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Making choices : examining Musqueam agency at Stselax village during the post-contact period 2000

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M A K I N G C H O I C E S : E X A M I N I N G M U S Q U E A M A G E N C Y A T S T S E L A X V I L L A G E D U R I N G T H E P O S T - C O N T A C T P E R I O D by M I C H E L L E D I A N E P O U L S E N A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D I N P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T F O R T H E D E G R E E O F M A S T E R O F A R T S in T H E F A C U L T Y O F G R A D U A T E S T U D I E S An th ropo logy T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A M a r c h 2005 © M i c h e l l e D iane Pou lsen , 2005 Abstract Musqueam East or DhRt2 is the archaeological remains of the Musqueam village of Stselax. The site is located on the west coast of mainland British Columbia, and the original excavation was carried out by Charles Borden in the 1950's-60's. Dating from AD 1250 to late contact times, Musqueam East provides an uninterrupted archaeological record of the contact period from indirect contact through the fur trade and European colonization. This record allows an examination of the European goods Musqueam people chose to use at this village. This thesis examines the glass, metal, and ceramic artifacts from the Charles House excavation at Musqueam East. Using manufacturing and decoration techniques as temporal markers, the artifacts are assigned to a time range during the post-contact period. This data is compared to explorers 'journals and the Fort Langley journals in order to explore Musqueam agency through time. Three periods of contact are examined: Years of Exploration (1774-1826), The Fur Trade Years (1827-1857), and European Colonization and Settlement (1858 onwards). A pattern emerges showing that the earliest European goods and ideas integrated into Musqueam culture were used in ways consistent with Musqueam values, beliefs, and practices. This includes household items and blankets. Only in the last period of contact, when Europeans are colonizing and settling the Fraser Delta, is there a change in the material record showing European impact on fundamentally Musqueam activities and the material goods associated with those activities including ceremonialism, woodworking, and fishing. By comparing what is preserved at the site with what was available to Musqueam people at different times throughout the contact period, Musqueam actions and decisions are given a voice beyond the written records of European traders. ii Table o f Contents Abst rac t i i Table o f Contents i i i L i s t o f Figures i y L i s t o f Tables v A c k n o w l e d g m e n t s v i Introduction 1 Introduction to Contact Studies 4 Concepts o f A g e n c y 5 M e t h o d o l o g y 8 A r c h a e o l o g i c a l Resul ts 9 Glass 10 Ceramics 13 M e t a l N o n - n a i l s 23 N a i l s 26 Misce l l aneous 27 Ethnohis tor ic Da ta on Contact H i s to ry 27 Year s o f E x p l o r a t i o n (1774-1826) 28 The F u r Trade Yea r s (1827-1857) 33 European C o l o n i z a t i o n and Settlement (1858 onwards) 36 D i s c u s s i o n 38 E a r l y Contact and Inter-vil lage Rela t ions 39 For t Lang ley - W h y Trade? 41 W o m e n , Households , and European G o o d s 42 The V a l u e o f Blankets 43 Resistance 44 Conc lus ions and Suggestions for Further Research 46 References C i t e d 50 i n L i s t o f Figures F igure 1- A e r i a l v i e w o f M u s q u e a m I.R.#2, showing the Char les House E x c a v a t i o n site..3 F igure 2- Ar t i fac t #182, C l u b Sauce T y p e Stopper 16 Figure 3- Glass artifacts 16 F igure 4- Ar t i fac t #121 17 F igure 5- P ipe fragments popular i n the mid-nineteenth century 17 Figure 6- Non- t empora l ly specif ic ut i l i tar ian container fragments 18 Figure 7- Nineteenth and twentieth century ceramic decorat ion techniques i n L e v e l s 1, l a , and 2 18 F igure 8- W i l l o w pattern fragment 19 F igure 9- M o d i f i e d metal artifacts 19 F igure 10- Late nineteenth to mid-twent ie th century shotgun cartridges 20 Figure 11- Handmade lead f i sh ing weights 20 i v L i s t o f Tables Table 1- Glass Art i fac ts by L e v e l 11 Table 2- Diagnos t ic Glass Art i facts by Dates o f P roduc t ion and L e v e l 11 Table 3- Ce ramic Art i fac ts by L e v e l 14 Table 4- M e t a l Art i facts by L e v e l 23 Table 5- M o d i f i e d M e t a l Ar t i fac ts by L e v e l 24 Table 6- For t Lang ley Trade Inventory 1852 36 Tab le 7- T i m e Per iods o f Leve l s Based o n Produc t ion Dates o f Art i fac ts 39 Table 8- G o o d s A v a i l a b l e i n Different Trade Yea r s 39 v Acknowledgments My first and deepest thanks goes to the Musqueam community for allowing me to use their objects and resources for this thesis. In particular, I would like to thank Leona Sparrow for being a part of my committee and for all the time and feedback she gave to me. I would also like to thank Mr. Stanley Charles and Mr. Andrew Charles, as well as all the other community members, who shared their insights at Musqueam 101. Their discussion was very informative and helpful to me. I want to thank my other committee members, Michael Blake and Sue Rowley. Mike, you always had something encouraging to say along with your critique which I have really appreciated. Sue, you have been a major support throughout this project and my entire MA program, always asking me tough questions but also always ready to help me explore the answers. You are a great mentor. I also want to thank the Archaeology Assistant, Patricia Ormerod for all her help in locating the roving collection and many other resources, and her supportive words. To my fellow grad students Cara Krmpotich, Mary-Lou LaFleur, and Sheryl Clark, your friendship and support were so freely given, thanks. Last but not least, I want to thank my family and friends who have hung in there with me through this process. In particular I thank my mom, Chyril Poulsen, who has been unbelievably supportive and encouraging, and my fiance, Trevor Eichel, who has also been incredibly supportive and also tolerant of all the stress and frustrations that are part of writing a thesis! Without my family's encouragement and support I never could have made it this far, thank you. vi Introduction The Fraser River Delta of British Columbia has always been a place rich in resources. Here river, marine, and land resources meet and have provided for the Musqueam people who according to their histories have lived and built their villages here since time immemorial. However, this is not solely a meeting place of natural resources, but of cultural resources as well. Musqueam people have interacted with their neighbours from pre-contact times to the present day. These relationships have provided Musqueam people with access to far ranging resources in addition to those available locally. Long after the establishment of these aboriginal trade networks, new resources from even farther away were introduced through these same networks, as well as through direct trade with European explorers. This study examines how Musqueam people chose to utilize the new material goods available from European sources. During the late 1700's Europeans, such as the Russians and the Spanish, began exploration and trade voyages to the Pacific Northwest, trading and interacting with groups in Alaska and on the west coast of Vancouver Island. The explorers traded European goods to local groups in exchange for local furs. Beaver furs were in high demand in foreign markets and the explorers and early traders began importing more and more European goods for trade with local groups. E*uring these years of exploration, the Musqueam were not geographically positioned to take full advantage of these new resources as they lived on the mainland, with Vancouver Island itself between the Musqueam and the physical center of trade. However, this situation changed as contact intensified with the establishment of permanent fur trade forts, particularly when Fort Langley was built begirining in 1827. There is no published information from a Musqueam point of view on Musqueam goals and intentions in these interactions or how they chose to use European items. This thesis cannot speak from a Musqueam point of view, but it will examine the archaeological evidence from the Musqueam East site in order to provide an interpretation 2 less value laden than the h is tor ica l sources. T h i s thesis w i l l examine h o w M u s q u e a m people exercised agency as they decided if , when , and h o w to interact w i t h Europeans, and if , when , and h o w to u t i l ize European material culture. Today , the Un ive r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a l ies several k i lometers from the M u s q u e a m Indian Reserve #2, (Figure 1). Loca ted o n the reserve among several archaeological sites is M u s q u e a m East , or D h R t 2, the archaeological site o f a M u s q u e a m v i l l age ca l l ed Stselax. Char les B o r d e n , the or ig ina l excavator o f the site, dated the pre-contact component o f this v i l l age to A . D . 1250-1807, and the post contact component from 1808 onwards. A c c o r d i n g to l oca l M u s q u e a m residents in terviewed i n the 1950s, Stselax was a v i l l age o f 11 or so longhouses (Abbot t 1955:2; K e l l y 1952:3). In more recent t imes (1940s), two o f the longhouses that remained standing were used for winter ceremonia l act ivi t ies. T h i s means that a l l phases o f contact, encompassing indirect contact, direct contact, the fur trade, and co lon iza t ion , are present at this site and have had some impact o n the material culture o f this communi ty . T h i s makes the archaeological co l l ec t ion from M u s q u e a m East ideal for examin ing material culture changes dur ing the post-contact per iod. M u s q u e a m East was excavated o n and o f f by Char les B o r d e n throughout the 1950s and early 1960s. D u r i n g the first f ive seasons o f excavat ion, beginning i n 1950, he opened up three trenches. These excavations found ma in ly heavi ly disturbed midden , a result o f the p l o w i n g and cu l t iva t ion o f the land by Chinese tenant farmers w h o rented land from M u s q u e a m ( G i l l i e s 1956:2; L i t t l e 1957:8). Mater ia l s from these excavations are not inc luded i n this analysis due to the disturbed nature o f the deposits. H o w e v e r , there was a pocket o f land protected from the effects o f agriculture o n archaeological materials. T h i s was the land underneath the two longhouses that remained standing f rom the or ig ina l v i l l age . I Figure 1. Aerial view of Musqueam IR2, showing the Charles House excavation site. This map is reproduced directly from a report written by one of the student excavators (Gilliesl957) and is based on an historical aerial photograph of Vancouver taken in 1948. 