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Peasant classes in sub-Saharan Africa : an interpretation Meade, Michael Edward 1975

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PEASANT CLASSES IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA: AN INTERPRETATION  by MICHAEL EDWARD MEADE B.A. (Hons.),  Simon F r a s e r  University, 1973  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE  REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  i n the Department of Political  Science  We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming  t o the  r e q u i r e d i standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August, 1 9 7 ?  In  presenting  this  thesis  an advanced degree at the I  Library shall  f u r t h e r agree  for  scholarly  by h i s of  this  written  make i t  British  freely available  that permission  for  the requirements  Columbia,  I agree  r e f e r e n c e and  f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f  this  for  It  is understood  financial  gain s h a l l  Political  The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h  2075 wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5  Science Columbia  that copying or  not  for  that  study. thesis  purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department  permission.  Department of  fulfilment of  the U n i v e r s i t y of  representatives. thesis  in p a r t i a l  or  publication  be allowed without my  ABSTRACT This  t h e s i s p r e s e n t s an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of  the  c o n t r o v e r s i a l q u e s t i o n of peasant c l a s s f o r m a t i o n i n Saharan A f r i c a .  While the  s c h o o l of anthropology has i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n studies i n f a v o u r of t r i b a l i s m and  long dominance of the  sub-  functional  r e s u l t e d i n a v i r t u a l monopoly of of A f r i c a n s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n ethnicity, this thesis  through an attempt to a p p l y i n overview the  suggests,  influential  d e f i n i t i o n s of peasants advanced by Kroeber, R e d f i e l d Wolf, t h a t  i n the  age  of c o l o n i a l i s m  sub-Saharan A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s may i n terms o f the  and  and  neo-colonialism  be m e a n i n g f u l l y a n a l y z e d  e x i s t e n c e of a non-homogeneous peasant  c l a s s g e n e r i c a l l y s i m i l a r t o t h a t found i n p r e - i n d u s t r i a l Europe, L a t i n America and  Asia.  B r i e f l y summarized, the p r e s e n t e d here i s , f i r s t , peasants which s t r e s s e s  that Redfield's  the  to  interpretation  d e f i n i t i o n of  a s o c i e t a l d i s t i n c t i o n between a  c u l t u r a l "Great T r a d i t i o n " and applies  argument and  a peasant " L i t t l e  Tradition"  sub-Saharan A f r i c a i n s o f a r as c o l o n i a l i s m  and  subsequent p o s t - c o l o n i a l developments have c r e a t e d  A f r i c a n b o u r g e o i s i e which i s d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from p e a s a n t r y on the b a s i s  of such o b j e c t i v e  e d u c a t i o n , conspicuous consumption and "Western" c u l t u r a l norms.  income,  assimilation  F a r from w i t h e r i n g away w i t h ii  new  the  c r i t e r i a as  the  a  of the  demise of c o l o n i a l i s m a t i o n and  i n A f r i c a , the  A f r i c a n i z a t i o n has  c l a s s , which may  be  greatly  best d e s c r i b e d  p r o c e s s of  decoloniz-  strengthened t h i s  as a s t a t e  bourgeoisie,  internally differentiated into p o l i t i c a l , m i l i t a r y bureaucratic  class categories.  and  Second, Wolf's d e f i n i t i o n of  peasants, which emphasizes the o p p r e s s i o n and  c r i t e r i a of s o c i o p o l i t i c a l  economic e x p l o i t a t i o n r e s u l t i n g i n  p r o d u c t i o n of a fund of " r e n t " through the  the  extraction  peasant labour-power by a group of dominant r u l e r s , a l s o been found t o a p p l y to c o l o n i a l and Africa.  new  of  has  post-colonial  Examined under the heading of t h r e e c l a s s  fractions  of t h i s non-homogeneous c l a s s , a t y p o l o g y based i n p a r t B a r n e t t ' s model of t h r e e types of A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r i e s , argued t h a t the  i t is  economic s u r p l u s e s of A f r i c a n c u l t i v a t o r s  have indeed been e x t r a c t e d and  on  by a group of dominant  national  i n t e r n a t i o n a l r u l e r s i n the form of peasant labour-power,  often f o r c i b l y supplied s o c i a l and  at a p r i c e below the  b i o l o g i c a l production.  t o show, the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the l a b o u r - e x p o r t i n g and p e a s a n t r y has  As  c o s t of i t s  this thesis  attempts  marginal-subsistence,  cash-cropping f r a c t i o n s of the  been a key  African  v a r i a b l e i n the p r o c e s s of c a p i t a l  accumulation f o r a l l those e x e r c i s i n g  i n Wolf's terms  "asymmetrical power r e l a t i o n s " over t h i s c l a s s : c o l o n i a l governments, m e t r o p o l i t a n f i r m s  o p e r a t i n g i n A f r i c a , white  s e t t l e r communities engaged i n mining and iii  capitalist  a g r i c u l t u r e and,  l a t e r , the p o s t - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a n  bourgeoisie.  iv  state  CONTENTS  ABSTRACT I. II. III.  i i  INTRODUCTION  1  PEASANTS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA  8  CONCLUSION  Bh  SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY  91  v  I. The  INTRODUCTION  purpose o f t h i s t h e s i s i s t o examine the q u e s t i o n  of peasant c l a s s f o r m a t i o n i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a . c a l l y , the t h e s i s w i l l argue t h a t  Specifi-  social stratification i n  sub-Saharan A f r i c a may be m e a n i n g f u l l y analyzed i n terms o f the e x i s t e n c e o f a peasant c l a s s g e n e r i c a l l y s i m i l a r t o t h a t described  i n s o c i a l s c i e n c e l i t e r a t u r e on L a t i n America,  A s i a and p r e - i n d u s t r i a l Europe. At the o u t s e t i t should be noted t h a t the study o f peasant c l a s s e s i s a r e c e n t development I n the f i e l d o f African social stratification. functional  Long dominated by t h e  s c h o o l o f anthropology, the academic  "charter  group" i n A f r i c a n s t u d i e s , most s t u d e n t s o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a have tended t o u t i l i z e the e x i s t i n g anthropological  framework o f t r i b a l i s m o r , more r e c e n t l y ,  e t h n i c i t y , rather  than c l a s s .  Indeed, i t may be argued  that  t h i s dominance o f a n t h r o p o l o g y , w i t h i t s p r i m a r y emphasis on i s o l a t e d t r i b a l p e o p l e s , has r e s u l t e d i n a v i r t u a l monopoly of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n through the n e g l e c t an a l t e r n a t e  o f peasant c l a s s e s as  approach t o A f r i c a n s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n .  C e r t a i n l y , the case may be made t h a t t h i s d i s c i p l i n a r y b i a s of a n t h r o p o l o g y h a s , u n t i l v e r y r e c e n t l y ,  contributed  t o the  underdevelopment o f the study of peasant c l a s s e s i n developing societies.^  Another f a c t o r which i n p a r t  e x p l a i n s the  As G e e r t z has p o i n t e d out, the emphasis i n a n t h r o -  2 n e g l e c t of A f r i c a n peasant c l a s s e s , and one which has c o n t r i b u t e d t o what W a l l e r s t e i n has termed the "shaky h i s t o r y " of c l a s s a n a l y s i s i n contemporary A f r i c a ,  has been  the tendency f o r European and North American w r i t e r s t o m e c h a n i c a l l y examine A f r i c a n s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n terms of the same c l a s s e s and groups which a r e thought t o have p r o v i d e d the impetus f o r s o c i a l change and m o d e r n i z a t i o n i n Europe.  In t h i s p r o c e s s of academic e t h n o c e n t r i s m , the  p e a s a n t r y — c o n s i d e r e d I n terms o f the modern European experience t o be a f e u d a l or " t r a d i t i o n a l " v e s t i g e , burdened w i t h c o n s e r v a t i s m — i s l a r g e l y i g n o r e d i n f a v o r of the embryonic "Westernized" or "modernizing" middle and working c l a s s e s , which r e c e i v e the b u l k o f a n a l y t i c a l  attention.  I r o n i c a l l y , i t has been the M a r x i s t w r i t e r s who have shown the g r e a t e s t i n c l i n a t i o n t o engage i n t h i s type of s t e r i l e e x e g e s i s by m e c h a n i c a l l y examining the A f r i c a n p r o l e t a r i a t as a source of r e v o l u t i o n a r y p o l i t i c s , d e s p i t e the f a c t  that  i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a the working c l a s s , d e f i n e d as those employed i n manufacturing i n d u s t r i e s , ranges from 0.2 per  p o l o g y on t r i b a l p e o p l e s has been so p e r v a s i v e t h a t a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s working i n areas almost t o t a l l y dominated by peasant c u l t u r e have gone out of t h e i r way t o seek out i s o l a t e d t r i b e s , w h i l e i g n o r i n g the more a c c e s s i b l e p e a s a n t r y . See C l i f f o r d G e e r t z , " S t u d i e s i n Peasant L i f e : Community and S o c i e t y , " i n B i e n n i a l Review of Anthropology 1961, ed. Bernard J . S i e g a l ( S t a n f o r d : S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s ,  1962), 1.  Immanuel W a l l e r s t e i n , " C l a s s and C l a s s - C o n f l i c t i n Contemporary A f r i c a , " Canadian J o u r n a l of A f r i c a n S t u d i e s  VII (1973), 375.  3 cent  of the t o t a l a c t i v e labour  cent i n Ghana.^  f o r c e i n N i g e r i a t o 1.1  Needless t o say,  a s s o c i a t e d the p e a s a n t r y w i t h the the p e a s a n t r y has not  Engels  " i d i o c y of r u r a l  life",  been an important a r e a of concern i n  much orthodox M a r x i s t w r i t i n g on Nevertheless,  s i n c e Marx and  per  Africa.  i n r e c e n t y e a r s t h e r e has  been a  dramatic s h i f t i n s o c i a l s c i e n c e i n t e r e s t i n peasant c l a s s e s in may  developing  societies.  To a v e r y l a r g e extent  this  be a t t r i b u t e d t o the important r e a p p r a i s a l of  Marxism s i n c e the Second World War, t r a c e d t o the occurred,  as Marx p r e d i c t e d ,  revolutionary  which i n t u r n may  slow r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t r e v o l u t i o n has  shift  be  not  i n the h i g h l y developed  ^ T h i s d a t a i s taken from Ann Seidman, Planning f o r Development i n Sub-Saharan A f r i c a (New York: Praeger, 197^)> 68, T a b l e 10. For an example of t h i s type of a n a l y s i s , see Romano Ledda, " S o c i a l C l a s s e s and P o l i t i c a l S t r u g g l e , " I n t e r n a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t J o u r n a l , no. 22 (August, 1967), 560K a r l Marx and F r e d e r i c k E n g e l s , " M a n i f e s t o of the Communist P a r t y , " i n S e l e c t e d Works [one v o l . ] (Moscow: Progress P u b l i s h e r s , 1970), 39. •'The main t h r u s t o f Marx's w r i t i n g was t h a t r e v o l u t i o n would occur out of the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s i n advanced c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y , and David M i t r a n y i s q u i t e c o r r e c t i n arguing t h a t on the b a s i s of p u b l i s h e d m a t e r i a l s " . . . Communism has o n l y come t o power were by a l l M a r x i s t t e n e t s i t might have been l e a s t expected t h a t i t c o u l d " , Marx A g a i n s t the Peasant: A Study i n S o c i a l Dogmatism (Chapel H i l l : U n i v e r s i t y of North C a r o l i n a Press, 1951)» 205. One cannot push t h i s p o i n t too f a r , however, s i n c e t h e r e are i n d i c a t i o n s t h a t Marx, l a t e i n l i f e , supported the Narodniks who b e l i e v e d t h a t the R u s s i a n v i l l a g e community c o u l d p r o v i d e the b a s i s of a t r a n s i t i o n t o s o c i a l i s m without p r i o r d i s i n t e g r a t i o n through c a p i t a l i s t development. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g here t h a t t h i s view was not accepted by the R u s s i a n M a r x i s t s , who were a p p a r e n t l y aware of Marx's departure from h i s e a r l i e r w r i t i n g s . See E. J .  