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Voluntary associations in traditional Chinese cities with special reference to the hui-kuan Mossop, Charles Gordon 1969

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VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS IN TRADITIONAL CHINESE CITIES WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE HUI-KUAN by CHARLES GORDON MOSSOP B.A., University of British Columbia, 1967 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts in the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept this tuesi& as conforming to the required s^anjtarcT THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1969 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o lumbia, I agree t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u rposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f fiNfHfLOPQl-Or-.y ANO The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada ABSTRACT This thesis i s an attempt to present c e r t a i n aspects of Chinese s o c i a l h i s t o r y i n the l i g h t of current anthropological theory. I t deals with non-kin associations, p r i m a r i l y i n the t r a -d i t i o n a l Chinese c i t y , with a view to c l a s s i f y i n g them. Work-ing with E n g l i s h source materials, I have c o l l e c t e d together the a v a i l a b l e f i r s t - h a n d observations of these voluntary a s s o c i a t i o n s . The f i r s t major p o r t i o n of the study deals with mutual a i d clubs, clubs f o r the e l i t e and commercial g u i l d s , and t h i s i s followed by a treatment of the hui-kuan, or l o c a l i t y a s s o c i a t i o n , i n the c i t i e s and countryside. I t has been suggested that mutual a i d clubs and clubs for the e l i t e served many of the functions of the hui-kuan groups, and may have been formed by those i n d i v i d u a l s i n a c i t y who were not e l i g i b l e to j o i n such groups. The commercial g u i l d s , on the other hand, were s i g n i f i c a n t not only from the point of view of t h e i r c o n t r o l over trade and commerce, but also because of the system of i n d i r e c t r u l e p r a c t i s e d by o f f i c i a l d o m whereby the g u i l d s were l e f t i n almost complete charge of the business management of the c i t y . The hui-kuan associations must be considered as separ-ate from the g u i l d s because t h e i r basic c r i t e r i o n f o r recruitment was not common occupation but common geographical o r i g i n . The urban s o c i a l hui-kuan were often clubs for the e l i t e , while the commercial hui-kuan i n the c i t i e s were mainly f o r merchants of - i i -the same occupation sharing common geographical o r i g i n s . In general, the urban groups were the r e s u l t of i n t e r r e g i o n a l trade, while the r u r a l associations were the r e s u l t of i n t e r r e g i o n a l migrations. The concentration of both kinds of hui-kuan groups i n the c e n t r a l and upper Yangtze provinces can be d i r e c t l y r e -la t e d to the depopulation of that area and the subsequent migra-t i o n of m i l l i o n s of peasants and merchants i n the ea r l y Ch'ing period. My basic suggestion i s that the hui-kuan associations met the needs of t h e i r members that would o r d i n a r i l y have been s a t i s f i e d by the k i n group at home. In the case of south China i n p a r t i c u l a r , the adaptive and in t e g r a t i v e function i s c l e a r , as i s the s i m i l a r i t y between the services offered by the hui-kuan and the lineage, or tsu . Both the urban and r u r a l groups helped the newcomer to adapt to h i s new surroundings and solve the par-t i c u l a r problems he faced. Furthermore, they served as s u b s t i -tute k i n groups and provided the means of preserving an i n d i v i d u a l 1 s t i e s with h i s home lineage. The concentration of hui-kuan groups i n the once-depopulated areas of the c e n t r a l and upper Yangtze regions lends support to the argument of Pasternak, who, as opposed to Freedman, believes that i n such " f r o n t i e r " s i t u a t i o n s immigrants would form associations that cut across surnames and that lineages would not begin to form u n t i l conditions s t a b i l i z e d over several generations. - i i i -F i n a l l y , a comparison with c e r t a i n voluntary associa-tions i n modern A f r i c a indicates the unique features of the Chi-nese non-kin associations: the d i s d a i n of o f f i c i a l d o m and the system of i n d i r e c t r u l e i n the case of the g u i l d s , and the pre-servation of membership i n the home k i n group i n the case of the hui-kuan. - iv -TABLE OF CONTENTS Page PART I — INTRODUCTION 1 PART II — OTHER VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS 5 Mutual Aid Clubs 5 Clubs for the E l i t e 9 The Commercial Guilds 10 History 11 Terminology 14 Guilds: The Three Types 15 Organization 16 Worship 21 Mutual Aid 22 Theories of Origin 23 The Guild and the City 26 PART III — THE HUI-KUAN OR LOCALITY ASSOCIATION 29 Terminology 30 History 32 Organization 36 The Rural hui-kuan: Organization, Income, Worship and Mutual Aid 40 Functions of hui-kuan in China 42 Lineage Organization 42 The tsu 43 A Thought on the Formation of Lineages 50 PART IV — A SUMMARY AND A COMPARISON 54 L i s t of Chinese Characters 62 Works Cited 63 - 1 -PART I INTRODUCTION Anthropologists and S o c i o l o g i s t s engaged i n the study of China have generally concerned themselves with matters of so-c i a l organization and the various non-voluntary associations based upon t i e s of kinship. Moreover, although these studies are of great i n t e r e s t and importance, they have been confined to the r u r a l scene, and have l a r g e l y l e f t problems of urban organization untouched. An important aspect of the Anthropological study of the urban s i t u a t i o n i s the analysis of the voluntary associations that are found i n c i t i e s , t r a d i t i o n a l and modern. The treatment of voluntary associations among the overseas Chinese has not been neglected, but f o r China i t s e l f , one f i n d s very few studies. This thesis i s submitted, therefore, i n order to help f i l l t h i s p a r t i a l vacuum and lay some guidelines for the study of the c i t i e s of China. I t c o n s i s t s of an examination of the voluntary associations of the c i t i e s of the Ch'ing period (1644-1911). In point of f a c t , except for h i s t o r i c a l background, the study i s confined to the l a t e Ch'ing because almost a l l of the f i r s t - h a n d observations of these associations -- by Westerners at any rate — took place at that time. The work i s based p r i -marily on E n g l i s h and French sources. c - 2 -There are, however, s u f f i c i e n t data to enable one to b u i l d up a p i c t u r e of these associations and the way they func-tioned at the end of the Manchu Dynasty, and one can e s t a b l i s h that there were several kinds of urban voluntary associations from g u i l d organizations to mutual a i d clubs. I s h a l l mention these and concentrate upon guilds i n Part I I . In Part I I I I s h a l l concentrate on a c e r t a i n kind of as s o c i a t i o n i n which membership was l i m i t e d to i n d i v i d u a l s of common geographical o r i g i n . At t h i s point I s h a l l also depart somewhat from the purely urban s i t u a t i o n and trea t the countryside as w e l l . The v e r i f i c a t i o n of the existence of these groups i n the r u r a l environment i s an important and comparatively recent development. These l o c a l i t y associations have not been treated i n the Anthropological l i t e r -ature up to now, and I hope that I can o f f e r a contribution both to Anthropology and to the study of Chinese s o c i a l h i s t o r y . Before going any fur t h e r , i t would be well to estab-l i s h c l e a r l y what i s meant by "voluntary a s s o c i a t i o n " . As a basis for d e f i n i t i o n I w i l l turn to Kenneth L i t t l e ' s statement that a voluntary a s s o c i a t i o n i s an " i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d group i n which membership i s attained by j o i n i n g " ( L i t t l e , 1965: 1); that i s , an organized, established group of i n d i v i d u a l s i n which member-ship i s contingent upon the successful completion of a recog-nized procedure of j o i n i n g , and not upon b i r t h or inheritance. - 3 -The major portion of this study w i l l be a treatment of "Provincial Clubs" (Morse, 1932: passim) or landsmannschaften (Hoj 1966: passim). At this stage I w i l l use the term "locality association" to designate these clubs and w i l l sort out the pro-blem of the terminology later on. Briefly, then* my suggestion w i l l be that the locality associations f u l f i l l e d the role of substitute kin groups and were natural reactions to the environment i n which the newcomers found themselves. This point w i l l be enlarged upon in the third part of the paper, and the essence of my argument w i l l be to show the associations to have been functionally significant in provid-ing for needs usually satisfied by the kin group at home. In connection with this approach one i s at once confron-ted with the problem that the functions of kin groups —. indeed the characteristics of the groups themselves -« were not uniform for a l l of China, However, a great concentration of the locality associations was to be found in south China, and here the groups were formed by migrants from the Southeast and from central Yangtze provinces, where there was an organization of agnatic kin groups, the largest being the lineage, or tsu (tf^L )• Material on this south Chinese kinship organization i s not lacking, and works such as those by Freedman (1958, 1966) and Hu (1948) w i l l provide' the basis for my analysis of lineage organization. - 4 -I w i l l conclude t h i s i n t r o d u c t i o n w i t h a word about the sources of inf o r m a t i o n on the v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s them-s e l v e s . The nature of these sources i s without doubt one of the major l i m i t a t i o n s of the study. Not many of the i n d i v i d u a l s who observed and wrote about v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s i n China during the l a t e Ch'ing were a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s or s o c i o l o g i s t s . MacGowan (1886) was a duly q u a l i f i e d Doctor of Medicine and Morse (1932) was a Customs o f f i c i a l . T h e i r works are l a r g e l y d e s c r i p t i v e and were w r i t t e n , I suspect, mainly f o r i n t e r e s t ' s sake. Although Gamble (1921) and Burgess (1928) were s o c i o l o g i s t s t h e i r works do not p a r t i c u l a r l y shine as f i e l d s t u d i e s , and so — taken a l l i n a l l — the task has been one of gleaning the f a c t s from the assembled data a f t e r u ntangling the o f t e n vague and sometimes c o n f l i c t i n g r e p o r t s . T h i s l i m i t a t i o n , together w i t h the l a c k of Chinese source m a t e r i a l s i n the b i b l i o g r a p h y , leads me to s t r e s s again that t h i s w i l l not be an exhaustive study, but merely an attempt to l a y some foundations f o r f u t u r e work. - 5 -PART I I This s e c t i o n provides a d e s c r i p t i v e d i s c u s s i o n and over-view of the vo l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s of the Chinese c i t i e s of the l a t e Ch'ing p e r i o d . . I have t r i e d to c o l l e c t together the mater-i a l from the v a r i o u s sources and to present a typology of these a s s o c i a t i o n s i n order to e s t a b l i s h a p i c t u r e of the s o c i a l groups which e x i s t e d i n the c i t i e s and were not based upon t i e s of k i n -s h i p . The typology w i l l a l s o serve to o u t l i n e the context w i t h i n which the l o c a l i t y a s s o c i a t i o n s operated. I n p o i n t of f a c t , the bulk of t h i s s e c t i o n w i l l be concerned w i t h commercial g u i l d s , because i t i s f o r these asso-c i a t i o n s t h a t we have the most data , I w i l l t r e a t them i n more d e t a i l than the other groups w i t h a view to making some sugges-t i o n s about the governmental s t r u c t u r e of the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese c i t y , a subject which u n f o r t u n a t e l y has received but l i t t l e a t -t e n t i o n to date. A l s o , I w i l l make no attempt to t r e a t the l o c a l -i t y a s s o c i a t i o n s a t t h i s time, f o r the major p o r t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s i s devoted to them. Other Vol u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n s Mutual A i d Clubs Apart from the g u i l d s and l o c a l i t y a s s o c i a t i o n s there were two other types of a s s o c i a t i o n that m e r i t d i s c u s s i o n . They are the mutual-aid clubs and what I have termed clubs f o r the E l i t e . - 6 -According to MacGowan (1886: 184) there were no clubs observed that established funds for times of i l l n e s s , t h i s service ap-parently was performed by the l o c a l i t y associations and g u i l d s . Merchants and other men d i d form fund-raising associations, how-ever, the fund being b u i l t up through regular contributions by members, and i n t e r e s t being paid to those who did not make use of the c a p i t a l i t s e l f . Many of these clubs were ephemeral i n nature because they ceased to e x i s t when a l l the members had received the fund. These associations served a good purpose i n that they enabled i n d i v i d u a l s to obtain lump sums of money which perhaps they would never have been able to save on