a v e h a d s o m e i n t e r e s t in amassing  real estate.  Washington l o t s in t h e  Territory  T h e n o t i c e f o r t h e A d m i n i s t r a t o r ' s S a l e of property  lists  e i g h t e e n full  Fort S t e i l a c o o m / O l y m p i a a r e a .  6 9  and two  his  fractional  H i s p u r p o s e in b u y i n g  a l l t h e s e l o t s m a y h a v e b e e n p u r e l y s p e c u l a t i v e - - i n a l e t t e r to  his  Fisher's Contact and Conflict: Indian-European Relations in British Columbia. 17741890 (Vancouver, University of British Columbia Press, 1977) evokes the importance of land to both Indians and white settlers through the discussion of the conflicts engendered by the increasing encroachment of the settlers on Indian territories. l n d e e d , along with major local personages such as John Helmcken and Modeste Demers, he was one of "30 holders of 10 or more downtown lots in 1858," and was still a large landholder in 1862. Harry Gregson, A History of Victoria 1842-1970 (Victoria: the Victoria Observer Publishing Co. Ltd., 1970), pp. 22-23. 65  T h e r e is also a family "myth" of land lost in New Zealand, an occurrence supposed partly to have prompted the family's move to North America. 6 6  S A H , 3 December 1890. The Holmes' had offered to sell this property to a Mr. Harrison for $800.00. Susan made no further mention of it. 6 7  6 8  S A H , 2 January  "Washington  1906.  Standard. 9 December 1871, p. 3, col.3.  a u n t , h e n o t e d t h e i r r a p i d i n c r e a s e in v a l u e , a d d i n g t h a t "if I h a d t h e m a l l p a i d f o r I c o u l d s e l l out n o w f o r $ 1 5 0 0 a d v a n c e . "  O n the  o t h e r h a n d , h e d e c l a r e d , "I d o not k n o w n o w but t h i n k t h a t I will s e t t l e o n P u g e t S o u n d , " s o t h e l a n d m a y h a v e b e e n  ultimately  w o r t h m o r e t h a n s i m p l y its p r o p e r t y v a l u e to h i m .  W h a t e v e r his  7 0  h o p e s o r i n t e n t i o n s w e r e , h e d i d not live l o n g e n o u g h to " s e t t l e , " his daughter  certainly  r e c e i v e d n o n e of t h i s  property,  although  and its  s a l e p r o b a b l y a l l o w e d f o r t h e p a y m e n t of h e r l e g a c y a s w e l l a s t h e doctor's  debts.  S i n c e t h e y w e r e m a r r i e d w o m e n , t h e ability of b o t h S u s a n s participate  a s i n d i v i d u a l s in t h e  land market  (and  matters)  would have b e e n contingent  on reforms  property  l a w s in t h e l a t t e r part of t h e n i n e t e e n t h  in o t h e r  to  financial  in m a r r i e d century.  women's P r i o r to  t h e s e r e f o r m s , C a n a d i a n l a w , like t h e E n g l i s h l a w it w a s b a s e d u p o n , a d h e r e d t o t h e " d o c t r i n e of m a r i t a l unity," b y w h i c h m o s t of  a  woman's  property  the  property  or  rights, including the  receive the  rents  to h e r h u s b a n d u p o n m a r r i a g e . equity  and  "authority  profits  from  to m a n a g e it"  were  transferred  In E n g l a n d , o v e r t h e y e a r s , r u l e s of  h a d d e v e l o p e d w h i c h u n d e r m i n e d s o m e of t h e w o r s t  of t h i s d o c t r i n e , but t h e s e h a d h a d l e s s i m p a c t in C a n a d a . for s o m e reform w a s clear by the implementation  of  more  equitable  1860s, although legislation  was  c o m i n g , a s C o n s t a n c e B a c k h o u s e r e l a t e s , in t h r e e waves.  7 1  injustices  The need  the fitful  and  slow,  overlapping  In B . C , m a r r i e d w o m e n a c q u i r e d t h e right to u n s u p e r v i s e d  land ownership  a n d b u s i n e s s t r a n s a c t i o n s in  1 8 7 3 , but t h e i r  ability  " N o t e s and Documents: Sidelights on the Stevens Railway Survey," p. 246. Constance B. Backhouse, "Married Women's Property Law in NineteenthCentury Canada," Law and History Review 6, no. 2 (Fall 1988): 211-217. 