4 In 1956, B o r d e n began excavations w i t h i n one o f these, the Char les House . The excavators report that i n preceding decades the Char les House was used ma in ly for winter ceremonies, but i n its last years it was a storage area for unwanted farming equipment and other cast offs (Li t t le 1957:11). C o m m u n i t y members say the Char les house was rebuil t or renovated by M r . F rank Char les around 1900 (Leeson 1957:19). Leeson (1957:19) recorded the house be ing reduced f rom its o r ig ina l s ize o f approximate ly 65x40 feet to 52x35 feet. T h i s is supported by B o r d e n ' s observations o f the construct ion methods o f the house w h i c h inc luded both hand and machine m i l l e d lumber. L i t t l e (1957:10) also recorded that the or ig ina l s leeping platforms were nar rowed into seating platforms as the house began to be used more for ceremonials . The area o f the site w i t h i n the Char les House p roved to have m u c h less disturbance i n its stratigraphy. T h i s thesis is based solely o n materials from the Char les House excavations. T h i s thesis examines the glass, metal , ceramic and other artifacts o f European o r i g i n excavated from the Char les House . P roduc t ion dates o f the artifacts, and their periods o f ava i lab i l i ty are used to establish a relative chronology. The ver t ica l d is t r ibut ion o f artifacts is analyzed to determine w h i c h artifacts entered the site dur ing each per iod o f contact. I then compare these items to the types o f trade goods k n o w n to be avai lable i n each per iod . T h i s provides a way to examine the choices M u s q u e a m people made i n the integration o f European goods into M u s q u e a m culture. The differences between what was avai lable , and what was actually used are interpreted as evidence o f agency and dec i s ion m a k i n g i n M u s q u e a m interactions w i t h Europeans, and m a y shed l ight o n M u s q u e a m goals and strategies for each contact per iod. Introduction to Contact Studies Processes o f culture change are a pr imary focus o f anthropological archaeology. It has 5 been argued elsewhere that situations o f culture contact provide a unique insight into these processes due to relat ively rapid changes part ly result ing f rom the in t roduct ion o f new material goods (Rogers and W i l s o n 1993; Light foot 1995; S i l l i m a n 2001) . These rapid transformations are recognized as be ing inf luenced by the new opportunities and consequences resul t ing f rom contact. Researchers (for example see Rogers and W i l s o n 1993; Light foot 1995; M o r e a u 1998; Jackson 1991a, Jackson 1991b) recognize that acculturat ion theory fails to account for the divers i ty o f native responses to the ava i lab i l i ty o f trade goods and the divers i ty o f contact episodes w h i c h affected the processes o f contact. T h e y also acknowledge that "Des i r ab i l i t y o f different classes o f European goods w i t h i n native cultures was h igh ly variable and cul tura l ly determined" (Rogers and W i l s o n 1993:5). T h i s recogni t ion cal ls for an approach that does not create an ar t i f ic ia l l ine between the pre-contact and post-contact history o f Fi rs t Na t ions cultures, but instead recognizes post-contact change as a cont inuat ion o f the processes o f change and innova t ion operating i n pre-contact t imes (Lightfoot 1995:200). M a n y researchers recognize the value o f c o m b i n i n g archaeological and ethnohistoric research, as archaeology w i t h its focus o n change provides the wri t ten accounts w i t h a d iachronic perspective (Lightfoot 1995:199; Jackson 199 l a : 132). W h i l e some researchers are wary o f the pi tfal ls o f c o m b i n i n g d isc ip l ines w i t h different goals and methodologies ( W i l s o n 1993:21), I bel ieve a mul t i -d i sc ip l ina ry approach to s tudying culture change i n contact situations is the most comprehensive methodologica l approach to this p rob lem. Concepts of Agency E x p l o r i n g issues o f agency i n the past continues to be an important concern o f archaeology. E x a m i n i n g agency has the potential to g ive an active vo i ce to groups t radi t ional ly g iven a passive role i n cul tural interaction and change. The need to tie archaeological data and interpretations into wide r socia l processes is c lear ly a key goal o f archaeology, and factors into more than one theory o f agency. Barrett (2000:65) made a key d is t inc t ion between structural condi t ions and structuring pr inciples . Structural condi t ions include material resources, technology, and symbo l i c systems. These condi t ions themselves are t ied to human agency and are h is tor ica l ly specif ic . A n example o f structural condi t ions operating o n M u s q u e a m w o u l d include cul tural constraints o n interactions w i t h strangers, and the types o f goods avai lable for trade dur ing g iven t ime periods. Structuring pr inc ip les are the "means o f inhabi t ing certain structural condi t ions: they are expressed i n the agents' abi l i t ies to w o r k o n those condi t ions i n the reproduct ion and transformation o f their o w n identities and condi t ions o f existence" (emphasis added, Barrett 2000:65) . In other words , the forms agency takes i n u t i l i z i n g the structural condi t ions are the structuring pr inc ip les . A n example o f structuring pr inc ip les w o u l d be M u s q u e a m us ing European goods such as blankets on ly i n contexts consistent w i t h M u s q u e a m practices and beliefs such as pot la tching or refusing to use European i tems for part icular act ivi t ies that are fundamental to M u s q u e a m culture such as f i sh ing. Barrett (2000:67) ca l led for archaeology to see material culture as the context where agency was constructed, and to see h o w these materials may have been understood through 'b iographica l ly constructed knowledges ' that w o u l d differ accord ing to the experiences o f different socia l classes, genders, and other groups. F o r example , different genders or age groups o f M u s q u e a m people m a y have come to k n o w or use these structural condi t ions (contact era trade items) differently based o n h o w their experiences inf luenced their interpretation o f the i tems and their access to the items. O r , dur ing periods o f different types o f contact, the structural condi t ions (types o f goods, relationships) c o u l d be different, result ing i n different k inds o f 7 agency (resistance, transformation, context dependant use o f goods). One major advantage to this theory is that it a l lows more than one perspective o n material culture; objects can have more than one meaning depending o n what experiences and interpretations the observer or actor is d rawing upon. I w i l l demonstrate that the material culture at M u s q u e a m East exhibi ts patterns that correspond w i t h this practice o f different structuring pr inciples , such as m o d i f y i n g European items, us ing items i n a way consistent w i t h M u s q u e a m beliefs, and other means o f agency. It is this point that ties the archaeological data to the h is tor ica l data, and makes this theory so important i n l ight o f examin ing the European material culture from M u s q u e a m East. T h i s theory v i ews European i tems as n e w structural condi t ions that w o u l d be appropriated and interpreted based o n M u s q u e a m structuring pr inciples d rawn from M u s q u e a m experiences and knowledge . A complementary theory o f agency is expressed by S i l l i m a n (2001:192). H e ca l l ed for an examinat ion o f the alternatives and l imi ta t ions o f act ion for any i nd iv idua l i n a socia l setting. H e emphasized that ind iv idua l s act w i t h i n h is tor ica l and soc ia l contexts on ly part ly o f their o w n m a k i n g . These contexts l i m i t ac t ion and are an important considerat ion w h e n l o o k i n g at agency w i t h i n the constricted alternatives avai lable to a people decimated by disease and dominated economica l ly by a foreign culture. S i l l i m a n (2001:194) termed this "pract ical po l i t i c s . " S i l l i m a n found that male N a t i v e A m e r i c a n s w o r k i n g o n Ranchos cont inued to use l i th ic tools i n domest ic settings even though they used metal tools i n their w o r k and had access to metal tools for domest ic use. S i l l i m a n noted that metal tools are technologica l ly superior, and because they were avai lable the dec i s ion to continue us ing l i th ic tools at home was a po l i t i ca l dec is ion . In this manner, stone tools are "act ive material izat ions, not passive vestiges, o f native ident i ty" ( S i l l i m a n 2001:203) . 8 T h i s concept ion o f agency is useful because it gets past ut i l i tar ian funct ion to l ook at the socia l and po l i t i ca l impl ica t ions o f the objects o f da i ly l i fe . Because the post-contact assemblage at Stselax V i l l a g e is composed o f European household and trade items, it is important to have a f ramework w i t h i n w h i c h to conceptual ize the use o f these i tems i n contexts outside o f their ut i l i tar ian European functions. L i k e Barrett, S i l l i m a n sees agency as operating w i t h i n a set o f structural condi t ions , and it is h is recogni t ion o f this that gives his perspective its emancipatory potential . These approaches provide a f ramework for examin ing M u s q u e a m agency at the M u s q u e a m East site. T h i s thesis w i l l examine the socia l and po l i t i ca l impl ica t ions o f the European goods M u s q u e a m people chose to use, the b iographica l knowledge people d rew upon, and the forms M u s q u e a m agency took dur ing different periods o f the post-contact era. Methodology A s a first step i n ident i fying w h e n different materials were integrated into M u s q u e a m society by the M u s q u e a m people w h o brought them into this site, the ver t ica l patterning o f artifacts w i t h i n the site was examined . T h i s requires strongly contro l led records o f provenience i n order to determine w h i c h i tems entered the site earliest and w h i c h were introduced later. W h i l e many artifacts i n the sample have inexact depth measurements, by dating some artifacts through their manufacturing technology, style o f decorat ion and researching their ava i lab i l i ty i n this area it has been possible to determine the earliest per iod that many c o u l d have entered the site. T h i s informat ion combined w i t h the exact provenience o f part icular artifacts has p rov ided some informat ion o n the date ranges for different levels o f the site. In addi t ion, I assigned each artifact to a l eve l based o n the or ig ina l excavator 's method o f excavat ing i n s ix i n c h levels and bagging a l l the artifacts from that l eve l together. T h i s resulted i n seven levels w i t h contact goods. 9 There are some lapses i n this practice i n the excavat ion, w i t h many artifacts be ing recorded as c o m i n g f rom a depth w i t h a range up to 15 inches. L e v e l s l a and 3a represent these over lapping levels . In addi t ion, al though some artifacts were catalogued and assigned a permanent artifact number by B o r d e n , most have on ly a temporary I D number assigned by the researcher for this part icular study. In this paper, artifacts w i t h a permanent catalogue number are preceded by M u E , artifacts w i t h a temporary I D have a number on ly . Archaeological Results Eighteen hundred and fifty one artifacts were analyzed. N a i l s represent 1301 artifacts, and this is after exc lud ing hundreds o f sma l l , unidentif iable i ron fragments f rom the sample. These unidentif iable fragments are a l l f rom L e v e l s 1 and l a . T h e y most l i k e l y represent nai ls , but are exc luded f rom further analysis due to their lack o f identif iable features and sheer number. T h e analysis o f artifacts is descriptive rather than statistical, so their exc lus ion does not impact the results. The other 550 artifacts inc lude 263 glass artifacts, 171 ceramic fragments, 93 metal artifacts, and 23 miscel laneous items inc lud ing shoe fragments and shel l and plast ic buttons. O n l y 43 o f these 1851 artifacts have exact provenience, and on ly a fraction o f these are diagnostic enough to provide some l imi t s o n the t ime per iod i n w h i c h they c o u l d have been produced. Art i facts were examined by raw material type. I recorded their fo rm, intended use, modif ica t ions and mod i f i ed use (where known) . Patterns, decorat ion types and styles were ident i f ied for ceramics, and product ion periods were generated based o n that informat ion. Glass artifacts were examined for manufacturing scars and decorat ion types to generate periods o f product ion . M e t a l artifacts were ident i f ied to type o f metal , but forms are less temporal ly 10 specif ic than other artifacts. N a i l s were recorded as machine cut, hand forged, or wi re and then assigned product ion periods. Misce l l aneous artifacts were treated i n d i v i d u a l l y and any attributes such as raw material or fo rm that c o u l d contribute to determining a product ion date were recorded. T h e f o l l o w i n g sections discuss the artifacts based o n r aw mater ial . Tables are p rov ided to show the ver t ical d is t r ibut ion and divers i ty o f each mater ial class among the assigned levels . Glass Glass is present i n surpr is ingly early levels o f this site, consider ing it is never ment ioned as a trade i tem (Table 1). In fact the earliest post-contact l eve l at the site, L e v e l 5, contains an unident i f ied fragment o f colorless glass, and a c lub sauce style stopper (artifact #182, Figures 2 and 3). The manufacture o f this style o f stopper has a broad product ion range throughout the 18 t h and 19 t h centuries (Jones: 152-3, 1979). L e v e l 4 (18-24") contains t w o fragments o f green bottle glass and one piece o f a colorless plate. There is a hiatus i n the presence o f glass f rom 12-18" ( L e v e l 3). T h i s hiatus is f o l l o w e d by a steady increase i n the number o f glass artifacts i n the three most recent levels . L e v e l 2 (6-12") has 20 fragments, i nc lud ing s ix bottle fragments, four container fragments (could also be bottles but unable to conf i rm) , and three fragments o f flat glass. The remain ing seven fragments are unidentif ied. L e v e l l a (0-12") has five container fragments, one bottle fragment, two buttons, and 14 fragments o f flat glass. L e v e l 1 (0-6") again shows the most diversi ty , w i t h two glass beads, s ix glass buttons, one marble, one stopper, two fragments from tableware, one candlest ick fragment, 43 fragments from containers, 82 fragments o f flat glass, and 41 unident if ied fragments (See Table 2 for diagnostic glass date ranges). 