Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

An anthropological perspective on the role of Chinese trade ceramics in the prehistory of a Philippine.. 1985

You don't seem to have a PDF reader installed, try download the pdf

Item Metadata

Download

Media
UBC_1985_A8 L34.pdf
UBC_1985_A8 L34.pdf [ 23.11MB ]
UBC_1985_A8 L34.pdf
Metadata
JSON: 1.0058378.json
JSON-LD: 1.0058378+ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 1.0058378.xml
RDF/JSON: 1.0058378+rdf.json
Turtle: 1.0058378+rdf-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 1.0058378+rdf-ntriples.txt
Citation
1.0058378.ris

Full Text

AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE ON THE ROLE OF CHINESE TRADE CERAMICS IN THE PREHISTORY — OF A PHILIPPINE CULTURE by HELENA LANGRICK B.A., U n i v e r s i t y Of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 982 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department Of Anthropology And Soci o l o g y ) We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1985 © Helena L a h g r i c k , 1985 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Anthropology and Sociology The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date October 1 0 , 1 9 8 5 DE-6(3/81) 1 1 A b s t r a c t T h i s study presents an a n a l y s i s of Chinese trade ceramic data from a s t r a t i f i e d b u r i a l s i t e i n the P h i l i p p i n e s r e p r e s e n t i n g two main p r o t o - h i s t o r i c p e r i o d s i n the 12th and 14th c e n t u r i e s A.D. An ethnographic model c o n s t r u c t e d from e t h n o - h i s t o r i c a l data i s used to generate hypotheses which are ev a l u a t e d by means of q u a n t i t a t i v e analyses designed to t e s t f o r s o c i a l complexity i n each p e r i o d . The r e s u l t s of an a l y s e s a r e then assessed i n terms of symbolic p a t t e r n s d e r i v e d from the ethnographic model. The research framework i n c l u d e s the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a methodological s t r u c t u r e designed to i n c o r p o r a t e both p r o c e s s u a l and symbolic approaches t o a r c h a e o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s . The P i l a c u l t u r a l system i s t r e a t e d as an open, non- homeostatic system i n c o r p o r a t i n g t a n g i b l e and i n t a n g i b l e elements, some aspects of which are not amenable to exact d e f i n i t i o n or measurement. Major areas of focus i n c l u d e the trade sub-system, the s o c i a l sub-system and the r i t u a l sub- system. Hypotheses t e s t f o r s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n terms of wealth, descent, s o c i a l r o l e s , and s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of f u n c t i o n ; f o r h i e r a r c h y and c e n t r a l i z a t i o n i n terms of c o r p o r a t e c o n t r o l ; f o r symbolic content of a r t i f a c t s and r i t u a l p a t t e r n s ; and f o r c u l t u r e change i n terms of in c r e a s e d s o c i a l complexity i n the l a t e r p e r i o d . Analyses i n v o l v e the e v a l u a t i o n of q u a n t i t a t i v e d i f f e r e n c e s i n amount of goods; p a t t e r n s of s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n throughout the s i t e and w i t h i n i n d i v i d u a l b u r i a l s ; and comparisons of b u r i a l treatment between i n d i v i d u a l s and between sub-groups. Major areas of t h e o r e t i c a l concern i n c l u d e the q u e s t i o n of s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n p r e h i s t o r y , and the extent to which i n f e r e n c e s can be made from mortuary p a t t e r n s ; the r e l a t i o n s h i p between m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e , s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and i d e o l o g y ; and the e f f e c t s of prolonged l o n g - d i s t a n c e trade on the i n t e r n a l complexity of a c u l t u r a l group. I conclude that i n P i l a , mortuary p a t t e r n s represent an a c c u r a t e r e f l e c t i o n of s o c i o - c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s in g e n e r a l . The r e s u l t s of the a n a l y ses support the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the ethnographic model of P i l a as an e g a l i t a r i a n s o c i e t y with a prominent i d e o l o g i c a l component i n which Chinese ceramics p l a y e d an important r o l e . I conclude that a r e c u r s i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p i s seen to e x i s t between m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e , s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and i d e o l o g y . In p a r t i c u l a r , that the p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Chinese ceramics, c h a r a c t e r i z e d by d u r a b i l i t y , resonance, impermeability and l i g h t - r e f l e c t i n g g l a z e s , caused them to become c l o s e l y i d e n t i f i e d with a l l a s pects of r i t u a l , and to r e i n f o r c e the i d e o l o g i c a l p a t t e r n s of P i l a . These i d e o l o g i c a l p a t t e r n s i n c l u d e a b e l i e f i n powerful ancestor and nature s p i r i t s which c o n t r o l a l l a s p e c t s of l i f e and death. A s s o c i a t e d with t h i s are p e t i t i o n a r y r i t u a l s of every kind, conducted mainly w i t h i n the f a m i l y c i r c l e i n a one- to-one r e l a t i o n s h i p with the s p i r i t s , and i n v o l v i n g the use of Chinese ceramics as important r i t u a l o b j e c t s . i v The mortuary data a l s o i n d i c a t e s that c u l t u r e change, c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a s l i g h t g e n e r a l i n c r e a s e in s o c i a l complexity, o c c u r r e d between the e a r l i e r and l a t e r c u l t u r a l p e r i o d s . T h i s i n c r e a s e i n s o c i a l complexity appears to be a s s o c i a t e d with the l o n g - s t a n d i n g t r a d i n g c o n t a c t s with China, i n terms of economic impact as w e l l as d i f f u s i o n of c e r t a i n c u l t u r a l elements. V TABLE OF CONTENTS • Page ABSTRACT i i TABLE OF CONTENTS V LIST OF TABLES v i i i LIST OF TABLES - APPENDIX A ix LIST OF FIGURES X LIST OF FIGURES - APPENDIX B x i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS x i i i CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1 1.1. The Research Problem 1 1.2. The S i t e 8 CHAPTER 2 THEORETICAL BACKGROUND 16 2.1. I n t r o d u c t i o n 16 2.2. Mortuary A n a l y s i s 17 2.2.1. The Pr o c e s s u a l Approach 17 2.2.2. The Symbolic Approach 25 2.3. Systems Theory 32 2.4. S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n 36 2.4.1. B i l a t e r a l K i n s h i p 36 2.4.2. A r c h a e o l o g i c a l Background 43 2.4.3. Trade and Exchange 44 CHAPTER 3 THE ETHNOGRAPHIC MODEL 47 3.1. I n t r o d u c t i o n 47 3.2. Trade Sub-System 48 3.3. S o c i a l Sub-System 51 3.4. R i t u a l Sub-System 54 3.5. S t r u c t u r a l Model of P i l a C u l t u r a l System .. 58 v i CHAPTER 4 ANALYSIS: TESTING THE MODEL 62 4.1. I n t r o d u c t i o n to Methods 62 4.1.1. Nature of the Data 62 4.1.2. I m p l i c a t i o n s of T h e o r e t i c a l Approach .. 67 4.1.3. S t r u c t u r e of the A n a l y s i s 70 CHAPTER 5 ANALYSIS: PERIOD II - TRADE SUB-SYSTEM 72 5.1. I n t r o d u c t i o n 72 5.2. Hypotheses: P r o c e s s u a l 72 5.2.1. Hypothesis 1 72 5.2.2. Hypothesis 2 73 5.2.3. Hypothesis 3 73 5.2.4. Hypothesis 4 74 5.3. Analyses 75 5.4. Summary and D i s c u s s i o n 91 CHAPTER 6 ANALYSIS: PERIOD II - SOCIAL SUB-SYSTEM 95 6.1. I n t r o d u c t i o n 95 6.2. Hypotheses: P r o c e s s u a l 95 6.2.5. Hypo t h e s i s 5 95 6.2.6. Hypothesis 6 96 6.2.7. Hypo t h e s i s 7 96 6.3. Analyses 97 6.4. Summary and D i s c u s s i o n 114 v i i CHAPTER 7 ANALYSIS: PERIOD II - RITUAL SUB-SYSTEM 117 7.1. I n t r o d u c t i o n 117 7.2. Hypotheses: Symbolic 117 7.2.8. Hypothesis 8 117 7.3. Hypotheses: P r o c e s s u a l 120 7.3.9. Hypothesis 9 120 7.4. Analyses 122 7.5. Summary and D i s c u s s i o n 138 CHAPTER 8 ANALYSIS: PERIOD III 143 8.1. I n t r o d u c t i o n 143 8.2. Hypotheses: P r o c e s s u a l 145 8.2.10. Hypothesis 10 145 8.3. Analyses 146 8.4. Summary and D i s c u s s i o n 159 CHAPTER 9 DISCUSSION 166 CHAPTER 10 CONCLUSIONS 177 10.1. C o n c l u s i o n s R e l a t e d to P i l a 178 10.2. C o n c l u s i o n s R e l a t e d to Methodology 186 10.3. C o n c l u s i o n s R e l a t e d to Theory 187 BIBLIOGRAPHY 190 APPENDIX A TABLES 203 APPENDIX B FIGURES 242 APPENDIX C NOTES TO THE TEXT 253 v i i i LIST OF TABLES Table Page 4.1. Table of inhumation and cremation b u r i a l s i n Agra and Mendoza, Period s I to IV 64 5.1. Frequency of b u r i a l s with each t r a i t i n Agra and Mendoza (sum, %, mean, median, qU, qL, standard d e v i a t i o n ) 77 7.1. Wealthy b u r i a l s with sums, % and means: g l a z e c a t e g o r i e s 131 7.2. Wealthy b u r i a l s with sums, % and means: f u n c t i o n c a t e g o r i e s 132 7.3. Wealthy b u r i a l s with % of d i f f e r e n t ware a s s o c i a t i o n s 137 8.1. Table of mean depths ( i n centimetres) of b u r i a l s i n P e r i o d III 157 ix LIST OF TABLES - APPENDIX A Table Page A-1 Table of trade ceramic c a t e g o r i e s at P i l a (by ware and f u n c t i o n 204 A-2 Table of non-trade ceramic c a t e g o r i e s at P i l a . .. 207 A-3a L i s t of b u r i a l s and a s s o c i a t e d grave goods: Agra (L) 208 A-3b L i s t of b u r i a l s and a s s o c i a t e d grave goods: Agra (R) 213 A-4a L i s t of b u r i a l s and a s s o c i a t e d grave goods: Mendoza (L) •. 219 A-4b L i s t of b u r i a l s and a s s o c i a t e d grave goods Mendoza (R) 221 A-5 Number and % of b u r i a l s with each number of pots ( a l l pots, trade ceramics, earthenwares) ... 224 A-6 Wealthy and poor groups: Agra and Mendoza (trade ceramics) - means, standard d e v i a t i o n , c o e f f i c i e n t of v a r i a t i o n 226 A-7 L i s t of ceramic g l a z e c a t e g o r i e s (and codes) .... 227 A-8 L i s t of f u n c t i o n a l c a t e g o r i e s : (1) c o n t a i n e r s ; (2) d i s h e s ; (3) other 228 A-9 Wealthy b u r i a l s and glaz e c a t e g o r i e s : Agra 229 A-10 Wealthy b u r i a l s and glaz e c a t e g o r i e s : Mendoza ... 231 A-11 Wealthy b u r i a l s and f u n c t i o n c a t e g o r i e s : Agra ... 232 A-12 Wealthy b u r i a l s and f u n c t i o n c a t e g o r i e s : Mendoza 234 A-13 P e r i o d I I I cremation b u r i a l s : Agra 235 A-14 P e r i o d III cremation b u r i a l s : Mendoza 239 A-15 Inhumation b u r i a l s , P e r i o d I I I : Agra 240 A-16 Depth of b u r i a l s : P e r i o d I I I 241 X LIST OF FIGURES F i g u r e Page 1.1. Map of P h i l i p p i n e s with ceramic s i t e s 2 1.2. Map of P i l a , Laguna 10 1.3. Map of P i l a e x c a v a t i o n s i t e s 11 1.4. Diagram of P i l a s t r a t i g r a p h y 12 3.1. S t r u c t u r a l Model of the P i l a c u l t u r a l system. ... 59 4.1. Numbers of a r t i f a c t s i n t o t a l b u r i a l p o p u l a t i o n at P i l a : P e r i o d II 65 5.1. Percent of b u r i a l s i n Agra and Mendoza with each category of a r t i f a c t : P e r i o d II 78 5.2. Mean numbers of a r t i f a c t s per b u r i a l i n Agra and Mendoza: P e r i o d II 79 5.3. Percent of b u r i a l s i n t o t a l P i l a p o p u l a t i o n with each number of trade ceramics p r e s e n t : P e r i o d II 83 5.4. Percent of b u r i a l s i n t o t a l P i l a p o p u l a t i o n , Agra and Mendoza, c o n t a i n i n g earthenware p o t t e r y : P e r i o d II : 83 5.5. Percent of b u r i a l s i n S i t e 1 (Agra): P e r i o d I I , c o n t a i n i n g (1) any p o t t e r y (ceramics or earthenware) and (2) trade ceramics o n l y 84 5.6. Percent of b u r i a l s i n S i t e 2 (Mendoza): P e r i o d I I , c o n t a i n i n g (1) any p o t t e r y (ceramics or earthenware) and (2) trade ceramics only 85 6.1 Wealthy and poor groups i n Agra and Mendoza: P e r i o d I I , with mean numbers of ceramics, earthenwares and i r o n per b u r i a l 98 6.2. Boxplots of trade ceramic data from Agra and Mendoza: P e r i o d I I . Comparing (1) t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n s and (2) wealthy sub-groups 99 6.3. Map of excavation area, S i t e 1(Agra): P e r i o d II 105 6.4. Map of ex c a v a t i o n area, S i t e 2 (Mendoza): P e r i o d II 107 x i 6.5. Ceramic d i s c s from P i l a : P e r i o d s II and III ( a c t u a l s i z e ) 110 6.6. Net s i n k e r s from P i l a : P e r i o d s II and III ( a c t u a l s i z e ) 112 8.1. Map of cremation b u r i a l s , S i t e 1 (Agra): P e r i o d III 149 x i i LIST OF FIGURES - APPENDIX B F i g u r e Page B-1 Photo: earthenware p o t t e r y from P i l a 243 B-2 Photo of b u r i a l assemblage #98, P i l a : P e r i o d II 244 B-3 Photo of b u r i a l assemblage #28, P i l a : P e r i o d II 245 B-4 Photo of double b u r i a l , Sta.Ana 246 B-5 Photo of b u r i a l #28 i n s i t u , P i l a : P e r i o d I I . ... 246 B-6 Photo of b u r i a l #1, P i l a : P e r i o d II 247 B-7 Photo of b u r i a l #54, P i l a : P e r i o d II 247 B-8 Photo of Ming P e r i o d b u r i a l , P i l a : P e r i o d IV. 248 B-9 Diagram of pre-Ming b u r i a l , Calatagan 248 B-10 Photo of cremation b u r i a l #74, with a s s o c i a t e d grave goods, P i l a : P e r i o d III .. 249 B—11 Photo of cremation j a r b u r i a l s (smashed), P i l a : P e r i o d III 249 B-12 Photo of crematorium s t r u c t u r e , P i l a : P e r i o d I I I , 250 B-13 Photo of cremation b u r i a l j a r s , P i l a : P e r i o d III 251 B-14 Diagram of cremation b u r i a l stoneware j a r s , P h i l i p p i n e s 252 x i i i Acknowledgement I would l i k e to express my a p p r e c i a t i o n and g r a t i t u d e to the members of my t h e s i s committee, Dr. R i c h a r d Pearson, Dr. R.G. Matson, and Dr. E l v i Whittaker, f o r t h e i r p a t i e n c e and c o n s t r u c t i v e a d v i c e d u r i n g the p r e p a r a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s . In p a r t i c u l a r , Dr. Pearson, as. my graduate a d v i s o r , p r o v i d e d u n f a i l i n g guidance d u r i n g my t h r e e years of graduate s t u d i e s . I thank the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia f o r p r o v i d i n g f a c i l i t i e s and f i n a n c i a l support d u r i n g my graduate program. I a l s o wish to thank Dr. Miguel Tecson and Mrs. J u l i a Tecson, who generously allowed me to do c o n s i d e r a b l e r e s e a r c h at t h e i r home in t h e i r e x t e n s i v e l i b r a r y and c o l l e c t i o n of antique P h i l i p p i n e ceramics. In a d d i t i o n , I thank Moira I r v i n e , f o r a s s i s t a n c e and f o r suggestions r e g a r d i n g the p r e p a r a t i o n of f i g u r e s f o r t h i s t h e s i s . 1 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 The Research Problem Chinese ceramics played an important p a r t i n the l i f e of P h i l i p p i n e s o c i e t i e s d u r i n g the 11th- to the 16t h - c e n t u r i e s A.D. We know t h i s i s so because hundreds of thousands of Chinese "trade ceramics", d i s t i n c t i v e stoneware and p o r c e l a i n wares, were traded i n t o the P h i l i p p i n e a r c h i p e l a g o d u r i n g these c e n t u r i e s . The s p e c i a l importance of these wares i n the P h i l i p p i n e context i s i n d i c a t e d not only by the e x t r a o r d i n a r y numbers of the items found, but a l s o by the f a c t that these wares were i n c l u d e d i n l a r g e numbers as b u r i a l goods i n the graves of F i l i p i n o s throughout the l e n g t h and breadth of the i s l a n d s . F i g . 1 . 1 . , shows a map of the P h i l i p p i n e s i l l u s t r a t i n g the wide d i s p e r s a l of a r c h a e o l o g i c a l s i t e s which contained Chinese trade ceramics. Hundreds of b u r i a l s i t e s from the c e n t u r i e s p r e - d a t i n g the Spanish conquest have been found (Beyer 1947), almost i n v a r i a b l y c o n t a i n i n g s i g n i f i c a n t numbers of trade ceramics. In a d d i t i o n , the m i n i a t u r e s i z e and p r i s t i n e c o n d i t i o n of many of these b u r i a l wares i n d i c a t e s t hat they were not simply favoured items of household use, but had some kind of i d e o l o g i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r the i n h a b i t a n t s of that p e r i o d . These f a c t s suggest that an i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the c u l t u r a l r o l e played by these a r t i f a c t s i n P h i l i p p i n e s o c i e t y would y i e l d i n t e r e s t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n . The data from P i l a has provided a s c i e n t i f i c context f o r the a n a l y s i s of Chinese ceramics from a s t r a t i f i e d b u r i a l s i t e i n southern Luzon i n the P h i l i p p i n e s , tAtUYAJt ISLAND1 Distribution of Tang, Sung, Ming, Annamese and Sawankhalok wares with principal sites mentioned in the text. LEGEND: • TANG OR TANG TYPE • SUNG OR/AND YUAN • MING V ANNAMESE O SAWANKHALOK Laguna de Bay tULU ARCHIPtLAeO FIGURE l . l i Map of the P h i l i p p i n e s with ceramic s i t e s (af ter Locs in and L o c s i n 196?»2) 3 r e p r e s e n t i n g two p r o t o - h i s t o r i c p e r i o d s i n the 12th and 14th c e n t u r i e s A.D. Q u a n t i t a t i v e analyses based on the p r o c e s s u a l approach are used to t e s t f o r s o c i a l complexity i n each p e r i o d , and the r e s u l t s are assessed i n terms of symbolic p a t t e r n s d e r i v e d from e t h n o - h i s t o r i c a l data from the same ar e a . The e x c a v a t i o n by Dr. Rosa Tenazas of the 10th to 15th- century cemetery s i t e at P i l a , Laguna, in 1968, r e s u l t e d i n a r a r e , p u b l i s h e d account of an undisturbed, s t r a t i f i e d , b u r i a l ground, c o n t a i n i n g l a r g e numbers of pre-Ming trade ceramics as •burial goods. T h i s s i t e , excavated and recorded with c a r e f u l a t t e n t i o n to a r c h a e o l o g i c a l method, pr o v i d e d the o p p o r t u n i t y f o r q u a n t i t a t i v e analyses of trade ceramic data. P r i o r to t h i s , i n f o r m a t i o n r e l a t i n g to trade ceramics i n Southeast A s i a as a whole was concerned mainly with the a r t h i s t o r y of these wares (Addis 1968; Adhyatman 1981; Brown 1977; Cheng 1978; Chin 1978; Chung 1978; Cox 1944; Frasche 1976; Guy 1980, 1982, 1984; Howitz 1978; L o c s i n and L o c s i n 1967; Macintosh 1977; Medley 1976, 1981; Ceramic S o c i e t y i n Indonesia 1977; Southeast Asian Ceramics S o c i e t y 1979; Van der P i j l - K e t e l 1976; Yeo and M a r t i n 1978). In p a r t , t h i s was due to the z e a l of p r i v a t e c o l l e c t o r s , who have pr o v i d e d a ready market f o r Chinese a n t i q u i t i e s , unearthed without b e n e f i t of s c i e n t i f i c method or documentation. As a r e s u l t , there e x i s t s an enormous body of a r c h a e o l o g i c a l ceramics which can not be evaluated i n any other way than i n terms of the p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a l o n e . The m a t e r i a l from P i l a , on the other hand, p r o v i d e s one of the few c o l l e c t i o n s of trade ceramic data which can be evaluated i n terms of c u l t u r a l context and 4 h i s t o r y , as w e l l as the p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the a r t i f a c t s and t h e i r p a t t e r n i n g i n the ground. The focus of t h i s r e s e a r c h has been guided by the r e l a t i v e l y abundant ethnographic. data from the p e r i o d of Spanish c o n t a c t i n the 16th century, a p e r i o d only a few c e n t u r i e s removed from the b u r i a l s represented i n P i l a . ( A l i p 1964; C a r e r i 1963; C h i r i n o , Morga, Tangco i n G a r c i a 1979; F e l i x 1966; P i g a f e t t a i n A l i p 1964; San Antonio 1977; Scott 1974,1981). The value of such ethnographic analogy has been supported by the inf o r m a t i o n from Chinese l i t e r a r y sources from the 12th and 13th c e n t u r i e s (Chen 1966; F e l i x 1966; G a r c i a 1979; Wu 1959), c o n t a i n i n g eye-witness accounts of contemporaneous F i l i p i n o groups and d e s c r i p t i o n s of t r a d i n g encounters i n v a r i o u s p a r t s of the P h i l i p p i n e i s l a n d s . In a d d i t i o n , contemporary ethnographic m a t e r i a l regarding a number of s o c i a l groups which a s c r i b e p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e to trade ceramics even today, gave an e x t r a dimension to the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the data i n the l o c a l context (Fox 1982; Jocano 1970; Chin 1978a,b; Eder 1984; Lopez 1976; Marche 1970; S c o t t 1974; Spoehr 1973). The primary g o a l of t h i s study i s to t e s t the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the ethnographic model presented, with r e s p e c t to the mortuary data from two contemporaneous s i t e s at P i l a , Laguna. The secondary g o a l i s to combine p r o c e s s u a l and symbolic approaches t o mortuary a n a l y s i s and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . The primary f e a t u r e s of these approaches are d e s c r i b e d i n Chapter 2, together with a number of r e l a t e d t h e o r e t i c a l i s s u e s c a t e g o r i z e d 5 under "systems theory" ( s e c t i o n 2.3) and " s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n " ( s e c t i o n 2.4). The ethnographic model, based on ethno- h i s t o r i c a l data, i s o u t l i n e d in Chapter 3, i n terms of three sub-systems: t r a d e , s o c i a l and r i t u a l ; i t a l s o i n c o r p o r a t e s a s t r u c t u r a l model of the P i l a c u l t u r a l system, which d e f i n e s the symbolic o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e s i n P i l a s o c i e t y . Chapter 4 o u t l i n e s the methodological s t r u c t u r e . The b a s i c procedures f o l l o w e d i n the a n a l y s i s of P i l a mortuary data are to t e s t the data from P e r i o d II f i r s t : t h i s i s done in Chapters 5,6 and 7. In Chapter 8, the data from P e r i o d III i s e v a l u a t e d f o r evidence of the extent and nature of c u l t u r e change. Chapter 9 pr e s e n t s a d i s c u s s i o n of the r e s u l t s of the analyses from P i l a . Chapter 10 o u t l i n e s g e n e r a l c o n c l u s i o n s r e l a t e d to the r e s u l t s of the data a n a l y s e s , the methodology,, and the l a r g e r t h e o r e t i c a l i s s u e s . Two major aspects of the c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s d e f i n e d f o r P i l a are seen as being of a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l i n t e r e s t . F i r s t i s the r o l e of m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e with r e s p e c t to s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and i d e o l o g y . The evidence from P i l a appears to support the n o t i o n r e c e n t l y proposed by Pader, that "there i s an i n e x t r i c a b l e r e c u r s i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p between id e o l o g y , a c t i o n and m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e ; m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e i s not merely a r e s i d u e , i t i n f l u e n c e s s o c i a l a c t i o n and ideology as w e l l " (Pader 1982:34). I e x p l o r e t h i s concept by means of Hypotheses 8 and 9, i n Chapter 7 of t h i s study. The second aspect of a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l i n t e r e s t i n the P i l a data i s the q u e s t i o n of the s i g n i f i c a n c e of trade and exchange p a t t e r n s i n the development of c u l t u r a l complexity. 6 The steady and l o n g - l a s t i n g trade r e l a t i o n s with China had some f a r - r e a c h i n g e f f e c t s on the P h i l i p p i n e c u l t u r e and economy - but these e f f e c t s were not always what one might have expected. For i n s t a n c e , c e n t u r i e s of trade i n p r e s t i g e items produced no c e n t r a l i z e d r e d i s t r i b u t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n s or h i e r a r c h i c a l b u r e a u c r a c i e s , but d i d e v e n t u a l l y culminate i n a ranked c l a s s system by con t a c t times. The data from P i l a r e presents the e a r l i e r phases of l o n g - d i s t a n c e trade with China, and the b u r i a l evidence i n d i c a t e s an e g a l i t a r i a n s o c i e t y i n the P e r i o d II phase and a s l i g h t general i n c r e a s e i n s o c i a l complexity i n P e r i o d I I I . Aspects of the trade p a t t e r n s are explored i n Chapter 5 and q u e s t i o n s r e l a t e d to s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n are eval u a t e d i n Chapter 6. The c h i e f focus of a r c h a e o l o g i c a l i n t e r e s t i n t h i s study i s the methodology. Being a mortuary s i t e , the P i l a data are ev a l u a t e d a c c o r d i n g to some gen e r a l p r i n c i p l e s of mortuary a n a l y s i s a l r e a d y e s t a b l i s h e d i n p r o c e s s u a l archaeology. Using procedures developed i n e a r l i e r mortuary s t u d i e s , reviewed i n s e c t i o n 2 . 2 . 1 , I t e s t f o r the presence or absence of s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n terms of wealth, s t a t u s , descent, and s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of f u n c t i o n ; the nature of the trade and exchange p a t t e r n s ; s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s between groups of grave goods; and c u l t u r e change between P e r i o d s II and I I I . The prominent i d e o l o g i c a l component p e r c e i v e d i n the b u r i a l data, however, i n d i c a t e d t h at the m a t e r i a l should be eva l u a t e d i n terms of the symbolic approach (reviewed i n s e c t i o n 2 . 2 . 2 ) as w e l l . T h i s n e c e s s i t a t e d d e r i v i n g a methodology which combined both the 7 pr o c e s s u a l and symbolic approaches to a r c h a e o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s . The methodological s t r u c t u r e used i s o u t l i n e d in Chapter 4, s e c t i o n 4.1 ( i n t r o d u c t i o n to methods) and s e c t i o n s 4.1.2 and 4.1.3. The main t h r u s t of the symbolic aspect of the a n a l y s i s i s to d e r i v e a u n i f i e d i d e o l o g i c a l s t r u c t u r e f o r P i l a s o c i e t y , based on ethnographic data, and to look f o r m a t e r i a l c o r r e l a t e s of t h i s symbolic s t r u c t u r e i n each s e c t i o n of the a n a l y s i s . As a l r e a d y s t a t e d above, the focus of t h i s research i s guided by the ethnographic data. I attempt to r e c o n s t r u c t three s p e c i f i c aspects of P i l a s o c i e t y i n p r e - h i s t o r y , using data from ethnographic, h i s t o r i c a l , l i t e r a r y and a r c h a e o l o g i c a l sources; p a t t e r n s of trade and exchange, s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , and r i t u a l . The ethnographic model c o n s t r u c t e d i s d e s c r i b e d i n Chapter 3. Evidence i n d i c a t e s that there was a remarkable c o n t i n u i t y of ba s i c c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s from the beginning of the p e r i o d of Chinese trade i n the 10th and 11th c e n t u r i e s , to the p e r i o d of Spanish c o l o n i z a t i o n i n the 16th cen t u r y . In some areas, i n f a c t , major c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s appear to have remained unchanged u n t i l the contemporary p e r i o d - f o r in s t a n c e on Palawan and Panay I s l a n d s (Fox 1982; Jocano 1970). While i n t e r - r e g i o n a l v a r i a t i o n e x i s t e d , many Spanish co n t a c t sources t e s t i f y to the bas i c homogeneity of c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s w i t h i n the P h i l i p p i n e a r c h i p e l a g o , e s p e c i a l l y with re s p e c t to the s o c i a l , r i t u a l and l i n g u i s t i c a s p e c t s (de Loarca, C h i r i n o , de Morga, i n G a r c i a 1979). Thus, while aspects of the ethnographic model are drawn from a v a r i e t y of sources, I b e l i e v e i t i s v a l i d to t e s t the model a g a i n s t data drawn from a s i n g l e s i t e . P i l a , i n the 8 p r o v i n c e of Laguna, l o c a t e d about 75 km. south-east of Manila on the southern shore of Laguna de Bay i n c e n t r a l Luzon (see F i g . 1.1) i s a c e n t r a l s i t e , and can be c o n s i d e r e d to have been i n the mainstream of c u l t u r e h i s t o r y ( L o c s i n and L o c s i n 1968:6). Th e r e f o r e i n t h i s study I attempt to t e s t the a n t i q u i t y of the ethnographic model by a n a l y s i s of the ex c a v a t i o n data from P i l a . Chapters 4,5,6,7 and 8 present the r e s u l t s of the a n a l y s i s . Ten hypotheses are proposed and e v a l u a t e d , nine r e l a t i n g to P e r i o d I I , which r e p r e s e n t s the bulk of the data, and one r e l a t i n g to P e r i o d I I I . Chapter 5 d e a l s with the trade sub-system (hypotheses 1 to 4), Chapter 6 d e a l s with the s o c i a l sub-system (hypotheses 5 to 7), Chapter 7 d e a l s with the r i t u a l sub-system (hypotheses 8 and 9), and Chapter 8 d e a l s with P e r i o d I I I as a whole (hypothesis 10). The an a l y s e s i n each s u b - s e c t i o n are fo l l o w e d by a summary, i n c o r p o r a t i n g a d i s c u s s i o n of the symbolic s i g n i f i c a n c e of the r e s u l t s . Chapter 9 prese n t s a d i s c u s s i o n of the t e s t r e s u l t s from P i l a as a whole. Chapter 10 pre s e n t s the c o n c l u s i o n s , d e a l i n g i n pa r t with c o n c l u s i o n stemming from the data a n a l y s e s , c o n c l u s i o n s stemming from the methods used i n t h i s study, and c o n c l u s i o n s r e l a t e d to the l a r g e r t h e o r e t i c a l i s s u e s which formed the background f o r t h i s study. 1.2 The S i t e The e x c a v a t i o n s at P i l a i n c l u d e two c l o s e l y - r e l a t e d s i t e s , Agra and Mendoza, which are l o c a t e d i n the b a r r i o , or v i l l a g e , of Pinagbayanan, i n the township of P i l a , i n the p r o v i n c e of 9 Laguna (see F i g . 1 . 2 ) . Pinagbayanan i s one of some hal f - d o z e n b a r r i o s i n t h i s area i n which r i c h b u r i a l s i t e s have been d i s c o v e r e d (e.g. Duhat, G a t i d , V i c t o r i a and Lumbang). A l l the other s i t e s , however, were q u i c k l y "dismantled" by d e a l e r s and c o l l e c t o r s , and the wares d i s p e r s e d i n s a l e s . Agra and Mendoza, together with a t h i r d , much smal l e r s i t e (Mendoza Lot No. 2, as yet u n p u b l i s h e d ) , are the only s i t e s i n the area which have been s c i e n t i f i c a l l y excavated (see F i g . 1 . 3 ) . Tenazas (1968:12) and L o c s i n and L o c s i n (1968:7) d e s c r i b e the Laguna b a r r i o s i t e s as being a l l "more or l e s s contemporaneous" and c o n t a i n i n g an i d e n t i c a l range of wares. The o r i g i n a l townsite of P i l a was a p p a r e n t l y l o c a t e d about 30 km. to the southwest of the present town, i n a p l a c e c a l l e d Pagalangan (now the town of V i c t o r i a ) . The o l d town appears to have been c o n s t a n t l y f l o o d e d by the lake and made u n i n h a b i t a b l e . The i n h a b i t a n t s moved back away from the lake and t r a n s f e r r e d the town to i t s present s i t e ( i b i d : 6 ) . L a t e r , the lake shore receded and the o l d e r town area was r e - populated. T h i s o s c i l l a t i n g movement of p o p u l a t i o n s , d i c t a t e d by the v a g a r i e s of the water t a b l e , i s b e l i e v e d to have been t y p i c a l of the c o n d i t i o n s i n the area i n pre-Spanish times. The e x c a v a t i o n s at Agra and Mendoza r e v e a l e d a c l e a r l y - s t r a t i f i e d b u r i a l ground spanning four c u l t u r a l l e v e l s (see F i g . 1 . 4 ) . The e a r l i e s t stratum, P e r i o d I, i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by compact, f i n e - g r a i n e d sandy c l a y , and i s a s c r i b e d by Tenazas to "an Iron Age date, most probably towards the end of the f i r s t m i llennium A.D." (Tenazas 1968:15). Three b u r i a l s were found on the s u r f a c e of t h i s l e v e l , i n the Mendoza area, and grave 1 0 FIGURE 1 . 2 : Map of P i l a , Laguna, showing B a r r i o Pinagbayanan wi t h e x c a v a t i o n s i t e s (Agra and Mendoza) ( A f t e r Tenazas 1968: f o l l o w i n g p . 1 2 ) 11 r o o d i s n o t t o s c a l e F IGURE 1 . 3 : Map o f P i l a e x c a v a t i o n s i t e s ( a f t e r T e n a z a s 1 9 6 8 « f o l l o w i n g p . 1 2 ) P E R I O D P E R I O D 3 1 P E R I O D : PERIOD I SECTION DRAWING OF SOUARE 6-11 SITE I PINAQ8AYANAN /AGRA C R E M A T I O N W CONTAINER C R E M A T I O N IN A PIT P O R T H O L E I N T R U S I V E MIN8 B U R I A L I N T E R P O L A T E D INTO T H E S E C T I O N M M j y A T W H x x x x •UO< LOAM r « i imam 20 cm FIGURE Diagram o f P i l a s t r a t i g r a p h y ( a f t e r Tenazas 1968: F i g . 3 ) 1 3 goods found c o n s i s t e d of earthenware v e s s e l s , which d i f f e r e d s t y l i s t i c a l l y from the l o c a l earthenware p o t t e r y found i n the b u r i a l s of the upper l a y e r s . The P e r i o d II stratum, c h a r a c t e r i z e d by medium-grained, reddish-brown, sandy c l a y , i s dated E a r l y Sung, about 12th century A.D. on the b a s i s of a s s o c i a t e d Chinese ceramics and c o i n s . ( i b i d : 1 5 ) (the Northern Sung dynasty dates from 960-1126 A.D.). A t o t a l of 174 inhumation b u r i a l s was found w i t h i n t h i s l a y e r , two with a s s o c i a t i o n s of seven and nine Chinese c o i n s each. The l a t e s t date from one of the a s s o c i a t e d c o i n s found i n one b u r i a l was 1063, and i n the other b u r i a l , 1100. No other c u l t u r a l m a t e r i a l s were found i n t h i s l a y e r other than the b u r i a l a s s o c i a t i o n s , and the s i t e appears to have been used s o l e l y as a cemetery area d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d . The P e r i o d III stratum i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by s o f t black loam, r i c h i n o r g a n i c m a t e r i a l , animal remains, sherds, c u l t u r a l m a t e r i a l , and c u l t u r a l f e a t u r e s such as post molds and p i t s . T h i s P e r i o d i s dated Late Sung/Yuan, or about 14th century, on the b a s i s of ceramic m a t e r i a l and a radiocarbon date from a cremation b u r i a l (the Southern Sung Dynasty dates from 1127-1279 A.D.; the Yuan Dynasty dates from 1280- 1368 A.D.). A t o t a l of 55 b u r i a l s were found w i t h i n the P e r i o d III l a y e r , 49 being cremation b u r i a l s i n j a r s and p i t s , and 6 being inhumation b u r i a l s . A s i n g l e radiocarbon date of 1375±25 B.P. (Tenazas 1968:15) was obtained f o r one cremation b u r i a l . The s i t e appears to have been used as a h a b i t a t i o n area d u r i n g t h i s 14 p e r i o d , as w e l l as a b u r i a l ground. The P e r i o d IV stratum, c h a r a c t e r i z e d by f i n e - g r a i n e d black loam, i s found as an i n t r u s i v e h o r i z o n , i n t r u d i n g i n t o the P e r i o d II l a y e r , and marked by a l a r g e , dark patch on the reddish-brown s u r f a c e of the P e r i o d II s o i l l e v e l . The nine inhumation b u r i a l s which represent P e r i o d IV are a s c r i b e d by Tenazas to E a r l y Ming, about 15th- to 16th-century (the Ming dynasty dates from 1368-1644 A.D.), on the b a s i s of comparison with s i m i l a r , dated, b u r i a l s excavated by Robert Fox i n Calatagan, Batangas province (Fox 1959). Tenazas p o s t u l a t e s that the Ming p e r i o d b u r i a l s must have o r i g i n a t e d i n the s o i l l e v e l above the black loam l a y e r c o n t a i n i n g the P e r i o d I I I b u r i a l s . T h i s i s a compact, f i n e - g r a i n e d grayish-brown, c l a y e y s o i l , only about 10 centimetres t h i c k , and c o n t a i n i n g no c u l t u r a l m a t e r i a l s . Tenazas suggests that due to the i n t e r m i t t e n t f l o o d i n g of the area (as noted above) v a r i a t i o n s i n s o i l e r o s i o n and d e p o s i t i o n appear to have r e s u l t e d i n the i n t r u s i o n of the P e r i o d IV b u r i a l s below the P e r i o d III l a y e r and i n t o the P e r i o d II l a y e r (see F i g . 1 . 4 ) . The c h i e f l i m i t a t i o n s of the P i l a s i t e s are the r e s u l t of the l a c k of organic p r e s e r v a t i o n i n the ground. B u r i a l s were i d e n t i f i e d on the b a s i s of a s s o c i a t e d grave goods, but the lack of s k e l e t a l remains made i t impossible to estimate the age or sex of the i n d i v i d u a l s i n t e r r e d . As a r e s u l t , the hypotheses to be t e s t e d , and the analyses done, are r e l a t e d s o l e l y to the form and q u a n t i t y (and wherever p o s s i b l e , the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n ) the grave goods found i n the b u r i a l s . 16 2. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND 2.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n The t o p i c of t h i s study r e l a t e s to a number of major i s s u e s on a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l concern: the development of c u l t u r a l complexity; the dynamics of trade and exchange; and the i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p between m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e , s o c i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n and i d e o l o g y . For archaeology, a major concern i s the relevance of mortuary s t u d i e s to the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s , and the methodology used to a r r i v e at i n f e r e n c e s on the b a s i s of mortuary data. The s i t e at P i l a i s p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t i n g because i t p r e s e n t s a s c i e n t i f i c context f o r the a n a l y s i s of trade ceramic data, and because of the a v a i l a b i l i t y of a v a r i e t y of contemporaneous (or near-contemporaneous) w r i t t e n sources. In a d d i t i o n , ethnographic accounts, and the presence of trade ceramics among a number of s o c i a l groups i n Southeast A s i a today (e.g. the Tagbanuwa of Palawan, the Sulod of c e n t r a l Panay and the Dayaks of Sarawak) make p o s s i b l e a deeper e v a l u a t i o n of the r o l e and s i g n i f i c a n c e of these a r t i f a c t s i n the l o c a l c o n t e x t . (Chin I978a,b; Eder 1984; Fox 1982; Jocano 1970; Lopez 1976; Marche 1970; S c o t t 1974; Spoehr 1973). Another source of i n f o r m a t i o n has been the l i t e r a t u r e on Chinese ceramics in the a r t h i s t o r y f i e l d . T h i s growing body of work has c o n t r i b u t e d important i n f o r m a t i o n r e l a t e d to the t e c h n i c a l development of ceramic manufacture, the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and study of a n c i e n t k i l n s i t e s , and the development of s t y l i s t i c and c h r o n o l o g i c a l t y p o l o g i e s . 17 2.2 Mortuary a n a l y s i s 2.2.1 The P r o c e s s u a l Approach. Mortuary s t u d i e s based on the pr o c e s s u a l approach ( B i n f o r d 1971; Braun 1977; Brown 1971; Decker 1969; G o l d s t e i n 1981; King 1969; K i r c h 1980; Larson 1971; O'Shea 1981; Pearson 1981; Peebles 1971; Peebles and Kus 1977; Saxe 1970, 1971; T a i n t e r 1975, 1973) have e s t a b l i s h e d a s o l i d framework f o r the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of b u r i a l remains. The c h i e f gains i n c l u d e the development of a u s e f u l d e s c r i p t i v e terminology, a methodological and i n t e r p r e t a t i v e s t r u c t u r e f o r b u r i a l a n a l y s i s , and the de t e r m i n a t i o n of a number of l a w - l i k e r e g u l a r i t i e s on the t h e o r e t i c a l l e v e l . An e a r l y emphasis on the p r i n c i p l e s of s c i e n t i f i c method l e d to the for m u l a t i o n of e f f e c t i v e t e s t i m p l i c a t i o n s regarding the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of s t a t u s l e v e l s , d i s c r i m i n a t i o n between achieved and a s c r i b e d s o c i a l s t a t u s ; and the e v a l u a t i o n of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Some of the i n f e r e n c e s made i n the e a r l i e r s t u d i e s have been questioned by l a t e r r e s e a r c h e r s , but t h e i r value remains undiminished as the groundbreakers i n an i n c r e a s i n g l y important f i e l d of a r c h a e o l o g i c a l study. B u r i a l remains are the remains of non- random, i n t e n t i o n a l behaviour, and as such, they w i l l g e n e r a l l y have something t o say about the way people i n t h a t p a r t i c u l a r s o c i e t y c a t e g o r i z e d t h e i r world. 18 A b a s i c framework was e s t a b l i s h e d by the c r o s s - c u l t u r a l ethnographic s t u d i e s of B i n f o r d (1971), Saxe (1970) and T a i n t e r (1973, 1975), which rev e a l e d c e r t a i n r e g u l a r i t i e s i n d i c a t i n g that mortuary remains r e f l e c t the complexity of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and the presence of s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n a given s o c i e t y . B i n f o r d e s t a b l i s h e d support f o r three major hypotheses. F i r s t l y , that the complexity of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e was r e f l e c t e d i n the complexity of mortuary ceremonialism; important v a r i a b l e s i n c l u d e d age, sex, s o c i a l s t a t u s , sub-group a f f i l i a t i o n , cause of death and l o c a t i o n of death; l e v e l s of complexity were i d e n t i f i e d on the b a s i s of the forms of sub s i s t e n c e p o s t u l a t e d , such as hunting-and-gathering, s h i f t i n g a g r i c u l t u r e , s e t t l e d a g r i c u l t u r e , p a s t o r a l i s m , e t c . ( B i n f o r d 1971:18). A second hypothesis i n d i c a t e d that achieved versus a s c r i b e d s o c i a l s t a t u s c o u l d be i n f e r r e d from mortuary d i s t i n c t i o n s : t h at among s o c i e t i e s of minimal complexity the major dimensions f o r s t a t u s d i f f e r e n c e s are based on pe r s o n a l q u a l i t i e s , such as age, sex, and d i f f e r e n t i a l c a p a c i t y f o r c u l t u r a l t a s k s ; while among more complex s o c i e t i e s , s t a t u s p o s i t i o n s may be d e f i n e d i n terms of more a b s t r a c t s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ( i b i d : 18-20). In a t h i r d h y p o t h e s i s , B i n f o r d argued that s t a t u s l e v e l s i n a s o c i e t y c o u l d be determined from the focus of mortuary r i t u a l s and the amount of communal a c t i v i t y r e p r e s e n t e d ( i n terms of b u r i a l form, b u r i a l treatment, l o c a t i o n and o r i e n t a t i o n of b u r i a l s , and the form and q u a n t i t y of b u r i a l goods); thus the gr e a t e r the v a r i e t y of f e a t u r e s i n v o l v e d i n the b u r i a l of an i n d i v i d u a l , the g r e a t e r the s o c i a l 19 s t a t u s of the deceased ( i b i d : 2 2 ) . In essence, B i n f o r d ' s work i n d i c a t e d that the p a t t e r n s observed i n mortuary remains c o u l d be i n d i c a t i v e of the " s o c i a l persona" of the deceased - the composite of s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s maintained i n l i f e . In another set of ethnographic s t u d i e s , Saxe concluded t h a t upon death, the s u r v i v i n g r e l a t i v e s decide which of the s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s of the deceased should be commemorated, and suggested t h a t t h i s was determined on the b a s i s of the r i g h t s and d u t i e s of the s u r v i v o r s r a t h e r than on the p e r s o n a l s t a t u s of the deceased (Saxe 1970:4-9). Other f e a t u r e s were suggested by T a i n t e r , as a r e s u l t of another set of ethnographic t e s t s conducted r e g a r d i n g the v a r i a t i o n s i n mortuary p a t t e r n s : he concluded that grave goods do not always r e f l e c t the s t a t u s of the deceased, but that c o r p o r a t e energy expenditure i n the mortuary r i t u a l was a more a c c u r a t e r e f l e c t i o n of s o c i a l rank ( T a i n t e r 1975:125). L a t e r , Braun c r i t i c i z e d T a i n t e r ' s c o n c l u s i o n s , on the grounds that T a i n t e r d i d not t e s t whether d i f f e r e n c e s i n energy expenditure a l s o o c c u r r e d among i n d i v i d u a l s of the same rank (Braun 1981:411). In another study, K i r c h r e v e a l e d a new v a r i a t i o n : h i s work on Tongan mortuary p a t t e r n s , l i n k e d with e t h n o - h i s t o r i c a l data, showed th a t d i f f e r e n c e s i n energy expenditure r e f l e c t e d d i f f e r e n c e s i n s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s r a t h e r than d i f f e r e n c e s i n s o c i a l rank (that i s , persons of h i g h s o c i a l rank who had l a r g e , e l a b o r a t e grave monuments, were not n e c e s s a r i l y those who had the g r e a t e s t amount of p o l i t i c a l power), ( K i r c h 1980:304- 5). O'Shea examined some P l a i n s Indian cemeteries i n c o n j u n c t i o n with 20 e t h n c — h i s t o r i c a l data, and concluded that while s o c i a l ranking was c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e d by the wealth and energy expenditure of b u r i a l s , s o c i a l sub-group a f f i l i a t i o n c o u l d not be determined from the mortuary remains (O'Shea 1981:49). As the number of mortuary s t u d i e s has i n c r e a s e d , the evidence has p o i n t e d to the presence of g r e a t e r v a r i a b i l i t y i n p r e - h i s t o r i c c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s than was at f i r s t supposed. Mortuary s t u d i e s are c o n s t a n t l y b r i n g i n g forward new evidence which must be absorbed i n t o the t h e o r e t i c a l framework - not always an easy task i n view of some of the c o n f l i c t i n g s e t s of c o n c l u s i o n s to be found i n the l i t e r a t u r e . S t u d i e s show that grave goods or s i z e of grave may sometimes, but not always, r e f l e c t r e l a t i v e s t a t u s i n l i f e ( B i n f o r d 1971, Randsborg 1981); that grave goods may be p l a c e d on top of the grave r a t h e r than w i t h i n i t , and then disappear with time (Hodder 1982a); that l o c a t i o n of graves w i l l o f t e n i n d i c a t e s t a t u s (Ucko 1969); that mortuary r i t u a l may r e f l e c t the s t a t u s of l i v i n g r e l a t i v e s more than that of the deceased (Orme 1982); that s t a t u s may be seen in e i t h e r amounts of wealth or energy expenditure, or both (Chapman and Randsborg, 1981); t h a t the cause of death may be more r e l e v a n t to the form of mortuary treatment than the s t a t u s of the deceased i n l i f e (Pader 1982); that c e r t a i n p a t t e r n s of mortuary ceremonial may be c o n s i s t e n t l y repeated w i t h i n one s i t e (e.g., high s t a t u s may be c o n s i s t e n t l y represented by s p e c i f i c 'badges of rank' such as crowns, ceremonial weapons, e t c . ) (Larson 1971); that s p a t i a l c l u s t e r s o f t e n i n d i c a t e the presence of k i n s h i p groups (Bayard 1983; G o l d s t e i n 1981; Larson 1971; 21 Macdonald 1978); that s p a t i a l c l u s t e r s w i l l sometime i n d i c a t e e l i t e s t a t u s (Gryaznov 1969); that cemeteries may present a d i s t o r t e d p i c t u r e of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e i f they i n c l u d e b u r i a l s from a range of surrounding communities (Hodder 1982a); that d i f f e r e n c e s i n b u r i a l goods may i n d i c a t e e i t h e r synchronous s o c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n s , or change through time (Pearson 1981; U n d e r h i l l 1983); that the form of the mortuary r i t u a l may r e f l e c t a former rather than a c u r r e n t p a t t e r n of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e (Pader 1982); or an i d e a l r a t h e r than an a c t u a l p a t t e r n of s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n (Hodder 1982a). To r e t u r n to the s p e c i f i c a l l y p r o c e s s u a l approach to mortuary s t u d i e s , there i s a general involvement with the qu e s t i o n of measuring s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t i e s as a t o o l f o r e s t i m a t i n g the s i z e and complexity of e a r l y s o c i e t i e s . The reasons f o r the development of such i n e q u a l i t i e s , and the manner in which they begin to manifest themselves i n a p r e v i o u s l y e g a l i t a r i a n s o c i e t y , have become major q u e s t i o n s of i n t e r e s t . Hand i n hand with these concerns have gone the problem of methodology and the v a l i d i t y of extending i n f e r e n c e s made from s p e c i f i c s t u d i e s i n t o a more general c o n t e x t . However, the b a s i c r e g u l a r i t i e s r e v e a l e d i n mortuary s t u d i e s have provided a sound methodological b a s i s f o r a s s e s s i n g the v a r i a b i l i t y present i n a l l aspects of mortuary data. How much v a r i a t i o n or homogeneity i s present w i t h i n a p a r t i c u l a r b u r i a l s i t e ? What i s repeated, c o n s t a n t , patterned? What aspects vary, and how much do they vary from each other? Is the observed v a r i a t i o n o c c u r r i n g between i n d i v i d u a l b u r i a l s i n a s i t e , between c l u s t e r s 2 2 of b u r i a l s i n a s i t e , between s e v e r a l s i t e s i n the same area, or between c h r o n o l o g i c a l l e v e l s i n a s i t e ? The answers to such questions can provide v a l u a b l e c l u e s to the s o c i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n of the s o c i e t y represented i n the b u r i a l s . V a r i a b i l i t y may be measured i n terms of three main a s p e c t s : a s s o c i a t e d grave goods, b u r i a l treatment, and s p a t i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . We can look at the nature and q u a n t i t y of grave goods pr e s e n t , as w e l l as the p a t t e r n of s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of v a r i o u s c l a s s e s of goods w i t h i n the cemetery. We can a l s o look for c o - v a r i a t i o n s between d i f f e r e n t types of grave goods (the p a t t e r n of a s s o c i a t i o n s may be continuous of d i s c o n t i n u o u s throughout the s i t e ) . V a r i a t i o n s i n such f e a t u r e s c o u l d be an i n d i c a t i o n of wealth i n e q u a l i t i e s on an i n d i v i d u a l or group l e v e l ; they c o u l d r e f l e c t c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s or the presence of kingroups; u t i l i t a r i a n goods and animal remains c o u l d r e f l e c t s u b s i s t e n c e p a t t e r n s and d i v i s i o n of labour; r i t u a l a r t i f a c t s can provide a p i c t u r e of the nature and r e l a t i v e importance of the i d e o l o g y . B u r i a l treatment can be a s s e s s e d through v a r i a t i o n s i n b u r i a l form, such as the type of b u r i a l p r a c t i c e s (e.g., primary, secondary, inhumation, cremation, f l e x e d , extended, j a r b u r i a l or c o f f i n , e t c . ) ; p a t t e r n s i n types of b u r i a l c o u l d l e a d to i n f e r e n c e s such as, f o r example, permanent or seasonal occupation. V a r i a t i o n s i n grave s i z e , o r i e n t a t i o n of the body, depth of b u r i a l or complexity of mortuary ceremonial c o u l d l e a d to i n f e r e n c e s r e g a r d i n g degrees of c o r p o r a t e energy expenditure 23 i n v o l v e d , and thus to an i n d i c a t i o n of r e l a t i v e s t a t u s d i f f e r e n c e s . V a r i a b i l i t y may a l s o be measured with res p e c t to s p a t i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . The manner i n which a s s o c i a t e d grave goods are d i s p e r s e d w i t h i n the grave may be s i g n i f i c a n t , and the s p a t i a l p a t t e r n i n g may be v a r i e d or constant throughout the s i t e , l e a d i n g to i n f e r e n c e s regarding the presence of sub- groups. I n d i v i d u a l b u r i a l s may be c l u s t e r e d i n groups w i t h i n the s i t e , and these c l u s t e r s may be d i f f e r e n t from or s i m i l a r to each other, in terms of s i z e or shape (e.g. c i r c u l a r c l u s t e r s , l i n e a r c l u s t e r s , c l u s t e r s with s p e c i f i c p a t t e r n s of o r i e n t a t i o n or s p e c i f i c grave s i z e s ) ; i n a d d i t i o n , w i t h i n the c l u s t e r s , the b u r i a l s may be s i m i l a r i n terms of wealth or s o c i a l r o l e s or have a range of v a r i a t i o n . D i f f e r e n c e s i n s p a t i a l elements c o u l d l e a d to i n f e r e n c e s r e g a r d i n g the presence or degree of h i e r a r c h i c a l s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n ; f o r i n s t a n c e , a c l u s t e r of wealthy graves which i n c l u d e s i n d i v i d u a l s of v a r i e d age and sex c o u l d i n d i c a t e the presence of a descent group. Some of the main methodological problems a s s o c i a t e d with the p r o c e s s u a l approach i n c l u d e the d i f f i c u l t y of f o r m u l a t i n g " u n i v e r s a l laws" of mortuary behaviour due to the v a r i a b i l i t y of mortuary p a t t e r n s between c u l t u r e s and c h r o n o l o g i c a l p e r i o d s . There i s a c o n t i n u i n g d i f f i c u l t y i n the area of middle-range theory, the problem of r e l a t i n g the p a t t e r n i n g of a r c h a e o l o g i c a l remains to the b e h a v i o u r a l p a t t e r n s which we p o s t u l a t e to have produced those remains (Raab and Goodyear 1984). The most s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d approach, that of measuring the q u a n t i t a t i v e v a r i a b i l i t y i n the o b j e c t s found, may not r e v e a l s i g n i f i c a n t 24 p a t t e r n s o f m e a n i n g a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h o s e o b j e c t s . T h e r o l e o f m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e i n g e n e r a l , i n a n y s p e c i f i c s o c i e t y , m a y a l s o v a r y i n t h e s e n s e t h a t i t m a y b e e s s e n t i a l l y a c t i v e o r p a s s i v e - t h e m a t e r i a l a r t i f a c t s m a y b e p r i n c i p a l l y a r e f l e c t i o n , o r a r e s i d u e , o f s o c i o - c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s o f b e h a v i o u r , o r t h e y m a y i n c o r p o r a t e a m o r e a c t i v e , o r r e c u r s i v e , f u n c t i o n w i t h r e s p e c t t o b e h a v i o u r . A n o t h e r s e t o f m e t h o d o l o g i c a l p r o b l e m s i n v o l v e s t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f i n t r a - s i t e v a r i a b i l i t y . T h e r e m a y b e d i f f i c u l t y i n d i s t i n g u i s h i n g v a r i a t i o n s d u e t o s u b - g r o u p d i f f e r e n c e s , f r o m v a r i a t i o n s d u e t o c u l t u r e c h a n g e t h r o u g h t i m e . I n a d d i t i o n , t h e r e i s t h e p r o b l e m o f d e t e r m i n i n g w h e t h e r a b u r i a l s i t e r e p r e s e n t s o n e c o m m u n i t y o r a v a r i e t y o f i n d i v i d u a l s f r o m d i f f e r e n t s e t t l e m e n t s w i t h i n t h e r e g i o n , w h o m i g h t b e l i n k e d b y a f f i n a l t i e s r a t h e r t h a n b y c o - r e s i d e n c e . I n s o m e c a s e s , m a n y d i f f e r e n t s t a t u s e s m a y b e r e p r e s e n t e d e v e n t h o u g h t h e m o r t u a r y r i t u a l m a y a p p e a r e s s e n t i a l l y h o m o g e n o u s . I n o t h e r c a s e s , t h e s t a t u s d i f f e r e n c e s o b s e r v e d i n b u r i a l p a t t e r n s m a y r e f l e c t t h e s t a t u s o f t h e d e c e a s e d ' s f a m i l y r a t h e r t h a n t h e s t a t u s o f t h e d e c e a s e d p e r s o n h i m s e l f . A n o t h e r m e t h o d o l o g i c a l d i f f i c u l t y i s h o w t o c a t e g o r i z e t h e c o m p l e x i t y o b s e r v e d i n t h e m o r t u a r y r e m a i n s , o n c e t h i s h a s b e e n a s s e s s e d . G e n e r a l l y , i t h a s b e e n c o n v e n i e n t i n a r c h a e o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s t o c a t e g o r i z e t h e l e v e l s o f c o m p l e x i t y f o u n d i n t e r m s o f c u l t u r a l - e v o l u t i o n a r y s t a g e s , s u c h a s h a v e b e e n d e f i n e d b y F r i e d ( 1 9 6 7 ) a n d S e r v i c e ( 1 9 7 5 ) . H o w e v e r , t h i s a p p r o a c h h a s b e e n f o u n d b y s o m e t o b e o v e r l y - s i m p l i s t i c . 