70  7 1  to  act  in t h e s e  of  legislation  creditors.  capacities was  such  a s that  still  effectively  "protecting"  their  by  property  aspects  from  7 2  It i s not k n o w n w h e t h e r of t h e f a m i l y  e i t h e r of t h e s e w o m e n  h a d title t o  l a n d ( o u t s i d e of S u s a n F l o o d ' s a l l o t m e n t  t h e r e t h e q u e s t i o n of title w a s q u i t e m u r k y husbands' deaths. properties  limited  land,  any  and  in a n y c a s e ) b e f o r e  their  L i k e t h e H o l m e s ' , t h e F l o o d s a c q u i r e d a n u m b e r of  in a d d i t i o n to t h e  1 6 0 a c r e s of t h e i r h o m e s t e a d at  Flood.  T h e y o w n e d e i g h t y a c r e s at K a w k a w a L a k e ( a l s o a c q u i r e d at a t a x s a l e ) , a thirty a c r e i s l a n d in t h e lots in t h e t o w n of H o p e . selling their  F r a s e r R i v e r (Croft  Island),  and  two  T h e y d o not a p p e a r to h a v e b e e n i n v o l v e d in  l a n d to t h e e x t e n t t h a t t h e  Holmes' were, although  they  d i d s e l l s o m e of it, f o r e x a m p l e , t h e s i x t y a c r e s at F l o o d s o l d to Gillander family  in  1919.  7 3  D e s c r i b e d by her g r a n d s o n - i n - l a w  " h a v i n g great b u s i n e s s a c u m e n a n d i m b u e d with c o m m o n Susan  the  as  sense,"  7 4  F l o o d c e r t a i n l y m u s t h a v e p l a y e d a role in d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g  w h e n it c a m e to t h e l a n d a n d o t h e r e c o n o m i c m a t t e r s , e v e n t h e r e a r e n o r e c o r d s of h e r S u s a n Holmes' journals activities  though  involvement. do  p r o v i d e a m p l e t e s t i m o n y to  w i t h r e g a r d s to t h e f a m i l y  property.  Whether  or not  a c t u a l l y h a d title to a n y of t h e l a n d , s h e o b v i o u s l y h a d t h e c a p a c i t y t o m a k e s o m e d e c i s i o n s a s to its d i s p o s i t i o n .  her she  legal  For example,  in 1 8 9 8 , w h i l e D a v i d w a s in T e x a s , s h e a r r a n g e d a n d s i g n e d a n  P e t e r Baskerville, '"She Has Already Hinted at Board "': Enterprising Urban Women in British Columbia, 1863-1896," Social History XXVI (November 1993). M o r l e y Gillander, "The Skagit Saga," unpublished manuscript, Flood family papers. F o r g i n g a New Hope, p. 237. The family understanding is that Susan was actually a moving force behind the Flood land transactions. 72  73  74  a g r e e m e n t f o r t h e s a l e of o n e h u n d r e d a c r e s , a n d a f e w m o n t h s h a d to g o to V i c t o r i a to m e e t a n o t h e r p o t e n t i a l  buyer.  i n s t a n c e p r o v e d m o r e c o m p l i c a t e d , with the two  jhe  7 5  a g e n t s at  later  latter  "daggers  d r a w n " o v e r t h e " r a i l w a y r e l e a s e " a n d " r e l e a s e of t h e c o a l b o n d , " w a s finally settled after about a w e e k . r e s p o n s i b l e for d e a l i n g with tenants  At this time, s h e w a s  renting  some  of  their  but  also  property  in C o w i c h a n . T h e H o l m e s ' a r e b e l i e v e d to h a v e o r i g i n a l l y o w n e d a b o u t h u n d r e d a c r e s of l a n d in t h e a r e a of w h a t is n o w D u n c a n .  7 6  five  S o m e of  t h i s l a n d w a s s o l d o v e r t h e y e a r s a n d s o m e g i v e n to t h e i r c h i l d r e n a s they grew older.  ( T h e c h i l d r e n a l s o p r o b a b l y p a i d f o r s o m e of  l a n d , if t h e y w e r e a b l e . ) (their  S o m e w a s e i t h e r s o l d o r g i v e n to t h e s c h o o l  g r a n d s o n b e l i e v e s it w a s m o s t l i k e l y s o l d , w i t h p e r h a p s  e x t r a bit t h r o w n  their  in at n o c o s t ) , a n d m o r e w a s g i v e n f o r a trail  return for free water a s long a s a H o l m e s lived o n the l a n d .  