11 Table 1. Glass Art i fac ts by L e v e l Level Artifact/Fragment Type Total 1 (0-6")DBS 2 bead, 7 bottle, 6 button, 1 candlestick, 43 container, 1 marble, 1 stopper, 2 tableware, 82 window/mirror, 41 unidentified 186 la(0-15")DBS 1 bottle, 2 button, 5 container, 14 window/mirror, 30 unidentified 52 2 (6-12")DBS 6 bottle, 4 container, 3 window/mirror, 7 unidentified 20 3 (12-18")DBS no glass artifacts 0 4(18-24")DBS 2 bottle, 1 plate 3 5 (24-36")DBS 1 stopper, 1 unidentified 2 Note: DBS indicates depth below surface Table 2. Diagnos t ic Glass Art i fac ts by Dates o f P roduc t ion and L e v e l Artifact Number Item Level Production Range 114 Pharmaceutical bottle 1 (0-6") 1850- present 150 Carnival glass tableware 1 (0-6") 1870's into 1900's 156 Carnival glass tableware 1 (0-6") 1870's into 1900's 182 Club sauce type stopper 5 (24-36") 18th and 19th century Note: Dates from Jones (1985) Modification Several o f the artifacts were modi f i ed . L e v e l l a contains eight mod i f i ed fragments o f glass. S i x o f these fragments were altered by heat and appear mel ted and misshapen. T w o o f the fragments display patterned ch ipp ing . In L e v e l 1, there are 25 mod i f i ed fragments, seven chipped, 16 altered by heat, and two heat altered then ch ipped (#121 and #85). Households had fires inside their homes and it is possible these i tems found their w a y into the fire accidental ly. H o w e v e r , the two artifacts that d isplay both alteration by heat and subsequent ch ipp ing (Art i fact #121, F igure 4) suggest that some experimentat ion w i t h heating glass occurred. T h e ch ipp ing occurs o n the edges o f the glass fragments and is repeated and patterned i n a w ay consistent w i t h ch ipp ing o f stone, a technology occas iona l ly i n use i n the non-contact sample f rom the same 12 levels . A c c o r d i n g to D a v i d Poko ty lo , a l i th ic expert, the chances o f the f l ak ing o n these two artifacts be ing produced naturally is remote (personal communica t ion) . It is interesting that a l l 33 mod i f i ed pieces o f glass occur i n L e v e l s 1 and l a , the most recent levels o f the site. T h i s contrasts w i t h other studies that have found experimentat ion and modi f i ca t ion typ ica l o f the earliest introduced trade items, such as at B e l l a C o o l a sites (Hob le r 1986). A t Stselax, there is an increase i n the presence o f glass at the site through t ime, no doubt l i n k e d to its increased ava i lab i l i ty after 1858. That was the year when the go ld rush brought thousands o f immigrants into B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a and c o l o n i a l settlement began, b r ing ing more stores and supply sources than the H u d s o n ' s B a y C o m p a n y trading posts, w h i c h had been the sole provider up to that point . T h i s is supported by the H B C For t L a n g l e y journals w h i c h do not record glass be ing traded at a l l p r ior to 1858. In the 18th and 19th centuries food and dr ink were packed i n glass and it is clear f rom the fort journals that these subsistence i tems were i n short supply. T h i s w o u l d exp la in the early c lub sauce stopper be ing among the first glass artifacts introduced into the site, and w o u l d also exp l a in the scarcity o f glass i n the earliest two levels . In contrast, by L e v e l l a there is a significant increase i n the amount o f glass, and flat glass first appears i n this l eve l . The flat glass m a y be from mirrors or w i n d o w s , as there are no dis t inguishing characteristics once the reflective surface layer is deteriorated. In L e v e l 1, the amount o f glass more than triples and the divers i ty expands to inc lude w i n d o w / m i r r o r and decorative glass among other types, demonstrating wide r use o f a variety o f glass i tems not restricted to food and beverage containers. It seems l i k e l y that the greater ava i lab i l i ty o f glass i n general i n later contact t imes made glass more accessible to M u s q u e a m ind iv idua l s for experimentat ion. A n anomaly is the presence o f faceted and globular blue trade beads i n L e v e l 1, a l eve l 13 w h i c h f rom a l l other evidence appears to be post 1858. The glass beads are recorded i n the For t L a n g l e y journals as be ing distributed as a gift, a l though it is clear f rom the journals they were not a h igh ly desired status i t em as they were o n the northern coast ( C o o k 1967). W h y the beads are not represented i n the earlier levels but are present later is unclear. Processes o f curat ion need to be considered, as w e l l as activit ies carr ied out at this area o f the site, and even the movement o f people, as ind iv idua l s f rom other groups that had a more intense and l o n g last ing interest i n the beads may have introduced them to Stselax at this t ime. Ceramics The earliest ceramic represented i n the sample is a fragment from a long s temmed whi te pipe occur r ing i n L e v e l 4 (Table 3), (Figure 5). It is interesting to note that this pipe is o f a later style, popular dur ing the go ld rush years (post 1858), w h i l e the earlier trade pipes found at Stselax, but not i n this excavat ion, were shorter and had a dark b r o w n glaze (Foster 1967:19-20). In general, ceramic pipes are sma l l , l ight , and more easi ly transported than ch ina cups or plates. P ipes serve a soc ia l funct ion i n the sense that people smoke together and tobacco was an i t em not so often traded as dispensed as gifts to Fi rs t Na t ions populat ions f rom fur traders to main ta in good relations or as a reward for assistance. T h i s is consistent w i t h f indings at other Fi rs t Na t ions sites where European ceramics are found; the earliest introduced ceramics are those that facilitate and structure soc ia l interactions, both those already exis t ing i n the abor ig ina l culture, and those ar is ing from contact (Bur ley 1989:102-103). A n example o f this is Jackson ' s (1991:134-135) interpretation o f teacups and saucers be ing used almost to the exc lus ion o f other types o f ceramics as a result o f A l a s k a n cultures integrating the tea ceremony into pre-exist ing soc ia l practices. S i m i l a r l y , M a a s (1994:51) interprets European wash b o w l s at the He i l t suk site o f O l d B e l l a B e l l a as c o m m u n a l serving dishes. 14 Table 3. C e r a m i c Art i fac ts by L e v e l Level Artifact/Fragment Type Total 1 (0-6")DBS 1 china doll, 9 container, 2 cup, 1 cup handle, 8 cup or bowl, 1 dish, 1 hat pin, 1 knob, 4 plate, 59 tableware, 1 vase/candlestick, 39 unidentified 128 la(0-15")DBS 2 cup, 1 cup or creamer, 2 plate, 7 tableware, 8 unidentified 20 2 (6-12")DBS 1 clay pipe, 4 container, 7 tableware, 2 unidentified 14 3 (12-18")DBS 1 vase/candlestick 1 3a(12-24")DBS 1 vase/ candlestick 1 4(18-24")DBS 1 clay pipe, 2 plate, 1 tableware 4 5 (24-36")DBS No ceramic artifacts 0 — 2 knob, 1 marble 3 - indicates no available data A l t h o u g h tea cups, bowls , and pipes were used i n different consumpt ion act ivi t ies , the soc ia l aspects o f these activit ies are s imi l a r i n that they provide an arena for ex is t ing soc ia l interactions, and a l l o w new interactions result ing from contact to be structured i n a manner comprehensible to both parties. A n unident i f ied tableware fragment and two plate fragments also occur i n L e v e l 4. The plate fragments are be l ieved intrusive as the excavators recorded them being found i n the fill o f a stake hole . Unfortunately, the non-intrusive fragment o f tableware is too smal l to identify the vessel type, however it is c lear ly tableware and not a ut i l i tar ian vessel . In L e v e l 3a (18-36") a fragment o f a candlest ick or vase is the on ly ceramic artifact found. In L e v e l 2 there is a significant increase i n the number o f ceramics present (14), and also a change i n the type o f ceramics found. L e v e l 2 has a fragment o f a m i s s i o n pipe, seven fragments o f unident if ied tableware, and a d i sh fragment. These i tems are consistent w i t h those i n the previous two levels , a l though their quantity increases. L e v e l 2 also sees the int roduct ion o f ut i l i tar ian containers represented by four fragments (Figure 6). The literature ove rwhe lming ly focuses o n the integration o f tableware w i t h l i t t le ment ion o f abor iginal cultures us ing ut i l i tar ian 15 vessels or t rading for them, and sources suggest that loca l m e n were more interested i n trading for blankets than for household goods such as ceramics ( M c D o n a l d n.d.:59). It is possible that rather than these items entering Stselax through trade, abor iginal w ives o f traders shared their access to part icular goods w i t h their relatives i n abor iginal households. L e v e l l a contains an increased quantity o f ceramics (20), w i t h seven fragments o f unident if ied tableware, two plate fragments, one fragment f rom a cup or creamer, and t w o cup fragments. In L e v e l l a , more fragments are large enough to be identif ied as to the vessel fo rm. Plates and cups are equal ly represented, though o n l y by two fragments each. H o w e v e r , this does suggest that the preference for ceramic forms associated w i t h tea noted by Jackson i n A l a s k a was not i n operation for the M u s q u e a m . A s the most recent layer, the re la t ively h i g h number (89) o f ceramics i n L e v e l 1 (0-6") is not surpris ing. There are nine fragments f rom ut i l i tar ian containers, eight cup or b o w l fragments, four cup fragments, four plate fragments, one vase or candlest ick, one furniture knob , one hat p i n head, and one ch ina d o l l a rm fragment. O f the identif iable tableware, the cups and cups /bowls outnumber the plates three to one. W h i l e this is suggestive o f a preference for cups, the ambigui ty o f the sample, w i t h 59 unident if ied fragments, precludes any def ini t ive statements about a preference for specif ic tableware vessel forms, al though it is clear that tableware was the preferred ceramic artifact by the later contact per iod. The increase i n divers i ty is marked, and suggests a m u c h wide r access to ceramic goods. I w o u l d argue that this l eve l o f the ceramic assemblage encompasses the t ime per iod after 1858.  