t h e i r own. By t h i s system, a man paid h i s dues monthly or annually depend-ing on the ru l e s of his club, and when i t came to his turn he was paid the entire club t o t a l , l e s s i n t e r e s t s to others, i f he wanted i t at that time. He was thus provided with a sum of money for use i n h i s business, f o r investment or whatever he chose. Moreover, the club also provided a savings plan for i t s p a r t i -cipants and paid i n t e r e s t on money deposited. The con s t i t u t i o n s and rules of these fund r a i s i n g clubs were so var i e d that the rea-der i s d i r e c t e d to the study of seven of them published by Simon i n 1868. Another type of mutual-aid club i s that which was formed to provide a fund for members to c a l l upon to a i d i n expenses incurred by the death of a parent. The correct b u r i a l of one's - 7 -parents ( e spec ia l ly father) was a matter of prime importance, and funerals could often run in to quite an expense. I f an i n d i -v idua l was not a member of a l o c a l i t y associat ion which would offer him help, then he could j o i n one of these groups to cover him i n a possible emergency. An associat ion such as th is usual ly l e f t the actual management of funds, in teres ts and so on to a bank. A member paid h i s subscr ipt ion usual ly on a monthly bas i s , and could draw on the fund any time he became responsible for a funeral . As i n the f i r s t type of mutual-aid c lub, in teres t was paid to those members who d id not draw on the account so that the scope of the associa t ion was enlarged to provide a savings plan as w e l l . An annual meeting and feast was held for a l l the members, and, as the group ceased to ex i s t after a l l the members had discharged the i r f i l i a l dut ies , the l i f e span of the associat ion var ied ac-cording to the number of pa r t i c ipan t s ; at most the membership reached about a hundred. This type of mutual-aid club was purely soc i a l although i t s prime purpose was economic assistance. I t was established wi th one end i n mind, and not as an on-going com-mercial venture. As wi th a l l Chinese voluntary associations there were no nat ional organizations formed (Lepng and Tao, 1915: 85-86; see also Gamble, 1921: 168). The spheres of in teres t of the urban associations did not extend beyond the bounds of ,the c i t y or i t s immediate environs. - 3 -Leong and Tao also make mention of the as s o c i a t i o n c a l l e d "Sworn Brothers". These were very personal groups formed by two or three men who were not r e l a t e d , but, by v i r t u e of an oath which was taken, assumed the duties and r e s p o n s i b i l i -t i e s of true brothers. In addition, women took a s i m i l a r oath and became sworn s i s t e r s . These kinds of groups, although small, can be classed as mutual-aid clubs a l s o . I n d i v i d u a l s , presum-ably with no close kinsmen nearby with whom they could i d e n t i f y , created by an oath f i c t i v e k i n for moral and perhaps f i n a n c i a l support. I t seems l i k e l y that new migrants to a c i t y might have formed such groups to help them adjust to t h e i r new environment, although i n 1915 i t was reported that these associations were on the decline (Leong and Tao, 1915: 88). As I have implied, most of these mutual-aid clubs would be formed by i n d i v i d u a l s who were not members of a l o c a l i t y a s s o c i a t i o n of any kind. As I hope to show, the l o c a l i t y asso-c i a t i o n s performed many of the s p e c i f i c functions for which these other groups were established. Since the various l o c a l i t y asso-c i a t i o n s gathered together almost a l l people of common geographi-c a l o r i g i n , i t might be safe to suggest that these kinds of mutual-aid clubs were formed p r i m a r i l y by that small minority of city-dwellers who were not e l i g i b l e to j o i n such l o c a l i t y a s s o c i a t i o n s . - 9 -Clubs For the E l i t e . Membership i n these associations was s t r i c t l y l i m i t e d to those of the e l i t e c l a s s which included o f f i c i a l s , degree-holders and students. Again there i s a r e l a t i o n here to the l o c a l i t y associations i n that some of these groups were almost c e r t a i n l y established by i n d i v i d u a l s who shared a common geogra-p h i c a l o r i g i n . This must have been e s p e c i a l l y true i n the cases of c a p i t a l c i t i e s and si m i l a r administrative centers. Students would come from various parts of the hinterland to write exam-ina t i o n s , and the o f f i c i a l s who served there would always have been from another part of the country. Given these conditions, i t i s safe to assume that many of these e l i t e clubs would have al s o been l o c a l i t y a s s o c i a t i o n s . With regard to the clubs themselves, the l i t e r a t i es-tablished seminaries which were usually under the patronage of a State o f f i c i a l . Scholars were able to study at these i n s t i -tutions, and regular exams were held. An emminent scholar was elected or appointed by the l o c a l magistrate to preside over the a f f a i r s of the establishment, and the seminaries were supported by l o c a l taxes (Leong and Tao, 1915: 75-76). As w e l l as these seminaries which were p r i m a r i l y for i n d i v i d u a l s who were no longer studying f o r exams, the students formed clubs — no doubt for mutual support and fellowship. There were spe c i a l clubs f o r holders of the f i r s t degree, and for holders of the second degree (Leong and Tao, 1915: 77), as wel l as associations of students i n general. - 10 -Apart from these educational types of associations, there were other clubs formed by the l i t e r a t i . These l i t e r a r y and p o e t i c a l s o c i e t i e s were very informal, had few regulations and partook more of the nature of an informal gathering than anything e l s e . Members met and talked together on l i t e r a r y sub-j e c t s , worked on drawings and paintings, or even made pen brushes and ink. Some of these associations lasted for years, but many were very s h o r t - l i v e d (Leong and Tao, 1915: 77-78). These e l i t e associations r e c r u i t e d t h e i r members on the basis of scholarship (and sometimes geographical o r i g i n ) and were w e l l w i t h i n the establishment. They were organized by the men of l e t t e r s , who, a f t e r a l l , were i n a minority i n the urban centers, to provide fellowship and an opportunity to mix 1 with people of t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s and i n t e l l e c t u a l c a l i b r e . The Commercial Guilds China i s a country of inumerable c i t i e s , and only a mere handful of them have ever been studied with the aim of analyzing the g u i l d associations. However, on the basis of the work that has been done i n some c i t i e s i n the south and i n Peking and Nanking, i t would appear that, i n the larger c i t i e s at any rate, the pattern of these associations was reasonably uniform (Burgess, 1928: 30). T. See also Hsiao, 1967: 312, 659. - 11 -A word i s necessary at t h i s p o i n t on the use of the term " g u i l d " . When the term i s employed here i t r e f e r s to an organized, e s t a b l i s h e d group of merchants, craftsmen or p r o f e s -s i o n a l men of s i m i l a r or c l o s e l y r e l a t e d occupation who have banded together f o r mutual b e n e f i t and s o l i d a r i t y i n t h e i r commercial endeavors. A s s o c i a t i o n s of t h i s type have been known and are known today i n many p a r t s of the world, but the term seems to c a l l to mind the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of those a s s o c i a t i o n s that were to be found i n Europe i n the Middle Ages, r a t h e r than those of other s i m i l a r groups elsewhere i n the wo r l d . Although the commerical g u i l d s of China were s i m i l a r i n general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s to those of western Europe, f o r example i n the t r a i n i n g of apprentices and the r e g u l a t i o n of trad e , i n many ways they were very d i f -f e r e n t ( c f . Morse, 1932). Nevertheless, I propose to r e t a i n the use of the term here f o r two reasons. F i r s t : i t i s e s t a b l i s h e d i n the l i t e r a t u r e , and, second: i f i t i s not used i t w i l l be necessary to r e s o r t to the use of a f a r more cumbersome term such as "urban commercial a s s o c i a t i o n " . H i s t o r y I t should be noted that a d i s t i n c t i o n i s being made i n t h i s s e c t i o n between " h i s t o r y " and " o r i g i n s " . A t t h i s time I s h a l l simply present a general h i s t o r i c a l o u t l i n e of the dev-elopment of g u i l d o r g a n i z a t i o n s , w h i l e i n the l a t e r s e c t i o n con-- 12 -cerned with origins, I w i l l deal specifically with theories and speculations about the reasons for the formation and persistence of guilds i n traditional China. The major problem which i s faced when trying to estab-l i s h the historical development of guild associations l i e s i n the fact that although China's recorded history goes back almost three thousand years, matters of trade and commerce were not thought of as being worthy of a place in the records. The of-f i c i a l historians concerned themselves solely with affairs of literary merit„ Moreover, the guilds themselves did not keep written constitutions for the most part, and only wrote down their rules. The preambles to these rules often contain some-what idealized information on the supposed origin and history of the craft or profession, but there is a dearth of data from which to build up a general picture of the history of these associations. Thanks to the Korean guilds that kept good written con-stitutions and records of rules, additions and ammendments, we do know that the Chinese have used guild associations for at least a thousand years. Some of the Korean constitutions are of this age and make reference to the Chinese organizations be-cause they were used as models (Gamble, 1921: 166). More specifically, Kato has found records of merchant associations in the T'ang and Sung (618-1126) which were called hang ( ) or shih ( f?J )• Hang i s l i t e r a l l y a street of - 13 -merchants of the same trade, and shih means ei ther a market or the business quarter of a c i t y . The owners of the shops on these streets formed themselves in to associations and the members were known as hang pu ("^f^ 1 ) or hang chia Vague references are to be found i n pre-T'ang wr i t ings to streets of shops which suggest that the system was known as early as the Former Han, but i t i s not u n t i l T'ang and Sung that pos i t ive evidence of rea l merchants' associations i s to be found (see Kato, 1936). During the T'ang period each hang had the monopoly on i t s business i n the shih i n which i t was located. (Shih being used here i n i t s more usual sense of a market or trading place i n a c i t y . ) At the close of the T'ang, however, the shih system began to break down, and i t i s at th i s time that c i ty-wide asso-c ia t ions were formed by the various hang to t ry and maintain thei r monopoly (Kato, 1936: 83). For example, i f there were three shih i n a c i t y and they each had a street devoted exclus ive ly to the s e l l i n g of s i l k , the merchants of these three streets united to form one associat ion when the system of segregation broke down. Evident ly these associations had head men or managers who were known as hang t ' ou (rff ) , hang shou ( $f % ) or hang lao ( f f ^ ) (Kato, 1936: 60). During the Sung period the associations were under an ob l iga t ion to carry on business wi th the government whenever the l a t t e r required i t of them. This law was known as the hang i . ( ^ j f '{Qr ) and undoubtedly caused the merchants a good deal of hardship (Kato, 1936: 62). - 14 -In the Ming one finds references to hang and hang t'ou which indicate that merchants^ associations were known at this time also, but i t was during the Ch'ing (1644-1911) that these groups really flourished. Some of the hang in the bigger c i t i e s became very large and influential, and were wealthy enough to build themselves halls which, according to Kato (1936: 75) were called hui-kuan (^ ) as a formal t i t l e but were popularly known as kung-so ( 4\ fifc ). Terminology When Studying Chinese history one nearly always has to contend with the problem of Chinese terminology. This i s certainly true here in the case of the guilds. Several key pro-blems in the study of Chinese voluntary associations i n general would be much c l a r i f i e d had there not been so many names and overlapping terms used to describe and identify the various groups. Since the rise of the hang associations in the T'ang and Sung several new names have come into being, and I think i t would be of use to future students to note some of them and their Chinese equivalents at this point. According to the Peking data assembled by Burgess, hang or hang hui ("f!