25 2.2.2 The Symbolic Approach. In recent years, a new "symbolic" approach to a r c h a e o l o g i c a l i n q u i r y has been emerging (Hodder 1982 a,b; Pader 1982; T r i g g e r 1984; Rowlands 1984; Kus 1984; Pearson 1982). To a c e r t a i n extent, the s i t u a t i o n appears to be a case of the sym b o l i s t s using the p r o c e s s u a l s t u d i e s a l r e a d y done as a stepping-stone to venture out i n t o t e r r i t o r y not adequately covered so f a r , and l o o k i n g back to accuse the p r o c e s s u a l i s t s of having taken the wrong road ( T r i g g e r 1984:290). The new t e r r i t o r y i s i n the realm of symbol and r i t u a l , the i d e o l o g i c a l aspects of human c u l t u r a l behaviour, and thus a realm not e a s i l y a c c e s s i b l e to o b j e c t i v e e n q u i r y . P r o c e s s u a l a r c h a e o l o g i s t s were the f i r s t to i n i t i a t e systematic r e s e a r c h i n t o i d e o l o g i c a l a spects of s o c i o c u l t u r a l l i f e (e.g. Deetz and D e t h l e f s e n 1972; H i l l 1972; Longacre 1972). These e a r l y i n q u i r i e s i n t o the l e s s - t a n g i b l e a s p e c t s of c u l t u r a l behaviour r e v e a l e d some general d e f i c i e n c i e s i n knowledge and methodology and were followed by a con c e r t e d attempt by p r o c e s s u a l a r c h a e o l o g i s t s to measure what was measurable, and to determine c r o s s - c u l t u r a l r e g u l a r i t i e s with as much s c i e n t i f i c r i g o u r as p o s s i b l e . Now, the symbolic a r c h a e o l o g i s t s are ex p r e s s i n g d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the " m a t e r i a l i s t " approach, and with the sel f - i m p o s e d methodological l i m i t a t i o n s accepted by the p r o c e s s u a l group. 26 Mortuary s t u d i e s have p r o l i f e r a t e d and the growing body of i n f o r m a t i o n r e g a r d i n g the d e t a i l s of a n c i e n t b u r i a l p a t t e r n s has been added to by e t h n o - h i s t o r i c a l and e t h n o - a r c h a e o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s aimed at t e s t i n g the v a l i d i t y of g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s made on the b a s i s of excavation data. What has become i n c r e a s i n g l y c l e a r i s that past c u l t u r a l systems were not so simple and c l e a r - c u t as was at f i r s t deemed to be the case. Instead, the i n d i c a t i o n s are that the s u b t l e t y , complexity and v a r i a b i l i t y of human l i f e as i t e x i s t s today, was q u a l i t a t i v e l y present i n more anc i e n t s o c i e t i e s . Ethno-archaeology has r e v e a l e d many examples of m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e p a t t e r n i n g i n the ground, which are the end r e s u l t of u n p r e d i c t a b l e processes and far-from-simple b e h a v i o u r a l p a t t e r n s (e.g. Gould 1980). As has a l r e a d y been noted in the p r e v i o u s s e c t i o n , mortuary s t u d i e s based on the p r o c e s s u a l approach have a l s o shown that there i s c o n s i d e r a b l e v a r i a b i l i t y i n the p a t t e r n s of cause and e f f e c t between one c u l t u r e and another. The symbolic a r c h a e o l o g i s t s say that the p r o c e s s u a l approach i s unable to d e a l with growing complexity of the subject matter. In essence, there are s e v e r a l areas of c o n f l i c t between the two s c h o o l s . F i r s t l y , there i s the concept of cause. The s y m b o l i s t s say t h a t the e x p l a n a t i o n of c u l t u r e change may be found i n the unique i d e o l o g i c a l context of each s o c i o c u l t u r a l group and that t h e r e f o r e u n i v e r s a l g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s can not be attempted ( T r i g g e r 1984:290). The p r o c e s s u a l a r c h a e o l o g i s t s maintain t h a t the cause of change may o r i g i n a t e i n many p a r t s of the system, but t h a t the c h i e f determining 27 f a c t o r s are l i k e l y to be m a t e r i a l / e c o l o g i c a l and that c r o s s - c u l t u r a l r e g u l a r i t i e s may be observed ( B i n f o r d I982b:l62). Secondly, the symbo l i s t s are c a l l i n g f o r a more h o l i s t i c o r i e n t a t i o n , c l a i m i n g that the p r o c e s s u a l i s t s segment a system i n t o f u n c t i o n a l sub-systems, and " e x p l a i n " i t by means of modeling i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the p a r t s . Hodder suggests that a r c h a e o l o g i s t s need to pay more a t t e n t i o n to the symbolic p r i n c i p l e s which l i n k the p a r t s t o g e t h e r : These p r i n c i p l e s permeate the f u n c t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and they form the whole. The whole does not come from the p a r t s but from the u n d e r l y i n g s t r u c t u r e . I t i s not adequate to separate e v e r y t h i n g i d e a t i o n a l i n t o a separate subsystem. Rather, idea and b e l i e f are present, and are reproduced i n a l l a c t i o n , however economic or mundane (Hodder 1982b:151). A t h i r d area of d i s p u t e concerns the r o l e p l a y e d by m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e . The sy m b o l i s t s c l a i m t h a t m a t e r i a l o b j e c t s are not merely f u n c t i o n a l t o o l s but should be viewed as "concrete e x p r e s s i o n s and embodiments of human thoughts and ideas " ( i b i d : 1 5 1 ) . Pader, f o r i n s t a n c e , suggests that the way we use " t h i n g s " might be a f f e c t e d by our world view, and might even a f f e c t that view - that o b j e c t s of m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e may be ins t r u m e n t a l i n the " c r e a t i o n , r e c r e a t i o n and maintenance of s o c i a l l i f e " (Pader 1982:3-5). From t h i s p o i n t of view, the manner i n which an o b j e c t i s used, f o r i n s t a n c e , i n i t s s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n w i t h i n or between s i t e s , may i n d i c a t e something about i t s symbolic value w i t h i n t h a t s o c i e t y , and i n some cases, 28 something about the " s t r u c t u r i n g p r i n c i p l e s " of the s o c i e t y i t s e l f . I f t h i s i s the case, then changes i n the p a t t e r n s of i t s use might be an i n d i c a t i o n of changes i n i t s symbolic valu e , and p r o v i d e c l u e s to the kind and degree of s o c i a l change present ( i b i d : 3 0 ) . A s i m i l a r concept was i n v e s t i g a t e d i n an e t h n o - a r c h a e o l o g i c a l study by Susan Kent, a n a l y z i n g a r t i f a c t v a r i a b i l i t y i n terms of space-use w i t h i n a c t i v i t y areas (Kent 1984:199). She suggested that an u n d e r l y i n g i d e o l o g i c a l " o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e " , which l i n k e d c u l t u r e , behaviour and c u l t u r a l m a t e r i a l , c o u l d be seen to be r e f l e c t e d i n the s p a t i a l p a t t e r n i n g of a c t i v i t y areas and a s s o c i a t e d a r t i f a c t s . For i n s t a n c e , c u l t u r e s which favour monofunctional t o o l s and a c t i v i t y areas w i l l l i k e l y have c l e a r l y marked s t a t u s d i s t i n c t i o n s and r i g i d d i v i s i o n s of labour, while c u l t u r e s which use multi-purpose t o o l s and a c t i v i t y areas w i l l have very i n d i s t i n c t s t a t u s boundaries ( i b i d : 2 0 5 ) . A f o u r t h area of d i s p u t e between the symbolic and p r o c e s s u a l groups i s the methodology of a r c h a e o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s . I t i s c e n t r e d on the d i f f e r e n c e between understanding and e x p l a n a t i o n . The symbolists c a l l f o r a new emphasis on understanding the unique context of a given c u l t u r e , i n c l u d i n g l o c a l h i s t o r y and the symbolic s t r u c t u r e . T r i g g e r argues that h i s t o r i c a l knowledge, i n the sense of an understanding of how and why s p e c i f i c s o c i e t i e s developed as they d i d i n the p a s t , i s e s s e n t i a l f o r e x p l a i n i n g t h e i r c u r r e n t s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e ( T r i g g e r 1984:289). He accuses p r o c e s s u a l a r c h a e o l o g i s t s of p l a c i n g undue emphasis on u n i v e r s a l g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s and argues that the 29 d e d u c t i v e - e x p l a n a t o r y methods pursued by p r o c e s s u a l a r c h a e o l o g i s t s are not the only v a l i d areas of r e s e a r c h ( i b i d : 2 9 l ) . Thus there has a r i s e n a somewhat p o l a r i z e d s i t u a t i o n , summarized by Rowlands as: " e i t h e r archaeology must be e x p l a n a t o r y , e m p i r i c a l and capable of o b t a i n i n g o b j e c t i v e t r u t h or i t i s i n t u i t i v e and p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c and a matter of p e r s o n a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n " (Rowlands 1984:112). B i n f o r d r e v i l e s the symbolists f o r t h e i r " d e n i a l of o b j e c t i v i t y " , m a i n t a i n i n g that "once such a p o s i t i o n i s adopted, no methodology of i n f e r e n c e appears p o s s i b l e which does not adopt the method of 'empathetic understanding'. I f t h i s i s r e j e c t e d a l l s c i e n c e a l s o must be r e j e c t e d " ( B i n f o r d 1982b:162). Rowlands, however, argues that a methodological compromise must be sought, that o b j e c t i v i t y and s u b j e c t i v i t y should not be opposed to each other as e x c l u s i v e c h o i c e s but brought t o g e t h e r i n some i n t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p i n a s i n g l e f i e l d of i n q u i r y (Rowlands 1984:113). The symbolic approach as i t stands today has l i t t l e to o f f e r i n the way of methodology, other than e t h n o - a r c h a e o l o g i c a l techniques. Some symbolic analyses of mortuary data have been done (Hodder 1982a; Pader 1982; M. Pearson 1982; Shanks and T i l l e y 1982) g e n e r a l l y on the b a s i s of s p a t i a l o r i e n t a t i o n , d i s t r i b u t i o n and arrangement of s k e l e t a l or a r t i f a c t u a l remains. 30 Hodder's ethno- a r c h a e o l o g i c a l work in Sudan suggests that one cannot assume that mortuary data w i l l be a d i r e c t r e f l e c t i o n of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . He maintains that the i d e o l o g y and the r e l a t e d symbolic codes of a s o c i e t y w i l l determine the s p e c i f i c r o l e p l a y e d by m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e - e i t h e r to r e i n f o r c e , d i s t o r t , or even mask b a s i c aspects of c u l t u r a l behaviour (Hodder I982a:2l0). He a l s o s t a t e s , however, that some aspects of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n w i l l always be r e f l e c t e d i n the mortuary r i t u a l . He suggests that the f i r s t step towards a symbolic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of mortuary remains would be to i d e n t i f y the ideology of the s o c i e t y with respect to death, i n order to determine the degree of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n between the b u r i a l r i t u a l and the c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s of the l i v i n g s o c i e t y . He c a l l s f o r a new, c o n t e x t u a l , approach, s t a t i n g that the r u l e s used i n g e n e r a t i n g b u r i a l p r a c t i c e s should be analyzed i n r e l a t i o n of other spheres of a c t i v i t y . In the same way, evidence of s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n should be assessed i n terms of c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s of domination, power and a u t h o r i t y (Hodder 1982b:152-153). The main problem with t h i s i s that Hodder does not suggest a method by which such c u l t u r a l a t t i t u d e s can be i d e n t i f i e d on the b a s i s of a r c h a e o l o g i c a l data. Instead, he c a l l s f o r more ethno- a r c h a e o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s , to c l a r i f y the r e l a t i o n s h i p between ide o l o g y and mortuary r i t u a l s . Pader's study a n a l y z i n g the graves in two Anglo Saxon cemeteries measures the v a r i a b i l i t y i n the s p a t i a l p a t t e r n i n g of a r t i f a c t s . In p a r t i c u l a r , she looks at v a r i a t i o n s i n dress and b o d i l y adornment, i n r e l a t i o n to age, sex, s k e l e t a l p o s i t i o n and 31 s p a t i a l l o c a t i o n of graves. She concludes that s t a t u s i s i n d i c a t e d by the placement of the goods i n b u r i a l s , r a t h e r than the goods themselves. Pearson's study of mortuary p a t t e r n s of V i c t o r i a n and modern England shows that b u r i a l s may represent i d e a l r a t h e r than a c t u a l s t a t u s d i f f e r e n c e s , and that the r e l a t i v e s of deceased i n d i v i d u a l s may misrepresent the s t a t u s of those b u r i e d , i n order to i n c r e a s e t h e i r own s o c i a l standing (M. Pearson 1982:112). V e r i f i a b i l i t y i s one of the major methodological problems inherent i n the symbolic approach. T r i g g e r notes that the s p e c i f i c content of knowledge and b e l i e f s i s h i g h l y v a r i a b l e even among c u l t u r e s that have s i m i l a r economic systems ( T r i g g e r 1984:291). B i n f o r d p o i n t s out the d i s t i n c t i o n between showing r e l e v a n c e , and p r o v i d i n g e x p l a n a t i o n , and a c c u r a t e l y observes that most "models" of the past r e l y more on the i n t e r n a l l o g i c of p r e s e n t a t i o n than on the accuracy of the methods of i n f e r e n c e ( B i n f o r d 1982b:161). Most symb o l i s t s a l s o agree that the importance of l o c a l context makes any c r o s s - c u l t u r a l p r e d i c t i o n very d i f f i c u l t , but do not appear to be d i s t u r b e d by t h i s . "The complexity of s o c i a l s c i e n c e data seems to r u l e out the c l a i m that p r e d i c t i o n i s the only l e g i t i m a t e form of e x p l a n a t i o n " ( T r i g g e r 1984:289). In the same way, other forms of s c i e n t i f i c r i g o u r are too e a s i l y avoided, or d i s m i s s e d as unnecessary. The need f o r h i s t o r i c a l data f o r symbolic i n f e r e n c e i s another major problem, p r e s e n t i n g an insurmountable d i f f i c u l t y i n the case of most p r e h i s t o r i c mortuary s i t e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n New World archaeology. In a d d i t i o n , symbolic s t u d i e s of s i n g l e mortuary 32 s i t e s are g e n e r a l l y synchronic (Hodder 1982a; Pader 1982) and t h e r e f o r e do not r e v e a l evidence of any p a t t e r n s of c u l t u r e change. 2.3 Systems Theory At t h i s p o i n t , i t i s r e l e v a n t to mention systems theory because i t i s p e r t i n e n t to my argument with respect to my S t r u c t u r a l Model of the P i l a C u l t u r a l System ( s e c t i o n 3.5, F i g . 3 . 1 ) . T h i s model, c o n c e p t u a l i z e d as an open system, was c o n s t r u c t e d as a f i r s t s t e p i n my e f f o r t s to combine the p r o c e s s u a l and symbolic approaches to a r c h a e o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s . Regarding systemic models, A l l e n s t a t e s " i f we set up (a model) in order to understand the e v o l u t i o n of a complex system, we must f i r s t set up what we c o n s i d e r to be the ' s t r u c t u r e ' of the system" ( A l l e n 1982:370). A systemic model of c u l t u r e c o n s t r u c t e d along p r o c e s s u a l l i n e s i s o f t e n p i c t u r e d as a flow- diagram of sub-systems and a s s o c i a t e d elements, l i n k e d by l i n e s i n d i c a t i n g the d i r e c t i o n of flow. The s y m b o l i s t s , who are i n s i s t e n t l y demanding a more h o l i s t i c approach to the concept of c u l t u r e , have not as yet been able to suggest a more a p p r o p r i a t e v i s u a l concept. In order to i n t e g r a t e the two approaches c o n c e p t u a l l y i t seemed important to attempt a v i s u a l c o n s t r u c t of a " h o l i s t i c " c u l t u r a l system which would i n c o r p o r a t e the necessary s t r u c t u r a l elements without s p e c i f y i n g l i n e a r cause- a n d - e f f e c t c h a i n s . Fig.3.1 i s the r e s u l t . The model was developed as an extension of Steward's c u l t u r e core concept (Steward 1979:6), r e o r g a n i s e d to omit the h i e r a r c h i c a l aspect, 33 while at the same time encompassing the p h y s i c a l environment as an i n t e g r a l p a r t of the c u l t u r a l system as a whole. The t h e o r e t i c a l framework i n c l u d e s concepts from some c u r r e n t t h e o r i e s of open, n o n - l i n e a r systems ( A l l e n 1982; Friedman 1982; Renfrew 1980; Segraves 1982) which assume a more h o l i s t i c nature f o r systems. Friedman, f o r i n s t a n c e , a s s e r t s that such concepts as s t a b i l i t y , c o n t i n u i t y and moving e q u i l i b r i u m are being undermined by recent developments i n the n a t u r a l s c i e n c e s , which i n d i c a t e that b i o l o g i c a l growth and change proceeds by t h r e s h o l d s and d i s c o n t i n u o u s change. In these terms, s t a b i l i t y i s not the r e s u l t of s t a b i l i z i n g mechanisms (such as feedback d e v i c e s ) but an aspect of a l l s t r u c t u r e d p r o c e s s . Friedman r e l a t e s t h i s to t h e o r e t i c a l advances i n the f i e l d of non- e q u i l i b r i u m thermodynamics, which d e a l with " d i s s i p a t i v e s t r u c t u r e s " , systems maintained by a flow of energy at a s t a t e f a r from thermodynamic e q u i l i b r i u m (Friedman 1982:176,177). T h i s type of systemic model i s l e s s bounded and l e s s d e t e r m i n i s t i c than the homeostatic type. I t i s a l s o l e s s p r e d i c t a b l e , being the product of both determinism and chance ( A l l e n 1982:354). The s i g n i f i c a n c e of these ideas f o r t h e o r i e s of c u l t u r e and c u l t u r a l e v o l u t i o n i s t h a t c u l t u r e s can be viewed as systems, without the need to c h a r a c t e r i z e them i n terms of bounded, o r g a n i s m - l i k e e n t i t i e s t h a t respond f u n c t i o n a l l y to e x t e r n a l / e n v i r o n m e n t a l p r e s s u r e s i n p r e d i c t a b l e ways, by means 34 of b u i l t - i n homeostatic mechanisms. The d i f f i c u l t y with homeostatic models i s that g e n e r a l l y they cannot account f o r e i t h e r the g e n e s i s or the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of s o c i a l systems i n systemic terms ( K r i s t i a n s e n 1984:73). Another d i f f i c u l t y i s that there i s an u n d e r l y i n g assumption with such systems models that system behaviour i s i n t e l l i g i b l e and p r e d i c t a b l e (Renfrew 1980:11). When faced with examples of u n p r e d i c t a b l e c u l t u r a l behaviour, or with c u l t u r a l developments which are h i g h l y maladaptive, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to f i n d an adequate e x p l a n a t i o n of the process of c u l t u r e change i n v o l v e d . A l l e n develops a concept of open, n o n - l i n e a r systems based on b i f u r c a t i o n theory which p r o v i d e s an i n t e r e s t i n g a l t e r n a t i v e to e a r l i e r t h e o r i e s of c u l t u r e change, i n that i t suggests a model which assumes v a r i a b l e processes of c u l t u r e change, with the a b i l i t y t o s h i f t from d e t e r m i n i s t i c to n o n - d e t e r m i n i s t i c at v a r i a b l e r a t e s ( A l l e n 1982:354). T h i s type of systemic model appears to o f f e r a good p o t e n t i a l f o r use with r e s p e c t to symbolic a n a l y s e s of c u l t u r a l systems because i t does not demand the s p e c i f i c i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of every element i n the system, nor a l l the i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n v o l v e d . Instead, i t assumes a h o l i s t i c nature f o r the system, which allows f o r i n t a n g i b l e or undefined elements without negating the v a l i d i t y of the model. T h i s would t i e i n with a view of c u l t u r e process which i n v o l v e s a v a r i a b i l i t y from phase to phase, and minimizes the need to i n d i c a t e major c a u s a l elements. "This (model) c o n t a i n s both d e t e r m i n i s t i c mechanisms 35 ... and s t o c h a s t i c , random e f f e c t s (the f l u c t u a t i o n s ) , and i t i s these l a t t e r that are of p a r t i c u l a r importance when the system i s near p o i n t s at which an o r g a n i z a t i o n may change. These p o i n t s are c a l l e d ' b i f u r c a t i o n p o i n t s ' ... between two b i f u r a c t i o n p o i n t s the system f o l l o w s d e t e r m i n i s t i c laws ... but near the po i n t of b i f u r c a t i o n i t i s the f l u c t u a t i o n s t h at play an e s s e n t i a l r o l e i n determining the branch that the system chooses... Complex systems can, of course, have a whole s e r i e s of b i f u r a c t i o n p o i n t s . . . Such a p o i n t of view introduces the concept of ' h i s t o r y ' i n t o the e x p l a n a t i o n of the s t a t e of the systems... any p a r t i c u l a r s t a t e of o r g a n i z a t i o n r e s u l t s from a dynamic d i a l o g u e between the p h y s i c a l , s o c i a l and economic laws of the moment, and a p a r t i c u l a r s u c c e s s i o n of h i s t o r i c a l a c c i d e n t s . . . whose a c t i o n has marked the e v o l u t i o n of the system" ( A l l e n 1982: 354). Segraves terms such s t r u c t u r e s " s e l f - o r g a n i z i n g systems" and suggests that s e l f - o r g a n i z a t i o n i n these terms can be a t r a n s f o r m a t i v e , e v o l u t i o n a r y p r o c e s s . As the system evolves i n s i z e and complexity, a p r o g r e s s i v e d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n in s t r u c t u r e may be seen to occur, with a corresponding s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of f u n c t i o n . She suggests that a s h i f t i n the d i r e c t i o n of i n c r e a s i n g d i v i s i o n i n t o subsystems, or d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of f u n c t i o n s , i s a macroscopic system property amenable to measurement (Segraves 1982:291). T h i s approach appears v a l u a b l e i n that i t suggests a way of modeling c u l t u r a l e v o l u t i o n without u t i l i z i n g the " l a y e r - c a k e " concept of e v o l u t i o n a r y "stages", o f t e n c r i t i c i z e d by r e s e a r c h e r s as i n f l e x i b l e and s i m p l i s t i c . In the case of many Southeast A s i a n s o c i e t i e s i n c l u d i n g the P h i l i p p i n e s , the stage concept of c u l t u r a l e v o l u t i o n has proved to be p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t to ap p l y . 36 2.4 S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n C u l t u r a l development i n Southeast A s i a i s s t i l l a t o p i c which i s l a r g e l y undefined. Some work, however, has al r e a d y been done i n the areas of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and trade and exchange. With respect to s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , the focus has been on k i n s h i p s t r u c t u r e and s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , and on the manner i n which these v a r i a b l e s i n t e r - r e l a t e with the environmental and e c o l o g i c a l f e a t u r e s of the r e g i o n . Regarding trade and exchange, the focus has been on the problems of d e f i n i n g the i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l dynamics w i t h i n the l o c a l c o n t e x t s . 2.4.1 B i l a t e r a l k i n s h i p p a t t e r n s . George Murdock (1960) produced the d e f i n i t i v e work on c o g n a t i c , or b i l a t e r a l , forms of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , the predominant form of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e i n Southeast A s i a , i n c l u d i n g the P h i l i p p i n e s . Murdock d e f i n e s cognatic to mean " n o n - l i n e a l " (akin by b i r t h "on both s i d e s " - i . e . , without r e f e r e n c e to male or female parents) (Murdock 1960:2). He names t h i s the "Eskimo" type of system, and d e f i n e s the common f e a t u r e s of t h i s type of s t r u c t u r e : (1) A small domestic u n i t i s the most important s o c i a l , economic and l a n d h o l d i n g group: f u l l y c o r p o r a t e i n every sense; (2) The domestic u n i t i s the independent nu c l e a r f a m i l y (which may i n c l u d e the "stem" f a m i l y , where a c h i l d r e s i d e s with h i s or her parents a f t e r marriage); (3) Monogamy i s observed; (4) Extended f a m i l i e s do not occur; (5) Residence i s a m b i l o c a l , or sometimes n e o l o c a l ; (6) Descent 37 i s measured i n terms of the dominant small f a m i l y u n i t , and o c c a s i o n a l l y , the aggregation of near r e l a t i v e s or kindred; " k i n d r e d " - embraces c l o s e l i n e a l and c o l l a t e r a l kinsmen r e g a r d l e s s of whether the con n e c t i n g l i n k s are male or female; (7) The domestic u n i t i s always exogamous, the kindr e d r a r e l y so (Murdock 1960:2). Murdock s p e c i f i e s that the "ki n d r e d " are always ego- o r i e n t e d b i l a t e r a l l y , and that the members of a kin d r e d , other than the core i n d i v i d u a l and h i s s i b l i n g s , need not be, and f r e q u e n t l y are not, r e l a t e d to one another. In any s o c i e t y , k i n d r e d n e c e s s a r i l y o v e r l a p one another e n d l e s s l y . "They are not d i s c r e t e u n i t s ; a s o c i e t y can never be d i v i d e d i n t o separate kindreds as i t can be segmented i n t o d i s c r e t e l i n e a g e s , c l a n s or communities... a kindred t h e r e f o r e i s not, and cannot be, a descent group... Because of i t s l a c k of d i s c r e t e n e s s a kindred cannot be a c o r p o r a t e group" ( i b i d : 4 ) . In Murdock's c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , kindreds can be seen to f u n c t i o n as " o c c a s i o n a l groups" - that i s , they f u n c t i o n as a group p r i m a r i l y at c r i s e s p e r i o d s i n the l i f e c y c l e of the core i n d i v i d u a l , such as naming, i n i t i a t i o n s , weddings and f u n e r a l ceremonies ( i b i d : 5 ) . As w e l l as d e f i n i n g the s t r u c t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of b i l a t e r a l groups, Murdock takes care to d i s c r i m i n a t e t h i s type of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n from other, s i m i l a r types. He p o i n t s out that b i l a t e r a l s o c i e t i e s are sometimes confused with ramages, an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t form of o r g a n i z a t i o n . Ramages he d e f i n e s as 38 s t r i c t l y a m b i - l o c a l , and having a r u l e of r e s i d e n c e which permits a c h o i c e between two u n i l o c a l a l t e r n a t i v e s ( m a t r i l o c a l or v i r i l o c a l ) . T h i s he names the " P o l y n e s i a n " type, and notes t h a t ramages are the f u n c t i o n a l e q u i v a l e n t s of l i n e a g e s e q u a l l y consanguineal i n composition and e q u a l l y s u s c e p t i b l e to segmentation (Murdock 1960:11). Although the small n u c l e a r f a m i l y domestic u n i t i s fundamentally a b i l a t e r a l kingroup, Murdock s t r e s s e s that i t must be d e f i n e d i n such a way as to exclude any l i n e a l p r i n c i p l e i n any d i s c u s s i o n r e l a t e d to c o g n a t i c s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e ( i b i d : 3 ) . The concept of c o r p o r a t e n e s s a l s o r e q u i r e s c a r e f u l d e f i n i t i o n . Murdock d e f i n e s a c o r p o r a t e group as "one whose members share an e s t a t e , e s p e c i a l l y one c o n s i s t i n g of land, d w e l l i n g s , or other m a t e r i a l resources which i t s members have the r i g h t to use or e x p l o i t a c c o r d i n g to c u l t u r a l l y accepted r u l e s of tenure... ( i t i s necessary) to r e s t r i c t the concept to groups whose r i g h t s are r e g u l a r l y r a t h e r than s p o r a d i c a l l y e x e r c i s e d , e s p e c i a l l y r i g h t to the l a n d (and i t s improvements) in which the members l i v e and from which they e x t r a c t t h e i r economic l i v e l i h o o d " ( i b i d : 4 ) . The concept of u n i t has been e x p l o r e d who adopt a d e f i n i t i o n the c o r p o r a t e group in a paper by Hayden given by Goodenough: as an a r c h a e o l o g i c a l and Cannon (1981) "corporate groups are groups that f u n c t i o n as i n d i v i d u a l s i n r e l a t i o n to p r o p e r t y (and i n a d d i t i o n ) have a s i n g l e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a u t h o r i t y . " (Hayden and Cannon 1982:134) 39 They note that i n a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l d e f i n i t i o n s c o r p o r a t e groups include a wide range of s i z e s , from nuclear f a m i l i e s to e n t i r e communities, and urge that both these extremes should be excluded from the d e f i n i t i o n of a r c h a e o l o g i c a l corporate groups ( i b i d : 1 3 6 ) . They suggest that these u n i t s a l r e a d y c o n s t i t u t e a n a l y t i c a l u n i t s of great u t i l i t y and power. In a d d i t i o n , they s t a t e that t h e i r own analyses at the household l e v e l show that "when s i n g l e a r t i f a c t c l a s s e s are used there are simply too many sources of v a r i a b i l i t y a f f e c t i n g a r t i f a c t and feature p a t t e r n i n g to be able to make u s e f u l p r e d i c t i v e or i n t e r p r e t i v e statements concerning most socioeconomic or demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the household, except i n the more extreme cases... However, when households are grouped together to form h y p o t h e t i c a l c o r p o r a t e groups with d i s t i n c t s o c i a l or economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , and when averages were taken f o r households i n these groups very s t r o n g p a t t e r n s emerged" (ibid:138-139). Although Murdock's work i n d e f i n i n g the exact s t r u c t u r a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n s of b i l a t e r a l s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i s i m p r e s s i v e l y comprehensive, h i s c o n c l u s i o n s with respect to c a u s a l c o n d i t i o n s are too sweeping and cannot be taken at face v a l u e . He a s s e r t s t h a t a review of b i l a t e r a l s o c i e t i e s around the world r e v e a l s t h a t t h i s form of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n occurs throughout the f u l l range of c u l t u r a l types - from hunters and g a t h e r e r s , through intermediate t i l l e r s , to European and A s i a t i c s o c i e t i e s of the h i g h e s t complexity (Murdock 1960:7). He l i s t s dozens of s o c i e t i e s , p r i n c i p a l l y i n Southeast A s i a , Europe and the a r c t i c r e g i o n s , which he s t a t e s can be c h a r a c t e r i z e d as b i l a t e r a l , and 40 which he o f f e r s as evidence that "modes of s u b s i s t e n c e , t e c h n o l o g i c a l a t t a i n m e n t s , e l a b o r a t i o n of s t a t u s d i s t i n c t i o n s , and l e v e l s of p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n e xert l i t t l e d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g i n f l u e n c e " ( i b i d : 7 ) . A c l o s e i n s p e c t i o n of t h i s l i s t , however, suggests that with the exception of modern European s o c i e t i e s , the c u l t u r a l groups c i t e d are c h i e f l y hunting-and- g a t h e r i n g s o c i e t i e s , h o r t i c u l t u r a l i s t s or f a i r l y p r i m i t i v e a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s , e.g. in a l l of A f r i c a , he f i n d s only the Khoisan hunters and the Rung Bushmen; and i n A s i a , the Ainu, the Ryukyu I s l a n d e r s , the Chukchee and Koryak. The s o c i e t i e s of " h i g h e s t complexity" are modern European ones. Thus i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that i n a l a t e r study, Winzler (see below) looks at s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i n Southeast A s i a and comes to a c o n t r a s t i n g c o n c l u s i o n regarding the q u e s t i o n of p o s s i b l e c a u s a l f a c t o r s . He concludes that the presence of c o r p o r a t e , u n i l i n e a l descent groups i s c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d with the development of s t a t e formation. Southeast A s i a i s noted f o r i t s l a c k of long- l a s t i n g s t a t e - l e v e l s o c i e t i e s , and Winzler argues that the widespread occurrence of b i l a t e r a l forms of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i n t h i s area (both i n c o a s t a l and i n t e r i o r s t a t e s ) c o u l d be c o n s i d e r e d a determining, or at l e a s t c l o s e l y - l i n k e d , c h a r a c t e r i s t i c (Winzler 1976:627-629). " E x p l o i t a t i o n of one group by another r e q u i r e s 41 ' v e r t i c a l l i n k a g e s ' which serve to t i e , through r i t u a l and r e l i g i o u s o b l i g a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l and economic n e c e s s i t y or b e n e f i t , i n d i v i d u a l s and f a m i l i e s to s p e c i f i c l o c a l i t i e s and p o l i t i c a l / a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d i v i s i o n s " ( i b i d : 6 2 9 ) . W inzler looks f o r c a u s a l f a c t o r s which might e x p l a i n the widespread occurrence of b i l a t e r a l s o c i a l systems i n Southeast A s i a . He concludes that on the b a s i s of ethnographic data from the r e g i o n there i s some evidence f o r l i n k i n g such f e a t u r e s as b i l a t e r a l i t y , l a c k of corporate descent groupings, and absence of w e l l - d e f i n e d socio-economic s t r a t a to broader r e l i g i o u s or h i s t o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n s (Winzler 1976:629). He notes that b i l a t e r a l systems predate s t a t e formations and cannot be co n s i d e r e d a r e s u l t of t h e i r emergence but r a t h e r , are independent of s t a t e development. Instead, Winzler f i n d s some support f o r c o n c l u d i n g that b i l a t e r a l s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n may c o r r e l a t e p o s i t i v e l y with e c o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s . He s t a t e s t h a t on the b a s i s of c r o s s - c u l t u r a l ethnographic research, there i s some i n d i c a t i o n that when the e c o l o g i c a l base i n v o l v e s a balanced sexual d i v i s i o n of labour, with men and women doing much the same work, the s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n tends to be of the b i l a t e r a l type ( i b i d : 6 3 0 ) . Winzler p o i n t s out that Southeast A s i a n s o c i e t i e s tend to lack the kinds of s u b s i s t e n c e bases most r e a d i l y l i n k e d to male- c e n t r e d p a t r i l i n e a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s (such as big-game hunting, l a r g e - s c a l e animal p a s t o r a l i s m , or d r y - g r a i n d r a f t - a n i m a l a g r i c u l t u r e ) . Instead, there i s a r e l i a n c e on slash-and-burn a g r i c u l t u r e or w e t - r i c e a g r i c u l t u r e , f i s h i n g and g a t h e r i n g . In 42 a l l these a c t i v i t i e s , men and women tend to be more or l e s s e q u a l l y i n v o l v e d , both i n p r o d u c t i o n and p r o c e s s i n g (Winzler 1976:631). Winzler acknowledges that environment and modes of s u b s i s t e n c e represent an o l d argument i n r e l a t i o n to the development of s o c i a l forms, but a s s e r t s that i t appears to pr o v i d e the best e x p l a n a t i o n i n the Southeast A s i a n c o n t e x t . He q u a l i f i e s i t only to say that c u l t u r e h i s t o r y a l s o appears to p l a y a part i n the development of Southeast Asian s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n ( i b i d : 6 3 1 ) . The same argument i s r e s t a t e d i n more gene r a l terms by E r i c Wolf i n h i s review of c u l t u r a l processes on a g l o b a l s c a l e . Speaking from a Marxist p e r s p e c t i v e , Wolf maintains that "production (embraces) at once the changing r e l a t i o n s of humankind to nature, the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n t o which humans enter i n the course of tr a n s f o r m i n g nature and the consequent t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s of human symbolic c a p a b i l i t y " (Wolf 1982:21). Fu r t h e r i n h i s argument, Wolf again p r o v i d e s support f o r W i n z l e r ' s c o n c l u s i o n s : "The k i n - o r d e r e d mode i n h i b i t s the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l power, r e s t i n g e s s e n t i a l l y upon the management of consensus among c l u s t e r s of p a r t i c i p a n t s . . . at the same time, the extension and r e t r a c t i o n of k i n t i e s c r e a t e open and s h i f t i n g boundaries of such s o c i e t i e s " ( i b i d : 9 9 ) . 43 For the purposes of t h i s study, the work of Murdock, Winzl e r , Wolf, Hayden and Cannon, p r o v i d e s a u s e f u l t h e o r e t i c a l framework f o r my a n a l y s i s of the data from P i l a , as my ethnographic model i n c l u d e s a l l the f e a t u r e s d i s c u s s e d : a p a t t e r n of s h i f t i n g a g r i c u l t u r e ; a l a c k of marked s o c i o - c u l t u r a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n ; a b i l a t e r a l k i n s h i p s t r u c t u r e i n v o l v i n g small domestic u n i t s and a s s o c i a t e d kindred; and an e g a l i t a r i a n sexual d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r . I t must be noted that the arguments presented above stand i n c l e a r o p p o s i t i o n to the c l a i m s of symbolic a r c h a e o l o g i s t s r e g a r d i n g the pre-eminence of the i d e o l o g i c a l s t r u c t u r e i n c u l t u r a l p r o c e s s e s . I t must a l s o be s t a t e d , however, that i n the p a r t i c u l a r case, such as the data from P i l a , the i d e o l o g i c a l s t r u c t u r e , while i t may not be the determining v a r i a b l e , p r o v i d e s a key to the c l e a r e r understanding of the c u l t u r a l processes i n v o l v e d (see Chapters 3 - 8, below). 2.4.2 A r c h a e o l o g i c a l background. There have been two a r c h a e o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s of mortuary s i t e s i n Southeast A s i a which are p e r t i n e n t to my t o p i c : the work of Macdonald (1978) on data from the Bang s i t e i n T h a i l a n d , and the a n a l y s i s by Bayard (1983) of the data from Non Nok Tha. Macdonald used s p a t i a l a n a l y s i s of the excavation data from the Bang s i t e , and e s t a b l i s h e d support f o r the h y p othesis that the b u r i a l s i t e a l s o r e p r e s e n t s a h a b i t a t i o n area, and that the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of graves i n d i c a t e s a r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n which can be d e f i n e d i n terms of i n t r a - v i l l a g e s u b d i v i s i o n s 44 (Macdonald 1978:36). Bayard used a f u n c t i o n a l p o t t e r y typology of the a s s o c i a t e d ceramics i n the Non Nok Tha b u r i a l s to d e f i n e the apparent presence of two d i s t i n c t c l a s s e s of b u r i a l as c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the v e s s e l t y p e s - i n c l u d e d i n them (Bayard 1981:14). He concluded that "at l e a s t f i v e " of the (38) types of pots p r e s e n t i n the b u r i a l s had been made s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r f u n e r a r y use, and that "the complementary d i s t r i b u t i o n of these v e s s e l s r e f l e c t s the presence of two d i s t i n c t a f f i l i a t i v e groups i n Non Nok Tha phase s o c i e t y , each c o n t a i n i n g i n d i v i d u a l s of d i f f e r i n g wealth" ( i b i d : 1 6 ) . Another a r c h a e o l o g i c a l study with i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r p a t t e r n s of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i s R i c h a r d Pearson's r e s e a r c h i n the Ryukyu I s l a n d s , which i n d i c a t e s that s o c i a l complexity i n t h i s area i n c r e a s e d with the development of trade with China d u r i n g the 13th. to the 17th. c e n t u r i e s . Settlement p a t t e r n s became d i v e r s i f i e d and s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n appeared, with peasants l i v i n g i n s e t t l e m e n t s near the shore and f i e l d s , while the e l i t e c l a s s l i v e d i n f o r t i f i e d " c a s t l e s " on high r i d g e s , and used f i n e r p o r c e l a i n , stoneware and luxury goods (Pearson 1978). 2.4.3 Trade and exchange. With r e s p e c t to the q u e s t i o n of trade and exchange i n the P h i l i p p i n e c o n t e x t , H u t t e r e r (1973, 1974, 1977) and H u t t e r e r and Macdonald (1984), has approached the problem from v a r i o u s p e r s p e c t i v e s . In h i s e a r l i e r work, H u t t e r e r argued that the l o n g - d i s t a n c e t r a d i n g i n t e r a c t i o n s between overseas powers and the P h i l i p p i n e lowland s o c i e t i e s played a major r o l e i n the 45 e v o l u t i o n of the l o c a l c u l t u r a l groups (Hutterer 1973, 1974). L a t e r , H u t t e r e r developed h i s argument f u r t h e r , to suggest that the exchange i n t e r a c t i o n s must be r e l a t e d to a s p e c t s of the i n t e r n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of P h i l i p p i n e s o c i e t i e s . "On the b a s i s of p r i n c i p l e s of e v o l u t i o n a r y theory i t can be p o s t u l a t e d that the content, o r g a n i z a t i o n , and g e o g r a p h i c a l reach of a s o c i e t y ' s exchange i n t e r a c t i o n s are d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the degree of s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n w i t h i n that s o c i e t y " (Hutterer, ed. 1977:182). H u t t e r e r questioned the assumption that trade i s c a u s a l to the e v o l u t i o n of s o c i a l complexity, suggesting that q u e s t i o n s should be asked r e g a r d i n g the reasons why P h i l i p p i n e s o c i e t i e s wanted to import massive q u a n t i t i e s of f o r e i g n goods. "Changing the question from an e x t e r n a l to an i n t e r n a l one has s e v e r a l i n t e r e s t i n g i m p l i c a t i o n s . . . among these i s the a - p r i o r i s u s p i c i o n that c o n d i t i o n s of i n c r e a s e d s o c i a l complexity w i t h i n the P h i l i p p i n e s r e s u l t e d i n an i n c r e a s e d demand f o r f o r e i g n goods" (Hutterer and Macdonald 1984:257). Others" have l i k e w i s e argued that the development of s t a t u s i n e q u a l i t i e s i s a s s o c i a t e d with c o n t r o l of s c a r c e goods to symbolize s o c i a l power (Matson 1983:142; Wolf 1982:83); but that the c o n t r o l of scarce goods i s more the r e s u l t than the cause of i n e q u a l i t i e s . H u t t e r e r ' s change of emphasis to focus more a t t e n t i o n to the i n t e r n a l s i t u a t i o n of p r e - t r a d e s o c i e t i e s i s a promising one, but i t c o u l d be taken a l i t t l e f u r t h e r i n the l i g h t of 46 symbolic a r c h a e o l o g i c a l theory. As w e l l as l o o k i n g f o r i n c r e a s e d s o c i a l complexity w i t h i n P h i l i p p i n e s o c i e t i e s , a l l other dimensions of c u l t u r a l l i f e i n these groups must be examined more c l o s e l y f o r s i g n i f i c a n t elements - i n c l u d i n g , I suggest, the i d e o l o g i c a l dimension. In a d d i t i o n , f o l l o w i n g the work of Kent ( 1 984), f o r example, it. would be i n s t r u c t i v e to look f o r u n d e r l y i n g " o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e s " which might l i n k a l l the dimensions of the c u l t u r a l systems in some meaningful r e l a t i o n s h i p , and shed a c l e a r e r l i g h t on a l l a spects of the c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n . 47 3. THE ETHNOGRAPHIC MODEL 3.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n : The Ethnographic Model of P i l a , Laguna The p o r t i o n of the c u l t u r a l system at P i l a i n the 12th century A.D. i n which I am i n t e r e s t e d , can be d e s c r i b e d i n terms of three sub-systems: the Trade System, the S o c i a l System and the R i t u a l System. Because r e l e v a n t i n f o r m a t i o n i s not a v a i l a b l e i n the l o c a l c ontext, the economic system w i l l not be a focus of the ethnographic model c o n s t r u c t e d f o r t h i s study. A very general p i c t u r e , however, i s o f f e r e d f o r background purposes. P i l a s o c i e t y i n the 12th century A.D. was a s o c i e t y of swidden a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s with a d i v e r s i f i e d and f a i r l y secure economic base, augmented by hunting, g a t h e r i n g , f i s h i n g , f o r e s t products and t r a d e . The s u b s i s t e n c e base i n c l u d e d upland r i c e , root crops such as yams, bananas of many d i f f e r e n t types, m i l l e t , and some vegetables and f r u i t s . C u l t i v a t e d bamboos were extremely important f o r a v a r i e t y of uses, as were the palms ( b e t e l nut, b u r i and coconut). Fermented wines and other i n t o x i c a n t s were made from r i c e , sugar cane, and coconut palms. Domesticated animals i n c l u d e d the p i g , chicken, dog and water- b u f f a l o . Indigo ( f o r dyes), c o t t o n , ramie and hemp were c u l t i v a t e d e x t e n s i v e l y f o r l o c a l use and f o r trade (Fox 1979:58, 59; Eder 1984:839). F o r e s t products i n c l u d e d aromatic gums and r e s i n s , honey, wax and f i n e woods. L o c a l technology i n c l u d e d f i s h i n g , weaving, p o t t e r y (earthenware), smelting and f o r g i n g (both i r o n and g l a s s ) (Beyer 1979:49). Gold, found i n p l a c e r 48 d e p o s i t s w i t h i n r e g i o n , was worked and traded ( i b i d : 3 0 ) . Boat technology was a l r e a d y well-advanced, i n v o l v i n g l a r g e , ocean- going " p l a n k - b u i l t " canoes with o u t r i g g e r s (Scott 1981). 3.2 Trade Sub-System T h i s sub-system i s one of the core components of the ethnographic model. P i l a , a l a k e - s i d e s o c i e t y on the southern shore of the w e l l - p o p u l a t e d Laguna de Bay, was i n the mainstream of F i l i p i n o l i f e and was a minor t r a d e c e n t r e f o r both l o c a l and l o n g - d i s t a n c e t r a d e . There was a l r e a d y a p o p u l a t i o n of some 26,000 people i n the pro v i n c e of Laguna by the time the Spaniard Juan de Salcedo " p a c i f i e d " the Laguna lake towns i n 1571 ( L o c s i n and L o c s i n 1968:6). Trade and exchange, conducted c h i e f l y by b a r t e r , l i n k e d Laguna de Bay with other c o a s t a l and u p - r i v e r s e t t l e m e n t s , Borneo, Indonesia, and China ( P i g a f e t t a , i n A l i p 1964:5-249). Laguna de Bay i s a c l o s e d , fresh-water la k e , but i t i s l i n k e d to the sea by the P a s i g R i v e r , a major a r t e r y f o r the movement of people and goods. Even the l a r g e Chinese junks were a b l e to navigate the P a s i g R i v e r , and trade was conducted d i r e c t l y with the c o a s t a l and u p - r i v e r s ettlements from on board the Chinese s h i p s ( i b i d : 5 ; Beyer 1964:6; Chin I978a:13). Trade was conducted by b a r t e r , on a person to person b a s i s . The Chinese s h i p s , owned by independent merchants, c a r r i e d both bulk cargo and i n d i v i d u a l t r a d e r s with independent s t o r e s of trade goods (Van der P i j l - K e t e l 1976; Roxas-Lim 1966:229). In the l a r g e r s e t t l e m e n t s , the t r a d i n g s h i p would anchor i n f r o n t of the l a r g e s t b u i l d i n g s , and the l o c a l t r a d e r s would come on 49 board i n crowds and mix f r e e l y with s h i p ' s crew (Beyer 1964:8). A f t e r b a r t e r i n g , the l o c a l t r a d e r s would c a r r y the goods away with them i n b a s k e t s . Trading r e l a t i o n s were f r i e n d l y and honest. Even when the l o c a l t r a d e r s were unknown to the s h i p ' s crew, they were allowed t o take the goods away with them. Those t r a d e r s who c a r r i e d t h e i r wares to other i s l a n d s f o r b a r t e r were sometimes not ab l e to r e t u r n f o r e i g h t or nine months, but they were always t r u s t e d with the goods and never f a i l e d to keep t h e i r p a r t of the bargain (Chen, L i u - T i 1966:266). Because of t h i s person-to-person b a r t e r , there were no on-shore marketplaces or warehouses (Fox 1979:58). The general s i m i l a r i t y of the F i l i p i n o languages, so much a l i k e that i f one was l e a r n e d , a l l c o u l d be spoken i n a short time, made i t p o s s i b l e f o r the Chinese themselves to conduct t r a d i n g t r a n s a c t i o n s without the use of l o c a l middlemen (Chen, L i u - T i 1966:263; C h i r i n o 1979:245; Tangco 1979:76-77). The range of goods traded was wide. The Chinese ships brought q u a n t i t i e s of p r i z e d Chinese ceramics, s i l k and luxury f a b r i c s , ceremonial umbrellas, i r o n i n g o t s , f i s h - h o o k s , incense- burners, gongs, bronze b e l l s , m i r r o r s , beads, l e a d s i n k e r s , Chinese c o i n s and small luxury goods. In r e t u r n , the F i l i p i n o s t r a ded g o l d metal, raw c o t t o n , c o t t o n c l o t h , hemp, f o r e s t products (such as r a t t a n , mats, f i n e woods, aromatic r e s i n s , honey, bees-wax), t o r t o i s e s h e l l , p e a r l s , p e a r l - s h e l l , sea s h e l l s , sponges, r h i n o c e r o s horn, deer h i d e s , and a v a r i e t y of other e x o t i c l o c a l products (Chen, L i u - T i 1966:263-270). Once r e g u l a r trade was e s t a b l i s h e d Chinese merchants became f a m i l i a r 5 0 with the type of goods most favoured l o c a l l y , and the bulk of the cargo was i n a c c o r d with the nature of the demand. The range of goods of each b a s i c type, however, was q u i t e v a r i a b l e . Chinese ceramics formed the l a r g e s t category of goods traded (Roxas-Lim 1966:229). The ceramics were comprised of three main groups: (1) Large, g l a z e d stoneware j a r s ; these were g e n e r a l l y used as storage c o n t a i n e r s by the Chinese d u r i n g the voyage, but were h i g h l y p r i z e d by the F i l i p i n o s on t h e i r own account (Brown 1977; Ceramic S o c i e t y i n Indonesia 1977:26,27) Medium-size wares of a type f o r household use ( c o n t a i n e r s , d i s h e s , bowls, p l a t t e r s , teapots, j a r s e t c . ) ; (3) M i n i a t u r e ceramic wares, ranging from c o n t a i n e r s ( j a r l e t s , b o t t l e s , vases, tumblers, teapots, covered boxes) to a l a r g e assortment of d i s h e s and bowls. These were a s s o c i a t e d with r i t u a l ceremonies and funerary goods. T h i s t h r i v i n g trade i n Chinese ceramics r e s u l t e d in a l o s s of s t a t u s f o r the l o c a l l y - p r o d u c e d earthenware p o t t e r y (Roxas-Lim 1966:240). Although d u r i n g the p e r i o d preceding Chinese trade c o n t a c t s l o c a l earthenware pots were sometimes used r i t u a l l y , i n j a r b u r i a l s , t h e i r importance d e c l i n e d r a p i d l y a f t e r the a r r i v a l of the high-temperature f i r e d (dense and durable) Chinese stoneware and p o r c e l a i n s . P r e h i s t o r i c F i l i p i n o groups, such as those of the e a r l i e r Kalanay t r a d i t i o n , made b e a u t i f u l and s o p h i s t i c a t e d earthenware p o t t e r y of elegant and v a r i e d shapes and s k i l l e d c r a f t s m a n s h i p (Beyer 1947). By the 12th century they had been supplanted by the Chinese ceramics, and had d e c l i n e d i n q u a l i t y and v a r i e t y (Roxas-Lim 1966:240-241). The l o c a l wares assumed a u t i l i t a r i a n 51 r o l e . Metal-working followed a s i m i l a r t r e n d - although F i l i p i n o groups had mastered the a r t of sme l t i n g and f o r g i n g i r o n e a r l y i n the f i r s t m illennium (Fox 1979: 49), the easy access to imported i r o n wares r e s u l t e d i n a lack of refinement of the metal-working s k i l l s . 