Figure 4. Artifact #12, glass fragment showing chipped edge Figure 5. Pipe fragments popular in the mid-nineteenth century. Counter clockwise from top left: a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h. All examples are from Musqueam East, but only b and h were used in this analysis Figure 6. Non-temporally specific utilitarian container fragments. Figure 7. Nineteenth and twentieth century ceramic decoration techniques in Levels 1, la, and 2: Top row, left to right: (a)flow blue, (b)copper band, (c)sponge cut stamp; center row, left to right: (d), (e), (f), all Celadon; bottom row, left to right: (g) crimped edging; (h) hand painted; (i) decal. Figure 8. W i l l o w pattern fragment F igure 9. M o d i f i e d metal artifacts: (a) M u E 3137 i ron r o d bent into bracelet; (b) M u E 3 2 4 5 copper ro l l ed into tube shape; (c) M u E 5 2 9 copper ro l l ed into t inkler/bead; (d) M u E 1 7 1 1 lead formed into b o w shape w i t h two holes i n center, weight? ; (e) M u E 3 0 0 8 , cut piece o f lead bar. 20 21 Ceramic Decoration L e v e l 3a (12-24") is the earliest l eve l to have ceramics w i t h an identif iable decorat ion method. The single identif ied ceramic f rom this l eve l has an undated hand painted design i n blue w i t h gi l t h ighl ights . Decora ted ceramics continue through a l l succeeding levels . Decora t ion methods represented i n the most recent levels inc lude f l o w blue (Figure 7a), transfer pr in t ing ( inc lud ing a late variant o f Spode and Cope l and ' s ' W i l l o w ' shown i n F igure 8), decal (Figure 7 i ) , m u l t i banding and sponge cut (Figure 7c). F l o w blue i n part icular became popular i n Canada by the 1840s ( C o l l a r d 1984:118). Transfer pr inted wares were impor ted by the H u d s o n ' s B a y C o m p a n y i n the greatest numbers f rom 1835 to the 1870s. Transfer pr inted wares cont inued to be impor ted through the 1880s and 1890s, but i n reduced amounts (Sussman 1979:9). Sponge stamped wares entered the Canad ian market around 1850 ( C o l l a r d 1984:145). It is dur ing the 1880s and 1890s, w h e n the popular i ty o f transfer wares decl ined, that the divers i ty i n ceramic artifacts suppl ied to the Fraser V a l l e y increased, co- occurr ing w i t h the ar r ival o f famil ies o f settlers and shops to p r o v i s i o n them. L e v e l l a (0-12") contains s ix examples o f transfer print wares, i nc lud ing one fragment o f the w i l l o w pattern, and one fragment c o m b i n i n g transfer print w i t h c r imped edges. In addi t ion to the transfer printed wares, L e v e l l a also contained one mul t i -banded example w i t h indentations, one example o f c r imped edges w i t h no other decorat ion (Figure 7g), and one example w i t h a copper (metal l ic) band (Figure 7b). T h i s last example may be associated w i t h the popular tea l ea f des ign w h i c h featured several different motifs printed i n copper w i t h copper bands r i m m i n g some pieces. T h i s cannot be pos i t ive ly conf i rmed as the fragment has on ly a band, wi thout a m o t i f this pattern is not temporal ly sensitive. 22 L e v e l 1 again has the highest number o f identif ied decorat ion methods. T h i s includes one example o f m o l d e d r e l i e f w i t h a p o o l i n g b r o w n glaze, one example o f cut sponge s tamping (Figure 7c), f ive fragments o f a single C e l a d o n vessel (Figure 7d , e, f), nine hand painted examples (Figure 9h), two fragments from a single vessel sport ing a decal Greek key border, one example o f mul t i -banding , and one example w i t h a s ingle gi l t band. There are also 12 examples o f transfer pr in t ing i nc lud ing four f l o w blue, four b rown , and eight w i l l o w pat te rn- several o f w h i c h are part o f the same vessel . The clear increase i n divers i ty o f decorat ion methods corresponds w i t h the significant increase i n divers i ty o f vessel forms i n L e v e l 1, and the h is tor ica l ly documented increase i n ava i lab i l i ty o f a w ide r range o f ceramic goods. The presence o f the late vers ion w i l l o w pattern is also consistent w i t h the late nineteenth century assignment o f this l eve l . The changes through t ime i n ceramic vessel forms and decorat ion present at M u s q u e a m East are consistent w i t h general trends o f supply and ava i lab i l i ty o f ceramics at H B C posts and post-185 8 supply shops. The H B C posts were the on ly place for ceramic goods to be obtained by M u s q u e a m people before 1858, al though that supply may not have been direct ly from fort t rading act ivi t ies , but indirect ly through abor iginal trade networks. H o w e v e r , w h i l e Spode and C o p e l a n d was the exc lus ive supplier o f tablewares to the H B C (Sussman 1979:9), other wares i nc lud ing Chinese exports and ut i l i tar ian wares were c lear ly avai lable as w e l l , as their presence at this site shows. The ava i lab i l i ty o f ceramics at Ft . Lang ley and other H B C posts is one o f the constraints that operated o n M u s q u e a m people ' s dec i s ion to integrate ceramics into M u s q u e a m society. 23 M e t a l - e x c l u d i n g nai ls The metal artifact sample displays the widest divers i ty i n artifact f o r m and category o f use (Table 4). Howeve r , w h e n nai ls are exc luded f rom the sample, the number o f artifacts is less than both the glass and ceramic sample. There are 93 metal artifacts exc lud ing nai ls , unident i f ied fragments, and artifacts wi thout provenience. W h i l e the majori ty o f the metal artifacts are rusted or corroded to some extent, they more often tend to be represented by complete or almost complete objects than the glass or ceramic artifacts. Those metal i tems avai lable to Fi rs t Na t ions from the earliest episodes o f contact are absent from the earliest post-contact levels o f the site (Leve l s 4 and 5), but occur i n the more recent levels . E x a m p l e s inc lude lead bar fragments, a copper t inkler l i k e l y made from a copper kettle or other th in w a l l e d vessel , a spoon, f i les, buttons, and an i ron bar and rod (Figure 9). A shotgun shel l is one o f the earliest metal artifacts i n the sample ( L e v e l 3a) (Figure 10), a l though shotguns came later than muskets w i t h lead shot ( L e v e l 1 contained one lead shot). Table 4. M e t a l Ar t i fac ts by L e v e l Level Item Total 1 1 bolt, 2 bottle caps, 1 buckle, 4 button, 1 container, 1 eye screw, 1 eye bolt and padlock, 2 fasteners, 4 files, 1 hanger, 1 iron bar, 1 iron rod, 1 iron spike, 2 latches, 2 lead bars, 1 lead nail, 1 lead shot, 1 penny, 1 ring, 1 rivet, 1 rotary saw blade, 1 safety pin, 1 saucer, 3 screws, 1 screw hook, 1 shotgun shell, 8 lead sinkers, 7 iron spikes, 1 spoon, 1 staple fastener, 1 washer, 2 wire fragments, 1 copper tinkler 58 la 1 bottlecap, 1 clip, 2 buttons, 1 container, 1 eye screw, 1 fastener, 1 latch, 1 screw, 4 shotgun shells, 3 lead sinkers, 1 washer 17 2 1 harness strap, 1 horse shoe, 1 iron rod, 2 shotgun shells, 1 iron spike 6 3a 1 shotgun shell, 1 lead object 2 - 5 buttons, 1 fragment of electrical wire, 1 lead sinker, 1 washer, 1 washer/ring, 1 wire fragment 10 These shotgun cartridges are a l l brass except for one w h i c h l i k e l y had a paper component. The a l l brass casings once had maker ' s marks but cor ros ion has left these marks i l l eg ib le . Prev ious research 24 o n s imi la r brass cartridges f rom the other excavat ions at this site have produced a date range o f product ion extending f rom 1877 through the 1950s (Foster 1967:21). T h i s is i n l ine w i t h the dates for mass market product ion o f brass cartridges beginning i n the 1850s ( I M A C S 1996:1). The other early i tems include a lead object ( L e v e l 3a), and an i ron rod bent into a c i rc le ( L e v e l 2). O v e r a l l , the lack o f sma l l metal trade items i n the earliest levels argues against m u c h interaction between M u s q u e a m people at Stselax and the early traders. In fact, the lack o f mod i f i ed metal i n the earliest levels to conta in European goods flies i n the face o f acculturat ion models that emphasize technologica l superiori ty as the pr imary mot iva t ion for adopting n e w materials and artifact forms. I f the M u s q u e a m at this site va lued the technologica l advantages o f larger amounts o f copper or i ron that the arr ival o f explorers and later traders p rov ided , a presence o f these metals w o u l d be expected earlier at the site. Instead, there are few metal artifacts un t i l L e v e l l a (0-12"), and no significant number o f mod i f i ed metal artifacts un t i l L e v e l 1 (one example i n each o f L e v e l s 3a and l a and two examples L e v e l 2). Table 5. M o d i f i e d M e t a l Ar t i fac ts by L e v e l Artifact No. Original Item Modified Use Description Level 944/MuE 1711 lead bar weight? lead formed into bow shape with two holes in center 3a 941/MuE 3137 iron rod bracelet? Iron rod bent into circle 2 23 unidentified unknown triangular fragment of unidentified metal 2 25 lead nail unknown lead nail, possibly modified 1 280 unidentified unknown appears altered 1 289 container unknown rim of metal container, twisted and folded 1 292 unidentified unknown appears altered 1 313 unidentified unknown possible modification of thin metal fragment 1 458 iron nail tiarpoon blade blank? round shank, flattened at one end 1 49 container unknown fragment of metal rim of pail la 68 iron file unknown tang end of file 1 694 iron nail harpoon blade blank? flattened wire nail fragment 1 943/MuE 3245 copper sheet tinkler/ bead tubular bead, rolled copper 1 940/MuE 3008 lead bar unknown cut piece of lead bar i 25 A n explanat ion for this may be revealed w h e n l o o k i n g at the activit ies the metal artifacts w o u l d have been used for i n each leve l . L e v e l 3a has the shotgun shel l w h i c h w o u l d have most l i k e l y been used for hunt ing. L e v e l 2 contains metal artifacts used for hunt ing, as w e l l as agriculture and industr ial applicat ions, and one possible bracelet. In L e v e l l a hunt ing act ivi ty continues to be represented and lead f i sh ing sinkers beg in to occur (Figure 11). H o u s e h o l d and industr ial i tems are also present. B y L e v e l 1, the number o f lead f ishing sinkers has increased, the objects used i n hunt ing have decreased, household items continue to be represented, industr ia l i tems increase s ignif icant ly , and personal objects and w o o d w o r k i n g tools first occur . Other than the possible bracelet i n L e v e l 3a, there are no personal items o f adornment un t i l L e v e l 1. Items o f personal adornment such as the copper t inkler and metal buttons that are expected to have been added to ceremonia l garments are on ly present i n the most recent l eve l . T h i s appears to indicate that some European i tems were not integrated into M u s q u e a m ceremonia l spheres un t i l late i n the contact process, or were not kept i n households dur ing earlier t imes. S i m i l a r l y , the f i sh ing sinkers were on ly introduced i n significant numbers i n L e v e l s 1 and l a (there is a single mod i f i ed lead object f rom L e v e l 3a, M u E 1 7 1 1 that was l i k e l y used as a sinker), and me ta l /woodwork ing fi les not un t i l L e v e l 1. W h i l e ethnographies record hunt ing as important to the Coast Sa l i sh economic system, it is clear that its importance was outweighed by three other activit ies represented at this site: ceremonia l , f i sh ing , and w o o d w o r k i n g . It is therefore extremely important to recognize that it is these act ivi t ies , so fundamental to M u s q u e a m l i fe , that show the most recent evidence o f European impact . In contrast, hunt ing, industr ial /construct ion (nails) , and general household activit ies are the earliest activit ies to show an integration o f metal European i tems into the mater ial culture associated w i t h them, a l though it should be noted that the in t roduct ion o f 26 shotguns are s t i l l f rom a re la t ively late per iod i n the contact process (post 1850). It w i l l be shown later i n this paper that the European metal i tems that were avai lable dur ing the earliest post- contact periods are not the i tems introduced i n the earliest post-contact levels o f this excavat ion at M u s q u e a m East. The restr ict ion o f agricul tural equipment present solely i n L e v e l 2 coupled w i t h 1916 census data document ing a smal l farm at M u s q u e a m also argues for earlier adopt ion (and i n this case, soon after abandonment) o f artifacts associated w i t h activit ies less essential to the inhabitants o f this M u s q u e a m vi l l age than the three ment ioned above (Weigh tman 1972:93). N a i l s N a i l s are the single largest artifact class represented at this site. W h i l e there is a s ingle machine made fragment recorded for each o f L e v e l s 6 and 7, excavators be l ieved these t w o artifacts were intrusive. Based o n the entire sample o f artifacts and relative dating, I agree that no machine made nai ls c o u l d have entered the site that early i n a v a l i d context. L e v e l s 3 and 4 each have a handful o f nai ls and fragments, on ly a couple o f w h i c h were i n good enough cond i t ion to identify as machine cut. N a i l s are represented i n significant numbers by L e v e l 2, w h i c h contains 198 nai ls and na i l fragments, on ly three o f w h i c h are w i r e nai ls . The number o f nai ls i n general, and wi re nai ls i n particular, increase w i t h each l eve l thereafter. T h i s is the expected pattern i n general, and corresponds to w ide r patterns o f na i l manufacturing techniques as they progressed