*f ^  ) was the most common name for a commercial guild. (Hui signifies "asso-ciation".) Other guilds called themselves merchant associations (shang hui jfc or hang shang hxs±^f j&j ^  ). S t i l l others - 15 -designated themselves as "Publically Established Associations" (kung l i hui 4^ j l l ^  ). The most complicated name that Bur-gess found was "common business or occupational public commer-c i a l association" (shang t'ung yeh kung hui j j ^ jaj ^ ^ ) (Burgess, 1928: 20-21). The Kitchen Coolies Guild of Peking called i t s e l f tso ( or /ftfe^ ), a name which can be traced back to the craftsmen's associations of the Sung and Yuan periods (Kato, 1936: 83). As mentioned in the previous section, the Ch'ing period saw the construction of guild halls by wealthy associations which were called hui-kuan or kung-so. Sometimes the associations themselves became known by one or other of these names, but i t appears that in general hui-kuan and kung-so refer to locality associations. I shall deal with the particular problem of these two terms in my discussion of those associations in the next portion of this study. For a more complete l i s t of guild names, the reader i s directed to Burgess (1928). Guilds: The Three Types Turning now to the guilds themselves, one finds that there are three types, the terminology for which I have borrowed in part from Burgess (Burgess, 1928: passim). The f i r s t was the professional guild, which consisted of members who sold the same service, for example the Barbers' guild, the Physicians' guild or the Bankers' guild. A second type was the craft guild - 16 -1 whose members were a l l makers of the same a r t i c l e . The Potters' g u i l d and the shoemakers' g u i l d were of t h i s kind. The t h i r d v a r i e t y was the S e l l e r s ' g u i l d , and here I have departed s l i g h t l y from Burgess's terminology. These g u i l d s , which consisted of the wholesale or r e t a i l s e l l e r s of commodities, are c a l l e d by Burgess "Commercial g u i l d s " . This i s confusing, I think, for a l l guilds are commercial insofar as one cannot by d e f i n i t i o n have a " s o c i a l " g u i l d . Organization The organization of these three types of guilds varied a great deal on s p e c i f i c d e t a i l s but was broadly s i m i l a r i n gen-e r a l o u t l i n e . In terms of o f f i c e - h o l d e r s , there was a manager with whom lay the ultimate r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the smooth opera-t i o n of the a s s o c i a t i o n . He was elected, appointed or chosen by consensus of the members to serve a term of anything from a day up to a year. I t was h i s duty to preside at meetings, act as f i n a l judge when the g u i l d court was convened, supervise the f i n a n c i a l a f f a i r s of the a s s o c i a t i o n , see to the correct per-formance of r e l i g i o u s ceremonies and so on ( c f . Morse, 1932; Gamble, 1921; Burgess, 1928). This p o s i t i o n c a r r i e d with i t a great deal of prestige and i t was one to which a l l members as-p i r e d . 1. This was true i n a majority of cases, but sometimes the mem-bers were makers of two or even three d i f f e r e n t , though often r e l a t e d , items. For example, the Peking Bone and Horn g u i l d included the makers of tooth-brushes, h a i r - p i n s , combs and other a r t i c l e s of t h i s kind (See Gamble, 1921: 167). - 17 -The manager was a s s i s t e d i n h i s duties by a board of d i r e c t o r s ( e i t h e r elected or appointed), who met r e g u l a r l y to discuss matters of import to the g u i l d — the admission of ap-pr e n t i c e s , the s e t t i n g of wages and p r i c e s , and many other mat-ters which arose out of the running of the a s s o c i a t i o n . Many guilds employed o f f i c e c l e r k s and servants, but only the most wealthy could a f f o r d to engage a permanent secre-tary. This i n d i v i d u a l was very important to the g u i l d , and h i s p o s i t i o n i n the a s s o c i a t i o n was somewhat analogous to that of the l i t e r a t i i n the lineage ( t s u /{jT^ F ) ( c f . Hu, 1948: 2 2 f f ) . The permanent secretary was usually a degree-holding man (Gamble, 1921: 180), well versed, of course, i n the c l a s s i c a l learning and able to write i n the accepted s t y l e of scholarly essay. He was a very great asset to the a s s o c i a t i o n , f or he could be at once a representative of the g u i l d and a member of the upper or e l i t e c l a s s . He was able to act as a l i a i s o n between the g u i l d and o f f i c i a l d o m and make representations to the l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s i f t h i s became necessary. Such men performed s i m i l a r functions i n the tsu into which they were born ( i n southern China at l e a s t ) . In both cases they provided a l i n k between ordinary i n d i v i d u a l s and the lower reaches of the Imperial government. The man " i n the s t r e e t " , so to speak, i n t r a d i t i o n a l times was not at a l l anxious to involve himself with the l a v because he d i d not un-derstand i t s processes and i t was nearly always a d i f f i c u l t and c o s t l y procedure (see van der Sprenkel, 1962: 56-79). Sometimes, - 18 -however, i t became necessary for him to face the local magistrate and in this case, i f possible, the educated men helped him out. They would not, of course, do this for anyone; i t would have to be for someone to whom there was some sort of obligation — that of kinship in the case of the tsu, or contractual responsibilities in the case of the guild. Am important feature of the organization of the guilds was the systeal of apprenticeship. Membership in the associations was s t r i c t l y contingent upon the successful completion of a period of training under the tuition of a guild member. The period of apprenticeship varied from about three to five years (Morse, 1932: 37; MacGowan, 1886: 179), and in that time the young boy was ex-pected to serve in his master's place of business and learn every-thing his master could teach him* If there was spare time l e f t to him after the completion of his work each day (a rare occurence in view of the long hours of work), the lad was allowed to learn to read and write. In most cases, however, the guild regarded scholarly pursuits as secondary to the task of being an apprentice. In central and south China there were several guilds which required that the boys who became apprentices should be the sons or nephews of present members (Morse, 1932: 37). This seemed to happen only in cases where there were closely guarded trade secrets, where great s k i l l was required or when the occu-pation was particularly lucrative (Gamble, 1921: 168). These guilds were, not kin groups, however, for being the son of a member - 19 -d i d not automatically e n t i t l e an i n d i v i d u a l to be a member from b i r t h . To become an apprentice i t i s true one had to be the close r e l a t i v e of a member, but i f the t r a i n i n g were not success-f u l l y completed, the boy could not j o i n the g u i l d . Gamble's in v e s t i g a t i o n s i n Peking f a i l e d to f i n d any guilds i n that c i t y that enforced such a r u l e (Gamble, 1921: 168), but Burgess, a. few years l a t e r , found that the Porters' g u i l d had abolished i t s old apprenticeship system and l i m i t e d membership to "the sons and brothers of g u i l d members alone" (Burgess, I928:123f). There seems to be no further information a v a i l a b l e at the present time on t h i s system of recruitment according to kinship. The basic c r i t e r i a , then, were r e l a t i v e l y simple: a l l men of the same occupation were e l i g i b l e to j o i n the g u i l d so long as they s u c c e s s f u l l y completed the required period of apprenticeship. Burgess found that i n the professional and c r a f t guilds both employers and employees were accepted as members (1928: 124), and from t h i s i t i s c l e a r that these associations cannot be c a l l e d "Trades Unions" as MacGowan has named them (MacGowan, 1886: passim). In the s e l l e r s ' guilds however, the various shops were generally represented by the owner alone (Burgess, 1928: 124). The answer to the question of whether or not membership i n the g u i l d was compulsory hinges upon one's d e f i n i t i o n of that term. The guilds had no l e g a l r i g h t (that i s , mandate from the l o c a l o f f i c i a l s ) to force an i n d i v i d u a l to j o i n , and i f they t r i e d , the law would have given them no help. In f a c t , unlike the guilds - 20 -of Europe, these associations in China were traditionally outside the law and very often opposed to i t . As Morse puts i t : In China the guilds have never been within the law. They grew up outside i t , and, as associations, have never recognized the c i v i l law nor claimed protec-tion from i t . They are rarely recognized by the government, except when they take the form of the proceeds of a tax upon the commodities dealt i n by the craft; and they make representations to the gov-ernment ordinarily through a sort of envoy, their secretary (Morse, 1932: 31), From this i t i s clear that the guilds were a sort of law unto themselves, and a merchant could not possibly find himself un-der any sort of legal obligation to join. Burgess's study of forty-two guilds i n Peking has yielded some interesting data (1928: 125). Informants from twenty~four associations said that membership was optional, that i s , i t was not v i t a l to join the guild i n order to make a l i v i n g . Fourteen said that i t was necessary to join, while four were uncertain. The context of these replies shows that they were opinions and most lik e l y not simple reiterations of what was written in the guild rules, I think that the replies of the f i r s t twenty-four are somewhat suspect: i t is known that guilds could apply sanctions to merchants which ranged from complete boycott and withdrawal of a l l business dealings to actual physical violence, and i t could be that the informants wished to try and avoid talking about the more dictatorial side of guild l i f e . On the other hand, when asked to l i s t the advan-tages of guild membership informants were extremely voluble, and - 21 -i t i s here, I think, that the truth i s r e a l l y to be seen. They explained that a g u i l d member could enjoy great economic advan-tages, ease i n getting work, f i n a n c i a l help from h i s fellow members, and the r i g h t and opportunity to be elected as a g u i l d o f f i c i a l with a l l the prestige that that p o s i t i o n involved (Bur-gess, 1928: 130). This suggests that membership i n the g u i l d of one's occupation was j u s t good business; the disadvantages of i s o l a t i o n i s m are quite c l e a r . Worship An important feature of g u i l d l i f e was the regular cere-mony of worship to the patron d i e t y or canonized worthy to whom the group dedicated i t s e l f . Every g u i l d had such an object of worship; for example i n Peking a l l the woodworkers worshipped the ancient master Lu Pan, the supposed o r i g i n a t o r of the c r a f t , the makers of musical instruments worshipped Chu Ko-liang, while other associations simply worshipped a promiment or p a r t i c u l a r l y g i f t e d member of former times (Gamble, 1921: 176). The ceremonies were held i n the gui l d h a l l and there was usually a feast and a t h e a t r i c a l production for the enter-tainment of members. The spring seemed to be the most popular time for these r i t e s which usually coincided with the annual business meeting (Burgess, 1928: 174-175). I s h a l l return to t h i s topic again i n the section on theories of o r i g i n . - 22 -Mutual A i d The great m a j o r i t y of g u i l d s provided very t a n g i b l e support f o r t h e i r members i n the form of f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . Some groups went a step beyond simply c a r i n g f o r t h e i r own mem-bers (e.g. many of the S e l l e r s ' g u i l d s i n Peking, see Burgess , 1928: 172), and undertook c h a r i t a b l e work f o r the general pub-l i c , but i n the main, the mutual a i d of the g u i l d s was s t r i c t l y "mutual" and d i d not extend beyond the bounds of the a s s o c i a t i o n . G e n e r a l l y speaking, the f i n a n c i a l a i d to g u i l d members f e l l i n t o two c a t e g o r i e s : a s s i s t a n c e i n s i c k n e s s , and proper arrangements f o r the deceased. Gamble has reported f o r Peking (1921: 198): Some g u i l d s provide that members who are s e r i o u s l y s i c k s h a l l be brought to the g u i l d h a l l , w h i l e i n minor cases they pay f o r any needed medicine. Others maintain a home where t h e i r s i c k and aged can be cared f o r , and s t i l l others help t h e i r members who are o l d , or so i l l t h a t they w i l l apparently never be able to continue t h e i r work, to r e t u r n to t h e i r homes so that they may spend t h e i r l a s t days w i t h t h e i r f a m i l i e s and then be buried i n t h e i r n a t i v e s o i l . Other g u i l d s e s t a b l i s h e d benevolent funds from which money was withdrawn to help members who were s i c k , e i t h e r by paying f o r some or a l l of the medicine, or p r o v i d i n g f o r care and s h e l t e r . The death of a member placed a s p e c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y on the g u i l d . Even i f he were a n a t i v e of the c i t y and had l i v e d there a l l h i s l i f e h i s d e s i r e was to be buried w i t h h i s ancestors. G u i l d s n e a r l y always saw to i t t h a t the bodies of deceased members were taken back to t h e i r f a m i l y cemeteries and provided w i t h a resp e c t a b l e c o f f i n . As Morse puts i t (1932: 22): - 23 -In China i t i s a matter of pride for well-to-do fam-i l i e s (to) spend large sums on funerals, and custom-ary for f r i e n d s of the family to send contributions toward the expenses, much i n the way wedding presents are sent i n the West; and the fellow-craftsmen of the deceased would be among the f i r s t to contribute. For poor members of the g u i l d , contribution would always be made from the g u i l d treasury, usually taking the form of a s u i t a b l e c o f f i n , and probably also of caiv-dles