if  industrial societies.  On the  contrary,  s p o r a d i c r e v o l t s i n Europe during century  and  the b r i e f  the  a s i d e from  the  e a r l y y e a r s of  surge of r a d i c a l i s m during  the  a l l major r e v o l u t i o n s s i n c e the death of Marx have  the 1960's,  occurred 7  i n predominantly a g r i c u l t u r a l , peasant-based s o c i e t i e s . At the  same time, the continued  i n Western Europe and progressive  development of c a p i t a l i s m  North America has  r e s u l t e d i n the  d e c l i n e of m i l i t a n t c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s w i t h  p o s s i b l e r e v o l u t i o n a r y i m p l i c a t i o n s , as the p r o l e t a r i a t has been i n c o r p o r a t e d  i n t o c a p i t a l i s t democracy by  increasing  o  l e v e l s of a f f l u e n c e . and  While these developments i n Europe  North America have undermined the p r o p o s i t i o n t h a t  continued  development of c a p i t a l i s t p r o d u c t i v e  forces  the will  Hobsbawm, I n t r o d u c t i o n t o P r e - C a p i t a l i s t Economic Formations* by K a r l Marx, t r a n s . J a c k Cohen (New York: I n t e r n a t i o n a l P u b l i s h e r s , 196*f), h9-50. ^ S p e c i f i c a l l y , the German and I t a l i a n f a c t o r y c o u n c i l s of 1918-1919 and the student movements i n France and West Germany of the 1 9 6 0 ' s . 7 ' I t might be argued t h a t the e x c e p t i o n to t h i s was the Yugoslav r e v o l u t i o n . However, the Yugoslav r e v o l u t i o n , much l i k e the Cuban r e v o l u t i o n , began w i t h a base i n the mountains and, a c c o r d i n g t o D j i l a s , r e l i e d on the r e v o l u t i o n a r y r o l e of the p e a s a n t r y . See M i l o v a n D j i l a s , C o n v e r s a t i o n s With S t a l i n , t r a n s . M i c h a e l B. P e t r o v i c h (New York: H a r c o u r t , Brace & World, 1 9 6 2 ) , 3 0 . o  Most M a r x i s t w r i t e r s are s t i l l u n w i l l i n g t o acknowledge t h a t the p r o l e t a r i a t i s not a r e v o l u t i o n a r y c l a s s i n advanced c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y . Two n o t a b l e exceptions are C. Wright M i l l s , The M a r x i s t s (New York: D e l l P u b l i s h e r s , 1962), e s p e c i a l l y 128, 468-469, and Paul M. Sweezy, "The P r o l e t a r i a t i n Today's World," T r l c o n t i n e n t a l 9 (1968), 23-33> who both argue e s s e n t i a l l y t h a t the p e a s a n t r y i s the new r e v o l u t i o n a r y c l a s s i n the t w e n t i e t h century.  i n e v i t a b l y l e a d t o p r o l e t a r i a n r e v o l u t i o n , the v i c t o r y of Mao  Tse-tung i n China has more d i r e c t l y l e a d to the  r e v i s i o n of the M a r x i s t continued  theory  of r e v o l u t i o n .  basic  While  Mao  to acknowledge the importance of the l e a d i n g r o l e  of the p r o l e t a r i a t as the r e v o l u t i o n a r y vanguard i n h i s t h e o r e t i c a l works on Marxism, i t i s important to note t h a t as a p r a c t i t i o n e r of r e v o l u t i o n Mao  a c t e d on the  t h a t i n C h i n a the peasants must l e a d . 1927  Mao  s t a t e d t h a t not  premise  Indeed, as e a r l y as  o n l y would the  Chinese r e v o l u t i o n  be based on the p e a s a n t r y , but t h a t the p e a s a n t r y would alone d i c t a t e i t s c o u r s e .  Further,  t h i s r e v e r s a l of  orthodox Marxism i n p r a c t i c e , strengthened by the 10  s u c c e s s of  the A l g e r i a n , Cuban and Vietnamese r e v o l u t i o n s ,  has  h e l p e d along  the road t o becoming a new  s c h o o l of r e v o l u t i o n a r y w r i t e r s who romanticize  orthodoxy by  emphasis and  the r o l e of the p e a s a n t r y i n the  a  even  "non-white'  w o r l d as the prime mover of g l o b a l r e v o l u t i o n . examples of t h i s new  been  Two  l i t e r a r y genre are Jean-Paul  1  notable Sartre^  ^See Mao Tse-Tung, "Report on an I n v e s t i g a t i o n of the Peasant Movement i n Hunan," S e l e c t e d Works of Mao Tse-Tung,, 4 v o l s . (Peking: F o r e i g n Languages P r e s s , 1967)? 1:23-24. ^°This i s not t o imply t h a t the Maoist model was n e c e s s a r i l y c o n s c i o u s l y f o l l o w e d as such. In Cuba, f o r example, Guevara c l a i m s t h a t "The p o p u l a r f o r c e s , without knowing t h e s e manuals of s t r a t e g y and t a c t i c s on g u e r r i l l a war beforehand, w r i t t e n i n China, c a r r i e d on our g u e r r i l l a war i n a s i m i l a r manner". E r n e s t o Guevara, Che: S e l e c t e d Works of E r n e s t o Guevara, eds. Rolando E. Bonachea and Nelson P. Valdes (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1969)> 249.  11 Jean-Paul S a r t r e , S a r t r e On Cuba (New York: B a l l a n t i n e Books, 1961), e s p e c i a l l y 42, 48-50, 52. A l s o see h i s Preface t o The Wretched of the E a r t h , by F r a n t z Fanon, t r a n s . Constance F a r r i n g t o n (New York: Grove Press, 1968), 7-31.  6 and F r a n t z Fanon, who has s t a t e d t h a t  . . i t i s clear  t h a t i n c o l o n i a l c o u n t r i e s the peasants alone a r e r e v o l u t i o n 12  a r y , f o r they have n o t h i n g t o l o s e and e v e r y t h i n g t o g a i n " . With the p e a s a n t r y now p r o c l a i m e d as the new r e v o l u t i o n a r y c l a s s i n the s o - c a l l e d T h i r d World, an i s s u e of both a p p l i e d and t h e o r e t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e , the reexamina t i o n of A f r i c a n s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n takes on c o n s i d e r a b l e importance.  T h i s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y so i n sub-Saharan  Africa,  which has n o t r e c e i v e d the same i n t e n s i v e a n a l y s i s o f peasant classes, still  J  and where, c o n s e q u e n t l y , t h e debate i s v e r y much  i n the f o r m a t i v e s t a g e .  To attempt t o make a  c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the r e a p p r a i s a l of A f r i c a n s o c i a l  stratific-  a t i o n i n f a v o u r of peasant c l a s s e s , t h i s t h e s i s w i l l  devote  some e f f o r t t o an examination o f some p r e v a l e n t d e f i n i t i o n s of t h e p e a s a n t r y developed from the study of other c o n t i n e n t s , and the way t h e y may be s a i d t o a p p l y t o sub-Saharan Before b e g i n n i n g the d i s c u s s i o n o f peasant Saharan A f r i c a , however, b r i e f mention l i m i t a t i o n s of the present undertaking.  Africa.  c l a s s e s i n sub-  should be made o f the Due t o the  r e s t r i c t i o n s of space and time, t o say n o t h i n g o f the 1  ^Fanon, The Wretched o f the E a r t h , 61.  ^ P e a s a n t s i n N o r t h e r n A f r i c a have r e c e i v e d much more attention. In a d d i t i o n t o Fanon's The Wretched of the E a r t h which p o s i t e d the A l g e r i a n p e a s a n t r y as a r e v o l u t i o n a r y c l a s s , s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s have shown an i n t e r e s t i n North A f r i c a n peasants. Examples a r e John M. Cohen, "Peasants and Feudalism i n A f r i c a : The Case of E t h i o p i a , " Canadian J o u r n a l of A f r i c a n S t u d i e s V I I I (197 *), 155-157, and Marie B. Perinham. "Fanon and t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y P e a s a n t r y — t h e A l g e r i a n Case," J] o u r n a l of Modern A f r i c a n S t u d i e s 11 (September, 1973), 1  h27" ^T»  7 c o m p l e x i t y and v a s t n e s s o f the s u b j e c t , no attempt has been made t o p r e s e n t a " d e f i n i t i v e statement" peasant  c l a s s e s i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a .  on the e x i s t e n c e o f Rather, t h i s  thesis  p r e s e n t s an argument and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n which d e p a r t s somewhat from e s t a b l i s h e d ways o f s t u d y i n g A f r i c a n stratification.  social  II.  PEASANT CLASSES IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA  S o c i a l c l a s s , as Schumpeter has observed, ". .  . i s  a c r e a t i o n o f the r e s e a r c h e r [and] owes i t s e x i s t e n c e t o h i s o r g a n i z i n g touch".  While Schumpeter's o b s e r v a t i o n may f o r  some i n t r o d u c e an unwanted element  of r e l a t i v i s m t o t h e study  of c l a s s , h i s p o i n t i s n e v e r t h e l e s s cogent f o r t h e study o f peasant  c l a s s e s i n sub-Saharan  A f r i c a , and r a i s e s the  n e c e s s i t y t o undertake a p r e l i m i n a r y examination o f some contemporary contended  d e f i n i t i o n s of t h e p e a s a n t r y .  F o r i t may be  t h a t c l a s s i c a l n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y European  social  a n a l y s i s p r o v i d e s few u s e f u l g u i d l e l i n e s f o r the study o f an a g r i c u l t u r a l c l a s s such as the p e a s a n t r y which may be a p p l i e d to sub-Saharan  Africa.  Tonnies, f o r example, l i k e many of  h i s contemporaries, tended t o view the p e a s a n t r y  through  the c o n c e p t u a l p r i s m of i d e a l - t y p e a n a l y s i s and saw e s s e n t i a l l y an I d y l l i c r u r a l aggregate which he d e f i n e d l a r g e l y by c o n t r a s t w i t h what he c o n s i d e r e d i t s a n t i t h e s i s , 1%  the g e s e l l s c h a f t o r modern c a p i t a l i s t  society.  l a c k i n g T o n n i e s ' s e n t i m e n t a l attachment  J  Although  t o the r u r a l  gemeinschaft, Marx's a n a l y s i s of the p e a s a n t r y tended t o use Joseph Schumpeter, S o c i a l C l a s s e s and I m p e r i a l i s m : Two E s s a y s , i n t r o . B e r t H o s e l i t z , t r a n s . Heinz Norden ( C l e v e l a n d : M e r i d i a n Books, 1 9 6 6 ) , 1 0 5 . ^ F e r d i n a n d T o n n i e s , Community and S o c i e t y (Gemeinschaft und G e s e l l s c h a f t ) , t r a n s , and ed. C h a r l e s P. Loomis (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1 9 6 3 ) .  9 a s i m i l a r approach.  For Marx, who  was  not  the i n t e r n a l dynamics of p r e - c a p i t a l i s t  concerned w i t h  systems except i n so 16  f a r as they e x p l a i n the p e a s a n t r y was w i t h the  preconditions  of c a p i t a l i s m ,  a l s o d e f i n e d i n terms of an i m p l i c i t  c r i t e r i a of c l a s s f o r m a t i o n  the  contrast  which he a s c r i b e d  to  the p r o l e t a r i a t : In so f a r as m i l l i o n s of f a m i l i e s l i v e under economic c o n d i t i o n s of e x i s t e n c e t h a t separate t h e i r mode of l i f e , t h e i r i n t e r e s t s and t h e i r c u l t u r e from those of the other c l a s s e s , and put them i n h o s t i l e o p p o s i t i o n t o the l a t t e r , t h e y form a c l a s s . In so f a r as t h e r e i s merely a l o c a l i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n among these s m a l l h o l d i n g peasants, and the i d e n t i t y of t h e i r i n t e r e s t s begets no community, no n a t i o n a l bond and no p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n among them, t h e y do n o t form a c l a s s . 17 I f the Western ethnocentrism of c l a s s i c a l European sociology provides  few  useful guidelines for a d e f i n i t i o n  of the p e a s a n t r y which may  be a p p l i e d t o the  case of  Saharan A f r i c a , the modern s o c i a l s c i e n c e s have not much b e t t e r , a s i d e from adding g r e a t l y t o the m a t e r i a l w r i t t e n on p e a s a n t s .  As Shanin has  done  sheer b u l k of commented, " i n  view of the l a r g e number of peasant s t u d i e s a l r e a d y existence,  sub-  in  there i s something amusing, i f not g r o t e s q u e , i n  the f a i l u r e o f s c h o l a r s t o r e a c h g e n e r a l the v e r y e x i s t e n c e  agreement even on  of the t o p i c under c o n s i d e r a t i o n , i . e .  of p e a s a n t r y as a v a l i d  concept r e p r e s e n t i n g  Hobsbawm, I n t r o d u c t i o n F o r m a t i o n s , 43.  a real  social  t o P r e - C a p i t a l i s t Economic  17  ' K a r l Marx, The E i g h t e e n t h Brumalre of Louis Bonaparte (New York: I n t e r n a t i o n a l P u b l i s h e r s , 1969), 124. Compare Marx and E n g e l s ' views on the p r o l e t a r i a t as a c l a s s i n the "Manifesto of the Communist P a r t y , " 41-43.  10 entity".  