3.3 S o c i a l Sub-System The r e s i d e n t i a l community at P i l a was s m a l l , c o n s i s t i n g of a few hundred i n d i v i d u a l s , and o r i e n t e d along the lake and the small streams which dr a i n e d i n t o i t (Spoehr 1973:33-34). The community was an independent s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic u n i t . Community l i f e and s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s were o r g a n i z e d p r i n c i p a l l y on the b a s i s of k i n s h i p and common economic and r i t u a l i n t e r e s t s . There was l i t t l e or nothing i n the way of a formal p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e . Most i n d i v i d u a l s i n the se t t l e m e n t s were l i n k e d by blood t i e s , marriage and r i t u a l k i n s h i p , and the s o c i a l community was d e f i n e d i n terms of these f a c t o r s - shared r e s i d e n c e , common i n t e r e s t s and e x p e r i e n c e s , and community-level r i t u a l o b l i g a t i o n s (Fox 1979:57). The b a s i c s o c i a l , economic and r i t u a l u n i t was the nuclear f a m i l y , the primary u n i t of corporat e a c t i o n ; o c c a s i o n a l l y , c h i e f l y at p e r i o d s of r i t u a l importance (such as marriages, h a r v e s t f e s t i v a l s , f u n e r a l s ) the elementary f a m i l y would expand to i n c l u d e the b i l a t e r a l k i n d r e d (the consanguineal r e l a t i v e s of both the f a t h e r and mother) (Murdock 1960:5). There were no c l a n s , l i n e a g e s , or other u n i l a t e r a l descent groupings. The s i b l i n g group, which was l i n k e d by r e s i d e n c e and shared a c t i v i t i e s , was of marked 52 importance. The f a m i l y and k i n d r e d assumed c o l l e c t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r i t s members, i n the form of r e c i p r o c a l r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s . Blood pacts were a means of r i t u a l l y expanding the b i l a t e r a l k i n group. L o c a l t r a d e r s , p r o t e c t e d by r i t u a l b l o o d p a c t s , which a f f i l i a t e d them with d i f f e r e n t k i n groups, moved s a f e l y between d i s t a n t v i l l a g e s and d i s t r i c t s (Fox 1979:57,58; S c o t t 1981:31). Marriage p a t t e r n s were monogamous and res i d e n c e was a m b i l o c a l or n e o l o c a l . The f a m i l y household was a l s o the b a s i c economic u n i t , and both males and females p a r t i c i p a t e d e q u a l l y i n both economic a c t i v i t i e s and r i t u a l ceremonies (Fox 1979:56). There was no sexual d i v i s i o n of labour and males and females were of equal s t a t u s . F a m i l i e s worked together to c l e a r f i e l d s , p l a n t , h a r v e s t , b u i l d houses, and take p a r t i n hunting and g a t h e r i n g a c t i v i t i e s . Often the work was done with the a i d of neighbours and r e l a t i v e s , who were provided, i n r e t u r n , with f e a s t s and d r i n k i n g when the work was f i n i s h e d ( i b i d : 5 6 ) . Wealth was represented by t e r r i t o r i a l r i g h t s to f i e l d s and r e s o u r c e s , and luxury goods such as Chinese p o t t e r y , s i l k c l o t h s , brass b e l l s and gongs, and gold j e w e l l e r y and other a r t i f a c t s ( P i g a f e t t a 1964:57,66-68,88,92-93). Leadership and a u t h o r i t y were vested i n the heads of households, and the t y p i c a l community i n c l u d e d s e v e r a l important men r a t h e r than one l e a d e r s h i p f i g u r e (Fox 1979:56). An i n d i v i d u a l c o u l d gain a d d i t i o n a l power i f he was supported by a strong k i n s h i p group. C o n f l i c t s arose between kin-groups of d i f f e r e n t communities 53 r a t h e r than between v i l l a g e s as a whole, and were u s u a l l y r e l a t e d to t e r r i t o r i a l r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s (Fox 1979:56). Blood-feuds were common between f a m i l i e s of d i f f e r e n t communities, and headhunting was p r a c t i c e d i n the b e l i e f that the heads of enemies were c o n t a i n e r s of s t o r e d power. Law and order were upheld by consensus, u s u a l l y i n v o l v i n g the heads of households and ol d e r persons i n the community ( i b i d : 5 6 ) . Chinese ceramics p l a y e d an important part i n most s o c i a l o c c a s i o n s . In c o n f l i c t s i t u a t i o n s , l a r g e ceramic j a r s ranked i n importance with the heads of enemy i n d i v i d u a l s , and c o u l d on o c c a s i o n f u n c t i o n as " s u b s t i t u t e heads" - an o b l i g a t i o n to take a s p e c i f i c number of heads i n an enemy v i l l a g e c o u l d be wiped out by payment of an equal number of ceramic j a r s (Cole 1912:15). Small ceramic j a r l e t s c o u l d a l s o act as c o n t a i n e r s f o r the s t o r e d s p i r i t power of a s l a i n enemy, and such a j a r l e t c o u l d be hung up on d i s p l a y with the trophy heads (Chin 1978b:3). Chinese ceramics a l s o f i g u r e d prominently i n a l l other a s p e c t s of s o c i a l l i f e - as b r i d e - p r i c e i n marriage ceremonies; as c o n t a i n e r s and o f f e r i n g d i s h e s i n r i t u a l f e a s t s and p e t i t i o n a r y ceremonies; as heirlooms; and i n h e a l i n g and funer a r y r i t u a l s . In a d d i t i o n , as o b j e c t s of wealth and s t a t u s , they were brought out at f e a s t and ceremonies as s e r v i n g d i s h e s and c o n t a i n e r s f o r food. They were a l s o widely used f o r day-to- day u t i l i t a r i a n f u n c t i o n s , such as the storage of water, r i c e , and other foods, as w e l l as c o n t a i n e r s i n which the a l l - 54 important r i c e - w i n e was fermented. 3.4 R i t u a l Sub-System The r i t u a l l i f e at P i l a was based on k i n s h i p , which extended to a network of c l o s e ancestor s p i r i t s . The r i t u a l and ceremonial u n i t was the elementary f a m i l y , extended on occasions to the b i l a t e r a l k i n group. There was no t r a d i t i o n of communal worship on the v i l l a g e l e v e l , and no f a c i l i t i e s f o r communal p r a c t i c e s , other than the fa m i l y home (Fox 1979:58). The c e n t r a l o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e of r i t u a l l i f e was ancestor worship, and t h i s permeated a l l aspects of the ideology; Ancestor s p i r i t s , who had been c l o s e r e l a t i v e s , had the power to i n f l u e n c e every aspect of l i f e and death, and were c o n s i d e r e d the p r i n c i p a l causes of i l l n e s s and d i s e a s e (Fox 1982); i n a d d i t i o n , there were numbers of environmental and nature s p i r i t s , who pla y e d a supporting r o l e . The a n c e s t o r s l i v e d i n a mirror-image world i d e n t i c a l to the l i v i n g one, except f o r the absence of wine and other i n t o x i c a n t s . The ancestor s p i r i t s dwelt i n one of a number of a f t e r w o r l d s , depending upon the cause of death and the s o c i a l s t a t u s of the deceased. They had a t e r r i t o r i a l i n t e r e s t in t h e i r home ground and r e t a i n e d f a m i l y a f f i l i a t i o n s i n the a f t e r - w o r l d . Great emphasis was pl a c e d upon the proper conduct of r i t u a l s and "seances", which were conducted by the f a m i l y u n i t ; r i t u a l s p e c i a l i s t s (who c o u l d be male or female, although the m a j o r i t y were women) were c a l l e d i n on p a r t i c u l a r l y important occasions t o act as mediums and i n t e r p r e t e r s of dreams and omens (Fox 1979:60; 1982:207). In an 55 environment where so much of the e s s e n t i a l resources depended upon the v a g a r i e s of n a t u r a l causes ( c l i m a t e , a v a i l a b i l i t y of f i s h and game, t r o p i c a l d i s e a s e s , e t c ) access to s u p e r n a t u r a l powers was a c r i t i c a l aspect of l i f e . As w e l l as beauty and u t i l i t y , Chinese ceramics had two c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which made them extremely important i n F i l i p i n o s o c i e t y , and which r e s u l t e d i n t h e i r almost t o t a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w ith the i d e o l o g i c a l system: t h e i r durable ceramic bodies, f i r e d at h i g h temperatures, which gave them a r i n g i n g sound when s t r u c k ; and t h e i r v i t r e o u s , l i g h t - r e f l e c t i n g , g l a z e d s u r f a c e s , which were impermeable to l i q u i d s and i n f e c t i o n s , and seemingly imperishable through time. Both these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s caused the imported ceramics to be a s s o c i a t e d with power of the s t r o n g e s t kind - s u p e r n a t u r a l power (Rozas-Lim 1966; Guy 1984). The use of Chinese ceramics had from the e a r l i e s t h i s t o r i c a l r e c o r d s become i n t e g r a l to the proper f u n c t i o n i n g of r i t u a l and ceremonial o c c a s i o n s - f i r s t , as c o n t a i n e r s of power substances (such as sacred and aromatic o i l s , r e s i n s f o r incense, herbs, and r i t u a l food o f f e r i n g s ) , ( P i g a f e t t a 1964:66,76); second, as pure, u n d e f i l a b l e , o f f e r i n g d i s h e s and c o v e r s . Used as c o v e r i n g - o b j e c t s , t h e i r impermeable, durable, r e f l e c t i v e s u r f a c e s were b e l i e v e d to have great p r o t e c t i v e power a g a i n s t a l l kinds of i n f l u e n c e s , from e v i l s p i r i t s to p o i s o n s . Such c o v e r i n g - o b j e c t s not only p r o t e c t e d a person or o b j e c t from the a t t a c k of o u t s i d e f o r c e s , but were a l s o c o n s i d e r e d to have the power to " s e a l i n " a departed s p i r i t from p o s s i b l e escape from i t s body or c o n t a i n e r (Janse 1944:40). 56 The r i n g i n g sound emitted by ceramic d i s h e s , bowls and j a r s when l i g h t l y s truck or tapped with a f i n g e r n a i l , was seen as a magical " v o i c e " , able to a t t r a c t the a t t e n t i o n of the a l l - powerful ancestor s p i r i t s . The l a r g e r stoneware j a r s a l s o a c q u i r e d a s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e as c o n t a i n e r s f o r fermenting, s t o r i n g and s e r v i n g r i c e - w i n e , the only e a r t h l y substance not a v a i l a b l e i n the a f t e r - w o r l d . I t was b e l i e v e d that i f a ceramic d i s h was "rung" in the context of the a p p r o p r i a t e r i t u a l c eremonial, the ancestor s p i r i t would hear and be a t t r a c t e d to a t t e n d . I t was b e l i e v e d that the s p i r i t c o u l d take p o s s e s s i o n of a medium, and d r i n k the wine "through" the medium who drank i t d uring the r i t u a l . T h i s would p l e a s e the s p i r i t and cause i t to look favourably on the p e t i t i o n s presented to i t (Fox 1982:190). The b u r i a l r i t u a l r epresented the core of the i d e o l o g i c a l system, as i t marked the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l from h e l p l e s s n e s s to power. I t was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the need to p r o t e c t the d e p a r t i n g s o u l from e v i l i n f l u e n c e s d u r i n g i t s journey to the a f t e r - w o r l d . T h i s t r a n s i t i o n a l phase c o u l d l a s t f o r a c o n s i d e r a b l e time, sometimes u n t i l the decay of b o d i l y t i s s u e s was complete. The r e l a t i o n s h i p of the l i v i n g to the dead i s not one of f e a r , but of f a m i l i a r i t y , intimacy and/or r e s p e c t . The most prominent res p e c t p a t t e r n i s between parents and c h i l d r e n and t h i s embraces the dead, as w e l l as the l i v i n g " (Fox 1982:200). Chinese ceramics f u n c t i o n e d i n a l l phases of the mortuary 57 ceremonial. S p e c i f i c i n f o r m a t i o n regarding the b u r i a l r i t u a l i s a v a i l a b l e from two sources: the symbolic aspects are d e r i v e d from ethnology, while the m a t e r i a l aspects of the mortuary ceremonial are d e r i v e d from a r c h a e o l o g i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n . As b u r i a l goods, Chinese ceramics i n the P h i l i p p i n e s i n the 12th to 14th c e n t u r i e s were used to cover c e r t a i n p a r t s of the body the head and neck, hands, p e l v i s and f e e t (Janse 1944:40; Fox 1959:355,357). Small j a r l e t s and b o t t l e s and other c o n t a i n e r s were used f o r r i t u a l substances ( o i l s , herbs, aromatic r e s i n s ) and f o r food o f f e r i n g s necessary f o r the d e p a r t i n g s p i r i t ( P i g a f e t t a 1964:76). Almost every grave i n c l u d e d at l e a s t one or two ceramics, and sometimes dozens (Guy 1984:122). Earthenware p o t t e r y was sometimes b u r i e d i n the grave; i t was, however, u s u a l l y p l a c e d a l i t t l e d i s t a n c e from the body, or p l a c e d o u t s i d e the mat shroud which was wrapped around the body and the ceramic v e s s e l s (Fox 1959:357; Tenazas 1968:16). T h i s l o c a l p o t t e r y was i n c l u d e d as a u t i l i t a r i a n item, u s u a l l y a c t i n g as a storage c o n t a i n e r f o r more p e r i s h a b l e items such as s i l k s and c l o t h s , or food o f f e r i n g s (Roxas-Lim 1966:236). The r i t u a l f u n c t i o n of the ceramics themselves was to e s t a b l i s h a p r o t e c t i v e area around the body: r e p r e s e n t i n g p u r i t y , p r o t e c t i o n and d u r a b i l i t y , these ceramics were b u r i e d i n p r i s t i n e c o n d i t i o n , not having been used i n d a i l y l i f e (Guy 1984:122; Fox 1959:363). Where l a r g e numbers of ceramics were i n t e r r e d , these i n c l u d e d m u l t i p l e groupings of c o n t a i n e r s and d i s h e s , although the i n d i v i d u a l items v a r i e d as to s t y l e and type of g l a z e 58 (Tenazas 1968:Appendix I I I ) . Iron blades, u s u a l l y knives or s p e a r - p o i n t s , were a l s o b u r i e d c l o s e to the body, though much l e s s f r e q u e n t l y than the ceramic wares. In some Southeast Asian s o c i e t i e s which p r a c t i c e s p i r i t c u l t s , the use of metal i s c o n s i d e r e d to have the power to keep e v i l s p i r i t s at bay (Legeza 1978:5); s i m i l a r l y i n P i l a the i r o n blades may have represented d e f e n s i v e power f o r the dead i n d i v i d u a l . U t i l i t a r i a n o b j e c t s of any kind were r a r e l y i n c l u d e d i n b u r i a l s , perhaps because they were viewed as unnecessary i n the realm of su p e r n a t u r a l power. The dead were b u r i e d i n cemeteries set apart from the v i l l a g e area, u s u a l l y on a r i s e of land, at the mouths of r i v e r s and e s t u a r i e s (Fox 1959; Janse 1945; Tenazas 1968). I t was b e l i e v e d that the s p i r i t of the deceased c o u l d f i n d i t s way home by f o l l o w i n g the r i v e r t o the b u r i a l p l a c e . 3.5 S t r u c t u r a l Model of the P i l a C u l t u r a l System T h i s c u l t u r a l system (see Fig.3.1) i s an open system with four major dimensions: p h y s i c a l - e n v i r o n m e n t a l ; m a t e r i a l - c u l t u r a l ( t e c h n o l o g i c a l ) ; s o c i a l ; and i d e o l o g i c a l . These dimensions are i n t e r - p e n e t r a t i n g . They are c r o s s - c u t by the v a r i a b l e s , which are se t s of i n t e r a c t i o n s o c c u r r i n g throughout a l l of the dimensions at once. For i n s t a n c e , with respect t o the v a r i a b l e of "mortuary r i t u a l " , there w i l l be i n t e r a c t i o n s i n the p h y s i c a l / e n v i r o n m e n t a l dimension, i n v o l v i n g the p r e p a r a t i o n of the b u r i a l area and funerary p r e p a r a t i o n s ; i n the m a t e r i a l - c u l t u r e dimension, there w i l l be i n t e r a c t i o n s i n v o l v i n g the 59 FIGURE 3.It S t r u c t u r a l Model of the P i l a C u l t u r a l System. 60 p r e p a r a t i o n of the body, the grave goods, and the r i t u a l p a r a p h e r n a l i a ; i n the s o c i a l - o r g a n i z a t i o n a l dimension, there w i l l be i n t e r a c t i o n s i n v o l v i n g the s u r v i v o r s of the deceased, and those members of the community l i n k e d to the deceased by t i e s of k i n s h i p and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p ; i n the i d e o l o g i c a l dimension, there w i l l be i n t e r a c t i o n s i n v o l v i n g the funerary c e r e m o n i a l , the r i t u a l s p e c i a l i s t s and the kin group members p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the b u r i a l r i t u a l . In t h i s way, a s i n g l e v a r i a b l e f u n c t i o n s as an energy focus, encompassing energy exchange and i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h i n a l l the dimensions at once. The p h y s i c a l dimension i s the most t a n g i b l e , and the one most bounded. The m a t e r i a l - c u l t u r e and s o c i a l dimensions may extend beyond the bounds of the environment i t s e l f . The i d e o l o g i c a l dimension i s the l e a s t bounded and may extend beyond the o t h e r s (as i n the d i f f u s i o n of r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s from one country to a n o t h e r ) . In t h i s system, the i d e o l o g i c a l aspects are found to be i n agreement with the other major f e a t u r e s of the c u l t u r a l system, and s i m i l a r i t i e s can be observed i n the f u n c t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s of a l l the sub-systems. The s t r u c t u r a l model was developed as an ext e n s i o n of Steward's c u l t u r e core concept, r e o r g a n i z e d to omit the h i e r a r c h i c a l aspect, while at the same time encompassing the p h y s i c a l environment as an i n t e g r a l p a r t of the system as a whole. A f u l l e r e x p l a n a t i o n of the t h e o r e t i c a l background has a l r e a d y been given i n s e c t i o n 2.3, above. 61 In the P i l a system, the i d e o l o g i c a l o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e i s that powerful s u p e r n a t u r a l f o r c e s (mainly c l o s e ancestor s p i r i t s ) r e g u l a t e the f u n c t i o n of a l l a spects of the l i v i n g world; they are responsive to p e r s o n a l r i t u a l p e t i t i o n ; t h e r e f o r e the most e f f e c t i v e s t r a t e g y f o r the i n d i v i d u a l i n a l l matters l i e s i n e s t a b l i s h i n g a d i r e c t l i n k with the sources of power, e s p e c i a l l y through r i t u a l a c t i o n on one's own b e h a l f . Th i s d i r e c t , one-to-one r e l a t i o n s h i p c h a r a c t e r i z e s a l l aspects of the s o c i o - c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n and r e f l e c t s a symbolic a t t i t u d e of lack-of-boundedness, or lack of e x t e r n a l , s o c i a l , c o n s t r a i n t s . Due to t h e i r p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , Chinese ceramics became f u l l y i n t e g r a t e d with the i d eology and r i t u a l i n P h i l i p p i n e s o c i e t i e s and p l a y e d an important r o l e i n a l l aspects of c u l t u r a l l i f e . 62 4. ANALYSIS: TESTING THE MODEL 4.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n to Methods The methods of a n a l y s i s used i n t h i s study have been chosen with two p r i n c i p a l areas of concern i n mind: the nature of the excavation data, and the p r a c t i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of the two- pronged t h e o r e t i c a l approach. I w i l l o u t l i n e the i m p l i c a t i o n s of these two areas f i r s t , and then proceed to a d e s c r i p t i o n of the s t r u c t u r e of the a n a l y s i s i t s e l f . 4.1.1 The Nature of the Data. The e x c a v a t i o n data c o n s i s t s of two contemporaneous b u r i a l grounds with i d e n t i c a l s t r a t i g r a p h y , spanning four c u l t u r a l l e v e l s . The c h i e f c o n s t r a i n t i s the lac k of o r g a n i c p r e s e r v a t i o n i n the s i t e . L i t t l e or no human s k e l e t a l m a t e r i a l or other o r g a n i c matter has been preserved. A c c o r d i n g l y , the hypotheses to be t e s t e d , and the q u a n t i t a t i v e a n a l y ses used, are r e l a t e d s o l e l y to the form and q u a n t i t y (and wherever p o s s i b l e , the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n ) of the grave goods found i n the b u r i a l s . (See Tables A-3 and A-4, Appendix A, f o r f u l l data chart of P e r i o d II b u r i a l s and a s s o c i a t e d grave goods). A f u r t h e r dimension to the grave goods at P i l a i s the f a c t that the v a s t m a j o r i t y of the grave goods excavated i n the t o t a l s i t e c o n s i s t of imported Chinese ceramics (78.97%) while a r t i f a c t s of a p p a r e n t l y l o c a l manufacture c o n s t i t u t e a decided m i n o r i t y : earthenwares (10.33%), i r o n o b j e c t s (5.04%), and u t i l i t a r i a n goods (0.88%). (See F i g . 4.1) The o n l y other grave 63 goods at P i l a , a few bronze and l e a d o b j e c t s (bangles, r i n g s , m i r r o r s and other small items) and some e l i t e "badges" of s t a t u s (gold, c o i n s , g l a s s ) are most l i k e l y a l s o imported goods (3.65%). Another s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r regarding the s i t e data i s the d i v i s i o n of the s i t e i n t o two c l o s e l y r e l a t e d areas, S i t e 1 (Agra) and S i t e 2 (Mendoza) (See F i g s . 1.2 and 1.3). As o u t l i n e d i n the I n t r o d u c t i o n , both s t r a t i g r a p h i c and a r t i f a c t u a l evidence i n d i c a t e s that S i t e 1 and S i t e 2 represent contemporaneous a r c h a e o l o g i c a l p e r i o d s . The two s i t e s are s i t u a t e d along the south-west bank of an o l d creek bed, approximately 100 metres apart (See F i g . 1.3). Evidence f o r contemporaneity c o n s i s t s of s o i l s t r a t i g r a p h y , b u r i a l form, p o t t e r y s t y l e s , and some radiocarbon samples. The e x i s t e n c e of these two separate e x c a v a t i o n areas s t i m u l a t e d a number of analyses aimed at e x p l o r i n g the nature of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between them. S t a t i g r a p h i c evidence ( F i g . 1.4) shows that four c u l t u r a l l e v e l s are r e p r e s e n t e d at P i l a . (See Table 4.1 f o r t a b u l a t i o n of inhumation and cremation b u r i a l s i n P e r i o d and S i t e ) . P e r i o d I was a s c r i b e d by Tenazas (1968:15) to the p e r i o d p r i o r to Chinese trade c o n t a c t and has three b u r i a l s , a l l i n S i t e 2. P e r i o d II i s dated as E a r l y Sung, about 12th century A.D., and has 174 b u r i a l s , 129 i n S i t e 1 and 45 i n S i t e 2. P e r i o d III i s dated as Late Sung/Yuan, about 14th century A.D., and has 55 b u r i a l s , 50 i n S i t e 1 and 5 i n S i t e 2. P e r i o d IV i s a s c r i b e d by TABLE 4 . 1 : I n h u m a t i o n and c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l s by p e r i o d and s i t e . PERIOD NUMBER OF BURIALS SITE 1 (AGRA) SITE 2 (MENDOZA) S i t e 1 a n d 2 I n h u m a t i o n C r e m a t i o n T o t a l s I n h u m a t i o n C r e m a t i o n T o t a l s T o t a l s I (IRON AGE) 3 3 3 I I (EARLY SUNG) 129 129 45 45 174 I I I (LATE SUNG/YUAN) 5 45 50 5 5 55 IV (EARLY MING) 3 3 6 6 9 TOTALS = 137 45 182 54 5 59 241 trade ceramics _ ?9.00 % o o earthenwares 10.52% o i r o n 5.0 4 % bronze 0.76 % ~ lead 0.38 % u t i l i t a r i a n 0.88 % w e a l t h items 3.60 % I I I I 29 I I I I 0 100 > I I I I 600 I 82 I I 100 62? total no. ar ti f ac Is = 79 4 I I I I 600 number of a r t i f a c t s F I G U R E k.li N u m b e r s o f a r t i f a c t s i n t o t a l b u r i a l p o p u l a t i o n a t P i l a : P e r i o d I I . 66 Tenazas to E a r l y Ming, about 15th to 16th A.D., and has 9 b u r i a l s , 3 i n S i t e 1 and 6 i n S i t e 2. These l e v e l s were dated on the b a s i s of s o i l s t r a t i g r a p h y , radiocarbon dates, a s s o c i a t e d Chinese c o i n s , and s t y l i s t i c a l l y dated Chinese ceramics. Since P e r i o d I and P e r i o d IV are represented by very few b u r i a l s , i t was decided to r e s t r i c t the a n a l y s i s to Pe r i o d s II and I I I alone. T h i s b r i n g s up a f u r t h e r area of concern. P e r i o d II i s represented by primary inhumation b u r i a l s with c o n s i d e r a b l e q u a n t i t i e s of a s s o c i a t e d grave goods, while P e r i o d III i s represented l a r g e l y by j a r b u r i a l s with secondary cremations and, (except f o r a few b u r i a l s ) , with no other a s s o c i a t e d goods. F u r t h e r , the exca v a t i o n r e p o r t i n d i c a t e s that du r i n g P e r i o d II both s i t e s were used as cemetery areas only, whereas d u r i n g P e r i o d I I I the s i t e s were used as h a b i t a t i o n areas as w e l l as b u r i a l grounds. E v i d e n t l y c o n s i d e r a b l e c u l t u r e change took p l a c e between P e r i o d s II and I I I , and the changes i n b u r i a l p a t t e r n s made i t impossible t o t r e a t the P e r i o d II and III data with the same kinds of a n a l y s e s . In a d d i t i o n , while P e r i o d II i s represented by l a r g e numbers of b u r i a l s i n both s i t e s , P e r i o d I I I b u r i a l s were found mainly i n S i t e 1 (50 out of 55 b u r i a l s ) . A l l these f a c t o r s i n f l u e n c e d the d e c i s i o n to focus the bulk of the q u a n t i t a t i v e a n a l y s i s on the P e r i o d II data. Analyses used i n c o r p o r a t e s t a t i s t i c a l , s p a t i a l and s t y l i s t i c t e s t s aimed at uncovering any i n t e r - and i n t r a - s i t e r e l a t i o n s h i p s among the P e r i o d II b u r i a l s . 67 P e r i o d I I I , with f a r fewer data, d i d not le n d i t s e l f to the same kinds of treatment, and the focus of the a n a l y s i s here i s c h i e f l y to e s t a b l i s h the nature of the c u l t u r e change that o c c u r r e d at P i l a between the 12th and the 14th c e n t u r i e s A.D. P e r i o d III data i s examined i n terms of b u r i a l form and s p a t i a l p a t t e r n i n g , c h i e f l y i n a d i s c u s s i o n format. 4.1.2 P r a c t i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of the t h e o r e t i c a l approaches used. Since t h i s study attempts to i n c o r p o r a t e both the p r o c e s s u a l approach and the symbolic, i t was decided to i d e n t i f y each hypothesis formulated as belonging to one or other category. Both the p r o c e s s u a l and symbolic a s p e c t s generated hypotheses, and a l l hypotheses are sub j e c t e d t o q u a n t i t a t i v e a n a l y s i s wherever p o s s i b l e . Due to the l i m i t a t i o n s of the data, some hypotheses c o u l d be e v a l u a t e d o n l y by simple d e s c r i p t i v e a n a l y s i s based on a range of ethnographic and a r c h a e o l o g i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n . The symbolic domain, d e a l i n g as i t does with i d e o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s , d i d not l e n d i t s e l f as r e a d i l y to q u a n t i t a t i v e treatment as d i d hypotheses based on the p r o c e s s u a l approach, but some r e l e v a n t s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s es were done. For purposes of t h i s study, i t was decided that a deeper i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the o v e r a l l data c o u l d be attempted i f the symbolic i m p l i c a t i o n s of the "hard" data were c o n s i s t e n t l y to be examined f o r relevance of f i t to the o v e r a l l c u l t u r a l paradigm or "general o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e " i n t r o d u c e d i n Chapter 3. (See F i g . 3.1, S t r u c t u r a l Model of a C u l t u r a l System). By d e f i n i t i o n , the general i d e o l o g i c a l o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e must be 68 found to be r e l e v a n t throughout a l l dimensions of s o c i o - c u l t u r a l l i f e . A l l evidence d e r i v e d from formal a n a l y s e s and ethnographic data must be seen to f i t the i d e o l o g i c a l paradigm in g eneral terms or e l s e the paradigm must be deemed to be i n a p p l i c a b l e and a new c o n s t r u c t attempted. Thus i n analyses based on the p r o c e s s u a l approach, I have t r i e d to t e s t the a n t i q u i t y of the ethnographic model i n terms of some g e n e r a l p r i n c i p l e s of mortuary a n a l y s i s , the focus being on t e s t s of s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and h i e r a r c h i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , p o l i t i c a l c e n t r a l i z a t i o n (or • c o r p o r a t e group a c t i o n ) , s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of f u n c t i o n , and the r e l a t i o n s h i p between groups of grave goods. In a d d i t i o n , I looked f o r the presence of m a t e r i a l c o r r e l a t e s of the i d e o l o g i c a l p a t t e r n s d e f i n e d i n the model, as expressed i n the b u r i a l r i t u a l . In the a n a l y s e s based on the symbolic approach, I have attempted to b u i l d upon work a l r e a d y done in t h i s f i e l d (Hodder 1982a, Pader 1982, Kent 1984), and upon t h e o r e t i c a l advances proposed and summarized by such r e s e a r c h e r s as A l l e n (1982), Braun (1981), Friedman (1982), Segraves (1982), and T r i g g e r (1984) in the area of system maintenance and system change. F i r s t l y , I c o n s t r u c t e d my S t r u c t u r a l Model of P i l a s o c i e t y ( F i g . 3 . 1 ) . Then I d e r i v e d the " i d e o l o g i c a l o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e " (Kent, 1984) - the "coherent s o c i o c u l t u r a l paradign" on the b a s i s of a r c h a e o l o g i c a l evidence, ethnography, h i s t o r y and a n c i e n t l i t e r a r y sources contemporaneous with the p e r i o d i n q u e s t i o n . I d e f i n e d major areas of concern, based on the 69 Ethnographic Model, and i n each area, looked f o r the r e l e v a n t i d e o l o g i c a l " a t t i t u d e s " which might be r e f l e c t e d i n the m a t e r i a l data. The methodology stemming from t h i s approach was to examine not only the nature of the b u r i a l goods themselves, but a l s o the manner in which these goods were used and d i s t r i b u t e d . Thus w i t h i n the Trade Sub-System, I looked f o r a t t i t u d e s towards m a t e r i a l o b j e c t s - i n p a r t i c u l a r , a t t i t u d e s towards the trade ceramics. What kind of o b j e c t s were deemed important enough to the dead person to warrant t h e i r b u r i a l as grave goods - were they predominantly of any p a r t i c u l a r kind? Were they u t i l i t a r i a n goods used by the dead person i n l i f e ? Were they o b j e c t s denoting wealth and s t a t u s ? Were they symbolic or r i t u a l o b j e c t s ? Was there any r e l a t i o n s h i p e v ident between the imported and l o c a l goods? How and where would the imported goods have been obtained by the l i v i n g r e l a t i v e s ? W i t hin the S o c i a l Sub-System, I looked f o r a t t i t u d e s towards i n d i v i d u a l group members, and towards power and a u t h o r i t y , as r e f l e c t e d i n the manner i n which the m a t e r i a l o b j e c t s were used i n the b u r i a l r i t u a l . Were the dead s o c i a l l y bounded and c o n s t r a i n e d with respect to s o c i a l r o l e s of any kind? Was there evidence of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n terms of wealth and s t a t u s ? Was there evidence of h i e r a r c h i c a l s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , such as descent groups or l i n e a g e s ? Was there evidence of c o r p o r a t e group a c t i o n i n the b u r i a l forms? Were the dead i d e n t i f i a b l e in terms of s o c i a l r o l e s (such as age, sex, d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r ) ? Did the grave goods seem to f a l l i n t o 70 a few, r i g i d l y - d e f i n e d groupings, or was there a wide range of v a r i a b i l i t y i n the q u a n t i t y and type of goods? Within the R i t u a l Sub-System, I looked f o r a t t i t u d e s towards death. Did death appear to represent simple departure, or l o s s of s t a t u s , or perhaps t r a n s i t i o n to some higher s t a t u s ? Were the dead equipped f o r a c o n t i n u a t i o n of a t y p i c a l l y e a r t h l y e x i s t e n c e - that i s , were they equipped with u s e f u l t o o l s and u t e n s i l s which they had used i n l i f e ? Were they h e a v i l y armed fo r c o n f l i c t i n a h o s t i l e "underworld"? Were they p r o t e c t e d i n some s p e c i f i c way a g a i n s t danger - or ag a i n s t impurity? Were the grave goods themselves obvious wealth o b j e c t s or d i d they appear to have some s p e c i f i c symbolic value? In what c o n d i t i o n were these o b j e c t s ? How were they disposed about the body, and what d i d t h e i r arrangement have to say about the kind of value they r e p r e s e n t e d to the dead person? F i n a l l y , with respect to the c u l t u r e change evident i n P e r i o d I I I b u r i a l s , I looked f o r evidence of the same a t t i t u d e s that I had a l r e a d y found i n P e r i o d I I . The b u r i a l p a t t e r n had changed - d i d the changes i n d i c a t e a corresponding change i n the general s o c i o c u l t u r a l paradigm, the i d e o l o g i c a l o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e of P i l a s o c i e t y ? 4.1.3 S t r u c t u r e of the A n a l y s i s . The a n a l y s e s are c a t e g o r i z e d under P e r i o d II and P e r i o d I I I , as o u t l i n e d under s e c t i o n 4.1.1, above. P e r i o d II data are analyzed i n terms of the three main sub-systems d e f i n e d i n the 71 Ethnographic Model: Trade, S o c i a l and R i t u a l . The a p p l i c a b i l i t y t o P i l a , Laguna i s t e s t e d f o r each sub-system by means of hypotheses and a n a l y s e s . Each a n a l y s i s s e c t i o n i s fo l l o w e d by a summary and d i s c u s s i o n , i n c o r p o r a t i n g a b r i e f summary of the t e s t r e s u l t s , other p e r t i n e n t i n f o r m a t i o n not i n c l u d e d i n the data an a l y s e s , and a d i s c u s s i o n of the symbolic i m p l i c a t i o n s suggested by the r e s u l t s . P e r i o d I I I i s d i s c u s s e d i n terms of the same sub-systems Trade, S o c i a l and R i t u a l - but due to the l i m i t a t i o n s of the data, the a n a l y s i s i s more ge n e r a l i n form. 72 5. ANALYSIS: PERIOD II - TRADE SUB-SYSTEM 5.1 I n t r o d u c t ion T h i s sub-system r e l a t e s to the nature and extent of the input of trade ceramics i n t o the c u l t u r a l system as a whole. I t encompasses these main a s p e c t s : the value p l a c e d l o c a l l y on the goods brought i n from o u t s i d e ; the economic e f f e c t of the trade goods on l o c a l l y produced a r t i f a c t s ; and the nature of the trade c o n t a c t s with o u t s i d e sources. 5.2 Hypotheses: P r o c e s s u a l 5.2.1 Hypothesis 1: Wealth was expressed through d i f f e r e n c e s i n q u a n t i t i e s of trade ceramics i n the P i l a b u r i a l s i t e . The most s i g n i f i c a n t aspect of the model i s the a l l - pervading importance a s c r i b e d to the Chinese trade ceramics i n P h i l i p p i n e s o c i e t y . Ethnography shows there was a range of s t a t u s i n P h i l i p p i n e communities. The r e f o r e my f i r s t , and most important, h y p o t h e s i s i s formulated to t e s t the q u e s t i o n of the value of the Chinese trade ceramics i n terms of wealth and s t a t u s i n the P i l a b u r i a l s . Assuming that mortuary r i t u a l r e f l e c t s the p a t t e r n of s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n the l i v i n g community ( B i n f o r d 1971:18) then the b u r i a l s should show a range of goods r e f l e c t i n g d i f f e r e n t i a l s t a t u s w i t h i n the community. Assuming f u r t h e r t h a t the trade ceramics were wealth i n d i c a t o r s , then the t r a d e ceramics w i l l be found among the b u r i a l assemblages i n g r e a t e r numbers than any other category of goods, and the d i s t r i b u t i o n b u r i a l s i n "wealthy" and "poor" groups w i l l 73 depend on the amount of trade ceramics present r a t h e r than on any other v a r i a b l e . F u r t h e r , i f trade ceramics are wealth i n d i c a t o r s , then the b u r i a l s with e l i t e items, or "badges" of rank, w i l l be found among those b u r i a l s c o n t a i n i n g the highest numbers of trade ceramics. 5.2.2 Hypothesis 2: L o c a l earthenware p o t t e r y was a low-status item i n P i l a b u r i a l s . 5.2.3 Hypothesis 3; Iron blades were a low-status item i n P i l a b u r i a l s . As c o r o l l a r y to the f i r s t h y p o t h e s i s , i t i s necessary to t e s t the r e l a t i v e value of the other s u b s t a n t i a l groups of a r t i f a c t s found i n P i l a b u r i a l s . The only other c a t e g o r i e s of a r t i f a c t found i n comparatively l a r g e amounts i n P i l a are earthenwares, r e p r e s e n t i n g 10.32% of the t o t a l grave goods, and i r o n blades (and fragments), r e p r e s e n t i n g 5.04% of the t o t a l grave goods (see F i g . 4 . 1 ) . Assuming that Hypothesis 1 i s c o r r e c t , and trade ceramics are the c h i e f v i s i b l e i n d i c a t o r s of wealth i n P i l a b u r i a l s , then i t must be demonstrated that earthenware and i r o n a r t i f a c t s are independent of the wealth groupings as e s t a b l i s h e d i n support of Hypothesis 1. In other words, i t must be demonstrated that the earthenwares and i r o n are not only low-frequency items i n P i l a b u r i a l s , but that the d i s t r i b u t i o n of these goods among the b u r i a l s i s not p o s i t i v e l y c o r r e l a t e d with the w e a l t h i e s t b u r i a l s . 74 5.2.4 Hypothesis 4: Trade ceramics i n P i l a b u r i a l assemblages w i l l show great d i v e r s i t y of types and wares. The f i n a l h ypothesis d e a l i n g with the trade sub-system at P i l a r e l a t e s to the q u e s t i o n of the trade and exchange p a t t e r n s . Assuming the ethnographic model i s c o r r e c t , and trade was conducted without strong c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , the range of, trade ceramics i n the P i l a b u r i a l assemblages should be q u i t e wide, r e f l e c t i n g a p a t t e r n of i n d i v i d u a l " s o r t i n g " and person-to- person c o n t a c t r a t h e r than uniform " f a c t o r y l o t s " , or bulk o r d e r s . I t must be r e c a l l e d t h a t i n the p e r i o d between 10th century A.D. and the 16th c e n t u r y , the ceramic trade i n v o l v e d the exchange of hundreds of thousands of i n d i v i d u a l p i e c e s i n the P h i l i p p i n e s alone. F i g . 1 . 1 , a map of the P h i l i p p i n e I s l a n d s showing the major a r c h a e o l o g i c a l s i t e s from which Chinese ceramics were recovered (before 1968), giv e s some i l l u s t r a t i o n of the e x t e n t , and p e n e t r a t i o n , of these wares throughout the a r c h i p e l a g o . The sheer bulk of the t r a d e i s enough to c r e a t e an assumption t h a t such vast q u a n t i t i e s of goods were ordered and traded through c e n t r a l i z e d c o n t r o l agencies. However, e a r l y Chinese l i t e r a r y sources, such as the C h r o n i c l e s of the I m p e r i a l customs o f f i c i a l , Chao Ju-kua, w r i t t e n between 1209 and 1214 A.D., r e v e a l that trade was conducted by b a r t e r by i n d i v i d u a l Chinese merchants and small l o c a l t r a d e r s at the P h i l i p p i n e p o r t s of c a l l (Chao Ju-kua, i n G a r c i a 1979:194,196). See Notes 1 and 3, Appendix C. 75 Thus the d i v e r s i t y of trade ceramics i n P i l a b u r i a l s should encompass not only many c a t e g o r i e s of wares, but a l s o demonstrate great v a r i a b i l i t y w i t h i n each category of wares. I suggest that such a p a t t e r n w i l l support the ethnographic model of person-to-person trade i n P i l a at t h i s p e r i o d . 5.3 Analyses 5.3.1 Analyses r e l a t e d to Hypothesis 1: Wealth was expressed through d i f f e r e n c e s i n q u a n t i t i e s of trade ceramics i n the P i l a b u r i a l s i t e . Fig.4.1 i s a b a r - c h a r t of the t o t a l numbers of a r t i f a c t s found i n each category of P i l a grave goods. These c a t e g o r i e s i n c l u d e : trade ceramics, earthenware p o t t e r y , i r o n blades and fragments (assumed to be fragments of b l a d e s ) , small bronze o b j e c t s , l e a d o b j e c t s , u t i l i t a r i a n goods, and wealth ( e l i t e ) items. See Appendix T a b l e s A-1 and A-2 f o r a d e t a i l e d l i s t i n g of a l l c a t e g o r i e s and items, together with f r e q u e n c i e s of occurrence. The t o t a l number of b u r i a l goods found at P i l a was 794. Of these 627 are trade ceramics, 82 are earthenwares, 40 are i r o n , 6 are bronze, 3 are l e a d , 7 are net s i n k e r s and s p i n d l e whorls ( u t i l i t a r i a n ) , and 29 are gold, c o i n s , and other wealth items. Fig.4.1 c l e a r l y demonstrates that trade ceramics are by f a r the l a r g e s t category of grave goods at P i l a (79%), the next l a r g e s t groups r e p r e s e n t i n g only 10.32% (earthenwares) and 5.04% ( i r o n ) . 76 Appendix Table A-5 shows the number and percent of b u r i a l s with trade ceramics and earthenware p o t t e r y , i n f r e q u e n c i e s ranging from 0 to 23 items per b u r i a l . T h i s t a b l e , and the m a j o r i t y of subsequent t a b l e s and f i g u r e s , presents the data broken down by s i t e : S i t e 1 (Agra) and S i t e 2 (Mendoza), i n order to expl o r e s i m i l a r i t i e s and d i f f e r e n c e s between the two s i t e s and to determine areas of v a r i a b i l i t y among the goods found. Table 5.1 shows the frequency of b u r i a l s with each a r t i f a c t group present, i n Agra and Mendoza, and t a b u l a t e s the percentages, means, medians, upper q u a r t i l e s (qU), lower q u a r t i l e s (qL), and standard d e v i a t i o n s f o r each category of goods. T h i s t a b l e demonstrates that i n both Agra and Mendoza, trade ceramics occur i n the l a r g e s t percentage of b u r i a l s , 86.8% and 82.2% r e s p e c t i v e l y . In a d d i t i o n , the mean number of a r t i f a c t s per b u r i a l i s h i g h e s t i n the trade ceramics category i n both Agra and Mendoza: 3.33 and 4.40 r e s p e c t i v e l y . Percentages of b u r i a l s and mean number of a r t i f a c t s per b u r i a l are presented i n v i s u a l form i n F i g s . 5.1 and 5.2, bar c h a r t s comparing Agra and Mendoza f r e q u e n c i e s . These c h a r t s c o n f i r m the importance of trade ceramics i n comparison with a l l other a r t i f a c t c a t e g o r i e s i n P i l a b u r i a l s . Fig.5.2 a l s o demonstrates that with respect to the mean number of a r t i f a c t s per b u r i a l , trade ceramics not only represent the hi g h e s t f r e q u e n c i e s , but are a l s o the s o l e source of d i f f e r e n c e between Agra and Mendoza - with the exc e p t i o n of the n u m e r i c a l l y small TABLE 5 . 1 : F r e q u e n c y o f b u r i a l s w i t h e a c h t r a i t I n A g r a a n d M e n d o z a . ( S u n . X , M e a n , q . u . , q . l . . S t a n d a r d D e v i a t i o n ) 77 B u r i a l s AGRA, B u r i a l s w i t h t h i s a r t i f a c t t y p e Mean M e d i a n q . u . ( u p p e r q u a r t i l e ) q . l . ( l o w e r q u a r t i l e ) S t a n d a r d D e v i a t i o n C a s e s 129 T r a d e C e r a m i c s 112 8 6 . 8 3 . 3 3 2 5 1 3 . 1 0 E a r t h e n w a r e s 47 3 6 . 4 0 . 4 7 0 . 0 0 I r o n 26 2 0 . 2 0 . 2 3 0 . 0 0 B r o n z e 4 3 . 1 0 0 . 0 4 0 . 0 0 L e a d 2 1 . 6 0 0 . 0 2 0 . 0 0 U t i l i t a r i a n W e a l t h 3 2 . 3 0 0 . 0 4 0 . 0 0 5 3 . 9 0 0 . 2 3 0 . 0 0 0 . 7 4 0 . 5 1 0 . 2 3 0 . 2 0 0 . 2 6 1.71 MENDOZA B u r i a l s w i t h t h i s a r t i f a c t t y p e 1 Mean M e d i a n q . u . ( u p p e r q u a r t i l e ) q . l . ( l o w e r q u a r t i l e ) S t a n d a r d D e v i a t i o n 45 37 8 2 . 2 0 4 . 4 0 3 1 5 . 4 4 14 3 1 . 1 0 0 . 4 7 0 . 0 0 5 1 1 . 1 0 0 . 2 2 0 . 0 0 1 2 . 2 0 0 . 0 2 0 . 0 0 2 4 . 4 0 0 . 0 4 0 . 0 0 0 . 8 7 0 . 6 7 0 . 1 5 0 . 2 1 78 e a r t h e n w a r e s 36. 4 a A g r a M e n d o z a u t i I i l o r i a n w e a I t h I 0 I 50 I 100 p e r c e n t o f b u r i a l s FIGURE 5.1: Percent of b u r i a l s i n Agra and Mendoza w i t h each category of a r t i f a c t p r e s e n t : P e r i o d I I . 79 i i i i t r a d e c e r o m i e s //////, 3.30 4. 40 V e a r t h e n w o r e s 0.47 0.4 7 i r o n | 0.23 0.22 b r o n z e 0.04 0.02 A g r o I e o d 0.1 M e n d o z a u t i I i t a r i a n 0.0 4 0.04 w e a I t h i i i I o m e a n n u m b e r p e r b u r i a l FIGURE 5 . 2 : Mean numbers of a r t i f a c t s per b u r i a l i n Agra and Mendoza: Period I I . 80 "wealth" category of a r t i f a c t s . The wealth category r e p r e s e n t s e l i t e badges of wealth and s t a t u s , such as c o i n s , g o l d jewelry and r a r e , e x o t i c items such as g l a s s o b j e c t s , beads, and l e a d and bronze luxury goods ( b r a c e l e t s , m i r r o r s , r i n g s , e t c . ) . T h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p , seen i n Fig.5.2, i s j u s t one i n d i c a t i o n of the s i g n i f i c a n t a s s o c i a t i o n which p e r t a i n s between the b u r i a l s with e l i t e badges and the b u r i a l s abundant i n trade ceramics. There are only f i v e b u r i a l s with e l i t e badges among the 174 b u r i a l s i n P e r i o d I I . They are a l l i n Agra. Four of these e l i t e b u r i a l s (#50, #83, #1, #98) are found i n the very topmost rank of b u r i a l s a c c o r d i n g to amount of goods i n Agra, with 16, 15, 9 and 8 trade ceramics i n a s s o c i a t i o n . The f i f t h " e l i t e " b u r i a l , Agra #9, i s rather m a r g i n a l : i t i s not one of the b u r i a l s with a high number of trade ceramics i n a s s o c i a t i o n (2 trade c e r a m i c s ) , and i t s "wealth" o b j e c t i s a blue g l a s s b r a c e l e t rather than g o l d or c o i n s . I t i s somewhat debatable i f i t should be c o n s i d e r e d an e l i t e badge. I t was a s c r i b e d to the "wealth" category due to the n o v e l t y of the g l a s s b r a c e l e t a s s o c i a t i o n . Some su p p o r t i n g evidence f o r t h i s can be found i n the l i t e r a t u r e on p r e h i s t o r i c trade i n Southeast A s i a , i n r e p o r t s that Chinese and Arab t r a d e r s s u p p l i e d g l a s s bangles to the i s l a n d communities ( H a r r i s o n 1968:135, 136). The f r a g i l i t y of the g l a s s bangles, together with the aspect of l o n g - d i s t a n c e t r a d e , s t r o n g l y suggests that these imported goods were hi g h s t a t u s items. A non-parametric two-sample s t a t i s t i c a l t e s t , the Mann- Whitney-U (Conover 1971:224) was done to determine i f the b u r i a l s with the e l i t e badges c o u l d be shown to come from the 81 same p o p u l a t i o n as the b u r i a l s with a high number of t r a d e ceramics. The b u r i a l s with e l i t e badges were ranked i n terms of trade ceramics. The r e s u l t shows that i f a l l f i v e e l i t e b u r i a l s are i n c l u d e d i n the t e s t , the average rank i s 17. T h i s i s h i g h l y s i g n i f i c a n t at the .01 l e v e l . I f Agra #9 i s ignored, the average rank i s 4, showing that these b u r i a l s come in the very top of the range in terms of trade ceramics. Thus the b u r i a l s with wealth items have a l a r g e number of trade ceramics, showing that trade ceramics can be used as a measure of wealth at P i l a . The next step was to determine a c u t - o f f p o i n t between b u r i a l s designed as "wealthy" and "poor" i n the number of a s s o c i a t e d trade ceramics. Table 5.1 l i s t s the v a l u e s of means, medians and q u a r t i l e s : t a k i n g the upper q u a r t i l e as the wealthy group e s t a b l i s h e s a c u t - o f f p o i n t of 5+ trade ceramics per b u r i a l f o r Agra, and 6+ trade ceramics per b u r i a l f o r Mendoza. The common c u t - o f f p o i n t f o r the "wealthy" b u r i a l s at P i l a i s thus determined to be 5 trade ceramics per b u r i a l . R eturning to the q u e s t i o n of the v a r i a b i l i t y of grave goods at P i l a , Fig.5.2 demonstrates that a l l other a r t i f a c t c a t e g o r i e s , other than trade ceramics and wealth items, are not only much lower i n frequency than the trade ceramics, but a l s o occur i n v i r t u a l l y i d e n t i c a l p r o p o r t i o n s i n both Agra and Mendoza. If there was v a r i a b i l i t y in P i l a , as the r e s u l t s i n d i c a t e , then i t w i l l be the a r t i f a c t s t h a t are wealth i n d i c a t o r s whose frequency w i l l vary the most from b u r i a l t o b u r i a l , and from s i t e to s i t e . I argue that the analyses above 82 support Hypothesis 1, and i n a d d i t i o n , that they p o i n t to c e r t a i n s t a t u s d i f f e r e n c e s between the two s i t e s which w i l l be ex p l o r e d i n l a t e r s e c t i o n i n the f o l l o w i n g c h a p t e r . The next dimension to be t e s t e d f o r Hypothesis 1 i s t h a t of the d i s t r i b u t i o n p a t t e r n of the trade ceramics i n the b u r i a l s . If the trade ceramics f u n c t i o n as wealth i n d i c a t o r s , then the trade ceramics w i l l be found among the b u r i a l assemblages i n g r e a t e r numbers than any other category of goods (as shown), and f u r t h e r , the d i s t r i b u t i o n of b u r i a l s i n the "wealthy" and "poor" sub-groups w i l l depend on the amount of trade ceramics present r a t h e r than on any other v a r i a b l e . The small number of b u r i a l s c o n t a i n i n g e l i t e badges makes t h i s v a r i a b l e , on i t s own, i n s u f f i c i e n t f o r measuring s p e c i f i c a s s o c i a t i o n s throughout the broad spectrum of the 174 P e r i o d II b u r i a l s at P i l a . On the b a s i s of Table A-5, histograms were c o n s t r u c t e d to map the shape of the P e r i o d II d i s t r i b u t i o n s : F i g .5.3, b u r i a l s from the t o t a l P i l a area with trade ceramics o n l y ; Fig.5.4, b u r i a l s with earthenwares o n l y : i n the t o t a l P i l a a r e a , i n Agra, and i n Mendoza; Fig.5.5, d i s t r i b u t i o n s i n Agra: of " a l l p o t t e r y " (trade ceramics p l u s earthenwares) and of trade ceramics only; and Fig.5.6, d i s t r i b u t i o n s i n Mendoza: of " a l l p o t t e r y " and of trade ceramics o n l y . Fig.5.3 e s t a b l i s h e s a skewed d i s t r i b u t i o n f o r the percentage of b u r i a l s with each number of ceramics p r e s e n t , i n P i l a . F i g s . 5.5 and 5.6 show that the same g e n e r a l d i s t r i b u t i o n p a t t e r n i s found i n the Agra and Mendoza b u r i a l s , 2 0 - 10 • m e a n no. pots = 4JD7 * elite bur ia l b r~n,2i rT~r̂ i Uo1 1 24' number of c e r a m i c pots per b u r i a l FIGURE 5»3» Percent of b u r i a l s i n t o t a l P i l a populat ion with each number of trade ceramics present: Period I I , (Aster isk shows b u r i a l s conta in ing e l i t e i tems) . Agra mean no. 0.47 Mendozo mean no. 0.47 Agro Q Mendoza mean no. 0.47 o — number of ear thenware pots per burial FIGURE 5.**-* Percent of b u r i a l s i n t o t a l P i l a popula t ion , Agra and Mendoza, containing earthenware pot tery: Period I I . 8 ^ 30 - , mean no. p o t s / b u r i a l = 3.80 fO O 0 r f l CO CD CO d o b 1 16 1 total no. p o t s / b u r i a l ( ceramic and e a r t h e n w a r e ) 30 - i mean no. p o t s / b u r i a l = 3.33 f. »• <vj - » - CO CO 6 6 12' number of t rode c e r a m i c s / b u r i a l FIGURE 5 . 5 : Percent of b u r i a l s i n S i t e 1 (Agra), P e r i o d I I , c o n t a i n i n g (1) any p o t t e r y (ceramics or earthenwares) and ( 2 ) trade ceramics o n l y . 8 5 3 0 - i mean no. p o l s / b u r i a l = 4 . 8 7 n, ? > m, .H = = R '20 i—r - R 2 1 ' t o t a l no. p o t s / b u r i a l ( c e r a m i c s and e a r t h e n w a r e ) 30- , mean no. p o t s / b u r i a l : 4 . 4 0 o b to v> CM •VI ~ IN) IM -i—r 4=r ~ i — r 4=^ 0 ' 4 8 12' 16 n u m b e r of t r a d e c e r a m i c s / b u r i a l 24 FIGURE 5 . 