and o f f e r i n g s to the names of the deceased. I t was no doubt a great comfort to guildmen and t h e i r f a m i l i e s to know that they would receive a proper b u r i a l regardless of t h e i r f i n a n c i a l p o s i t i o n . The money for these sickness and f u -n e r a l b e n e f i t s was taken from the g u i l d funds which i n turn were b u i l t up through dues, i n i t i a t i o n fees, contributions and f i n e s ( c f . Morse, Gamble, Burgess). Aside from f i n a n c i a l help the guil d s looked a f t e r t h e i r members i n other ways. They gave aid i n f i n d i n g work, and, through the secretary, stood behind i n d i -v i d u a l s i f for any reason they were involved i n a confrontation with the l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s . I t was i n the poorer guilds that mutual a i d was best developed, for the members would have only the g u i l d to r e l y on, e s p e c i a l l y i f t h e i r homes and f a m i l i e s were far away. The gui l d s provided for the s a t i s f a c t i o n of many of the needs that would have been met by the home k i n group i n the ordinary way. I s h a l l dev-elop t h i s theme l a t e r on i n the s p e c i f i c case of the l o c a l i t y a s s ociations. Theories of O r i g i n In t h i s section I wish to consider four speculations made by Burgess (1928: 70) on the f a c t o r s involved i n the f o r -- 24 -mation of the g u i l d associations. The foregoing discussion of the guilds and t h e i r h i s t o r y has provided s u f f i c i e n t background for t h i s . I t was mentioned e a r l i e r that city-wide merchant as-sociations came into being when the system of segregating market areas (shih) began to break down. Merchants of the same trade, which formerly had occupied t h e i r own streets i n each shih, joined together. Burgess has suggested that at f i r s t these associations may have been r e l i g i o u s f r a t e r n i t i e s (a term used by Morse, 1932: 9-10), clan monopolies, p r o v i n c i a l associations, or clubs to re-s i s t the power of the o f f i c i a l s . I t i s po s s i b l e that each of these factors was contributory to the formation of merchants' g u i l d s , but i t does not seem r i g h t to suppose that any p a r t i c u -l a r one of them was alone responsible. To begin with, i t seems u n l i k e l y that a group of wood-workers, for example, would j o i n together to worship Lu Pan once or twice a year and engage i n no other group a c t i v i t i e s beyond that. I t need hardly be said that worship would come l a t e r as a reinforcement of group s o l i d a r i t y , a f t e r the i n i t i a l formation of the g u i l d . Gamble reports that i n Peking the r e l i g i o u s ac-t i v i t i e s of the guilds were very important, but the suggestion I have made i s borne out by the men of the Stone Masons who say, "But for the r e l i g i o u s bond, the g u i l d might not have lasted so long"; and the Tinkers who explain, "But for the r e l i g i o u s con-cept to overrule the mass, the g u i l d might not have lasted so long " (Burgess, 1928: 183). - 25 -That some guilds may have grown out of clan (lineage, tsu) monopolies is possible, especially in cases where the trade or craft was particularly lucrative. In some single surname v i l -lages the lineage had complete control of business ventures, and i t i s possible that when the craftsmen took the trade to the city they restricted apprenticeship to boys from the home village, thus creating a guild of one surname. Associations of this type have been found among the overseas Chinese (see Willmott, 1969 forth-coming) , but I know of no record of such groups in China i t s e l f ; i f lineages did once hold monopolies over certain occupations, they were not successful in maintaining them. Some guilds of more recent origin did arise out of lor cality associations. The findings of Burgess (1928: 73) indicate that the Actors' guild of Peking most lik e l y grew out of an asso-ciation for men from Anhui, and the Water Carriers' Guild from a club for natives of Shantung. A l l the Bankers in Peking were from Shansi, and perhaps in time others would have been admitted. I w i l l deal more fu l l y with locality guilds in the next portion of this thesis, but i t i s worth noting here that the very earliest origins of merchants1 guilds are not to be found in such associa-tions. Ho (1966: 120) has found that the earliest records of l o c a l i t y associations date from the Yung-lo period (1403-1424), while, as I have pointed out, merchants' associations have been known since the early T'ang or even before, It seems that commer-c i a l locality groups were not the ancestors of commerical guilds, except in some more recent cases. - 26 -Burgess's f i n a l suggestion i s that the guilds grew out of clubs to r e s i s t the power of the o f f i c i a l s . I think that t h i s i s nearer the f a c t of the matter. I t has been pointed out e a r l i e r that i n former times the gu i l d s were bound by the law of hang jL, and as the government h a b i t u a l l y paid far l e s s than market p r i c e for the goods i t demanded, i t i s not unreasonable to suppose that a prime factor i n the formation of associations should have been a need to r e s i s t the demands of the o f f i c i a l s . Kato (1936) c i t e s some examples of merchants who stood together i n confrontations with the government and won the day. The best summary of the reasons for the o r i g i n and per-sistence of the guilds i s to be found i n the r e p l i e s of Burgess's informants i n Peking, They explained (1928: 92) that the guilds o f f e r p r o t e c t i o n from o f f i c i a l s , discouragement of competition, s t a b i l i z a t i o n of wages, and opportunities for r e l i g i o u s worship. Such features as mutual a i d , worship, and the other advantages of g u i l d membership mentioned here and at the end of the section on g u i l d organization no doubt contributed greatly to the s o l i d a r i t y of the groups and t h e i r continuance through h i s t o r y , but I do not believe i t to be too wide of the mark to suggest that resistance to o f f i c i a l d o m was the primary reason for the establishment of these associations. The Guild and the C i t y China can claim no s p e c i a l place i n h i s t o r y because her merchants formed g u i l d s , but the unique thing about these associations - 27 -i s t h e i r place i n the c i v i c government. Whereas in. the Europe of the Middle Ages, when prominent guildsmen were a l s o prominent c i v i c o f f i c i a l s , the g u i l d s of China e x i s t e d as I have s a i d "out-side the law" and took no a c t i v e p a r t i n the o f f i c i a l government of the c i t y . The I m p e r i a l government made good use of the merchants, however, and were, I b e l i e v e , q u i t e w i l l i n g to l e t them f u n c t i o n as they d i d almost as a law unto themselves. Apart from the o f t e n c i t e d t r a d i t i o n a l i d e o l o g i c a l d i s d a i n f o r trade and commerce on the p a r t of o f f i c i a l d o m , there were s e v e r a l sound reasons f o r t h i s a t t i t u d e . For one t h i n g the f i n a n c i a l c o n t r o l s imposed by the g u i l d s on p r i c e s and wages and the o r g a n i z a t i o n of economic mat-t e r s r e l i e v e d the l o c a l o f f i c i a l of a great d e a l of work and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Furthermore, the sanctions against f r a u d u l e n t d e a l i n g s w i t h the p u b l i c and aga i n s t a l l manner of dishonest business p r a c t i c e s made i t safe f o r the government to leave the economic a f f a i r s of the markets and the problems of trade and com-merce almost e n t i r e l y alone. I d e a l l y , of course, the o f f i c i a l had a profound b e l i e f i n the i n f e r i o r i t y of the merchant c l a s s , and would have p r e f e r r e d to have no d e a l i n g s w i t h the merchants anyway. I t goes almost without saying, however, t h a t i t would be erroneous to suppose th a t the merchants and o f f i c i a l s s t u d i o u s l y avoided each other, and t h a t the only contacts they had were disagreements and feuds. Although t h i s b e l i e f was hel d by the mandarins, the merchants were most c e r t a i n l y not ignored or simply " t o l e r a t e d " by o f f i c i a l d o m . - 28 -I n p o i n t of f a c t they could not be f o r g o t t e n , f o r the fortunes they ammassed were of great value to the government. An i n d i -c a t i o n of the gains that could be made through commerce i s to be found i n Chow who c i t e s s e v e r a l instances of o f f i c i a l s who took up business ventures and entered the business world (Chow, 1966: passim). I suggest, then, that given the o f f i c i a l understanding of the n e c e s s i t y of trade and commerce, and given the f a c t that the g u i l d s were l e f t almost e n t i r e l y on t h e i r own to c o n t r o l and organize business ( o u t s i d e of the one or two government monopo* l i e s ) , the I m p e r i a l Government p r a c t i s e d a system of i n d i r e c t r u l w i t h regard to economic a f f a i r s . The merchants were i n d i s p e n s i b l and Peking was q u i t e w i l l i n g to leave the g u i l d s to look a f t e r t h e i r own a f f a i r s . A f t e r a l l , i t was i n the merchant's own i n t e r e s t to maint a i n law and order and a good standard of e t h i c s i n business. The g u i l d o f f i c i a l s were the mandarins of the mer-chant c l a s s . - 29 -PART I I I THE HUI-KUAN OR LOCALITY ASSOCIATIONS In the foregoing section I described voluntary associa-tions i n Ch' ing China with specia l concentration on the commer-c i a l gu i l d s . In th i s second major part of the thesis I w i l l look at the l o c a l i t y associa t ions , records of which have been found for the c i t i e s and the countryside. Ho (1966) makes the only reference I have found to these associations i n a ru r a l se t t ing , and, as I hope to show, thei r existence outside the c i t y has pa r t i cu la r s ign i f icance . These l o c a l i t y associat ions , to which I made b r i e f references i n the preceding sect ion, could be purely soc ia l groups (as they were i n Peking, Burgess, 1928: 17), or they could be or-ganized by merchants (see MacGowan, 1886). In the past, however, most wr i t e r s have tended to consider the l o c a l i t y associations as part of the g u i l d system, but th i s view i s not r e a l l y accurate. Whereas the guilds recrui ted members on the basis of common occu-pat ion , the l o c a l i t y associations recrui ted on the basis of common geographical o r i g i n . For example, i n the case of the Shantung water ca r r i e r s of Peking, these men were natives of Shantung f i r s t , and water ca r r i e r s second. The whole concept of associat ion was d i f fe ren t . This concept of common geographical o r i g i n i s an impor-tant one to the Chinese; i n 1956 S.H. Chen went so far as to say: - 30 Sociologically speaking, i t i s safe to say that, in spite of the often emphasized Chinese ancestral wor-ship and family s p i r i t , the principle of locality took precedence over the principle of blood relationship (in Pasternak, 1969: 559). I think that this view Is probably a l i t t l e extreme, but the imp-ortance of the principle of locality should never be underplayed. Given this attitude, therefore, i t i s hardly surprising that many associations based on geographical origin should have arisen. Men of a particular province, prefecture, region, city or even village, formed such groups i f they found themselves together in another part of the country or the world. Broadly speaking, there were two categories into which these associations could f a l l : they were either urban or rural. The rural ones were formed almost entirely of peasants (see Ho, 1966) , whereas the urban could be further subdivided. In the city there were clubs formed by and exclusively for o f f i c i a l s , by and exclusively for merchants, or open to both. I shall ela-borate on these divisions and sub-divisions later on in the sec-tion on functions which I shall take up after a look at history and organization. As I mentioned earlier, i t w i l l be my purpose to show that the locality associations were functionally s i g n i f i -cant in providing for the satisfaction of needs usually met by the kin group at home. Terminology Before moving on to the history of these locality asso-ciations, i t i s necessary, as i t was with the guilds, to clear up - 31 -the problem of the Chinese terminology as far as t h i s i s po s s i b l e . Since 1912 these groups have been known as t'ung-hsiang hui (Ho, 1966: 120), but p r i o r to t h i s time they were c a l l e d e i t h e r hui-kuan ( ^ $g ) or kun^-so ( ^  f'ff ). Taken i n t h e i r l i t e r a l s i g n i f i c a t i o n s , hui-kuan means "clubhouse", and kung-so "public b u i l d i n g " , but here the s i m p l i c i t y ends. Clubs often became known as hui-kuan or kung-so, and the s i t u a t i o n becomes more complicated. MacGowan translates hui-kuan as "Chamber of Commerce" and kung-so as "Trade Union", but, f o r the reasons suggested i n the previous section, these terms are not accurate. However, MacGowan's usage does show one thing: i n the parts of south China where he made h i s observations, hui-kuan and kung-so d i d not r e f e r e x c l u s i v e l y to l o c a l i t y associations (see MacGowan, 1886). P i n g - t i Ho, on the other hand, on the basis of h i s work for the ce n t r a l and upper Yangtze provinces has said (1966: 121) that hui-kuan means a s o c i a l l o c a l i t y