18  At the v e r y l e a s t , a s u r v e y of the l i t e r a t u r e  would i n d i c a t e , as Mintz has d i s p a r a g i n g l y noted, t h a t 11  .  . . has been a p e r s i s t i n g l a c k o f consensus among  there  scholars  19 about the d e f i n i t i o n o f the p e a s a n t r y " . G i v e n t h i s l a c k o f consensus, t h i s t h e s i s w i l l undertake t o b r i e f l y  survey some o f the major  only  anthropological  attempts t o d e f i n e the p e a s a n t r y which may be u s e f u l f o r an a n a l y s i s of sub-Saharan A f r i c a .  In overview i t may be s a i d  t h a t the a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l approach t o the p e a s a n t r y has been e s s e n t i a l l y the reverse  o f t h a t used by c l a s s i c a l  t h e o r i s t s l i k e Tonnies and Marx.  European  Whereas the l a t t e r  t o view the p e a s a n t r y through the c o n c e p t u a l  prism  tended  of the  g e s e l l s c h a f t or advanced c a p i t a l i s m , the a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l approach views the p e a s a n t r y through t h e prism isolated tribe.  of the  Thus one f i n d s t h a t Kroeber's d e f i n i t i o n o f  the p e a s a n t r y , which has served  as the p o i n t of d e p a r t u r e f o r  most subsequent i n q u i r e s , s t a t e s t h a t w h i l e t r i b a l belongs t o a s m a l l , i s o l a t e d , c l o s e - k n i t s o c i e t y ,  culture  Peasants a r e d e f i n i t e l y r u r a l — y e t l i v e i n r e l a t i o n t o market towns; t h e y form a c l a s s segment of a l a r g e r p o p u l a t i o n which u s u a l l y c o n t a i n s a l s o urban c e n t e r s , sometimes m e t r o p o l i t a n c a p i t a l s . They c o n s t i t u t e p a r t - s o c i e t i e s w i t h p a r t - c u l t u r e s . They l a c k t h e i s o l a t i o n , t h e p o l i t i c a l autonomy, and the s e l f -  Teodor Shanin, "Peasantry: D e l i n e a t i o n of a S o c i o l o g i c a l Concept and a F i e l d o f Study," A r c h i v e s Europeenes de S o c i o l o g i e X I I ( 1 9 7 2 ) , 290. ^Sidney W. Mintz, "A Note on the D e f i n i t i o n o f P e a s a n t r i e s , " J o u r n a l o f Peasant S t u d i e s 1 (October, 1 9 7 3 ) ? 91 . 1  11 s u f f i c i e n c y o f t r i b a l p o p u l a t i o n s ; but t h e i r l o c a l u n i t s r e t a i n much of t h e i r o l d i d e n t i t y , i n t e g r a t i o n , and attachment t o the s o i l s and c u l t s . 20 F o l l o w i n g Kroeber's l e a d , many students have u t i l i z e d and e l a b o r a t e d on the approach society with a part-culture.  t o the p e a s a n t r y as a p a r t Among the more important,  R e d f i e l d has f o c u s e d on t h i s approach  i n terms of peasant  c u l t u r e , which he sees as being expressed i n the d i v i s i o n between a "Great T r a d i t i o n " and a " L i t t l e  Tradition",  2 1  which i s e s s e n t i a l l y the d i s t i n c t i o n between the l e v e l o f the " e n l i g h t e n e d " e l i t e and h i g h p r i e s t s o f e d u c a t i o n and r e l i g i o n and the l e v e l o f the i l l i t e r a t e r u r a l c u l t i v a t o r s .  While  the " L i t t l e T r a d i t i o n " r e p r e s e n t s the p e a s a n t r y , i t cannot be s t u d i e d , a c c o r d i n g t o R e d f i e l d , without r e f e r e n c e t o the "Great T r a d i t i o n " , s i n c e the c u l t u r e o f the peasant  i s but  a r e f l e c t i o n o f e l i t e c u l t u r e and i s m a i n t a i n e d o n l y w i t h 22 c o n t i n u a l i n t e r a c t i o n and communication between t h e two. For R e d f i e l d , then, t h e e s s e n t i a l problem  f o r t h e study o f  the p e a s a n t r y i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the e l i t e and peasant, ^ 2  and t h e c h i e f c r i t e r i a f o r a d e f i n i t i o n o f the  A. L. Rroeber, Anthropology; C u l t u r e P a t t e r n s and P r o c e s s e s , r e v . ed. (New York: Hareourt, Brace & World, i9h8), 92. ZU  Robert R e d f i e l d , "The S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n o f T r a d i t i o n , " i n Peasant S o c i e t y : A Reader, ed. J a c k M. P o t t e r e t a l . (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown & Co., 1967), 26. 2 1  R o b e r t R e d f i e l d , "Peasant S o c i e t y and C u l t u r e , " i n The L i t t l e Community and Peasant S o c i e t y and C u l t u r e (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y o f Chicago P r e s s , 1960), 4-0-M-1. 2 2  2 3  Redfield,  "The S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n of T r a d i t i o n , " 26.  12 p e a s a n t r y i s the s y m b i o t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p between the While Kroeber and R e d f i e l d  s t r e s s the  two.  structural  r e l a t i o n s h i p between peasants and the l a r g e r s o c i e t y i n t h e i r d e f i n i t i o n s , another approach has been t o d e f i n e the p e a s a n t r y i n terms o f power r e l a t i o n s h i p s .  Here W i t t f o g e l ,  perhaps the main adherent of t h i s view, d e f i n e s  class  r e l a t i o n s i n terms of a c c e s s t o the p r i v i l e g e of power. As he expresses i t ,  "The masters and b e n i f i c i a r i e s o f the  s t a t e , the r u l e r s , c o n s t i t u t e a c l a s s d i f f e r e n t from, s u p e r i o r t o , the masses o f the commoners—those  and  who,  a l t h o u g h p e r s o n a l l y f r e e , do not share the p r i v i l e g e s of power". Another student who  has u t i l i z e d power r e l a t i o n s h i p s  as a key t o peasant s o c i e t y i s F o s t e r , who "...  contends  that  what i s most peasant about peasants . . . [ i s t h a t ] 2  throughout h i s t o r y they have been oppressed and r e p r e s s e d " . Based on t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of peasant powerlessness i n the f a c e of an o p p r e s s i v e and r e p r e s s i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the l a r g e r s o c i e t y of which t h e y are a p a r t , F o s t e r has p o l a t e d a model o f peasant "Image of L i m i t e d Good".  extra-  s o c i e t y which he has c a l l e d the While t h i s model has been r i g h t l y  c r i t i c i z e d f o r being l i t t l e more than a restatement o f an -<arl A. W i t t f o g e l , O r i e n t a l Despotism: A Comparative Study of T o t a l Power (New Haven: Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1957)> 302. ^ G e o r g e M. F o s t e r , "Comments," Human O r g a n i z a t i o n 29 (Winter, 1 9 7 0 ) , 31 ^ 2  13 economic t r u i s m which a p p l i e s t o a l l human s o c i e t i e s , Foster's  26  "Image o f L i m i t e d Good" assumes t h a t i n peasant  s o c i e t y the t o t a l u n i v e r s e  I s viewed as one i n which a l l o f  the d e s i r e d t h i n g s i n l i f e  such as l a n d , wealth, h e a l t h ,  f r i e n d s h i p and l o v e , m a n l i n e s s and honour, r e s p e c t and s t a t u s , power and i n f l u e n c e , s e c u r i t y and s a f e t y , e x i s t i n f i n i t e q u a n t i t y o n l y and a r e always i n s h o r t supply as f a r as the peasant i s concerned. o n l y do these and a l l other  Further, according  t o F o s t e r , not  "good t h i n g s " e x i s t i n f i n i t e  q u a n t i t i e s , but i n a d d i t i o n there i s no way d i r e c t l y  within  27  peasant power t o i n c r e a s e the a v a i l a b l e q u a n t i t i e s . r e s u l t the p e a s a n t r y i s , according  to Foster,  c o n s e r v a t i v e , a l t h o u g h i t i s a conservatism  As a  essentially  born o f  oppression  and r e p r e s s i o n by the l a r g e r s o c i e t y . As F o s t e r says: The t r u n c a t e d p o l i t i c a l nature of peasant s o c i e t i e s , w i t h r e a l power l y i n g o u t s i d e the community, seems e f f e c t i v e l y t o d i s c o u r a g e l o c a l assumption and e x e r c i s e o f power, except as an agent o f these o u t s i d e forces. By the v e r y n a t u r e o f the peasant s o c i e t y , seen as a s t r u c t u r a l p a r t o f a l a r g e r s o c i e t y , l o c a l development of l e a d e r s h i p which might make p o s s i b l e c o o p e r a t i o n i s e f f e c t i v e l y prevented by the r u l e r s o f the p o l i t i c a l u n i t of which a p a r t i c u l a r peasant community i s an element, who see such a c t i o n as a p o t e n t i a l t h r e a t t o themselves. 28 While R e d f i e l d , W i t t f o g e l , F o s t e r and o t h e r s have  ?6 John G. Kennedy, "Peasant S o c i e t y and the Image o f L i m i t e d Good: A C r i t i q u e , " American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t 68 (1966), 1212. 27  'George M. F o s t e r , "Peasant S o c i e t y and t h e Image o f L i m i t e d Good," i n Peasant S o c i e t y , ed. P o t t e r e t a l . , 3 0 4 . 2 8  I b i d . , 311.  1Memphasized d i f f e r e n t a s p e c t s of the p e a s a n t r y as a p a r t s o c i e t y w i t h a p a r t - c u l t u r e , as a c l a s s segment of a l a r g e r s o c i e t y , the work of E r i c Wolf r e p r e s e n t s  at l e a s t a p a r t i a l  s y n t h e s i s of the v a r i o u s approaches w i t h i n a broader framework which i s p a r t i c u l a r l y u s e f u l h e r e .  For Wolf, the  key  c r i t e r i a f o r a d e f i n i t i o n of the p e a s a n t r y i s both economic e x p l o i t a t i o n and society.  s o c i o p o l i t i c a l oppression  Peasants, as Wolf comments, " . . .  c u l t i v a t o r s whose s u r p l u s e s  standard  are  larger rural  are t r a n s f e r r e d t o a dominant  group of r u l e r s t h a t uses the s u r p l u s e s i t s own  by the  both t o u n d e r w r i t e  of l i v i n g and t o d i s t r i b u t e the  remainder  t o groups i n s o c i e t y t h a t do not farm but must be f e d f o r t h e i r s p e c i f i c goods and  services i n turn".  7  In f u r t h e r  e l a b o r a t i o n of t h i s p o i n t , Wolf n o t e s : T h i s peasant . . . [ i s ] s u b j e c t t o asymmetrical power r e l a t i o n s which make a permanent charge on h i s production. Such a charge, p a i d out as the r e s u l t of some s u p e r i o r c l a i m t o h i s l a b o r on the l a n d , we c a l l r e n t , r e g a r d l e s s of whether t h a t r e n t i s paid i n l a b o r , i n produce, or i n money. Where someone e x e r c i s e s an e f f e c t i v e s u p e r i o r power, or domain, over a c u l t i v a t o r , t h e c u l t i v a t o r must produce a fund o f r e n t . I t i s . t h i s p r o d u c t i o n o f a fund of r e n t which c r i t i c a l l y d i s t i n g u i s h e s the peasant from, the p r i m i t i v e c u l t i v a t o r . 30 I t may and  be  s a i d t h a t Wolf's d e f i n i t i o n , based on both economic  s o c i o p o l i t i c a l c r i t e r i a , i s an improvement on  ^ E r i c R. Wolf, Peasants (Englewood C l i f f s : Hall, 1966), 3-h. 2  3°Ibid., 9 - 1 0  (emphasis i n o r i g i n a l ) .  previous  Prentice-  1? r a t h e r s t a t i c d e f i n i t i o n s o f Kroeber, R e d f i e l d and F o s t e r i n so f a r as i t emphasizes  t h a t peasants are c r e a t e d by the  i n t e r a c t i o n with the l a r g e r  society.  Moreover, f o r Wolf the  l a r g e r s o c i e t y i s not d e f i n e d as n a r r o w l y as R e d f i e l d ' s "Great T r a d i t i o n " which s t r e s s e s t h e e x i s t e n c e o f o l d civilizations,^  1  but i n c l u d e s the r e l a t i o n s o f peasants w i t h  o u t s i d e markets which a r e a p a r t o f the w o r l d economy.  As  he p o i n t s out f o r L a t i n America, " h i s t o r i c a l l y , the open peasant community arose i n response t o the r i s i n g cash crops which accompanied in  Europe".^  the development  demand f o r  of c a p i t a l i s m  2  With the above b r i e f survey o f some o f the more i n f l u e n t i a l d e f i n i t i o n s o f the p e a s a n t r y i n mind, i t i s p o s s i b l e t o attempt t o determine the e x t e n t t o which t h e y a p p l y t o sub-Saharan A f r i c a . acknowledge  At the o u t s e t i t i s w e l l t o  t h a t a number of w r i t e r s have argued t h a t the  term "peasant" a p p l i e s t o t h i s p a r t o f A f r i c a o n l y i n a marginal s e n s e . ^  To a l a r g e e x t e n t t h e s e arguments a r e  3 R e d f i e l d , "Peasant S o c i e t y and C u l t u r e , " 2 0 . 1  3 E r i c R. Wolf, "Types of L a t i n American Peasantry: A P r e l i m i n a r y D i s c u s s i o n , " i n T r i b a l and Peasant Economies: Readings i n Economic Anthropology, ed. George D a l t o n (Garden C i t y : N a t u r a l H i s t o r y P r e s s , 1 9 6 7 ) , 51*+. 