6 > Percent of b u r i a l s i n Si t e 2 (Mendoza), Period I I , containing ( 1 ) any pottery (ceramics or earthenwares) and ( 2 ) trade ceramics only. 86 and that the shape of the d i s t r i b u t i o n s does not a l t e r n o t i c e a b l y whether the category i s " a l l p o t t e r y " or trade ceramics o n l y . T h i s would appear to i n d i c a t e that the presence of earthenwares i n the p o t t e r y d i s t r i b u t i o n s i s a constant r a t i o at each s i t e , and u n r e l a t e d to the v a r i a b l e d i s t r i b u t i o n of the trade ceramics. Fig.5.4, which shows the d i s t r i b u t i o n of earthenwares alone - i n the t o t a l P i l a area, i n Agra and i n Mendoza - confirms the i n d i c a t i o n of independence. A l l d i s t r i b u t i o n s of earthenwares are s i m i l a r , and the mean number of pots per b u r i a l i s i d e n t i c a l i n each case: 0.47 pots per b u r i a l . I t w i l l be r e c a l l e d that Fig.5.1 p i n - p o i n t e d the source of d i f f e r e n c e between Agra and Mendoza b u r i a l a s s o c i a t i o n s t o the c a t e g o r i e s of "trade ceramics" and "wealth". The same t h i n g i s seen when comparing Figs.5.5 and 5.6 and Table 5.1 - the source of d i f f e r e n c e between Agra and Mendoza d i s t r i b u t i o n s of p o t t e r y l i e s i n the t r a d e ceramic category. The trade ceramics are more evenly d i s t r i b u t e d among a s l i g h t l y g r e a t e r percentage of b u r i a l s i n Agra than i n Mendoza; i n Mendoza, a s l i g h t l y s m a l l e r percentage of b u r i a l s c o n t a i n trade ceramics, but the mean number of pots per b u r i a l i s g r e a t e r : 4.40 versus 3.33. In a d d i t i o n , t h e r e i s a g r e a t e r range between b u r i a l s with fewer pots and b u r i a l s with l a r g e numbers of pots i n Mendoza. 87 5.3.2 Analyses r e l a t e d to Hypothesis 2: L o c a l earthenware p o t t e r y was a low-status item i n P i l a b u r i a l s . As a l r e a d y d i s c u s s e d under Hypothesis 1, above, Figs.5.3, 5.5 and 5.6 demonstrate that the presence of earthenwares i n the b u r i a l assemblages i s not c o r r e l a t e d with the trade ceramic v a r i a b l e , the shape of the d i s t r i b u t i o n s i n both Agra and Mendoza remaining unchanged whether the earthenwares are i n c l u d e d i n the numbers or not. Fig.5.4 shows that the d i s t r i b u t i o n s of earthenwares are of low frequency and very s i m i l a r i n a l l three groupings of the P i l a b u r i a l p o p u l a t i o n . F u r t h e r , the mean number of pots per b u r i a l i s constant i n a l l three cases (0.47). When c o n t r a s t e d with the g r e a t e r percentages and g r e a t e r v a r i a b i l i t y i n the trade ceramic category, these analyses i n d i c a t e t h a t Hypothesis 2 i s not supported, and earthenwares are low frequency i n these b u r i a l s , but n e i t h e r p o s i t i v e l y nor n e g a t i v e l y c o r r e l a t e d with the wealthy/poor groupings e s t a b l i s h e d on the b a s i s of trade ceramic frequenc i e s . A minor exception to t h i s p a t t e r n i s the case of the 25 b u r i a l s in P i l a which have no trade ceramic goods of any k i n d . Seventeen of these b u r i a l s have earthenwares i n a s s o c i a t i o n ( i . e . 68%). T h i s may be c o n t r a s t e d with the 41 b u r i a l s i n P i l a that have j u s t one trade ceramic o b j e c t i n a s s o c i a t i o n : only e i g h t of these a l s o have an earthenware pot ( i . e . 19.5%). T h i s s i t u a t i o n suggests that the earthenwares were seen as belonging to an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t category of grave goods than the ceramic wares, but that i n cases where not even one of the 88 ceramic wares was a v a i l a b l e , an e f f o r t was made to provide an earthenware pot as a s u b s t i t u t e . The complete data c h a r t s f o r the P i l a b u r i a l s confirm t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ; a simple v i s u a l i n s p e c t i o n r e v e a l s that earthenwares are widely d i s p e r s e d throughout the e n t i r e wealthy/poor continuum in both Agra and Mendoza, except f o r the s m a l l , l o c a l i z e d c l u s t e r s of earthenwares i n the handful of b u r i a l s with no trade ceramics of any kind (Tables A-3, A-4, Appendix A). 5.3.3 Analyses r e l a t e d to Hypothesis 3: Iron blades were a low s t a t u s item i n P i l a b u r i a l s . Analyses used to t e s t Hypothesis 3 are summarized i n Table 5.1 and Figs.5.1 and 5.2. The an a l y s e s show that i r o n o b j e c t s are not only a low-frequency item i n the P i l a b u r i a l s , but that they are i r r e g u l a r l y a s s o c i a t e d with the trade ceramic f r e q u e n c i e s . Table 5.1 shows that the p r o p o r t i o n of b u r i a l s with i r o n i n Agra and Mendoza shows a d i f f e r e n t p a t t e r n from the trade ceramic f r e q u e n c i e s . While trade ceramics are found i n almost equal p r o p o r t i o n s of b u r i a l s i n Agra and Mendoza (86.8% and 82.2% r e s p e c t i v e l y ) , i r o n o b j e c t s are found i n 20.2% (Agra) and 11.1% (Mendoza) of the b u r i a l s . These f i g u r e s are presented g r a p h i c a l l y i n F i g s . 5.1 and 5.2 f o r g r e a t e r c l a r i t y . The mean number of i r o n o b j e c t s per b u r i a l i s low, and n e a r l y i d e n t i c a l f o r Agra and Mendoza (1.23 and 0.22 r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . On the other hand, the mean numbers of trade ceramics i n Agra and Mendoza are not only higher but d i f f e r e n t from each other (3.33 and 4.40 89 r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . These analyses i n d i c a t e t hat the occurrence of i r o n o b j e c t s i n P i l a i s i r r e g u l a r l y a s s o c i a t e d with trade ceramics, and that Hypothesis 3 i s not supported. Rather, i r o n must be c o n s i d e r e d as n e i t h e r a low-status nor a h i g h - s t a t u s item i n P i l a b u r i a l s , but independent of the wealthy/poor groupings e s t a b l i s h e d on the b a s i s of trade ceramic f r e q u e n c i e s . T ables A-3 and A-4 (Appendix A) c o n f i r m t h i s r e s u l t , showing that i r o n occurrences are s c a t t e r e d throughout the wealthy/poor continuum. The p a t t e r n of a s s o c i a t i o n between presence of i r o n and presence of e l i t e items supports the r e s u l t s seen with r e s p e c t to the trade ceramic a s s o c i a t i o n - o n l y two b u r i a l s (#7 and #18) of the f i v e e l i t e b u r i a l s i n P i l a a l s o c o n t a i n i r o n . 5.3.4 Analyses r e l a t e d to Hypothesis 4: Trade ceramics i n P i l a b u r i a l assemblages w i l l show great d i v e r s i t y of types and wares. The f i r s t requirement i n the c o n s i d e r a t i o n of Hypothesis 4 i s to e s t a b l i s h t h at the range of trade o b j e c t s found i n P i l a b u r i a l assemblages shows c o n s i d e r a b l e d i v e r s i t y . Tables A-1 and A-2, Appendix A, l i s t the f u l l range of a r t i f a c t c l a s s e s , f u n c t i o n a l type sub-groups, and f r e q u e n c i e s of occurrence. A t o t a l of 627 trade ceramics were found at P i l a , r e p r e s e n t i n g 56 separate g l a z e / f u n c t i o n sub-groups; t h i s g i v e s an average of 11.19 items i n each sub-group. Before c o n s i d e r i n g the i m p l i c a t i o n of these f i g u r e s , I w i l l present a h y p o t h e t i c a l example by way of comparison. Suppose I have two h y p o t h e t i c a l groups, A and B. Suppose A to have 100 o b j e c t s , d i s t r i b u t e d throughout 10 c l a s s e s i n the f o l l o w i n g o r d e r : 91% i n one c l a s s , 90 1% i n each of the other 9 c l a s s e s . Thus 91% of the t o t a l range of o b j e c t s i s found in one a r t i f a c t c l a s s . Suppose Group B to have 100 o b j e c t s i n 10 c l a s s e s , d i s t r i b u t e d i n the f o l l o w i n g order: 10% of the o b j e c t s i n each of the 10 c l a s s e s ; or, no more than 10% of the t o t a l range of o b j e c t s f a l l s i n any one c l a s s . Group B must then be c o n s i d e r e d to have a g r e a t e r amount of evenness than Group A. Returning to the P i l a f i g u r e s , the s i x major glaze c a t e g o r i e s a l l have s u b s t a n t i a l f r e q u e n c i e s : l e a d - g l a z e d 20, brown-glazed 143, ochre-glazed 99, g r a y - g l a z e d 98, celadons 162, and white-wares 114. Though some g l a z e / f u n c t i o n sub-groups are f a r l a r g e r than o t h e r s , the o v e r a l l t o t a l of 56 sub-groups i n i t s e l f i n d i c a t e s an impressive v a r i a b i l i t y . On t h i s b a s i s , the d i v e r s i t y of trade ceramics i n P i l a b u r i a l s i s judged to be great r a t h e r than s m a l l , e s p e c i a l l y i n view of the f a c t that the sub-groups l i s t e d i n Table A-1, Appendix A, represent a c e r t a i n amount of lumping from the o r i g i n a l l i s t of b u r i a l assemblages recorded by Tenazas i n 1968 (see footnote to t h i s Table f o r d e t a i l s of lumping p r o c e d u r e s ) . While d i v e r s i t y alone cannot prove the t r u t h of person-to- person c o n t a c t i n the t r a d i n g r e l a t i o n s at P i l a , I suggest that i t i s adequate c o r r o b o r a t i n g evidence i n t h i s case, s i n c e t h i s aspect of the Ethnographic Model i s s u b s t a n t i a t e d by contemporaneous eye-witness accounts in the a n c i e n t Chinese Annals (see Appendix C, Notes to the Text, Nos.1-3). 91 5.4 Summary and D i s c u s s i o n The t e s t r e s u l t s show that a c o n s i d e r a b l e d i f f e r e n c e i n wealth, as i n d i c a t e d by the presence of ceramics and other p r e s t i g e goods, d i d e x i s t i n P i l a s o c i e t y . The s i m i l a r i t y i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n s of goods in Agra and Mendoza i n d i c a t e s that the observed p a t t e r n of b u r i a l assemblages was general throughout P i l a . The s t a t u s of the b u r i a l s , and t h e r e f o r e , one may assume, of the l i v i n g s o c i e t y , was a s s o c i a t e d with the p o s s e s s i o n of trade ceramics, which are the predominant i n d i c a t o r s of wealth in these b u r i a l s . The ceramics are not i n themselves obvious wealth o b j e c t s . E l i t e badges of wealth and s t a t u s , such as c o i n s , gold j e w e l l e r y , and r a r e , e x o t i c items such as g l a s s o b j e c t s , are found at P i l a , but appear i n only f i v e of the 174 b u r i a l s i n P e r i o d I I . Four out of these f i v e b u r i a l s are c l u s t e r e d r i g h t at the top of the wealthy range; the f i f t h b u r i a l , Agra #9, i s a s s o c i a t e d with two trade ceramics. Thus the trade ceramics were important, and a l s o appear to represent a symbolic rather than a u t i l i t a r i a n f u n c t i o n i n the b u r i a l s . They are c h i e f l y m i n i a t u r e r a t h e r than f u l l - s i z e d o b j e c t s , and i n c l u d e small c o n t a i n e r s and open forms ( d i s h e s , p l a t e s , bowls, tops and bottoms of covered boxes) in any of 6 gla z e c a t e g o r i e s , i n d i s t r i b u t i o n s s u g g e s t i v e of r i t u a l " s e t s " . The r i t u a l appears to have i n v o l v e d s e t s of c o n t a i n e r s and open forms, with c o n t a i n e r s being the more important, and celadon- g l a z e d wares being the most pop u l a r . The ceramics are 92 f r e q u e n t l y d i s t r i b u t e d over the body i n a s p e c i f i c p a t t e r n - with small v e s s e l s c l u s t e r e d around the head and upper t o r s o , and open forms such as d i s h e s and bowls p l a c e d upside-down over the head, p e l v i c r e g i o n , and f e e t . I t i s argued t h a t t h i s p a t t e r n i n g i n d i c a t e s a p r o t e c t i v e symbolism f o r the ceramic wares used. In a d d i t i o n , there i s evidence t h a t the ceramics were wrapped c l o s e to the body i n mat or c l o t h shrouds. The symbolic aspect of these grave assemblages i s e x p l o r e d i n d e t a i l in Chapter 7, under R i t u a l Sub-System. In c o n t r a s t to the imported ceramics, l o c a l l y - m a d e a r t i f a c t s such as earthenware p o t t e r y and i r o n b l a d e s , are not s p e c i f i c a l l y a s s o c i a t e d with wealth. The earthenware p o t t e r y i s f u l l - s i z e d , and of a p l a i n , u t i l i t a r i a n nature (see Fig.B-1, Appendix B, f o r photographs of some t y p i c a l earthenwares from P i l a ) . The earthenwares, mostly cooking pots, appear to represent a u t i l i t a r i a n f u n c t i o n i n the b u r i a l s , a c o n c l u s i o n which i s supported by the f a c t t h at they appear to have been commonly b u r i e d o u t s i d e the matting shroud, and s l i g h t l y d i s t a n t from the body (Tenazas 1968:16). T h i s d i f f e r e n c e i n treatment, as w e l l as the much lower frequency of goods, suggests that u t i l i t a r i a n f u n c t i o n was c o n s i d e r e d l e s s important than symbolic f u n c t i o n at P i l a . The i r o n blades were b u r i e d next to the body w i t h i n the mat shrouds. In f a c t , i t i s the mat impressions l e f t i n the i r o n blades and r u s t cakes that i n d i c a t e s such a mode of b u r i a l ( i b i d : 1 6 ) . The i r o n i s a low-frequency item i n the b u r i a l s , and 93 i s not c o r r e l a t e d with the wealth groupings e s t a b l i s h e d on the b a s i s of trade ceramics and e l i t e badges. T h i s suggests that the concept of p h y s i c a l p r o t e c t i o n i n the next world was c o n s i d e r e d l e s s important than the r i t u a l p r o t e c t i o n represented by the ceramic o b j e c t s . The presence of i r o n may r e f l e c t some s p e c i f i c achieved r o l e r a t h e r than s t a t u s per se as, f o r i n s t a n c e , the b u r i a l of a kingroup head, a hunter, a w a r r i o r , or the r e l a t i v e of such a person. The p a t t e r n of person-to-person trade at P i l a i s supported by the evidence of d i v e r s i t y i n the - ceramic b u r i a l assemblages, as w e l l as by contemporaneous eye- witness accounts i n Chinese annals. In the symbolic realm, the f u n c t i o n a l i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s observed i n the trade sub-system c o n f i r m the g e n e r a l agreement between these c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s , and the i d e o l o g i c a l paradigm as o u t l i n e d i n the S t r u c t u r a l Model. The e s s e n t i a l elements of the i d e o l o g i c a l paradigm a r e : the importance of the s u p e r o r d i n a t e dimension; the importance of a p e r s o n a l , one-to-one r e l a t i o n s h i p with sources of power; and the primary importance of i n d i v i d u a l r i t u a l a c t i o n by the person and h i s immediate f a m i l y ; c h a r a c t e r i z i n g a l l i s a lac k of s o c i a l boundedness, or formal c o n s t r a i n t . The emphasis p l a c e d on the t r a d e ceramics and t h e i r apparent symbolic f u n c t i o n i n d i c a t e s the power of s u p e r n a t u r a l s p i r i t s i n t h i s s o c i e t y . A s s o c i a t e d with t h i s i s the importance of r i t u a l a c t i o n . Thus where a l l matters of l i f e and death, i l l n e s s and h e a l t h , abundance or s c a r c i t y of food, i s p e r c e i v e d to be under the c o n t r o l of ancestor s p i r i t s and other a n i m i s t i c e n t i t i e s , p l a c a t i n g and p l e a s i n g these s p i r i t s w i l l be seen as 94 matters of c r i t i c a l importance. In the face of s u p e r n a t u r a l power, p h y s i c a l elements of p r o t e c t i o n w i l l be minimized - hence the l a c k of emphasis on p h y s i c a l p r o t e c t i o n i n the form of weapons, or on m a t e r i a l p r o t e c t i o n i n the form of c o f f i n s . Adherence to the r i t u a l requirements i s s u f f i c i e n t f o r f u l l p r o t e c t i o n of the d e p a r t i n g s o u l . The i n d i v i d u a l v a r i a b i l i t y seen i n the b u r i a l assemblages, both i n the range of goods and the amount of goods, i n d i c a t e s t h a t the r i t u a l requirements allowed f o r i n d i v i d u a l choice on the p e r s o n a l and f a m i l y l e v e l , with r e s p e c t to the s p e c i f i c s of the items used. T h i s supports the concept of freedom of i n d i v i d u a l a c t i o n r a t h e r than the impact of some c e n t r a l i z e d a u t h o r i t y . T h i s p i c t u r e i s a l s o i n keeping with the p a t t e r n of person-to-person t r a d e , which again r e f l e c t s the one-to-one r e l a t i o n s h i p s b a s i c to t h i s s o c i e t y . 95 6. ANALYSIS: PERIOD II - SOCAL SUB-SYSTEM 6.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n T h i s sub-system r e l a t e s to the f u n c t i o n of trade ceramics i n the s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of P i l a s o c i e t y , i n s o f a r as these wealth i n d i c a t o r s may be a s s o c i a t e d with other s t a t u s - r e l a t e d s o c i a l p a t t e r n s . The main aspects r e l e v a n t here f o l l o w on from the hypotheses t e s t e d f o r the Trade Sub-System: Hypotheses 1, 2, and 3 e s t a b l i s h e d that trade ceramics f u n c t i o n e d as i n d i c a t o r s of wealth and s t a t u s i n P i l a b u r i a l s . For the S o c i a l Sub- System, I have used the presence and frequency of trade ceramics i n d i f f e r e n t groups of P i l a b u r i a l s to t e s t f o r s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n terms of wealth, descent and s o c i a l r o l e s . 6.2 Hypotheses: P r o c e s s u a l 6.2.5 Hypothesis 5: Status d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n P i l a b u r i a l s was based on wealth. Hypothesis 5 d i f f e r s from Hypothesis 1 i n that the i n t e n t i s to t e s t f o r the presence of s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n P i l a , while Hypothesis 1 was designed to t e s t the q u e s t i o n of the value of the trade ceramics themselves. I argue t h a t , having e s t a b l i s h e d the f u n c t i o n of trade ceramics as i n d i c a t o r s of wealth i n these b u r i a l s , these i n d i c a t o r s of wealth can be used to search f o r evidence of s t a t u s d i f f e r e n c e s . If s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n was based on wealth, there should be a wide range of b u r i a l s i n P i l a with d i f f e r e n t i a l amounts of trade ceramics i n Agra and Mendoza, and the trade ceramics 96 should be seen to be the c h i e f source of v a r i a b i l i t y between d i f f e r e n t sub-groups of b u r i a l s ( i . e . , between the wealthy and poor groups, and between the wealthy groups i n Agra and Mendoza). In comparison, the d i s t r i b u t i o n of other grave goods in the same sub-groups should be equal or c o n s t a n t . The s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealthy and poor graves c o u l d r e v e a l some c l u s t e r i n g i n one or both of the s i t e s . And f u r t h e r , i f s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n was based on wealth, b u r i a l s i n the wealthy groups might show d i f f e r e n c e s i n b u r i a l treatment from the poor groups, i n terms of grave form, o r i e n t a t i o n , or depth. 6.2.6 Hy p o t h e s i s 6:Status d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n P i l a b u r i a l s was based on descent. If s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n P i l a b u r i a l s was based on descent, then the d i s t r i b u t i o n of b u r i a l s i n Agra and Mendoza may be found i n s p a t i a l l y - d e f i n e d c l u s t e r s c r o s s - c u t t i n g wealthy and poor c a t e g o r i e s i n one or the other s i t e . 6.2.7 H y p o t h e s i s 7: Status d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n P i l a was based on s o c i a l r o l e s (sex,.age, or d i v i s i o n of l a b o r ) . If s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n P i l a was based on s o c i a l r o l e s then the groups of wealthy and poor b u r i a l s i n Agra and Mendoza would be c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the presence of r o l e markers, such as male-female, youth-age, male economic f u n c t i o n - f e m a l e economic 97 f u n c t i o n , e t c . Hypothesis 7 i s aimed at i d e n t i f y i n g the presence and extent of any v i s i b l e s o c i a l r o l e s i n P i l a b u r i a l s . 6.3 Analyses 6.3.5 Analyses r e l a t e d to Hypothesis 5: Status d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n in P i l a b u r i a l s was based on wealth. The histograms i n Figs.5.5 and 5.6, show that a wide range of b u r i a l s with d i f f e r e n t i a l amounts of trade ceramics does e x i s t i n both Agra and Mendoza. Fig.6.1, which compares wealthy and poor groups i n Agra and Mendoza with res p e c t to the frequency of ceramics, earthenwares and i r o n , shows that the d i f f e r e n c e s a l r e a d y noted i n Fig.5.2 ( s e c t i o n 5.3.1.) l i e s i n the wealthy groups alone, as the poor groups have very s i m i l a r f r e q u e n c i e s of a l l three v a r i a b l e s . R e f i n i n g the d i f f e r e n c e s f u r t h e r , i t can be seen that between the wealthy groups i n Agra and Mendoza, the trade ceramics show the g r e a t e s t v a r i a b i l i t y : the wealthy b u r i a l s i n Mendoza have a mean of 10.06 ceramics per b u r i a l , while the wealthy b u r i a l s i n Agra have 7.35 ceramics per b u r i a l . Another way of e x p l o r i n g t h i s v a r i a b i l i t y i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n Fi g . 6 . 2 . T h i s i s a schematic p l o t of the "box and whisker" type, based on the E x p l o r a t o r y Data A n a l y s i s techniques adapted by E r i c k s o n and Nosanchuk (1977:60). The box-and-whisker p l o t shows summary valu e s i n d i r e c t l y v i s u a l form, comparing the l e v e l ( c e n t r a l tendency) and spread ( d i s p e r s i o n ) of four batches I I I I I I I I I I I I r o d e c e r a m i c s 7. J S ( w e o 1 t h y ) t r a d e c e r a m i c s ( p o o r ) A I . S 7 e a r t h e n w a r e s ( w e a l t h y ) A 0 . 7 6 e a r t h e n w a r e s ( p o o r ) 0 . 3 6 0 . 4 7 A g r a M e n d o z a r o n ( w e o I t h y ) V 0 . 4 3 0 . 4 7 i r o n ( p o o r ) o . 13 o . i o I 0 I 10 m e a n u m b e r FIGURE 6 . 1 : Wealthy and poor groups i n Agra and Mendoza Period I I , with mean numbers of ceramics, earthenwares and i r o n per b u r i a l . 99 20 - 15 10 - . m md 5 - J3 £ - m md md md m - mean md - median 0 - total Ag ra burials t o t a l Mendoza buriols weal thy Agra buriols weol t h y Mendoza bur ia Is FIGURE 6.2: Boxplots of trade ceramic data from Agra and Mendoza: Period I I . Comparing (1) t o t a l populations and (2) wealthy sub-groups. 100 of d ata: t o t a l b u r i a l p o p u l a t i o n i n Agra, t o t a l b u r i a l p o p u l a t i o n i n Mendoza, wealthy group of b u r i a l s i n Agra, and wealthy group of b u r i a l s i n Mendoza. The boxes represent the midspread, the middle 50% of each p o p u l a t i o n . The h o r i z o n t a l l i n e s marked on the boxes represent the median (Md) and the mean (M) i n each case. The p o s i t i o n of the median along the v e r t i c a l a x i s p r e s e n t s an i n s t a n t v i s u a l d i s p l a y of the upward or downward tendency of each batch of data. Looking at the t o t a l Agra and Mendoza b u r i a l s , there i s a s i m i l a r p a t t e r n to the spread, showing a g e n e r a l upward tendency; the means and medians are higher i n Mendoza, i n d i c a t i n g g r e a t e r wealth at t h i s s i t e . The d o t t e d l i n e s ending in X (the whiskers) represent a way of i s o l a t i n g those b u r i a l s which l i e w e l l o u t s i d e the main body of the data, i n order to e v a l u a t e how many and how extreme they a c t u a l l y a r e . E r i c k s o n and Nosanchuk use a r u l e based on the work of John Tukey (the i n i t i a l developer of e x p l o r a t o r y data a n a l y s i s ) (Tukey 1977) - namely, the "step", which r e p r e s e n t s one and a h a l f midspreads. The extreme val u e s which l i e o u t s i d e the whisker are marked as d o t s . Thus one can see at a glance, that i n the batches r e p r e s e n t i n g the t o t a l b u r i a l p o p u l a t i o n s i n Agra and Mendoza, Mendoza has a wider spread, higher l e v e l of v a l u e s , and more extreme v a l u e s i n the upper range. T h i s becomes even more s i g n i f i c a n t when i t i s r e c a l l e d that the number of b u r i a l s i n Mendoza i s 45, while the number i n Agra i s 129. C l e a r l y there i s more wealth i n Mendoza, and g r e a t e r extremes of wealth. 101 The next two box-and-whisker p l o t s i n Fig.6.2 present a comparison between the wealthy group of b u r i a l s i n Agra and Mendoza. On the b a s i s of the f i r s t two batches analyzed, the wealthy groups should show a g r e a t e r degree of d i f f e r e n c e , and t h i s i s seen to be the case. There i s sm a l l e r spread and a s h o r t e r whisker i n the wealthy Agra batch, i n d i c a t i n g lower v a l u e s and a more even d i s t r i b u t i o n w i t h i n the group. In Mendoza, there i s a much g r e a t e r upward tendency (the median i s r i g h t near the base of the box) and the spread i s f a r g r e a t e r , i n d i c a t i n g t h a t more b u r i a l s have hi g h v a l u e s . Thus i n the Mendoza wealthy group, the r i c h are r i c h e r and there are p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y more of them. T h i s s i t u a t i o n i s p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t i n g , because a l l the b u r i a l s with e l i t e badges of wealth are found i n Agra, not Mendoza. Table A-6, Appendix A, which t a b u l a t e s sample s i z e , mean, standard d e v i a t i o n and c o e f f i c i e n t of v a r i a t i o n f o r trade ceramic f r e q u e n c i e s i n the wealthy and poor Agra and Mendoza groups, d e t a i l s the same p i c t u r e i n a d i f f e r e n t way. The wealthy group i n Agra r e p r e s e n t s 28.7% of the Agra p o p u l a t i o n , while the wealthy group i n Mendoza rep r e s e n t s 33.3% of the Mendoza p o p u l a t i o n . As was a l r e a d y seen i n the b a r - c h a r t in Fig.6.1 the mean numbers of pots per b u r i a l are very s i m i l a r i n the poor groups, and d i f f e r e n t i n the wealthy groups, 7.35 i n Agra and 10.06 i n Mendoza. Table A-6, Appendix A, compares the amount of v a r i a n c e betwen these two sub-groups. A l a r g e r v a r i a n c e means that there i s a l a r g e r d i f f e r e n c e between the t o t a l group mean and the sub-sample mean i . e . , the wealthy groups are d i f f e r e n t i n nature from the 1 02 t o t a l groups, and t h i s d i f f e r e n c e i s g r e a t e r i n Mendoza. The poor groups, on the other hand, are c l o s e l y s i m i l a r . Fig.6.1 shows t h a t some v a r i a b i l i t y a l s o e x i s t s i n the earthenwares c a t e g o r y . Again, the poor groups have very s i m i l a r f r e q u e n c i e s , while the wealthy groups r e v e a l a s l i g h t l y higher mean number of earthenwares per b u r i a l i n Agra (0.76) than i n Mendoza (0.47). However, • the o v e r a l l f r e q u e n c i e s are s u b s t a n t i a l l y s m a l l e r than those of trade ceramics. The f r e q u e n c i e s of occurrence of the i r o n o b j e c t s i s very s i m i l a r i n a l l sub-groups. The above a n a l y s e s a l l support Hypothesis 5, that there was s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n based on wealth i n the P i l a b u r i a l s . Was t h i s wealth d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n expressed s p a t i a l l y i n P i l a ? And f u r t h e r , were there any d i f f e r e n c e s i n b u r i a l form (grave o r i e n t a t i o n , s i z e , depth) between the wealthy and poor b u r i a l s ? The question of s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n w i l l be ex p l o r e d under Hypothesis 6. Regarding b u r i a l form, Tenazas s t a t e s that poor organic p r e s e r v a t i o n at the s i t e makes i t impossible to determine grave o r i e n t a t i o n with any accuracy, but where some i n d i c a t i o n s e x i s t ( i n the manner of d i s p e r s a l of i n d i v i d u a l b u r i a l assemblages), no standard o r i e n t a t i o n appears to have been p r e f e r r e d i n P i l a (Tenazas 1968:16). Regarding grave form, the g e n e r a l p r a c t i c e d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d appears to have been extended inhumation b u r i a l s , with d i f f e r e n t assortments of trade ceramics and o c c a s i o n a l l y other o b j e c t s , p l a c e d c l o s e to the body and wrapped i n woven mats; 103 b u r i a l s were d i r e c t l y i n the ground, i n f a i r l y shallow graves. There seem to have been no d i f f e r e n c e s i n b u r i a l form between the wealthy and poor graves. There i s ample a r c h a e o l o g i c a l evidence to i n d i c a t e that t h i s b u r i a l p r a c t i c e was general throughout the area i n t h i s p e r i o d , and i n some areas, up to the time of the Spanish conquest. In 1972, Robert Fox and A v e l i n o Legaspi r e p o r t e d s i m i l a r b u r i a l forms from Sta. Ana, Manila : inhumation b u r i a l s c o n t a i n i n g brown wares, celadons, small saucers and ea r r e d j a r l e t s , and "impressions of mats, n e t t i n g and c l o t h a l s o found i n rust-cake of i r o n implements recovered from the graves". They estimated the b u r i a l s to be of Southern Sung date (@ 13th. century) (Fox and Le g a s p i , 1972,n.d.:9). H u t t e r e r ' s e x c a v a t i o n s i n Cebu C i t y , 1967, i n c l u d e d some " e a r l y i r o n age" b u r i a l s with the remains of i r o n daggers: "when the dagger was l i f t e d , a t i n y piece of c l o t h was found adhering to the handle. Quite probably, i t was p a r t of the shroud i n which the body was wrapped when b u r i e d " ( H u t t e r e r 1973:19). In the same p u b l i c a t i o n , H u t t e r e r quotes o t h e r i n s t a n c e s of c l o t h - a n d mat-imprints r e p o r t e d from e x c a v a t i o n s by H. Ot l e y Beyer (1949) and o t h e r s . The l i t e r a r y evidence of the 16th. century Boxer Codex a l s o supports these i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of b u r i a l form: "they bury them i n a hole two fathoms deep...two mats are p l a c e d on top" (Legeza 1978:11). None of the p u b l i s h e d accounts i n d i c a t e any v a r i a t i o n i n b u r i a l form a s s o c i a t e d with degrees of wealth d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d . 1 04 While l a c k of p r e s e r v a t i o n has made i t impossible to estimate o r i e n t a t i o n or s i z e of grave, the depths of the P i l a b u r i a l s were a c c u r a t e l y r e p o r t e d d u r i n g e x c a v a t i o n . The excav a t i o n l a y e r f o r P e r i o d II was 85 centimetres t h i c k , and the b u r i a l s ranged from 1.35 cm to 50 cm. deep w i t h i n t h i s l a y e r . The mean o v e r a l l depth of b u r i a l f o r P i l a i s 85.29 cm; the mean depth f o r wealthy and poor groups i s : Agra, 94.2 cm (wealthy) and 86.8 cm (poor); Mendoza, 76.3 cm (wealthy) and 74.03 cm (poor). Wealthy b u r i a l s do have a s l i g h t l y g r e a t e r depth than poor b u r i a l s . However, an i n s p e c t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l depth measurements of a l l b u r i a l s i n Tables A-3 and A-4, Appendix A, r e v e a l s the c o n s i d e r a b l e i n d i v i d u a l v a r i a b i l i t y present among the t o t a l b u r i a l p o p u l a t i o n . T h i s i n d i v i d u a l v a r i a b i l i t y seems to make the d i f f e r e n c e i n sub-group means l e s s s i g n i f i c a n t . 6.3.6 Analyses r e l a t e d to Hypothesis 6: Status d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n P i l a b u r i a l s was based on descent. A r c h a e o l o g i s t s have i n f e r r e d descent from s p a t i a l groupings, t h e r e f o r e the maps of the excavation areas f o r P i l a were searched f o r any sign s of s p a t i a l p a t t e r n s among the b u r i a l s . The excavation diagrams f o r Agra and Mendoza ( F i g s . 6.3 and 6.4) were d i v i d e d i n t o quadrants of 60 excavation squares each. For the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n t e s t , the wealthy b u r i a l s i n each quadrant were i d e n t i f i e d and the t o t a l numbers of wealthy b u r i a l s i n each quadrant were t a l l i e d . V i s u a l i n s p e c t i o n of F i g s . 6.3 and 6.4, shows that i n g e n e r a l , wealthy 105 20 19 I I • I • ISO , 0 8 » 0" 5? • -58 59. 83 # • 8 8 . .98 8 V _99 82 . 138 90 O O IS? ,66 ,38 IS 3 3 9 30 21. O • 031 II9_ 53 J 4 2 34 # ° O o 4 6 34 43 O 4 8 0 O - 4 7 « 4 9 ° 0 1351 148 12 07\ 30 0 41 9 0 28 126 Cb25 24 • o 4 4 \ \ \ \ I i l N • w e a l t h y b u r i o l s (5 o r m o r e t r a d e c e r a m i c s ) o p o o r b u r i a l s (4 o r l e s s t r a d e c e r a m i c s ) ,81 ,61 I \ ,33 ,165 \- \ \ 0 4 m I 1 \ •>79 J 7 0 77 0 # 7 8 86 0 • • 7 6 .0 ,6 124, 149 _8 O O 40 320 , 2 5 ° .23 63 • 133 .64 22 123 _8S 122 18 2 4  0 4 - O " « 9 # O O 1 143 13 O O 0 1 2 O 9 O 10 • 68 '8 0 ' " O J 6 0 O 169 °» 100 141 • - • l 4 0 70^ 139 go O 103 o .134 .102 . 7 3 ° # . 7 5 179* 104 109 o o .182 O I8l FIGURE 6 . 3 ; Map of excavation area, Site 1 (Agra): Period II (aft e r Tenazas 1 9 6 8 : Appendix IV) 106 and poor b u r i a l s were i n t e r m i n g l e d i n both s i t e s . In Agra, no c l e a r p a t t e r n of c l u s t e r i n g throughout the s i t e appears to e x i s t , with the exception of a s m a l l , l o c a l i z e d c l u s t e r of wealthy graves i n the northern p o r t i o n of the NW quadrant. T h i s c l u s t e r of 6 wealthy b u r i a l s i n c l u d e d the only two graves i n P i l a i n which gold o b j e c t s were found: #83 and #98. The remainder of the b u r i a l s Agra have a very g e n e r a l NW-SE d i s t r i b u t i o n throughout the s i t e , which i s most l i k e l y due to the topography of the a r e a : excavations r e v e a l e d an o l d creek bed t r a v e r s i n g the s i t e (see Fig.6.3) and the bulk of the Agra b u r i a l s are s i t u a t e d along the SW bank of the creek. Therefore the evidence from Agra does not support Hypothesis 6. The e x c a v a t i o n diagram f o r Mendoza r e v e a l s a more ambiguous p i c t u r e (see F i g . 6 . 4 ) . The e n t i r e northern h a l f of the b u r i a l s i t e c o u l d be taken as one c l u s t e r , i n c o r p o r a t i n g both wealthy and poor b u r i a l s . U n l i k e Agra, the l o c a t i o n of the creek bed does not suggest a t o p o g r a p h i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n f o r t h i s d i s t r i b u t i o n . However, lack of d e t a i l e d i n f o r m a t i o n i n the ex c a v a t i o n r e p o r t g i v e s no i n d i c a t i o n whether the Mendoza b u r i a l s are l o c a t e d on a l o c a l i z e d r i s e of ground to account f o r the d i s t r i b u t i o n seen on the map. Nu m e r i c a l l y , 66.7% of the wealthy b u r i a l s i n Mendoza are i n the NE quadrant, and 26.7% of the wealthy b u r i a l s are adjacent i n the NW quadrant. 10? 20 19 •8 . I? old c r e e k ( o p p r o x ) 13 12 S * 30 • i uN • wealthy burials (5 or more trade ceramics) o poor burials (4 or less trode ceramics) 2 ' . ,33 ,54 „ 4 4 'O # 2 0 . I ? 32 # 0 O * 7 0'2 I' "8 -29 SI O 0 ° 38 .36 • 19 o o- 4 3  Q 2 2 « Q 0 2 5 . 2 8 • l 5 O 5 O •o o o 42 '23 .18 I I J K 0 L E 4 m FIGURE Map of excavation area , S i t e 2 (Mendoza) j Per iod II (a f ter Tenazas 1968: Appendix VI) 108 The s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of the P i l a b u r i a l s t h e r e f o r e supports the evidence of the analyses r e l a t e d to Hypothesis 5: there i s some kind of s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n based on wealth i n the P i l a b u r i a l s , and t h i s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n d i c a t e s some q u a l i t a t i v e d i f f e r e n c e between the Agra and Mendoza b u r i a l s i t e s . In Agra, the wealthy and poor b u r i a l s seem very g e n e r a l l y d i s p e r s e d throughout the s i t e , with the exception of the small group of wealthy b u r i a l s i n the southern p o r t i o n . In Mendoza, the higher l e v e l s of wealth, and the rough s p a t i a l c l u s t e r i n g of wealthy and poor b u r i a l s , may i n d i c a t e that the whole s i t e r e p r e s e n t s some kind of e l i t e cemetery d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d in P i l a . Due to the comparative l a c k of s p a t i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among the much l a r g e r group of b r i a l s i n Agra (129), t h i s evidence i s not enough to i n d i c a t e a s t r a t i f i e d s o c i e t y i n P i l a as a whole. The wealthy b u r i a l s i n Mendoza may represent simply a w e a l t h i e r kin-group c l u s t e r . I t should be emphasized, however, that while there are q u a l i t a t i v e d i f f e r e n c e s between Agra and Mendoza, the s i m i l a r i t i e s outweigh the d i f f e r e n c e s . In her exc a v a t i o n r e p o r t , Tenazas t r e a t s the s i t e as one, and the many o v e r a l l s i m i l a r i t i e s , such as the conte x t , s t r a t i g r a p h y , s o i l t e x t u r e , b u r i a l form, and the type of grave goods found, i n d i c a t e t hat the d i f f e r e n c e s between the two areas are comparatively i n s i g n i f i c a n t . 6.3.7 Analyses r e l a t e d t o Hypothesis 7: Status d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n in P i l a was based on s o c i a l r o l e s (sex, age or d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r ) . 1 0 9 H y p o t h e s i s 7 i s e v a l u a t e d b y m e a n s o f s i m p l e v i s u a l i n s p e c t i o n o f t h e f r e q u e n c y t a b l e s : T a b l e A - 3 a n d A - 4 , A p p e n d i x A . I t s h o u l d b e n o t e d t h a t t h e b u r i a l s i n t h e s e t a b l e s a r e r a n k e d o n t h e b a s i s o f n u m b e r o f t r a d e c e r a m i c s p e r b u r i a l ( " c e r a m i c s " c o l u m n ) . A g e : T h e r e a r e o n l y t w o b u r i a l s i n P i l a w h i c h m i g h t b e c a t e g o r i z e d a s c h i l d b u r i a l s o n t h e b a s i s o f t h e a s s o c i a t e d g r a v e g o o d s : b u r i a l # 2 7 a n d b u r i a l # 1 0 4 ( b o t h i n A g r a ) . B u r i a l # 2 7 c o n t a i n s o n l y v e r y s m a l l m i n i a t u r e s ( c e r a m i c c o n t a i n e r s a n d d i s h e s , n o o t h e r n o n - c e r a m i c g o o d s ) ; b u r i a l # 1 0 4 c o n t a i n s a c o l l e c t i o n o f " p o t t e r y d i s c s " ( s e e F i g . 6 . 5 ) . " C l u s t e r s o f g r a v e g o o d s w h i c h a l m o s t e x c l u s i v e l y c o n t a i n e d m i n i a t u r e o b j e c t s o r j u s t o n e o r t w o j a r l e t s w i t h a s s o c i a t i o n s o f p o t t e r y d i s k s . . . . b e i n g i n t e r p r e t e d a s c h i l d r e n ' s p l a y t h i n g s a r e d e s i g n a t e d a s c h i l d r e n ' s g r a v e s " ( T e n a z a s 1 9 6 8 : 1 6 ) . T a b l e s A - 3 a a n d A - 3 b , A p p e n d i x A , s h o w t h a t # 2 7 b e l o n g s i n t h e w e a l t h y g r o u p , w h i l e # 1 0 4 i s i n t h e p o o r g r o u p ( w i t h j u s t o n e a s s o c i a t e d c e r a m i c , a c e l a d o n j a r l e t ) . O n t h e b a s i s o f t h e s e r e s u l t s , i t m u s t b e c o n c l u d e d t h a t t h e r e i s n o t s u f f i c i e n t e v i d e n c e t h a t a g e w a s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n P i l a . S e x : I n t h e e x c a v a t i o n r e p o r t , T e n a z a s m a k e s a t e n t a t i v e a s s o c i a t i o n b e t w e e n t y p e s o f u t i l i t a r i a n g o o d s a n d s e x . " G e n e r a l l y , b u r i a l s w i t h a s s o c i a t e d i r o n i m p l e m e n t s a r e i d e n t i f i e d a s m a l e b u r i a l s ( a t l e a s t 2 2 i n s t a n c e s ) . S i m i l a r l y , t h o s e w i t h s p i n d l e w h o r l s a r e b e l i e v e d t o b e f e m a l e b u r i a l s ( a t l e a s t 5 i n s t a n c e s ) . O t h e r w i s e t h e r e w a s n o t m u c h e v i d e n c e b y 110 F I G U R E 6 . 5 : C e r a m i c d i s c s f r o m P i l a t P e r i o d s I I a n d I I I ( a c t u a l s i z e ) ( a f t e r T e n a z a s 1 9 6 8 : F i g . ^ B ) 111 way of ornaments to d i s t i n g u i s h the sex of the b u r i a l " (Tenazas 1968:16). However, a c l o s e i n s p e c t i o n of T ables A-3b and A-4b, Appendix A, r e v e a l s a more ambiguous p i c t u r e . F i r s t l y , there appear to be only two b u r i a l s i n P e r i o d II with s p i n d l e whorls :#13 i n Agra and #2 i n Mendoza; #13 i s a s s o c i a t e d with an i r o n blade, an earthenware kendi and a Te-hua ware covered box p a r t ; #2 i s a s s o c i a t e d with a brown-glazed b o t t l e , an earthenware pot, but no i r o n . On the b a s i s of t h i s evidence i t can be concluded that s p i n d l e whorls were low-status items, but not that s p i n d l e whorls denote female b u r i a l s and i r o n blades denote male b u r i a l s . Another category of u t i l i t a r i a n o b j e c t which might be viewed as a sex-marker, i s the net s i n k e r . These net s i n k e r s seem a safe bet to d e s i g n a t e male b u r i a l s - f i s h i n g i s t r a d i t i o n a l l y a male a c t i v i t y i n SE A s i a ; i n a d d i t i o n , s e v e r a l of the net s i n k e r s at P i l a are carved to represent p h a l l i c o b j e c t s (see F i g . 6 . 6 ) . There are only two net s i n k e r s i n the P e r i o d II b u r i a l s , both i n the same grave i n Agra, b u r i a l #87. They are a s s o c i a t e d with 1 g r a y - g l a z e d ceramic bowl, but no i r o n or other goods. Again, t h i s does not support the idea t h a t the presence of i r o n denotes male b u r i a l s . The net s i n k e r s may be male markers, and i f so, t h i s s i n g l e b u r i a l from the poor group i n d i c a t e s that sex was not s p e c i f i c a l l y r e l a t e d to wealth and s t a t u s . '•7 '•£v.̂ V̂ '"--*«ticv-s,«,. i - r i g ? * *.'•.-.> 1 1 2 'V. - FIGURE 6.6: Net s i n k e r s from P i l a : P e r i o d s I I and I I I ( a c t u a l s i z e ) ( a f t e r Tenazas 1968: F i g . 6 ) . 113 Among the earthenwares at P i l a , there are 6 earthenware stoves, and these were i n s p e c t e d f o r a s s o c i a t i o n s with other goods to t e s t the notion that stoves might be c o n s i d e r e d to represent female u t i l i t a r i a n f u n c t i o n s , and t h e r e f o r e might denote female b u r i a l s . Of the s i x b u r i a l s c o n t a i n i n g stoves (#28, #49, #60 and #175 i n Agra and #17 and #19 i n Mendoza), four are a s s o c i a t e d with i r o n blades or fragments, while two have no i r o n . On the other hand, of the 40 i n s t a n c e s of i r o n blades or i r o n fragments found i n the b u r i a l s , the m a j o r i t y are a l s o a s s o c i a t e d with earthenware cooking pots or kendis (which might be viewed as female markers). On the b a s i s of t h i s evidence, i t i s concluded that there was no s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n on the b a s i s of sex at P i l a . In a d d i t i o n , there i s no evidence that i r o n blades can be assumed to denote male b u r i a l s . In h i s Calatagan e x c a v a t i o n s i n 1959, Robert Fox came to the same c o n c l u s i o n regarding sex markers i n h i s 15th century s i t e : " i t was hoped that sex d i f f e r e n c e s would be e s t a b l i s h e d from the a s s o c i a t i o n s of the grave f u r n i t u r e (e.g., a p l a t e i n v e r t e d over the pubic area found with a s p i n d l e whorl), but t h i s has a l s o been u n s u c c e s s f u l " (Fox 1959:353). D i v i s i o n of Labor: The only i n d i c a t o r s of u t i l i t a r i a n f u n c t i o n at P i l a , the s p i n d l e whorls and net s i n k e r s , were a l l found i n poor graves, i n d i c a t i n g g e n e r a l low s t a t u s . I t was not p o s s i b l e to judge from the a s s o c i a t e d b u r i a l goods whether these o b j e c t s were b u r i e d with males or females. The general l a c k of s e x - s p e c i f i c a r t i f a c t s i n P i l a , however, suggests that there was a corresponding l a c k of emphasis on the sexual d i v i s i o n of 1 1 4 l a b o r , a r e s u l t which supports the ethnographic model i n t h i s r e s p e c t . 6.4 Summary and D i s c u s s i o n The analyses i n d i c a t e t h a t there was s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n based on wealth i n P i l a . the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n s show some kind of w e a l t h i e r c o r p o r a t e group i n one of the two b u r i a l areas (Mendoza). However, there i s no evidence of s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n P i l a based on s o c i a l r o l e s (age, sex or d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r ) . One other s o c i a l f e a t u r e which has been suggested as l i k e l y f o r t h i s p e r i o d i s the p o s s i b l e presence of a r e s i d e n t i a l group of Chinese merchants at P i l a , such as was observed i n the major c e n t r e s by Spanish c o l o n i s t s i n the 16th c e n t u r y . T h i s c l a i m i s based on the presence, i n the b u r i a l assemblages, of ceramic "water droppers". These water droppers, u s u a l l y e x o t i c and i n t e r e s t i n g shapes such as f r u i t or animal forms, are o b j e c t s used i n Chinese c a l l i g r a p h y . There are four water-droppers i n the P i l a b u r i a l s , two i n b u r i a l #175 and two i n b u r i a l #98, both i n Agra. Both are wealthy b u r i a l s . #175 i s a l s o a s s o c i a t e d with f i v e other trade ceramics ( c o n t a i n e r s and d i s h e s ) , an earthenware stove and an i r o n blade. #98 (see Fig.B-2, Appendix B) i s a l s o a s s o c i a t e d with s i x other trade ceramics, i r o n fragments, a bronze m i r r o r , a bronze bowl, a l e a d b r a c e l e t , 9 Chinese c o i n s , p i e c e s of g o l d j e w e l l e r y , fragments of three t i n y g l a s s b o t t l e s , three rounded pebbles, a covered box, beads, and a p i e c e of worked stone. 1 15 #175 appears to be completely r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of a l l the wealthy P i l a b u r i a l s , i n that i t i n c l u d e s a t y p i c a l assortment of ceramic c o n t a i n e r s and d i s h e s , earthenware and i r o n . I t i s l o c a t e d at the northern end of the b u r i a l ground, i n square H5 (see F i g . 6 . 4 ) . There i s no reason to c o n s i d e r that t h i s b u r i a l belongs to an o u t s i d e r of f o r e i g n e r . However, b u r i a l #98 i s an i n t e r e s t i n g case, with some a t y p i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . F i r s t l y , i t i s the w e a l t h i e s t b u r i a l i n P i l a i n terms of e l i t e badges. Secondly, i t c o n t a i n s no earthenwares, and the assemblage of ceramic wares i n c l u d e s only c o n t a i n e r s , but no d i s h e s . T h i r d l y , i t i s l o c a t e d i n a small c l u s t e r of wealthy b u r i a l s ( d e s c r i b e d above i n s e c t i o n 6.3.6). These d e v i a t i o n s from the average wealthy b u r i a l s may i n d i c a t e that i t i s the grave of a wealthy Chinese merchant r a t h e r than a wealthy l o c a l household head. However, the evidence i s ambiguous. If t h i s i s the b u r i a l of a Chinese r e s i d e n t , i t i s one who adhered to the l o c a l b e l i e f s and r i t u a l s s u f f i c i e n t l y to merit being b u r i e d i n accordance with the l o c a l r i t u a l standards (with respect to grave form and the presence of ceramic c o n t a i n e r s ) . A l s o , why would a s o p h i s t i c a t e d Chinese merchant be b u r i e d with three pebbles? On the other hand, the r i t u a l elements, grave form e t c . , may i n d i c a t e only that the dead person's f a m i l y wished to bury him or her i n accordance with accepted l o c a l customs. Thus, while i t was common p r a c t i c e i n ethnographic times f o r c o l o n i e s of Chinese merchants to be r e s i d e n t i n P h i l i p p i n e t r a d i n g c e n t r e s , the data does not support t h i s p a t t e r n f o r P i l a . 1 16 In the symbolic realm, what can be i n f e r r e d from the b u r i a l p a t t e r n s i s i n keeping with the i d e o l o g i c a l paradigm d e f i n e d i n the S t r u c t u r a l Model. the dead were not s o c i a l l y bounded in any r i g i d way. The i n d i v i d u a l was not subordinated to a s o c i a l r o l e . Death i n v o l v e d the i n d i v i d u a l i n a one-to-one r e l a t i o n s h i p with h i s p e r s o n a l a n c e s t o r s and the c o r r e c t r i t u a l procedure was necessary to ensure h i s safe t r a n s i t i o n to the powerful s p i r i t realm. There were wealth d i f f e r e n c e s i n P i l a , expressed predominantly through the numbers of trade ceramics i n c l u d e d as b u r i a l goods. However, these d i f f e r e n c e s were not r i g i d l y d e f i n e d i n c l e a r l y - m a r k e d wealth c a t e g o r i e s , but f a l l i n t o a b r o a d l y - d i s t r i b u t e d continuum of wealth. Grave form was homogeneous f o r wealthy and poor, but the numerous small i n d i v i d u a l v a r i a t i o n s i n the b u r i a l a s s o c i a t i o n s show that the c h o i c e of grave goods was the r e s u l t of i n d i v i d u a l f a m i l y d e c i s i o n s r a t h e r than some i n f l e x i b l e set of c o r p o r a t e " r u l e s " . 1 17 7. ANALYSIS: PERIOD II - RITUAL SUB-SYSTEM 7.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n T h i s sub-system r e l a t e s to the f u n c t i o n of trade ceramics in the r i t u a l o r g a i n z a t i o n of P i l a s o c i e t y , and the r e l a t i o n s h i p between b e l i e f s and the m a t e r i a l o b j e c t s used in r i t u a l c o n t e x t s . The main aspects r e l e v a n t here are: the concept of trade ceramics as " i n h e r e n t l y " r i t u a l (symbolic) o b j e c t s as w e l l as wealth o b j e c t s ; t h e i r s p e c i f i c r o l e i n r i t u a l a c t i o n ; and an e v a l u a t i o n of t h e i r i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p with s u p e r n a t u r a l and s o c i a l powers in P i l a . 7.2 Hypotheses: Symbolic 7.2.8 Hypothesis 8: The nature of the trade ceramics (durable and resonant, impermeable and l i g h t - r e f l e c t i n g ) made them an important means of e x p r e s s i n g b u r i a l r i t u a l s i n P i l a . T h i s hypothesis was formulated to t e s t the n o t i o n that trade ceramics, by v i r t u e of t h e i r m a t e r i a l a t t r i b u t e s , a c q u i r e d a unique value i n P i l a s o c i e t y , f a r beyond the f u n c t i o n a l and d e c o r a t i v e ; i t was these m a t e r i a l a t t r i b u t e s that made them i n h e r e n t l y s u i t a b l e , perhaps even necessary, f o r use i n r i t u a l a c t i o n . T h i s concept occurs r e p e a t e d l y i n many ethnographic and h i s t o r i c a l accounts which recount the pre-eminent r o l e accorded to every kind of trade ceramic ware i n a l l r i t u a l and ceremonial a c t i v i t y , and most p a r t i c u l a r l y , i n mortuary r i t u a l s . 118 In order to provide background f o r t h i s h y p o t h e s i s , I w i l l 0 present a s e l e c t i o n of ethnographic evidence to i l l u s t r a t e my reasons f o r s p e c i f y i n g the ceramic a t t r i b u t e s named i n the h y p o t h e s i s . In the a n a l y s i s s e c t i o n , I w i l l e v a l u a t e the data from P i l a b u r i a l s i n s o f a r as r e l e v a n t i n f o r m a t i o n i s a v a i l a b l e ; t h i s w i l l be supported by a r c h a e o l o g i c a l evidence from other, contemporaneous P h i l i p p i n e s i t e s , ethnographic accounts from Spanish c o n t a c t times, and ethnographic accounts of contemporary n o n - C h r i s t i a n groups i n the P h i l i p p i n e s which s t i l l p r a c t i c e ancestor worship. The ethnographic accounts w i l l be b r i e f l y summarized in the t e x t , and quoted i n f u l l i n "Notes to the Text", Appendix C. Legeza suggests that " i n view of the formative c u l t u r a l r o l e p a r t i c u l a r l y in n a t i v e r i t u a l and b u r i a l , trade ceramics must be regarded the most important f o r e i g n product to have reached these i s l a n d s i n a p p r e c i a b l e q u a n t i t i e s between the 10th century A.D. and modern times. The a r i v a l of the f i r s t t rade ceramics from China i n the l a t e T'ang p e r i o d , exported probably f o r the sake of t h e i r contents...marked the beginning of a new e r a . . . c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the e x t e n s i v e r i t u a l and b u r i a l use of trade ceramics" (Legeza 1978:1). John Guy proposed a s i m i l a r view: "there i s . . . c o m p e l l i n g evidence to look beyond a u t i l i t y or f u n c t i o n a l e x p l a n a t i o n f o r the p e r v a s i v e presence which trade ceramics assumed w i t h i n many Southeast Asian s o c i e t i e s . These o b j e c t s c l e a r l y assumed a c u l t u r a l r o l e which transcends concerns of u t i l i t y . As h i g h l y p r i z e d and valued p o s s e s s i o n s trade ceramics became an important measure of wealth 119 and s t a t u s . They a l s o entered the realm of r i t u a l p r a c t i c e , touching on many aspects of s o c i a l l i f e " (Guy 1982:119). D u r a b i l i t y : Recorded accounts show that a n c i e n t F i l i p i n o s kept t h e i r Chinese p o t t e r y f o r such long p e r i o d s that t h e i r p l a c e of o r i g i n was a l r e a d y f o r g o t t e n by the time of the Spanish conquest. The K e l a b i t s and Dayaks of Borneo a l s o r e t a i n e d p r i z e d heirlooms, which were o f t e n given magical a t t r i b u t e s , and g r e a t l y valued f o r t h e i r a n t i q u i t y (Roxas-Lim 1966:231-232: Guy 1984:120) (See Note 3, Appendix C ) . Resonance: The resonant r i n g b e l i e v e d to summon s p i r i t s and charge the o b j e c t with s p i r i t power made ceramics v i t a l a c c e s s o r i e s to magic and r i t u a l performances. Bowls and deep p l a t e s were used as p e r c u s s i o n instruments, and while the medium was i n a s t a t e of trance she c o n t i n u o u s l y beat a f r e n e t i c rhythm with s t r i n g s of s h e l l s or wooden drumsticks. A l l p o t t e r y used f o r these r i t u a l s a c q u i r e d great importance (Roxas-Lim 1966:232). The Dayaks of Sarawak have e l a b o r a t e t e s t s a g a i n s t i m i t a t i o n s : s c r a t c h i n g the s u r f a c e to examine t e x t u r e , l i s t e n i n g to the sound produced by t a p p i n g the j a r , and r e s e a r c h i n g the genealogy of the j a r i t s e l f (Guy 1982:120) (Note 4,5 and 6, Appendix C). Impermeable g l a z e : I t was b e l i e v e d that Chinese p o r c e l a i n had the p r o p e r t y of d e s t r o y i n g poison i n the food, or i n d i c a t i n g the presence of poison by some kind of d i s c o l o u r a t i o n of the food or of the ware (Janse 1944:37; Roxas-Lim 1966:229). During 1 2 0 r i t u a l s , performers chose the ceramic wares a c c o r d i n g to f u n c t i o n ( s i z e and shape), the nature and c o l o u r of g l a z e s , t h e i r p o r o s i t y or imperviousness, and the r e l a t i v e s o f t n e s s or hardness of the body (Roxas-Lim 1966:234) (Note 7 and 8, Appendix C). L i g h t - r e f l e c t i n g g l a z e : "The e q u a l l y strong b e l i e f i n the s p i r i t power of the l i g h t - r e f l e c t i n g q u a l i t y of ceramic g l a z e s . . . r e i n f o r c e s the magic r o l e of ceramics i n t h e i r c u l t u r e s " (Legeza 1978:5). 