a s s o c i a t i o n , and kung-so implies a com-mercial association whose membership i s based on common geographic o r i g i n . In view of MacGowan's usage, i t seems that the differ e n c e between the two terms i s not as clear as Ho suggests. I t appears that hui-kuan can mean a s o c i a l or commercial l o c a l i t y a s s o c i a t i o n , while kung-so seems to have been applied only to commercial groups. When the term s o c i a l hui-kuan i s used i n t h i s thesis i t w i l l denote a non-commercial l o c a l i t y a s s o c i a t i o n . In other cases, rather than employ the much debated term kung-so, I s h a l l simply use "com-mercial hui-kuan ". - 32 -History Except for the larger and more comprehensive local his-tories, there i s the same problem with regard to the history of the hui-kuan as there i s with the commercial guilds: generally speaking they were not considered worthy of a place. It i s not much more helpful to look at the histories compiled by the asso-ciations themselves, for there seems to be always the same pre-occupation with contriving an origin i n remote antiquity. For example, one group boldly traces i t s origin back to the mythical Emperor Shun %?ho i s supposed to have lived between 2256 and 2208 B.C. (Morse, 1932: 42). MacGowan (1886: 135) reports a Kiangsu hui-kuan at Peking in the early Ming, which i s quite possible, but then he goes on to say, without substantiation, that such groups were known in the T'ang or even earlier. It should be stressed, however, that data presented by MacGowan must be treated with great care due to the fact that he does not make a distinction between commercial hui-kuan and guilds. This i s also true of Morse to a certain extent, but we must make use of both these sources because they provide the only studies in English on the actual organization and working of the hui-kuan associations. Apart from the work in English of Kato (1936) which mentions hui-kuan associations only in passing, the only histor-i c a l work on these groups has been done by Ho (1966), Working with inscriptional data and other primary sources he has made a most valuable contribution. It i s to Ho that I owe much of the following material. - 33 -As was mentioned i n the previous section, the f i r s t hui-kuan as s o c i a t i o n was recorded i n Peking i n the Yung-lo per-iod of the Ming Dynasty (1403-1424), I t i s of course possible that they were known e a r l i e r than t h i s time, but at the present we have no way of knowing. Despite the great number of students that flocked to Peking to write the higher examinations, Ho r e -ports (1966: 121) that i n i t i a l l y the prime function of the hui-kuan was not cne of providing hostels for these students. Ra-ther, there were two types of associations: one for the o f f i c i a l s (see above, Clubs for the E l i t e ) , and one for merchants and of-f i c i a l s a l i k e . The general truth of t h i s statement i s borne out i n the preamble to the r u l e s of the Ningpo g u i l d (commercial hui-kuan) at Wenchow which says (MacGowan, 1886: 135): Hui-Kuan were f i r s t established at the metropolis by mandarins among compatriots or f e l l o w - p r o v i n c i a l s for mutual aid and p r o t e c t i o n . Subsequently, merchants formed guilds l i k e those of the mandarinate, and now they e x i s t i n every province. In process of time, however, i t appears that the h u i -kuan underwent a change of function u n t i l they became nothing more than associations providing lodgings for c o - p r o v i n c i a l exam-i n a t i o n candidates. In the l a t e nineteenth century there were about four hundred of these hostels i n Peking, representing " a l l the provinces, scores of prosperous prefectures and counties" (Ho, 1966: 121). 1, This passage also serves as a good example of the erroneous a p p l i c a t i o n of the term " g u i l d " to the l o c a l i t y associations. - 34 -I t was not u n t i l over a hundred years a f t e r t h e i r f i r s t appearance i n Peking that hui-kuan are recorded e l s e -where i n China. In the Wan-li period of the Ming (1573-1619), commercial hui-kuan came into being, formed by merchants and craftsmen. Other l o c a l i t y associations were formed by o f f i c i a l s , but i n both cases i t appears that the groups were open to a l l men of common geographical o r i g i n regardless of t h e i r s o c i a l p o s i t i o n (Ho, 1966: 121). The hui-kuan that I have mentioned thus f a r were l a r g e l y the r e s u l t either of i n t e r r e g i o n a l trade or the move-ments of o f f i c i a l s who never served i n t h e i r home provinces. I t seems that these were s t r i c t l y urban associations. However, there were other groups formed as the outcome of large-scale i n t e r r e g i o n a l migrations of what Ho has c a l l e d peasant-immigrants (k'e min ^ ^ ) (Ho, 1966: 122). These associations were formed i n the countryside and there was a very high density of these r u r a l hui-kuan (and hui-kuan i n general) i n the c e n t r a l and upper Yangtze provinces of Kian g s i , Hupei, Hunan and espe-c i a l l y Szechwan. The reasons f o r t h i s are to be found i n the circumstances surrounding the massive migrations of peasants and other i n d i v i d u a l s to t h i s area. F i v e years af t e r the downfall of the Ming i n 1644, Szechwan province was ruled by a c e r t a i n Chang Hsien-chung, a bandit leader who was by a l l accounts a homicidal maniac. Ac-cording to a nineteenth-century h i s t o r i a n and geographer, Wei . 35 -Yuan, Chang decimated the population of Hupei and Hunan and a l l but exterminated the Szechwanese. However, he hardly touched Kiangsi at a l l , and i n Wei Yuan's words: There was therefore a contemporary saying that (peo-p l e of) Kiangsi f i l l e d up Hupei and Hunan and (people of) Hupei and Hunan f i l l e d up Szechwan ( i n Ho, 1966: 122). To say that Chang a l l but exterminated the population of Szechwan i s no exaggeration, for FitzGeraXd (1966: 550) says: Eighty years a f t e r the Manchu conquest of that Pro-vince, Father de M a i l l a , w r i t i n g from China, declared that i n s p i t e of every care and p r i v i l e g e , Szechwan had not recovered from t h i s catastrophe. To t h i s day the people of that province mostly descend from immi-grants from Hupei and Shansi. From these two passages i t can be seen that the migra-tions that took place were on a very large scale and continued for many years a f t e r the end of the "reign of t e r r o r " . The t r a -gedy i n Szechwan stimulated migrations that had been going on from the greatly overpopulated provinces of Fukien and Kwangtung since before the end of the Ming period, and when the r i c h Red Basin area of Szechwan was depopulated, people came flooding i n . An idea of the massive nature of these movements can be gained from a l o c a l gazetteer of Szechwan which records that i n 1723 there were already enough people to warrant the establishment of 1 the pap chia ( f ) system (Hsiao, 1967: 324). In general, i n p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l s and large c i t i e s , hui-kuan associations were formed by o f f i c i a l s or merchants and craftsmen. This was also true f o r the c e n t r a l and upper Yangtze 1. For a more complete treatment of these i n t e r r e g i o n a l migra-tions the reader i s dir e c t e d to Ho P i n g - t i , Studies on the  Population of China: 1368-1953, 1959, Chapter 7. - 36 -provinces, but for these areas (especially Szechwan), peasant farmers also formed hui-kuan of their own in county towns, mar-ket places and even in small villages (Ho, 1966: 137). Organization It appears that we know nothing about the organization and workings of the rural hui-kuan; a l l our data comes from the social and commercial urban groups. In this discussion of or-ganization I shall treat the urban groups i n more detail, and offer some suggestions about the others. The organization of the hui-kuan in the c i t i e s was similar i n many ways to that of the guilds. They had a general manager who served a term of usually one year, but was eligible for re-election for any number of terms. He was assisted by a sub-manager, and both of these men were salaried i f their clubs could afford i t (Morse, 1932: 43). In addition to these two men there was an advisory committee (usually unsalaried) of between three and twelve individuals who were eligible for annual re-election (MacGowan, 1886: 138). If they could afford i t , urban hui-kuan hired a per-manent secretary who performed for them the same sorts of func-tions as were outlined above in the case of the guilds. Morse (1932: 44) says that the gentry members of what he calls "Pro-vincial Clubs" took no part in running the associations. This obviously applies only to clubs whose membership was open to - 37 -a l l c l a s s e s , and i n such a case the permanent secretary, being an educated man, could function as the equal of the gentry members i n matters of administration i n a way that a merchant or craftsman could never hope to do. On the matter of income, we have no data other than that for the urban commercial hui-kuan, whose sources of revenue were almost i d e n t i c a l to those of the g u i l d s . There were taxes on commodities sold, ordinary membership dues, s p e c i a l l e v i e s and f i n e s . One as s o c i a t i o n , the Canton hui-kuan at Shanghai, had, by 1886, abolished a l l extra taxes and l e v i e s and was meeting a l l i t s expenses out of the income derived from i t s property i n 1 the c i t y (MacGowan, 1886: 140). Some urban hui-kuan had s p e c i a l means f o r r a i s i n g money. The Kiangsu and Anhui hui-kuan i n Chungking, Szechwan, and the Hupei, Kiangsu, Kiangsi and Anhui clubs at Foochow l e v i e d a tax on t h e i r gentry members which varied according to the p o s i t i o n they held i n the o f f i c i a l government of the c i t y or province (Morse, ]932: 45). I f these clubs were also open to i n d i v i d u a l s who were not gentry members, then presumably they paid according to some other scale. One of the expenses for which ready,cash was needed was r e l i g i o u s worship. Like the g u i l d s , hui-kuan had a r e l i g i o u s l i f e of th e i r own, which, as I pointed out e a r l i e r , was a power-1. There seems to be no information on the a c q u i s i t i o n of land by hui-kuan associations. I t appears that they a l l owned land i n varying amounts, for clubhouses, temples, and ceme-t a r i e s , and presumably i t was purchased or donated. - 38 -f u l cohesive agent. Sometimes they could a f f o r d nothing more than a small shrine somewhere, but those that were a l i t t l e better off housed t h e i r shrines i n impressive b u i l d i n g s , and at times of worship gave l a v i s h feasts and presented t h e a t r i -c a l s . The objects of worship va r i e d a good deal from asso-c i a t i o n to ass o c i a t i o n . A l t e r s were erected to the god of war (more accurately Kuan Kung, a symbol of non-kin s o l i d a r i t y due to h i s once having entered i n t o a "sworn brother" r e l a t i o n s h i p ) , the goddess of mercy, the queen of heaven, or to d e i f i e d emperors such as Yu the Great (c. B.C. 2198) or Wu Tsung of T'ang (A.D, 847). Sometimes the shrine was erected to the honor of a par-t i c u l a r l y eminent man of the home l o c a l i t y . The ceremonies of worship were often combined with a f f a i r s of business, p a r t i c u -l a r l y i f the association was r i c h enough to be able to maintain a h a l l . Business meetings and courts weraheld at various times throughout the year, and worship was usually combined with these other a c t i v i t i e s . Another expense which a l l hui-kuan incurred was the cost of aid to members, the most important feature of which was caring for the remains of the deceased. Many of the r i c h e r h u i - kuan owned land which was used for a pr i v a t e cemetery. Some, i n addition to t h i s , had vau l t s i n which the bodies of members were kept i f they p a r t i c u l a r l y desired to be buried i n t h e i r home province. When s u f f i c i e n t funds became a v a i l a b l e , sometimes - 39 -years after death, the body was taken out of the vaul t and shipped home. In addi t ion to caring for the remains of deceased mem-bers, the hui-kuan, l i k e the gu i l d s , performed other services to the i r members: they aided i n cases of f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t y , offered l ega l help where poss ib le , and generally provided sup-port i n a "hos t i l e" environment. A good ins ight in to t h i s i s offered by the preamble to the cons t i tu t ion of the Ningpo h u i -kuan of Wenchow, a commercial hui-kuan established at the close of the eighteenth century (MacGowan, 1886: 136, brackets mine): For a century, no province has been without Ningpoese res idents . Ningpo i s a maritime region. Those of i t s people who cannot f ind employment as a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s resort to other places for trade. Here at Wenchow we f ind ourselves i so l a t ed ; mountains and sea separate us from Ningpo, and when i n trade we exci te envy on the part of Wenchowese, and suffer i n s u l t and in ju ry , we have no adequate redress. Mercanti le f i rms, each caring only for i t s e l f , experience disgrace and loss — the natural outcome of i sola ted and ind iv idua l re -sis tance. I t i s t h i s which imposes upon us the duty of es tabl ishing a gu i ld (hui-kuan), The Rural Hui-Kuan As I have mentioned, there i s as yet no spec i f ic data ava i lab le on the r u r a l hui-kuan. In fact , the i r very existence has only recently been confirmed by Ho (1966), and then only for the centra l and upper Yangtze regions. Searches such as th i s are painstaking and slow, but i f data on ru r a l hui-kuan i n other pro-vinces were to be uncovered i n th i s way, much could be learned about the movements of people wi th in China i n the l a s t two or three hundred years. - 40 -Organization, Income, Worship and Mutual A i d i n the Rural Hui-Kuan In speculating about the r u r a l l o c a l i t y associations i t seems easier to suggest what they were not, rather than what they were. Their membership would have consisted almost e n t i r e l y of peasants,and so i t i s l i k e l y that although they may have been 1 quite large, they were probably not very wealthy. Their o f f i -cers were most l i k e l y not s a l a r i e d , and were fewer i n number than i n the urban hui-kuan. I t i s possible that these associations d i d employ some kind of secretary. Although t h e i r needs would not be as great as those of an urban group of merchants, craftsmen and l i t e r a t i , the only way that representations could be made to the Yamen was i n w r i t i n g , and so i t would be necessary f o r a group to have someone who could write i n the appropriate s t y l e , and i f needed make personal appearances before the l o c a l o f f i c i a l . I t i s hard to imagine a high-ranking scholar being employed by a peasant hui-kuan, but the impoverished student was a common s i g h t i n China, and even i f he was not permanently employed, a l i t t l e c l e r i c a l work would no doubt have been g r a t e f u l l y accepted. Income was probably derived mainly from annual dues and perhaps from some f i n e s , so that money could be found for worship and for aid to members. I t i s known that some of the r u r a l groups did manage to have shrines of t h e i r own (Ho, 1966: passim), and perhaps i f enough property were owned, i t could have been rented out to tenants i n order to provide a l i t t l e extra revenue. 