2  ^ J a n e t Mathew F i t c h e n , " ' P e a s a n t r y as a S o c i a l Type," i n Symposium: P a t t e r n s o f Land U t i l i z a t i o n and Other Papers, ed. V i o l a E. G a r f i e l d ( S e a t t l e : American E t h n o l o g i c a l S o c i e t y , 1 9 6 1 ) , 1 1 7 ; Guy Hunter, Modernizing Peasant S o c i e t i e s : A Comparative Study o f A s i a and A f r i c a (New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1969), x; R. H. Jackson, " P o l i t i c a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n T r o p i c a l A f r i c a , " Canadian J o u r n a l o f A f r i c a n S t u d i e s V I I ( 1 9 7 3 ) , 391 . 1  16 based on or are strongly influenced by the seminal a r t i c l e by Lloyd F a l l e r s which has concluded that at best A f r i c a n c u l t i v a t o r s could be c a l l e d "proto-peasants" or " i n c i p i e n t ok peasants".  While i t may  be objected  that t h i s a r t i c l e  has been superceded by a l a t e r and more comprehensive work,- ' >  which amends F a l l e r s ' argument presented here i n that i t enlarges  the analysis to include some discussion of c o l o n i a l  and p o s t - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a , ^ i t i s nevertheless c r i t i q u e h i s e a r l e r and admittedly  important to  l e s s sophisticated work  since t h i s a r t i c l e has frequently been c i t e d , p a r t l y by v i r t u e of being included i n a widely read c o l l e c t i o n of essays on peasant society, i n support of the view that a peasantry does not f u l l y e x i s t i n A f r i c a , while the  later  essay has, i n comparison, remained somewhat obscure.  In  any case, the main thrust of F a l l e r s ' e a r l y argument that a peasantry of the type f a m i l i a r i n L a t i n America, Europe and A s i a does not e x i s t i n A f r i c a Is h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Kroeber and, more s p e c i f i c a l l y , Redfield's formula of the peasantry as a p a r t - s o c i e t y with a p a r t - c u l t u r e .  Here  F a l l e r s contends that t h i s notion of semi-autonomy of ^ L l o y d A. F a l l e r s , "Are A f r i c a n C u l t i v a t o r s to be Called 'Peasants'?" i n Peasant Society, ed. Potter et a l . , 35-^1. ^ L l o y d F a l l e r s , "Equality, modernity, and democracy i n the new states," i n Old Societies and New States; The quest f o r modernity i n Asia and A f r i c a , ed. C l i f f o r d Geertz (New York: Free Press, 1963), 158-2193 6  I b i d . , e s p e c i a l l y 180,  202-204, 216-218.  /  1  7  c o n s t i t u e n t l o c a l communities, which i s seen as the main characteristic be the  differentiating  peasants from tribesmen, may  s e p a r a t e l y analyzed i n t h r e e c a t e g o r i e s : p o l i t i c a l , and the c u l t u r a l .  Fallers  3 7  the economic,  Of the t h r e e  categories,  sees the c u l t u r a l d i m e n s i o n — w h i c h i s simply a  restatement o f R e d f i e l d ' s d i s t i n c t i o n between the "Great Tradition"  and the " L i t t l e T r a d i t i o n " — a s p r e s e n t i n g most  d i f f i c u l t y f o r the argument t h a t a r e c o g n i z a b l e p e a s a n t r y exists  i n Africa.  As F a l l e r s puts i t :  Now i t would seem t o be j u s t t h e r e l a t i v e absence o f t h i s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n t o h i g h and f o l k c u l t u r e s which p r i n c i p a l l y d i s t i n g u i s h e s the A f r i c a n kingdoms from the s o c i e t i e s which have commonly been c a l l e d ' p e a s a n t . There i s , o f c o u r s e , a s u b s t a n t i a l degree o f c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n many A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s . . . . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e r e remains an important d i f f e r e n c e between t r a n s - S a h a r a n pagan A f r i c a i n these r e s p e c t s and t h e d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n which was p o s s i b l e i n m e d i e v a l Europe, China, I n d i a and Islam. The word 'peasants' denotes, among other t h i n g s , a degree o f r u s t i c i t y i n comparison w i t h h i s b e t t e r s which we do not f e e l j u s t i f i e d i n a t t r i b u t i n g the the A f r i c a n v i l l a g e r s . 38 1  The  problem w i t h F a l l e r s ' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n  i n this  important a r t i c l e , however, i s t h a t i t i g n o r e s t h e f a c t o f European c o l o n i z a t i o n Saharan A f r i c a n say  and the impact i t has had on sub-  society.  F o r w h i l e i t may be a c c u r a t e t o  t h a t i n most p r e - c o l o n i a l  African  kingdoms, which  r e p r e s e n t e d a degree o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n u n t y p i c a l o f many African  t r i b a l societies,  3 Fallers, •Peasants'?" 3 7 . 7  3 8  t h e r e was l i t t l e  "Are A f r i c a n  Ibid., 39.  Cultivators  o r no p e r c e p t i o n  t o be C a l l e d  18 of s u p e r i o r i t y and i n f e r i o r i t y between the i n d i g e n o u s  rulers  and the r u l e d , ^ the p e n e t r a t i o n o f the A f r i c a n c o n t i n e n t the c o l o n i a l powers has e s t a b l i s h e d a c u l t u r a l  "Great  T r a d i t i o n " I n the form of European e d u c a t i o n , r e l i g i o n conspicuous  by  and  consumption which has been adopted by the newly  created A f r i c a n e l i t e . a s s i m i l a t e d i s now  That t h i s "Great T r a d i t i o n "  was  a matter of h i s t o r i c a l r e c o r d , but  extent t o which i t was  the  a c h i e v e d i s w e l l documented by  Kuper*s study of South A f r i c a where, i t must be s a i d ,  the  p o l i c y of a p a r t h e i d has i f anything h i n d e r e d the development of an A f r i c a n e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l or m a n a g e r i a l  class.  As Kuper  observes: In A f r i c a n s o c i e t y , the s o c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n between the educated and the uneducated, Western and t r i b a l , C h r i s t i a n and heathen i s deeply r o o t e d . . . . It i s encouraged by the example of the dominant White s o c i e t y , as an A f r i c a n businessman sensed i n the r e v e a l i n g comment t h a t "a man who has seen other r a c e s can set A f r i c a n s i n t o c l a s s e s t o o " . And i t i s f o s t e r e d by s e c t i o n s of the A f r i c a n i n t e l l i g e n t s i a . Nimrod Mkele, f o r example, speaks and w r i t e s of the A f r i c a n middle c l a s s . H i s own wedding was almost a c l i n i c a l demonstration of a p p r o p r i a t e b e h a v i o r , adding, f o r f u l l measure t o the abundance of p r e s t i g e items, a White church and a White b r i d e s m a i d . 0 k  ^ I t would seem t h a t the q u e s t i o n i s almost i m p o s s i b l e t o v e r i f y one way or the o t h e r s i n c e these i n d i g e n o u s A f r i c a n kingdoms were f o r the most p a r t d e s t r o y e d through c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h the e c o n o m i c a l l y s u p e r i o r Europeans. See R i c h a r d W. Gray and David Birmingham, "Some Economic and P o l i t i c a l Consequences of Trade i n C e n t r a l and E a s t e r n A f r i c a i n the P r e - C o l o n i a l P e r i o d , " i n P r e - C o l o n i a l A f r i c a n Trade: Essays on Trade i n C e n t r a l and E a s t e r n A f r i c a Before 1900. eds. Gray and Birmingham (London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 0 ) , e s p e c i a l l y 23. 3  Leo Kuper, An A f r i c a n B o u r g e o i s i e : Race. C l a s s , and P o l i t i c s i n South A f r i c a (New Haven: Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 6 5 ) , 118.  19 G i v e n t h i s a d o p t i o n of the c u l t u r a l "Great of Western e d u c a t i o n , r e l i g i o n and the l i f e - s t y l e conspicuous  consumption, the degree  c o l o n i a l p e r i o d may  Tradition" of  of r u s t i c i t y d u r i n g the  be measured by the degree t o which  A f r i c a n s have a c q u i r e d a f l u e n c y i n the use of the baggage of European " c i v i l i z a t i o n " .  cultural  As Fanon p o i n t s out i n  h i s study of the psychology o f c o l o n i a l i s m : E v e r y c o l o n i z e d people . . . f i n d s i t s e l f f a c e t o f a c e w i t h the language of the c i v i l i z i n g n a t i o n ; t h a t i s , w i t h the c u l t u r e of the mother c o u n t r y . The c o l o n i z e d i s e l e v a t e d above h i s j u n g l e s t a t u s i n p r o p o r t i o n t o h i s a d o p t i o n of the mother c o u n t r y ' s c u l t u r a l s t a n d a r d s . He becomes w h i t e r as he renounces h i s b l a c k n e s s , h i s j u n g l e . In t h e F r e n c h c o l o n i a l army, and p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Senegalese regiments, the b l a c k o f f i c e r s serve f i r s t of a l l as i n t e r p r e t e r s . They are used t o convey the master's o r d e r s t o t h e i r f e l l o w s , and t h e y too enjoy a c e r t a i n p o s i t i o n of honor. 4-1 T h i s , o f c o u r s e , i s something  of a g r o s s g e n e r a l i z a t i o n as  the d i f f e r e n t p o l i c i e s o f the c o l o n i a l powers d i d not c r e a t e a u n i f o r m indigenous e l i t e , e i t h e r i n terms of W e s t e r n i z a t i o n or s i z e .  The B r i t i s h p o l i c y o f i n d i r e c t r u l e i n those  c o l o n i e s which, more o f t e n f o r reasons o f c l i m a t e than p o l i c y , l a c k e d a l a r g e white  s e t t l e r community, was  based on the  m a n i p u l a t i o n of i n d i g e n o u s l e a d e r s and encouraged e d u c a t i o n as a branch of p o l i t i c a l economy  for a  Western select  F r a n t z Fanon, B l a c k S k i n . White Masks, t r a n s . C h a r l e s Lam Markmann (New York: Grove P r e s s , 1 9 6 7 ) » 1 8 - 1 9 . ^ G . B. Kay, "The p o l i t i c a l economy of c o l o n i a l i s m i n Ghana," i n Kay, The P o l i t i c a l Economy of C o l o n i a l i s m i n Ghana: A C o l l e c t i o n of Documents and S t a t i s t i c s 1900-1960 (London: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 2 ) , 31 .  20  few needed to f i l l the petty c l e r i c a l p o s i t i o n s i n the c o l o n i a l administration. to  Since the B r i t i s h d i d not attempt  create "Black Englishmen" i n t h e i r A f r i c a n colonies, but  instead attempted to r u l e I n d i r e c t l y by disturbing the population as l i t t l e as p o s s i b l e , while, i t may be suggested, allowing the B r i t i s h firms to make maximum p r o f i t s , the emerging A f r i c a n e l i t e tended to combine Western education, r e l i g i o n and conspicuous consumption with indigenous A f r i c a n culture.  A somewhat d i f f e r e n t type of e l i t e emerged In the  French colonies, where the p o l i c y of a s s i m i l a t i o n , while under the auspices of d i r e c t r u l e , d e l i b e r a t e l y created a Westernized A f r i c a n e l i t e which was encouraged to d i r e c t l y adopt the metropolitan c u l t u r a l norms and, i f achieved, was given the r i g h t to become French c i t i z e n s .  In the  Portuguese colonies a d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n p r e v a i l e d . A l though the population was divided i n t o two categories of asslmilado and indfgena, wherein the former were supposedly given the same c i v i c r i g h t s and status as metropolitan Portuguese and the l a t t e r were deprived of a l l r i g h t s and subject to the f u l l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n of the law, i n f a c t only two per cent of the population i n Angola, l e s s i n Mozambique, and l e s s than 0.3 per cent i n Guine were granted the status of assimilado.* ' 4  3  F i n a l l y , i n the Belgian colonies, even the  facade of Portuguese colonialism's asslmilado p o l i c y was  ^ B a s i l Davidson, "African Peasants and Revolution," Journal of Peasant Studies 1 ( A p r i l , 197 ), 272, 2 8 7 . L  21 not p r a c t i c e d and the Congo was r u l e d d i r e c t l y from B r u s s e l s without  even t h e p h i l o s o p h y o f e v e n t u a l self-government  political  or  i n t e g r a t i o n , and p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y was p r o h i b i t e d .  