f rom machine cut to wi re na i l p roduct ion ( A d a m s 2002). W i r e nai ls were not shipped and traded i n large quantities un t i l after approximately 1883 ( A d a m s 2002:70) . T h i s is consistent w i t h L e v e l 2 and later levels be ing assigned a post-1858 date. In addi t ion, A d a m s has found that B r i t i s h suppl ied sites such as H B C forts were actually reliant o n hand wrought nai ls later i n t ime than their A m e r i c a n counterparts. T h i s means wrought nai ls were c o m m o n o n H B C post bu i ld ings etc. through the late 1800s. W h i l e it is possible some o f the na i l fragments too 27 corroded to identify were hand wrought , there is not a single conf i rmed hand wrought na i l recovered from this site. T h i s means that the machine cut nai ls i n L e v e l s 3 and 4 m a y be an in t rus ion result ing from rebu i ld ing episodes. N a i l s from these levels , w h i c h date to the Fort L a n g l e y trade years, w o u l d be expected to be hand wrought square nai ls . W i r e nai ls are represented by three n a i l fragments i n L e v e l 3. These nai ls are be l ieved to be have entered the site as a result o f rebu i ld ing episodes recorded by the or ig ina l excavators and seen i n the m i x e d construct ion methods o f the house. Misce l l aneous Art i fac ts The 23 miscel laneous artifacts inc lude one fragment o f a dancer 's w o v e n costume, one fragment o f electr ical wi re , two fragments o f twine , one piece o f cel lophane tape, one fragment from a newspaper c o m i c strip, seven shoe fragments, two plastic buttons, and 5 shel l buttons. A l l miscel laneous i tems except ing the buttons are either too fragmentary to date, or are not chrono log ica l ly sensitive. O n e plastic button is present i n each o f L e v e l s 1 and 2. These buttons do not appear to be bakeli te as they do not bear the m o l d e d name characteristic o f bakeli te i tems. T h i s places them post-1930, when alternative plastics expanded onto the market ( I M A C S 2001:2,4) . The seven shel l buttons a l l appear to be mother o f pearl and have smooth backs w h i c h date them to post 1900 ( I M A C S 2001:4-5). These dates are consistent w i t h the c o l o n i a l designation o f Leve l s 1 and 2. Ethnohistoric Data on Contact History T h i s d iscuss ion is d i v i d e d into three sections, each representing a pe r iod w h e n part icular k inds o f relationships were established between Europeans and coastal Fi rs t Na t ions , and part icular classes o f material goods became avai lable for integration by abor iginal groups w h o chose to do so: Years o f E x p l o r a t i o n 1774-1826, the F u r Trade Years 1827-1857, and European 28 C o l o n i z a t i o n and Settlement 1858 onwards. W h i l e many o f the sources used refer generally to the Nor thwes t Coast , informat ion specif ic to M u s q u e a m is g iven pr ior i ty wherever possible . Yea r s o f E x p l o r a t i o n (1774-1826) Contact i n the southern region o f the Nor thwes t Coast began w h e n Juan Perez, sa i l ing the Santiago i n 1774 and 1775, traded abalone shells and s i lver tablespoons for furs w i t h natives at N o o t k a Sound (Pethic 1980:11; V a n c o u v e r 1984:13; C o o k 1967:322). In 1778, James C o o k captained the first B r i t i s h vessel to reach the same area. In the years f o l l o w i n g , a mult i tude o f B r i t i s h and A m e r i c a n vessels anchored at N o o t k a Sound and bartered European goods for sea otter and other furs. A l t h o u g h the majori ty o f publ i shed informat ion focuses o n N o o t k a Sound and northward, the Santa Saturnina o f Spa in entered the G u l f o f G e o r g i a and recorded Firs t N a t i o n s ' settlements at Po in t Grey , Po in t A t k i n s o n and Bur ra rd Inlet i n 1791 (Pethic 1980:48). S i m o n Fraser recorded landing at M u s q u e a m i n 1808, and be ing run o f f by the residents after on ly an hour (Fraser 1960:106). M u s q u e a m ora l traditions record h i m be ing i n this area, but contradict Fraser 's c l a i m that he landed at the v i l l age , a disagreement examined later i n this paper. F o r a l l o f these explorers and early traders the direct ive was the same: establish fr iendly ties w i t h any abor iginal groups encountered i n order to promote trade and commerce ( C o o k 1967:4; Pethic 1980:79,194). H o w e v e r , it q u i c k l y became clear that Fi rs t N a t i o n s ' groups had their o w n goals for contact, and their o w n strategies for ach iev ing these goals. Early Trade in Musqueam Territory One o f the major constraints o n M u s q u e a m use o f European trade goods was avai labi l i ty . T h i s was due to several factors, on ly some o f w h i c h were under N a t i v e control . The most obv ious o f these factors is the presence o f traders and their nationali ty. The early Spanish traders were dis t inguished by hav ing s i lver and abalone. A s part o f his strategy for establishing 29 connections w i t h Firs t Na t ions o n the coast, C o o k distr ibuted a wider variety o f goods a long N o o t k a Sound and up a long the coast to A l a s k a ( C o o k 1967:4). These inc luded i ron , kn ives , chisels , t in , nai ls , buttons, beads, c lo th , brass, copper kettles, candlest icks, saws, swords, hatchets, and tobacco ( C o o k 1967). In addi t ion, Russ ians to the north were dis t r ibut ing beads, copper, pewter r ings, and snuff (Pethic 1980:44). These were the earliest trade goods avai lable . It is at this point that Europeans had the most control over accessibi l i ty to trade goods. T h i s control d i d not last, as the Firs t Na t ions had strong leverage: the Europeans intensely desired to engage them i n trade for furs. The most important way i n w h i c h Firs t Na t ions groups control led the ava i lab i l i ty o f trade goods was by refusing to trade their furs un t i l the i tems they desired were presented. T h i s p laced control over the material constraints o n agency into N a t i v e hands. C o o k was under orders to make fr iendly connections and went out o f h is w a y to accommodate loca l groups ' demands. Because many o f the native groups C o o k encountered refused to trade for beads or c lo th , C o o k had to improvise , t rading away brass hardware f rom dressers, candle st icks, and t i n canisters- i tems not o r ig ina l ly intended for trade ( C o o k 1967:302). These demands impacted the trade cargo brought by ensuing expedit ions. James H a n n a i n 1785 brought i r on bars rather than beads or c lo th to trade for furs (Pethic 1980:13). Spa in used a B r i t i s h ship it captured to explore the Strait o f Juan de F u c a and to trade sheets o f copper for furs i n 1788, and i n 1790 the B r i t i s h ship the Argonaut was do ing the same, i n addi t ion to t rading muskets, saws, and files (Pethic 1980:26, 48) . T h i s outl ines specif ic goals o n the part o f l oca l groups interacting w i t h the traders. These goals manifested as desire for part icular classes o f goods, and the strategy for obta ining them was a refusal to engage i n trade unt i l satisfied. T h i s abor iginal practice resulted i n Europeans I 30 m o d i f y i n g their o w n strategy o f t rading trinkets i n order to accommodate N a t i v e demands for metal and other goods. In addi t ion to altering their cargo, B r i t i s h captains had their on-board forges modi fy goods i n an attempt to capture a larger share o f trade (Pethic 1980:118,72). N a t i v e desire for goods changed dramat ical ly f rom year to year w i t h people often want ing what they refused to accept the year before (Pethic 1980:118-19). The changing ava i lab i l i ty o f trade goods to a l l Fi rs t Na t ions groups shows h o w f l u i d this material constraint o n agency c o u l d be. T h i s is an important aspect o f N a t i v e control over accessibi l i ty to specif ic classes o f goods, and it makes it imposs ib le to generalize the items traded i n one part icular area to a l l groups trading on the coast. E a c h group may in i t i a l ly have had access to the same goods, but each group c o u l d have exerted pressure o n traders for the specific items they desired. There is no record o f direct trade between M u s q u e a m people and the early trade vessels, al though it seems l i k e l y that the same k inds o f goods traded elsewhere o n the coast may have been accessible to M u s q u e a m people. In 1792, V a n c o u v e r voyaged up Bur ra rd Inlet and describes the natives, l i k e l y M u s q u e a m , as fr iendly and possessing no European goods beyond some ornaments made f rom sheet copper (Pethic 1980:106). The lack o f trade goods and their behaviour made V a n c o u v e r th ink that h is party were the first Europeans this group had seen. T h e presence o f sheet copper ornaments illustrates agency i n the transformation o f r aw European materials, and demonstrates that abor iginal trade routes are an important factor to consider i n the accessibi l i ty o f trade goods. L o c a l Na t ions had li t t le control over whether a European explorer or trader stopped i n their area. T h i s was mediated by the presence o f abor ig ina l trade routes that people i n contact w i t h Europeans shared w i t h groups wi thout direct contact (Suttles 1998:165). T h i s means Firs t 31 Na t ions wi thout direct access to European trade c o u l d have access to goods through their neighbours, or their neighbours ' neighbours, as C o o k observed i n A l a s k a ( C o o k 1967:321). In addi t ion, some groups had very early access to Russ i an i ron through trade routes that crossed the B e r i n g Strait ( C o o k 1967:346). H o w e v e r , one source recorded that i n the G e o r g i a Strait and up the Fraser R i v e r , not a l l peoples were o n fr iendly terms (Fraser 1960:105). E v e n sporadic host i l i ty between groups c o u l d have impeded the dis t r ibut ion o f European goods a long abor ig ina l trade routes. T h i s considerat ion is especial ly relevant i n l ight o f traders' observations that one M u s q u e a m group had li t t le to no trade goods at a t ime w h e n they were be ing w i d e l y distributed. V a n c o u v e r ' s remarks about the lack o f trade goods present i n Bur ra rd Inlet suggest M u s q u e a m either d i d not have access to the abor iginal trade networks that w o u l d have distributed these goods, w h i c h is un l ike ly , or were unable or chose not to u t i l i ze them. In 1808, Fraser (1960:104,105) recorded that groups f rom the Fraser R i v e r canyon and va l l ey were afraid to accompany h i m d o w n river as they were at war w i t h the people at the sea. The hosti le recept ion to Fraser ' s party near M u s q u e a m seems to support this, but L e o n a Spar row relates that M u s q u e a m ora l t radi t ion records Fraser stealing a canoe from another group upr iver and that this accounts for his hosti le reception (personal communica t ion) . Cons ide r ing the pressures Fraser faced from his superiors to successfully map a non- land based supply route, Fraser 's c l a i m to have landed at M u s q u e a m c o u l d have been fabricated to strengthen exc lus ive t rading c l a ims to the area and the route. A s Suttles discusses i n regards to the Fort Lang ley journals , accounts o f early Europeans i n the area, such as Fraser, do have ethnographic value but need to be considered i n their entire context w h i c h includes the focus o f the observations, and the biases and vested interests o f the author (Suttles 1998:163). I f there were host i l i t ies , they may have l im i t ed M u s q u e a m access to the goods Fraser distributed a long his descent d o w n the Fraser r iver , i nc lud ing ca l i co , tobacco, clothes, tonic , and awls i n addi t ion to the regular gamut o f trade goods avai lable f rom the ships. H o w e v e r , consider ing the interests and purpose o f Fraser 's expedi t ion, it is equal ly l i k e l y that M u s q u e a m oral t radi t ion is the correct vers ion o f events, w h i c h w o u l d indicate that M u s q u e a m people may have chosen not to engage i n trade w i t h foreigners for their o w n reasons. T h i s w o u l d mean that intergroup war was not a factor, but instead that the M u s q u e a m on ly desired a few European goods and accessed them through abor iginal trade routes. Cultural Constraints on Access Restr ic ted access to goods is another important considerat ion. T h i