an in  T h e tax  a s s e s s m e n t rolls f o r 1 9 0 4 d o not g i v e t h e n u m b e r of a c r e s D a v i d H o l m e s o w n e d at t h a t t i m e , but t h e a s s e s s e d t a x p a y a b l e w a s $ 5 0 0 . 0 0 , a s c o m p a r e d to $ 8 0 0 . 0 0 f o r W i l l i a m F l o o d ' s 1 5 5 a c r e s in 1905. their size.  The  B y t h i s t i m e , t h e H o l m e s ' h a d m a n a g e d to w h i t t l e  7 7  land  (and the  attendant  work)  considerably from  Y e t t h e l a n d c o n t i n u e d to b e a f o c u s of t h e i r  Family  its  down original  attention.  Economy  In s o m e r e s p e c t s , S u s a n H o l m e s a n d S u s a n F l o o d d i f f e r e d from  the  7 5  majority  of  rural  women  e a r l i e r in t h e  little  nineteenth-century  S A H , 5 September 1898; 8 September 1898; 25 April  1899.  76  lnformation from Don Roberts, 1 May  1996.  77  British Columbia Tax Assessment Rolls, Reels B00433 and B00478, B C A R S .  who  lived "lives that w e r e d o m i n a t e d  satisfactions, productive  and  sorrows  activities  their family's  were  of  by the n e c e s s i t i e s ,  domestic  production."  geared towards  h a n d s , but  many more were  bringing  more  viability.  certainly  A s with the  i n c r e a s e d the rural f a m i l i e s  cash  into  n o n - f i n a n c i a l , at l e a s t  t h e s e n s e t h a t t h e y d i d not d i r e c t l y a d d m o n e y to t h e coffers—they  S o m e of t h e i r  7 8  household's  in  household  economic  Ruth Sandwell studied  on  S a l t s p r i n g I s l a n d , t h e s e h o m e s a p p e a r to h a v e h a d " a n e c o n o m y b a s e d on the  l a b o u r of all h o u s e h o l d m e m b e r s , c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y a  fluctuating (often  conbination  'off-farm'  work)  of and  s u b s i s t e n c e activities, commercial  agricultural  F a m i l y strategies for e c o n o m i c survival often complex  and  waged  wildly  labour  production."  h a d to b e  7 9  both  flexible.  Unlike m a n y other  rural w o m e n a c r o s s N o r t h A m e r i c a , n e i t h e r  S u s a n H o l m e s n o r S u s a n F l o o d h a d b e e n b r o u g h t u p in a g r i c u l t u r a l milieux. William  Indeed, neither married a farmer, a s both D a v i d H o l m e s a n d F l o o d h a d entirely  marriages.  different  o c c u p a t i o n s at t h e  time  T h e H o l m e s ' b e c a m e a "farm f a m i l y " a f t e r t h e y  of  their  moved  into H o l m e s d a l e in 1 8 8 4 , a n d t h e F l o o d s w h e n t h e y f i n a l l y t o o k  up  r e s i d e n c e at t h e i r h o m e s t e a d just after t h e t u r n of t h e c e n t u r y . t h e i r c o n c e r n w i t h s u r v i v a l a s e c o n o m i c u n i t s d i d not c o m e with  their  transformation  into  farming  families;  s i m p l y b e c a m e for both f a m i l i e s a c e n t r e point strategies.  78  L i g h t and Prentice, Pioneer and Gentlewomen, p. 5.  79  Sandwell, "Peasants on the Coast?," p. 284.  rather,  of t h e i r  about  farming economic  But  It w a s c e r t a i n l y component work  not t h e o n l y , o r e v e n t h e  of t h e s e s t r a t e g i e s .  lives were  both  marked  main,  financial  David Holmes' and William Flood's by " o c c u p a t i o n a l p l u r a l i t y . "  8 0  In D a v i d  H o l m e s ' c a s e , f a r m i n g w o u l d d e f i n i t e l y s e e m not to h a v e b e e n f a v o u r e d c h o i c e a s a m e a n s of m a k i n g a l i v i n g .  his  Susan occasionally  c o m m e n t e d o n h i s l a c k of m e n t a l e n t h u s i a s m f o r t h e w o r k , e v e n a s s h e w o r r i e d a b o u t h o w h a r d h e l a b o u r e d at it p h y s i c a l l y . nineteenth  A s the  c e n t u r y w a s e n d i n g , s h e e n g a g e d in h e r h a b i t of s i t t i n g  up  a l o n e o n N e w Y e a r ' s E v e to write h e r m u s i n g s o n t h e p a s t y e a r a n d h o p e s for the next.  