7.3 Hypotheses: Processual 7.3.9 Hypothesis 9: The b u r i a l p a t t e r n s of wealthy P i l a graves i n d i c a t e the general p r i n c i p l e s which governed the use of trade ceramics in the r i t u a l a c t i v i t y of P i l a s o c i e t y Ethnography shows that ceramics were a constant i n g r e d i e n t of a l l r i t u a l ceremonies i n the P h i l i p p i n e s d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d , and recorded accounts from Spanish c o n t a c t times i n d i c a t e that mortuary r i t u a l s were r e p r e s e n t a t i v e r a t h e r than anomalous in the l i f e of the people. The i d e o l o g i c a l l i f e r e v o l v e d around a p e r s o n a l i z e d r e l a t i o n s h i p with a n c e s t r a l and nature s p i r i t s , and, as has been shown as background to Hypothesis 8, above, the p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of trade ceramics caused them to be an i n t e g r a l p a r t of a l l types of r i t u a l f u n c t i o n s : f e r t i l i t y and marriage ceremonies, mortuary r i t u a l s , magic and h e a l i n g , harvest r i t u a l s , head-hunting ceremonies, blood p a c t s , and p e t i t i o n a r y r i t u a l s of a l l kinds. 121 Many of these r i t u a l p r a c t i c e s s t i l l e x i s t with contemporary groups in c e r t a i n p a r t s of the P h i l i p p i n e s , such as the Tagbanuwa of Palawan, and the Sulod of c e n t r a l Panay. These groups p r a c t i c e ancestor worship, o r g a n i z e d i n terms of the b a s i c s o c i a l u n i t , the nuclear f a m i l y . The r i t u a l s p r o v i d e the i n d i v i d u a l and the f a m i l y with an organized system fo r i n t e r a c t i n g with the s p i r i t s of the dead: a r e l a t i o n s h i p not of f e a r , but of f a m i l i a r i t y , intimacy and r e s p e c t (Fox 1982:187,200). For the Tagbanuwa, one s o c i a l and moral order encompasses the l i v i n g , the dead, the d e i t i e s and the t o t a l environment ( i b i d : 2 5 2 ) . Sulod l i f e i s a l s o c h a r a c t e r i z e d by s u p e r o r d i n a t i o n of k i n s h i p and by primary concern with s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s (Jocano 1970:181). (Note 11, Appendix C). The r i t u a l l i f e of P i l a appears to have many a s p e c t s i n common with the ethnographic accounts given above. The b u r i a l p a t t e r n s i n P i l a have the same u n i f i e d aspect as the ethnographic accounts and r e v e a l a number of s i m i l a r b a s i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : r i t u a l s were ce n t e r e d around a p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p with s u p e r n a t u r a l powers, and i n v o l v e d i n d i v i d u a l a c t i o n by the person or h i s n u c l e a r f a m i l y ; r i t u a l ceremonies always i n c l u d e d the use of trade ceramics; and the r i t u a l p a r a p h e r n a l i a i n c l u d e d c e r t a i n g e n e r a l c o n s t a n t s (a v a r i e t y of c e r a m i c / g l a z e / f u n c t i o n types) as w e l l as c o n s i d e r a b l e i n d i v i d u a l v a r i a t i o n i n the s p e c i f i c items chosen from these g l a z e / f u n c t i o n types. 1 2 2 The trade ceramics i n the wealthy groups of b u r i a l s at P i l a occur i n groups of s p e c i f i c g l a z e / f u n c t i o n types suggestive of " r i t u a l s e t s " . The w e a l t h i e s t b u r i a l s have the l a r g e s t (most complete?) s e t s , p o s s i b l y even m u l t i p l e s of s e t s i n the w e a l t h i e s t b u r i a l s . These " s e t s " show, f i r s t : a p a t t e r n of 6 g e n e r a l g l a z e groups and two main f u n c t i o n a l groups; and second, a constant d i v e r s i t y of s p e c i f i c i n d i v i d u a l wares w i t h i n these g l a z e / f u n c t i o n groups. I t i s hypothesized that the nature of the wealthy assemblages suggests the b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s of the g e n e r a l r i t u a l p a t t e r n s of P i l a s o c i e t y . T h i s h y p o t h e s i s w i l l be e v a l u a t e d i n two ways: examination of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between wealth and r i t u a l s t a t u s , and a search f o r the presence of r i t u a l " s e t s " among the ware a s s o c i a t i o n s i n the b u r i a l s . 7.4 Analyses 7.4.8 Analyses r e l a t e d to Hypothesis 8: The nature of the trade ceramics (durable and resonant, impermeable and l i g h t - r e f l e c t i n g ) made them an important means of e x p r e s s i n g b u r i a l r i t u a l s i n P i l a . Due to the i d e o l o g i c a l component of t h i s h y p o t h e s i s , i t s e v a l u a t i o n w i l l i n v o l v e evidence drawn from many areas: the b u r i a l data from P i l a , s u p p o r t i n g evidence from other e x c a v a t i o n s of near-contemporaneous P h i l i p p i n e s i t e s , and ethnographic accounts from c o n t a c t times and the contemporary p e r i o d . In order not to range too f a r o f f the b u r i a l data, the evidence given w i l l focus on four main a s p e c t s of the b u r i a l wares which appear l i n k e d to the m a t e r i a l a t t r i b u t e s named i n 1 23 the h y p o t h e s i s ( d u r a b i l i t y , resonance, impermeability and l i g h t - r e f l e c t i n g g l a z e ) : these aspects are - the d i v e r s i t y of b u r i a l ceramics; t h e i r p r i s t i n e c o n d i t i o n ; t h e i r m i n i a t u r i z a t i o n ; and t h e i r p r o t e c t i v e f u n c t i o n . I suggest that a l l these aspects of the b u r i a l wares r e f l e c t t h e i r s p e c i a l s t a t u s and inherent s i g n i f i c a n c e . Each aspect w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n tu r n , and evidence as a v a i l a b l e presented i n the f o l l o w i n g order : f i r s t , P i l a b u r i a l data; second, other e x c a v a t i o n data; t h i r d , ethnographic accounts from c o n t a c t times; f o u r t h , ethnographic accounts from the modern e r a . D i v e r s i t y : Tables A-1 and A-2, Appendix A, demonstrate that there i s c o n s i d e r a b l e i n d i v i d u a l v a r i a t i o n among the trade ceramic c a t e g o r i e s found at P i l a . There are f i v e g l a z e c a t e g o r i e s of stonewares ( l e a d - g l a z e d , brown-glazed, ochre- g l a z e d , g r a y - g l a z e d , and celadons) and another major category of p o r c e l a i n s , or white-wares (Te-hua, C h ' i n g - p a i , Spotted Ch'ing- p a i , E a r l y Blue-and-White, and mi s c e l l a n e o u s c e r a m i c s ) . These glaze c a t e g o r i e s i n c l u d e 56 su b - c a t e g o r i e s of ware/function types (such as j a r l e t s , j a r s , b o t t l e s , vases, tumblers, teapots, boxes, bowls, d i s h e s , e t c . ) . I t should be noted, a l s o , that many of these s u b - c a t e g o r i e s are themselves the f i n a l product of a p r e l i m i n a r y lumping process (see footnote, Table A-1, Appendix A, f o r d e t a i l s ) . I maintain that the wide v a r i e t y of wares used i n the mortuary r i t u a l s i n P i l a i n d i c a t e s that every type of trade ceramic was by i t s nature c o n s i d e r e d at l e a s t p o t e n t i a l l y 1 24 sacred. P r i s t i n e c o n d i t i o n : The e x c a v a t i o n report does not s p e c i f y the c o n d i t i o n of the p i l a b u r i a l wares, although the photographs of the b u r i a l assemblages show the ceramics to be i n seemingly p r i s t i n e c o n d i t i o n (see Fig.B-3, Appendix B, photo of b u r i a l #28, Mendoza). T h i s i n d i c a t i o n i s supported by a r c h a e o l o g i c a l evidence from a v a r i e t y of near-contemporaneous b u r i a l s i t e s i n southern Luzon. In Sta. Ana, M a n i l a , a double b u r i a l of a woman and c h i l d , dated around the 14th century, c o n t a i n e d 79 p i e c e s of p o r c e l a i n and g l a z e d stoneware (see F i g . B-4, Appendix B). Speaking of t h i s and other b u r i a l s i n the r e g i o n , John Guy s t a t e s : " I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that the bulk of the trade ceramics excavated i n the region show l i t t l e or no evidence of usage before b u r i a l . W h i l s t many have been damaged during b u r i a l or excavation, or, as appears to sometimes be the case, been r i t u a l i s t i c a l l y broken, few e x h i b i t the s i g n s of everyday use. T h i s f e a t u r e s t r o n g l y suggests that a s i g n i f i c a n t aspect of the demand f o r trade ceramics w i t h i n Southeast A s i a was to s a t i s f y mortuary requirements" (Guy 1984:122). Robert Fox, i n h i s r e p o r t of the excavations at the 15th century b u r i a l grounds at Calatagan, southern Luzon, s t a t e s : "In Calatagan, during the pre-Spanish p e r i o d , i t i s c l e a r t h a t the trade p o t t e r i e s were used l a r g e l y , i f not wholly, f o r r i t u a l and/or f e s t i v a l purposes, one of t h e i r primary f u n c t i o n s being f o r grave f u r n i t u r e . The s u r f a c e s of the v e s s e l s show no evidence of d a i l y , household use, and p i e c e s with o v e r - t h e - g l a z e enamel p a i n t i n g are unmarked, although the enamel i s e a s i l y removed. Breakage was probably uncommon, as compared 125 with earthenwares" (Fox 1959:363). M i n i a t u r i z a t i o n : Table A-1, Appendix A, l i s t s the f r e q u e n c i e s of the v a r i o u s ceramic s u b - c a t e g o r i e s at P i l a : c o u n t i n g the s m a l l and medium-sized c o n t a i n e r s alone, 359 of the 627 trade ceramics i n the P i l a b u r i a l s are small or mi n i a t u r e p i e c e s . John Guy has made some p e r t i n e n t comments on t h i s aspect of the b u r i a l ceramics: "A c u r i o u s aspect of the e a r l y Chinese ceramic t r a d e , p a r t i c u l a r l y among those found i n the P h i l i p p i n e s , was the p r e v a l e n c e of miniature v e s s e l s and s c u l p t u r a l f i g u r i n e s . both these forms are scarce i n China and appear to have been produced l a r g e l y f o r an export market. An a l t e r n a t i v e e x p l a n a t i o n may be that they were o b j e c t s of such everyday use that they have long p e r i s h e d w i t h i n China, whereas those exported to the P h i l i p p i n e s have s u r v i v e d as grave goods....A t r a d i t i o n of m i n i a t u r i z a t i o n seen amongst Chinese trade ceramics was continued by the Thai and Vietnamese p o t t e r s . Many of the waterdroppers, spouted ewers and covered boxes excavated i n the P h i l i p p i n e s and elsewhere are c o n s c i o u s l y m i n i a t u r i z e d r e p l i c a s of l a r g e r , more f u n c t i o n a l v e s s e l s . I t i s as i f they were being manufactured e x p r e s s l y as symbolic s u b s t i t u t e s , a n o t i o n compatible with the p r a c t i c e of grave goods as p r o v i s i o n s f o r the a f t e r l i f e " (Guy 1984: 1 22-1 23) . The e a r l i e r e x c a v a t i o n s conducted by Olov R. T. Janse i n 1940 i n Batangas, Luzon, of l a t e 14th century and e a r l y 15th century b u r i a l grounds, r e v e a l e d the same p a t t e r n of m i n i a t u r i z a t i o n . As i n P i l a , the trade ceramics formed the m a j o r i t y of the b u r i a l goods found: "The d e p o s i t s c o n s i s t mainly of Chinese c e r a m i c s , such as bowls, d i s h e s , j a r l e t s , a few j a r s " 126 (Janse 1944:40). P i g a f e t t a , who s a i l e d with Magellan i n h i s voyage around the world and witnessed with him the d i s c o v e r y of these i s l a n d s , d e s c r i b e d many i n s t a n c e s of the r i t u a l use of p o r c e l a i n s . In one account of a f u n e r a l ceremony of a c h i e f they witnessed at Cebu, he wrote: "There are many p o r c e l a i n j a r s c o n t a i n i n g f i r e about the room and myrrh, storax and bezoin, which make a stro n g odor through the house, are put on the f i r e . They keep the body in the house f o r f i v e or s i x days d u r i n g those ceremonies". ( P i g a f e t t a : i n A l i p 1964:76). The p r a c t i c e of p u r i f y i n g the body of the dead, and the r i t u a l p a r a p h e r n a l i a as w e l l , by the use of incense and aromatic o i l s and gums, u s u a l l y p l a c e d i n small j a r s and saucers around the room, has l a s t e d u n t i l the present day i n some areas (Fox 1982). P r o t e c t i v e f u n c t i o n : One very important aspect of the ceramic wares was t h e i r f u n c t i o n as p r o t e c t i v e o b j e c t s , which seems t o have d e r i v e d from t h e i r impermeable, durable and l i g h t - r e f l e c t i n g g l a z e s . in the b u r i a l r i t u a l s , t h i s f u n c t i o n i s manifested i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of ceramic wares i n s p e c i f c ways over the body of the deceased. Figs.B-5, B-6 and B-7, Appendix B, show P i l a b u r i a l s and b u r i a l assemblages i n s i t u , with grave goods arranged i n t y p i c a l f a s h i o n : p l a t e s and bowls arranged upside-down, over or near the head, p e l v i c r e g i o n , and f e e t ; small j a r l e t s and b o t t l e s around the head, hands and f e e t ; and 127 l a r g e r earthenware pots and stoves a l o n g s i d e the body and somewhat removed from the c l u s t e r s of ceramic wares; i r o n blades p l a c e d a l o n g s i d e the body. Tenazas s t a t e s that "there does not appear to be any r e g u l a r p a t t e r n f o r the placement of grave f u r n i t u r e i n r e l a t i o n to the body" (Tenazas 1968:19) but a l l i l l u s t r a t i o n s of the w e a l t h i e r b u r i a l s do i n d i c a t e the p a t t e r n d e s c r i b e d above. With the poor b u r i a l s i t i s d i f f i c u l t to p e r c e i v e any p a r t i c u l a r order due to lack of s k e l e t a l remains to provide a p o i n t of o r i e n t a t i o n , as w e l l as to the p r a c t i c e of wrapping the dead, together with ceramic grave goods, i n mats or shrouds. With the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of the wrapping m a t e r i a l , the enclosed ceramic p i e c e s have s h i f t e d and tumbled. An i n t r u s i v e Ming p e r i o d b u r i a l i n P i l a (see Fig.B-8, Appendix B), which i s i n a r e l a t i v e l y good s t a t e of organic p r e s e r v a t i o n due to the l a t e r time p e r i o d i n v o l v e d ( e a r l y 15th century) p r o v i d e s a good i l l u s t r a t i o n of the p a t t e r n of p l a c i n g d i f f e r e n t grave goods i n r e l a t i o n to the body. S i m i l a r l y F i g . B-4, Appendix B, the 15th century double b u r i a l from Sta. Ana, shows the same general arrangement of grave goods (somewhat confused i n t h i s b u r i a l due to the enormous number of ceramics p r e s e n t ) ; a c l o s e i n s p e c t i o n , however, r e v e a l s the same b u r i a l form f o r both woman and c h i l d - bowls and d i s h e s i n v e r t e d over the p e l v i c and neck areas, small j a r l e t s massed around the head and body, and earthenwares at some d i s t a n c e a l o n g s i d e . 1 28 Olov Janse excavated s i m i l a r l y w e l l - r e s e r v e d b u r i a l s i n Calatagan, as d i d Robert Fox l a t e r . Fox d e s c r i b e s the Calatagan b u r i a l p a t t e r n as f o l l o w s : "The d i s t r i b u t i o n of l o c a l and trade p o t t e r i e s i n the graves f o l l o w e d broad p a t t e r n s . Thus Chinese p l a t e s were f r e q u e n t l y i n v e r t e d over the pubic area; saucers p l a c e d beneath the hands; and small Sawankhalok j a r l e t s arranged behind the head. In g e n e r a l , v e s s e l s were found around and behind the head, near the waist, and at the f e e t , but there were e x c e p t i o n s . G e n e r a l l y , too, smaller p o t t e r i e s were more f r e q u e n t l y p l a c e d c l o s e r to the remains than the earthenwares. I t would appear that the trade p o t t e r i e s were wrapped with the remains whereas the l o c a l earthenwares were merely p l a c e d i n the graves" (Fox 1959:355,357). Janse d e s c r i b e s h i s excavations at Calatagan as f o l l o w s : "The d e p o s i t s c o n s i s t mainly of Chinese ceramics, such as bowls, d i s h e s , j a r l e t s , a few j a r s . . . i t i s noteworthy that the ceramics are p l a c e d over and around the body, p r i n c i p a l l y behind the head, at the f e e t and over the abdomen and the pubic r e g i o n . As a r u l e the d i s h e s and bowls d i s c o v e r e d at the l a t t e r p a r t were p l a c e upside down..." (Janse 1944-45:40) (see Fig.B-9, Appendix B). 7.4.9 Analyses r e l a t e d to Hypothesis 9: The b u r i a l p a t t e r n s of wealthy P i l a graves i n d i c a t e the general p r i n c i p l e s which governed the use of trade ceramics i n the r i t u a l a c t i v i t y of P i l a s o c i e t y . Analyses r e l a t e d to Hypothesis 1 ( s e c t i o n 5.3.1) have a l r e a d y e s t a b l i s h e d that wealth was expressed through d i f f e r e n c e s i n trade ceramics at P i l a . In a d d i t i o n , four 129 b u r i a l s i n the wealth group a l s o c o n t a i n e d e l i t e badges of wealth (gold j e w e l l e r y , c o i n s and r a r e , e x o t i c i t e m s ) . The four b u r i a l s with g o l d and/or c o i n s are a l l i n the very top group of w e a l t h i e s t b u r i a l s , and are a s s o c i a t e d with 16, 15, 10 and 8 t r a d e ceramics each. The nature of these wealthy assemblages shows that c o r r e c t r i t u a l procedure was of c r i t i c a l importance to even the w e a l t h i e s t i n d i v i d u a l s , while a simple show of wealth ( e l i t e items) was perhaps more i n d i c a t i v e of a s p e c i a l achieved s o c i a l s t a t u s among a few of the w e a l t h i e s t persons. Appeasing the s p i r i t powers was of supreme importance - and the c o r r e c t r i t u a l performance c a r r i e d more power i f i t i n c l u d e d the g r e a t e s t p o s s i b l e number of trade ceramics. Thus g r e a t e r wealth meant gr e a t e r o p p o r t u n i t y f o r the most complete r i t u a l . Acceptance of t h i s p o i n t g i v e s support to Hypothesis 9, that the e s s e n t i a l r i t u a l p a t t e r n s of P i l a can be seen most f u l l y r e presented i n the b u r i a l s of wealthy people. While there i s no r e a l way of p r o v i n g through the a r c h a e o l o g i c a l evidence that mortuary r i t u a l s were r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the o v e r a l l r i t u a l l i f e of P i l a , the ethnographic eye-witness accounts, a n c i e n t and modern, presented above in r e l a t i o n to Hypothesis 8, i n d i c a t e c l e a r l y that t h i s was the case. T h e r e f o r e , the w e a l t h i e s t b u r i a l s at P i l a w i l l show the most complete examples of r i t u a l p a t t e r n s . Grave goods a s s o c i a t i o n s among the wealthy groups of b u r i a l s : The next q u e s t i o n i s , what can be seen in the a s s o c i a t i o n s of trade wares and other grave goods among the 130 wealthy b u r i a l s to i n d i c a t e the g e n e r a l p r i n c i p l e s of P i l a r i t u a l a c t i v i t y ? Tables A-9 and A-10, Appendix A, show the wealthy b u r i a l s i n Agra and Mendoza with a s s o c i a t e d grave goods; the ceramic wares are i n g l a z e c a t e g o r i e s : l e a d - g l a z e d , brown- gla z e d , o c h r e - g l a z e d , g r a y - g l a z e d , celadons, and white wares (see Table A-7, Appendix A, f o r d e t a i l e d l i s t i n g ) . Tables A-11 and A-12, Appendix A, show the same wealthy b u r i a l s i n Agra and Mendoza with a s s o c i a t e d grave goods: here the ceramic wares are in three f u n c t i o n a l c a t e g o r i e s : c o n t a i n e r s , d i s h e s (or open forms) and "other" ( i n c l u d i n g water-droppers, incense burners and f i g u r i n e s ) (see Table A-8, Appendix A, f o r f u l l l i s t and code symbols). These t a b l e s r e v e a l t h a t the a s s o c i a t e d ceramics in the wealthy graves f a l l i n t o s e t s of s i x g l a z e types, and the l e a d - g l a z e d i s r e l a t i v e l y minor; of the three f u n c t i o n a l types, the t h i r d c a t e g o r y ("other") i s minor. The c h i e f a s s o c i a t i o n s are between the remaining g l a z e / f u n c t i o n types l i s t e d above. The ware a s s o c i a t i o n s can be seen to have a number of i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s , but no r i g i d p a t t e r n of co-occurrences. In order to determine the extent of s p e c i f i c i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s , Tables 7.1 and 7.2 were c o n s t r u c t e d from the data i n Tables A-9, A-10, A-11 and A-12, Appendix A. The data i n a l l these t a b l e s represent o n l y the wealthy b u r i a l s with 5 or more trade ceramics, from Agra and Mendoza. F u n c t i o n a l forms: c o n t a i n e r s and d i s h e s : Of the 52 b u r i a l s i n the wealthy groups, a l l have at l e a s t one c o n t a i n e r (up to a maximum of 18); and a l l but 3 of the 52 b u r i a l s have at l e a s t TABLE 7 . 1 : W e a l t h y g r o u p s o f b u r i a l s w i t h s u m s , p e r c e n t a g e s a n d means o f t r a d e c e r a m i c g l a z e c a t e g o r i e s and o t h e r g o o d s . A G R A M E N D 0 Z A C a t e g o r i e s o f G r a v e G o o d s N o . o f B u r i a l s % o f G r o u p N o . o f A r t i f a c t s Mean N o . o f A r t i f a c t s No. o f B u r i a l s % o f G r o u p No. o f A r t i f a c t s Mean N o . o f A r t i f a c t s LEAD-GLAZED 7 1 8 . 1 9 0 . 2 4 2 6 . 7 4 0 . 3 BROWN-GLAZED 28 7 5 . 7 49 1 . 3 12 8 0 . 0 47 3 . 1 OCHRE-GLAZED 25 6 7 . 6 39 1.1 11 7 3 . 3 28 1 . 9 GRAY-GLAZED 26 7 0 . 3 52 1 . 4 9 6 0 . 0 16 1 .1 CELADON 3 0 8 1 . 1 79 2 . 1 12 8 0 . 0 31 2 . 1 WHITE-WARES 21 5 6 . 8 44 1 . 2 10 6 6 . 6 25 1 . 7 EARTHENWARES 20 5 4 . 1 28 0 . 8 3 2 0 . 0 7 0 . 5 IRON 13 3 5 . 1 16 0 . 4 4 2 6 . 7 7 0 . 5 BRONZE 3 8 . 1 4 0 . 1 1 6 . 7 1 0 . 1 LEAD 2 5 . 4 3 0 . 1 - - - - U T I L I T A R I A N - - - - - - - - WEALTH 4 1 0 . 8 28 0 . 1 _ _ _ 132 TABLE 7.2: Wealthy groups of burials with sums, percentages and means of form and function categories A G R A (N = 37) M E N D 0 Z A (N = 15) Categories No. of Burials % of Group No. of A r t i f a c t s Mean No. of A r t i f a c t s No. of Burials % of Group No. of A r t i f a c t s Mean No, of A r t i f a d TRADE CERAMIC CONTAINERS: LEAD 7 18.92 7 0.19 4 26.66 4 0.27 BROWN 27 72.97 46 1.24 12 80.00 46 3.07 OCHRE 21 56.76 34 0.92 9 60.00 20 1.33 GRAY 9 24.32 13 0.35 4 26.66 8 0.53 CELADON 22 59.46 47 1.27 9 60.00 17 1.13 WHITE 4 10.81 7 0.19 5 33.33 8 0.53 TRADE CERAMIC OPEN FORMS: BROWN 3 8.11 3 0.08 1 6.66 1 0.07 OCHRE 5 13.51 5 0.14 5 , 33.33 8 0.53 GRAY 21 56.76 37 1.00 7 46.66 8 0.53 CELADON 23 62.16 30 0.81 10 66.66 14 0.93 WHITE 18 48.65 30 0.81 10 66.66 16 1.07 TRADE CERAMIC OTHER FORMS: LEAD 1 2.70 2 0.05 - - - - GRAY 1 2.70 2 0.05 - - - - CELADON 2 5.41 2 0.05 - - - - WHITE 1 2.70 2 0.05 - - - - ER GOODS: EARTHENWARE 20 54.05 28 0.76 3 20.00 7 0.47 IRON 13 35.14 16 0.43 4 26.66 7 0.47 BRONZE 3 8.11 4 •0.11 1 6.66 1 0.07 LEAD 2 5.41 3 0.08 - - - - UTILITARIAN - - - - - - - - WEALTH 4 10.81 28 0.76 - - - - 1 33 one d i s h (up to a maximum of 7). The wealthy b u r i a l s g e n e r a l l y have m u l t i p l e s e t s of both c o n t a i n e r s and d i s h e s i n two, three or four of the g l a z e groupings (none of the b u r i a l s have e i t h e r c o n t a i n e r s or d i s h e s i n the f u l l range of s i x p o s s i b l e glaze c a t e g o r i e s ) . O v e r a l l , there are more c o n t a i n e r s than d i s h e s , and g e n e r a l l y , but not always, there are more c o n t a i n e r s than d i s h e s i n each b u r i a l . Within each category of g l a z e / f u n c t i o n types, there i s a d i v e r s i t y of i n d i v i d u a l forms (see Table A-1, Appendix A) f o r i t e m i s e d l i s t s and f r e q u e n c i e s . There are a l s o some d i f f e r e n c e s between Agra and Mendoza i n the r e l a t i v e p r o p o r t i o n of c o n t a i n e r s to d i s h e s : i n the ochre-glazed and white-ware c a t e g o r i e s , there are more d i s h e s i n Mendoza; and i n the g r a y - g l a z e d category, there are more d i s h e s in Agra. Glaze c a t e g o r i e s : Celadons: Celadons are the most favoured g l a z e type i n both s i t e s , found i n 81.1% of the wealthy b u r i a l s i n Agra, and 80% of the wealthy b u r i a l s i n Mendoza, with a mean number of 2.1 celadons per b u r i a l . Celadon wares are the only g l a z e category to appear e q u a l l y f r e q u e n t l y as both c o n t a i n e r s and d i s h e s (open forms). The other g l a z e c a t e g o r i e s are predominantly represented by c o n t a i n e r s or d i s h e s , not both. Brown wares: Brown wares are the next most favoured g l a z e type: they are found i n 75.6% of the wealthy b u r i a l s i n Agra, and 80% of the wealthy b u r i a l s i n Mendoza. There are three times as many brown wares per b u r i a l i n Mendoza. The brown wares are almost a l l c o n t a i n e r s . 1 34 Ochre wares: Ochre wares occur i n more wealthy b u r i a l s i n Mendoza (73.3%) than in Agra (67.6%), and the mean number of these wares per b u r i a l i n the wealthy groups i s higher i n Mendoza (1.9) than i n Agra (1.1). There are at l e a s t twice as many c o n t a i n e r s as dishes among the ochre wares. Gray wares: Gray wares show a s l i g h t i n v e r s e r e l a t i o n s h i p with the ochre wares: they occur i n more wealthy b u r i a l s i n Agra (70.3%) than i n Mendoza (60%), but the mean numbers of items per b u r i a l i n the wealthy group are s i m i l a r (1.4 and 1.1 r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . There are about twice as many d i s h e s as c o n t a i n e r s among the gray wares. White wares: White wares are found more o f t e n i n the wealthy b u r i a l s i n Mendoza (66.6% of b u r i a l s ) than i n Agra (56.8% of b u r i a l s ) , and the mean number of items per b u r i a l in the wealthy groups are 1.7 and 1.2 r e s p e c t i v e l y . There are at l e a s t twice as many c o n t a i n e r s as dishes among the white wares. Earthenwares: There are more earthenwares i n the wealthy b u r i a l s i n Agra (54% of b u r i a l s ) than i n Mendoza (20% of b u r i a l s ) , and the mean number of items per b u r i a l i n the wealthy groups i s higher i n Agra (0.76% and 0.47 r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . T h i s c o n t r a s t s with the f i g u r e s f o r Agra and Mendoza as a whole. S t a t i s t i c s f o r earthenwares i n the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n show that earthenwares occur i n a constant r a t i o i n both s i t e s . The d i f f e r e n c e s noted above occur only i n the upper q u a r t i l e of each s i t e . Almost a l l earthenwares are c o n t a i n e r s ( g e n e r a l l y cooking pots or k e n d i ) . M u l t i p l e f r e q u e n c i e s of earthenwares occur only 1 35 in the w e a l t h i e s t b u r i a l s i n each s i t e , and taper o f f throughout the t o t a l b u r i a l p o p u l a t i o n towards the poorest end of the s c a l e (see Tables 3b and 4b, 4.2.2). However, among the small group of b u r i a l s that have no trade ceramics of any kind, a high p r o p o r t i o n has earthenware c o n t a i n e r s (12 out of 17 i n Agra and 5 out of 7 i n Mendoza). T h i s suggest that earthenwares were r i t u a l l y unimportant, except when no trade ceramics were a v a i l a b l e - i n which case they may have s u b s t i t u t e d f o r the r o l e u s u a l l y f i l l e d by the ceramic wares. Ir o n : Iron o b j e c t s are found i n s l i g h t l y more wealthy b u r i a l s i n Agra (35.1%) than i n Mendoza (26.7%), but the mean numbers of o b j e c t s per b u r i a l i n the wealthy groups are s i m i l a r (0.43 and 0.47 r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . In Agra, occurrences of i r o n are f a i r l y evenly s c a t t e r e d throughout the wealthy groups, but i n Mendoza, i r o n i s found only among the very w e a l t h i e s t b u r i a l s i n the wealthy group. Every occurrence of i r o n i n the wealthy b u r i a l s i s a s s o c i a t e d with celadon wares - u s u a l l y with at l e a s t one c o n t a i n e r and a d i s h , and sometimes m u l t i p l e s of each. Bronze and l e a d : Bronze and l e a d are found only i n the wealthy groups i n both Agra and Mendoza, with one marginal ex c e p t i o n ( b u r i a l #109 i n Agra, with four trade c e r a m i c s ) . U t i l i t a r i a n : U t i l i t a r i a n items (net s i n k e r s and s p i n d l e whorls) are found i n only three (poor) b u r i a l s : #2 Mendoza, #13 Agra and #87 Agra. 1 36 Wealth: E l i t e badges of wealth are found only i n the w e a l t h i e s t b u r i a l s i n Agra, except f o r one marginal case, a blue g l a s s b r a c e l e t which was found with two trade ceramics i n Agra (#9). M u l t i p l e a s s o c i a t i o n s : Table 7.3 l i s t s the m u l t i p l e a s s o c i a t i o n s of wares in the wealthy groups, i n descending order from 6 g l a z e c a t e g o r i e s , through 5,4,3 and 2 (four s e t s of p a i r e d a s s o c i a t i o n s ) : and co-occurrences between i r o n and c e l a d o n . Only one b u r i a l i n each of the wealthy groups c o n t a i n s each c a t e g o r y of glaz e d wares, #50 Agra and #1 Mendoza.- #50 has a wealth item i n a s s o c i a t i o n (a quartz o b j e c t ) but no i r o n ; #1 has two i r o n o b j e c t s i n a s s o c i a t i o n but no other non-ceramic goods. F i v e b u r i a l s in the wealthy groups c o n t a i n at l e a s t one each of f i v e glaze c a t e g o r i e s : brown, ochre, gray, celadon and white wares. Other items a s s o c i a t e d with each of these f i v e b u r i a l s are as f o l l o w s : Agra - #60 ( a l s o has 4 earthenwares, 1 i r o n o b j e c t ) , #65 (1 earthenware), #141 (1 earthenware); Mendoza - #21 ( a l s o has 2 i r o n o b j e c t s ) , #3 (1 bronze item). F i f t e e n b u r i a l s i n the wealthy groups c o n t a i n a t l e a s t one each of four g l a z e c a t e g o r i e s : brown, ochre, gray and celadon. Ten of these b u r i a l s are i n Agra and 5 are i n Mendoza. Ei g h t e e n b u r i a l s i n the wealthy groups c o n t a i n at l e a s t one each of three gla z e c a t e g o r i e s : brown, ochre and c e l a d o n : 13 are i n Agra, 5 are i n Mendoza. 137 TABLE 7 . 3 : M u l t i p l e a s s o c i a t i o n s f r o m w e a l t h y g r o u p s . N o . a n d P e r c e n t o f B u r i a l s A s s o c i a t i o n s , a n d I r o n . w i t h D i f f e r e n t Ware AGRA CN = 37) MENDOZA (N = 15) A s s o c i a t e d Wares N o . o f B u r i a l s % N o . o f B u r i a l s % A s s o c i a t e d w a r e s : 6 g l a z e g r o u p s ( L e a d , B r o w n , O c h r e , G r a y , C e l a d o n , W h i t e ) 1 2 . 7 1 6 . 6 5 g l a z e g r o u p s ( B r o w n , O c h r e , G r a y , C e l a d o n , W h i t e ) 3 8 . 1 2 1 3 . 3 4 g l a z e g r o u p s ( B r o w n , O c h r e , G r a y , C e l a d o n ) 10 2 7 . 0 5 3 3 . 3 3 g l a z e g r o u p s ( B r o w n , O c h r e , C e l a d o n ) 13 3 5 . 1 5 3 3 . 3 Brown and C e l a d o n 23 6 2 . 2 9 6 0 . 0 G r a y and C e l a d o n 20 5 4 . 0 8 5 3 . 3 O c h r e and C e l a d o n 20 5 4 . 0 8 5 3 . 3 C e l a d o n and W h i t e Wares 13 3 5 . 1 8 5 3 . 3 * C e l a d o n and I r o n 17 4 5 . 9 5 3 3 . 3 * N . B . E v e r y o c c u r r e n c e o f I r o n i n t h e w e a l t h y b u r i a l s i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h c e l a d o n w a r e s ) . 138 There are four sets of p a i r e d a s s o c i a t i o n . Brown with celadon wares: 32 b u r i a l s (23 i n Agra, 9 in Mendoza); Gray with celadon wares: 28 b u r i a l s (20 i n Agra, 8 i n Mendoza); Ochre with celadon wares: 28 b u r i a l s (20 i n Agra, 8 in Mendoza); Celadon' with white wares: 21 b u r i a l s (13 i n Agra, 8 i n Mendoza); Celadon wares with i r o n : 22 b u r i a l s (17 i n Agra, 5 in Mendoza. It i s d i f f i c u l t to see a c l e a r - c u t p a t t e r n i n a l l t h i s , but i t i s p o s s i b l e that a comparison with s i m i l a r t a b u l a t i o n s from other contemporaneous s i t e s might r e s u l t i n some meaningful i n s i g h t . With respect to those a s s o c i a t i o n s from P i l a , the percentages of b u r i a l s c a l c u l a t e d i n Table 7.3 do i n d i c a t e some general t r e n d s . I t should be noted that celadons were i n c l u d e d i n a l l the a s s o c i a t e d groupings because t h i s i s the l a r g e s t of the glaze c a t e g o r i e s , found i n 81.1% of the wealthy group i n Agra, and 80% of the wealthy group i n Mendoza. Brown wares and celadons have the hi g h e s t f r e q u e n c i e s of a s s o c i a t i o n (62.2% of b u r i a l s i n Agra, 60% of b u r i a l s i n Mendoza). T h i s a s s o c i a t i o n i s f o l l o w e d by gray wares with celadons, and ochre wares with celadons, both these p a i r s have almost i d e n t i c a l f r e q u e n c i e s (54.0% i n Agra, 53.3% i n Mendoza). 7.5 Summary and D i s c u s s i o n The r e s u l t s of the analyses support the symbolic hypothesis (hypothesis 8 ), that the nature of the trade ceramics made them i n h e r e n t l y an important means of e x p r e s s i n g r i t u a l s . The b u r i a l r i t u a l s i n P i l a can be c o n s i d e r e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the r i t u a l p a t t e r n s i n the s o c i e t y as a whole, on the b a s i s of a range of 139 ethnographic evidence r e l a t e d to the P h i l i p p i n e s i n g e n e r a l . Wealth was seen to be a s s o c i a t e d with r i t u a l observance, and on t h i s b a s i s , the b u r i a l assemblages of the wealthy groups i n Agra and Mendoza were examined f o r p a t t e r n s of co-occurrence among the trade ceramic wares and other goods (with the aim of determining some general p r i n c i p l e s of r i t u a l a c t i v i t y i n P i l a as a whole). With res p e c t to the pr o c e s s u a l hypothesis, (hypothesis 9), some i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s were observed among the b u r i a l goods. The nature of the b u r i a l a s s o c i a t i o n s suggests that with r e s p e c t to the s y m b o l i c a l l y - i m p o r t a n t trade ceramics, r i t u a l encompassed " s e t s " of c o n t a i n e r s and open forms, with c o n t a i n e r s being the more important; there was some i n d i c a t i o n of p a r t i c u l a r p r e f e r e n c e s i n Agra and Mendoza of s p e c i f i c g l a z e / f u n c t i o n combinations. The general p a t t e r n of ware a s s o c i a t i o n s seen among the wealthy groups of b u r i a l s was confirmed w i t h i n the poor group of b u r i a l s , which g e n e r a l l y have at l e a s t one trade ceramic c o n t a i n e r per b u r i a l ( u s u a l l y a j a r l e t ) , and, i f p o s s i b l e , have a j a r l e t and a d i s h . The most favoured g l a z e group f o r wealthy and poor b u r i a l s a l i k e i s celadons, which are found e q u a l l y o f t e n as c o n t a i n e r s and d i s h e s ; of the other g l a z e c a t e g o r i e s , brown and ochre wares are predominantly c o n t a i n e r s , while gray and white wares are mainly dishes (or open forms). There are almost none of the d i s t i n c t i v e Chinese blue and white wares, as these wares were developed during the l a t e r p e r i o d s . 1 40 Brown wares were the next most favoured g l a z e group a f t e r c e l adons, and the s t a t i s t i c s r e v e a l e d an i n t e r e s t i n g v a r i a t i o n i n t h i s group of wares between the two s i t e s : there were about three times as many brown wares per b u r i a l i n the wealthy groups i n Mendoza than i n Agra ( t h i s v a r i a t i o n o c c u r r i n g s p e c i f i c a l l y among the top hal f - d o z e n or so of the w e a l t h i e s t b u r i a l s ) . These r e s u l t s support the i n d i c a t i o n of some q u a l i t a t i v e d i f f e r e n c e i n s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between the Agra and Mendoza b u r i a l s a l r e a d y noted i n the analyses i n s e c t i o n 6.3.6. The higher l e v e l s of wealth i n Mendoza, together with the presence of rough s p a t i a l c l u s t e r i n g of wealthy and poor b u r i a l s i n one l a r g e s e c t i o n of the s i t e , appeared to i n d i c a t e some k i n d of c o r p o r a t e group c o n t a i n i n g i n d i v i d u a l s of d i f f e r i n g wealth. P o s s i b l e reasons f o r the d i f f e r e n c e s i n the frequency of brown wares i n the two s i t e s may i n d i c a t e f a m i l y p r e f e r e n c e s , or a small c h r o n o l o g i c a l d i f f e r e n c e which c o u l d have a f f e c t e d the supply. Earthenwares occur f a i r l y g e n e r a l l y s c a t t e r e d throughout wealthy and poor b u r i a l s , with u s u a l l y one, sometimes two, v e s s e l s per b u r i a l . There i s a higher frequency of earthenware among the wealthy group of b u r i a l s i n Agra than i n Mendoza. The very poorest b u r i a l s , with no ceramics at a l l , show a c o n s i s t e n t ocurrence of earthenwares, ( u s u a l l y a cooking pot or a kendi - i . e . , c o n t a i n e r s a g a i n ) . T h i s supports the i n f e r e n c e of the g r e a t e r r i t u a l value of c o n t a i n e r s , and suggests that the earthenwares i n the poorest b u r i a l s were s u b s t i t u t i n g f o r the r i t u a l l y more powerful g l a z e d stoneware c o n t a i n e r s . 141 Iron appears more f r e q u e n t l y i n the wealthy b u r i a l s i n both s i t e s , but some occurrences of i r o n are a l s o found s c a t t e r e d throughout the poorest b u r i a l s . For i n s t a n c e , b u r i a l #18 (Mendoza) has one i r o n blade and two i r o n fragments, but no other grave goods. T h i s b u r i a l may represent an i n d i v i d u a l of l i t t l e wealth but with a s p e c i a l achieved s t a t u s (such as w a r r i o r or h u n t e r ) . The p a t t e r n of i r o n occurrences suggests that i r o n was g e n e r a l l y independent of s p e c i f i c a l l y wealth or male/female r o l e s , and i n s t e a d may have denoted some a c q u i r e d s o c i a l s t a t u s i n the deceased, or even a r e l a t i v e of the deceased. U t i l i t a r i a n goods are few i n P i l a b u r i a l s , and are found e x c l u s i v e l y i n the poorest b u r i a l s , i n d i c a t i n g low o v e r a l l s t a t u s . At the other end of the s c a l e , g o l d and c o i n s are found e x c l u s i v e l y i n the w e a l t h i e s t b u r i a l s , i n d i c a t i n g e l i t e s o c i a l s t a t u s . Regarding the symbolic domain, I looked at the data and analyses f o r a t t i t u d e s to death, and concluded that death i n P i l a r e p r e s e n t e d a t r a n s i t i o n to higher s t a t u s , and thus was viewed with care and respect as a p r i m a r i l y s e r i o u s , i d e o l o g i c a l r a t h e r than s o c i a l o c c a s i o n . S o c i a l markers of any kind were extremely r a r e i n the b u r i a l s , and mostly ambiguous with respect to s o c i a l r o l e s of any k i n d . T h i s i s c o n s i s t e n t with the general s i t u a t i o n i n e g a l i t a r i a n s o c i e t i e s . The dead were equipped with symbolic o b j e c t s of power ( c o n t a i n e r s of s p i r i t s u b s t a n c e s ) . Worldly appurtenances (cooking pots, i r o n blades f o r defense) were i n c i d e n t a l s , not c e n t r a l t o the main i n t e n t of the o c c a s i o n , which was to ensure a safe t r a n s i t i o n to the world 142 of the s p i r i t s . P r o t e c t i o n from h o s t i l e f o r c e s was p r i m a r i l y a r i t u a l not a p r a c t i c a l matter. The dead were not p h y s i c a l l y encased in p r o t e c t i v e s t r u c t u r e s - the ceramics, o b j e c t s of r i t u a l power, wrapped c l o s e to the body i n simple matting shrouds, were s u f f i c i e n t to c r e a t e a p r o t e c t i v e area around the dead person. T h i s c l e a r l y r e f l e c t s the l a c k of boundedness s t a t e d i n the i d e o l o g i c a l paradigm - adherence to some general p r i n c i p l e s of r i t u a l p u r i t y was enough to ensure s a f e t y : the s p e c i f i c s of the i n d i v i d u a l r i t u a l o b j e c t s used were l e f t to personal choice or a v a i l a b i l i t y . In t h i s s o c i e t y , the i n d i v i d u a l was important on h i s own account, and i n d i v i d u a l , one-to-one a c t i o n by the person or h i s immediate f a m i l y was the b a s i s of both s o c i a l and r i t u a l l i f e . 143 8. ANALYSES: PERIOD III 8.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n The context of the P e r i o d I I I b u r i a l s i n d i c a t e s that c o n s i d e r a b l e c u l t u r e change took p l a c e between P e r i o d II and P e r i o d I I I . The s i t e changed from being s o l e l y a b u r i a l ground, to a h a b i t a t i o n area with cremation j a r b u r i a l s i n t e r r e d under, or i n the v i c i n i t y of, f a m i l y d w e l l i n g s . The change i n s o i l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s was marked, the P e r i o d II l a y e r being c h a r a c t e r i z e d by medium-grained, r e d d i s h brown, sandy c l a y , while P e r i o d I I I was s o f t black loam (see F i g . 1 . 4 ) , i n d i c a t i n g a h a b i t a t i o n l a y e r . There was a l a c k of any c u l t u r a l m a t e r i a l i n the P e r i o d II l a y e r (other than the inhumation b u r i a l s ) , while the P e r i o d III l a y e r was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by c o n s i d e r a b l e numbers of p o t t e r y sherds, net s i n k e r s , s p i n d l e whorls, p o t t e r y d i s c s , p i e c e s of i r o n s l a g , animal remains (horse, p i g , cow) and c u l t u r a l f e a t u r e s such as post molds and p i t s . A r a d i o c a r b o n date of 1375±25 B.P (Tenazas 1968:15;lab number not s u p p l i e d by excavator) was recovered from cremation b u r i a l #74. The ceramic v e s s e l s from P e r i o d III have been a t t r i b u t e d to l a t e Sung/Yuan on the b a s i s of ceramic types. I d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the ceramic types was p a t t e r n e d a f t e r the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n system d e v i s e d by C. and L. L o c s i n f o r t h e i r e x c a v a t i o n m a t e r i a l from a contemporaneous Sung/Yuan s i t e i n the d i s t r i c t of S t a . Ana, Manila ( L o c s i n and L o c s i n , 1967). The post molds were not recovered d u r i n g the e a r l y phase of the excavations i n P i l a , so i t was not p o s s i b l e to determine p a t t e r n s of house-forms f o r 1 44 P e r i o d I I I . I n a d d i t i o n , t h e r e w a s s o m e d o u b t w h e t h e r t h e p o s t m o l d s r e p r e s e n t e d h o u s e - p o s t s o r s o m e t y p e o f f e n c e - p o s t s . H o w e v e r , t h e s o i l c o n s i s t e n c y t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e c u l t u r a l m a t e r i a l s f o u n d i n t h e l a y e r i s s u f f i c i e n t t o s u p p o r t t h e t h e o r y t h a t t h e e x c a v a t i o n s i t e s i n P i l a w e r e h a b i t a t i o n a r e a s i n P e r i o d I I I . B a s e d o n t h e n a t u r e o f t h e c e r a m i c s f o u n d i n t h e P e r i o d I I I l a y e r , T e n a z a s s t a t e s t h a t c u l t u r e c h a n g e o c c u r r e d w i t h i n t h e o r i g i n a l c u l t u r a l g r o u p w h i c h o c c u p i e d P i l a d u r i n g P e r i o d I I , a n d d o e s n o t r e p r e s e n t t h e a r r i v a l i n t h e a r e a o f a n e w c u l t u r a l g r o u p . S h e s t a t e s t h a t c e r a m i c s w h i c h w e r e t y p i c a l o f P e r i o d I I p e r s i s t e d i n t o P e r i o d I I I , w i t h c e r t a i n c h a n g e s . I n p a r t i c u l a r , s h e n o t e d t h a t m a n y o f t h e m i n i a t u r i z e d c e r a m i c f o r m s s o c o m m o n i n P e r i o d I I ( j a r l e t s , t e a p o t s , s m a l l d i s h e s , e t c . ) , p e r s i s t e d i n t o P e r i o d I I I - b u t u s u a l l y a s l a r g e r c o u n t e r p a r t s , s u c h a s t h e c e l a d o n r i b b e d k u a n ( s q u a t , c o v e r e d j a r ) a n d t h e b i g g e r o v a l o i d o c h r e - g l a z e d j a r s w i t h f o u r e a r s ; t h e s e w e r e u s e d i n P e r i o d I I I a s c r e m a t i o n v e s s e l s . A c c o r d i n g t o T e n a z a s , m a n y c e r a m i c f o r m s w h i c h w e r e r a r e i n P e r i o d I I a p p e a r i n a b u n d a n c e i n P e r i o d I I I , a n d n e w f o r m s a r e f o u n d f o r t h e f i r s t t i m e ( s u c h a s t h e l a r g e b r o w n s t o n e w a r e j a r s ) . T h e w i d e l y - d i s t r i b u t e d c e l a d o n j a r l e t s a n d s m a l l b r o w n - g l a z e d c o n t a i n e r s s o c o m m o n i n P e r i o d I I a l m o s t d i s a p p e a r i n t h e l a t e r p e r i o d ; b u t s o m e c e r a m i c w a r e s - s u c h a s t h e c e l a d o n 2- f i s h d i s h e s a n d t h e g r a y - g l a z e d s a u c e r s a n d b o w l s - c o n t i n u e t o a p p e a r i n q u a n t i t y i n P e r i o d I I I . 1 4 5 The hypothesis of c u l t u r a l c o n t i n u i t y between the two p e r i o d s i s supported by the p e r s i s t e n c e of l o c a l earthenwares, which seem to show no change in technique or d e c o r a t i o n (running d i a g o n a l l i n e s produced by some hard, smooth-surfaced t o o l ) . New forms of earthenware c o n t a i n e r s are a l s o found - i n p a r t i c u l a r t a l l , o v a l o i d earthenware j a r s with shallow f o o t r i m s (Tenazas 1968:16-17). P e r i o d III i n v o l v e d major changes in the b u r i a l form - from inhumation b u r i a l s with l a r g e numbers of a s s o c i a t e d trade ceramics and other grave goods, to ceramic j a r - and p i t - b u r i a l s (which may represent secondary c r e m a t i o n s ) . A crematory complex was excavated i n S i t e 1 (Agra) i n the P e r i o d III l a y e r (see Fig.B-12). 8.2 Hypotheses: P r o c e s s u a l 8.2.10 Hypothesis 10: The s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of the cremation j a r b u r i a l s i n d i c a t e s the presence of two major a f f i l i a t i v e groups i n the P i l a s o c i e t y i n P e r i o d I I I . T h i s hypothesis was formulated on the b a s i s of the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of cremation b u r i a l s ( i n c l u d i n g j a r and p i t b u r i a l s ) i n Agra, and on the assumption that the two major s t y l i s t i c groupings of b u r i a l j a r s found represent contemporaneous sub-groups of the same p o p u l a t i o n , r a t h e r than s u c c e s s i v e occupations by separate c u l t u r a l groups. Assuming, f u r t h e r , t hat the cremation j a r b u r i a l s were i n t e r r e d under h o u s e f l o o r s (as was the custom i n some p a r t s of the P h i l i p p i n e s even to modern times: e.g. among the Sulod of 146 c e n t r a l Panay Island) (Jocano 1970:187), the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n followed the same l i n e a r t o p o g r a p h i c a l layout seen p r e v i o u s l y i n P e r i o d II b u r i a l s - namely, f o l l o w i n g the bank of the o l d creek, along i t s south-east s i d e . The j a r b u r i a l s f a l l i n t o two main groupings: ochre-glazed v e s s e l s and brown-gray v e s s e l s , with a few occurrences of celadons, g r a y - g l a z e d and earthenware j a r s (see Table A-16, Appendix A f o r d e t a i l e d l i s t i n g of b u r i a l s by glaze type, and Table A-13, o r i g i n a l data t a b u l a t i o n from the excavation r e p o r t ) . The ochre-glazed j a r s are c l u s t e r e d i n the NW p o r t i o n of the s i t e , while the brown/olive v e s s e l s are found p r i n c i p a l l y i n the southern and e a s t e r n p o r t i o n s of the s i t e . 8.3 Analyses r e l a t e d to Hypothesis 10: The s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of the cremation j a r b u r i a l s i n d i c a t e s the presence of two major a f f i l i a t i v e groups i n P e r i o d III Of the 55 b u r i a l s i n P e r i o d I I I , 50 are i n Agra and 5 are i n Mendoza. In Agra, of the 50 b u r i a l s i n the s i t e , 5 are inhumation b u r i a l s and 45 are cremation b u r i a l s i n j a r s and p i t s ; there are 34 j a r b u r i a l s and 11 p i t b u r i a l s . In Mendoza, there are 4 b u r i a l s i n one p i t b u r i a l . Agra b u r i a l s : The f i v e inhumation b u r i a l s (see Table A-15, Appendix A) appear to have an i d e n t i c a l b u r i a l p a t t e r n to that found i n P e r i o d II - a g a i n , there i s no s k e l e t a l p r e s e r v a t i o n . The a s s o c i a t e d ceramics range in number from one to 18 and i n c l u d e mainly c o n t a i n e r s , with some open forms. Celadons are the most frequent g l a z e category and i n c l u d e both c o n t a i n e r s and d i s h e s , 1 47 as i n P e r i o d I I . One b u r i a l has fragments of an i r o n blade, and one (the w e a l t h i e s t b u r i a l ) a l s o c o n t a i n s an earthenware stove and cooking pot. The eleven p i t b u r i a l s (cremations p l a c e d d i r e c t l y i n a p i t in the ground) f o l l o w a c e r t a i n p a t t e r n : there are sometimes t r a c e s of red ochre i n the bottom of the p i t ; when there are a s s o c i a t e d grave goods i n the p i t , they are g e n e r a l l y p l a c e d over the top of the p i t . Two of the p i t s have a s s o c i a t e d goods: b u r i a l #73 has a small Ch'ing-pai cover placed on top of the p i t ; b u r i a l #62 has a small celadon j a r l e t at the bottom of the p i t , and a Ch'ing-pai " p i l g r i m ' s f l a s k " on top of the p i t . The cremation j a r b u r i a l s u s u a l l y i n v o l v e a medium- or l a r g e - s i z e d ceramic v e s s e l which c o n t a i n s the cremated remains, and i s f r e q u e n t l y covered with a smal l ceramic d i s h , saucer or bowl. In one i n s t a n c e there were four small ceramic wares b u r i e d next to the cremation j a r , as a s s o c i a t e d grave goods ( b u r i a l #74, see Fig.B-10, Appendix B, photo). The 34 j a r b u r i a l s f a l l i n t o two main groupings: 10 b u r i a l s i n ochre- g l a z e d , s p h e r i c a l or wide-mouthed j a r s with 4 ears (mostly found i n t a c t , though o c c a s i o n a l l y chipped, cracked or p a r t l y broken as i f from some d i s t u r b a n c e of the ground); and 19 b u r i a l s i n l a r g e brown or o l i v e - g l a z e d stoneware j a r s (mostly t o t a l l y smashed, with the appearance of having been r i t u a l l y smashed upon b u r i a l - see Fig.B-11, Appendix B, photo). 