C l e a r l y , then, Fanon's comment r e g a r d i n g the q u e s t i o n o f r u s t i c i t y i n c o l o n i a l s o c i e t y applies with p a r t i c u l a r f o r c e to the French  c o l o n i e s and the attempt t o c r e a t e  "Black  Frenchmen", but i t c o u l d be s a i d t o a p p l y t o a l e s s e r  extent  t o the other A f r i c a n c o l o n i e s as w e l l . In contemporary sub-Saharan A f r i c a i t would appear t h a t t h e European "Great  T r a d i t i o n " has n o t withered  w i t h t h e demise o f c o l o n i a l i s m .  away  L i k e economic i m p e r i a l i s m ,  c u l t u r a l i m p e r i a l i s m has taken a n e o - c o l o n i a l form.  The  c e n t e r s o f c u l t u r a l i n s p i r a t i o n f o r the newly c r e a t e d A f r i c a n b o u r g e o i s i e , as b e f o r e , have remained l a r g e l y i n Europe and North America, and w h i l e  some c o u n t r i e s have attempted t o  i n i t i a t e a p o s t - c o l o n i a l c u l t u r a l renaissance  stressing  n e g r i t u d e . the A f r i c a n p e r s o n a l i t y and A f r i c a n s o c i a l i s m , the members o f the urban e l i t e appear t o c l i n g t e n a c i o u s l y t o the v a l u e s , a t t i t u d e s and b e l i e f s a c q u i r e d i n t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n u n i v e r s i t i e s and the c u l t u r a l norms o f f a s h i o n L.L.  and the l i k e which f l o w from New York, P a r i s and London.  There i s , o f c o u r s e , an ongoing c o n t r o v e r s y over W e s t e r n i z a t i o n among t h e urban b o u r g e o i s i e between those who see European i n f l u e n c e s as damaging t o A f r i c a n c u l t u r e and morals and those who f e e l the need t o be "modern". P r i m a r i l y t h i s c o n t r o v e r s y c e n t e r s on the " u n - A f r i c a n " behavior o f the urban, educated women and i g n o r e s the Western s t y l e o f d r e s s worn by A f r i c a n men. See Audrey Wipper, " A f r i c a n Women, F a s h i o n , and Scapegoating," Canadian J o u r n a l o f A f r i c a n S t u d i e s V I ( 1 9 7 2 ) , 329-3 9. L  22  Indeed, i t could be argued that independence i n t r o p i c a l A f r i c a i s a misnomer, and that what has i n f a c t happened i s that the former colonies have been transformed into neoc o l o n i a l s a t e l l i t e s which have remained c u l t u r a l l y , as well as economically, dependent on the advanced c a p i t a l i s t  nations.  With the formal"achievement of independence the p o l i t i c a l , bureaucratic  and m i l i t a r y apparatus of the state  was transferred from the c o l o n i a l powers to members of A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s who had most c l o s e l y assimilated the l i f e s t y l e , values, attitudes and b e l i e f s of the European "Great Tradition".  In c u l t u r a l terms i t may be said that the  transfer had the e f f e c t of either r a p i d l y creating or g r e a t l y expanding an indigenous "Great T r a d i t i o n " .  In class  terms, the transfer may be said to have created an indigenous bourgeoisie,  which i n h e r i t e d from colonialism positions of  power and influence, as well as s a l a r i e s at approximately the same l e v e l as that previously paid to expatriate officials.  y  bourgeoisie,  Since independence the newly created indigenous the national vehicle of a European c u l t u r a l  "Great T r a d i t i o n " , has emerged as a l a r g e l y urban c l a s s distinguished on the basis of objective c r i t e r i a , such as income and education, from the peasants, traders and small entrepreneurs of sub-Saharan African s o c i e t i e s .  ^ P . C. Lloyd, A f r i c a and S o c i a l Change: Changing T r a d i t i o n a l Societies i n the Modern World, rev, ed.(Harmonds worth: Penguin Books, 1969), 146-147.  23 To  say t h a t d e c o l o n i z a t i o n i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a  r e s u l t e d i n the c r e a t i o n of an indigenous  bourgeoisie i s ,  however, t o g r e a t l y o v e r s i m p l i f y the nature stratification i n post-colonial Africa. p r e v i o u s l y noted, I t i s important  has  of  As we  social have  to s t r e s s  the impact of the v a r i o u s types of c o l o n i a l on the development of an indigenous  administrations  A f r i c a n bourgeoisie,  f o r the d i f f e r e n t p o l i c i e s o f the c o l o n i a l powers d i d not c r e a t e a uniform,  homogeneous c l a s s s t r u c t u r e , e i t h e r i n  r e g a r d t o the b o u r g e o i s i e or the p e a s a n t r y . to  "Great  T r a d i t i o n " and  be f o r arguing  indigenous and  important,  view the development of a p o s t - c o l o n i a l b o u r g e o i s i e i n  terms o f R e d f i e l d ' s dichotomous formula  may  More  of a c u l t u r a l  " L i t t l e T r a d i t i o n " , u s e f u l though i t  i n g e n e r a l terms the e x i s t e n c e of  r u l i n g c l a s s and p e a s a n t r y ,  thus obscure the n a t u r e  tends t o o v e r s i m p l i f y  of t h i s b o u r g e o i s i e on a l l but  the c u l t u r a l dimension, i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p with metropolitan important African  an  the  b o u r g e o i s i e i n the p o s t - c o l o n i a l s t a t e , and  q u e s t i o n of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n w i t h i n the  the  indigenous  bourgeoisie. The  f i r s t p o i n t t o be made i s t h a t the  indigenous  A f r i c a n b o u r g e o i s i e i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from t h a t found i n the advanced c a p i t a l i s t Europe and  North America.  s o c i e t i e s of Western  U n l i k e the l a t t e r , the  indigenous  A f r i c a n b o u r g e o i s i e i s not c h a r a c t e r i z e d by e i t h e r the owne r s h i p of or the c o n t r o l over the means of p r o d u c t i o n i n the  2h modern c a p i t a l i s t mining, i n d u s t r y  sector  of the  or p l a n t a t i o n  economy, such as agriculture.  finance,  This i s  important, f o r the A f r i c a n b o u r g e o i s i e i n h e r i t e d from c o l o n i a l i s m not  the  c o n t r o l over the means of  p r o d u c t i o n i n A f r i c a , which i s the  sense the  " b o u r g e o i s i e " i s o f t e n t a k e n t o mean, but the  apparatus of the  state.  Marxist theory i s described domination of one  While the  capitalist term  the  c o n t r o l over  state i n c l a s s i c a l  as an instrument f o r  c l a s s by another, i n p o s t - c o l o n i a l  of sub-Saharan A f r i c a , where the c a p i t a l i s t enterprises  has  c o n t r o l over the  few  i n s t r u m e n t s f o r the  s u r p l u s a v a i l a b l e t o the  societies  profitable  remained s i n c e d e c o l o n i z a t i o n  the hands of the m e t r o p o l i t a n b o u r g e o i s i e , the of the  the  p r o d u c t i o n of an  state i s  way,  the  one  economic  indigenous A f r i c a n b o u r g e o i s i e  p r o v i d e a s u f f i c i e n t revenue t o m a i n t a i n t h i s c l a s s i n l i f e - s t y l e of a n a t i o n a l  in  "Great T r a d i t i o n " .  term which most a c c u r a t e l y  to the  Viewed i n t h i s  describes t h i s post-  c o l o n i a l indigenous A f r i c a n r u l i n g c l a s s i s  "state  bourgeoisie". While t h i s p r o v i d e s a g e n e r a l d e f i n i t i o n of African post-colonial q u e s t i o n c e n t e r s on  s t a t e b o u r g e o i s i e , an e q u a l l y  the important  i t s internal d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , for i t  cannot p r o f i t a b l y be viewed as a homogeneous c l a s s . approach f o r the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of a c l a s s i s t h a t by Marx i n , f o r example, h i s a n a l y s i s  of the  One suggested  French  b o u r g e o i s i e as i n t e r n a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n t o " f r a c t i o n s  of  25 a class",  by Lenin i n h i s commentary on the  p r o l e t a r i a t as being  English  d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n t o an "upper stratum"  (a p r i v i l e g e d "working c l a s s a r i s t o c r a c y " ) and  a "lower  47 stratum" (the p r o l e t a r i a t " p r o p e r " ) ,  ' and  summarized  by  the contemporary t h e o r i s t Poulantzas i n h i s model f o r class d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n into "social categories", "fractions of c l a s s e s " , and ology has  "social strata".  Briefly, this  termin-  been e x p l i c a t e d by Poulantzas as f o l l o w s :  "social  c a t e g o r i e s " are d i s t i n g u i s h e d on the b a s i s of what P o u l a n t z a s c a l l s " t h e i r s p e c i f i c and r e l a t i o n t o s t r u c t u r e s other  over-determining  than economic ones"; " f r a c t i o n s  of c l a s s e s " , as compared t o " s o c i a l c a t e g o r i e s " , are at the  l e v e l of economic r e l a t i o n s to p r o d u c t i o n  example, i n the commercial, i n d u s t r i a l and of the m e t r o p o l i t a n  bourgeoisie);  and  (as, f o r  financial fractions  " s t r a t a * are d e f i n e d 1  "the r e s u l t of combinations of modes o f p r o d u c t i o n formation"  located  in a  as  social  (as, f o r example, i n the working c l a s s a r i s t o c r a c y ) .  ^ F o r example, Marx has w r i t t e n t h a t " I t was not the F r e n c h b o u r g e o i s i e t h a t r u l e d under L o u i s P h i l i p p e , but a f r a c t i o n of i t , bankers, stock k i n g s , r a i l w a y k i n g s , owners of c o a l and ironworks and f o r e s t s , a s e c t i o n of landed p r o p r i e t o r s t h a t r a l l i e d round t h e m — t h e s o - c a l l e d f i n a n c e a r i s t o c r a c y " . See K a r l Marx, The C l a s s S t r u g g l e s i n F r a n c e (1848-1850) (New York: I n t e r n a t i o n a l P u b l i s h e r s , 1969), 33-3 L . lf  ^ S e e V. I . L e n i n , Imperialism, the H i g h e s t Stage of Capitalism (Moscow: P r o g r e s s P u b l i s h e r s , 1970), 101-102. N i c o s P o u l a n t z a s , P o l i t i c a l Power and S o c i a l C l a s s e s , t r a n s . Timothy O'Hagan (London: NLB and Sheed and Ward, 1973),  e s p e c i a l l y 84-85. ^Ibid.  26 Using  Poulantzas'  summary of the M a r x i s t theory f o r the  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n w i t h i n c l a s s e s , then, the p o s t - c o l o n i a l s t a t e b o u r g e o i s i e i n A f r i c a may "political",  " m i l i t a r y " and  be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d  into  "bureaucratic" social categories  on the b a s i s of t h e i r r e l a t i o n to s t r u c t u r e s other  than  economic ones, namely the apparatus  Further,  as Poulantzas  of the  state.  suggests, these s o c i a l c a t e g o r i e s may  "social forces" reflecting different intra-class  become  interests,  which i n the context of A f r i c a n and other p o s t - c o l o n i a l s t a t e s i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the p r o c l i v i t y of the m i l i t a r y , as one powerful  s o c i a l c a t e g o r y w i t h i n the s t a t e b o u r g e o i s i e ,  t o overthrow by coup d ' e t a t the p o l i t i c a l While we  have suggested  category.  a g e n e r a l o u t l i n e f o r the  d e f i n i t i o n of the A f r i c a n s t a t e b o u r g e o i s i e , suggested model f o r i t s i n t r a - c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , and  a  sketched i t s  r e l a t i o n t o the m e t r o p o l i t a n b o u r g e o i s i e i n the p o s t - c o l o n i a l s t a t e , another  important  q u e s t i o n c e n t e r s on the d i f f e r e n c e s  between t h i s i n d i g e n o u s A f r i c a n c l a s s and i t s m e t r o p o l i t a n counterpart i n regard to c l a s s consciousness, M a r x i s t terms, i n t r a - c l a s s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n .  o r , i n non-  Due  to the  fact  t h a t i t i s o n l y one o r , at most, two g e n e r a t i o n s o l d , the s t a t e b o u r g e o i s i e I n sub-Saharan A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s i s , t o 50 use K i l s o n ' s t e r m i n o l o g y , "asymmetrical" i n n a t u r e .  ^°Martin K i l s o n , " A f r i c a n P o l i t i c a l Change and the M o d e r n i z a t i o n Process," J o u r n a l of Modern A f r i c a n S t u d i e s 1 (December, 1963), h2,7-h3lT, I t may be o b j e c t e d t h a t the use of K i l s o n ' s term r e p r e s e n t s a l i n g u i s t i c s o l u t i o n t o a  27 T h i s i s to say t h a t , due A f r i c a n bourgeoisie  has  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the  t o the  using  of time  e x i s t e d , those a c q u i r i n g c l a s s do  often r e t a i n a connection friends.  