1. There seems to be no d e f i n i t e information on the si z e of hui-kuan ass o c i a t i o n s . This represents a c r u c i a l gap i n our knowledge. - 41 -Ceremonies of worship i n the r u r a l associations were probably not as elaborate as those i n the urban groups. In most cases a small shrine s u f f i c e d , and there would not have been the large-scale f e a s t i n g and t h e a t r i c a l presentations such as were known i n the c i t y . I t i s safe to assume, however, that these associations i n the countryside would treat worship with proper respect and would have done a l l they could to honor the gods i n a f i t t i n g manner. I t i s also safe to assume that the r u r a l hui-kuan of-fered some sort of aid to their members. Even i f the money could not be found to send the body of a deceased member back to the home of hi s ancestors, at l e a s t the group would have done i t s best to see that he had a decent b u r i a l and a reasonably respec-table c o f f i n . I t must be emphasized that t h i s i s only a specula-t i o n , but i t seems l o g i c a l to assume that the r u r a l groups would have done their best to look a f t e r t h e i r members i n t h i s way. Morse, presumably i n reference to urban groups, reports t h i s p r a c t i c e i n south China (Morse, 1932; 45). I f l e g a l aid were offered, i t would probably be through the secretary, and funds may also have been provided i f a member had to have dealings with the l o c a l magistrate. One of the biggest advantages to members would have been protection from o f f i c i a l d o m ; i n d i v i d u a l l y they were powerless, but together they could afford to h i r e someone to make representations for them. Another benefit of great importance to members was protection from bandits. Hsiao - 42 -(1967: 294ff) describes measures taken to defend v i l l a g e s from marauders, and i t i s q u i t e p o s s i b l e that hui-kuan a s s o c i a t i o n s would have played a p a r t i n such endeavours. Functions of Hui-kuan i n China With regard now to the matter of f u n c t i o n , there are some general statements that can be made about hui-kuan. They were very s i g n i f i c a n t to members who were of t e n f a r from home, p r o v i d i n g both moral and f i n a n c i a l support, companionship, and something of the f e e l i n g of home. These advantages to members were made manifest through mutual a i d , r e l i g i o u s ceremonies, p r o t e c t i o n that was o f f e r e d from o f f i c i a l d o m and from bandits ( i n the case of the r u r a l groups) and f e a s t s and s o c i a l gather-i n g s . These fea t u r e s c o n s t i t u t e the f u n c t i o n s and advantages of the hui-kuan as seen through the eyes of the members, however. As an observer, seeking to go beyond t h i s l e v e l , I would suggest that the hui-kuan served adaptive and i n t e g r a t i v e f u n c t i o n s by meeting the needs of i n d i v i d u a l s which would o r d i n a r i l y be sat-i s f i e d by the k i n group at home. I propose to make t h i s p o i n t by an examination of Chinese l i n e a g e o r g a n i z a t i o n followed by a s p e c i f i c treatment of the f u n c t i o n s of the hui-kuan a s s o c i a t i o n s . Lineage Or g a n i z a t i o n I t i s , of course, n e a r l y impossible to r e f e r to Chinese k i n s h i p as a uniform s t r u c t u r e throughout the country. I n view - 43 " of the concentration of hui-kuan formed by i n d i v i d u a l s from the provinces of Fukien, Kwangtung, Hunan, Hupei, Shensi and Kia n g s i , I have chosen to consider the s p e c i f i c case of these areas, and i t was here where the tsu, the u n i f i e d , large cor-porate lineage, was best developed. As Hu has said (1948: 14): In the l a s t s i x or seven centuries the centers of the strongly developed tsu have l a i n i n Central and South-east China, that i s , the Yangtze V a l l e y and the Pro-vinces of Fukien and Kwangtung. Here many v i l l a g e s are inhabited completely or predominately by people of a si n g l e surname, recognizing a r e l a t i o n s h i p among themselves. A few f a m i l i e s of d i f f e r e n t surnames may be tolerated, but they are always regarded as stran-gers, even a f t e r generations of residence, and have no part i n community a f f a i r s . In North China, however, v i l l a g e s composed of f a m i l i e s of d i f f e r e n t surnames constitute the majority. The Tsu An examination of the lineage organization of these parts of China amounts to a discussion of the various agnatic units which existed. The larges t of these was the tsu, or l i n -eage, which can be defined as follows: an exogamous agnatic de-scent group of the same surname which traced descent from a known common ancestor who f i r s t s e t t l e d i n a given l o c a l i t y , and, mainly on the basis of surname, to a more remote founder who was usually though not always legendary or mythological ( c f . Hu, 1948; Freed-man, 1958, 1966). Moreover, these agnatic units are best looked at i n terms of th e i r ancestor-worship or th e i r " f o c a l " ancestor. In the tsu, the f o c a l ancestor was the known founder, and he was worshipped by a l l . - 44 -Generally speaking, the tsu was divided into a number o f l ass ( f% )» or sub-lineages; each one cons i s t i n g of the ag-n a t i c descendants of a son of the founding ancestor (Hu, 1948: 18). I d e a l l y , the fang maintained a h a l l i n which the members conducted t h e i r ceremonies of worship back to the f o c a l ancestor. A chih ( "^jpx. .)..» o r branch, was formed when a group of i n d i v i d u a l s commenced the worship of a man they f e l t was p a r t i c u l a r l y emminent or deserved sp e c i a l memory (see Freedman, 1958: 46-50). For ex-ample, the agnatic descendants of a famous scholar might c o l l e c t together enough money to e s t a b l i s h a shrine to h i s memory and be-gin regular worship there. A branch would then have come i n t o being by t h i s process of segmentation. whereas the ether units had f i x e d f o c a l ancestors, f a m i l i e s "had constantly to redefine themselves i n r e l a t i o n to d i f f e r e n t re-cent ancestors" (Freedman, 1958: 46). The chia usually worshipped i n d i v i d u a l s no further removed than four or f i v e generations from the present l i v i n g head. When a tablet became older than t h i s i t was buried or destroyed i n some way, and a d i f f e r e n t tablet was set up i n one of the larger ancestral h a l l s (Freedman, 1958: 47). The members of any one of these groups worshipped a l l the agnatic descendants of the f o c a l ancestor, and a person could a t -tend ceremonies as a member d; h i s chia, of one or more chih ( I f his lineage were wealthy enough), of a fang, and of course as a member of his tsu. The smallest unit was the family, or chia ( jfc^ ), and - 45 -This, then, i s a b r i e f s t r u c t u r a l analysis of the l i n -eage organization i n the part of China with which I am concerned. I w i l l go on now to examine some of the s p e c i f i c features of the tsu which w i l l help to demonstrate my point i n r e l a t i o n to the hui-kuan. In the lineage, or tsu, the structure was such that the unit could go on getting l a r g e r , t h e o r e t i c a l l y forever. New f a m i l i e s , of course, came i n t o being, and i f there was s u f f i c i e n t wealth, many branches could be established to the memory of imp-ortant men. Generally speaking, fang and chih could not e x i s t as separate units i f they did not have property and an ancestral h a l l ; i n f a c t , one can say that they could not e x i s t at a l l with-out them, but i n any event i t was highly d e s i r a b l e for the tsu to be able to maintain a h a l l which provided a c e n t r a l meeting place where worship was c a r r i e d on, the elders heard disputes and handed down decisions and any other business of the tsu was looked a f t e r (Hu, 1948: 57). In v i l l a g e s of one surname and l i n -eage, the leaders of the group would also have to concern them-selves with matters of c i v i c import: roads, bridges, defense and the l i k e . C e r t a i n l y , one of t h e i r prime tasks was to look a f t e r the administration cf the commonly owned tsu property. This property, rented out to tenant farmers, provided steady income for the lineage, and most tsu owned at l e a s t a small parcel of land. In cases where the group was wealthy, food from the land could be a l l o c a t e d to the members, but i n any case - 46 -the income was used towards the expenses of the regular ancestral r i t e s and also for mutual a i d to needy persons of the v i l l a g e . The mutual aid took several forms, one of the most imp-ortant of which was, of course, help at funerals. I f poorer members could not a f f o r d to buy land for a burial-ground f o r themselves or th e i r family, many tsu had land set aside for these i n d i v i d u a l s to use (Hu, 1948: 37, 81). The gentry members of the lineage helped out when i t became necessary for one of the group to face the l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s for some reason, and the tsu also provided funds for promising scholars to continue t h e i r educa-t i o n and thus bring prestige to the lineage (Hu, 1948: 70-72; see also F r i e d , 1953: 94). F i n a l l y , i n some tsu wealthy members contributed grain, and t h i s was a l l o c a t e d to those who needed i t (Hu, 1948: 80). As w e l l as a l l these features the tsu kept a genealogy, i n which a l l b i r t h s , deaths and marriages were recorded, and the h i s t o r y and development of the descent group was thus c a r e f u l l y documented. The genealogies often included short biographic ac-counts of the most famous members, and also a l i s t of r u l e s . In point of f a c t , there were very few r e a l " r u l e s " , the d i r e c t i o n s were more often quotes from the c l a s s i c s , from emminent men of the tsu or moral maxims handed down through the years e Sometimes, however, they were more s p e c i f i c and set f o r t h the way the ances-t r a l shrine should be managed, the common property administered, or common tsu a c t i v i t i e s conducted ( L i u , 1959: 63). Contravention - 47 -of these r u l e s was a punishable offence, however, and various punishments were prescribed i n the r u l e s ranging from o r a l cen-sure and corporal punishment to expulsion from the lineage and 1 (usually a l a s t resort) l e g a l indictment ( L i u , 1959:64). In south China, t h i s was an i n d i v i d u a l ' s home s i t u a -2 t i o n . When an immigrant moved as a farmer to a depopulated area, or as a merchant or apprentice to a d i s t a n t c i t y , he l e f t behind t h i s structure and a l l the associated r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s . When he was at home, he saw himself as a member of a corporate group; the other members were h i s kinsmen, and he was bound by t h e i r r u l e s . As a r e s u l t of such features as common worship and the p r a c t i c e of keeping genealogies, cohesion was strong and an i n d i v i d u a l had a deep sense of "belonging" to his group. A per-son who moved away would have found himself deprived of these advantages and of a good deal of moral and p r a c t i c a l support. In t h i s l i g h t , and i n view of the Chinese stress on geographical o r i g i n , the formation of hui-kuan associations i s not s u r p r i s i n g . I t w i l l be seen that the hui-kuan provided many of the things that an immigrant would have l e f t at home when he moved. F i r s t and foremost, i t provided a structure with which an i n d i v i d u a l could i d e n t i f y . There was a hierarchy of leadership and a set of r u l e s to l i v e by, l e g a l aid was given where po s s i b l e , Many groups also undertook to report treason and punish c e r t a i n c i v i l crimes such as robbery (Hu, 1948: 56). 