s ties into Barret t ' s no t ion o f b iographica l knowledge (2000). O v e r a l l , traders were bas ica l ly w i l l i n g to trade anything to anyone i n order to establish fr iendly relations. In contrast, native cul tural constraints are very important for consider ing the soc ia l and po l i t i c a l use o f European i tems i n a Fi rs t Na t ions context. E x p l o r e r s ' journals indicate that not everyone enjoyed the same leve l o f access to trade goods. Pe th ic ' s analysis o f the logs o f a l l ships i n N o o t k a Sound f rom 1790-1795, contains mul t ip le references to w o m e n cont ro l l ing trade, but not actually engaging i n it d i rect ly (Pethic 1980:68,118). Ingraham's attempt to copy a pattern he saw o n a woman's neck (possibly a tattoo?) supports the idea that they had some power i n trading relationships, but the nature o f their access to the goods themselves is unclear. T h i s is especial ly so since Fraser, M a c k e n z i e , and C o o k rarely discuss w o m e n and make no reference to w o m e n i n a t rading context. W h i l e w o m e n are scarcely addressed i n C o o k ' s journa l , he does discuss other areas o f differential access. W h e n he arr ived i n N o o t k a , the first group he traded w i t h appeared to establish some proprietary ties to C o o k and w o u l d n ' t let i n c o m i n g groups trade w i t h h i m ( C o o k 33 1967:299). I f the N o o t k a people d i d a l l o w another group to trade, they acted as intermediaries and bargained for an advantage to the other group, not C o o k . T h i s is strong evidence o f access to European trade goods be ing important i n main ta in ing status and influence over others. Thus , cul tural constraints may have as m u c h impact o n access as the mater ial constraints themselves. The Fu r Trade Year s (1827-1857) In many ways the peak years o f the land based fur trade i n this area were a cont inuat ion o f the earlier established relationships between fur traders and Firs t Na t ions groups, i nc lud ing M u s q u e a m . H o w e v e r , w h i l e the mar i t ime traders were a seasonal presence, the H u d s o n ' s B a y C o m p a n y forts were permanent establishments located i n Fi rs t N a t i o n s ' territories. These posts and forts afforded more sustained and widespread contact between Europeans and Firs t Na t ions . W h i l e the goals and strategies o f the traders remained re la t ively unchanged from the earlier years, the relationships they established w i t h Fi rs t Na t ions and M u s q u e a m groups began to change. A cr i t i ca l development i n relations between M u s q u e a m and Europeans dur ing the fur trade years was the establishment o f For t L a n g l e y o n the Fraser R i v e r i n 1827. The establishment o f For t Lang ley also provides a resource for examin ing interactions between traders and loca l people through the journals the fort managers were required to keep. A s M a c l a c h l a n explains , the scope o f these journals is l im i t ed to topics o f interest to the company, such as w h o v i s i t ed For t L a n g l e y and what they traded, however they also represent a significant por t ion o f the ethnographic record o f this area dur ing these fur trade years (1998:18, also Har r i s 1997). Suttles points out that the welfare o f the m e n w r i t i n g these journals was t ied to their relat ionship w i t h loca l groups, w h i c h explains h o w detai led observations o f abor iginal ways o f l i fe found their way into the company documents (1998:160). The vers ion o f the For t L a n g l e y journals c i ted i n this paper is a pr imary source he ld i n the U B C Spec ia l Co l l ec t ions archive, 34 accredited to A r c h i b a l d M c D o n a l d , one o f the m e n i n charge o f For t Lang ley . The reader is referred to the publ i shed vers ion o f the journals edited by M a c l a c h l a n (1998). Fort Langley-Social Change For t L a n g l e y was established by the B r i t i s h to capture some o f the trade so profitable to the A m e r i c a n vessels w h i c h had m o n o p o l i z e d the mar i t ime trade. For t L a n g l e y p rov ided every group a long the Fraser direct or indirect access to trade goods. T h i s inc luded M u s q u e a m , and M u s q u e a m people are recorded as v i s i t i ng and camping near the fort to trade f ish and furs for blankets, traps, and kettles (We igh tman 1972:69). The t rading o f f i sh i n addi t ion to furs reflects one o f the largest shifts i n relations dur ing this per iod: the European traders were extremely dependant o n the loca l groups for their basic subsistence. T h i s resulted i n not on ly trade, but also i n personal su rv iva l becoming pr imary goals o f contact (Suttles 1998:164). C lea r ly , this p laced some power into the hands o f loca l Fi rs t Na t ions , and ensured that traders attempted to main ta in posi t ive relationships. W h i l e commerc ia l relations came relat ively easy, trust between the parties was established s lowly . For t Lang ley also created a new focus for native act ivi ty. M a n y groups w o u l d camp for months at the fort (Harr is 1997:77). For t L a n g l e y p rov ided a consistent supply o f n e w forms o f weal th to Coast Sa l i sh groups. T h i s w i d e l y recognized to have resulted i n an intensif icat ion o f l oca l institutions already important and i n practice before contact, such as pot la tching and art, as w e l l as expanding inter-vi l lage ties (Weigh tman 1972:72; D u f f 1964:53). Inter-village warfare was impacted by the ava i lab i l i ty o f guns and ammuni t ion . W h i l e it was general p o l i c y at H B C forts not to supply ammuni t ion , there are records o f ammuni t i on avai lable for trade at For t L a n g l e y i n 1852 and the journals record the traders' fears that A m e r i c a n ships were supp ly ing native groups w i t h both guns and ammuni t i on ( M o r t o n n.d.:24; M c D o n a l d n.d.:59). M a n y 35 groups, i nc lud ing the M u s q u e a m , were ra ided by their neighbors w h o obtained guns before them, and retaliatory raids by M u s q u e a m are recorded i n the journals ( M c D o n a l d n.d.:29). In addi t ion to new socia l condi t ions , n e w goods and materials were also be ing introduced dur ing these years. Fort Langley-Trade The Fort Lang ley Journals beg in w i t h the C l a l l u m E x p e d i t i o n o f 1827. T h i s party voyaged from For t V a n c o u v e r at the mouth o f the C o l u m b i a R i v e r , to the site where they established For t Lang ley . D u r i n g this voyage many goods were distributed to Fi rs t Na t ions met a long the way . Items g iven away or traded for fur, canoes and f ish dur ing this voyage include knives , fine beads, tobacco, l o o k i n g glasses, c lo th , axes, and buttons. W o m e n are speci f ica l ly ment ioned i n a trading role, exchanging berries for r ings, buttons, and other smal l goods ( M c D o n a l d n . d . : l 1). Strategic trading o n the part o f Fi rs t Na t ions is recorded i n several instances. L o c a l s recognized a need among the Europeans for cedar bark used as roof ing for bu i ld ings , and began trading it. Groups are also recorded as be ing upset and refusing to trade w h e n fort prices offered for the furs were lower than they c o u l d get from A m e r i c a n vessels i n the Juan de F u c a region ( M c D o n a l d n.d. : 15). Table 6 is an inventory o f the goods avai lable for barter at For t L a n g l e y i n the spr ing o f 1852. The inventory makes clear the increased range o f goods speci f ica l ly impor ted for trade to the M u s q u e a m and other groups i f they desired them and shows 930 yards o f blanket m a k i n g mater ial avai lable . 36 Table 6. For t Lang ley Trade Inventory 1852 1 gross Indian awls 5 bundles white cut glass beads 2 bundles common round beads 11 narrow worsted belts 3 mid. Scarlet belts 88 plain blankets 4 Jappaned tobacco boxes 2 gross gilt ball vest buttons 12 doz. Large horn combs 2/3 dozen ivory dandriff combs 57 yards navy blue cotton 19.5 yards blue duffle 7 and 1/3 dozen 10" flat bastard files 4 cts. Gun flints 1 and 2/3 gross gun worms 7 and V4 m kirby trout hooks 3 nests covered tin kettles 10 cts. Queen's needles 1/3 gross clay pipes 24 half pint pots 387 common cotton shirts 90 lbs beaver shot 180 lbs yellow soap 2 yards green strouds 6 1 lbs colored thread 12 pr corduroy trousers 14 yards blue baize 290 yards green baize 470 yards red baize 90 yards scarlet baize 2 green blankets (3point) 35 scotch bonnets 17 doz. W+Y metal coat buttons 22 common cloth capots 6 dozen fine combs 60 yards fine printed cotton 8 yards grey cotton 2 and 5/6 dozen 8" flat bastard files 10 common Indian guns 160 lbs gun powder 5 cts. Large cod hooks 16 fancy lustre jugs 1 dozen scalping knives 25 oval tin pans of various sizes 21 Japaned tin pint pots 4 plain pint pots 156 lbs ball shot 120 lbs buckshot 68 yards common blue strouds 8 yards scarlet strouds 280 lbs Canada roll tobacco 7.5 lbs Chinese vermillion Note: Inventory f rom M o r t o n n.d.:24. The journals emphasize that groups w o u l d not trade furs for anything but blankets o n many occasions. B y 1841, the trade o f furs was fa l l ing off, but fisheries were established and were m a k i n g up for the lost profit . S o o n after this decl ine i n furs, the discovery o f go ld i n the Fraser heralded a new per iod o f contact w h e n European goals w o u l d begin in t ruding o n the w a y o f l ife o f l oca l groups i n more and more ways. European C o l o n i z a t i o n and Settlement (1858-onwards) In 1858, w i t h news o f g o l d i n the Fraser R i v e r , over 20,000 miners f locked to B C to share i n the perceived weal th (Harr is 1997:80). That same year, B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a was established and opened for settlement by European famil ies . Mis s iona r i e s came w i t h the settlers. A l l o f these 37 changes i n the goals and strategies o f European contact w i t h abor iginal groups and i n European occupat ion o f land resulted i n a drastic change i n the nature o f contact (Fisher 1992:96,97). N a t i v e goals and strategies for this per iod changed too, as they attempted to f ind ways to successfully navigate the new laws, re l ig ions , and economic systems that Europeans were attempting to impose. T h i s is seen i n a change i n the use and context o f European goods. The per iod o f mutual dependence, re lat ively equal relations, and intensif icat ion o f native institutions represented by the fur trade gave w a y to a t ime o f disrupt ion, intrusion, oppression, and resistance (Harr is 1997; Tennant 1990; D u f f 1964; F isher 1992). W h i l e the settling o f B C brought resource hungry Europeans, it also brought merchants and outfitters to supply them, w h i c h made avai lable another n e w set o f goods to M u s q u e a m . In addi t ion, w i t h the fur trade fa i l ing and fisheries opening up, many Firs t Na t ions ind iv idua l s made a part ial t ransi t ion to the cash economy by tak ing posi t ions at fisheries, canneries, saw m i l l s and as seasonal laborers i n hop fields ( N e w e l l 1989:16; F isher 1992:101; C a r l s o n 2 0 0 1 : 6 4 ) . W a g e employment increased access to the n e w l y avai lable goods. A c c e s s c o u l d also have the effect o f creating a need for goods as some people were part ia l ly d rawn into economic systems that focused o n i nd iv idua l expenditure for i nd iv idua l gain, rather than ga in from sharing and g i v i n g to others (Weigh tman 1972:78). F o r example , the new goods inc luded dishes used for personal consumpt ion , rather than c o m m u n a l serving dishes p rev ious ly used by the Coas t Sa l i sh . A g r i c u l t u r a l equipment was avai lable and Fi rs t Na t ions were encouraged to take up the practice ( D u f f 1964:75). A photo o f the M u s q u e a m reserve taken i n 1898 by H a r l a n S m i t h shows two horses i n the background ( M u s q u e a m A r c h i v e s ) . Some M u s q u e a m reserve land was cleared and leased out to Chinese farmers by 1916. The government thought that the presence o f the farmers w o u l d encourage the M u s q u e a m to begin cul t iva t ion (Weigh tman 1972: 80). A t least 38 some M u s q u e a m d i d make an attempt as 100 acres were recorded as be ing farmed, and three c o w s and two horses were kept at this t ime. T h e farming was short l i v e d w i t h no further