short p e r i o d  the  the  so i n d i v i d u a l l y and  very  w i t h t h e i r poor r e l a t i v e s and  T h i s p o i n t i s Important, s i n c e some o b s e r v e r s  the P a r s o n i a n f u n c t i o n a l approach t o  stratification^  social  argue on t h i s b a s i s t h a t c l a s s e s do  e x i s t i n the p o s t - c o l o n i a l s t a t e s of t r o p i c a l F o r t h i s w r i t e r , the q u e s t i o n  concerning  the  not  Africa. existence  of  c o n c e p t u a l problem. However, i t i s here contended t h a t K i l s o n ' s "asymmetrical A f r i c a n b o u r g e o i s i e , w h i l e i t i s u n f o r t u n a t e l y j a r g o n i s h , does convey a l e g i t i m a t e s o c i o l o g i c a l concept, and one which d i s t i n g u i s h e s between an o l d e r , more e s t a b l i s h e d c l a s s system wherein the c o n s c i o u s ness of c l a s s i s w i d e l y r e c o g n i z e d , and a newer, l e s s w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d c l a s s system such as t h a t found i n p o s t - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a where c l a s s b a r r i e r s have not y e t hardened t o i n h i b i t ongoing s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n between members o f d i f f e r e n t c l a s s e s . 11  51 See T a l c o t t Parsons' o r i g i n a l essay p u b l i s h e d i n 1 9 ^ 0 , "An A n a l y t i c a l Approach t o the Theory of S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n , " i n Parsons, Essays i n S o c i o l o g i c a l Theory, r e v . ed. (New York: F r e e P r e s s , 1 9 6 4 ) , 6 9 - 8 8 . A l s o see the essay by h i s two d i s c i p l e s , K i n g s l e y Davis and W i l b e r t E. Moore, "Some P r i n c i p l e s of S t r a t i f i c a t i o n , " American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review 10 ( A p r i l , 19^5)? 24-2-249, who attempt t o e x p l a i n the f u n c t i o n a l n e c e s s i t y f o r s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n a l l s o c i a l systems. See, f o r example, P. C. L l o y d , I n t r o d u c t i o n t o The New E l i t e s of T r o p i c a l A f r i c a , ed. L l o y d (London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 6 6 ) , 55-62. A l s o see the updated and more s o p h i s t i c a t e d v e r s o n of t h i s argument by M a r t i n S t a n i l a n d , " F r a n t z Fanon and the A f r i c a n P o l i t i c a l C l a s s , " A f r i c a n A f f a i r s 68 (January, 1 9 6 9 ) , e s p e c i a l l y 2 4 , who argues e s s e n t i a l l y t h a t t h e r e i s o n l y a " p o l i t i c a l c l a s s " i n A f r i c a d e f i n e d i n terms of f u n c t i o n a l i s m ; and R. H. Jackson, " P o l i t i c a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n T r o p i c a l A f r i c a , " 3 8 1 - ^ 0 0 , who argues t h a t t r o p i c a l A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s are " o n e - c l a s s societies". J  J  28 c l a s s e s on t h i s b a s i s , g i v e n the g r e a t i n e q u a l i t i e s i n v o l v e d , amounts t o l i t t l e more than the age-old d i s p u t e i n s t u d i e s of  s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n over the concepts  itself  and  a class for i t s e l f .  of a c l a s s of  Adherents of the  s c h o o l of a n a l y s i s c l a i m t h a t a c l a s s may exist unless i t perceives i t s e l f  as such,  not be s a i d to J  while  f a v o u r i n g the M a r x i s t t r a d i t i o n emphasize, the e x c e r p t from The  functional  those  previous  E i g h t e e n t h Brumaire o f L o u i s Bonaparte  not w i t h s t a n d i n g , t h a t c l a s s e s may  be  said to exist i n  o b j e c t i v e terms even though they have not a c h i e v e d s u b j e c t i v e c r i t e r i a of a c l a s s f o r i t s e l f c l a s s consciousness.  for  two  on the b a s i s of t h e i r u t i l i t y f o r  the study o f s o c i e t y and p o l i t i c s . two reasons why  i n the form o f  I t i s here argued t h a t the  approaches must be judged  the  Here one may  advance  the M a r x i s t approach t o c l a s s i s more u s e f u l  the study o f p o l i t i c s and  f u n c t i o n a l approach.  s o c i e t y than the  competing  F i r s t , the f u n c t i o n a l approach t o  c l a s s tends t o emphasize the i n t e g r a t i v e f u n c t i o n of c l a s s s t r a t i f i c a t i o n and thus p r o v i d e s few u s e f u l i n s i g h t s f o r students of s o c i e t i e s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by c o n f l i c t and change,  J  social  whereas the M a r x i s t approach emphasizes c l a s s  as  - ^ T h i s d e r i v e s from the P a r s o n i a n t h e o r y of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n which i s p e r c e i v e d , i n p s y c h o l o g i c a l terms, as a m o t i v a t i o n system, a c c o r d i n g to which c l a s s i s somewhat synonymous w i t h the concept of s t a t u s . See S. M. L i p s e t , "Issues i n S o c i a l C l a s s A n a l y s i s , " i n L i p s e t , R e v o l u t i o n and C o u n t e r r e v o l u t i o n : Change and P e r s i s t e n c e i n S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e s (New York: B a s i c Books, 1 9 6 8 ) , 139. T h i s may e x p l a i n why f u n c t i o n a l ! s m has made i t s g r e a t e s t showing i n the study of i s o l a t e d tribesmen. y  29 a basis f o r c o n f l i c t i n society.  Second, the  approach i n equating c l a s s w i t h s t a t u s c l a s s f o r m a t i o n o n l y i n so f a r as the differences the  i s able t o  are w i d e l y r e c o g n i z e d i n s o c i e t y .  the  class position.  the M a r x i s t approach a l l o w s the  example,  class  do  not  In comparison,  study of c l a s s p r i o r  development of c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s .  f o r the  class  difficulty  t o r i e s or a f f l u e n t North American workers who  the  For  c l a s s p o s i t i o n of B r i t i s h working  i d e n t i f y with t h e i r objective  study  p e r c e p t i o n of  f u n c t i o n a l approach would have g r e a t  describing  functional  to  T h i s i s important  study of s o c i e t i e s , such as i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a ,  where the  c l a s s system i s of r e c e n t o r i g i n and  consciousness i s lacking where i t may  where c l a s s  or o n l y p a r t i a l l y developed,  n e v e r t h e l e s s be argued t h a t  a class  but  structure  already e x i s t s . In any  case, the  "asymmetrical" n a t u r e of the  s t a t e b o u r g e o i s i e — w h i c h i s l a r g e l y the that  i t d i d not  f u l l y emerge as a c l a s s u n t i l the  c o l o n i a l p e r i o d — d o e s appear to be, a temporary c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . out  i n her  r e s u l t of the  study of the  i n certain  African fact  post-  respects,  As Barbara L l o y d has  pointed  Yoruba:  D e s p i t e apparent a d u l t d i s r e g a r d of c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s , a study of the c h i l d - r e a r i n g methods employed by w e l l educated Yoruba mothers i n d i c a t e s the emergence i n the next g e n e r a t i o n of a f a i r l y homogeneous group more d i s t i n c t from t h e i r countrymen than t h e i r own educated p a r e n t s , who had themselves been r e c r u i t e d r a t h e r widel y from the p o p u l a t i o n . The home and f a m i l y l i f e , the s c h o o l s and e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s , as w e l l as the a t t i t u d e s and v a l u e s which the e l i t e p a r e n t s o f f e r h i s o f f s p r i n g to assure him a b r i g h t f u t u r e , w i l l most  30 p r o b a b l y produce a d u l t s q u i t e d i f f e r e n t i n e x p e r i e n c e , t r a i n i n g and m o t i v a t i o n from the m a j o r i t y of t h e i r contemporaries. 55 In other words, a l t h o u g h the present  as c l a s s conscious  state bourgeoisie  i s not  at  as the more e s t a b l i s h e d c l a s s e s  of Europe and A s i a , i t i s probable t h a t i t w i l l develop i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n i n several generations. however, i t may  be  F o r the moment,  s a i d t o be s u f f i c i e n t l y  differentiated  from the extremely poor, i l l i t e r a t e r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n c o n s t i t u t e both a c u l t u r a l "Great T r a d i t i o n " and bourgeoisie, context  although some may  to  a state  o b j e c t t o t h i s usage i n the  of sub-Saharan A f r i c a s i n c e the  d e r i v e d from the c o l o n i a l l e g a c y .  c l a s s system i s  Here, however, i t must  remembered t h a t i n L a t i n America, f o r example, where observers  l a t i f u n d i o was and  few  q u e s t i o n the e x i s t e n c e o f e i t h e r a b o u r g e o i s i e  a p e a s a n t r y , the  "Great T r a d i t i o n " of C a t h o l i c i s m  e s t a b l i s h e d i n a s i m i l a r way  and  and  civilizations  r e p l a c e d with a l i e n t r a d i t i o n s .  p a t r o n - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s — w h i c h develop between p a r t i e s unequal i n s t a t u s , wealth and  or  through Spanish  Portuguese c o l o n i a l i s m , where the i n d i g e n o u s  were d e s t r o y e d  be  influence'  t h e r e f o r e p o i n t t o the presence of a p e r c e i v e d gap  Also, two and between  ^ B a r b a r a B. L l o y d , "Education and F a m i l y L i f e i n the Development of C l a s s I d e n t i f i c a t i o n Among the Yoruba," i n The New E l i t e s o f T r o p i c a l A f r i c a , ed. L l o y d , 163. ' J o h n Duncan Powell, "Peasant S o c i e t y and C l i e n t e l i s t P o l i t i c s , " American P o l i t i c a l Science Review LXIV (June, 1970),  M2.  31 the p r i v i l e g e d e l i t e and tion—are  the powerless, poor r u r a l p o p u l a -  te  widespread i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a .  While  presence o f p a t r o n - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s does not,  the  of  course,  " s i g n a l " peasant s o c i e t i e s , they are important i n so f a r they point  to a widespread p e r c e p t i o n  o f s o c i a l and  as  economic  i n e q u a l i t y , a l t h o u g h not n e c e s s a r i l y framed i n terms o f c l a s s , which may  be  seen as a n e c e s s a r y f i r s t  step i n the  development of c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s . While we have p r e s e n t e d the  argument t h a t a c u l t u r a l  "Great T r a d i t i o n " e x i s t s i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a i n the of the  post-colonial state bourgeoisie,  we  have not  examined the presence of a peasant c u l t u r e and, terms, a " L i t t l e T r a d i t i o n " . peasantry, l i k e that described L a t i n America, A s i a and  In A f r i c a the  in  form  yet Redfield's  c u l t u r e of  the  i n o t h e r peasant s o c i e t i e s i n  Europe, e x i s t s as a f o l k v e r s i o n  the urban "Great T r a d i t i o n " .  As Chodak d e s c r i b e s  c u l t u r e of the p e a s a n t r y i n A f r i c a i s d e r i v e d  of  i t , the  from the  way  the new urban c u l t u r e impinges on the t r i b a l h i n t e r l a n d . A f r i c a n s i n the r u r a l areas are s t i l l p a r o c h i a l , but are becoming I n c r e a s i n g l y e x t e r n a l l y o r i e n t e d , and m a r k e t - o r i e n t e d i n p a r t i c u l a r . Urban c e n t e r s expand t h e i r i n f l u e n c e , c o n s t a n t l y impinging on the h i n t e r l a n d by means of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , the mass media, t r a d e and e d u c a t i o n . What i s more s i g n i f i c a n t i s t h a t the h i n t e r l a n d becomes more open t o t h a t i n f l u e n c e , welcomes i t , and i n t u r n the urban c u l t u r e i n d u c e s changes i n the i n d i g e n o u s l o c a l c u l t u r e s and provokes the g e n e r a t i o n o f a new s u p r a - t r i b a l r u r a l c u l t u r e . It i s  ^ S e e R i c h a r d Sandbrook, "Patrons, C l i e n t s , and F a c t i o n s : New Dimensions of C o n f l i c t A n a l y s i s i n A f r i c a , " Canadian J o u r n a l of P o l i t i c a l Science V (March, 1 9 7 2 ) , 1 0 4 - 1 1 9 .  32 the c u l t u r e of the new emerging p e a s a n t r y . Market r e l a t i o n s are the prime v e h i c l e of the urban-rural exchanges. ... . The g r e a t e r the r o l e of the market becomes i n A f r i c a n r u r a l l i f e , the more they themselves and t h e i r c u l t u r e w i l l become peasantl i k e . 