2. For further d e t a i l s on the tsu c f . Freedman, 1958, 1966; F r i e d , 1955; Hu, 1948; Lang, 1946; Twitchettj 1959", L i u , 1959. - 48 -p r o t e c t i o n was offered and of course the p a r a l l e l s i n mutual aid need hardly be stated. I think i t i s true to say that the hui-kuan associations provided moral and f i n a n c i a l support and s a t i s -f i e d the needs of the i n d i v i d u a l i n the absence of the large corporate k i n group at home. With the support of a group such as t h i s , an i n d i v i d u a l was able to adjust to h i s new environment, and he was helped i n adapting himself to a new set of circumstances. These circumstances v a r i e d , however, between c i t y and countryside. On the very general l e v e l , commercial hui-kuan i n the c i t i e s served the functions of ordinary g u i l d s , but on ano-ther l e v e l they helped newcomers adjust and adapt themselves to c i t y l i f e . A merchant might f i n d i n a c i t y d i f f e r e n t business p r a c t i c e s , a man from the country would probably be bewildered by the complexities of urban l i v i n g and even the d i a l e c t might be incomprehensible. The following quote from the preamble to the c o n s t i t u t i n n of the Canton commercial hui-kuan at Pakhoi makes the f e e l i n g s of the "outsiders" abundantly clear (MacGowan, 1886: 136): The people of Pakhoi are very covetous, and of a l i c e n -tious nature, showing l i t t l e respect f or the laws; while cases of robbery and t h e f t are innumerable, to the great annoyance of our merchants; and when trouble a r i s e s be-tween our trades and l o c a l merchants there i s no way of dealing with the l a t t e r . The urban s o c i a l hui-kuan provided the same benefits to newcomers without the extra commercial advantages. As was mentioned i n the section on h i s t o r y , the hui-kuan i n Peking gra-- 49 -d u a l l y became l i t t l e more than h o s t e l s f o r examination candidates to use when i n the c a p i t a l to w r i t e the higher exams. I t i s l i k e l y t h a t i n other l a r g e r c i t i e s , such as P r e f e c t u r a l c a p i t a l s , hui-kuan a l s o provided t h i s s e r v i c e . Turning now to the r u r a l hui-kuan of the c e n t r a l and upper Yangtze r e g i o n , one f i n d s a somewhat d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n . These l o c a l i t y a s s o c i a t i o n s were formed i n response to a s p e c i -f i c set of circumstances p e c u l i a r to the area at th a t time. The peasants mcved i n t o areas that had been almost completely depo-pu l a t e d , they were alone or w i t h small f a m i l i e s , f o r i t i s un-l i k e l y t h a t whole lin e a g e s would move. These i n d i v i d u a l s were deprived of the f i r s t - h a n d support of t h e i r k i n group, and when they a r r i v e d a t t h e i r d e s t i n a t i o n s they were faced w i t h the task of producing o r g a n i z a t i o n out of chaos. Their p a r t i c u l a r needs were defense and organized a g r i c u l t u r a l work, i r r i g a t i o n and b u i l d -i n g . I suggest that the r u r a l hui-kuan, e s p e c i a l l y i n Szechwan, where i t appears that they were the most numerous, arose i n r e s -ponse to these needs. They s a t i s f i e d these requirements as w e l l as the v a r i o u s needs u s u a l l y s a t i s f i e d by the k i n group at home. The hui-kuan provided a f o c a l p o i n t f o r the peasant-immigrants, and by o f f e r i n g a s t a b l e s t r u c t u r e to meet t h e i r p r a c t i c a l and psy-c h o l o g i c a l needs i n l i e u of the lineage o r g a n i z a t i o n they had pre-v i o u s l y known, the a s s o c i a t i o n s helped them to adapt and adju s t to t h e i r new s i t u a t i o n . T his t r a i n of thought can be c a r r i e d a step f u r t h e r by suggesting that hui-kuan a s s o c i a t i o n s not only s a t i s f i e d the needs - 50 -met by the k i n group, but acted as substitute k i n groups as w e l l . Although an immigrant had removed himself from h i s kinsmen, he s t i l l regarded himself as a member of h i s lineage. The f a c t that i n d i v i d u a l s wished to be returned to the b u r i a l grounds of thei r ancestors indicates that they had by no means severed a l l t h e i r t i e s to home. Looked at i n these terms, i t can be said that the immigrants needed the hui-kuan associations to maintain the t i e s with home. Without the help of a hui-kuan, a man would have very l i t t l e hope of being buried with h i s fathers. I f an i n d i v i d u a l could not ''go home" before he died, the hui-kuan saw to i t that he was buried with h i s ancestors, thereby reconfirming his membership i n the lineage. A Thought on the Formation of Lineages This discussion of the hui-kuan associations has a broader a p p l i c a t i o n i n terms of a current controversy over the reasons f o r the emergence of lineages i n c e r t a i n parts of China. In h i s Chinese Lineage and Society (1966), Maurice Freedman, i n reference to the settlement of Fukien and Kwangtung by migrants from the north, suggests a r e l a t i o n s h i p between fron-t i e r conditions and the formation of large corporate lineages. There would have been a need, he points out, for mutual help i n c u l t i v a t i o n and i n defense, and these n e c e s s i t i e s , coupled with the " p a t r i l i n e a l ideology" of the migrants, resulted i n the formation of lineages (Freedman, 1966: 163). He says (1966: 164): - s i -I f there i s any m e r i t i n t h i s general argument, i t w i l l lead us to the c o n c l u s i o n t h a t when settlement took p l a c e i n rough f r o n t i e r c o n d i t i o n s , s i n g l e l i n -eage communities were l i k e l y to develop f a i r l y q u i c k l y , and t h a t when, i n c o n t r a s t , people moved i n t o areas un-der f i r m government c o n t r o l , any i n i t i a l a g n a t i c heter-ogeneity i n the incoming groups was probably perpetuated. F u r t h e r down the same page he p o i n t s out that what he i s r e f e r -r i n g t o are "organized and i n t e r n a l l y segmented l i n e a g e s , endowed w i t h common proper t y , and capable of concerted a c t i o n to defend themselves", and not simply s i n g l e lineage communities as such. For Freedman, the f r o n t i e r was a stimulant to the formation of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c l a r g e corporate l i n e a g e . Pasternak, however, i n h i s a r t i c l e "The Role of the Fron-t i e r i n Chinese Lineage Development" (1969: 551-561), although r e c o g n i z i n g the t e n t a t i v e nature of Freedman's suggestions, pre-sents a new n o t i o n . He b e l i e v e s that the f r o n t i e r impeded l i n -eage development. He argues that the c o n d i t i o n s c i t e d by Freed-man as i m p e l l i n g the formation of corporate l i n e a g e s could have been overcome by the establishment of other groups, and he makes reference to a Taiwanese example (Pasternak, 1969: 556-560). One of h i s prime p o i n t s i s t h a t , as whole li n e a g e s could not move themselves to a new area, there would not be enough c l o s e r e l a t i v e s of the same surname to e s t a b l i s h a new descent group. Groups which c r o s s c u t surname boundaries would be f a r more l i k e l y to form, w i t h l i n e a g e s developing as the p o p u l a t i o n increased and c o n d i t i o n s became more s t a b l e . My study lends support to Pasternak's view. I t seems f a r more l i k e l y that l i n e a g e s would develop as the t r u e f r o n t i e r ) - 52 -c o n d i t i o n s began to disappear. I wish t o look a t the s p e c i a l case of Szechwan a f t e r i t s depopulation, as I b e l i e v e the s i t u a -t i o n there was broadly s i m i l a r to that of the settlement of Fu-k i e n and Kwangtung i n the T'ang and Sung. Indeed, i t was not a t r u l y f r o n t i e r r e g i o n , i n h a b i t e d by unknown people and never be-f o r e s e t t l e d by Chinese, but i t was r e l a t i v e l y f a r from government c o n t r o l , and newcomers were moving to a t o t a l l y new environment. A regrouping of Ho's data (1966) shows that hui-kuan were more numerous i n Szechwan than elsewhere i n the Yangtze V a l l e y , and I t h i n k that t h i s l a r g e - s c a l e establishment of l o c a l -i t y a s s o c i a t i o n s i n that province adds weight to Pasternak's argu-ment. I suggest that hui-kuan i n the c e n t r a l and upper Yangtze r e g i o n i n general formed i n response to the needs of " f r o n t i e r " l i f e . A s s o c i a t i o n s based on geographical o r i g i n can be e s t a b l i s h e d more q u i c k l y than can an agnatic descent group, and so I b e l i e v e that the l i n e a g e s of t h i s area would have developed l a t e r , when c o n d i t i o n s were more organized, and then e x i s t e d side by side w i t h the hui-kuan a s s o c i a t i o n s . Thanks to Ho we have records of the dates of the estab-lishment of many hui-kuan, and so I t h i n k that a v a l u a b l e p r o j e c t i n the study of Chinese s o c i a l h i s t o r y would be to compare these dates w i t h those of the founding of lineages i n these areas. L i n -eages t r a c e ancestry back to a known common ancestor who f i r s t s e t t l e d i n a given l o c a l i t y , and i f a date f o r the founding of the l i n e a g e could be a r r i v e d a t , comparisons would shed much l i g h t on - 53 the problem of v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s and the formation of k i n groups. A t the same time, the theory that non-kin a s s o c i a t i o n s developed before l a r g e corporate kin-based groups appeared could be t e s t e d . - 54 -PART IV A SUMMARY AND A COMPARISON I n t h i s s e c t i o n I propose to summarize b r i e f l y what has gone before, and then, through a comparison w i t h v o l u n t a r y asso-c i a t i o n s that have been observed i n A f r i c a , to conclude w i t h some suggestions about the f e a t u r e s that make the hui-kuan a d i s t i n c t i v e -l y Chinese phenomenon. Thi s t h e s i s has f a l l e n i n t o two somewhat r e l a t e d p a r t s : a d i s c u s s i o n of mutual a i d c l u b s , clubs f o r the e l i t e and commer-c i a l g u i l d s and a treatment of the hui-kuan a s s o c i a t i o n s . I t has been suggested that mutual a i d clubs and clubs f o r the e l i t e served many of the fu n c t i o n s of the hui-kuan groups, and may have been formed by those i n d i v i d u a l s i n a c i t y who were not e l i g i b l e to j o i n such groups. The commercial g u i l d s organized trade and com-merce, provided j o b - t r a i n i n g i n the form of an apprenticeship system and afforded p r o t e c t i o n from o f f i c i a l d o m f o r the t r a d i t i o n -a l l y " i n f e r i o r " merchant c l a s s . They he l d r e l i g i o u s ceremonies and p r a c t i s e d mutual a i d i n the form of l e g a l a i d , f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e and help f o r f u n e r a l s . To a c e r t a i n extent the g u i l d s provided f o r the s a t i s f a c t i o n of needs u s u a l l y met by the home k i n group, but t h e i r prime r a i s o n d'e*tre was a commercial one, f o r g u i l d s per se were not organized f o r men of one p a r t i c u l a r p l a c e . - 55 -With regard to the place of the g u i l d s i n the govern-ment of the c i t y , I suggested that the I m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t i e s p r a c -t i s e d a system of i n d i r e c t r u l e i n matters of trade and commerce. By t h i s I mean that the o f f i c i a l s were content to leave the hand-l i n g of business a f f a i r s i n the hands of the g u i l d s , which f o r t h e i r p a r t organized the business w o r l d , s t a b i l i z e d p r i c e s and wages and thereby r e l i e v e d the mandarins of a great deal of work and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . The g u i l d s enforced r u l e s to maintain a good standard of e t h i c s i n business, and o f f i c i a l d o m was content to l e t them r u l e i n t h e i r own house. However, by v i r t u e of such laws as the hang 1, the government made good use of the merchants when they needed them. The hui-kuan a s s o c i a t i o n s must be considered as separate from the g u i l d system, f o r t h e i r prime c r i t e r i o n f o r recruitment was geographical o r i g i n r a t h e r than occupation. I have suggested that these groups could be d i v i d e d i n t o two main c a t e g o r i e s , ur-ban and r u r a l , and that the urban ones could be f u r t h e r sub-d i v i d e d i n t o e i t h e r commercial or s o c i a l sub-classes. The urban s o c i a l groups were o f t e n formed by o f f i c i a l s as clubs f o r the e l i t e based on geographical o r i g i n , w h i l e the urban commercial were mainly f o r merchants of the same occupation sharing common geogra-p h i c a l o r i g i n s . Merchants and mandarins could be members of the same hui-kuan, however, so these d i s t i n c t i o n s are not a b s o l u t e l y r i g i d . The urban groups were l a r g e l y the r e s u l t of i n t e r r e g i o n a l t r a d e , w h i l e the r u r a l a s s o c i a t i o n s grew out of l a r g e - s c a l e i n t e r -- 56 -regional migration, but t h i s , too, i s not an absolute d i s t i n c t i o n . A concentration of hui-kuan associations i s to be observed