1 48 The ochre v e s s e l s are mostly covered with a d i s h or shallow bowl, u s u a l l y white ware or oc h r e - g l a z e d . The one j a r b u r i a l with a s s o c i a t e d grave goods was an ochre v e s s e l , and the a s s o c i a t e d goods i n c l u d e d 2 ochre bowls, 1 ochre j a r l e t , and a f l u t e d celadon d i s h . The brown or o l i v e - g r e e n stoneware j a r s are sometimes covered by, or c o n t a i n , a g r a y - g l a z e d d i s h , and i n one i n s t a n c e , a f l u t e d celadon d i s h . One of the o l i v e j a r s has a small Te-hua bowl i n s i d e the smashed cremation j a r . S t y l i s t i c a l l y , then, the p a t t e r n of the cremation j a r b u r i a l s seems to i n d i c a t e a rough grouping i n t o two types of a s s o c i a t i o n s : ochre-glazed j a r s covered with white ware d i s h e s , and b u r i e d i n t a c t ; and brown or o l i v e - g l a z e d l a r g e r stoneware j a r s , covered (or c o n t a i n i n g ) a g r a y - g l a z e d d i s h , and r i t u a l l y smashed before b u r i a l . There i s an i n t e r e s t i n g comment i n the rep o r t given at the Manila Trade P o t t e r y Seminar i n 1976: " I t i s necessary to say something about the o l i v e or brownish o l i v e g l a z e s found i n many stoneware types, i n c l u d i n g j a r s . . . As there are many brown pots with t h i s type of glaze which have f i r e d o l i v e on one s i d e (or v i c e versa) i t seems that at l e a s t i n these cases there i s no r e a l d i f f e r e n c e between the o l i v e and the brown, and that the c o l o r was d i c t a t e d by f i r i n g or c o o l i n g c o n d i t i o n s " (Grau- Abaya 1976:32). Simple v i s u a l i n s p e c t i o n of Fig.8.1, the map of P e r i o d III cremation b u r i a l s , r e v e a l s a rough s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of these two main groupings: the o c h r e - g l a z e d j a r s are found only i n the north and west p o r t i o n s of the s i t e ; the brown and o l i v e - g l a z e d j a r s are found predominantly i n the south and e a s t e r n p o r t i o n s 149 20 19 18 16 19 12 162 87 .67 109 ° 42 A ' « D * 3 3 J 127 '161 32 136' 38 147 A 36 138 136 105 - D • 6 D 5 • 4 3 -e-146 S" A ' cremation pit burial inhumation burial red ochre basin B R O K E N I N T A C T i ° r burials: A A ochre glaze X brown/olive glaze celadon glaze groy gloze earthenware 73 ^ + D- 101 O 139 »I3I 69* A 130 74 * 94 . X © 114 V 62 U 164 163 O # 9 3 O M O 133 O * / 134 ° °o 178 0 L E 4 m _ l FIGURE 8.It Map of cremation b u r i a l s , S i t e 1 (Agra) i Period III (a f ter Tenazas 1968:Appendix V) 150 of the s i t e , though a few are s c a t t e r e d among the ochre j a r b u r i a l s i n s e v e r a l t i g h t , mixed c l u s t e r s . The p i t b u r i a l s are s c a t t e r e d evenly throughout the s i t e , while the few j a r b u r i a l s with other types of g l a z e s (celadon, g r a y - g l a z e d and earthenware j a r s ) s i m i l a r l y show no s p e c i f i c d i s t r i b u t i o n p a t t e r n . Mendoza b u r i a l s : The f i v e cremation b u r i a l s i n Mendoza i n c l u d e one p i t b u r i a l and four cremation j a r b u r i a l s . Of the j a r b u r i a l s , two are ochre-glazed s p h e r i c a l j a r s with four ears (one smashed, one broken), and two are b i g , brown, stoneware j a r s (both smashed). None of the b u r i a l s i n Mendoza have any a s s o c i a t e d wares, e i t h e r as covers of p l a c e d i n s i d e the j a r s or p i t . The main f e a t u r e s of these b u r i a l s f o l l o w the same p a t t e r n as the one p r e s e n t i n Agra. The ochre and brown j a r b u r i a l groups: contemporaneous or s u c c e s s i v e occupations? Hypothesis 10 i s based on the assumption that the two s t y l i s t i c groupings of ceramic j a r b u r i a l s i n P e r i o d I I I represent contemporaneous b u r i a l s from the same p o p u l a t i o n . Since the ceramic wares used are not " i m p e r i a l q u a l i t y " (see photo, Fig.B-13, Appendix B) they are unmarked as t o date, dynasty or p l a c e of manufacture, and cannot be p l a c e d i n t o a s p e c i f i c c h r o n o l o g i c a l category. Glazed stonewares such as these are f a r l e s s d i s t i n c t i v e i n c h a r a c t e r than the Chinese p o r c e l a i n wares, which can be c a t e g o r i s e d i n terms of body, 151 shape, g l a z e , c o l o u r and type of d e c o r a t i o n . Glazed stonewares of the kind found i n the P e r i o d III cremation b u r i a l s can be ev a l u a t e d mainly i n terms of body t e x t u r e , form, t e c h n i c a l treatment, c o l o u r and shape. Much of the evidence f o r the assumption of contemporaneity i s thus n e c e s s a r i l y c i r c u m s t a n t i a l r a t h e r than d i r e c t . I w i l l f i r s t b r i n g forward evidence r e g a r d i n g s t y l i s t i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , from the l i t e r a t u r e d e a l i n g with Chinese trade ceramics i n the P h i l i p p i n e s . Then I w i l l d i s c u s s some s p e c i f i c d e t a i l s r e g a r d i n g s t y l e and a s s o c i a t i o n of the wares found i n the P e r i o d III l a y e r i n P i l a , f o l l o w i n g up with s t r a t i g r a p h i c evidence which i n d i c a t e s t hat the cremation j a r b u r i a l phase was a s i n g l e , s h o r t - l i v e d o c c u p a t i o n . Evidence from trade ceramics l i t e r a t u r e : The evidence from the l i t e r a t u r e suggests t h a t s i m i l a r i t y of d a t i n g can be i n f e r r e d from repeated p a t t e r n s of a s s o c i a t i o n s between d i f f e r e n t kinds of wares found i n a number of pre-Ming b u r i a l s i t e s i n the southern P h i l i p p i n e s (such as Calatagan and Santa Ana i n south-west Luzon, as w e l l as a number of s i t e s south of Laguna de Bay such as Gatid) (C. and L. L o c s i n , 1967). In a d d i t i o n , the r e p e t i t i o n of c e r t a i n forms and shapes among d i f f e r e n t types of wares suggests c h r o n o l o g i c a l s i m i l a r i t y and even i d e n t i c a l p l a c e of manufacture. I t should be noted that the term "pre-Ming", f r e q u e n t l y used by t r a d e ceramic s p e c i a l i s t s , with respect t o Southeast Asian s i t e s , i s a u s e f u l , g e n e r a l term t o denote s i t e s with a preponderance of Sung and/or Yuan dynasty ceramics, which cannot be more s p e c i f i c a l l y dated 152 by d i r e c t means. The Ming dynasty (A.D. 1368 - 1644) i s c h a r a c t e r i s e d by the overwhelming preponderance of blue-and- white wares and the r e l a t i v e decrease of many types of the monochrome wares developed d u r i n g the Sung (A.D. 960 - 1279) and Yuan (A.D. 1260 - 1368) p e r i o d s . In a paper presented at the Manila Trade P o t t e r y Seminar h e l d i n 1976, Consuelo Grau-Abaya d e t a i l e d the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the wide range of brown wares unearthed i n P h i l i p p i n e pre- Ming s i t e s . "The brown wares have many r e l a t i v e s among the other wares... the main p o i n t of s i m i l a r i t y i s shape, although the paste and g l a z e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are sometimes i n v o l v e d as w e l l . . . . The g r e a t e s t number of d u p l i c a t i o n s of the brown forms appears to be found among the o l i v e and ochre wares" (Grau-Abaya 1976:31,32). Fig.B-14, Appendix B, shows the diagrammatic r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of three t y p i c a l forms of l a r g e brown wares. A comparison of these forms with the c o l l e c t i o n of P e r i o d III cremation v e s s e l s i n Fig.B-13, Appendix B, r e v e a l s obvious s i m i l a r i t i e s of shape. I t should be noted that the h i g h l y - glazed, spouted ewer i l l u s t r a t e d among these wares i s a celadon v e s s e l , one of only two celadon v e s s e l s found among the j a r - b u r i a l group i n P i l a . In t h e i r comprehensive survey of Chinese ceramics found i n the P h i l i p p i n e s , Leandro and C e c i l i a L o c s i n i n c l u d e an account of a s s o c i a t i o n s noted among a l a r g e group of brown wares recovered from the Santa Ana excavations i n M a n i l a , a pre-Ming 1 53 b u r i a l s i t e (512 brown wares from 111 g r a v e s ) : "These wares are c e r t a i n l y not t y p i c a l of brown-glazed wares encountered i n P h i l i p p i n e Ming-period b u r i a l s i t e s . The p o s i t i v e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of other 'questionable' wares such as the o c h r e - g l a z e d wares, to which they are o b v i o u s l y r e l a t e d , and the gray- g l a z e d wares with which they are o f t e n found, w i l l no doubt h e l p place these wares in the proper c l a s s i f i c a t i o n " ( L o c s i n and L o c s i n 1968:56). The ochre wares, on the other hand, were d i s c u s s e d i n the same p u b l i c a t i o n as f o l l o w s : "The c l o s e s t r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t s between ochre - g l a z e d and brown-glazed wares. S p h e r i c a l j a r l e t s are common to both, and the combination of a beveled base rim and f l a t base occurs r e p e a t e d l y i n j a r s and pouring v e s s e l s of both types. The r e p e t i t i o n of c e r t a i n forms among d i f f e r e n t types of wares suggests the p o s s i b i l i t y of the same approximate date of manufacture as w e l l as a common area of o r i g i n " ( L o c s i n and L o c s i n 1968:62). Regarding the general range of trade ceramics found i n the P e r i o d III b u r i a l s : "Two p i e c e s of p o t t e r y can be a s s i g n e d with good reason to the Yuan dynasty i n the L o c s i n - U n i v e r s i t y of San C a r l o s excavations i n the P/Agra s i t e : (1) a f o l i a t e d cover with cream-colored s l i p , brown p a i n t i n g under a c l e a r gaze ( b u r i a l #128) because of p o s i t i v e a f f i n i t y to the l a r g e B r i t i s h Museum vase (of more e l a b o r a t e d e c o r a t i o n ) which Brankston has a t t r i b u t e d to Chi chou and dated 14th century, and (2) a l a r g e kuan-shaped, r i b b e d celadon j a r ( b u r i a l #154). The Chi chou f o l i a t e cover and the l a r g e celadon kuan- shaped r i b b e d j a r were found as cremation v e s s e l s w i t h i n the cremation b u r i a l complex i n the black l a y e r (the upper c u l t u r a l l e v e l ) . The two p i e c e s of p o t t e r y 154 are t h e r e f o r e a p p r o p r i a t e l y a s s o c i a t e d with Yuan p e r i o d b u r i a l s i n the l e v e l a t t r i b u t e d by Mrs. Tenazas, to a time range corresponding roughly to the l a t e Sung/Yuan p e r i o d s " ( L o c s i n and L o c s i n , 1968:8). See t h i s paper a l s o , f o r a f u l l d i s c u s s i o n of the problems i n v o l v e d i n the d a t i n g of trade ceramics i n g e n e r a l ( i b i d : 1 - 5 ) . A s s o c i a t e d wares among P e r i o d I I I b u r i a l s : The two main groups of b u r i a l j a r s , the o c h r e - g l a z e d and the brown-glazed, have s e v e r a l occurrences of o v e r l a p of the type of wares a s s o c i a t e d with each group. In the main, the o c h r e - g l a z e d v e s s e l s are found w i t h white-ware d i s h e s or bowls as covers or grave goods; the brown-glazed mostly have no a s s o c i a t e d wares, but f i v e out of the 19 brown j a r s do have a ceramic d i s h or bowl i n a s s o c i a t i o n , e i t h e r as cover or as a grave good p l a c e d i n s i d e the j a r . Three of these are g r a y - g l a z e d d i s h e s (#116, #137, #139). B u r i a l #114 i s a b i g , g r e e n i s h - o l i v e j a r (smashed), with a Te-hua bowl i n s i d e (see Tables A-13 and A-16, Appendix A); t h i s i s a c l e a r l i n k with the o c h r e - j a r b u r i a l s #89 and #130, which have white Te-hua bowls as c o v e r s . I t i s a l s o a l i n k with P e r i o d I I , s i n c e Te-hua wares are a common item i n that l a y e r . In another a s s o c i a t i o n , o c h r e - j a r b u r i a l #74 was found with four a s s o c i a t e d grave goods: 2 ochre bowls, 1 ochre j a r l e t , and 1 f l u t e d celadon d i s h ; t h i s i s a l i n k with the o l i v e - b r o w n - j a r b u r i a l #152, which was found with a f l u t e d celadon d i s h as c o v e r . 1 55 S p a t i a l a s s o c i a t i o n and depth of b u r i a l : Table A-16, Appendix A, and Fig.8.1 show that s e v e r a l small l o c a l i z e d c l u s t e r s of j a r b u r i a l s have ochre and brown j a r s i n c l o s e s p a t i a l a s s o c i a t i o n , and at very s i m i l a r depths of b u r i a l . For example: ochre j a r - b u r i a l #31 (29 cm) and brown j a r b u r i a l #156 (30 cm); i n the c e n t r e of the s i t e i s a t i g h t c l u s t e r of j a r b u r i a l s at very s i m i l a r depths: ochre #131 (40 cm), brown #137 (34 cm), brown #139 (37 cm); o l i v e - g r e e n #152 (48 cm). Close nearby t h i s c e n t r a l c l u s t e r i s another a s s o c i a t i o n of j a r s : ochre #74 (47 cm), gray #94 (40 cm), olive-brown #114 (38 cm). Table A-16, Appendix A, confirms the s i m i l a r i t i e s i n depth of b u r i a l between the ochre and brown groups: mean depth of the ochre j a r b u r i a l s i s 35.9 cm, while the mean depth of the brown j a r group i s 35.6 cm. The celadon j a r b u r i a l s have a mean depth of 36.5. The earthenware j a r b u r i a l s have a mean depth of 40.0 cm. The f i v e inhumation b u r i a l s i n the P e r i o d III l a y e r are a l s o at a s i m i l a r range of depths, with a mean of 39.4. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that the 11 p i t b u r i a l s i n Agra P e r i o d III are found at a deeper o v e r a l l l e v e l than the other b u r i a l s , with a mean depth of 58.9. T h i s c o u l d be taken to imply t h a t the p i t b u r i a l s were the forerunners of the cremation b u r i a l phase i n P i l a ; as the p r a c t i c e of cremation became more entrenched, the r i t u a l may have developed i n t o the use of ceramic v e s s e l s f o r b u r i a l . 1 56 Comparison of Agra and Mendoza P e r i o d III b u r i a l s : Table 8.1 shows that the p i t and j a r b u r i a l s i n Mendoza occur at a g e n e r a l l y shallower l e v e l than i n Agra. I t w i l l be r e c a l l e d that the same p a t t e r n occurs i n P e r i o d I I , where the mean depth of b u r i a l s i n Agra i s 89 cm., while the mean depth of b u r i a l s i n Mendoza i s 74.8 cm. I suggest that these d i f f e r e n c e s are r e l a t e d to topography. The b u r i a l s i t e at Mendoza i s s i t u a t e d m a r g i n a l l y c l o s e r to the southern shore of Laguna de Bay (see Fig.1.2) and the su r f a c e e r o s i o n of the land during the subsequent f l o o d i n g of the area ( p o s t u l a t e d by Tenazas at the c l o s e of P e r i o d I I I ) may have been g r e a t e r than i n Agra (Tenazas 1968:16). See f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n f o r more d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n of s t r a t i g r a p h y . S t r a t i g r a p h y : Tenazas s t a t e s that the s i t e s t r a t i g r a p h y shows that the P e r i o d I I I l a y e r r e p r e s e n t s a s i n g l e a r c h a e o l o g i c a l l e v e l c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a d i s t i n c t and homogeneous s o i l l a y e r (with respect to s o i l t e x t u r e , c o l o u r , organic content, and type of c u l t u r a l m a t e r i a l s present throughout) ( i b i d : 15,16,17). She has c h a r a c t e r i s e d the ceramic v e s s e l s found i n t h i s l a y e r on s t y l i s t i c grounds as one group: " f o r t h i s l e v e l , an o r i g i n a l a t t r i b u t i o n of l a t e or upper Sung/Yuan p e r i o d i s estimated on the b a s i s of ceramic types" ( i b i d : 15). The shallowness of the P e r i o d I I I l a y e r (45 cm. t h i c k ) and the small number of b u r i a l s represented i n the j a r b u r i a l group (34 in Agra and 4 i n Mendoza) suggests a short p e r i o d of occupation of the s i t e at t h i s time. In c o n j u n c t i o n with ,the evidence presented above, and the short p e r i o d of occupation p o s t u l a t e d TABLE 8 . 1 : T a b l e o f mean d e p t h s ( i n c e n t i m e t r e s ) o f b u r i a l s i n P e r i o d I I I . ( T h i s l a y e r i s 15 - 20 c m . f r o m s u r f a c e a n d @ 4 5 c m . t h i c k ) . [ S e e A p p e n d i x , T a b l e 16 f o r f u l l t a b l e o f d e p t h o f b u r i a l s i n P e r i o d I I I ] . N o . Mean B u r i a l s B u r i a l s D e p t h AGRA I n h u m a t i o n s 5 3 9 . 4 O c h r e j a r 10 3 5 . 9 O l i v e / b r o w n j a r 19 3 5 . 6 O t h e r g l a z e s 2 3 6 . 5 E a r t h e n w a r e s 3 4 0 . 0 P i t b u r i a l s 11 5 8 . 9 MENDOZA O c h r e j a r 2 1 4 . 0 O l i v e / b r o w n j a r 2 2 5 . 5 P i t b u r i a l s 1 3 4 . 0 158 by Tenazas, i t i s l o g i c a l to i n f e r a s i n g l e occupation of the s i t e . I t may be p e r t i n e n t to note that i n s p i t e of the r e l a t i v e l y small number of b u r i a l s found i n the P e r i o d I I I l a y e r , both Agra and Mendoza have the same mix of b u r i a l p a t t e r n s and ceramic s t y l e s . Another suggestive aspect of the s i t u a t i o n at P i l a i s the f a c t that the P e r i o d III secondary cremation j a r b u r i a l complex appears to have been a r e l a t i v e l y i s o l a t e d phenomenon i n t h i s p e r i o d of P h i l i p p i n e p r e - h i s t o r y . "The p a r t i c u l a r p r a c t i c e of secondary cremation, e s p e c i a l l y i n j a r s , has a l i m i t e d d i s t r i b u t i o n . . . (there i s ) no example of a secondary cremation p r a c t i c e among e x i s t i n g p r i m i t i v e groups i n the P h i l i p p i n e s . . . the c l o s e s t p a r a l l e l i s drawn among a t r i b e i n Borneo c a l l e d the Sihougho" (Tenazas 1968:18). A r c h a e o l o g i c a l evidence supports t h i s statement, as there are no occurrences of a cremation j a r - b u r i a l phase i n t e r v e n i n g between Sung/Yuan p e r i o d b u r i a l s and e a r l y Ming b u r i a l s i n such P h i l i p p i n e s i t e s as Calatagan (Janse 1944; Fox 1959), Santa Ana ( L o c s i n and L o c s i n 1967) and Cebu C i t y (Hutterer 1973). Regarding the matter of c l i m a t i c change, Tenazas suggests: " C o n s i d e r i n g the shallow l o c a t i o n of the cremation b u r i a l s , sometimes only about 15 cm. from the s u r f a c e i t i s b e l i e v e d that some kind of c l i m a t i c change causing r a p i d e r o s i o n (perhaps f l o o d i n g ) took p l a c e , r e n d e r i n g the area u n f i t f o r h a b i t a t i o n a f t e r a r e l a t i v e l y short p e r i o d of time" (Tenazas 1968:16). C o n f i r m a t i o n of t h i s suggestion occurs i n the L o c s i n paper: " 159 C l i m a t i c change i n v o l v i n g changing l e v e l s of the water t a b l e and water l e v e l s i n Laguna de Bay i s b e l i e v e d to have beeen a r e c u r r i n g s i t u a t i o n in t h i s p a r t of Luzon" ( L o c s i n and L o c s i n , 1968:6-7). 8.4 Summary and D i s c u s s i o n The appearance of two major groupings of b u r i a l s , both i n b u r i a l form (nature and c o n d i t i o n of v e s s e l s used) and i n s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n , suggests that a c e r t a i n p o l a r i z a t i o n of the r e s i d e n t i a l p o p u l a t i o n i n P i l a was t a k i n g p l a c e at t h i s time. T h i s i s c l e a r l y a c u l t u r e change from the e a r l i e r , i n d i v i d u a l b u r i a l p a t t e r n s i n P e r i o d I I , which showed no such d i v i s i o n . On t h i s b a s i s , Hypothesis 10 appears to be supported, and i t i s concluded that the r e s i d e n t i a l n u c l e a r f a m i l y k i n - groups of P e r i o d II had c o a l e s c e d i n t o two d i s t i n c t a f f i l i a t i v e groups. Lineages have been i n f e r r e d by other a r c h a e o l o g i s t s , such as Pearson (1981), on the b a s i s of s i m i l a r data. In the P i l a c ontext, however, the two groups may represent r e s i d e n t i a l groups of kindred, r a t h e r than descent groups. The brown and o l i v e - j a r b u r i a l s are more numerous, and, from the evidence of the r i t u a l l y - s m a s h e d j a r s , p o s s i b l y more r i t u a l l y powerful. They a l s o represent a new s t y l i s t i c form, not a development from P e r i o d II s t y l e s . The o c h r e - j a r group may perhaps be the w e a l t h i e r group - these b u r i a l s are more segregated s p a t i a l l y w i t h i n the s i t e ( i n d i c a t i n g a more powerful c o r p o r a t e image) and a l s o the only j a r b u r i a l with a s s o c i a t e d grave goods belongs to the ochre group. Another p o i n t to be 160 noted, which may or may not be s i g n i f i c a n t , i s the f a c t that the o c h r e - j a r b u r i a l s are c l u s t e r e d i n the v i c i n i t y of the crematory complex, which i s i n the north-west quadrant of the s i t e (see Fig.8.1). The crematorium i s a sturdy s t r u c t u r e which c l e a r l y r e p r e s e n t s a s u b s t a n t i a l c o r p o r a t e energy involvement and must have been the focus of important r i t u a l a c t i v i t y . Looking at the evidence of the P e r i o d III b u r i a l s i n terms of the three sub-systems which were the focus of the P e r i o d II a n a l y s e s , some very g e n e r a l i z e d i n f e r e n c e s can be made regarding p o s s i b l e d e t a i l s of c u l t u r e change i n P e r i o d I I I . With res p e c t to the Trade Sub-System, P e r i o d III does not show evidence of much c u l t u r e change. Since the j a r b u r i a l s are overwhelmingly i n trade ceramic v e s s e l s rather than l o c a l earthenwares, the great value a s c r i b e d to the imported wares in P e r i o d II c l e a r l y remained the same i n P e r i o d I I I . Some c u l t u r e change was seen i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the brown-olive-glazed cremation j a r s . Status was s t i l l a s s o c i a t e d with trade ceramics ( p a r t i c u l a r l y i n view of the s o l e j a r b u r i a l with grave goods, which were a l l trade ceramic wares). E q u a l l y c l e a r l y , the trade ceramics were s t i l l c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d with r i t u a l v a l u e . The small number of earthenware j a r s u t i l i z e d i n these b u r i a l s i n d i c a t e s t hat l o c a l earthenwares had not r i s e n i n value or s t a t u s . S t y l i s t i c a l l y , too, the earthenwares show c l e a r s i m i l a r i t i e s to the earthenware v e s s e l s i n P e r i o d I I . 161 The l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n of ceramic j a r b u r i a l s i n comparison with p i t b u r i a l s suggests that t r a de with China was s t i l l steady and voluminous, and that the l o c a l p o p u l a t i o n c o u l d count on o b t a i n i n g the imported wares they wanted i n s u f f i c i e n t q u a n t i t i e s . However, the p o l a r i z a t i o n of g l a z e / f o r m types as p r e f e r r e d v e s s e l s f o r the b u r i a l s suggests that the p a t t e r n of person-to-person trade determined f o r P e r i o d II may have changed i n favour of some more c e n t r a l i z e d a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and c o n t r o l . The o r d e r i n g of the ceramic wares p r e f e r r e d f o r b u r i a l s may have been taken over by some p a r t i c u l a r person or group. Regarding the S o c i a l Sub-System, c o n s i d e r a b l e c u l t u r e change may be i n f e r r e d from the evidence. In P e r i o d I I , s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n in P i l a was based on d i f f e r e n c e s i n wealth, and b u r i a l p a t t e r n s appeared homogeneous f o r wealthy and poor a l i k e ( i n terms of grave form and b u r i a l treatment). In P e r i o d III the b u r i a l s i n d i c a t e the presence of d e f i n i t e s o c i a l groupings and some corporate c o n t r o l over r i t u a l p a t t e r n s (as expressed i n grave form and b u r i a l treatment). E l i t e badges of wealth (such as g o l d , c o i n s , j e w e l l e r y ) are no longer i n c l u d e d i n the b u r i a l s . T h i s suggests that r i t u a l s t a t u s i s becoming more c l o s e l y a l l i e d to membership i n a s o c i a l group r a t h e r than to i n d i v i d u a l achievement. Hodder (1982) maintains t h a t s t y l i s t i c d i f f e r e n c e s may denote c o n f l i c t and t e n s i o n between groups. T h i s would be i n keeping with an i n c r e a s e i n s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n along kin-group l i n e s . 1 6 2 In the R i t u a l Sub-System, there i s evidence of both c o n t i n u i t y and change i n the P e r i o d III b u r i a l s . Trade ceramics c o n t i n u e to have inherent r i t u a l value - the j a r b u r i a l s i n c l u d e not o n l y the two main gla z e groupings, but a l s o other g l a z e c a t e g o r i e s (celadons and g r a y - g l a z e d wares). The i n c l u s i o n of trade ceramics as grave goods i n b u r i a l #74 g i v e s added support to the i n f e r e n c e t h a t a l l trade ceramics were s t i l l c o n s i d e r e d i n h e r e n t l y s u i t a b l e f o r r i t u a l use. The p r o t e c t i v e r o l e observed i n the placement of ceramics over and around the body i n P e r i o d II b u r i a l s i s continued i n P e r i o d III - as evidenced by the many i n s t a n c e s of ceramic d i s h e s used to cover the cremation j a r s . The symbolic value of the d u r a b i l i t y , resonance and h i g h - f i r e d g l a z e s of the trade ceramics continued to be important throughout t h i s p e r i o d , s i n c e ethnographic evidence a t t e s t s to the importance of these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n c o n t a c t times. Can the j a r b u r i a l complex i n d i c a t e change or c o n t i n u i t y i n the g e n e r a l p a t t e r n s of r i t u a l a c t i v i t y i n P i l a ? In P e r i o d I I , the b u r i a l p a t t e r n s showed no evidence of s o c i a l r o l e s , and l i t t l e or no c o r p o r a t e i d e n t i t y or c o n t r o l over the b u r i a l r i t u a l ; t h i s c o u l d be extended, by i n f e r e n c e , to the conduct of r i t u a l a c t i v i t y i n the s o c i e t y at l a r g e . In P e r i o d I I I , evidence of c o r p o r a t e i d e n t i t y does e x i s t i n the b u r i a l p a t t e r n s , i n the form of the two s o c i a l groupings; there i s a co r r e s p o n d i n g decrease i n i n d i v i d u a l v a r i a t i o n i n r i t u a l a c t i o n , as expressed i n the lack of d i v e r s i t y i n the secondary 163 cremations and j a r b u r i a l s . S i m i l a r f e a t u r e s may have c h a r a c t e r i z e d P i l a s o c i e t y i n i t s other a s p e c t s . On the other hand, the change from inhumation to cremation b u r i a l s may have made some asp e c t s of d i v e r s i t y l e s s v i s i b l e i n the a r c h a e o l o g i c a l remains, while they may s t i l l have e x i s t e d in l i f e . In the P e r i o d III b u r i a l s , i n terms of the symbolic domain, there i s evidence f o r c u l t u r e change in number of a s p e c t s . In P e r i o d I I , the i d e o l o g i c a l paradigm i n v o l v e d the overwhelming power and importance of s u p e r n a t u r a l f o r c e s , which i n c l u d e d c l o s e p e r s o n a l a n c e s t o r s ; the power of p e t i t i o n a r y r i t u a l a c t i o n by i n d i v i d u a l s and t h e i r immediate f a m i l y groups; and a c o n c e p t u a l lack of boundedness, of r i g i d c o n s t r a i n t s , i n the p h y s i c a l , s o c i a l , m a t e r i a l and i d e o l o g i c a l u n i v e r s e . In P e r i o d I I , I looked at the b u r i a l data in terms of i s o l a t i n g m a t e r i a l c o r r e l a t e s of major i d e o l o g i c a l a t t i t u d e s : a t t i t u d e s to m a t e r i a l o b j e c t s , a t t i t u d e s to i n d i v i d u a l s , and a t t i t u d e s to death. In P e r i o d I I I , the m a t e r i a l evidence i n d i c a t e s c u l t u r e change - and the new m a t e r i a l c o r r e l a t e s observed are no longer i n keeping with the i d e o l o g i c a l o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e s determined f o r P e r i o d I I . T h e r e f o r e by d e f i n i t i o n , the i d e o l o g i c a l paradigm must a l s o have changed. Some d e t a i l s of that change can be i n f e r r e d , but one can only s p e c u l a t e about what changed f i r s t , which aspect was the determinant one i n the development of the new p a t t e r n . 164 In P e r i o d I I I , the r i t u a l treatment of the dead i s s t i l l a powerful f a c t o r , i n d i c a t i n g that s u p e r n a t u r a l f o r c e s are s t i l l of major importance in the s t r u c t u r e of t h i s s o c i e t y . However, the importance of i n d i v i d u a l a c t i o n and i n d i v i d u a l freedom of v a r i a t i o n appears to have d i m i n i s h e d - the i d e o l o g i c a l paradigm i s now more s o c i a l l y c o n s t r a i n e d , more bounded. Instead of a one-to-one r e l a t i o n s h i p with the s u p e r n a t u r a l sources of power, the i n d i v i d u a l i s becoming subordinate to a c o r p o r a t e i d e n t i t y , a s o c i a l group. The m a t e r i a l o b j e c t s used in the b u r i a l r i t u a l now m i r r o r the importance of a group of i d e n t i t y , or conformity to a s o c i a l persona, ( i n terms of s t y l e and s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n ) . I f the b u r i a l s i t e i s a l s o a h a b i t a t i o n s i t e , as the evidence suggests, then the r e s i d e n c e p a t t e r n s a l s o r e f l e c t the i n c r e a s e d s i g n i f i c a n c e of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the l a r g e r s o c i a l group, most l i k e l y a descent group. Thus the a t t i t u d e to m a t e r i a l o b j e c t s and to i n d i v i d u a l s , r e f l e c t s the i n c r e a s e d importance of the c o r p o r a t e i d e n t i t y , and an i n c r e a s e d d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . In a t t i t u d e s toward death, there i s evidence f o r some c o n t i n u i t y as w e l l as change. The c a r e f u l r i t u a l treatment and the i n c r e a s e d ceremonial i n v o l v e d i n secondary cremation and j a r b u r i a l , suggests that death i n P e r i o d III was i d e o l o g i c a l l y important, and continued to represent t r a n s i t i o n to h i g h e r s t a t u s , r a t h e r than mere departure from the land of the l i v i n g . The secondary j a r b u r i a l s continue to r e f l e c t the great respect and intimate p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p p e r c e i v e d between the l i v i n g and the dead. What has changed i s the s t y l e of the b u r i a l 165 r i t u a l - an i n c r e a s e i n the ceremonial i t s e l f . I f Tenazas i s c o r r e c t i n d e s c r i b i n g these j a r b u r i a l s as secondary cremations t y p i c a l of groups which p r a c t i c e "bone washing" (Tenazas 1968:17,18), then the ceremonial i n v o l v e d i n the treatment and b u r i a l of the departed person i n v o l v e d more energy, more time and more f a m i l y group a c t i o n than had been necessary i n P e r i o d I I . A l s o changed i s the f a c t that the b u r i a l r i t u a l now i n v o l v e s s o c i a l markers - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with a l a r g e r s o c i a l group, i n terms of the s t y l e of b u r i a l j a r chosen. The dead are s t i l l equipped with symbolic o b j e c t s of power (the j a r s ) but these are now a l l i e d with s o c i a l power (corporate i d e n t i t y ) . In a d d i t i o n , the i n c r e a s e d presence of c o n s t r a i n t s i n the i d e o l o g i c a l paradigm i n t h i s p e r i o d i s evident i n the greater boundedness, the g r e a t e r p h y s i c a l envelopment of the dead in t h e i r p r o t e c t i v e c o n t a i n e r s . Whereas i n P e r i o d II the presence of an assortment of small, symbolic trade ceramics, l o o s e l y wrapped i n matting around the body was s u f f i c i e n t to c a s t a p r o t e c t i v e area around the deceased, i n P e r i o d II the e n t i r e b o d i l y remains, r i t u a l l y prepared, are encased i n s i d e a ceramic j a r , and a d d i t i o n a l l y , the j a r i s covered by a ceramic d i s h or bowl to make the p r o t e c t i o n complete. Thus symbolic power alone i s no longer enough; complete m a t e r i a l encasement, as w e l l as a s o c i a l i d e n t i t y , are now necessary to ensure adequate p r o t e c t i o n of the d e p a r t e d s o u l . 166 9. DISCUSSION My approach i n t h i s study has been aimed at f o r g i n g some kind of methodological s y n t h e s i s between the p r o c e s s u a l and the symbolic s c h o o l s of mortuary a n a l y s i s . A c a r e f u l review of the l i t e r a t u r e produced the strong impression that the c h i e f f a c t o r that might prevent an e f f e c t i v e "blend" would l i e i n the nature of the a v a i l a b l e data. C l e a r l y , where the s i t e to be analyzed has no a s s o c i a t e d i n f o r m a t i o n r e g a r d i n g h i s t o r i c a l c ontext or l o c a l ethnographic data, i t would be d i f f i c u l t to apply the symbolic approach. On the other hand, a c o l l e c t i o n of a r c h a e o l o g i c a l data which had been excavated without t h i s o r i e n t a t i o n would make i t d i f f i c u l t to c a r r y out p r o c e s s u a l a n a l y s i s . The b u r i a l s i t e s at P i l a appeared to have the r e q u i s i t e i n f o r m a t i o n r e q u i r e d f o r both approaches: c a r e f u l a t t e n t i o n to e x c a v a t i o n techniques and data r e c o r d i n g , and a c o n s i d e r a b l e amount of h i s t o r i c a l and ethnographic d a t a . From that p o i n t , the r e a l c h a l l e n g e was the f o r m u l a t i o n of a p p r o p r i a t e q u e s t i o n s to ask of the d a t a . The f i r s t s t e p was to determine the sub-systems which would be most r e l e v a n t to a l l the d a t a . I d e f i n e d a number of t e s t a b l e p r o p o s i t i o n s r e g a r d i n g the nature and amount of s o c i a l complexity i n the mortuary data, based on p r o c e s s u a l theory, and looked f o r b e h a v i o u r a l c o r r e l a t e s i n the mortuary remains. On the b a s i s of the ethnographic, h i s t o r i c a l and a r c h a e o l o g i c a l sources combined, I then d e f i n e d a set of g e n e r a l , symbolic o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e s or the u n d e r l y i n g c u l t u r a l paradigm, along the l i n e s suggested by 167 Kent's (1984) study. The next step was to f i n d a way to l i n k the i d e o l o g i c a l o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e s with the m a t e r i a l data. In t h i s , I used Hodder's suggestion (Hodder I982a:20l) to look f o r c u l t u r a l a t t i t u d e s . These should be p e r t i n e n t to the three sub-systems chosen fo r a n a l y s i s , and would r e l a t e to the s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n at P i l a as w e l l as to the mortuary s i t u a t i o n . Hodder had suggested l o o k i n g f o r a t t i t u d e s to death, (these would r e l a t e to the mortuary r i t u a l ) and a t t i t u d e s to power and a u t h o r i t y (these would r e l a t e to the s o c i a l sub-system). I decided to look f o r a t t i t u d e s to o b j e c t s as w e l l , because of the prominence of the trade ceramics i n the b u r i a l assemblages (these would r e l a t e to the trade sub-system as a whole). F o l l o w i n g t h i s , I looked f o r m a t e r i a l c o r r e l a t e s of these a t t i t u d e s : i f a p a r t i c u l a r a t t i t u d e had p r e v a i l e d , i n what way might t h i s be r e f l e c t e d i n the b u r i a l goods chosen and the r i t u a l p a t t e r n s followed? The f i n a l form of the q u e s t i o n s was the r e s u l t of a d i a l o g u e between the data and the r e l e v a n t c u l t u r a l a t t i t u d e s formulated. In t e s t i n g the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the ethnographic model to the data from P i l a , I found that the analyses f o r P e r i o d II r e v e a l e d that a range of s t a t u s d i d e x i s t i n P i l a , and that i t was expressed i n the q u a n t i t y and the q u a l i t y of grave goods. No other d i f f e r e n c e s i n b u r i a l treatment c o u l d be observed ( i n c l u d i n g energy e x p e n d i t u r e ) . The c l o s e c o r r e l a t i o n between l a r g e numbers of trade ceramics and the presence of e l i t e badges of s t a t u s (such as gold, j e w e l l e r y and c o i n s ) showed that the 168 ceramics were i n d i c a t o r s of wealth at P i l a . Ethnography showed that trade ceramics were important possessions that p l a y e d a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n a l l aspects of l i f e - s o c i a l , ceremonial and r i t u a l . T h i s was confirmed by the analyses, which i n d i c a t e d that the p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the ceramics gave them inherent symbolic s i g n i f i c a n c e . The miniature s i z e and p r i s t i n e c o n d i t i o n of the m a j o r i t y of the wares i n d i c a t e d that they must have been a c q u i r e d s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r funerary purposes. The wide range in the number of grave goods, together with the homogeneity of b u r i a l form throughout both s i t e s , l e d to the i n f e r e n c e that s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n at P i l a was based on achieved s t a t u s . T h i s was supported by the small number of b u r i a l s with e l i t e badges pres e n t . These r e s u l t s confirmed the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the ethnographic model to the P i l a d a ta. The main l i m i t a t i o n s of the excavation data at P i l a were r e l a t e d to the l a c k of organic p r e s e r v a t i o n at the s i t e . T h i s meant that no r e a l assessment c o u l d be made of the presence or absence of s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n on the b a s i s of age or sex. Future excavations of P h i l i p p i n e s i t e s of t h i s p e r i o d which do r e t a i n a s i g n i f i c a n t l e v e l of o r g a n i c p r e s e r v a t i o n would pr o v i d e a v a l u a b l e t e s t i n g ground f o r the c o n c l u s i o n s drawn from t h i s study. The problem of the. l a c k of organic p r e s e r v a t i o n was magnified by the almost complete absence of u t i l i t a r i a n goods in the b u r i a l assemblages. Even those items which might have been i n d i c a t o r s of s e x - s p e c i f i c f u n c t i o n s ( s p i n d l e whorls, net s i n k e r s ) proved i n c o n c l u s i v e . The l a c k of c l e a r - c u t evidence regarding age and sex r o l e s l e d to the c o n c l u s i o n that there was 1 6 9 no r i g i d system of sexual d i v i s i o n of labour at P i l a - a r e s u l t which supported the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the ethnographic model in t h i s r e s p e c t . One area of v a r i a b i l i t y d i f f i c u l t to i n t e r p r e t was the s t a t u s of i r o n blades (and fragments) i n the P i l a b u r i a l s . These were found i n a m i n o r i t y of b u r i a l s , and were not s p e c i f i c a l l y c o r r e l a t e d with any other c l a s s of a r t i f a c t , or with the w e a l t h i e s t ceramic assemblages. The i r o n was important, because i t was always b u r i e d next to the body, together with the ceramic -wares, i n s i d e a matting shroud, my c o n c l u s i o n i s that i r o n blades denote an i n d i v i d u a l with s p e c i a l achieved s t a t u s r e l a t e d to power of some kind ( f o r i n s t a n c e , a great w a r r i o r , or hunter, or f a m i l y p r o t e c t o r , or even a r e l a t i v e of such a person). The r e l a t i v e l y low frequency of i r o n blades compared with the h i g h frequency of ceramics suggests t h a t p h y s i c a l p r o t e c t i o n was viewed as l e s s powerful than r i t u a l p r o t e c t i o n at P i l a . Locally-made earthenwares were s i m i l a r l y not s p e c i f i c a l l y c o r r e l a t e d with the wealthy assemblages of trade ceramics. Ethnography shows that they were u t i l i t a r i a n o b j e c t s , and were f r e q u e n t l y used as packing c o n t a i n e r s f o r l u x u r i o u s or more p e r i s h a b l e goods (such as f a b r i c s , foods, smaller c o n t a i n e r s , r i t u a l substances and aromatic o i l s and h e r b s ) . They were b u r i e d o u t s i d e the matting shrouds i n the P i l a graves, and set s l i g h t l y away from the body. Earthenwares occur throughout the f u l l range of b u r i a l s , from wealthy to poor, i n a seemingly 170 unpatterned f a s h i o n . The h a n d f u l of very poorest b u r i a l s , however, with no trade ceramics at a l l , g e n e r a l l y had an earthenware c o n t a i n e r as a grave good - l e a d i n g to the i n f e r e n c e that they were s u b s t i t u t i n g f o r the r i t u a l l y more powerful ceramics. The o v e r a l l i n d i c a t i o n s with r e s p e c t to the p a t t e r n of earthenware occurrences supports the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the ethnographic model, which shows that l o c a l earthenwares d i m i n i s h e d i n s t a t u s f o l l o w i n g the establishment of r e g u l a r t r a d i n g r e l a t i o n s between the P h i l i p p i n e s and China. Whereas i n p r e v i o u s c e n t u r i e s l o c a l earthenware p o t t e r y of advanced design and elegant shape was produced i n the P h i l i p p i n e s (e.g. the Kalanay p o t t e r y t r a d i t i o n ) , once ceramic trade with China was w e l l under way, the l o c a l p o t t e r y showed a n o t i c e a b l e drop i n q u a l i t y and v a r i e t y . Regarding the t r a d i n g p a t t e r n s at P i l a , the ethnographic model p r o v i d e s ample evidence of person-to-person t r a d e , with no i n d i c a t i o n of the presence of any c e n t r a l i z e d c o n t r o l , or r e d i s t r i b u t i o n - of goods. The great d i v e r s i t y among the i n d i v i d u a l items i n the ceramic assemblages supports the n o t i o n of person-to-person t r a d e , with no evidence of "bulk o r d e r s " or f a c t o r y l o t s . T h i s d i v e r s i t y of wares i n the P e r i o d II b u r i a l s r e v e a l s a number of p a t t e r n s of minor co-occurrences of g l a z e / f u n c t i o n types. Most of the b u r i a l s have some combination of c o n t a i n e r s and d i s h e s (or open forms), with c o n t a i n e r s being more important. The w e a l t h i e s t b u r i a l s have m u l t i p l e " s e t s " of c o n t a i n e r s and d i s h e s . The most favoured g l a z e type f o r wealthy and poor a l i k e are celadons, which are found e q u a l l y o f t e n as 171 c o n t a i n e r s and d i s h e s ; brown and ochre wares are predominantly c o n t a i n e r s , while gray and white wares are mainly d i s h e s . There i s an almost complete absence of blue-and-white ceramic wares, as these b u r i a l s are a s c r i b e d to" the 12th century, a p e r i o d p r e d a t i n g the f u l l development of t h i s type. The few blue-and- white j a r l e t s found give the impression of being e a r l y attempts to develop c o n t r o l of the new s t y l e s and techniques. S l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t combinations of g l a z e / f u n c t i o n types occur in Agra and Mendoza, although there i s c o n s i d e r a b l e o v e r l a p . T h i s v a r i a t i o n i n ware/function types may i n d i c a t e that the two b u r i a l s i t e s represent some degree of s e g r e g a t i o n along a f f i l i a t i v e l i n e s , but the p a t t e r n s of a s s o c i a t i o n are not strong enough to denote l i n e a g e s (a form of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n r a r e l y found in t h i s area of Southeast A s i a i n any c a s e ) . T h i s may r e f l e c t the presence of b i l a t e r a l kindred, " o c c a s i o n a l " groups which become a c t i v e only i n r i t u a l or " c r i s i s " s i t u a t i o n s , such as funerary ceremonials (see Murdock, s e c t i o n 2.4.1). A comparison c o u l d be drawn with Bayard's r e s u l t s at Non Nok Tha (see s e c t i o n 2.4.2) which showed the presence of two a f f i l i t a t i v e groups; the Non Nok Tha evidence, however, was f a r more c l e a r - c u t and c o n c l u s i v e i n t h i s r e s p e c t . Another e x p l a n a t i o n f o r the d i f f e r e n c e s i n ceramic types between Agra and Mendoza may be a small c h r o n o l o g i c a l d i f f e r e n c e - even a p e r i o d of 10 or 20 years may have a f f e c t e d a v a i l a b i l i t y of s p e c i f i c ceramic types. 172 On the i n t e r - s i t e l e v e l , there was some d i f f e r e n c e between Agra and Mendoza i n the range of wealth represented i n P e r i o d I I . The b u r i a l s i n Mendoza are a s m a l l e r group (45 b u r i a l s ) but have higher l e v e l s of wealth; the b u r i a l s i n Agra, however, which are somewhat l e s s wealthy i n terms of trade ceramics present, i n c l u d e a l l the b u r i a l s i n P i l a which c o n t a i n e l i t e badges of s t a t u s (gold, c o i n s , e t c . ) . The p a t t e r n s of s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n are a l s o r a t h e r c u r i o u s . The Agra b u r i a l s appear to show no s p a t i a l c l u s t e r i n g of any k i n d ; i n Mendoza, however, almost a l l of the w e a l t h i e s t b u r i a l s show a general c l u s t e r i n g in one l a r g e s e c t i o n of the s i t e (poorer b u r i a l s are a l s o s c a t t e r e d throughout t h i s s e c t i o n ) . The s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n may be another i n d i c a t i o n of some g e n e r a l s e g r e g a t i o n of the b u r i a l s along a f f i l i a t i v e l i n e s . In the analyses d e a l i n g with P e r i o d I I I , an attempt was made to assess the nature and extent of the c u l t u r e change i n d i c a t e d by the mortuary treatment. The main problem was the q u e s t i o n of contemporaneity of the two p r i n c i p a l types of ceramic j a r s u t i l i z e d i n the cremation b u r i a l s . The evidence, however, supports the c l a i m of contemporaneity r a t h e r than s u c c e s s i v e o c c u p a t i o n s . On t h i s b a s i s , i t i s concluded that P e r i o d III b u r i a l s r e f l e c t not only c u l t u r e change with r e s p e c t to b u r i a l treatment, but a l s o c u l t u r e change with r e s p e c t to s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . The presence of two c l e a r l y - d e f i n e d sub- groups i n d i c a t e s the development of c o r p o r a t e s o c i a l groups i n P i l a s o c i e t y ; and the change i n b u r i a l p a t t e r n s r e f l e c t s a change i n the b a s i c i d e o l o g i c a l o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e s . 1 73 Regarding the change i n b u r i a l p a t t e r n s , the most p r e v a l e n t e x p l a n a t i o n suggested by other r e s e a r c h e r s , i s d i f f u s i o n of r i t u a l p a t t e r n s from southern China. Tenazas suggests that the P i l a cremations i n P e r i o d III are secondary cremations (Tenazas 1968:18). She p o i n t s out that while secondary b u r i a l s , e s p e c i a l l y i n j a r s , are q u i t e commonly p r a c t i c e d i n many p a r t s of Southeast A s i a , t h i s i s not the case with secondary cremations i n j a r s . The method used i n secondary cremations i s to have a primary b u r i a l as a f i r s t stage; a f t e r a l l o w i n g the remains to decompose, the bones are then c o l l e c t e d and burned i n a r i t u a l (a p r a c t i c e known as "bone washing" i n some a r e a s ) . A crematory s t r u c t u r e was excavated i n the P e r i o d III l e v e l at P i l a (see F i g . B-12, Appendix B). Roxas-Lim a l s o argues that the j a r b u r i a l t r a d i t i o n i n g e n e r a l must have o r i g i n a t e d i n China, and reached the P h i l i p p i n e s through an i n d i r e c t route v i a Indochina and Borneo (Roxas-Lim 1966:237). Janse has p o i n t e d out s i m i l a r i t i e s to the P h i l i p p i n e s i n the r i t u a l p a t t e r n s of South China and Indo-China, such as b u r i a l with ceramic c o n t a i n e r s , and the use of ceramic d i s h e s p l a c e d upside-down over p a r t s of the body to c o n t a i n the s p i r i t of the deceased (Janse 1944:35-36). Roxas-Lim a l s o s t a t e s that j a r b u r i a l was p r a c t i c e d i n China both i n pre-Buddhist (before 200 A.D.) and Buddhist times. She notes that the cremation and p r e s e r v a t i o n of Buddhist p r i e s t s was a g e n e r a l p r a c t i c e , u s u a l l y u t i l i z i n g l a r g e , g l a z e d brown p o t t e r y urns decorated with dragon m o t i f s ( i b i d : 2 3 8 ) . 1 74 Chin r e p o r t s that secondary j a r b u r i a l was t r a d i t i o n a l l y p r a c t i c e d by the Melanaus i n Sarawak, with the bones e v e n t u a l l y c o l l e c t e d and b u r i e d i n s i d e a l a r g e Martabani (brown stoneware) j a r . O c c a s i o n a l l y , an assortment of Chinese ceramic p l a t e s , j a r l e t s , bowls and beads accompanied the b u r i a l as grave goods (Chin I978b:5). There a r e , i n f a c t , many s i m i l a r i t i e s i n the c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s of northern Borneo and the P h i l i p p i n e s , and both a n c i e n t Chinese and Spanish sources t e s t i f y to the e x i s t e n c e of long-term c o n t a c t s between the two regions (Laufer 1979:145; P i g a f e t t a 1964:94;Reynolds 1967). I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note t h a t secondary j a r b u r i a l s f o l l o w i n g a bone-washing ceremony i n sea water are an o l d t r a d i t i o n in Okinawa, where the t r a d i t i o n a l r e l i g i o n a l s o i n v o l v e s a b e l i e f i n a n c e s t o r s p i r i t s and a mortuary ceremonial which i n c l u d e s w i n e - d r i n k i n g , food- o f f e r i n g s , f u n e r a l f e a s t s , and female r e l i g i o u s s p e c i a l i s t s (Lebra 1966:66-68). Okinawa, as has a l r e a d y been noted above i n s e c t i o n 2.4.2, was exposed to trade c o n t a c t s with China at about a s i m i l a r p e r i o d as the P h i l i p p i n e s (R. Pearson 1969). Ethnography shows that both Okinawa and the P h i l i p p i n e s possessed an ideology i n v o l v i n g ancestor worship and animism p r i o r to Chinese trade, which would suggest that the j a r b u r i a l t r a d i t i o n r e p r e s e n t s a s e l e c t i v e acceptance of f o r e i g n r i t u a l elements i n keeping with l o c a l b e l i e f s , but not a whole-sale i m p o r t a t i o n of f o r e i g n i d e o l o g y . With r e s p e c t to the c u l t u r e change in s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i n d i c a t e d i n the P i l a b u r i a l s i n P e r i o d I I I , the m a t e r i a l p a t t e r n i n g suggests the i n c r e a s e d importance of the s o c i a l 175 dimension. The homogeneous treatment of b u r i a l s i n P e r i o d II changes to . the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of b u r i a l s on the b a s i s of some kind of s o c i a l i d e n t i t y (expressed i n terms of d i f f e r e n c e s i n the g l a z e c o l o u r of the b u r i a l j a r s ) . T h i s change i s not accompanied by any v i s i b l e i n c rease i n d i f f e r e n c e s of wealth and s t a t u s , suggesting that there has not been much change in the e g a l i t a r i a n s t a t u s p a t t e r n s at P i l a . The r i t u a l , however, has become l e s s p e r s o n a l and more c o r p o r a t e . There i s an i n c r e a s e i n the ceremonial, as i n d i c a t e d by the presence of the cremation s t r u c t u r e and the change to secondary cremation b u r i a l s ( a process which e n t a i l s more energy e x p e n d i t u r e ) . The w e l l b e i n g of the deceased person now r e q u i r e s complete encasement i n a p r o t e c t i v e ceramic c o n t a i n e r , u s u a l l y covered by another ceramic d i s h or bowl. The c o n t a i n e r s themselves, the b u r i a l j a r s , f a l l i n t o two main s t y l i s t i c groupings: the o c h r e - g l a z e d group and the brown/olive g l a z e d group (Table A-16, Appendix A ) . In a d d i t i o n , the mortuary treatment d i s c r i m i n a t e s between the two groups: the ochre j a r s are b u r i e d i n t a c t , the brown/olive j a r s are r i t u a l l y smashed. On the other hand, the d i v e r s i t y i n grave goods vanishes (only one of the b u r i a l s i n P e r i o d III has a c l u s t e r of grave goods i n a s s o c i a t i o n ) . Instead of a one- t o - one r e l a t i o n s h i p with the s u p e r n a t u r a l sources of power, the i n d i v i d u a l i s subordinate to a c o r p o r a t e i d e n t i t y . The dead are s t i l l equipped with symbolic o b j e c t s of power (the b u r i a l j a r , and the ceramic cover) but these are now a l l i e d with s o c i a l power, a s o c i a l persona, and the i n d i v i d u a l v a r i a b i l i t y with respect to the d e t a i l s of the b u r i a l goods has gone. 1 76 While the P e r i o d I I I b u r i a l s show a decrease i n the p e r s o n a l power of the i n d i v i d u a l and an i n c r e a s e i n the importance of s o c i a l i d e n t i t y , the r i t u a l a c t i o n i t s e l f i s d e c r e a s i n g i n symbolic power. Whereas i n P e r i o d II the presence of an assortment of s m a l l , symbolic trade ceramics, l o o s e l y wrapped i n a mat shroud around the body, was s u f f i c i e n t to c r e a t e a p r o t e c t i v e area around the deceased, i n P e r i o d III complete m a t e r i a l encasement of the b o d i l y remains, i s r e q u i r e d ; the bones, r i t u a l l y prepared, must be put i n s i d e a j a r and u s u a l l y covered by another ceramic c o n t a i n e r f o r f u l l p r o t e c t i o n . Thus symbolic power i s not enough to ensure s a f e t y ; p h y s i c a l p r o t e c t i o n of the remains, as w e l l as a s o c i a l i d e n t i t y , are now r e q u i r e d . T h i s i n d i c a t e s that a change i n the i d e o l o g i c a l paradigm of one-to-one r e l a t i o n s h i p with the sources of power has taken p l a c e , that s o c i a l a c t i o n has i n c r e a s e d i n power and importance, while the power of i n d i v i d u a l and r i t u a l a c t i o n has d e c l i n e d . 