58 T h i s a n a l y s i s which views the r u r a l and peasant p o p u l a t i o n  migrant  o f sub-Saharan A f r i c a as a c l a s s segment  o f a l a r g e r s o c i e t y , as a r u r a l h i n t e r l a n d  of a  urban c u l t u r e which i s i t s e l f a s a t e l l i t e of the c a p i t a l i s t nations, framework i n the  out  age  of c o l o n i a l i s m and  neo-colonialism  Indeed, as Mafeje has  i n a penetrating  q u e s t i o n of the  advanced  makes much more sense as a c o n c e p t u a l  than does t r i b a l i s m . pointed  national  sociology  insightfully  a n a l y s i s which r a i s e s  of knowledge i n r e g a r d t o  the the  framework o f t r i b a l i s m : European c o l o n i a l i s m , l i k e any epoch, brought w i t h I t c e r t a i n ways of r e c o n s t r u c t i n g the A f r i c a n r e a l i t y . I t r e g a r d e d A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s as p a r t i c u l a r l y t r i b a l . T h i s approach produced c e r t a i n b l i n k e r s or i d e o l o g i c a l p r e d i s p o s i t i o n s which made i t d i f f i c u l t f o r those a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the system t o view these s o c i e t i e s i n any o t h e r l i g h t . Hence c e r t a i n modes of thought among European s c h o l a r s on A f r i c a and t h e i r A f r i c a n c o u n t e r p a r t s have p e r s i s t e d , d e s p i t e the many important economic and p o l i t i c a l changes t h a t have o c c u r r e d i n the c o n t i n e n t over the l a s t 7 5 - 1 0 0 y e a r s . Therefore, i f t r i b a l i s m i s thought of as p e c u l i a r l y A f r i c a , t h e n the i d e o l o g y i t s e l f i s p a r t i c u l a r l y European i n o r i g i n . 59 Further, who  Mafeje argues, i t i s not  i s a product o f c o l o n i a l i s m ,  s u r p r i s i n g t h a t the speaks the  African,  same language of  ^ Syzmon Chodak, "The B i r t h of an A f r i c a n Peasantry," Canadian J o u r n a l of A f r i c a n S t u d i e s V (1971 )» 3^2. 8  ^ A r c h i e Mafeje, "The Ideology of ' T r i b a l i s m ' , " J o u r n a l o f Modern A f r i c a n S t u d i e s 9 0 971 )» 2 5 3 . 9  33 t r i b a l i s m i n l i n e with t h i s ex-ruling c l a s s ideology from c o l o n i a l e d u c a t i o n . ^  While some c r i t i c s may  0  Mafeje's a n a l y s i s suggesting  a r e a s o n why  stemming  argue t h a t  A f r i c a n s seldom  speak of c l a s s "proves" t h a t c l a s s e s do nqt e x i s t i n  sub-  Saharan A f r i c a on the b a s i s of the f u n c t i o n a l approach o f Parsons which equates c l a s s w i t h s t a t u s , t h i s argument h o l d s up  i f one  theory.  For as the  only  a c c e p t s the premises of the f u n c t i o n a l opening excerpt  from Schumpeter  points  out, d e f i n i t i o n s of c l a s s cannot be framed i n a b s o l u t e  terms,  as a l l s e n s i b l e s t u d i e s of c l a s s are prone t o s t r e s s , s i n c e they are i n the end the r e s e a r c h e r ' s  concepts which owe  organizing  touch.  t h e i r existence  Given that  to  functionalism  i s by no means the o n l y approach to c l a s s i t may  be  said that  the above " p r o o f " t h a t c l a s s e s do not e x i s t i n A f r i c a i s l e s s than convincing  f o r those who  do f o l l o w the  immodest  view advanced by Davis t h a t f u n c t i o n a l i s m i s synonymous w i t h sociological analysis. In any and  61  case, on the b a s i s of the preceding  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i t may  discussion  be argued t h a t i t i s p o s s i b l e  to  I b i d . , 25^. S k l a r i n t h i s r e g a r d has w r i t t e n : " I t ' i s l e s s f r e q u e n t l y r e c o g n i z e d t h a t t r i b a l movements may be c r e a t e d and i n s t i g a t e d t o a c t i o n by the new men of power i n f u r t h e r a n c e of t h e i r own s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t s which a r e , time and a g a i n , the c o n s t i t u t i v e i n t e r e s t s of emerging s o c i a l c l a s s e s . T r i b a l i s m then becomes a mask f o r c l a s s p r i v i l e g e . To borrow a worn metaphor, t h e r e i s o f t e n a n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l wolf under the t r i b a l sheepskin." R i c h a r d L. S k l a r , " P o l i t i c a l Science and N a t i o n a l I n t e g r a t i o n — A R a d i c a l Approach," J o u r n a l of Modern A f r i c a n S t u d i e s 6 0  5 O967), 6.  ^ S e e K i n g s l e y Davis, "The Myth of F u n c t i o n a l A n a l y s i s as a S p e c i a l Method i n S o c i o l o g y and Anthropology," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review 2h (December, 757-772, e s p e c i a l l y 1  75T.  1959),  3  k  speak o f a sub-Saharan A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y i n terms of field's  "Great T r a d i t i o n " and  "Little Tradition",  F a l l e r s ' w i d e l y read argument to the i n that  i t i g n o r e s the  societies.  However, to examine the  and  contrary lacks  impact of c o l o n i a l i s m  on  Redthat  rigor  African  e x i s t e n c e of an  African  p e a s a n t r y s o l e l y on the  basis  of a c u l t u r a l d e f i n i t i o n , o r ,  f o r t h a t m a t t e r , on the  basis  of a p u r e l y  d e f i n i t i o n l i k e that  political  suggested by W i t t f o g e l ,  i s not  adequate f o r a study o f A f r i c a n c l a s s s t r u c t u r e . c u l t u r a l d e f i n i t i o n e x p l o r e s o n l y one m i l i e u which i s , s i n c e colonialism,  part  the  of the  w o r l d economy and  i n t e r n a t i o n a l d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r . t h i s a s p e c t of the  analysis  As  First,  a s p e c t of the  p e n e t r a t i o n of the  entirely  peasant  continent  hence p a r t  S a u l and  a  by  of  the  Woods contend,  of A f r i c a n peasants i s i m p o r t a n t :  . . . d e s p i t e the e x i s t e n c e o f some p r e f i g u r i n g of a peasant c l a s s i n e a r l i e r p e r i o d s , i t i s more f r u i t f u l t o view both the c r e a t i o n o f an A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y , as w e l l as the c r e a t i o n o f the p r e s e n t d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r i e s , as being p r i m a r i l y the r e s u l t o f the i n t e r a c t i o n between an i n t e r n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l i s t economic system and t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i o economic systems, w i t h i n the c o n t e x t of t e r r i t o r i a l l y d e f i n e d c o l o n i a l systems. 6 2 Second, a p u r e l y c u l t u r a l or p o l i t i c a l d e f i n i t i o n does probe  the  dynamics of e x p l o i t a t i o n and  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f p e a s a n t s , and compliments the  o p p r e s s i o n which i s  which i n A f r i c a , as  p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the  not  elsewhere,  world c a p i t a l i s t  system  John S. S a u l and Roger Woods, " A f r i c a n P e a s a n t r i e s , " i n G i o v a n n i A r r i g h i and John S. S a u l , E s s a y s on the P o l i t i c a l Economy of A f r i c a (New York: Monthly Review P r e s s , 1973)> 4 0 9 .  35 as an underdeveloped n a t i o n a l h i n t e r l a n d and  neo-colonial  have a l r e a d y  of the c o l o n i a l  capitalist metropolis.^  pointed  state bourgeoisie,  T h i r d , as we  out i n r e g a r d t o t h e p o s t - c o l o n i a l  a c u l t u r a l approach t o s t r a t i f i c a t i o n  i n terms o f a s o c i e t a l dichotomy of a "Great T r a d i t i o n " and a " L i t t l e T r a d i t i o n " tends t o convey the i m p r e s s i o n  that  the c l a s s system i s composed o f two homogeneous c l a s s e s . While we have t r i e d t o c o r r e c t t h i s i m p r e s s i o n i n r e g a r d t o the A f r i c a n s t a t e b o u r g e o i s i e ,  i t must a l s o be s t r e s s e d  t h a t an important i n t r a - c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n a l s o  exists  w i t h i n what may be g e n e r a l l y termed "the A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y " . One d e f i n i t i o n which does c o n t r i b u t e  to focusing  a t t e n t i o n on these c r u c i a l areas i s t h a t advanced by Wolf. As p r e v i o u s l y noted, peasants a r e f o r Wolf r u r a l c u l t i v a t o r s who a r e s u b j e c t  t o asymmetrical power r e l a t i o n s which make  a permanent charge on t h e i r p r o d u c t i o n i n the form of r e n t , which may be p a i d i n l a b o u r , i n produce, or i n money. peasants a r e d i s t i n g u i s h e d  Thus  from i s o l a t e d t r i b a l c u l t i v a t o r s  •^For a d i s c u s s i o n o f the development of underdevelopment i n these terms, see Andre Gunder Frank's a n a l y s i s o f the metropolis-hinterland relationship i n international capitalism i n C a p i t a l i s m and Underdevelopment i n L a t i n America: H i s t o r i c a l S t u d i e s of C h i l e and B r a z i l , r e v , and e n l . (New York: Monthly Review P r e s s , 1 9 6 9 ) . F o r an e x c e l l e n t treatment o f t h e development o f c a p i t a l i s t underdevelopment of the Rhodesian p e a s a n t r y i n the c o l o n i a l p e r i o d , see I . R. P h i m i s t e r , "Peasant P r o d u c t i o n and Underdevelopment i n Southern Rhodesia, 1 8 9 0 - 1 9 1 V A f r i c a n A f f a i r s 7^ ( A p r i l , 1 9 7 ^ ) , 2 1 7 - 2 2 8 . For a s i m i l a r a n a l y s i s of South A f r i c a , see C o l i n Bundy, "The Emergence and D e c l i n e of a South A f r i c a n Peasantry," A f r i c a n A f f a i r s 71 (October, 1 9 7 2 ) , 3 6 9 - 3 3 8 . : 1  36 on the b a s i s of economic e x p l o i t a t i o n o f peasant p r o d u c t i o n , which Wolf d e f i n e s  surplus  as f o l l o w s :  ... In p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t y , producers c o n t r o l the means o f p r o d u c t i o n , i n c l u d i n g t h e i r own l a b o r , and exchange t h e i r own l a b o r and i t s p r o d u c t s f o r t h e c u l t u r a l l y d e f i n e d e q u i v a l e n t goods and s e r v i c e s o f others. In t h e course o f c u l t u r a l e v o l u t i o n , however, such simple systems have been superceded by o t h e r s i n which c o n t r o l o f the means of p r o d u c t i o n , i n c l u d i n g the d i s p o s i t i o n o f human l a b o r , passes from t h e hands of t h e primary p r o d u c e r s i n t o the hands o f groups t h a t do n o t c a r r y on t h e p r o d u c t i v e p r o c e s s themselves, but assume i n s t e a d s p e c i a l e x e c u t i v e and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e f u n c t i o n s , backed by the use o f f o r c e . The c o n s t i t u t i o n of s o c i e t y i n such a case I s no l o n g e r based on the e q u i v a l e n t and d i r e c t exchanges of goods and s e r v i c e s between one group and another; r a t h e r , goods and s e r v i c e s a r e f i r s t f u r n i s h e d t o a center and o n l y later redirected. In p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t y , s u r p l u s e s a r e exchanged d i r e c t l y among groups or members o f groups; p e a s a n t s , however, a r e r u r a l c u l t i v a t o r s whose s u r p l u s e s are t r a n s f e r r e d t o a dominant group o f r u l e r s t h a t uses the s u r p l u s e s both t o u n d e r w r i t e i t s own standard o f l i v i n g and t o d i s t r i b u t e t h e remainder t o groups i n s o c i e t y t h a t do n o t farm but must be f e d f o r t h e i r s p e c i f i c goods and s e r v i c e s i n t u r n . 6h Lacking the s t a t i c n a t u r e o f the s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n s , the Wolf d e f i n i t i o n o f peasants emphasizes the n a t u r e o f the g e n e s i s o f p e a s a n t r i e s .  As Wolf notes i n t h i s  r e g a r d , " i t i s e s p e c i a l l y important t o r e c o g n i z e the e f f e c t s of t h e i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n and t h e growing world market on peasant segments the w o r l d o v e r " .  J  As compared t o t h e  framework of t r i b a l i s m , t h e approach i s most u s e f u l f o r the study o f s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a . F o r not  o n l y does i t f o c u s on the f a c t t h a t the p e a s a n t r y has  bM  "Wolf, Peasants. 3 - . k  ^ W o l f , "Types of L a t i n American Peasantry," 5 0 2 .  