records o f M u s q u e a m agriculture o n the reserve, and j o b options more c lose ly t ied to tradit ional economic pursuits such as f i sh ing were pursued more readi ly. D i s c u s s i o n In many ways , the patterns present i n the archaeological data at M u s q u e a m East are different f rom expectations. Those trade goods first avai lable to the M u s q u e a m people as determined us ing explorer ' s journals and trade records are not represented i n the earliest levels o f this site (Tables 7 and 8). W h i l e glass trade beads, t inklers made from copper kettles, and files are present i n the sample, they do not appear un t i l the uppermost 12 inches o f the deposits. In addi t ion, modi f i ed artifacts on ly occur i n that same most recent 12 inches. Dateable artifacts such as ceramics and shotgun shells have permit ted an assignment o f these levels to the European co lon iza t ion and settlement per iod. It is in t r iguing that those items that c o u l d be expected to be introduced and integrated at early points i n the history o f contact i n this area on ly show up at M u s q u e a m East i n later t imes, at the same t ime as the range o f goods avai lable to this M u s q u e a m commun i ty increases drast ical ly, and M u s q u e a m people began to become connected to European economic systems. It appears that artifacts o f European o r i g i n are extremely scarce i n the early levels o f this site after in i t i a l contact. Based o n his tor ic documents, even before the divers i ty o f goods avai lable to M u s q u e a m increased i n the co lon iza t ion and settlement per iod, there was s t i l l a h igh quantity o f goods avai lable for trade, par t icular ly once Fort Lang ley was established i n 1827. W h y then is there li t t le material evidence o f the M u s q u e a m i n the excavated area o f Stselax V i l l a g e integrating European goods i n any significant quantity before the co lon ia l per iod, as they were certainly i n supply and i n use by other Nor thwes t Coast groups? Table 7. T i m e Per iods o f Leve l s Based o n Produc t ion Dates o f Art i facts 39 Trade Pe r iod L e v e l Years of Exploration 1774-1826 5a Fur Trade Years 1827-1858 5a 4 3a 3 European Colonization and Settlementl858- onward 2 la 1 a Level 5 is the first level to produce contact goods in a context acceptable to the excavators and the author. These artifacts are unidentified glass fragments and a club sauce stopper. These could have entered the site during the early exploration period or during the Fort Langley years. The artifacts are unable to definitively date this level to one or the other period. Table 8. G o o d s A v a i l a b l e i n Different Trade Per iods Trade Pe r iod Trade G o o d s A v a i l a b l e Years of Exploration 1774 -1827 silver, abalone, beads, tobacco, files, iron, knives, chisels, tin, nails, buttons, cloth, brass, copper kettles, candlesticks, saws, swords, hatchets, copper, pewter rings, muskets, awls Above goods but also belts, blankets, combs, gun flints, fish hooks, needles, clay pipes, clothing, thread, soap, a wider variety of cloth colors and qualities, a greater variety of buttons, vermillion, buck shot, lead shot, guns and gun powder, tin pots and pans, religious items, traps Above goods but also ceramics and glass, agricultural equipment, a wider variety of household items and clothing particularly after 1900 when mail order catalogues were available Note: Data from Cook 1967; Pethic 1980; Vancouver 1984; Mcdonald n.d.; and Fraser 1960. E a r l y Contact and Inter -Vi l lage Rela t ions It is k n o w n that direct contact was l i k e l y not the first contact w i t h Europeans for many groups. Har r i s (1994:592, 594) argues that sma l lpox epidemics were l i k e l y one o f the first k inds o f 'contact ' that Fi rs t Na t ions i n the Strait o f G e o r g i a experienced. U s i n g the explorers ' journals and some addi t ional his tor ic sources, Har r i s traces an outbreak o f sma l lpox f rom its point o f Fur Trade Years 1827-1858 European Colonization and Settlement 1858- onward 40 o r i g i n at the mouth o f the C o l u m b i a R i v e r , north a long the C o w l i t z and lower Cheha l i s R i v e r s to Puget Sound and the Strait o f Georg ia . D r a w i n g o n George V a n c o u v e r ' s j ou rna l and oral t radi t ion f rom abor iginal informants he paints an image o f the Strait o f G e o r g i a groups as decimated i n numbers by 1782, just 4 years after the mar i t ime fur trade began i n N o o t k a Sound . Har r i s (1994:600) relates that V a n c o u v e r observed Firs t Na t ions i n this area on ly i n sma l l groups that avo ided his party, and had impressions o f the area be ing "recently and severely depopulated." W h i l e some have argued that V a n c o u v e r ' s interpretation o f 'depopulated ' meant 'gone trading o n the outer coast, ' Har r i s points out that there is no record o f this i n the Coast Sa l i sh ethnographies, and that trade was a m o n o p o l i z e d resource. C lea r ly , i f M u s q u e a m f rom the Strait o f G e o r g i a were relocat ing dur ing certain months to access trade, some evidence o f sought after materials w o u l d be expected at the permanent v i l l age site. W h i l e Har r i s argues for a single outbreak i n the Strait o f G e o r g i a i n post-contact t imes, B o y d uses some o f the same oral evidence to argue for a second smal l -pox outbreak i n this area between the years o f 1800-1808 (1996:315). The two outbreak argument is supported by M u s q u e a m oral t radi t ion w h i c h also records two outbreaks, one before European contact and one after (Leona Sparrow, personal communica t ion) . W h a t seems l i k e l y f rom B o y d and H a r r i s ' r ev i ew o f the journals and ora l traditions is that the Strait o f G e o r g i a Na t ions , i nc lud ing M u s q u e a m , had suffered an epidemic o f smal lpox dur ing the years o f extensive trade o n the outer coast and immedia te ly preceding V a n c o u v e r ' s a r r iva l i n the Strait o f Georg ia , then suffered another after a decade o f contact. L i n g u i s t i c data that records the M u s q u e a m V i l l a g e be ing named after the rushes that grew around the stream through the v i l l age i n reference to M u s q u e a m ' s abi l i ty to repopulate after a catastrophe just as the rushes mu l t i p l i ed cou ld support this (Suttles 1987:127). 41 The d w i n d l i n g numbers o f groups l i v i n g i n the G u l f o f G e o r g i a m a y not have been i n a pos i t ion to access trade goods, or trade may have become irrelevant as societies struggled w i t h the more fundamental concern o f su rv iva l and restructuring. Smal le r numbers o f people also m a y have resulted i n some houses be ing abandoned for periods o f t ime, w h i c h c o u l d manifest as an absence o f trade goods f rom this per iod i n the archaeological record. T h i s is consistent w i t h the f indings o f this study, and is supported by the lack o f evidence o f early trade goods at this site. In addi t ion, the avoidance o f V a n c o u v e r ' s party by abor ig ina l groups i n the area may be a result o f abor iginal expectations o f the outcome o f any encounter. B y this t ime, it seems l i k e l y that w o r d o f newcomers may have spread through routes s imi la r to those the disease took. It is possible that groups exper iencing prev ious ly u n k n o w n disease and loss may have avoided people w h o were different as a possible source o f the plague k i l l i n g their communi t ies . W e i g h t m a n discusses h o w in i t i a l ly Europeans were seen as supernatural, but soon their f a l l ib i l i ty l ed to them be ing treated as people from a distant tribe (1972:70). T h i s might help to exp la in the lack o f early trade goods present i n this part o f M u s q u e a m East. H o w e v e r , once more permanent ties were established and the percept ion o f Europeans as supernatural was re-evaluated w i t h the establishment o f For t Lang ley , trade goods w o u l d again be expected i f the M u s q u e a m were u t i l i z i n g them. For t L a n g l e y - W h y Trade? I f M u s q u e a m people chose not to engage w i t h , or were somehow inhib i ted from trading w i t h the early explorers due to disease or other reasons, then h o w d i d they respond to the establishment o f For t L a n g l e y as a permanent H B C fort? The archaeological evidence suggests this is the per iod w h e n some o f the first contact goods c o u l d have been introduced to Stselax. T h i s includes the glass c lub sauce stopper, the c lay pipe fragment, and the glass and ceramic 42 plate fragments. It is interesting that on ly the c lay pipe is recorded as an i t em distr ibuted by traders. The glass and ceramics certainly became avai lable w i t h the ar r ival o f the fort, but h o w d i d they enter the site i f not by trade and w h y is there not more archaeological evidence o f trade dur ing a per iod w h e n w e have his tor ica l records o f trade between For t L a n g l e y and the M u s q u e a m ? A possible answer arises f rom one o f the strategies the For t L a n g l e y employees used i n order to increase their comfort and strengthen their ties to loca l communi t ies : marriage w i t h abor iginal w o m e n ( M c N e i l l 1982; M c D o n a l d n.d.). B y choos ing to incorporate the Europeans into abor iginal marriages, some Firs t Na t ions clear ly saw something to ga in f rom this n e w al l iance. C a r l s o n (1996:33) argues that Sto: lo groups inter-marrying w i t h Europeans l i k e l y expected increased access and better terms i n their future exchanges w i t h the fort. W h e n trade or marriage w i t h the groups around For t Lang ley are ment ioned, blankets and guns are dis t inguished as the desired i tems ( M c N e i l l l 9 8 2 : 4 2 ) . Blankets were also used as bride pr ice between abor ig ina l groups as recorded by miss ionary Thomas C r o s b y i n the 1860's (Ca r l son 1996:19). T h i s informat ion about intermarriage reveals two important factors i n examin ing the in t roduct ion o f trade goods at Stselax dur ing the years o f the For t Lang ley fur trade. Firs t , that w o m e n m a y have been an important conduit for the introduct ion o f European goods into l oca l communi t ies , and second, that one o f the most important trade i tems recorded (blankets) is a mater ial that c o u l d not be expected to be preserved i n this site. W o m e n . Households , and European G o o d s There is no direct evidence o f intermarriage between M u s q u e a m w o m e n and men f rom For t Lang ley . H o w e v e r , w o m e n f rom other groups w i t h soc ia l or f ami ly ties to the M u s q u e a m m a y have p rov ided a way for European non-trade items to f l o w to M u s q u e a m households. 