177 10. CONCLUSIONS The p r i n c i p a l goal of t h i s study has been to t e s t the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the ethnographic model presented, with r e s p e c t to the mortuary data from two contemporaneous s i t e s at P i l a , Laguna. The secondary goal has been to combine p r o c e s s u a l and symbolic approaches to mortuary a n a l y s i s and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . The primary f e a t u r e s of these approaches were d e s c r i b e d i n Chapter 2, together with a number of r e l a t e d t h e o r e t i c a l i s s u e s c a t e g o r i z e d under "Systems Theory" ( s e c t i o n 2.3) and " S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n " ( s e c t i o n 2.4). The ethnographic model was o u t l i n e d i n Chapter 3, i n terms of three sub- systems: t r a d e , s o c i a l and r i t u a l ; i t a l s o i n c o r p o r a t e s a s t r u c t u r a l model of the P i l a c u l t u r a l system, which d e f i n e s the i d e o l o g i c a l paradigm, or general symbolic o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e of the s o c i e t y . The b a s i c procedures f o l l o w e d i n the a n a l y s i s of P i l a mortuary data (Chapters 4,5,6,7 and 8) have been to t e s t the data from P e r i o d II f i r s t , and then to look at P e r i o d I I I f o r evidence of the extent and nature of c u l t u r e change. Hypotheses stemming from the ethnographic model were t e s t e d by a n a l y z i n g the e x c a v a t i o n data, using procedures developed i n p r o c e s s u a l archaeology. The focus of the approach was to look f o r the presence or absence of s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n based on wealth, descent, s o c i a l r o l e s , and s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of f u n c t i o n ; the nature of the trade and exchange p a t t e r n s ; s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s between groups of grave goods; and c u l t u r e change 178 between Perio d s II and I I I . The- r e s u l t s of the analyses were eval u a t e d i n terms of the symbolic s t r u c t u r e presented i n the ethnographic model. In t h i s study I have not emphasized the c o n s i d e r a b l e s o c i a l and u t i l i t a r i a n f u n c t i o n s of the Chinese ceramics i n the P h i l i p p i n e s . These aspects are v i s i b l e i n the ethnographic accounts, but s i n c e my study d e a l s with b u r i a l s , the focus of the r e s e a r c h was r e s t r i c t e d to those c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s most r e l e v a n t to mortuary data. 10.1 C o n c l u s i o n s r e l a t e d to the P i l a Data Analyses Trade Sub-System and m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e : The d i v e r s i t y of ceramic wares present, i n c o n j u n c t i o n with contemporaneous e t h n o - h i s t o r i c a l evidence, confirmed the a n t i q u i t y of the ethnographic p a t t e r n with r e s p e c t to the p a t t e r n of person-to-person t r a d e . Trade was a l r e a d y w e l l - e s t a b l i s h e d by P e r i o d I I , which i s dated to the 12th century A.D. The evidence presented g i v e s q u a l i f i e d support to the suggestion made by H u t t e r e r ( s e c t i o n 2.4), that the demand f o r the goods brought by the Chinese t r a d e r s was s t i m u l a t e d by the i n c r e a s i n g s o c i a l complexity w i t h i n the P i l a c u l t u r a l system. The r e s u l t s of t h i s study, however, i n d i c a t e t hat i t was p a r t l y the prominent i d e o l o g i c a l component of t h i s c u l t u r a l system which s t i m u l a t e d the e v e r - i n c r e a s i n g demand f o r Chinese trade wares. The p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Chinese ceramics caused them to become c l o s e l y i d e n t i f i e d with symbolic 1 79 a t t r i b u t e s . The more f r e q u e n t l y they were used i n r i t u a l s and cermonies, the more i n d i s p e n s i b l e they would have become ( i n view of the f a c t that there was nothing s i m i l a r manufactured l o c a l l y i n the P h i l i p p i n e s ) . The r e s u l t would have been a n a t u r a l l y i n t e n s i f y i n g c i r c l e of supply and demand. H u t t e r e r ' s suggestion i s t h e r e f o r e supported i n t h i s respect that these i n t e r n a l developments i n P i l a s o c i e t y were p a r t l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the i n c r e a s e i n l o n g - d i s t a n c e t r a d e . There i s a r e c u r s i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p present here, a two-way p a t t e r n of i n f l u e n c e , which makes i t d i f f i c u l t to p i n - p i n t a s i n g l e determining f a c t o r . In t h i s r e s p e c t the symbolic t h e o r i e s of Hodder and Pader, r e g a r d i n g the r e c u r s i v e impact of m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e upon ideology and s o c i o - c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s i n g e n e r a l , appear to be supported by the data from P i l a . I t i s c l e a r as w e l l , that the trade r e l a t i o n s had an economic impact, p a r t i c u l a r l y with respect to l o c a l t e c h n o l o g i c a l develpment. P e r i o d III a l s o shows a change i n s o c i a l complexity, with the appearance of two main sub-groups of b u r i a l s , d i s t i n g u i s h e d by d i f f e r e n c e s i n s t y l e and treatment. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to e v a l u a t e the r o l e of ceramics i n r e l a t i o n to the ideology and c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s of t h i s s o c i e t y from another p e r s p e c t i v e . Because the ceramics f u n c t i o n e d i n a s p e c i f i c and powerful way i n the c u l t u r e of P i l a , i s not to say that i t may be assumed that the very same o b j e c t s would " a u t o m a t i c a l l y " f u n c t i o n i n the same way i n another c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t . There i s , i n f a c t , c l e a r evidence i n the l i t e r a t u r e t o r e f u t e t h i s n o t i o n . In the P h i l i p p i n e s , the ceramics are seen as f i n i t e o b j e c t s , with s p e c i f i c p h y s i c a l a t t r i b u t e s and 180 f u n c t i o n a l p r o p e r t i e s which g i v e the o b j e c t , as a whole, value i n the context of l o c a l b e l i e f s and c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s . In China, on the other hand, the p l a c e of o r i g i n and manufacture of these goods, the s i t u a t i o n i s completely d i f f e r e n t . The work of U r s u l a F r a n k l i n i n the f i e l d of bronze technology and i t s r e l a t i o n to ceramic manufacturing techniques, suggests that i n China the ceramic a r t i f a c t r e p r e s e n t s a process r a t h e r than a f i n i t e o b j e c t . I t i s the process which i s the s i g n i f i c a n t aspect of the a r t i f a c t i n China, because i t i s a process which u n d e r l i e s other important technology i n that c u l t u r e , and i n essence, u n d e r l i e s the f a b r i c of s o c i e t y i t s e l f . In China, i t i s the c o r p o r a t e i d e n t i t y which i s the core of the i d e o l o g i c a l s t r u c t u r e : and i t s a s s o c i a t e d elements i n c l u d e h i e r a r c h i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of f u n c t i o n , and the s u b o r d i n a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l to the c o l l e c t i v e process ( F r a n k l i n I983;pers. comm. 1984). The ceramics i n the Chinese context represent a c o l l e c t i v e t e c h n o l o g i c a l process, the end product of many s p e c i a l i s t s , to be enjoyed and valued, but without the i d e o l o g i c a l c o n n o t a t i o n s which give the same o b j e c t s such power and impact i n the P h i l i p p i n e c o n t e x t . In t h i s r e s p e c t , I conclude that Hodder's and Pader's a s s e r t i o n s , that the same m a t e r i a l o b j e c t may have d i f f e r e n t meanings i n d i f f e r e n t c o n t e x t s , i s supported by the data from P i l a . S o c i a l Sub-System: 181 With r e s p e c t to P e r i o d I I , the analyses supported the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the ethnographic model in a l l aspects t e s t e d . I t was concluded that s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n P i l a was based on wealth, which was expressed by the q u a n t i t y and q u a l i t y of grave goods ( p r i n c i p a l l y trade c e r a m i c s ) , but not i n d i f f e r e n c e s in energy expenditure or b u r i a l form. The homogeneity of the b u r i a l treatment i n d i c a t e d that P i l a s o c i e t y was b a s i c a l l y e g a l i t a r i a n , b i l a t e r a l and p l a c e d no emphasis on the sexual d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r . The s o c i a l p a t t e r n s i n v o l v e d one-to-one r e l a t i o n s h i p s between i n d i v i d u a l s . Males and females possessed equal s t a t u s and engaged i n the same kinds of t a s k s . Sub-group a f f i l i a t i o n was c o n f i n e d to the n u c l e a r f a m i l y and, o c c a s i o n a l l y , a network of kindred ( n o n - l i n e a l ) . S p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n p a t t e r n s were minimal - only one of the two s i t e s showed any evidence of c l u s t e r i n g (Mendoza), in that the m a j o r i t y of wealthy b u r i a l s were l o c a t e d i n one l a r g e area of the s i t e . Some of the poorer b u r i a l s were a l s o l o c a t e d w i t h i n the same a r e a . I t was concluded t h a t there may have been some seg r e g a t i o n r e l a t e d to the w e a l t h i e r kindred groups. With r e s p e c t to P e r i o d I I I , there i s evidence f o r c u l t u r e change i n the form of i n c r e a s e d s o c i a l complexity. Whereas in P e r i o d II the b u r i a l r i t u a l does not i n d i c a t e the presence of d i s t i n c t s o c i a l sub-groups, in P e r i o d III there i s c l e a r evidence of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n t o two major sub-groups, as i n d i c a t e d by the s t y l e of cremation j a r ( i n t a c t or smashed). The l a c k of a s s o c i a t e d grave goods makes i t impossible to judge whether the i n d i v i d u a l v a r i a b i l i t y present i n P e r i o d I I , as 182 expressed i n the b u r i a l assemblages, i s missing or merely not v i s i b l e i n P e r i o d I I I . The p o l a r i z a t i o n of the community i n t o two major s o c i a l groups, however, i s c l e a r l y a new element i n P i l a . Tenazas suggests the change to secondary cremation j a r b u r i a l s i n d i c a t e s d i f f u s i o n of c u l t u r a l elements from South China; the corresponding d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n t o two s o c i a l groups may r e f l e c t another aspect of c u l t u r a l d i f f u s i o n from China - an i n c r e a s e d emphasis on descent groups i n the form of l i n e a g e s . A s i m i l a r phenomenon was observed by R. Pearson i n h i s study of Ryukyu archaeology. A f t e r r e g u l a r trade c o n t a c t s s t a r t e d with China i n the 14th century, the settlement p a t t e r n s became d i v e r s i f i e d , and s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n appeared (R. Pearson 1969:136). Another l i k e l y e x p l a n a t i o n which a l s o i n v o l v e s d i f f u s i o n of c u l t u r a l elements from China, i s the p o s s i b i l i t y that the two s t y l e s of j a r b u r i a l i n P e r i o d I I I may represent male and female b u r i a l s . While P e r i o d II shows no evidence of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n along sexual l i n e s , s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between males and females was a powerful element of Chinese c u l t u r e by t h i s p e r i o d , and t h i s may have had an impact on P i l a c u l t u r e ; p a r t of the same p a t t e r n which s t i m u l a t e d the change i n b u r i a l s t y l e from inhumations to cremation j a r b u r i a l s . The f a c t that the cremation j a r b u r i a l s were only a temporary phase i n P i l a s o c i e t y (the b u r i a l p a t t e r n s r e v e r t to inhumation b u r i a l s i n the succeeding l a y e r i n P i l a i n P e r i o d IV, or e a r l y Ming period) suggests t h a t some of these changes may have been borrowed and d i d not have the deep-rooted s t a y i n g power of l o c a l custom. In 1 8 3 h i s study of Okinawan f o l k r e l i g i o n , W i l l i a m Lebra r e p o r t s that a change from e g a l i t a r i a n s o c i a l r o l e s o c c u r r e d i n Okinawa a f t e r r e g u l a r c o n t a c t took p l a c e between Okinawa and China. T h i s change i n c l u d e d a l o s s of s t a t u s f o r females and a marked inc r e a s e i n the h i e r a r c h i c a l element i n a l l aspects of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n (Lebra 1966:105,107). R i t u a l Sub-System: The ethnographic model d e f i n e d an i d e o l o g i c a l p a t t e r n of ancestor worship, p e t i t i o n a r a y r i t u a l , and the p e r s o n a l conduct of r i t u a l a f f a i r s on the i n d i v i d u a l or nuclear f a m i l y l e v e l . The P i l a evidence from P e r i o d II supports t h i s p a t t e r n . The b u r i a l assemblages r e f l e c t the great importance of the s u p e r n a t u r a l powers: the r i t u a l element i s the most v i s i b l e one, r e f l e c t e d i n the symbolic s i g n i f i c a n c e of the grave goods (and the corresponding lac k of u t i l i t a r i a n goods or s o c i a l markers). The homogeneous mortuary treatment - the wrapping of the deceased i n a shroud, t o g e t h e r with a c o l l e c t i o n of symbolic ceramic wares of the type s a n c t i f i e d by use i n the most important r i t u a l cermonies - r e p r e s e n t s a procedure designed to c a s t a p r o t e c t i v e area of r i t u a l p u r i t y about the body. C l e a r l y the deceased i s making a t r a n s i t i o n to a higher s t a t u s . Once the deceased person becomes an a n c e s t o r , he/she w i l l have the a b i l i t y to i n f l u e n c e a l l a s p e c t s of the l i f e and w e l l - b e i n g of the s u r v i v i n g f a m i l y members. The e n t i r e f a m i l y would have a strong vested i n t e r e s t i n making sure the t r a n s i t i o n to the s p i r i t world was smooth and s u c c e s s f u l , thus c a r e f u l a t t e n t i o n 184 to r i t u a l requirements would be regarded as c r i t i c a l l y important. Regarding the aspect of i n d i v i d u a l / f a m i l y r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n the mortuary p r o c e s s , I suggest the proof l i e s i n the v a r i a b i l i t y of the d e t a i l s , when c o n t r a s t e d with the homogeneity of the b u r i a l treatment. The proper r i t u a l process must be f o l l o w e d , but i t i s up to the i n d i v i d u a l members to decide which s p e c i f i c wares w i l l be entombed, based no doubt on what they can a f f o r d and on p e r s o n a l choice and a v a i l a b i l i t y . Within t h i s r i t u a l , the s u r v i v i n g members are p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n a one-to-one r e l a t i o n s h i p with the a l l - p o w e r f u l s u p e r n a t u r a l f o r c e s . In essence, the r i t u a l p a t t e r n s r e v e a l a lack of boundedness, an absence of r i g i d , formal c o n s t r a i n t s i n the s t r u c t u r e of b e l i e f s and i n the conduct of r i t u a l a f f a i r s . S i m i l a r i t i e s to t h i s i d e o l o g i c a l p a t t e r n may be found i n other, e g a l i t a r i a n , non- a g r i c u l t u r a l s o c i e t i e s , i n p a r t i c u l a r with r e s p e c t to the p a t t e r n of one-to-one r e l a t i o n s h i p s and the l a c k of s o c i a l boundedness. The powerful r o l e a t t r i b u t e d to p e r s o n a l ancestor s p i r i t s i n t h i s s o c i e t y , however, makes the mortuary r i t u a l a focus of p a r t i c u l a r l y great energy and power, to an extent not always found i n other e g a l i t a r i a n s o c i e t i e s . In P e r i o d I I I , the r i t u a l p a t t e r n shows evidence of c u l t u r e change. The b u r i a l s r e v e a l an i n c r e a s e d emphasis on s o c i a l r o l e s . The e s s e n t i a l elements of b u r i a l treatment are s t i l l homogeneous i n terms of r i t u a l and energy expenditure - the m a j o r i t y of b u r i a l s are cremations and a l l j a r b u r i a l s appear to 185 be accorded very s i m i l a r treatment of b o d i l y remains. T h i s may i n d i c a t e that the e g a l i t a r i a n aspect of P i l a has not yet changed to any great l e v e l of s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . Increased s o c i a l complexity, however, can be seen i n the presence of the two major sub-groups, c h a r a c t e r i z e d by d i f f e r e n c e s i n s t y l e and treatment of b u r i a l j a r s . The lack of boundedness has been r e p l a c e d by some s o c i a l c o n s t r a i n t s , as a l r e a d y noted i n the s e c t i o n on the s o c i a l sub-system, above. The r i t u a l i t s e l f r e f l e c t s a more p h y s i c a l l y c o n s t r a i n e d aspect. The p r o t e c t i v e r o l e of r i t u a l per se, as seen i n P e r i o d I I , i s now augmented by the demarcation of a s o c i a l i d e n t i t y (the s t y l e and treatment of the b u r i a l j a r s ) . In a d d i t i o n , there i s a new emphasis on p h y s i c a l p r o t e c t i o n of the remains: the symbolic p r o t e c t i o n of the ceramic wares i s i n c r e a s e d by p h y s i c a l p r o t e c t i o n i n the form of complete encasement w i t h i n the b u r i a l j a r . Thus i s P e r i o d I I I , the i d e o l o g i c a l paradigm shows a decrease i n the importance of p u r e l y symbolic power, and an increase i n the importance of s o c i a l and m a t e r i a l power. It i s p o s s i b l e to make a number of p r e d i c t i o n s on the b a s i s of the analyses done of the data from P i l a . I p r e d i c t that f u t u r e e x c a v a t i o n s of Sung/Yuan b u r i a l s i t e s w i l l r e v e a l l i t t l e or no s p a t i a l p a t t e r n i n g of b u r i a l s at the s i t e l e v e l ; that b u r i a l treatment w i l l be homogeneous throughout the s i t e and i n v o l v e the c o n s i s t e n t use of trade ceramics as grave goods; that there w i l l be l i t t l e or no u t i l i t a r i a n goods among the b u r i a l a s s o c i a t i o n s ; that there w i l l be no i n t e r v e n i n g cremation j a r b u r i a l phase between the Sung/Yuan and Ming p e r i o d l e v e l s of 186 s t r a t i f i e d b u r i a l s i t e s ; and that s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n w i l l be measurable i n terms of mortuary treatment and s p a t i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i n l a t e r Ming p e r i o d s i t e s . 10.2 C o n c l u s i o n s Related to M e t h o d o l o g i c a l Issues The r e s u l t s from P i l a i n d i c a t e that mortuary remains do r e f l e c t s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and s o c i a l complexity. S p a t i a l elements are important in mortuary data, but i n the case of P i l a , the q u a n t i t y and q u a l i t y of grave goods are a l s o an important i n d i c a t i o n of wealth and s t a t u s . When one c l a s s of grave goods, such as the trade ceramics, i s present i n the vast m a j o r i t y of b u r i a l s , but v a r i e s i n s t y l e and q u a n t i t y from grave to grave, I maintain that i t i n d i c a t e s a range of s t a t u s i n the b u r i a l s and i n the l i v i n g community. Where there i s l i t t l e s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between males and females i n a s o c i e t y , the nature of the grave goods, and the b u r i a l treatment, i s l i k e w i s e homogeneous f o r both sexes. S p a t i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i s an important aspect of the P i l a b u r i a l s . The o v e r a l l o r g a n i z a t i o n of the cemetery areas l e d to some c o n c l u s i o n s about the nature of s o c i a l complexity i n P i l a i n that there i s l i t t l e or no s p a t i a l p a t t e r n i n g at the s i t e l e v e l i n P e r i o d I I , but some s p a t i a l p a t t e r n i n g on s t y l i s t i c grounds i s present i n P e r i o d III . Energy expenditure i n a b u r i a l s i t e with r e s p e c t to s t a t u s d i f f e r e n c e s may be a v a r i a b l e s u b j e c t to i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s from s o c i e t y to s o c i e t y . In P i l a , there are no d i f f e r e n c e s i n energy expenditure from b u r i a l to b u r i a l , e i t h e r i n P e r i o d II or 187 P e r i o d I I I . There i s , however, an o v e r a l l d i f f e r e n c e i n energy expenditure from P e r i o d II t o P e r i o d I I I . T h i s seems to p o i n t to a g e n e r a l i n c r e a s e i n s o c i a l complexity i n P e r i o d I I I , but not yet any great i n c r e a s e i n i n t e r n a l s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . P e r i o d I I I i n P i l a may thus represent a r a t h e r t r a n s i t i o n a l phase i n the gen e r a l development of P h i l i p p i n e c u l t u r e . The Ming p e r i o d b u r i a l s which f o l l o w e d i n P e r i o d IV are inhumation b u r i a l s of the same p a t t e r n of mortuary treatment as those i n P e r i o d I I . The Per i o d I I I cremation j a r b u r i a l phase, which i n c l u d e s a t o t a l of 55 b u r i a l s , may represent a temporary c u l t u r a l phase which f o r some reason d i d not l a s t . I suggest that the evidence from P i l a supports the no t i o n that there i s a u n i f y i n g set of o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e s i n keeping with the m a t e r i a l p a t t e r n i n g of t h i s c u l t u r a l system, and that there i s a hig h degree of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n between the ideology and the mortuary data. T h i s c o n c l u s i o n supports the c l a i m s made by the symbolic a r c h a e o l o g i s t s , that i t i s p o s s i b l e to approach the study of past c u l t u r a l systems from a more h o l i s t i c p e r s p e c t i v e . On the other hand, the e n t i r e argument i s only made p o s s i b l e by the a n a l y t i c a l framework b u i l t up by f o l l o w i n g the procedures of the p r o c e s s u a l approach. 10.3 C o n c l u s i o n s R e l a t e d t o T h e o r e t i c a l Issues Regarding the issue of trade and s o c i a l complexity, the evidence from P i l a suggests that l o n g - d i s t a n c e trade had some important e f f e c t s and was one of the elements r e s p o n s i b l e f o r a gene r a l i n c r e a s e i n s o c i o c u l t u r a l complexity between the e a r l i e r 188 and the l a t e r p e r i o d s . The s p e c i f i c determining aspects are d i f f i c u l t to i d e n t i f y due to a process of mutual reinforcement which appears to have been i n o p e r a t i o n between the v a r i o u s s o c i o c u l t u r a l processes p r e s e n t . The c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s show that the use of Chinese ceramics i n a l l ceremonial events was connected with the l o s s of s t a t u s and q u a l i t y of locally-made earthenware p o t t e r y ; and the same may be true of other elements of m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e , such as metal-working. Ownership of imported ceramics represented wealth which was d i f f e r e n t i a l l y d i s t r i b u t e d throughout the p o p u l a t i o n . There i s no i n d i c a t i o n t h at the r e g u l a r trade and exchange r e l a t i o n s with China l e d to a c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of power, or to any r e d i s t r i b u t i v e focus, as such f e a t u r e s seem to be a l i e n to the i d e o l o g i c a l p a t t e r n s of P i l a s o c i e t y . The P i l a evidence suggests t h a t c e r t a i n i n t e r n a l s o c i o c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s acted as a s t i m u l a n t to maintain or i n c r e a s e the l o n g - d i s t a n c e t r a d e . Ethnography shows that the economic base was an important element: s h i f t i n g a g r i c u l t u r e and a mixed h u n t i n g / g a t h e r i n g economy had accustomed the l o c a l i n h a b i t a n t s to a mobile e x i s t e n c e and c r e a t e d a l o n g - s t a n d i n g f a m i l i a r i t y with exchange r e l a t i o n s at the l o c a l r e g i o n a l l e v e l ( c f . Eder's study of the Batak of Palawan: 1984, f o r a good ethnographic case study of a s i m i l a r e c o l o g i c a l a d a p t a t i o n ) . T h i s type of s u b s i s t e n c e p a t t e r n would have c r e a t e d a r e c e p t i v e c l i m a t e f o r the i n i t i a l t r a d e c o n t a c t s with f o r e i g n merchants, as w e l l as e s t a b l i s h i n g a p p r o p r i a t e s o c i a l mechanisms to handle i n t e r - g r o u p c o n t a c t . The r i t u a l s of ancestor worship and animism p r e v a l e n t i n 189 P h i l i p p i n e i d e ology became c l o s e l y l i n k e d with the p e r c e i v e d f u n c t i o n a l p r o p e r t i e s of the ceramic wares, and t h i s s t i m u l a t e d an i n c r e a s i n g demand f o r these a r t i f a c t s . I conclude that t h i s study supports the p o t e n t i a l of the new t h e o r e t i c a l approaches to systems theory, f o r the study of c u l t u r e p r o c e s s . When c u l t u r a l systems are viewed as open systems which maintain themselves i n c o n d i t i o n s of non- e q u i l i b r i u m , and which show d i f f e r e n t i a l p a t t e r n s of s e l f - o r g a n i z a t i o n , we are provided with a u s e f u l model which combines elements of determinism, h i s t o r y and chance (as i n the models d e r i v e d from b i f u r c a t i o n theory: by which a small change or a general i n s t a b i l i t y , from a v a r i e t y of causes, can le a d t o a system change i n u n p r e d i c t a b l e d i r e c t i o n s ) . I suggest that such a model g i v e s us a t h e o r e t i c a l framework f o r d e a l i n g with c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s d i f f i c u l t to r e l a t e to the more convenient stage l e v e l s of c u l t u r a l e v o l u t i o n . 190 BIBLIOGRAPHY Addis, J.M. 1968 The d a t i n g of Chinese p o r c e l a i n found i n the P h i l i p p i n e s : A h i s t o r i c a l r e t r o s p e c t . P h i l i p p i n e S t u d i e s V o l . 16, No. 2, A p r i l : 371-380. Adhyatman, Sumarah 1981 Antique Ceramics Found i n Indonesia. J a k a r t a : The Ceramic S o c i e t y of Indonesia. A l i p , E u f r o n i o M. (ed) 1964 The P h i l i p p i n e s of Y e s t e r y e a r s . P h i l a d e l p h i a : A l i p and Sons, Inc. A l l e n , P.M. 1982 The genesis of s t r u c t u r e i n s o c i a l systems: the paradigm of s e l f - o r g a n i z a t i o n . In Theory and E x p l a n a t i o n i n Archaeology, ed. C o l i n Renfrew, Michael J . Rowlands and Barbara A. Segraves. Pp. 347- 374. New York: Academic Press. Bayard, Donn 1983 Rank and Wealth at Non Nok Tha: The Mortuary Evidence. Paper presented at Symposium KIE, XV P a c i f i c Science Congress, Dunedin, New Zealand. Beyer, H. O t l e y 1947 O u t l i n e Review of P h i l i p p i n e Archaeology by I s l a n d s and P r o v i n c e s . P h i l i p p i n e J o u r n a l of S c i e n c e pp. 205- 390. 1964 P h i l i p p i n e p r e h i s t o r i c c o n t a c t s with f o r e i g n e r s . In Chinese P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n P h i l i p p i n e C u l t u r e and Economy, ed. Shubert S.C. L i a o . M a n i l a : Bookman. 1979 The P h i l i p p i n e s before Magellan. In Readings i n P h i l i p p i n e P r e h i s t o r y , ed. Mauro G a r c i a , pp.8-34. Ma n i l a : The F i l i p i n i a n a Book G u i l d . B i n f o r d , L.R. 1971 Mortuary p r a c t i c e s : t h e i r study and t h e i r p o t e n t i a l . In Approaches to the S o c i a l Dimensions of Mortuary P r a c t i c e s , ed. J.A. Brown. Memoirs of the S o c i e t y f o r American Archaeology 25: 6-29. 1982a O b j e c t i v i t y - e x p l a n a t i o n - archaeology 1981. In Theory and E x p l a n a t i o n i n Archaeology, ed. C o l i n Renfrew, Michael J . Rowlands, B.A. Segraves. Pp.125- 138. New York: Academic P r e s s . 191 1982b Meaning, i n f e r e n c e and the m a t e r i a l r e c o r d . In Ranking, Resource and Exhange, ed. C o l i n Renfrew, Stephen Shennan. Pp.160-163. Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press. Braun, David P. 1981 A C r i t i q u e of some recent North American Mortuary S t u d i e s . American A n t i q u i t y 46(2):416-420. Brown, James A. (ed) 1971 Approaches to the S o c i a l Dimensions of Mortuary P r a c t i c e s . Memoirs of the S o c i e t y f o r American Archaeology 25. Brown, James A. 1981 The search f o r rank in p r e h i s t o r i c b u r i a l s . In The Archaeology of Death, ed. Robert Chapman, Ian Kinnes, Klaus Randsborg, pp.25-37. Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press. Brown, Roxanna M. 1977 The Ceramics of Southeast A s i a : T h e i r D a t i n g and I d e n t i t y . Oxford i n A s i a S t u d i e s i n Ceramics. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . C a r e r i , G.F.G. 1963 A Voyage To The P h i l i p p i n e s . M a n i l a : P u b l i c a t i o n s of the F i l i p i n i a n a Book G u i l d I I . C a s a l , F r . G a b r i e l , Regalado T r o t a Jose J r . , E r i c S. Casino, George R. E l l i s , and Wilhelm G. Solheim. 1981 The People and Art of the P h i l i p p i n e s . Museum of C u l t u r a l H i s t o r y . Los Angeles: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s . Ceramic S o c i e t y i n Indonesia 1977 Tempayan d i Martavans i n Indonesia. D j a k a r t a : P.T. Pangeran D j a y a k a r t a . Chapman, Robert, Ian Kinnes and Klaus Randsborg (eds.) 1981 The Archaeology of Death. Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press. Chen, L i u T i 1966 The junk-trade r e l a t i o n s i n the p o r c e l a i n age. In The Chinese i n the P h i l i p p i n e s : 1570-1770, V o l . 1 , ed. A. F e l i x , J r . Pp.252-285. M a n i l a : S o l i d a r i d a d . Chen, Matthew 1966 The Ming records of Luzon. In The Chinese i n the P h i l i p p i n e s : 1570-1770, V o l . 1 , ed. A. F e l i x J r . Pp.246-251. M a n i l a : S o l i d a r i d a d . 192 Cheng, Te-K'un 1978 The export of Chinese ceramic wares. Paper presented at Symposium on Trade P o t t e r y i n East and Southeast A s i a . Hong Kong, September 1978. Unpublished manuscript. Chin, Lucas 1978a Trade p o t t e r y d i s c o v e r e d i n Sarawak from 1948 - 1976. Symposium on Trade P o t t e r y i n East and Southeast A s i a . Hong Kong, September 1978, Unpublished manuscript. 1978b Impact of trade ceramic o b j e c t s on some aspects of l o c a l c u l t u r e . Paper presented at Symposium on Trade P o t t e r y i n East and Southeast A s i a . Hong Kong, September 1978, Unpublished manuscript. 1980 C u l t u r a l H e r i t a g e of Sarawak. Kuching: Sarawak Museum. C h i r i n o , Pedro 1979 R e l a t i o n of the P h i l i p p i n e I s l a n d s . In Readings i n P h i l i p p i n e P r e h i s t o r y , ed. Mauro G a r c i a . Pp. 241-265. M a n i l a : The F i l i p i n i a n a Book G u i l d . Chung Yang-mo 1978 Ceramic wares salvaged from seabed o f f Sinan. Paper presented at Symposium on Trade P o t t e r y i n East and Southeast A s i a , Hong Kong, September 1978. Unpublished manuscript. Cole, Fay-Cooper 1912 Chinese p o t t e r y i n the P h i l i p p i n e s . F i e l d Museum of N a t u r a l H i s t o r y P u b l i c a t i o n 162. V o l . X I I , No. 1. Conover, W.J. 1971 P r a c t i c a l Nonparametric S t a t i s t i c s . New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Cox, Warren E. 1944 The Book of P o t t e r y and P o r c e l a i n . V o l . I . New York: Crown P u b l i s h e r s . Decker, Dean A. 1969 E a r l y archaeology on C a t a l i n a I s l a n d : p o t e n t i a l and problems. A r c h a e o l o g i c a l Survey Annual Report 11:69- 84. Department of Anthropology, U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a , Los Angeles. Deetz, James F. and Edwin S. D e t h l e f s e n 1972 Death's Head, Cherub, Urn and Willow. In Contemporary Archaeology, ed. Mark P. Leone. Pp.402-412. Carbondale and E d w a r d s v i l i e : Southern I l l i n o i s U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . 1 93 Eder, James 1984 The impact of s u b s i s t e n c e change on m o b i l i t y and settlement p a t t e r n i n a t r o p i c a l f o r e s t f o r a g i n g economy: some i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r archaeology. American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t . Vol.86(4):837-853. E r i c k s o n , B.H. and T.A. Nosanchuk 1977 Understanding Data. Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson L t d . F e l i x , A l f o n s o , J r . 1966 The Chinese in the P h i l i p p i n e s : 1570 - 1770, V o l . 1. Ma n i l a : S o l i d a r i d a d . Fox, Robert B. 1959 The Calatagan E x c a v a t i o n s . P h i l i p p i n e S t u d i e s V o l . 7, No. 3. 1970 The Tabon Caves. M a n i l a : Monograph of the N a t i o n a l Museum, No. 1. 1979 The P h i l i p p i n e s i n p r e h i s t o r i c timas. In Readings i n P h i l i p p i n e P r e h i s t o r y , ed. Mauro G a r c i a . Pp.35-61. M a n i l a : F i l i p i n i a n a Book G u i l d . 1982 Tagbanuwa: R e l i g i o n and S o c i e t y among the Tagbanuwa of Palawan I s l a n d . N a t i o n a l Museum of the P h i l i p p i n e s , Monograph No. 9, Manila. Fox, Robert B. and A l f r e d o E. E v a n g e l i s t a n.d. Pre-Spanish Manila Through Archaeology. Progress Report. Phase I & I I : Excavations at the Sta.Ana P a r i s h Church and Along O ld Lamayan Road. Ma n i l a : P h i l i p p i n e N a t i o n a l Museum. Mimeographed. Fox, Robert B. and A v e l i n o M. Legaspi n.d. E x c a v a t i o n at St a . Ana, Manila (1972). Unpublished manuscript, M a n i l a : N a t i o n a l Museum of the P h i l i p p i n e s . F r a n k l i n , U r s u l a 1983 On Bronze and Other Metals i n Ancient China. In The O r i g i n s of Chinese C i v i l i z a t i o n , ed. D.N. K e i g h t l e y . B e r k e l y : U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s . Pp.279-296. Frasche, Dean F. 1976 Southeast Asian Ceramics 9th - 17th Century. New York: Asian House G a l l e r y . F r i e d , Morton H. 1967 The E v o l u t i o n of P o l i t i c a l S o c i e t y . New York: Random House. 194 Friedman, Jonathan 1982 C a t a s t r o p h y and C o n t i n u i t y i n S o c i a l E v o l u t i o n . In Theory and E x p l a n a t i o n i n Archaeology, ed. C o l i n Renfrew, Michael J . Rowlands, and Barbara A. Segraves, pp.175-196. New York: Academic P r e s s . G a r c i a , Mauro (ed.) 1979 Readings i n P h i l i p p i n e P r e h i s t o r y . M a n i l a : The F i l i p i n i a n a Book G u i l d . G o l d s t e i n , Lynne 1981 One-dimensional archaeology and m u l t i - d i m e n s i o n a l people: s p a t i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and mortuary a n a l y s i s . In The Archaeology of Death, ed. Robert Chapman, Ian Kinnes, Klaus Randsborg, pp.53-69. Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Gould, R.A. 1980 L i v i n g Archaeology. Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Grau-Abaya, Consuelo 1976 The Brown Wares. In Manila Trade P o t t e r y Seminar. M a n i l a : The Research Foundation i n P h i l i p p i n e Anthropology and Archaeology, Vol.1-9, pp.1-33. Gryaznov, M.P. 1969 A n c i e n t C i v i l i z a t i o n s of Southern S i b e r i a . L e n i n g r a d : The Hermitage Museum. Guy, John 1980 O r i e n t a l Trade Ceramics i n Southeast A s i a . I0th-16th Century. Melbourne: N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y of V i c t o r i a . 1982 Vietnamese trade ceramics. In Vietnamese Ceramics. Singapore: Southeast Asian Ceramic S o c i e t y . 1984 Trade ceramics i n Southeast A s i a and the a c c u l t u r a t i o n p rocess. Trade Ceramics S t u d i e s No. 4, Japan S o c i e t y f o r the Study of O r i e n t a l Trade Ceramics. Pp. 117-126. H a r r i s o n , B. and T. 1970 The P r e h i s t o r y of Sabah. Sabah S o c i e t y J o u r n a l , V o l . IV. Kota K i n a b a l u , M a l a y s i a . H a r r i s o n , Tom 1968 A r a r e ceramic bangle from Borneo. Asian P e r s p e c t i v e s , Vol.XI:135-136. Hayden, B r i a n and Cannon, Aubrey 1982 The c o r p o r a t e group as an a r c h a e o l o g i c a l u n i t . J o u r n a l of A n t r h o p o l o q i c a l Archaeology 1:132-158. 195 H i l l , James N. 1972 A p r e h i s t o r i c community i n e a s t e r n A r i z o n a . In Contemporary Archaeology, ed. Mark P. Leone. Pp.320- 332. Carbondale and E d w a r d s v i l l e : Southern I l l i n o i s U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Hodder, Ian 1982a Symbols i n A c t i o n . Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . 1982b The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of ranking i n p r e h i s t o r y : a c o n t e x t u a l p e r s p e c t i v e . In Ranking, Resource and Exchange, ed. C o l i n Renfrew and Stephen Shennan. Pp.150-154. Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Hodder, Ian (ed) 1982c Symbolic and S t r u c t u r a l Archaeology. Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Howitz, Pensak C. 1978 Two a n c i e n t shipwrecks i n the Gulf of T h a i l a n d . Paper presented at Symposium on Trade P o t t e r y i n East and Southeast A s i a , Hong Kong, September 1978. Unpublished manuscript. Humphreys, S.C. and Helen King (eds.) 1981 M o r t a l i t y and Immortality: The anthropology and archaeology of death. San F r a n c i s c o : Academic P r e s s . H u t t e r e r , K a r l 1973 An A r c h a e o l o g i c a l P i c t u r e of a Pre-Spanish Cebuano Community. San C a r l o s P u b l i c a t i o n s , S e r i e s A, No. 9. Cebu C i t y : P h i l i p p i n e s . 1974 The E v o l u t i o n of P h i l i p p i n e Lowland S o c i e t i e s . Mankind V o l . 9, No. 4: 287-299. H u t t e r e r , K a r l (ed.) 1977 Economic Exchange and S o c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n i n Southeast A s i a . Michigan Papers on South and Southeast A s i a , 13. Ann Arbor: U. Of Michigan. H u t t e r e r , K a r l and W.K. Macdonald (eds.) 1984 Houses B u i l t on S c a t t e r e d P o l e s . P r e h i s t o r y and ecology i n Negros O r i e n t a l , P h i l i p p i n e s . Cebu C i t y : U n i v e r s i t y of San C a r l o s P r e s s . Janse, Olov R.T. 1944 Notes on Chinese I n f l u e n c e s i n the P h i l i p p i n e s i n Pre-Spanish Times. Harvard J o u r n a l of A s i a t i c S t u d i e s , V o l . 8:33-62. 196 Jocano, F. Landa 1970 Death, bone washing and j a r b u r i a l among the Sulod of C e n t r a l Panay, P h i l i p p i n e s . In The Tabon Caves, by Robert Fox. Pp.181-188. Man i l a : N a t i o n a l Museum, Monograph No.1. Kent, Susan 1984 A n a l y z i n g A c t i v i t y Areas: An E t h n o a r c h a e o l o g i c a l Study of the Use of Space. Albuquerque: U n i v e r s i t y of New Mexico. King, Linda 1969 The Medea Creek Cemetery (LAn-243): an i n v e s t i g a t i o n of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n from mortuary p r a c t i c e s . A r c h a e o l o g i c a l Survey Annual Report 11:23-68. Los Angeles: Department of Anthropology, U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a . K i r c h , P a t r i c k V. 1980 B u r i a l s t r u c t u r e and s o c i e t a l ranking i n Vavalu, Tonga. The J o u r n a l of the P o l y n e s i a n S o c i e t y 89(3):29l-308. K r i s t i a n s e n , K r i s t i a n 1984 Ideology, and m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e . In M a r x i s t P e r s p e c t i v e s i n Archaeology, ed. Matthew S p r i g g s . Pp.72-100. Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press. Kus, Susan 1984 The s p i r i t and i t s burden: archaeology and symbolic a c t i v i t y . In M a r x i s t P e r s p e c t i v e s i n Archaeology, ed. Matthew S p r i g g s . Pp.101-107. Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Larson, Lewis, J r . 1971 A r c h a e o l o g i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n at the Etowah S i t e , Georgia. In Approaches to the S o c i a l Dimensions of Mortuary P r a c t i c e s , ed. James A. Brown. Memoirs of the S o c i e t y f o r American Archaeology 25:58-67. La u f e r , B e r t h o l d 1979 The r e l a t i o n s of the Chinese to the P h i l i p p i n e I s l a n d s . In Readings i n P h i l i p p i n e P r e h i s t o r y , ed. Mauro G a r c i a . Pp.142-177. Man i l a : The F i l i p i n i a n a Book G u i l d . Lebra, W i l l i a m P. 1966 Okinawan R e l i g i o n . Honolulu: U n i v e r s i t y of Hawaii Pr e s s . 197 Legeza, I.L. 1978 Trade ceramics i n the l o c a l c u l t u r e s of the South Sea (Nan hai) i s l a n d s . Paper presented at Symposium on Trade P o t t e r y i n East and Southeast A s i a , Hong Kong, September 1978. Unpublished Manuscript. L i a o , Shubert S.C. (ed.) 1964 Chinese P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n P h i l i p p i n e C u l t u r e and Economy. M a n i l a : Bookman. L o c s i n , C e c i l i a and Leandro 1967 O r i e n t a l Ceramics D i s c o v e r e d i n the P h i l i p p i n e s . Tokyo: T u t t l e . 1968 Some thoughts on the pre-Ming trade p o t t e r i e s found in the P h i l i p p i n e s . In A Report on the Archaeology of the L o c s i n - U n i v e r s i t y of San C a r l o s Excavations i n P i l a , Laguna, by Rosa C P . Tenazas. M a n i l a . Longacre, W i l l i a m A. 1972 Archaeology as anthropology: a case study. In Contemporary Archaeology, ed. Mark P. Leone. Pp.316- 319. Carbondale and E d w a r d s v i l l e : Southern I l l i n o i s U n i v e r s i t y Press. Lopez, V i o l e t a B. 1976 The Mangyans of Mindoro: An E t h n o h i s t o r y . Quezon C i t y : U n i v e r s i t y of P h i l i p p i n e s . Macdonald, W i l l i a m K. 1978 The Bang S i t e , T h a i l a n d : An a l t e r n a t i v e a n a l y s i s . Asian P e r s p e c t i v e s , V o l . XXI, No. 1: 30-51. Macintosh, Duncan 1977 Chinese Blue and White P o r c e l a i n . Vermont: T u t t l e - Rutland. Marche, A l f r e d 1970 Luzon and Palawan. V o l . XVII Chapters V, XV. M a n i l a : The F i l i p i n i a n a Book G u i l d . Matson, R.G. 1983 The r e l a t i o n s h i p between sedentism and s t a t u s i n e q u a l i t i e s among hunters and g a t h e r e r s . Paper presented at the 16th Chacmool Conference, C a l g a r y . Unpublished manuscript. McGuire, R a n d a l l H, 1984 Breaking down c u l t u r a l complexity: i n e q u a l i t y and h e t e r o g e n e i t y . In Advances in A r c h a e o l o g i c a l Method and Theory, Vol.6, ed. M i c h a e l B. S c h i f f e r . Pp.91- 142. New York: Academic P r e s s . 198 Medley, Margaret 1976 The Chinese P o t t e r ; A P r a c t i c a l H i s t o r y of Chinese Ceramics. New York: C h a r l e s S c r i b n e r ' s Sons. 1981 Tang P o t t e r y and P o r c e l a i n . London: Faber and Faber. Morga, Antonio de 1979 R e l a t i o n of the P h i l i p p i n e I s l a n d s and of t h e i r n a t i v e s , a n t i q u i t y , customs, and government. In Readings i n P h i l i p p i n e P r e h i s t o r y , ed. Mauro G a r c i a . Pp.266-306. M a n i l a : The F i l i p i n i a n a Book G u i l d . Murdock, George Peter 1960 Cognatic forms of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . In S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e i n Southeast A s i a , ed. George P. Murdock. Pp.1-14. Chicago: Quadrangle Books. Orme, Bryony 1981 Anthropology f o r a r c h a e o l o g i s t s . I t h a c a , New York: C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . O'Shea, John M. 1981 S o c i a l c o n f i g u r a t i o n s and the a r c h a e o l o g i c a l study of mortuary p r a c t i c e s : a case study. In The Archaeology of Death, ed. Robert Chapman, I. Kinnes, K. Randsborg, pp.39-52. Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . 1984 Mortuary V a r i a b i l i t y . New York: Academic P r e s s . Pader, E l l e n Jane 1982 Symbolism, S o c i a l R e l a t i o n s and the I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Mortuary Remains. BAR I n t e r n a t i o n a l S e r i e s , 130. Pearson, Michael P. 1984 S o c i a l change, ideology and the a r c h a e o l o g i c a l r e c o r d . In M a r x i s t P e r s p e c t i v e s i n Archaeology, ed. Matthew Spriggs". Pp.59-71. Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Pearson, Michael P. 1982 Mortuary p r a c t i c e s , s o c i e t y and i d e o l o g y : an ethno- a r c h a e o l o g i c a l study. In Symbolic and S t r u c t u r a l Archaeology, ed. Ian Hodder; Pp.99-113. Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Pearson, R i c h a r d J . 1969 Archaeology of the Ryukyu I s l a n d s . Honolulu: U n i v e r s i t y of Hawaii P r e s s . 1978 Chinese trade and i t s e f f e c t on l o c a l o r g a n i s a t i o n i n the Ryukus. Paper presented at the Symposium on Trade P o t t e r y i n East and Southeast A s i a , Hong Kong, September 1978. Unpublished manuscript. 199 1981 S o c i a l Complexity i n Chinese N e o l i t h i c S i t e s . Sc ience V o l . 213, September: 1078-1086. Peebles, C h r i s t o p h e r and Susan M. Kus 1977 Some a r c h a e o l o g i c a l c o r r e l a t e s of ranked s o c i e t i e s . American A n t i q u i t y 42(3): 421-448. Peebles, C h r i s t o p h e r 1971 M o u n d v i l l e and surrounding s i t e s : some s t r u c t u r a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of mortuary p r a c t i c e s I I . In Approaches to the S o c i a l Dimensions of Mortuary P r a c t i c e s , ed. James A.Brown. Memoirs of the S o c i e t y f o r American Archaeology 25:68-91. P i g a f e t t a , Antonio 1964 F i r s t voyage around the world. In The P h i l i p p i n e s of Y e s t e r y e a r s , ed. E u f r o n i o M. A l i p , pp.5-249. M a n i l a : A l i p & Sons. Raab, L., Mark and A l b e r t C. Goodyear 1984 Middle range theory i n archaeology: a c r i t i c a l review. American A n t i q u i t y V o l . 49, No. 2: 255-268. Randsborg, Kl a v s 1981 B u r i a l , s u c c e s s i o n and e a r l y s t a t e formation i n Denmark. In The Archaeology of Death, ed. R. Chapman, I. Kinnes and K. Randsborg, pp.105-121.. Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Renfrew, C o l i n 1973 The E x p l a n a t i o n of C u l t u r e Change: Models i n P r e h i s t o r y . London: Duckworth P r e s s . 1980 E x p l a n a t i o n r e v i s i t e d . In Theory and E x p l a n a t i o n i n Archaeology, ed. C o l i n Renfrew et a l . Pp.6-24. New York: Academic P r e s s . Renfrew, C o l i n , M i c h ael J . Rowlands and Barbara A. Segraves (eds.) 1980 Theory and E x p l a n a t i o n i n Archaeology. New York: Academic Press. Reynolds, Hubert 1967 Why Chinese Tr a d e r s approached the P h i l i p p i n e s l a t e - and from the south. In S t u d i e s i n P h i l i p p i n e Anthropology (In honour of H. O t l e y Beyer), ed. Mario D. Zamora, pp.463-479. Quezon C i t y : Alemar Phoenix P u b l i s h e r s . Rowlands, M i c h a e l 1984 O b j e c t i v i t y and s u b j e c t i v i t y i n archaeology. In M a r x i s t P e r s p e c t i v e i n Archaeology, ed. Matthew S p r i g g s . Pp.108-113. Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . 200 Roxas-Lim, Aurora 1966 Chinese p o t t e r y as a b a s i s f o r the study of P h i l i p p i n e p r o t o - h i s t o r y . In The Chinese i n the Philippines;1570-1770, V o l . 1, ed. A. F e l i x J r . Pp.223-245. M a n i l a : S o l i d a r i d a d . San Antonio, Fray. J.F. De 1977 The P h i l i p p i n e C h r o n i c l e s of Fray San Antonio (Bk. I) Trans. D. Pedro P i c o r n e l l . H i s t o r i c a l C o n s e r v a t i o n Soc., XXIX, M a n i l a : The F r a n c i s c a n F a t h e r s . Saxe, Arthur A. 1970 S o c i a l Dimensions of Mortuary P r a c t i c e s . Unpublished Ph.D. D i s s e r t a t i o n , Department of Anthropology, U n i v e r s i t y of Michigan. 1971 S o c i a l dimensions of mortuary p r a c t i c e s i n a M e s o l i t h i c population.from Wadi L a l f a , Sudan. In Approaches to the s o c i a l dimensions of mortuary p r a c t i c e s , ed. James A. Brown. Memoirs of the S o c i e t y for American Archaeology 25:39-57. S c o t t , W i l l i a m Henry 1974 The Discovery of the I q o r o t s . Spanish c o n t a c t s with the pagans of N. Luzon. Quezon C i t y : New Day P u b l i s h e r s . 1981 B o a t b u i l d i n g and Seamanship i n C l a s s i c P h i l i p p i n e S o c i e t y . A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Papers No. 9, M a n i l a : N a t i o n a l Museum of the P h i l i p p i n e s . Segraves, Barbara A. 1982 C e n t r a l Elements i n the C o n s t r u c t i o n of a g e n e r a l theory of the e v o l u t i o n of s o c i e t a l complexity. In Theory and E x p l a n a t i o n i n Archaeology ed. C o l i n Renfrew, R i c h a e l J . Rowlands and Barbara A. Segraves, pp.287-300. New York: Academic Press. S e r v i c e , Elman R. 1975 O r i g i n s of the S t a t e and C i v i l i z a t i o n . New York: W.W. Norton & Co. Shanks, Michael and C h r i s t o p h e r T i l l e y 1982 Ideology, symbolic power and r i t u a l communication: a r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of N e o l i t h i c mortuary p r a c t i c e s . In Symbolic and S t r u c t u r a l Archaeology, ed. Ian Hodder. Pp.129-154. Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Southeast Asian Ceramic S o c i e t y 1979 Chinese Celadons and Other R e l a t e d Wares i n Southeast A s i a . Singapore: Southeast A s i a n Ceramic S o c i e t y . 201 Spoehr, Alexander 1973 Zamboanga and S u l u . An a r c h a e o l o g i c a l approach to e t h n i c d i v e r s i t y . Ethnology Monographs No.1. P i t t s b u r g h : U n i v e r s i t y of P i t t s b u r g h . S p r i g g s , Matthew (ed.) 1984 M a r x i s t P e r s p e c t i v e s i n Archaeology. Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Steward, J u l i a n H. 1979 Theory of C u l t u r e Change. Urbana: U n i v e r s i t y of I l l i n o i s P r e s s . T a i n t e r , Joseph A. 1973 The s o c i a l c o r r e l a t e s of mortuary p a t t e r n i n g at Kalako, North Kona, Hawaii. Archaeology and P h y s i c a l Anthropology i n Oceania VI11(1):1 - 11. 1975 S o c i a l i n f e r e n c e and mortuary p r a c t i c e s : an experiment in numerical c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . World Archaeology 7(1):1-15. 1981 Reply to "A c r i t i q u e of some r e c e n t North American mortuary s t u d i e s " . American A n t i q u i t y 46(2):416-420. Tangco, Marcelo 1979 R a c i a l and c u l t u r a l h i s t o r y of the F i l i p i n o s . In Readings i n P h i l i p p i n e P r e h i s t o r y , ed. Mauro G a r c i a , pp.62-77. M a n i l a : The F i l i p i n i a n a Book G u i l d . Tenazas, Rosa C P . 1968 A Report on the Archaeology of the L o c s i n - U n i v e r s i t y of San C a r l o s E x c a v a t i o n s i n P i l a , Laguna. M a n i l a . T r i g g e r , Bruce G. 1984 Archaeology at the c r o s s r o a d s : what's new?. Annual Review of Anthropology Vol.13:275-300. Tukey, John W. 1977 E x p l o r a t o r y Data A n a l y s i s . New York: Addison-Wesley. Ucko, Peter J . 1969 Ethnography and a r c h a e o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of funerary remains. World Archaeology 2(2):262-280. U n d e r h i l l K i n g s c o t t , Anne 1983 A Mortuary A n a l y s i s of the Dawenkou Cementery S i t e , Shadong, China. Unpublished M.A. T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Department of Anthropology and Soc i o l o g y . 202 Van der P i j l - K e t e l (ed.) 1976 The Ceramic Load of the Witte-Leeuw. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam. W i n z l e r , Robert L. 1976 Ecology, C u l t u r e , S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n and State Formation i n Southeast A s i a . Current Anthropology 17(4):623-640 Wolf, E r i c R. 1982 Europe and the People Without H i s t o r y . Berkeley: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s . Wood, John J . and R.G. Matson 1973 Two models of s o c i o c u l t u r a l systems and t h e i r i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the a r c h a e o l o g i c a l study of change. In, The E x p l o r a t i o n of C u l t u r e Change, e d i t e d by C. Renfrew, pp.673-684. London: Duckworth. Wu Ching-Hong 1959 A study of r e f e r e n c e s to the P h i l i p p i n e s i n Chinese sources from the e a r l i e s t times to the Ming Dynasty. P h i l i p p i n e S o c i a l S ciences and Humanities Review XXIV (January-June), No. 1-2: 75-76. Yeo, S.T. and Jean M a r t i n 1978 Chinese Blue and White Ceramics. Singapore: A r t s O r i e n t a l i s . Zamora, Mario D. (ed) 1967 S t u d i e s In P h i l i p p i n e Anthropology (In honour of H. O t l e y Beyer). Quezon C i t y : Alemar Phoenix P u b l i s h e r s . APPENDIX A Tables 20k TABLE A-l> ' T a b l e o f T r a d e C e r a m i c C a t e g o r i e s a t P i l a by T y p e a n d F u n c t i o n ( w i t h c o d e s y m b o l i n b r a c k e t s ) . T o t a l number o f w a r e / t y p e s = 5 6 . T o t a l number o f i t e m s = 6 2 7 . N o . o f I t e m s TRADE CERAMIC GLAZE TYPES L e a d - g l a z e d ( L ) 20 B r o w n - g l a z e d (B) 143 O c h r e - g l a z e d ( 0 ) 99 G r a y - g l a z e d (G) 98 C e l a d o n (C) 162 W h i t e - w a r e s (W): T e - h u a (T) 71 C h ' i n g - p a i (CH) 12 S p o t t e d C h ' i n g - p a i (SCH) 10 E a r l y b l u e - a n d - w h i t e (BLWHITE) 3 M i s c e l l a n e o u s c e r a m i c s (MISCCER) 9 T o t a l = 627 TRADE CERAMIC FUNCTIONAL CATEGORIES L e a d - g l a z e d : J a r l e t ( L J A R L E T ) 13 T e a p o t (LTEAPOT) 5 W a t e r d r o p p e r (LWATERDR) 2 T o t a l = 20 B r o w n - g l a z e d : J a r l e t ( B J A R L E T ) 4 8 J a r ( B J A R ) 6 B o t t l e (BBOTTLE) 60 T u m b l e r (BTUMBLER) 18 T e a p o t (BTEAPOT) 4 V a s e (BVASE) 2 C o v e r e d - b o x p a r t (BBOX) 3 Bowl (TemmokuMBBOWL) 2 T o t a l = 143 205 TABLE A - l , i C o n t i n u e d . N o . o f I t e m s 37 7 32 13 7 1 1 1 T o t a l = . . 99 34 14 17 19 3 2 2 2 5 T o t a l = 98 C e l a d o n : J a r l e t ( C J A R L E T ) 81 D i s h (CDISH) 33 S a u c e r (CSAUCER) 13 Bowl (CBOWL) 16 Kuan (CKUAN) 7 I n c e n c e - b u r n e r (CINCENSE) 2 C o v e r e d - b o x p a r t (CBOX) 4 Cup (CCUP) 3 T e a p o t (CTEAPOT) 3 T o t a l = 162 W h i t e - w a r e s : T e - h u a Bowl (TBOWL) 35 D i s h (TDISH) 12 S a u c e r (TSAUCER) 5 V a s e (TVASE) - 4 C o v e r e d - b o x p a r t (TBOX) 15 O c h r e - g l a z e d : J a r l e t (OJARLET) J a r (OJAR) T u m b l e r (OTUMBLER) Bowl (OBOWL) S a u c e r (OSAUCER) B o t t l e (OBOTTLE) T e a p o t (OTEAPOT) K e n d i (OKENDI) G r a y - g l a z e d : Bowl (GBOWL) D i s h (GDISH) S a u c e r (GSAUCER) J a r l e t ( G J A R L E T ) T e a p o t (GTEAPOT) W a t e r - d r o p p e r (GWATERDR) Kuan (GKUAN) F l o w e r - p o t (GFLOWERP) C o v e r e d - b o x p a r t (GBOX) T o t a l = 71 2 0 6 T A B L E A-11 C o n t i n u e d . No. o f I t e m s W h i t e - w a r e s - c o n t ' d . C h ' i n g - p a i T e a p o t (CHTEAPT) 4 Cup (CHCUP) .. 3 Bowl (CHBOWL) 3 C o v e r e d - b o x p a r t (CHBOX) 2 T o t a l = 12 S p o t t e d C h ' i n g - p a i F i g u r i n e ( S C H F I G ) 2 J a r l e t ( SCHJARLT) 2 B a l i m b i r i g ( f r u i t - s h a p e d j a r l e t ) (SCHBALIM) 1 Kuan (SCHKUAN) 3 D o u b l e - g o u r d (SCHGOURD) . 2 T o t a l = 10 E a r l y B l u e - a n d - w h i t e B a l i m b i n g (BLWHITE) 3 T o t a l = 3 M i s c e l l a n e o u s c e r a m i c s (MISCER) Bowl (MISCER) 3 S a u c e r (MISCER) 5 C o v e r e d - b o x p a r t (MISCER) 1 T o t a l = 9 FOOTNOTE TO TABLE 1 : Lumping p r o c e d u r e s ( f r o m o r i g i n a l d a t a t a b l e s i n T e n a z a s r e p o r t ) : C o n t r a c t e d "medium" and " l a r g e " t y p e s . C o n t r a c t e d " p l a t e s " and " d i s h e s " ( e . g . 