i n the c e n t r a l and upper Yangtze provinces which can be d i r e c t l y r e -lated to the depopulation of that area and the subsequent migra-t i o n of m i l l i o n s of peasants and merchants i n the early Ch'ing period. The organization of the commercial hui-kuan was broadly s i m i l a r to that of the ordinary g u i l d s , and they p r a c t i s e d the same sort of mutual a i d and r e l i g i o u s worship. Not a great deal i s known about the r u r a l hui-kuan, but i t i s safe to assume that they would p r a c t i s e mutual a i d , and i t i s established that they erected shrines f or worship. They may have been quite large, but, made up as they were of peasants, they were probably not very wealthy. Aside from these advantages of mutual a i d , a more imp-ortant function can be seen for the hui-kuan. These groups can be s a i d to have met the needs of t h e i r members that o r d i n a r i l y would be s a t i s f i e d by the kin group at home. Cer t a i n l y i n the case of south China the adaptive and i n t e g r a t i v e function i s c l e a r , as i s the s i m i l a r i t y between the services offered by the hui-kuan and the lineage, or tsu. The urban groups helped the newcomer to adjust to the new and d i f f e r e n t l i f e of the c i t y , and the r u r a l groups helped new immigrants with problems of defense and c u l t i v a t i o n . In large measure the hui-kuan served as substitute k i n groups, for i t was through the hui-kuan that migrants kept - 57 -alive their ties with home. Without the help of their hui-kuan. most individuals could not have afforded to ensure that their re-mains would be sent home for burial with the ancestors, and their memory worshipped by the future generations of their lineage. I suggested in addition that the depopulated provinces such as Szechwan could be likened to frontier areas, and the con-centration there of hui-kuan could be taken to add weight to the argument of Pasternak, xrfio, as opposed to Freedman, believes that in such situations immigrants would form associations that cut across surname boundaries, and that lineages would not make their appearance until the population had grown and the conditions be-come more stable. Research with lineage genealogies and hui-kuan data could be undertaken to c l a r i f y this matter. At this point, although this thesis i s not primarily a comparative study, I would like to offer a comparison with certain voluntary associations that have been observed in Africa. Kenneth L i t t l e (1965, 1968) has looked at urban voluntary asso-ciations in West Africa and has suggested an adaptive function for them. Individuals come to the c i t i e s as a result of poor conditions on the land and because of a diversification of economy that has created new needs, especially for cash. In a l l urban cen-ters with a migrant population, L i t t l e found tribal and intertribal associations which practised limited mutual aid, and clubs for religious purposes. There are also mutual aid clubs per se which - 58 -function i n the absence of any kind of social insurance and pro-vide help i n times of sickness, payments to relatives upon the death of a member, legal fees and the like . Money for these ser-vices i s raised through dues, levies, and the holding of dances, bazaars and jumble sales ( L i t t l e , 1965: 47-49). Criteria for membership are broadening nowadays: for example, among the Yoruba, membership used to be restricted to persons of the same compound (resulting, i n effect, i n locality associations), but clubs today recruit on the bases of kinship, sex and even age ( L i t t l e , 1965: 52). Many mutual aid clubs in West Africa resemble the fund-raising associations which were described for China. The prime function of these clubs in Africa i s to help members get loans and save their money, or receive outright grants in times of real financial need. L i t t l e also found clubs devoted to recreation, and associations especially for young people ( L i t t l e , 1965: 59, 63). Some of the associations have grown very large. The Ibo State Union, for example, formed by Ibo from Eastern Nigeria in towns in the West and North, i s a whole collection of village and clan unions. Although i t provides mutual aid, financial A assistance and funeral benefits, i t s prime raison d etre is to maintain an individual's ties with his native village and l i n -eage by keeping alive an interest in trib a l songs, history, lan-guage and moral beliefs ( L i t t l e , 1968: 397). Market women form occupational associations also. In the various sections of a market where women monopolize (e.g. - 59 -the sale of c l o t h j yams, etc.) there i s a head woman who repre-sents them to the a u t h o r i t i e s . In Lagos market the sections form unions which discourage competition between s e l l e r s of the same items, and at Takoradi-Sekondi, the F i s h S e l l e r ' s Union provides the fishermen with nets which are paid for by the sale of t h e i r f i s h to the Union ( L i t t l e , 1968: 399). L i t t l e believes (1968: 405) that i n t h e i r p r o v i s i o n of moral assurance, companionship and the opportunity to r e l a t e to a peer group, the A f r i c a n voluntary associations substitute a common i n t e r e s t group for the k i n group, and serve many of the same needs as the t r a d i t i o n a l family or lineage (see also L i t t l e , 1965: 87). This statement i s i n f a c t an echo of a point made by Banton (1960: 179) where he c i t e s the help given by s o c i e t i e s to the r e l a t i v e s of deceased members as i n d i c a t i n g that the associa-tions take the place of the home k i n group. He also found bene-f i t clubs, c o n t r i b u t i o n clubs, young men's associations etc, dur-ing his study of Freetown, S i e r r a Leone. I t would, of course, be possible to continue the discus-sion of the A f r i c a n associations at great length, but I think that there has been enough presented to enable me to conclude t h i s thesis with some suggestions about the Chinese voluntary associa-tions and some of t h e i r unique or p a r t i c u l a r l y "Chinese" charac-t e r i s t i c s . To begin with, and on the most basic l e v e l , i t can be said that i n both A f r i c a aad China the reactions of new migrants - 60 -has been the same -- v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s have appeared. I t seems a l s o t h a t when t h i n k i n g of the hui-kuan a s s o c i a t i o n s i n p a r t i c u l a r , the i n t e g r a t i v e and adaptive f u n c t i o n s are much the same as i n A f r i c a . I have t r i e d to show, moreover, that the hui-kuan met the needs u s u a l l y s a t i s f i e d by the k i n group a t home, and the p a r a l l e l s i n mutual a i d and f u n d - r a i s i n g clubs are a l s o e a s i l y seen. These are indeed s i m i l a r i t i e s , but they are only s k i n deep; there are a great many d i f f e r e n c e s between the two s i t u a -t i o n s . The f i r s t one which springs to mind i s of course the f a c t that i n China a l l the major a s s o c i a t i o n s that were discussed were f o r men on l y . Female members of g u i l d s or hui-kuan were simply not to be found, recruitment was c e r t a i n l y on the b a s i s of sex. Gen e r a l l y speaking, except f o r those few cases of g u i l d s which admitted as apprentices only the sons and nephews or brothers of members, Chinese a s s o c i a t i o n s d i d not r e c r u i t on the b a s i s of k i n s h i p . G u i l d s and hui-kuan were a s s o c i a t i o n s f o r men of the same occupation or geographical o r i g i n , and, as I have suggested f o r the l a t t e r groups, an important reason f o r t h e i r coming i n t o being was to cut across r e s t r i c t i n g k i n s h i p boundaries. I n China there were no equivalents to the A f r i c a n T r i b a l Unions. These unions keep tribesmen together and keep a l i v e the c u l t u r e of home i n the new environment, but i n China the s t r e s s was on the l i n e a g e . A member of a hui-kuan d i d not j o i n h i s group to r e c r e a t e h i s home l i n e a g e . Home was where the ancestors were - 61 -b u r i e d , and i t was only by r e t u r n i n g home that a man could con-t i n u e to be a member of h i s l i n e a g e . The hui-kuan indeed p r o v i -ded companionship and mutual a i d , but I t h i n k that t h e i r t r u l y d i s t i n c t i v e f e a t u r e was that they were the means of r e u n i t i n g a man and h i s home k i n group by sending h i s remains back f o r b u r i a l . A g a i n , the occupational a s s o c i a t i o n s of A f r i c a are not u n l i k e Chinese g u i l d s i n a very broad sense. The d e s i r e to stem needless and troublesome competition and organize trade i n ce r -t a i n commodities i s b a s i c to both s i t u a t i o n s . However, i n China the merchants had to contend w i t h the t r a d i t i o n a l d i s d a i n by of-f i c i a l d o m , and t h i s put them at a decided disadvantage. The need to u n i t e against the a u t h o r i t i e s was more urgent i n China, but w i t h t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n there was a l s o the unique s o r t of i n d i r e c t r u l e p r a c t i s e d by the o f f i c i a l s i n China which gave the occupa-t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s what amounted to an almost f r e e hand i n mat-t e r s of o r g a n i z a t i o n of trade and commerce. Modern A f r i c a and t r a d i t i o n a l China are worlds apart from each other, but the s i m i l a r i t i e s i n t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n s ( a t the very general l e v e l ) lead one to suggest that when i n d i v i d u a l s are removed from the home s i t u a t i o n , from a k i n group that has completely surrounded them (the t r i b e i n A f r i c a , the line a g e i n China) they w i l l group themselves together to provide means to f i l l the vacuum. The a s s o c i a t i o n s thus formed w i l l be designed to provide f o r the needs of the moment — to b r i n g something of home to an i n d i v i d u a l , and perhaps a l s o supply the means to r e -u n i t e him w i t h h i s kinsmen. - 62 -LIST OF CHINESE CHARACTERS Wade-Giles Romanisation. c h i a c h i h dfx. fang hang hang c h i a hang i hang l a o ^ ^ hang pu ]fi hang shang h u i ^ * j^ fjT hang shou ' f J hang tou < f ^ h u i ^ h u i kuan ^ 'jl'g7 k'e min | | 7 kung l i h u i ^  ^ kung so ^ pto c h i a ^ shang h u i ^ shang t'ung yeh kung h u i j^j fsj "s^~ ^  ^ sh i h rf] tsoff£, t s u ^ t'ung hsiang h u i /? ^ - 63 -WORKS CITED Banton, M. West Af r i can C i t y , London, Oxford Univers i ty Press, 1960. Burgess, J . S . The Guilds of Peking. New York, Columbia Univer-s i t y Press , 1928. Chow Yung-teh. Soc ia l M o b i l i t y i n China. New York, Athlone Press, 1966. F i t zGera ld , C.P . China: A Short Cu l tu ra l His tory . New York, Praeger, 1966. Freedman, M, Lineage Organization i n Southeastern China. Lon-don, Athlone, 1958. (London School of Economics Mono-graphs on Soc ia l Anthropology, No. 18.) . Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung. London, Athlone, 1966. (London School of Economics Monographs on Soc ia l Anthropology, No. 33.) F r i e d , M. Fabr ic of Chinese Society. New York, Praeger, 1953. Gamble, S.D. Peking: A Soc ia l Survey. New York, George H. Doran, 1921. Ho P i n g - t i . Studies on the Population of China, 1368-1953. Cambridge, Harvard Univers i ty Press, 1959. . "The Geographical D i s t r i b u t i o n of Kui-Kuan (Landsmannschaf ten) In Central and Upper Yangtze Pro-vinces — With Special Reference to Interregional M i -gra t ions ." Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies. New Series 5, No. 2, (1966), pp. 120-152. Hsiao Kung-chuan. Rural China: Imperial Control i n the Nine- teenth Century. Seat t le , Univers i ty of Washington Press , 1967. (Far Eastern and Russian Ins t i tu t e Pub-l i c a t i o n s on A s i a , No. 8.) Hu Hsien-chin . The Common Descent Group i n China and I t s Func-t ions . New York, Johnson Reprint Corp. , 1948. (Vik ing Fund Publ ica t ions i n Anthropology, No. 10.) Kato Shigeshi . "On the Hang or the Associat ions of Merchants i n China ." Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo  BunkO No,8, (1935), pp. 45-83. - 64 -Lang, 0. Chinese Family and Society. New Haven, Yale Univer-s i t y Press, 1946. Leong, Y.K. and Tao, L.K. V i l l a g e and Town L i f e i n China. Lon-don, George A l l e n and Unwin, 1915. L i t t l e , K. West A f r i c a n Urbanization: A Study of Voluntary Associations i n S o c i a l Change. Cambridge, Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1965. L i u , Hui-chen Wang. The T r a d i t i o n a l Chinese Clan Rules. New York, J.J.Augustin, 1959. MacGowan, D.J, "Chinese Guilds or Chambers of Commerce and Trades Unions." Journal of the China Branch of the Royal  A s i a t i c Society, v o l . 21, (1886), pp. 133-192. Morse, H.B. The Guilds of China. Shanghai, K e l l y and Walsh, 1932, Pasternak, B. "The Role of the F r o n t i e r i n Chinese Lineage Dev-elopment." Journal of Asian Studies, XXVIII, No. 3, (May 1969), pp. 551-561. Simon, E. "Note sur l e s p e t i t e s societes d'argent en Chine." Journal of the China Branch of the Royal A s i a t i c Soc- i e t y , V o l . 5 , (1868), pp. 1-23. Twitchett, D. "The Fan Clan's Charitable Estate, 1050-1760." Confucianism i n A c t i o n , ed. D.S. Nivison and A.F. Wright, Stanford, Stanford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1959, PP. 97-133. Willmott, W.E. The P o l i t i c a l Structure of the Chinese Community  i n Cambodia. 1969, (Forthcoming). 

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