T h e p a r t i c u l a r y e a r that h a d j u s t p a s s e d h a d  c o n t a i n e d t h e g o o d n e w s that "the m o r t g a g e w h i c h h a s b e e n s u c h a b a n e to u s f o r s o m a n y y e a r s h a s b e e n all but c l e a r e d off" a n d t h a t D a v i d w a s h o m e again, evidently permanently. "I d o n ' t work.  k n o w tho' whether  However, she added,  h e will b e s a t i s f i e d to r e m a i n w i t h o u t C h .  H e d o e s not s e e m to t a k e k i n d l y to f a r m w o r k a f t e r b e i n g  of it f o r s o  long."  out  8 1  David's own thoughts  o n this subject are u n k n o w n :  although  his p r e f e r e n c e for c h u r c h work s e e m s more than likely, h e h a d the y e a r s a l s o s h o w n c o n s i d e r a b l e interest  in a g r i c u l t u r e .  over  There  had  b e e n h i s w o r k in t h e late 1 8 6 0 s at t h e m i s s i o n f a r m at H o p e , a n d later  his attempts  Cowichan Valley.  to  establish an agricultural  H e h a d a l s o built a s a w m i l l at  he wanted  to t e a c h  importance  of l u m b e r i n g  development  c o l l e g e in  milling,  apparently  the  Holmesdale-where  envisioning the  future  in t h e a r e a - p r o b a b l y to h e l p p a y f o r  of t h e c o l l e g e .  8 0  T h e term Sandwell uses.  8 1  S A H , 31 December  1899.  A n accident which almost  the  completely  destroyed the leaving  his c h u r c h  agriculture and  in  mill a d d e d to t h e o t h e r f a c t o r s  was  position  in  particular  his to  his  in t h e  mind  parish.  intimately  missionary  which  led to  his  P e r h a p s his interest  8 2  tied  to  activities  his  clerical  with the  in  duties,  Indians.  F a r m i n g a s a v o c a t i o n in a n d of itself m a y h a v e b e e n a d i f f e r e n t matter. William although  the  F l o o d s e e m s to h a v e t a k e n m o r e e n j o y m e n t b u l k of t h e f a m i l y ' s i n c o m e m u s t  other occupations.  in  farming,  have c o m e from  his  It s e e m s h e h a d g i v e n u p t h e i n s e c u r e b u s i n e s s of  s e a r c h i n g for gold by the time he met his future w i f e , instead on developing a sawmill and construction  focusing  8 3  business.  Aside  from building h o m e s a n d churches, he also supplied the H o p e a r e a with c a s k e t s .  H e (along with the m e n he e m p l o y e d ) a c q u i r e d  the  w o o d f o r h i s s a w m i l l b y l o g g i n g h i s o w n l a n d , u s i n g t e a m s of P r o d u c e f r o m t h e f a r m (after t h e f a m i l y certainly  provided  business income: highways  and  h a d m o v e d out to  a necessary augmentation  of t h e  oxen.  Flood)  construction  f a r m p r o d u c e a n d h o r s e s w e r e s o l d to b o t h  railroad  construction  outfits  (for  both  of  which  Bill  a l s o s e r v e d a s a n e m p l o y e e ) , a n d fruit f r o m t h e o r c h a r d s at  the  h o m e s t e a d w e r e s h i p p e d to V a n c o u v e r a n d s o l d f r o m t h e r e .  While  the family w a s never wealthy always  fairly  comfortable,  b y a n y m e a n s , it s e e m s t h e y  enduring  minimal  financial  were  hardship.  lnformation from Don Roberts, 1 May 1996. T w o years before, in 1879, he and James Corrigan had floated a raft they called the Steamboat down the Skagit River, looking for gold. A campsite they named "Steamboat Landing" was the site of the notorious Steamboat Mountain mining scam in 1911. Bruce Ramsay. Ghost Towns of British Columbia (Vancouver: Mitchell Press Limited, 1963), p. 197. F o r a i n a a New Hope, p. 86. 82  8 3  84  8 4  T h e two  S u s a n s s h a r e d o n e o t h e r a s p e c t of t h e i r  experience-  b o t h of t h e i r h u s b a n d s w e r e a b s e n t f r o m t h e h o u s e h o l d f o r p e r i o d s of t i m e .  