43 Suttles (1987:17,18) writes that marriages l i nked communi t ies and a l l owed famil ies to exchange wea l th for the length o f the marriage. I propose that this potential for exchange was rea l ized i n the t ransmiss ion o f European household goods into the homes o f loca l famil ies related by marriage. It w o u l d be u n l i k e l y for abor ig ina l w o m e n l i v i n g i n fort households not to share the n e w goods w i t h their famil ies as this m a y have reduced the value o f these marriages o n the part o f the abor ig ina l participants. In addi t ion, w i v e s w h o d i d not main ta in contact w i t h their famil ies i n loca l v i l lages w o u l d not have been an asset to traders i n main ta in ing permanent and fr iendly t rading relations and an emergency food supply. Therefore, it is s t i l l possible that the household glass and ceramic items entered Stselax as a result o f the intermarriage o f other groups w i t h both the European traders and M u s q u e a m . T h i s scenario is consistent w i t h post contact artifacts be ing used earliest i n socia l and household contexts, represented by the pipe fragment, the glass stopper, and ceramic plate fragments. It is also consistent w i t h the absence o f ceramics (other than pipes) and glass be ing recorded as trade items. The V a l u e o f Blanke ts The European blanket is a clear substitute for the mounta in goat/dog w o o l blankets already i n use before contact and there is evidence that the M u s q u e a m desired blankets as m u c h as their neighbours w h o used them as bride price. Mar r i age may have increased access to blankets, but it was not necessary for access to blankets. Journals at For t Lang ley do record some ind iv idua l t rading episodes w i t h M u s q u e a m ind iv idua l s , i nc lud ing one transaction o f seven beavers for one blanket ( M c D o n a l d n.d.:59). Unfortunately, Stselax is not a wet site and blankets therefore c o u l d not survive the site format ion processes. A possible explanat ion for the absence o f f i les, beads, axes etc. i n the earliest post-contact levels o f this site is that blankets were not on ly h igh ly pr ized , but were traded to the near exc lus ion o f other goods. W h i l e it may seem hard 44 to bel ieve that there w o u l d be a per iod represented by trade for l i t t le other than blankets, the demand for blankets is w e l l documented and previous sections have established h o w strategic and selective Firs t Na t ions groups were i n their t rading. A c c o r d i n g to Suttles, the most important funct ion o f the pot latch itself, among the Coast Sa l i sh , is the redistr ibut ion o f weal th (1987:23). Suttles (1987:22,104) and Barnett (1938:130) record blankets as the most important fo rm o f weal th i n the Coas t Sa l i sh pot la tching system. T h e y had a pract ical value, were accessible i n large but not un l imi t ed numbers, c o u l d be d i v i d e d and g iven away, and tradit ional blankets cou ld be re -woven. Thus , blankets were a trade good that c o u l d convey abor iginal values and perform a funct ion meaningful to the adopting culture, as i n the use o f tea cups and saucers i n A l a s k a . T h i s may be a clear si tuation o f M u s q u e a m values domina t ing interactions between M u s q u e a m and Europeans. I f the items that M u s q u e a m desired were blankets to be used i n pot la tching, then the f l o w o f European household goods through female relations and the dominance o f blankets and c lo th over other trade goods dur ing the fur trade per iod are explanations that c o u l d account for both the archaeological record o f few trade goods and the his tor ic record o f ongo ing trade between the fort and the M u s q u e a m . Resistance Late i n the European co lon iza t ion and settlement per iod, European artifacts associated w i t h three m a i n act ivi t ies: f i sh ing , personal ceremonia l attire, and w o o d w o r k i n g , are represented i n the site. T h e y co-occur w i t h an extremely expanded divers i ty i n the range o f artifacts i n the t w o most recent levels o f the site. U n l i k e most o f the expanded repertoire o f goods, however , the artifacts associated w i t h these three activit ies i n part icular had been avai lable to the M u s q u e a m throughout the fur trade years, and the years o f explorat ion. The artifacts inc lude a copper t inkler 45 mod i f i ed f rom a th in piece o f copper ( l ike ly a copper kettle), hand made lead f i sh ing weights , metal or w o o d w o r k i n g fi les, mother o f pearl and metal buttons, an i r on rod , and an a w l among others. W h y were these items integrated on ly i n the most recent levels o f the site w h e n they had been avai lable for so long? W h i l e these artifacts also had abor iginal counterparts, l i ke the blankets, D u f f (1964:75) points out that "habitual patterns o f economic act ivi ty tend to resist change because they are usual ly l i nked w i t h socia l customs and established rythyms o f l i f e . " W h i l e blankets were part o f the pot latch system, they were not tools i n the same sense as sinkers and fi les were tools used i n the practice o f t radit ional economic act ivi ty , as a personal ceremonia l ornament c o u l d be a too l i n ach iev ing spir i tual power , or as a spindle w h o r l w o u l d be the too l used to produce the blankets. Suttles discusses the importance o f both European and N a t i v e made blankets as weal th , c i t ing the recorded demand for European blankets and the number o f shorn dogs (domestic dog hair was used i n the product ion o f native blankets) ment ioned i n the journals (1998:194). T h i s suggests tradit ional and European blankets may have been used i n different contexts i n potlatches. F o r example , there are photographs o f both European and tradit ional blankets be ing g iven away at post-1900 Coast Sa l i sh potlatches (Univers i ty o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a M u s e u m o f A n th ropo logy Arch ive : s l i des 309, 310). H o w e v e r , w h e n the photographs show the ceremonial purpose o f the potlatch, the participants are dressed on ly i n t radi t ional blankets, w h i l e guests are wear ing European c lo th ing and blankets ( C o w i c h a n naming ceremony, U B C M O A : slides 305, 306). Other examples inc lude an Esqu ima l t mortuary ceremony where the effigies are dressed i n t radi t ional blankets but the witnesses are not ( U B C M O A : s l i d e s 1442, 1458). In addi t ion, Barnett (1938:123) records mag ic as be ing a part o f hunt ing and f i sh ing activit ies. T h i s i n v o l v e d restricted behaviours o n the part o f the m a n performing the act ivi ty , and 46 restrictions on his wife as well. While European hunting materials are present at this site earlier than fishing or ceremonial objects, all these categories occur later than household items. The rituals associated with hunting and fishing provide an additional explanation for the relatively late introduction of European influences on these activities. These results demonstrate a choice made by Musqueam people to maintain purely Musqueam ways of producing their traditional wealth during the exploration, fur trade years, and early European colonization and settlement period, even though the ceremonially important products of the activities, including blankets, salmon, and cedar were traded. Musqueam maintained their own traditions of fishing, woodworking and ceremony without integrating European ideas or materials until the latest periods of contact involving settlement and colonial administration, when European ways of fishing and woodworking were also adopted, likely in order to access the cash economy. It is no coincidence that these are activities fundamental to Coast Salish, including Musqueam, ways of life. The results of this research support these activities as deeply intertwined with the Musqueam economic system and world view, a key element of which is the achievement of status through producing and giving away wealth, not acquiring it for personal use. Conclusions and Suggestions for Further Research Several factors played a role in the nature of contact between Musqueam and Europeans, however, Musqueam culture played the pivotal role in determining which European goods were integrated and how. There is an initial lack of trade items at Stselax that date from the earliest contact episodes. Disease and inter-village relationships may have inhibited the Musqueam from accessing trade goods at their earliest arrival on the Northwest Coast, or Musqueam people may not have chosen to use these items. In the next period, during which Fort Langley was in 47 operation, the integration of European goods appears based on Musqueam ideas of value and utility. Household goods and blankets appear to have been acquired to the exclusion of other items. It is thought that the household goods introduced to Stselax, including glass and ceramics, may have arrived along newly established connections of intermarriage between the traders and local women who also had ties to Musqueam families. The blankets are proposed as an important trade item for the Musqueam, as they were used in potlatching. The contextual use of blankets in potlatching provides evidence that the structuring principles of Musqueam agency involved maintaining or increasing traditional practices, and using new forms of wealth in ways consistent with aboriginal values and needs. Stselax material culture suggests a resistance to the introduction of European artifacts associated with woodworking, fishing, and personal ceremonial adornment. These are activities considered most essential to Musqueam economic and spiritual practices, and resistance and conservatism in integrating European artifacts into these activities is not surprising, but expected. Similar to Silliman's findings (2001), the choice to not use the available metal tools earlier is interpreted as a conscious decision to maintain Musqueam ways of doing these everyday, but fundamental, activities. The structuring principles for Musqueam agency changed through time from maintenance of aboriginal practices to adopting a wider variety of European material culture that assisted Musqueam in navigating the intruding and imposed economic, social and religious systems. Overall, this sample shows that Musqueam people were highly selective in the integration of outside goods at Stsleax preferring those with clear value and utility by Musqueam standards and resisting change in the tools used for key Musqueam activities in order to maintain consistency with a Musqueam worldview. The structuring principles revealed by this analysis show the 4 8 importance of Musqueam culture and decision making in determining the nature of contact between Europeans and Musqueam people. Further insight into the choices made in Musqueam selection of goods may come from a more sophisticated metallurgical analyses of the nails and other metal artifacts. Specifically, use of a scanning electron microscope may identify modified artifacts, metal sources, and alloys that were unrecognized by eye in this study. Some conservation work is also desperately needed if these metal artifacts are to survive another decade. Ethnographic work carried out with Musqueam community members and focusing on different uses for European artifacts is an important avenue for research. Because the horizontal control of the post- contact component of this site is so poor, some understanding of how items were used may make up for the loss of records of association between artifacts. Elders in the community may be able to remember the ways parents or grandparents used particular artifacts. Historic photographs were briefly reviewed for this paper, but an in-depth examination may reveal more data on when and how European items were used by Musqueam people. Also a social history of the Charles House itself would provide a link between Stselax Village, Musqueam East (the archaeological remains of that village), and the contemporary Musqueam village that now thrives on the same site. Finally, full and comprehensive examination of the DhRt 2 collection in its entirety would be extremely informative about the impact of and reactions to contact, as well as pre- contact dynamics and processes. In particular, a study exploring the post-contact sample in its entirety, including non-European artifacts, would shed light onto local contact processes. This kind of comparative analysis could reveal important aspects of agency in Musqueam use of traditional versus European materials. There is also an extensive pre-contact component to this 49 site which has not been fully analyzed. The vast number of existing student reports, archaeological materials, and site maps including contour maps provide a rich source of information for future undergraduate projects for laboratory classes, as well as other MA research. A large amount of the artifacts excavated from this site are undocumented and are not catalogued. A complete cataloguing of the artifacts would give the Musqueam community a more complete sense of the physical pieces of their heritage stored at UBC, and allow better access for future researchers. PhD research would be particularly suited to the broad scope and vast amounts of data related to this site, as a comprehensive and coherent analysis of the entire site could reveal connections and processes missed in projects that focus on small samples of the site or artifacts. Continued research means that the contemporary Musqueam community will be able to learn more from this collection that was excavated from their lands over 50 years ago. 50 References C i t e d . Abbo t t , N . . 1955 Pre l iminary Resul ts o f A r c h a e o l o g i c a l Investigations at M u s q u e a m , Vancouve r , B C . U n p u b l i s h e d undergraduate paper, o n f i le , Labora tory o f Archaeo logy , Department o f An th ropo logy and Soc io logy , Un ive r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . 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