2 - f i s h d i s h , 1 - f i s h d i s h , e t c . ) u n d e r " d i s h e s " . C o n t r a c t e d v a r i o u s t y p e s o f l a r g e r j a r s ( e . g . t a l l , w i d e - mouth j a r , s p h e r i c a l j a r , e t c . ) u n d e r " j a r s " . C o n t r a c t e d " s m a l l " and "medium- t y p e s o f v a s e s and b o t t l e s u n d e r " v a s e " o r " b o t t l e " . C o n t r a c t e d c o v e r s and b o t t o m s o f " c o v e r e d - b o x p a r t s " u n d e r " c o v e r box p a r t " . E a r t h e n w a r e s : i n c l u d e d 1 f l o w e r p o t u n d e r " p o t s " . TABLE A - 2 1 T a b l e o f N o n - c e r a m i c A r t i f a c t C a t e g o r i e s a t P i l a ( w i t h c o d e s y m b o l i n b r a c k e t s ) . N o . o f I t e m s EARTHENWARES P o t (EPOT) . 46 K e n d i (EKENDI) 26 Bowl (EBOWL) 2 S t o v e (ESTOVE) 6 C o v e r (ECOVER) 1 P o t S t a n d (EPOTSTAN) 1 T o t a l = 8 2 IRON B l a d e ( I B L A D E ) 25 F r a g m e n t s ( I F R A G ) 15 T o t a l = 4 0 BRONZE OBJECTS 6 R i n g (BRONZE) F r a g m e n t (BRONZE) Bowl (BRONZE) M i r r o r (BRONZE) D i s c (BRONZE) T . , ~ T o t a l = 6 LEAD B r a c e l e t (LBRACELT) 1 O b j e c t (LOBJECT) 2 T o t a l = 3 MISCELLANEOUS POTTERY OBJECT (MISCPOT) 3 T o t a l = .3 U T I L I T A R I A N OBJECT S p i n d l e W h o r l (SPINDLE) 2 Net S i n k e r (NSINKER) 2 T o t a l = 4 MISCELLANEOUS WEALTH OBJECTS (WEALTH) . 2 9 C o i n s , g o l d , b e a d s , g l a s s b r a c e l e t , g l a s s b o t t l e s , w o r d e d s t o n e o b j e c t s , p e b b l e s , q u a r t z o b j e c t . . T o t a l = 29 TABLE A-3a Categor i es: INHUMATION BURIALS AND ASSOCIATED GRAVE GOODS PERIOD I I : SITE 1 (AGRA) Lead, Brown, Ochre, Grey, and Celadon Wares S i t e B u r i a l Ceramics Depth L L L B B B B B' B B B 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 G G G G G G G G G C C C C C C C C C J T W d J B T T V B B d d T B S B T K B D s d T W K F B d D s B K I B C T A E A A A 0 U E A 0 0 A A U 0 A 0 E E 0 I A A E A U L 0 A I A 0 U N 0 U E R A T R R T M A S X W R R M W U T A N W S U R A T A 0 X R s U W A C X P A L P E L T B P E L L B L C T P D L H C L P E N W L H C L N E P E 0 R E L L 0 E L E L 0 I E E 0 R E E E N 0 T T D R T E E R T T E R R E T R T T D R R P T R C E T 50 83 78 60 1 19 26 65 95 96 98 171 2 54 58 70 100 102 134 140 175 179 75 76 88 97 120 126 21 24 16 15 1 1 10 9 9 9 9 9 8 8 8 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 6 6 6 6 6 6 5 5 85 115 103 103 109 1 1 1 93 95 95 83 103 95 101 134 88 1 1 1 59 65 78 81 109 82 101 100 56 1 10 96 87 97 85 1 1 3 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 1 1 1 3 1 1 1 1 1 1 . . 1 1 . 1 1 1 1 1 2 . 4 . 2 2 . 2 2 1 . 1 1 1 2 . 2 1 3 1 1 1 1 1 2 . 1 . 2 . 1 1 1 1 1 . 1 1 . 1 ro O 00 TABLE A-3a INHUMATION BURIALS AND ASSOCIATED GRAVE GOODS PERIOD I I : SITE 1 (AGRA) C a t e g o r i e s : Lead, Brown, Ochre, Grey, and Celadon Wares S i t e B u r i a l Ceramics Depth L L L B B B B B B B B 0 0 0 0 0 D 0 0 G G G G G G G G G C C C C C C C C c J T W J J B T T V B B J J T B s B T K B D S J T W K F B J D S B K I B C T A E A A A 0 U E A 0 0 A A U 0 A 0 E E 0 I A A E A U L 0 A I A 0 U N 0 U E R A T R R T M A S X W R R M W U T A N W S U R A T A 0 X R s U W A C X P A L P E L T B P E L L B L C T P D L H C L P E N W L H C L N E P E 0 R E L L 0 E L E L 0 I E E 0 R E E E N 0 T T D R T E E R T T E R R E T R T T D R R P T R C E T 27 40 47 57 108 133 141 25 28 30 34 39 45 59 109 1 1 1 125 158 173 180 8 38 43 44 64 77 79 82 90 106 96 100 125 95 50 101 89 55 104 96 98 95 78 61 95 53 109 80 107 102 75 122 106 20 75 1 10 100 55 100 1 . 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 . . 1 o TABLE A-3a INHUMATION BURIALS AND ASSOCIATED GRAVE GOODS PERIOD I I : SITE 1 (AGRA) C a t e g o r i e s : Lead, Brown, Ochre, Grey, and Celadon Wares S i t e B u r i a l Ceramics Depth L L L B B B B B B B B 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 G G G G G G G G G C C C C C C C C C 0 T W J J B T T V B B J J T B s B T K B D S J T W K F B J D s B K I B C T A E A A A 0 U E A 0 0 A A U 0 A 0 E E 0 I A A E A U L 0 A I A 0 U N 0 U E R A T R R T M A S X W R R M W U T A N W s U R A T A 0 X R s U W A C X P A L P E L T B P E L L B L C T P D L H C L P E N W L H C L N E P E 0 R E L L 0 E L E L 0 I E E 0 R E E E N 0 T T D R T E E R T T E R R E T R T T D R R P T R C E T 1 13 159 168 4 9 12 49 66 80 81 84 107 1 12 1 15 135 160 167 169 181 182 6 13 16 17 18 22 29 46 48 51 70 83 70 98 105 1 15 70 95 95 84 83 77 80 91 78 95 120 85 98 95 1 10 89 68 102 83 79 83 127 99 O TABLE A-3a INHUMATION BURIALS AND ASSOCIATED GRAVE GOODS PERIOD I I : SITE 1 (AGRA) C a t e g o r i e s : Lead, Brown, Ochre, Grey, and Celadon Wares S i t e B u r i a l Ceramics Depth L L L B B B B B B B B 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 G G G G G G G G G C C C 'C C C C C C J T W J xj B T T V B B J J T B S B T K B D S 0 T W K F B J D s B K I B C T A E A A A 0 U E A 0 0 A A U 0 A 0 E E 0 I A A E A U L 0 A I A 0 U N 0 U E R A T R R T M A s X W R R M W U T A N W S U R A T A 0 X R s U W A C X P A L P E L T B P E L L B L C T P D L H C L P E N W L H C L N E P E 0 R E L L 0 E L E L 0 I E E 0 R E E E N 0 T T D R T E E R T T E R R E T R T T D R R P T R C E T 52 53 55 61 68 71 72 85 87 91 92 103 104 1 18 119 142 143 145 149 151 155 174 10 20 23 36 41 86 99 121 92 69 67 78 63 66 89 1 1 1 56 54 85 102 72 105 80 58 56 85 81 57 107 101 89 95 91 114 102 106 87 74 1 1 1 1 1 1 . . . . 1 . . . . 1 . . . . 1 . . . . 1 . . . . 1 . . . . . . . . 1 1 . . . . (V) TABLE A-3a C a t e g o r i e s : INHUMATION BURIALS AND ASSOCIATED GRAVE GOODS PERIOD I I : SITE 1 (AGRA) Lead, Brown, Ochre, Grey, and Celadon Wares S i t e B u r i a l Ceramics Depth L L L B B B B B B B B O O O O O O O O G G G G G G G G G C C C C C C C C C U T W J U B T T V B B J J T B S B T K B D S J T W K F B J D S B K I B C T A E A A A O U E A O O A A U O A O E E O I A A E A U L O A I A O U N O U E R A T R R T M A S X W R R M W U T A N W S U R A T A O X R S U W A C X P A 122 87 123 66 124 112 132 105 144 95 148 68 157 92 165 78 170 100 ro TABLE A-3b INHUMATION BURIALS AND ASSOCIATED GRAVE GOODS PERIOD II : SITE 1 (AGRA) C a t e g o r i e s : Whitewares, M i s c e l l a n e o u s c e r a m i c s , Earthenwares, Iron, Bronze, Lead, U t i l i t a r i a n , and Wealth S i t e B u r i a l Ceramics Depth T T T T T C C C C S S S S S B M E E E E E E I I B L L S N M B D S V B H H H H C C C C C L I P K B S c P B F R B 0 P S I 0 I A A 0 T C B B H H H H H W S 0 E 0 T 0 0 L R 0 R B I I S W S U S X E U 0 0 F d B K G H C T N W 0 V T A A N A d N N C L H C E A P W X I A A U 0 I c D L V E S D G Z C E D K P E P L G R L A U T E I E R T E E E C L E 0 R T L T I M N R D E R A N L T T E R T WE AL TH 50 83 78 60 1 19 26 65 95 96 98 171 2 54 58 70 100 102 134 140 175 179 75 76 88 97 120 126 21 24 16 15 1 1 10 9 9 9 9 9 8 8 8 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 6 6 6 6 6 6 5 5 85 1 15 103 103 109 1 11 93 95 95 83 103 95 101 134 88 1 1 1 59 65 78 81 109 82 101 100 56 1 10 96 87 97 85 1 . 1 . 3 1 . 1 . 1 1 1 . . . . 1 1 2 1 1 . . . . 2 1 . . . 1 . . . . 2 1 1 1 1 1 . . . 1 1 1 . 1 . . 1 . . 1 1 . 1 1 . 1 2 . 1 * See Key ( f o l l o w i n g T a b l e 3.b) ro TABLE A-3b INHUMATION BURIALS AND ASSOCIATED GRAVE GOODS PERIOD I I : SITE 1 (AGRA) C a t e g o r i e s : Whitewares, M i s c e l l a n e o u s c e r a m i c s , Earthenwares, Iron, Bronze, Lead, U t i l i t a r i a n , and Wealth S i t e B u r i a l Ceramics Depth T T T T T C C C C S S S S S B M E E E E E E I I B L L s N M WE B D S V B H H H H C C C C C L I P K B S C P B F R B 0 p S I AL 0 I A A 0 T C B B H H H H H W S 0 E 0 T 0 0 L R 0 R B I I S TH W S U S X E U 0 0 F J B K G H C T N W 0 V T A A N A J N N C * L H C E A P W X I A A U 0 I C D L V E S D G Z C E D K p E P L G R L A U T E I E R T E E E C L E 0 R T L T I M N R D E R A N _i i- T E R T 27 40 47 57 108 133 141 25 28 30 34 39 45 59 109 1 1 1 125 158 173 180 8 38 43 44 64 77 79 82 90 106 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 96 100 125 95 50 101 89 55 104 96 98 95 78 61 95 53 109 80 107 102 75 122 106 20 75 110 100 55 100 1 1 . . 1 1 1 3 . . . . 1 . . . 1 . . 1 . . . . 1 3 1 . . . . 1 1 . . 1 . . . 1 1 . . . . 1 1 . . . . 1 * See Key ( f o l l o w i n g T a b l e 3.b) TABLE A-3b INHUMATION BURIALS AND ASSOCIATED GRAVE GOODS PERIOD I I : SITE 1 (AGRA) C a t e g o r i e s : Whitewares, M i s c e l l a n e o u s c e r a m i c s , Earthenwares, Iron, Bronze, Lead, U t i l i t a r i a n , and Wealth S i t e B u r i a l Ceramics Depth C C H H T C C C H H S S C C S B C L B B H H H H H W 0 0 W X L G H 0 I U T R E D E E E E E P K B S C 0 E 0 T 0 T N W 0 V D L V E I E R 113 159 168 4 9 70 83 70 98 12 49 66 80 81 105 1 15 70 95 95 84 107 112 115 135 84 83 77 80 91 160 167 169 181 182 78 95 120 85 98 6 13 16 17 18 95 1 10 89 68 102 22 29 46 48 51 83 79 83 127 99 1 1 1 * See Key ( f o l l o w i n g T a b l e 3.b) TABLE A-3b INHUMATION BURIALS AND ASSOCIATED GRAVE GOODS PERIOD I I : SITE 1 (AGRA) C a t e g o r i e s : Whitewares, M i s c e l l a n e o u s c e r a m i c s . Earthenwares, Iron, Bronze, Lead, U t i l i t a r i a n , and Wealth S i t e B u r i a l Ceramics Depth T T T T T C C C C S S S S S B M E E E E E E I I B L L S N M WE AL TH      c    S S S S S B   E E E E  I  L s N M B D S V B H H H H C C c c C L I P K B S C P B F R B 0 P S I 0 I A A 0 T C B B H H H H H W S 0 E 0 T 0 0 L R 0 R B I I S W S U S X E U 0 0 F d B K G H C T N W 0 V T A A N A d N N c L H C E A P W X I A A U 0 I C D L V E S D G Z C E D K p E P L G R L A U T E I E R T E E E C L E 0 R T -I  r- I M N R D E R A N L T T E R T 1 52 1 92 1 53 1 69 1 55 1 67 1 61 1 78 . 1 68 1 63 1 71 1 66 1 72 1 89 1 85 1 111 . 1 87 1 56 1 91 1 54 1 92 1 85 1 103 1 102 1 1 . . . . 1 104 1 72 1 118 1 105 1 119 1 80 1 142 1 58 1 143 1 56 1 . . 1 145 1 85 1 149 1 81 1 151 1 57 1 155 1 107 . 1 174 1 101 1 10 . 89 1 20 95 1 23 91 1 36 . 114 . 1 2 1 41 . 102 . 2 . . . . 1 86 . 106 1 1 99 . 87 1 121 . 74 . 1 . . . . * See Key ( f o l l o w i n g T a b l e 3.b) ro ON TABLE A-3b INHUMATION BURIALS AND ASSOCIATED GRAVE GOODS PERIOD I I : SITE 1 (AGRA) C a t e g o r i e s : Whitewares, M i s c e l l a n e o u s c e r a m i c s . Earthenwares, Iron, Bronze, Lead, U t i l i t a r i a n , and Wealth S i t e B u r i a l Ceramics Depth T T T T T C C c C S S S S S B M E E E E E E I I B L L S N M B D S V B H H H H C C C C C L I P K B S C P B F R B 0 P S I 0 I A A 0 T C B B H H H H H W S 0 E 0 T 0 0 L R 0 R 'B I I S W S U S X E U 0 0 F J B K G H C T N W 0 V T A A N A J N N C L H C E A P W X I A A U 0 I C D L V E S D G Z C E D K P E P L G R L A U T E I E R T E E E C L E 0 R T —i i- I M N R D E R A N L T T E R T WE AL TH 122 123 124 132 144 87 66 112 105 95 148 157 165 170 68 92 78 100 1 1 1 . * See Key ( f o l l o w i n g T a b l e 3.b) ->0 2 1 8 FOOTNOTE TO TABLE A-3b Key to Wealth column: B u r i a l # 5 0 : 1 quartz o b j e c t B u r i a l # 8 3 : 2 g o l d e a r r i n g s B u r i a l #1: 7 c o i n s (Chinese) B u r i a l #98: 9 c o i n s ; p i e c e s o f g o l d j e w e l l e r y ; fragments o f 3 t i n y g l a s s b o t t l e s ; 3 rounded pebbles; beads; 1 s m a l l p i e c e o f worked stone. B u r i a l #9» 1 opaque g l a s s b r a c e l e t . Key to Bronze column: B u r i a l #98: 1 bronze m i r r o r B u r i a l #88: 1 bronze d i s c ; 1 bronze bowl. B u r i a l #120: 1 bronze r i n g B u r i a l #109: 1 bronze r i n g Key to M i s c e l l a n e o u s P o t t e r y (Miscpot) column: B u r i a l #10^: 2 p o t t e r y d i s c s TABLE A-4a C a t e g o r i e s INHUMATION BURIALS AND ASSOCIATED GRAVE GOODS PERIOD I I : SITE 2 (MENDOZA) Lead, Brown, Ochre, Grey, and Celadon Wares S i t e B u r i a l Ceramics Depth L L L B B B B B B B B 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 G G G G G G G G G C C C C C C C C c d T W d d B T T V B B d d T B S B T K B D S d T W K F B d D S B K I B C T A E A A A 0 U E A 0 0 A A U 0 A 0 E E 0 I A A E A U L 0 A I A 0 U N 0 u E R- A T R R T M A S X W R R M W U T A N W S U R A T A 0 X R S U W A C X p A L P E L T B P E L L B L C T P D L H C L P E N W L H C L N E P E 0 R E L L 0 E L E L 0 I E E 0 R E E E N 0 T T D R T E E R T T E R R E T R T T D R R P T R C E T 2 28 23 98 . 1 . 5 1 6 1 . . . . 1 . . . 3 2 . 1 2 21 19 75 1 3 2 . 2 . . 1 1 . . . 2 . 3 2 20 18 1 . . 4 . 1 1 . . . . 1 4 2 1 . . . 1 . 1 1 . 2 17 15 99 2 . 3 1 2 1 . . . 1 . 3 2 3 14 93 1 . 1 1 . . . . . 3 . 1 . . 1 1 . 1 2 1 1 1 78 1 . . 2 1 1 . 2 1 . 1 1 2 4 6 80 1 . . 1 1 1 . 2 2 15 6 80 2 1 2 19 6 70 . 1 1 . 2 2G 6 76 , 1 . 1 . 3 . . . 1 2 32 6 73 . 2 2 58 6 100 2 13 5 61 . 1 3 2 16 5 71 1 2 36 5 91 1 . 1 1 . 1 . 2 6 4 73 1 . . . . . 1 2 22 4 88 1 2 27 4 75 . 1 1 . . . . 1 . 2 5 3 60 . 1 1 . . . . 2 12 3 58 . 1 . . . 1 . 2 14 3 64 1 . . . 1 . . . 1 . 2 25 3 115 2 41 3 92 1 . . . . 1 . 2 45 3 70 1 . . . . 2 2 31 2 53 . 1 1 . 2 42 2 87 . . . 1 1 2 43 2 89 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 2 44 2 15 . . . . . 1 2 2 1 54 . . . . . 1 2 8 1 83 . . . 1 ro TABLE A-4a INHUMATION BURIALS AND ASSOCIATED GRAVE GOODS PERIOD I I : SITE 2 (MENDOZA) C a t e g o r i e s : Lead, Brown, Ochre, Grey, and Celadon Wares S i t e B u r i a l Ceramics Depth L L L B B B B B B B B 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 G G G G G G G G G C C C C C C C C C J T W J J B T T V B B U 0 T B S B T K B D S J T W K F B J D S B K I B C T A E A A A 0 U E A 0 0 A A U 0 A 0 E E 0 I A A E A U L 0 A I A 0 U N 0 U E R A T R R T M A S X W R R M W U T A N W S U R A T A 0 X R S U W A C X P A L P E L T B P E L L B L C T P D L H C L P E N W L H C L N E P E 0 R E L L 0 E L E L 0 I E E 0 R E E E N 0 T T D R T E E R T T E R R E T R T T D R R P T R C E T 23 29 33 38 46 47 56 18 24 30 48 49 51 54 55 96 70 80 87 70 52 54 96 95 70 67 81 42 90 95 1 . . 1 . . . . 1 o TABLE A-4b INHUMATION BURIALS AND ASSOCIATED GRAVE GOODS PERIOD I I : SITE 2 (MENDOZA) C a t e g o r i e s : Whitewares, M i s c e l l a n e o u s c e r a m i c s , Earthenwares, Iron, Bronze, Lead, U t i l i t a r i a n , and Wealth S i t e B u r i a l Ceramics Depth T T T T T C C C C S S S S S B M E E E E E E I I B L L S N M B D S V B H H H H C C c C C L I P K B S C P B F R B 0 P S I 0 I A A 0 T C B B H H H H H W S 0 E 0 T 0 0 L R 0 R B I I S W S U S X E U 0 0 F J B K G H C T N W 0 V T A A N A J N N C L H C E A P W X I A A U 0 I C D L V E S D G z C E D K P E P L G R L A U T E I E R T E E E C L E 0 R T L T I M N R D E R A N L T T E R T WE AL TH 28 21 20 17 3 1 4 15 19 26 32 58 13 16 36 6 22 27 5 12 14 25 41 45 31 42 43 44 2 8 23 19 18 15 14 1 1 6 6 6 6 6 6 5 5 5 4 4 4 3 3 3 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 1 1 98 75 99 93 78 80 80 70 76 73 100 61 71 91 73 88 75 60 58 64 115 92 70 53 87 89 15 54 83 1 1 . 1 . . . 1 . 1 3 1 . . . 1 2 1 . . 1 1 2 1 . . 1 . 1 . . 1 1 1 1 2 1 . 1 1 . . . . 1 1 . 1 2 * See Key ( f o l l o w i n g T a b l e 3.b) ro ro TABLE A-4b INHUMATION BURIALS AND ASSOCIATED GRAVE GOODS PERIOD I I : SITE 2 (MENDOZA) C a t e g o r i e s : Whitewares, M i s c e l l a n e o u s ceramics, Earthenwares, Iron, Bronze, Lead, U t i l i t a r i a n , and Wealth S i t e B u r i a l Ceramics Depth T T T T T C C C C S S S S S B M E E E E E E I I B L L S N M WE B D S V B H H H H C C C C C L I P K B S C P B F R B 0 P S I AL 0 I A A 0 T C B B H H H H H W S 0 E 0 T 0 0 L R 0 R B I I S TH W S U S X E U 0 0 F J B K G H C T N W 0 V T A A N A J N N C * L H C E A P W X I A A U 0 I C D L V E S D G Z C E D K P E P L G R L A U T E I E R T E E E C L E 0 R T L T I M N R D E R A N -t r- T E R T 23 29 33 38 4G 96 70 80 87 70 47 56 18 24 30 52 54 96 95 70 48 49 51 54 55 67 81 42 90 95 * See Key ( f o l l o w i n g T a b l e 3.b) ro ro FOOTNOTE TO TABLE Key to Bronze column: B u r i a l #3* fragments of bronze ornament. Key to Miscellaneous Pottery (Miscpot) column: B u r i a l #4-8: p h a l l i c pottery object. TABLE A-5. BURIALS WITH POTTERY IN AGRA AND MENDOZA ANY POTS (TRA AND/OR EART DE CERAMICS HENWARE) TRADE CERAMICS EARTH ENWARE AGR A MENDO ZA AGR A MENDO ZA AGR A MENDO ZA No.of Pots Per B u r i a l No. of B u r l a l s % No. of Bur 1 a 1s % No. of Bur 1 a 1s % No. of Bur 1 a 1s % No . Of Bur i a 1s % No. of Bur 1 a 1s % 0 5 3.9 3 6 . 7 17 13.2 8 17.8 82 63.6 31 68.9 1 37 28 . 7 10 22 . 2 21 24.8 9 20.0 37 28. 7 10 22.2 2 19 14.7 6 13.3 17 13.2 4 8.9 7 5 . 4 2 4.4 3 13 10. 1 7 15.6 13 10. 1 6 13.3 2 1 . 6 1 2 . 2 4 15 11.6 2 4 . 4 13 10. 1 3 6 . 7 1 0.8 1 2 . 2 5 6 4 . 7 5 11.1 9 7.0 3 6 . 7 6 9 0.7 5 11.1 6 4 . 7 6 13.3 7 6 4 . 7 10 7 . 8 8 8 6 . 2 1 2 . 2 3 2 . 3 9 2 1 .6 5 3.9 10 4 3 . 1 1 2 . 2 1 1 1 0.8 1 2 . 2 1 0.8 1 2 . 2 12 1 0.8 TABLE A-5. BURIALS WITH POTTERY IN AGRA AND MENDOZA ANY POTS (TRA AND/OR EART DE CERAMICS HENWARE) TRADE CERAMICS EARTH ENWARE AGR A MENDO ZA AGR A MENDO ZA AGR A MENDO ZA No.of P o t s Per B u r i a l No. of B u r l a l s % No. of Bur i a 1s % No . of Bur( a 1s % No. of Bur 1a1s % No. of Bur 1 a 1 s % No. of Bur 1 a 1s X 13 14 1 0.8 1 2 . 2 1 2.2 15 1 0.8 1 2.2 1 0.8 1 2 . 2 16 1 0.8 1 0.8 17 18 1 2 . 2 1 2 . 2 19 1 2 . 2 1 2 . 2 20 i 21 22 23 1 2 . 2 1 2 . 2 N= 129 45 129 45 129 45 226 T A B L E A - 6 : S a m p l e s i z e , m e a n , s t a n d a r d d e v i a t i o n ( S . D . ) a n d c o e f f i c i e n t o f v a r i a t i o n ( C . V . ) o f t r a d e c e r a m i c s f r o m w e a l t h y a n d p o o r g r o u p s i n A g r a a n d Mendoza T o t a l Mean S i t e o r g r o u p S a m p l e S i z e % O f T o t a l N o . o f P o t s N o . p e r o f P o t s b u r i a l S . D . V a r i a n c e C . V . AGRA T o t a l g r o u p 129 100 4 2 9 3 . 3 3 . 1 9 . 6 9 3 . 2 W e a l t h y g r o u p 37 2 8 . 7 272 7 . 4 2 . 5 6 . 4 3 4 . 4 P o o r g r o u p 92 7 1 . 3 157 1 . 7 1 . 3 1 . 7 7 6 . 6 MENDOZA T o t a l g r o u p 4 5 100 198 4 . 4 5 . 4 2 9 . 6 1 2 3 . 7 W e a l t h y g r o u p 15 3 3 . 3 151 1 0 . 1 6 , 1 1 0 1 . 3 6 0 . 9 P o o r g r o u p 30 6 6 . 7 4 7 1 . 6 1 . 4 1 . 8 8 6 . 6 L i s t of trade ceramic c a t e g o r i e s by g l a z e type. L LEAD B BROWN 0 OCHRE G GRAY C CELADON W WHITEWARES: TE-TUA, CH'ING-PAI, SPOTTED CH'ING PAI, • EARLY BLUE and WHITE, MISC. CERAMICS TABLE A-8: List of trade ceramic categories by function. 1 . CONTAINERS LI = LJARLET LTEAPOT B l = BJARLET BJAR BBOTTLE BTUMBLER BTEAPOT BVASE 01 = OJARLET OJAR OTUMBLER OBOTTLE OTEAPOT OKENDI G l = GJARLET GTEAPOT GKUAN GFLOWERP CI = C JARLET CKUAN CCUP CTEAPOT W1 = WVASE CHTEAPOT CHCUP SCHJARLET SCHBALIM SCHKUAN SCHGOURD BLWHITE 2 . DISHES L2 = 0 B2 = BBOX BBOWL 02 = OBOWL OSAUCER G2 = GBOWL GDISH GSAUCER GBOX C2 = CDISH CSAUCER CBOWL CBOX W2 = TBOWL TDISH TSAUCER TBOX CHBOWL CHBOX 3 . OTHER L3 = LWATERDR G3 = GWATERDR C3 = C I N C E N S E W3 = SCHFIG TABLE A-9. WEALTHY BURIALS AND ASSOCIATED ARTIFACTS (GLAZE CATEGORIES) PERIOD I I : SITE 1 (AGRA) C a t e g o r i e s : Lead, Brown, Ochre, Gray, Celadon, Whitewares Bur i a 1 Ceramics L B 0 G C W E I B L U WE A R R E T AL R 0 0 A I TH T N N D L H Z W E A R 50 16 1 3 2 3 4 3 1 83 15 3 2 6 4 2 2 78 1 1 1 1 4 5 60 10 3 1 1 4 1 4 1 1 9 1 4 3 1 1 1 7 19 9 2 5 2 26 9 1 1 5 2 1 1 65 9 1 2 4 1 1 1 95 9 2 1 4 2 3 96 8 1 1 2 2 2 1 98 8 3 1 2 2 1 1 1 18 171 8 1 2 5 3 2 7 1 1 5 1 1 54 7 1 6 1 ' 58 7 1 1 2 3 3 1 70 100 102 134 140 175 179 75 76 88 97 120 126 21 24 1 1 ro ro TABLE A-9. WEALTHY BURIALS AND ASSOCIATED ARTIFACTS (GLAZE CATEGORIES) PERIOD I I : SITE 1 (AGRA) C a t e g o r i e s : Lead, Brown, Ochre, Gray, Celadon, Whitewares S i t e B u r i a l Ceramics I B L U WE R R E T AL 0 0 A I TH N N D L Z E 27 40 47 57 108 133 141 1 1 1 2 1 1 o TABLE A-10. WEALTHY BURIALS AND ASSOCIATED ARTIFACTS (GLAZE CATEGORIES) PERIOD I I : SITE 2 (MENDOZA) C a t e g o r i e s : Lead, Brown, Ochre, Gray, Celadon, Whitewares S i t e B u r i a l Ceramics I B L U WE R R E T AL 0 0 A I TH N N D L Z E 28 21 20 17 3 1 4 15 19 26 32 58 13 16 36 23 19 18 15 14 1 1 6 6 6 6 6 6 5 5 5 13 8 6 6 3 2 2 2 1 1 TABLE A-1 1 . WEALTHY BURIALS AND ASSOCIATED ARTIFACTS (BY FORM AND FUNCTION) PERIOD 11 : SITE 1 (AGRA) C a t e g o r i e s : Lead, Brown, Ochre, Gray, Celadon, Whitewares (1=Containers, 2=Openforms, 3=0ther) S i t e B u r i a l Ceramics B 0 G C W 1 1 1 1 1 B O G C W 2 2 2 2 2 L G C W 3 3 3 3 E I B L U WE A R R E T AL R 0 0 A I TH T N N D L H Z W E A R 50 83 78 60 1 19 26 65 95 96 98 171 2 54 58 70 100 102 134 140 175 179 75 76 88 97 120 126 21 24 16 15 1 1 10 9 9 9 9 9 8 8 8 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 6 6 6 6 6 6 5 5 2 2 3 4 . 3 1 6 . 1 . 2 3 1 . 1 I . 1 2 2 . . . I I . 4 1 2 1 . 2 1 1 . 1 . 1 1 2 1 2 . 1 . 1 1 2 . 2 . 2 . 1 . 2 . 3 1 2 4 . 2 2 . 1 1 3 . 2 . 1 1 1 1 1 . . 2 1 . 4 . 2 2 1 2 . 3 1 1 5 : 1 . 1 2 3 1 . 3 2 . 1 1 2 . 1 . . 2 . 1 . 2 . 1 3 1 1 1 . . 2 . 1 . 2 2 2 1 . 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 . 1 1 . 1 2 1 1 . 2 1 . 1 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 . 3 . 1 . . 1 1 1 . 3 1 1 1 . 3 1 18 ro TABLE A-11. WEALTHY BURIALS AND ASSOCIATED ARTIFACTS (BY FORM AND FUNCTION) PERIOD I I : SITE 1 (AGRA) C a t e g o r i e s : Lead, Brown, Ochre, Gray, Celadon, Whitewares ( 1 =Containers, 2=Openforms, 3 = 0 t h e r ) S i t e B u r i a l Ceramics B 0 G C W 1 1 1 1 1 B 0 G C W 2 2 2 2 2 L G C W 3 3 3 3 I B R R 0 0 N N Z E U WE T AL I TH L 1 27 5 . . 3 1 . . . . . . 1 1 40 5 2 . 2 . . . . 1 1 47 5 1 . 2 . . . . 2 1 57 5 1 1 . 2 1 1 108 5 2 1 . . . 1 . . 1 1 133 5 1 . . 3 . 1 1 141 5 1 1 . . 1 1 1 ro TABLE A-12. WEALTHY BURIALS AND ASSOCIATED ARTIFACTS (BY FORM AND FUNCTION) PERIOD I I : SITE 2 (MENDOZA) C a t e g o r i e s : Lead, Brown, Ochre, Gray, Celadon, Whitewares ( 1 =Containers, 2 = Openforms, 3 = 0 t h e r ) S i t e B u r i a l Ceramics B 0 G C W 1 1 1 1 1 B 0 G C W 2 2 2 2 2 L G C W 3 3 3 3 I B R R 0 0 N N Z E U WE T AL TH 2 28 23 1 13 3 1 . 1 3 1 . . 1 1 2 21 19 8 3 1 . 2 2 1 2 . . 2 20 18 1 6 5 1 . 3 1 1 . 2 2 17 15 5 3 4 1 1 1 4 2 2 3 14 3 3 1 1 2 3 . . 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 3 1 . 1 1 1 . . . 2 2 4 6 1 2 2 1 2 15 6 2 1 2 . . 2 19 6 1 1 1 1 2 2 26 6 1 1 3 1 2 32 6 2 1 1 2 . . 2 58 6 4 1 1 . . 2 13 5 1 3 1 . . 2 16 5 1 1 1 2 . . 2 36 5 2 1 1 1 . . ro T A B L E A - 1 3 . P e r i o d I I I c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l s i A g r a ( T e n a z a s 19681 A p p e n d i x I I I ) B U R I A L N O . P E R I O D D E P T H IN C M . L E V E L S Q U A R E B U R I A L D I R E C T L Y IN P I T S B U R I A L IN V E S S E L S A S S O C I A T E D C R A V E G O O D S R E M A R K S 10? III 66 4 A - 5 X L o c a t e d n e a r w e e t e r n c o r n e r of s o u t h e r n bau l l t a n d i n c l o e e p r o x i m i t y to c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #5 a b o v e i n the l a m e s q u a r e . 11 III 60 4 C - l X F o u n d i n the b a u l k n e a r w e e t e r n c o r n e r . 15 111 38 3 C - 3 X L o c a t e d n e a r n o r t h e a s t b a u l k . 42 111 65 4 D-14 X L o c a t e d about h a l i a m e t e r n o r t h w e e t f r o m c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l 1161 in a b i g b r o k e n s t o n e w a r e J a r . B o t h b u r i a l s w a r e found n e a r n o r t h w e s t b a n l k . 32 i n 9 ! 4 E -13 X L o c a t e d juet a f ew c e n t i m e t e r s f r o m c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #33 ( b e l o w ) ' a l s o in a p i t . T h i e a p p e a r e to be one of the e a r l i e s t c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l e e n c o u n - t e r e d . T w o o t h e r c r e m a t i o n e In v e e s e l e (#31 and #156) w e r e found i n a h i g h e r l e v e l in the s a m e • q u a r e . 33 I U 75 4 E-13 X L o c a t e d n e a r c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #32 ( a b o v e ) , a n d p o e a i b l y c o n t e m p o r a r y . 73 in 56 4 G - l l X S m a l t C h ' i n g - p a i c o v e r found on top of the p i t . O n e of t w o c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l e i n p i t e i n c l o e e p r o x i m i t y to f i v e o t h e r c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l e e i t h e r i n b r o k e n b ig e t o n e w a r e j a r e o r t a l l o v a l o i d e a r t h e n w a r e J a r e In the e a m e s q u a r e . 101 in 56 4 G - l l X F o u n d n e a r e a s t e r n c o r n e r of eoutheae t b a n l k . C r e m a t i o n b u r i a l . #136. (137. # 138 a n d # 139 a l l in j a r e w e r e l a t e r d l e c o v e r e d w h e n the b a u l k wee p a r t l y t a k e n d o w n . 62 111 26 3 H - B X C h ' i n g - p a i p i l g r i m ' s f l a s k and c e l a d o n j a r l e t . T h e w h i t e f l a s h wae found on t o p of the c r e m a t i o n pi t w h i c h had a d e p t h of about 9 i n c h e s . N e a r the b o t t o m of the pit a c e l a d o n j a r l e t w a s r e c o v e r e d . In the b o t t o m of the p i t t r a c e s of r e d o c h r e p i g - m e n t e w e r e r e c o v e r e d . TABLE A-13 (continued) B U R I A L N O . P E R I O D D E P T H IN C M . L E V E L S Q U A R E B U R I A L D I R E C T L Y IN P I T S B U R I A L IN V E S S E L S A S S O C I A T E D G R A V E G O O D S R E M A R K S 193 III 28 3 L - 7 B i g b r o w n a t p n e - w a r e J a r . S m a s h e d . L o c a t e d just a f ew c e n t i m e t e r a - f r o m c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l 11 54 i n a l a r g e c e l a d o n r i b b e d k u a a . 154 III J J 3 L - 7 L a r g e c e l a d o n r i bbed k u a n w i t h l a r g e g r a y d l , h a s c o v e r . 1 g r a y - g l a e a d d l a h . B r o k e n . L o c a t e d a few c e n t i m e t e r a eaat of c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l « 1 5 3 . in a b i g b r o k e n J a r . 156 III 30 3 E - I 3 B i g b r o w n e t o n e - w i r e j a r . S m a a h e d . L o c a t e d n e a r c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #31 In a n a c h r e - g l a t e d s p h e r i c a l j a r . F r a g m e n t s o f c h a r r e d b o n e s w e r e found i n the J a r . 161 U I 51 3 D - 1 4 B i g b r o w n a tone - , w a r e j a r S m a a h e d . L o c a t e d a p p r o x i m a t e l y one m e t e r a w a y f r o m c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #42 d i r e c t l y in a p i t . F r a g - m e n t , of c h a r r e d b o n e a w e r e r e c o v e r e d f r o m the j a r . 162 111 40 3 C - I B B i g b r o w n atone - w a r e j a r . S m a a h e d . F o u n d i n the n o r t h w e a t b a u l k u n d e r a c o c o n u t t r e e . 163 111 25 3 1-7 B i g b r o w n s t o n e - w a r e j a r . S m a a h e d . L o c a t e d l e a a t h a n h a l f a m e t e r s o u t h - eaat of c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l 193 i n t a l l b r o w n j a r . T r a c e s of c h a r r e d b o n e a r e c o v e r e d . 164 III 26 3 1-7 B i g b r o w n stone - w a r e j a r . S m a a h e d . L o c a t e d about a m e t e r weet of c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #93 i n a t a l l b r o w n j a r . 166 III 29 3 G - 9 B i g b r o w n e t o n e - w a r e j a r . S m a a h e d . S c a t t e r e d r e m a i n , of u p p e r p a r t of J a r found a b o u t a m e t e r eaa t n e a r a b ig a t o n e . ISO U I 37 3 B - 6 B i g o l l v e - g l a a a d Jar w i th i m p r e s s , c h a r a c t e r m a r k s a l t e r n a t i n g w i t h the 4 e a r a. W h o l e . N e a r aouthwee t b a u l k . E x a m i n a t i o n of c o n t e n t a d l , c l o , e d juat a p i e c e of w o r k e d b o n e . J a r i , t y p i c a l of the , m a s h e d c r e m a t i o n v e a o e l e . W h e t h e r t h i e had a d i r e c t c o n n e c t i o n wi th the c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l c o m p l e x r e m a i n e a q u e e t i o n . 172 HI 45 3 G - 5 B i g b r o w n e t o n e - w a r e J a r . S m a a h e d . L o c a t e d p a r t l y in t h e b a u l k n e a r e a e t P » « - 176 111 26 3 H - 5 B i g b r o w n atone - w a r e j a r . S m a a h e d . L o c a t e d i n c l o a e p r o x i m i t y to c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #177 and #179 ( b e l o w ) . A l l t h r e e a r e a l i g n e d i n E a , t - W e , t o r i e n t a t i o n f r o m e a a t e r n c o r n e r of the e q u a r e . 177 III 29 3 H - 5 B i g b r o w n a t o n e - w a r e j a r . S m a s h e d . L o c a t e d b e t w e e n c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l , #176 and #178. 17B III 27 3 H - 5 B i g b r o w n e t o n e - w a r e j a r . S m a s h e d . L o c a t e d n e a r e a a t e r n c o r n e r of the s q u a r e . 3 III 50 3 A - 4 X F o u n d a few c e n t i m e t e r , , o u t h of c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #117 in b i g b r o k e n b r o w n s t o n e w a r e j a r . 5 III 75 4 A - 6 X L o c a t e d a b o u t one m e t e r eaat of c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #105 in a p i t . TABLE A - 13 (continued) B U R I A L N O . P E R I O D D E P T H IN C M . L E V E L S Q U A R E B U R I A L D I R E C T L Y IN P I T S B U R I A L IN V E S S E L S A S S O C I A T E D G R A V E G O O D S R E M A R K S 128 U J 42 3 E - 1 4 O c h r a - g l a s e d a p h a r i c a l 4 - e a r e d j a r . P a i n t e d T a u - c h o u - t y p e f o l i a t e d c o v e r found c o v e r - i n g the m o u t h . 1 p a i n t e d T s u - c h o u c o v e r . U n b r o k e n . F o u n d In s o u t h w e s t b a u l k n e a r w e s t p e g . V e r y n e a r c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #42 l a a p i t , a n d c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #161 i n b i g b r o k e n s t o n e w a r e ' j a r i n s q u a r e D -14 . 114 III 38 3 1-9 B i g g r e e n i a h - o l l v e e t o n e w a r e J a r w i t h 4 e a r e . 1 T 8 - h u * b o w l . S m a s h e d . U n b r o k e n T 3 - h u a b o w l r e c o v e r e d i n - • i d e t h e j a r . L o c a t e d n e a r c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #94 In a w i n e pot i n a d j a c e n t s q u a r e . l i t III 49 3 C - 1 0 B i g o l i v e b r o w n e t o n e w a r e 4 - e a r e d J » r 1 g r a y - g l a s e d s a u c e r w i t h u n g l a z e d r i n g in the c e n t e r . S m a s h e d . F r a g m e n t s o f u p p e r p e r t of b o d y f o u n d In the t o w e r h a l f o ( > r . B r o k e n f r a g m e n t s o f a g r a y - g l a s e d d i s h w e r e a l s o r e c o v e r e d i n s i d e t h e j a r . F o u n d In the s a m e s q u a r e w i t h c r e m a t i o n j b u r i a l s #130 a n d #131. I 11? i n 30 3 B - 1 4 T i l l o v m l o i d e a r t h e n w a r e J a r . S l i g h t l y c r a c k e d . F o u n d l y i n g j u s t o v e r a m e t e r n o r t h o f c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #35 i n a n o c h r e - g l a s e d s p h e r i c a l j a r , a l t o b r o k e n . j 110 i n 31 3 O - 1 0 O c h r e - g l a s e d o v a l o i d w i d e - m o u t h e d j a r w i t h 4 e a r s . W M t a T 8 - h u a b o w l a t c o v s r . 1 T j - h u a b o w l . S l i g h t l y c r a c k e d . L o c a t e d In n o r t h e a s t b a u l k n e a r e a s t p e g . N e a r c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #131 a n d #116 tn t h e s a m e s q u a r e a n d the c l u s t e r o f c r e m a t i o n b u r t a l s i n the s o u t h e a s t b a u l k of s q u a r e G - l l . 111 H I 40 3 G - 1 0 O c h r e - g l a s e d s p h e r i c a l j a r w i t h 4 v a r a . S m a s h e d . F o u n d In t h e n o r t h w e s t b a u l k n e a r n o r t h p e g , a n d jus t a f ew c e n t i m e t e r s n e a r t h e c l u s t e r of c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l s i n s q u a r e G - l l . 136 i n 34 3 G - l l T a l l o v a to ld • a r t h a n w a r a J a r . C r a c k e d . L i p r i m p r e s s e d o u t w a r d s g i v i n g t h e ^ i m p r e s s i o n of h e a v y p r e s s u r e f r o m a b o v e c a u s i n g ' the b r e a k a g e . F o u n d n e a r s o u t h e a s t c o r n e r o f i b a u l k . 1 | 117 m 34 3 C - l l B i g b r o w n J a r . L a r g e g r a y - g l a z e d d i s h a a c o v e r . 1 g r a y - g l a s e d d i s h . B r o k e n . L e s s t h a n a m e t e r e a s t of c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #136 i n the s a m e b a u l k . H a d a g r a y d i s h a s c o v e r , a l s o b r o k e n , the f r a g m e n t s o f w h i c h w e r e r e c o v e r e d I n s i d e t h e j a r . T h i s b u r i a l f o r m e a r o u g h t r i a n g l e w i t h c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l s #138 a n d #139. 138 i n 56 3 G - l l T a l l o v a l o i d e a r t h e n w a r e j a r S m a s h e d o r c r a c k e d . L y i n g o n i t s s i d e , s i t u a t e d s l i g h t l y l o w e r t h a n c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l s #137 a n d #139. T h e b o t t o m l i e s n e a r c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #152. 139 i n 37 3 G - l l B i g b r o w n s t o n e - w a r e j a r , g r a y - g l a s e d d i i h ae c o v e r . 1 g r a y - g l a s e d d i i h . B r o k e n . F o u n d l y i n g o n one s i d e . M o u t h f a c i n g c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #137. G r a y - g l a a e d d i s h l y i n g v e r t i c a l l y n e a r the H p m u s t h a v e s e r v e d a s c o v e r . 1S2 i n 48 3 G - l l B i g o l i v e b r o w n • t o n e w a r e j a r ; OB l a d on d i s h , f l u t e d i n the i n t e r i o r , m a y h a v e b e e n a c o v e r . 1 c e l a d o n d i s h . S m a s h e d . L o c a t e d n e a r c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l s #136. #137, #138 and #139. B e s i d e i t w a s a b r o k e n c e l a d o n d i s h w h i c h m a y h a v e b e e n a c o v e r o r a g r a v e g o o d r e c a l l i n g c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l s #114 a n d #116. TABLE A - 13 (continued) B U R I A L N O . P E R I O D D E P T H I N C M . L E V E L S Q U A R E B U R I A L D I R E C T L Y IN P I T S B U R I A L I N V E S S E L S A S S O C I A T E D G R A V E G O O D S R E M A R K S 1 31 U I 29 3 E - 1 3 O c h r e - g l a s e d s p h e r i c a l j a r w i t h 4 e a r a . B r o k e n n e a r the H p . L a i d t i d e w a y s . F o u n d n o r t h w e a t o f c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l f 156 i n b tg b r o k e n j a r . 35 III 49 3 B - 1 4 O c h r e - g l a s e d s p h e r i c a l j a r w i t h 4 e a r a . B r o k e n . S i t u a t e d s o u t h o f c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l ( ? ) #129 i n a t a l l o v a l o i d e a r t h e n w a r e J a r In t h e t a m e s q u a r e . 56 i n 35 3 F - 1 2 O c h r e - g l a a e d a p h e r i c a l j a r w i th 4 e a r a . J a r a l m o s t w h o l e l y i n g a l i t t l e s i d e w a y s B H T t h * j u n c t i o n o f the n o r t h e a s t a n d n o r t h w e s t b a u l k s . 67 U I 37 3 C - I 7 S m a l l o c h r e - g l a s e d w i d e - m o u t h e d 2 e a r e d j a r . T h i e had o c h r e - g l a s e d b o w l a a c o v e r . O n « o c h r e - g l a s e d b o w l . E x c e p t f o r t h a b r o k e n o c h r e - g l a a e d b o w l w h i c h s e r v e d a s a c o v e r , the v e a a e l i t s e l f w a s i n t a c t . B u r i a l w » a l a i d u p s i d e d o w n . 74 U I 47 3 H - 1 0 O c h r e - g l a s e d w i d e - m o u t h e d o v a l o l d - j a r w i t h 4 e a r a . O r a n g e c e l a d o n t u b - l i k e d i a h w i t h f l u t e d i n t e r i o r aa c o v e r . 2 o c h r c - g l a i e d b o w l a . 1 o c h r e - g l a z e d j a r l e t . 1 c e l a d o n d i a h . T h e o n l y c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l In a v e s s e l w i t h a n a s s o c i a t i o n of c l u s t e r e d g r a v e g o o d a . T h e v e e e e l ' w a s f o u n d w h o l e . 89 III 16 1 E - 1 8 O c h r e - g l a s e d a p h e r i c a l j a r w i th 4 e a r a . W h i t e T e - h u a d i a h a s c o v e r . 1 T e - h u a b o w l . B r o k e n . F o u n d i n s o u t h w e s t b a u l k s i t t i n g In the c e n t e r of a r e d o c h r e b a a I n . 93 III 32 3 1-7 T a l l b r o w n o v a - l o i d j a r w i t h 2 p a i r s of a d j a c e n t e a r s at a l m o s t p o i n t e d b o t t o m . V e s s e l w h o l e . L o c a t e d c l o s e to c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #163 i n b i g b r o k e n j a r w i t h t r a c e s of c h a r r e d b o n e s . T h i s b u r i a l w a s found f l a n k e d b y c r e m a - t i o n b u r i a l #163 to the e a s t a n d c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #164 a l s o in b r o k e n b i g j a r to the n o r t h w e s t . 94 III 40 3 I-10 G r a y - g l a s e d p o u r i n g v e a a e l S e c t i o n o f t i p b r o k e n , p r o b a b l y s t r u c k b y t h e s p a d e w h e n u n c o v e r e d . L o c a t e d In c l o s e p r o x i m i t y to c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #114 i n b i g b r o k e n s t o n e w a r e j a r i n a d j a c e n t s q u a r e . 117 III SO 3 A - 4 B i g o l i v e - b r o w n a t o n e w a r e j a r w i t h 4 e a r s . S m a s h e d , R e m a i n s o f c h a r r e d s k e l e t a l m a t e r i a l s w e r e f o u n d s c a t t e r e d a r o u n d the b r o k e n f r a g m e n t ! o f the j a r . 127 III 33 3 D - 1 3 O c h r e - g l a s e d s p h e r i c a l 4 - e a r e d j a r . A d e e p c r e a m - t i n t e d w h i t e b o w l a s c o v e r 1 whit a b o w l . F o u n d i n n o r t h e a s t b a u l k . J a r w t i f ound c r a c k e d . ro oo TABLE A - 1 4 . P e r i o d I I I c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l s i M e n d o z a ( T e n a z a s 19681 A p p e n d i x V I I ) B U R I A L N O . D E P T H I N C M . B U R I A L D I R E C T L Y IN P I T S B U R I A L IN V E S S E L S A S S O C I A T E D C R A V E G O O D S R E M A R K 8 O c h r e - g l a s e d s p h e r i c a l j a r w i t h 4 e a r s . O c h r e - g l a a e d s p h e r i c a l j a r w i t h 4 e a r s . B i g b r o w n s t o n e w a r e j a r ( b r o k e n ) B i g b r o w n s t o n e w a r e j a r ( b r o k e n ) F o u n d n e a r w e s t e r n c o r n e r of the s q u a r e c l o s e to c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #50 i n b i g b r o k e n s t o n e w a r e j a r . S m a s h e d . F o u n d b e s i d e c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #40 In the s a m e s q u a r e . V e s s e l b r o k e n . F o u n d l a c l o a * p r a x i m i t y to c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #39 i n s m a s h e d s p h e r i c a l j a r . S m a s h e d . F o u n d In c l o s e p r o x i m i t y to c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #37 i n a p i t . S m a s h e d . F o u n d In s i m i l a r c o n d i t i o n to c r e m a t i o n b u r i a l #50. TABLE A - 1 5 i I n h u m a t i o n b u r i a l s , P e r i o d I I I i A g r a ( T e n a z a s 19681 A p p e n d i x I I I ) B U R I A L S Q U A R E P E R I O D D E P T H I N C M . L E V E L L E A D - G L A Z E D W A R E S B R O W N - G L A Z E D W A R E S O C H R E - G L A Z E D W A R E S G R A Y - G L A Z E D W A R E S C E L A D O N S T E - H U A C H ' I N G P A I S P O T T E D C H ' I N G P A I E A R L Y B L U E - A N D - W H I T E E A R T H E N - W A R E S M I S C E L L A N X O U S 14 C - 3 III 44 3 . 1 s e m i - squat j a r - l e t w i t h 2 e a r s I d e e p bowl F r a g m e n t s o f a n i r o n b l a d e . 69 G - 1 0 n i ' 36 3 1 j a r l e t 110 K - 7 III 30 3 1 t a l l o v a - l o i d j a r w i t h s m a l l b o t t o m and 2 p a i r s of a d j a c e n t e a r s . 2 squat J a r - l e t s . 2 J a r l e t s 3 b o w l s 1 s a u c e r 1 d e e p " f l o w e r pot" t y p e 3 J a r l e t r 1 2 - f i s h d i s h 1 e m a i l boi - torn of c o v e r buit 3 s h a l l o w b o w l s 1 r o u n d b o t - t o m e d c o o k i n g pot- 1 U r g e i t ) v e w i t h f o o t - r i m 146 C - 2 H I 49 3 1 m i n i a t u r e w a t e r d r o p p e r 1 t i n y J a r - let 147 E - l l U I 42 3 - - 1 d i s h 1 b o w l - 2^1 TABLE A - 1 6 : D e p t h o f b u r i a l s : P e r i o d I I I . (Depth 1n c e n t i m e t r e s ) . T h i s l a y e r 1s 15 - 20 cm. f r o m s u r f a c e @ 45 c m . t h i c k . Brown o r I n h u m a t i o n O c h r e J a r O l i v e - b r o w n j a r O t h e r P i t B u r i a l s B u r i a l s B u r i a l s G l a z e s E a r t h e n w a r e B u r i a l s B u r i a l B u r i a l B u r i a l B u r i a l B u r i a l B u r i a l No. Depth No. Depth No. Depth No. ) e p t h No. D e p t h No. Depth A G R A 14 44 128 42 153 28 154 33 129 30 105 66 69 36 130 31 156 30 94 40 136 34 11 60 n o 30 131 40 161 51 T o t a l = 73 138 56 15 38 146 45 31 29 162 40 Mean = 3 6 . 5 T o t a l = 120 42 65 147 42 35 49 163 25 Mean = 40 32 81 . T o t a l = 197 56 35 164 26 33 75 Mean = 3 9 . 4 67 37 166 29 73 56 74 47 150 37 101 56 89 16 172 45 62 26 127 33 176 26 3 50 T o t a l = 359 177 29 5 75 Mean = 3 5 . 9 178 27 T o t a l = 648 114 38 Mean = 5 8 . 9 116 45 137 34 139 37 152 48 93 32 117 50 T o t a l = 677 Mean = 3 5 . 6 V E N D 0 Z A 39 16 50 32 37 34 40 12 59 19 T o t a l = 28 T o t a l = 51 Mean = 14 Mean = 2 5 . 5 APPENDIX B F i g u r e s 243 FIGURE B - l i Photo o f earthenware p o t t e r y from P i l a (Tenazas 1 9 6 8 : PI.3 6 - 3 9 , p.39) FIGURE B-2: Photo of b u r i a l assemblage #98, P i l a : Period II (Tenazas I 9 6 8.PI . 8 , p.28) 2^5 FIGURE B-3. Photo of b u r i a l assemblage #28, P i l a i P e r i o d I I (Tenazas 1 9 6 8 : P 1 . 9 , p.29) 246 FIGURE B-4: Photo of double b u r i a l , Sta. Ana (Guy 1984.122) FIGURE B-5: Photo of b u r i a l #28 i n s i t u , P i l a . Period I I (Tenazas 1968: PI.16, p.32) FIGURE B-61 Photo o f b u r i a l #1 i n s i t u , P i l a : P e r i o d I I (Tenazas 1 9 6 8 : P1.14, p.3D FIGURE B-7: Photo o f b u r i a l #5^ i n s i t u , P i l a : P e r i o d I I (Tenazas 1 9 6 8 : P1 . 1 0 , p . 3 0 ) FIGURE B-81 Photo of Ming Period b u r i a l , P i l a : Period IV (Tenazas I 9 6 8 : P l . l ? , p.32) FIGURE B-9: Diagram of Pre-Ming b u r i a l , Calatagan (Janse 19^4: Appendix) 2k9 FIGURE B - l O i Photo of cremation b u r i a l #74, with associated grave goods, P i l a i Per iod III (Tenazas 1 9 6 8 : P I . 1 9 , p . 3 3 ) FIGURE B - l l i Photo of cremation jar b u r i a l s (smashed), P i l a : Period III (Tenazas 1 9 6 8 : P I . 2 0 , p . 3 3 ) 250 FIGURE B-12: Photo of crematorium s t r u c t u r e , P i l a : Period III (Tenazas 1968: P I . 5 , p .2 6 ) 251 FIGURE B-13: Photo of cremation b u r i a l j a r s , P i l a : Period III (Tenazas 1 9 6 8 : P I . 6 , p . 2 7 ) Type A : Ovoid j a r " w i t h o u t e a r s Type B: L a r g e g l o b u l a r j a r FIGURE B-14: Three types o f l a r g e , b r o w n / o l i v e c e r a m i c j a r s found i n the P h i l i p p i n e s ( A f t e r Grau- Abaya 1976:16) APPENDIX C Notes to the Text 254 1. "In the country of 'Ma-i' (thought to be the i s l a n d of Mindoro)', the custom of the trade i s f o r the savage t r a d e r s to assemble in crowds and c a r r y the goods away with them i n baskets; and, even i f one cannot at f i r s t know them, and can but slowly d i s t i n g u i s h the men who remove the goods, there w i l l yet be no l o s s . The savage t r a d e r s w i l l a f t e r t h i s c a r r y these goods on to other i s l a n d s f o r b a r t e r , and as a r u l e , i t takes them as much as e i g h t or nine months t i l l they r e t u r n , when they repay the t r a d e r s on shipboard with what they have o b t a i n e d . (Chao Ju-Kua, i n G a r c i a 1979: 194). Mindoro l i e s j u s t to the south-west of Luzon, not f a r from the entrance to Laguna de Bay. 2. Some three hundred years l a t e r , i n 1570, the Chinese merchants were observed by Salcedo and h i s Spaniards, by t h i s same i s l a n d of Mindoro. "On May 8, 1570, the Spaniards who were on t h e i r way to Manila from Panay, passed by the i s l a n d of Mindoro where they l e a r n e d of two anchored Chinese v e s s e l s . Salcedo was d i s p a t c h e d to r e c o n n o i t e r the s h i p s and to request t h e i r f r i e n d s h i p but the Chinese were h o s t i l e so that the Spaniards who fought back were ab l e to take p o s s e s s i o n of the junks. They found many a r t i c l e s : s i l k s , p o r c e l a i n s , c o t t o n c l o t h , g i l d e d p o r c e l a i n bowls, g i l d e d water j u s t s , g old thread and musk. The decks were f u l l of earthen j a r s and c r o c k e r y , l a r g e p o r c e l a i n vases, p l a t e s and bowls and some f i n e p o r c e l a i n j a r s which they c a l l s i n o r i t a s " (Roxas-Lim 1966:229) 255 3. Another account from the same C h r o n i c l e s , r e g a r d i n g the trade i n San-Su (thought to be Calamian, Palawan and Basuanga I s l a n d s ) : "Whenever f o r e i g n t r a d e r s a r r i v e at any of the s e t t l e m e n t s , they l i v e on board the s h i p before v e n t u r i n g to go on shore, t h e i r s h i p s being moored midstream, announcing t h e i r presence to the n a t i v e s by b e a t i n g drums. Upon t h i s the savage t r a d e r s race f o r the s h i p i n small boats, c a r r y i n g c o t t o n , yellow wax, n a t i v e c l o t h , cocoanut-heart mats, which they o f f e r f o r b a r t e r . I f the p r i c e s (of goods they may wish to purchase) cannot be agreed upon, the c h i e f of the ( l o c a l ) t r a d e r s must go i n person, i n order to come to an understanding... A f t e r that they go on shore to t r a f f i c . . . A s h i p w i l l not remain at anchor longer than three or four days, a f t e r which i t proceeds to another p l a c e ; f o r the savage settlements along the coast of San-Su are not connected by a common j u r i s d i c t i o n ( i . e . , are a l l independent)... The f o l l o w i n g a r t i c l e s are exchanged i n b a r t e r : p o r c e l a i n , b l ack damask and v a r i o u s other s i l k s , beads of a l l c o l o u r s , leaden s i n k e r s f o r nets, and t i n " (Chao Ju-Kua, i n G a r c i a 1979:196). These i s l a n d s l i e j u s t to the south-west of Mindoro. 4. D u r a b i l i t y : "Recorded accounts s p e c i f y t hat a n c i e n t F i l i p i n o s kept imported p o t t e r y , mostly from China, f o r such a l e n g t h of time that i t s i n i t i a l p l a c e of o r i g i n was a l r e a d y f o r g o t t e n by the time of the Spanish conquest... L i k e the T i n g u i a n s and the Subanuns (of the P h i l i p p i n e s ) , the K e l a b i t s 256 and the Dayaks (of Borneo) p r e f e r r e d l a r g e j a r s which they passed on to t h e i r c h i l d r e n as heirlooms. The j a r s occupied the most prominent space i n t h e i r homes and are shown o f f to every v i s i t o r who happens to drop by, t h e i r economic value and age being o f t e n exaggerated. I t i s not unusual that such j a r s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those which have been used f o r ceremonies f o r the dead and f o r the a i l i n g , be given magical a t t r i b u t e s , a f a c t that a p p l i e s not only to j a r s but to other types of p o t t e r y , bowls, p l a t e s , saucers and j a r s which are used f o r r e l i g i o u s r i t u a l s : (Roxas-Lim 1966:231-232). The same p o i n t was made by John Guy: "The s p i r i t u a l potency of a v e s s e l was u s u a l l y r e l a t e d to i t s supposed a n t i q u i t y , or i t may have a c q u i r e d , through some s p e c i f i c i n c i d e n t , great power. In such cases the j a r s were t r e a t e d with great reverence" (Guy 1984:120). 5. Resonance: "The resonant r i n g b e l i e v e d to summon s p i r i t s and charge the o b j e c t with s p i r i t power made ceramics v i t a l a c c e s s o r i e s to magic and r i t u a l performances. Some of these a n c i e n t r i t e s have s t i l l s u r v i v e d among i s o l a t e d e t h n i c groups. The most f r e q u e n t l y quoted are the Tagbanuwas i n the P h i l i p p i n e i s l a n d of Palawan who s t i l l b e l i e v e that the r i n g i n g sound produced by the tapping of ceramic bowls and d i s h e s i s magical and powerful enough to summon the s p i r i t s invoked." (Legeza 1978:4) "The use of p o t t e r y as p e r c u s s i o n instruments i n order to c o n j u r e the s p i r i t s d u r i n g the ceremonies f o r the a i l i n g or f o r the dead i n v o l v e d more o f t e n bowls and deep p l a t e s on which the medium (a baylan, or a shaman) beat a s t r i n g of 257 s h e l l s or p i e c e s of wooden drum s t i c k s . While the medium was i n a s t a t e of t r a n c e , she c o n t i n u o u s l y beat a f r e n e t i c rhythm on the bowl or p l a t e which was meant to summon the s p i r i t to partake of the o f f e r i n g of food or m a s t i c a t o r y p r e p a r a t i o n s or wine, or a l l of t h i s . T h i s was a u n i v e r s a l p r a c t i c e among many of the n o n - C h r i s t i a n m i n o r i t i e s and was as widespread as the ceremonial d r i n k i n g from l a r g e j a r s . A l l p o t t e r y which was used f o r t h i s r i t u a l a c q u i r e d an e x t r a o r d i n a r y importance and was never s o l d or given away unl e s s to another person who would perform s i m i l a r r i t e s . Many of these wares must have been used a l s o as mortuary f u r n i t u r e " (Roxas-Lim 1966:232). 6. John Guy r e l a t e s a statement made by Tom H a r r i s o n : "The Dayaks of Sarawak have the most e l a b o r a t e t e s t s a g a i n s t i m i t a t i o n s . These i n c l u d e s c r a t c h i n g the s u r f a c e to examine the t e x t u r e , and l i s t e n i n g to the noise produced by tapping the j a r . The resonant q u a l i t y of p o r c e l a i n appears to have been a key element i n t h e i r a p p e a l . . . In a d d i t i o n to c a r e f u l p h y s i c a l examination of g l a z e d ceramics, some groups, such as the Dayaks, a l s o endeavour to o b t a i n an a c t u a l genealogy of any j a r o f f e r e d to them i n b a r t e r or debt s e t t l e m e n t . The s p i r i t u a l potency of a v e s s e l was u s u a l l y r e l a t e d to i t s supposed a n t i q u i t y , or i t may have a c q u i r e d , through some s p e c i f i c i n c i d e n t , great power" (Guy 1982:120). 7. Impermeable g l a z e : " I t was g e n e r a l l y b e l i e v e d that Chinese p o r c e l a i n had the pr o p e r t y of ' d e s t r o y i n g poison i n the 258 food'" (Janse 1944:37). "Since p o r c e l a i n wares are more h y g i e n i c than wooden and coconut v e s s e l s , and do not a f f e c t the t a s t e of food, beside being e a s i e r to c l e a n than earthenware, there arose i n the P h i l i p p i n e s . . . the b e l i e f that such wares would i n d i c a t e the presence of poison i n food by some kind of d i s c o l o r a t i o n . . . the author's i n f o r m a t i o n comes from p o t t e r s and vendors from P a s i g , R i z a and A p a l i t , Pampanga, who b e l i e v e (even tody) t h a t the unique q u a l i t y of stoneware and p o r c e l a i n s i s t h e i r a b i l i t y to i n d i c a t e poisoned food by some form of d i s c o l o r a t i o n of the food i t s e l f or of the ware" (Roxas-Lim 1966:229) . 8. Regarding provenience, there i s t h i s account: "They d i d not c o n s i d e r important the country of o r i g i n of these wares, or ... t h e i r technology... R e l i a b l e r e p o r t s of the r i t u a l s which i n v o l v e d the imported p o t t e r y , s t a t e that the r i t u a l p a r t i c i p a n t s d i d not make any n o t i c e a b l e d i s t i n c t i o n s between Chinese, Sawankhalok, Annamese, Cambodian or n a t i v e p o t t e r y . . . Whatever d i s t i n c t i o n s they made concerned t h e i r a c t u a l s e r v i c e a b i l i t y f o r the r i t u a l being performed. For example, l a r g e stoneware or p o r c e l l a n o u s stoneware j a r s were used f o r w i n e - d r i n k i n g ; bowls and deep p l a t e s f o r food o f f e r i n g ; j a r l e t s f o r o i l s and perfumes; and teapots with spouts f o r pouring l i q u i d s . . . d i s t i n c t i o n s were made by the performers r e g a r d i n g the shapes and s i z e s of v e s s e l s , the nature and c o l o r of the g l a z e s , t h e i r p o r o s i t y of imperviousness, and the r e l a t i v e hardness or s o f t n e s s of the body" (Roxas-Lim 1966:234). 259 9. Many of these r i t u a l p r a c t i c e s s t i l l e x i s t i n the r i t u a l l i f e of the Tagbanuwa of Palawan: "The nave of Tagbanuwa r e l i g i o n i s the c u l t of the dead which i s organized i n terms of the b a s i c s o c i a l u n i t , the nuclear f a m i l y . . . T h i s c u l t i s f o r m a l i z e d by r i t u a l s , which p r o v i d e the i n d i v i d u a l and the fami l y with an or g a n i z e d system f o r d e a l i n g and i n t e r a c t i n g with the s p i r i t s of the dead. R i t u a l s are fam i l y a f f a i r s . . . The r e l a t i o n s h i p of the l i v i n g to the dead i s not one of fear but of f a m i l i a r i t y , intimacy and/or r e s p e c t . The most prominent respect p a t t e r n i s between parents and c h i l d r e n , and t h i s embraces the dead, as w e l l as the l i v i n g " (Fox 1982: 187,200). 10. "The r e l a t i o n s h i p s of the Tagbanuwa with the proximate environment are organized i n terms of t h e i r own s o c i a l l i f e . They make no d i s t i n c t i o n between a s o c i a l world and a " n a t u r a l " environment. They see i n the environment c o u n t l e s s d e i t i e s and malign s p i r i t s as w e l l as one c l a s s of s p i r i t - r e l a t i v e s who are subject to s o c i a l c o n t r o l . In t r e a t i n g the environment as s o c i a l , they are p r o v i d e d with an ordered e x p l a n a t i o n of 'nat u r a l phenomena'. In short one s o c i a l and moral order encompasses the l i v i n g , the dead, the d e i t i e s and the t o t a l environment ( i b i d : 2 5 2 ) . 11. F. Landa Jocano has s t u d i e d the customs of another extant P h i l i p p i n e group which s t i l l p r a c t i c e s ancestor worship - the Sulod of C e n t r a l Panay, another s o c i e t y which seems to have 260 much i n common with P i l a s o c i e t y of p r o t o - h i s t o r i c times. "Sulod l i f e w a y s have not changed b a s i c a l l y i n recent times. S o c i a l l i f e i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by s u p e r o r d i n a t i o n of k i n s h i p and by primary concern with s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s . Death, being the l a s t r i t e of passage i s a major event i n Sulod l i f e , surrounded by e l a b o r a t e r i t u a l p r e s c r i p t i o n s - bone washing and ja r b u r i a l being among these" (Jocano 1970:181).

Cite

Citation Scheme:

    

Usage Statistics

Country Views Downloads
United States 25 0
Philippines 7 3
France 3 3
China 1 29
Japan 1 0
City Views Downloads
Washington 12 0
Taytay 6 0
Los Angeles 4 0
Unknown 3 8
Somers 3 0
Dallas 2 0
Brooklyn 1 0
Mountain View 1 0
Beijing 1 0
Tarlac City 1 0
Tokyo 1 0
Redmond 1 0
Ashburn 1 0

{[{ mDataHeader[type] }]} {[{ month[type] }]} {[{ tData[type] }]}

Share

Share to:

Comment

Related Items