S u c h a b s e n c e s of n e c e s s i t y h a d a p r o f o u n d  on the h o u s e h o l d ecology. Newfoundland,  extended  Marilyn  W r i t i n g of l a t e r t i m e p e r i o d s  Porter  remarks  effect  in  that:  W o m e n with largely a b s e n t h u s b a n d s must take a l m o s t total responsibility for running the h o m e a n d r e a r i n g t h e c h i l d r e n , a n d c a r r y out t h o s e t a s k s w i t h v e r y little a s s i s t a n c e . T h i s m e a n s , of c o u r s e , t h a t t h e y m u s t t a k e c a r e of t a s k s n o r m a l l y a l l o c a t e d to m e n in t h e t r a d i t i o n a l s e x u a l d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r , a s w e l l a s h a v i n g to h a n d l e d e c i s i o n s a n d f i n a n c i a l arrangements. 8 5  Absent  h u s b a n d s thus entailed the d e v e l o p m e n t  of v a r i o u s  "family  s t r a t e g i e s " to k e e p t h e h o u s e h o l d r u n n i n g a s a v i a b l e e c o n o m i c unit. S u s a n H o l m e s ' a c t i v i t i e s in t h e l a n d m a r k e t  have already  mentioned.  W h e n D a v i d w a s a w a y p r e a c h i n g in T e x a s in t h e  1890s (and  r e c e i v i n g a s t i p e n d of $ 8 0 0 . 0 0 ) ,  older  (the  eldest  at a n d c o n t r i b u t i n g  three  in their  twenties),  8 6  but  her children a l l still  to t h e r u n n i n g of H o l m e s d a l e .  been  late were  usually  A few  living  years  e a r l i e r , S u s a n h a d a c c o m p a n i e d H a r r y to V i c t o r i a , w h e r e s h e  had  m a d e inquiries about getting the y o u n g m a n a s u r v e y i n g job.  By  1 8 9 8 , b o t h H a r r y a n d F r e d w e r e a w a y s u r v e y i n g f o r p e r i o d s of but w o r k i n g o n t h e f a r m w h e n t h e y w e r e h o m e , t h u s b o t h a d d i n g t h e f a m i l y ' s f i n a n c e s in t w o w a y s .  The Holmes daughters,  w o r k e d o u t s i d e t h e h o m e f o r p a y , a part of w h i c h w e n t  into  time, to  too, the  M a r i l y n Porter, "Mothers and Daughters: Linking Women's Life Histories in Grand Bank, Newfoundland, Canada," in Rethinking Canada, eds. Strong-Boag and Fellman, p. 401. 85  8 6  S A H , 23 February  1898.  family's  income.  Beatrice obtained  a teaching  certificate  in  1898  a n d r e c e i v e d a p o s t i n g at G a b r i o l a I s l a n d t h e n e x t J a n u a r y .  Susan  reported  be  that  "Beatrice herself  p l e a s e d o r not--of  scarcely knows  whether  c o u r s e s h e is g l a d of t h e p r o s p e c t of  s o m e m o n e y , but d o e s not like l e a v i n g h o m e . "  8 7  It will c o m e in v e r y u s e f u l . "  sixteen-year-old Z e p h i e went of y o u n g c h i l d r e n .  to  8 8  earning  T h e following  s h e w a s h a p p y to h a v e " R e c ' d letter & 1 5 . 0 0 f r o m earnings!  to  Beatrice.  month H e r first  At a r o u n d the s a m e  N a n a i m o to h e l p l o o k a f t e r  time,  a  family  H o w e v e r , w h e n t h e m o t h e r b e c a m e ill Z e p h i e  c o u l d not m a n a g e all t h e c h i l d c a r e o n h e r o w n , a n d S u s a n , w h o found  it d i f f i c u l t to  part  with her y o u n g e s t  daughter  p l a c e , d e c i d e d s h e s h o u l d not g o b a c k to N a n a i m o : to go from family  home."  8 9  in t h e  " s h e is t o o  l i n e s , but  a n d w a s often contingent diary  entries  young  this  was  not  the  9 0  In g e n e r a l , t h e d i v i s i o n of f a r m a n d h o u s e h o l d l a b o u r gendered  first  In 1 9 0 6 , Z e p h i e t o o s o u g h t to c o n t r i b u t e to  i n c o m e b y w a y of t e a c h i n g s c h o o l .  definite  had  n e c e s s a r i l y rigidly  on circumstances.  T h u s , while  followed imposed  Susan's  u s u a l l y r e c o u n t e d d a y s in w h i c h t h e g i r l s d i v i d e d  the  housework, while Harry and Fred performed chores s u c h a s clearing land, loading lumber a n d planting described  unusual situations,  crops, they also occasionally  e s p e c i a l l y with r e g a r d s to the  f a r m l a b o u r , w h e r e t h e s e d i v i s i o n s h a d to b e a b a n d o n e d .  One such  o