37 been f o r the most p a r t c r e a t e d by c o l o n i a l p e n e t r a t i o n , but u n l i k e t h e c u l t u r a l approach o f R e d f i e l d i t i s cognizant o f the the nature o f the economic e x p l o i t a t i o n of peasant s u r p l u s e s , as d e f i n e d above by Wolf, which has r e s u l t e d from the i n c o r p o r a t i o n of A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s i n t o the c a p i t a l i s t economic system.  As Leys summarizes:  The economic s u r p l u s produced by t h e v a s t mass of p r o d u c t i v e workers, the s m a l l e r f a r m e r s , i s being e x t r a c t e d , p a r t l y by adverse terms of t r a d e w i t h the developed c o u n t r i e s , p a r t l y by the h i g h p r o f i t s of e x p a t r i a t e f i r m s , which are l a r g e l y r e p a t r i a t e d overseas, and p a r t l y by the i m p o r t - and consumptiono r i e n t e d expenditure o f the s k i l l e d workers and s a l a r i e d employees, i n s t e a d o f going i n t o p r o d u c t i v e manufacturing investment and t h e development o f a domestic market f o r l o c a l p r o d u c t s . 66 To examine how t h e Wolf d e f i n i t i o n a p p l i e s t o subSaharan A f r i c a i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o b r i e f l y analyze  how t h e  s u r p l u s o f r e n t i s e x t r a c t e d from t h e r u r a l c u l t i v a t o r s by a dominant group o f r u l e r s . To have meaning, t h i s a n a l y s i s must not be a r t i f i c a l l y l i m i t e d t o the e x t r a c t i o n o f peasant surplus production  by t h e A f r i c a n s t a t e b o u r g e o i s i e , but  must a l s o take i n t o account the e x t r a c t i o n of peasant economic s u r p l u s e s by the c o l o n i a l governments and the extratriate firms.  To both make t h i s a n a l y s i s more manage-  able and t o explore  the i n t r a - c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n o f the  peasant c l a s s e s i n A f r i c a i t i s w e l l t o view the e x t r a c t i o n of peasant economic s u r p l u s e s  i n terras o f B a r n e t t ' s  of three types o f A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r i e s :  typology  the m a r g i n a l -  C o l i n Leys, " P o l i t i c s i n Kenya: The Development o f Peasant S o c i e t y , " B r i t i s h J o u r n a l of P o l i t i c a l Science 1 (July, 1 9 7 D , 3 1 0 . D D  38 s u b s i s t e n c e peasantry,  the l a b o u r - e x p o r t i n g p e a s a n t r y ,  and  67  the cash-cropping  peasantry.  '  I t should be noted  B a r n e t t ' s p i o n e e r i n g e f f o r t t o develop  that  a t y p o l o g y of t h e  A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y r e l i e s h e a v i l y on Wolf's c r i t e r i a of economic e x p l o i t a t i o n and s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l o p p r e s s i o n , wherei n the t h r e e types of p e a s a n t r i e s are d e l i n e a t e d i n terms of the n a t u r e and degree of t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the economy of i n t e r n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l i s m . While B a r n e t t does not  attempt  t o s y s t e m a t i c a l l y l o c a t e these t h r e e types of A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r i e s w i t h i n the M a r x i s t concept  of i n t r a - c l a s s  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n t o e i t h e r c a t e g o r i e s , f r a c t i o n s and i t may  be  strata,  s a i d t h a t the m a r g i n a l - s u b s i s t e n c e , l a b o u r - e x p o r t i n g  and cash-cropping  p e a s a n t r i e s r e p r e s e n t f r a c t i o n s of the  A f r i c a n peasantry  s i n c e , i n P o u l a n t z a s ' terms, t h e y  are  l o c a t e d a t the l e v e l of economic r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n . Needless  t o say, as Mao  Chinese p e a s a n t r y , different  has p o i n t e d out i n t h e case o f the  these d i f f e r e n t types of peasants  c i r c u m s t a n c e s , have d i f f e r e n t  in different  ways.^  i n t e r e s t s and  live in behave  8  By d e f i n i t i o n , t h e m a r g i n a l - s u b s i s t e n c e f r a c t i o n o f the A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y i s engaged i n s u b s i s t e n c e  cultivation  ^ D o n a l d L. B a r n e t t , Peasant Types and R e v o l u t i o n a r y P o t e n t i a l i n C o l o n i a l A f r i c a (Richmond, B.C.: LSM I n f o r m a t i o n Center, 1 9 7 3 ) . T h i s paper o r i g i n a l l y appeared under the t i t l e "Three Types o f A f r i c a n Peasantry," Background Paper No. 1, U n i v e r s i t y C o l l e g e , Dar-es-Salaam, R u r a l Development Committee, 1 9 6 8 . (Mimeographed). 7  68  See, f o r example, Mao, "Report on an I n v e s t i g a t i o n of the Peasant Movement i n Hunan," e s p e c i a l l y 3 0 .  39  of annual crops p l u s p r o d u c t i o n f o r exchange s u f f i c i e n t t o pay taxes and make n e c e s s a r y purchases,  i s unfavourably  l o c a t e d w i t h r e g a r d t o t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s and urban market c e n t e r s and r e l a t i v e l y s p a r s e l y s e t t l e d i n t e r r i t o r i e s w i t h l i t t l e or no European settlement  and/or a v e r y  restricted  69 wage-labour market.  7  Although  the marginal-subsistence  f r a c t i o n o f the A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y European and American o b s e r v e r s  i s o f t e n seen by  as r e p r e s e n t i n g t h e "pure  11  type o f A f r i c a n a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n which has remained little  changed s i n c e time immemorial, t h e s u b s i s t e n c e -  o r i e n t e d peasant f r a c t i o n o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y may be seen i n p a r t as the c r e a t i o n o f c o l o n i a l p e n e t r a t i o n and domination o f t h e A f r i c a n c o n t i n e n t , i f indeed i t may be s a i d t o have e x i s t e d as a "pure" type i n A f r i c a p r i o r t o colonialism.  T h i s i s i t s e l f r a t h e r d o u b t f u l s i n c e , as  Gray and Birmingham p o i n t out, d u r i n g t h e p r e - c o l o n i a l p e r i o d " . . . one can b e g i n t o d i s c e r n a s e r i e s o f i n n o v a t i o n s which t o g e t h e r c o n s t i t u t e a mode o f economic o r g a n i z a t i o n mid-way between s u b s i s t e n c e and a f u l l y - f l o d g e d market economy".^  Certainly, prior to colonialism, parts  of C e n t r a l and West A f r i c a produced s u f f i c i e n t  surpluses  of such items as c l o t h , tanned l e a t h e r goods, p o t t e r y , g o l d , i v o r y , i r o n , copper, c a t t l e and s l a v e s f o r exchange, some t o D  ^Barnett,  Peasant Types, 29  7°Gray and Birmingham, "Some Economic and P o l i t i c a l Consequences o f Trade," 18.  ho d i s t a n t trading s t a t i o n s f o r trade with Arabia,  Southern  71  Europe and even I n d i a and China.  However, u n l i k e the  peasant economy o f p r e - i n d u s t r i a l Europe, i n A f r i c a the e x t r a c t i o n o f peasant economic s u r p l u s e s was n o t accomplished through t h e p o s s e s s i o n  o f l a n d h e l d i n p r i v a t e tenure i n the  form o f f e u d a l e s t a t e s , but r a t h e r i n t h e d i r e c t e x p l o i t a t i o n of labour-power i t s e l f .  As Gray and Birmingham put i t , " i n  Europe, but n o t i n A f r i c a , the key t o power and w e a l t h was mastery o f the l a n d .  In A f r i c a the r e a l key t o p r o d u c t i o n  and p r o s p e r i t y was men and women; l a n d was r a r e l y i n short supply  and t h e r e f o r e no e s p e c i a l v a l u e was a t t a c h e d  ownership".  72  to i t s  Consequently, the r u l e r s of some p r e - c o l o n i a l  A f r i c a n kingdoms e x t r a c t e d from t h e i r " r e n t " by o b t a i n i n g  s u b j e c t s a form o f  s l a v e s through t a x a t i o n ,  l a n d i n communal t e n u r e . '  7 3  while  holding  While Gray and Birmingham's  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n may be c r i t i c i z e d  as something o f a sweeping  g e n e r a l i z a t i o n , g i v e n the v a s t n e s s  and d i v e r s i t y o f the  subject, the point i s nevertheless  important t o the q u e s t i o n  concerning  the existence of classes i n p r e - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a n  s o c i e t y and i t appears t o have been overlooked '"Seidman, Planning  by some  f o r Development. 5 8 .  G r a y and Birmingham, "Some Economic and P o l i t i c a l Consequences o f Trade," 1 8 . 7 2  7 3  Ibld.  W h i l e Gray and Birmingham contend t h a t no e s p e c i a l v a l u e was p l a c e d on the i n d i v i d u a l ovmershlp of l a n d f o r the g e n e r a t i o n of wealth due t o an abundance of supply, i t i s n e v e r t h e l e s s t r u e t h a t l a n d was c o n s i d e r e d a communal and sacred t r e a s u r e . 7l+  41 w r i t e r s who  f o c u s on the  o v e r t l y e g a l i t a r i a n nature of  communal t e n u r e , w h i l e p l a c i n g an o v e r l y r i g i d emphasis the  existence  of p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y i n l a n d  on  as a c r i t e r i a f o r  75 the f o r m a t i o n of c l a s s e s i n a g r a r i a n  societies.  This  J  e r r o r would appear to be the r e s u l t of an attempt t o use a model f o r the  study of A f r i c a n s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n  developmental experience of Europe. the  study of c l a s s i n any  tenure per  se, but  In any  as the  What i s Important f o r  s o c i e t y i s hot  the form of s u r p l u s  the form of  land  extraction.  case, w h i l e t h e r e appears to be  some evidence  t o suggest t h a t i n some p r e - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a n kingdoms asymmetrical power r e l a t i o n s were e x e r c i s e d  over r u r a l  c u l t i v a t o r s by a group of dominant r u l e r s t o produce a fund of " r e n t " as d e f i n e d  by Wolf, the  imposition  hegemony served i n i t i a l l y t o c r e a t e  of c o l o n i a l  a more u n i f o r m l y poor,  u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d p e a s a n t r y of the m a r g i n a l - s u b s i s t e n c e type through the d e s t r u c t i o n  of e x i s t i n g p r e - c o l o n i a l  entrepreneur-  i a l a c t i v i t y where t h i s a c t i v i t y c o n f l i c t e d w i t h the of the m e t r o p o l i t a n economy.  interests  T h i s , of c o u r s e , i s not  to  imply t h a t c o l o n i a l r u l e n e c e s s a r i l y reduced A f r i c a n s  in  every case t o p o v e r t y and the p r o s p e r i t y of the l e s s , i t may  dependence, as i s i l l u s t r a t e d  Ibos i n the  c o l o n i a l period.  be argued t h a t where e x i s t i n g  by  Neverthe-  pre-colonial  '^See, f o r example, Szymon Chodak, " S o c i a l C l a s s e s i n Sub-Saharan A f r i c a , " A f r l c a n a B u l l e t i n , no. 4 (1966), 7-^7. A l s o see h i s " S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n Sub-Saharan A f r i c a , " Canadian J o u r n a l o f A f r i c a n S t u d i e s V I I (1973), e s p e c i a l l y  4T6";  h2 entrepreneurial a c t i v i t y d i r e c t l y c o n f l i c t e d with i n t e r e s t s of the m e t r o p o l i t a n o p p o s i t i o n from the  economy i t was  c o l o n i a l administration.  the  o f t e n met  with  This i s well  documented i n West A f r i c a where the l o c a l l y produced t e x t i l e s had  long been manufactured i n l a r g e q u a n t i t i e s  of h i g h q u a l i t y . l o c a l i n d u s t r y was  and  Under c o l o n i a l r u l e , however, t h i s dynamic not  produced l i t t l e i f any  encouraged t o expand s i n c e i t r e a l i z a b l e revenue f o r the  local  B r i t i s h a u t h o r i t i e s through t a x a t i o n , i n a d d i t i o n to which i t s economic v i a b i l i t y d i d not metropolitan  capitalists.  serve  the i n t e r e s t s of  As Johnson d e s c r i b e s  i t , these  N i g e r i a n e n t r e p r e n e u r s were rewarded f o r t h e i r v e r y v i a b i l i t y by the c o l o n i a l d e c i s i o n t o c r u s h the  the  economic  industry.  . . . Lugard [the Governor] . . . f a c e d w i t h the demand from B r i t i s h manufacturers f o r new markets, and a t the same time f o r a source of supply of c o t t o n other than America (threatened w i t h severe shortage as a r e s u l t of crop p e s t s ) , h i t upon a p o l i c y which may be c a l l e d " c o t t o n i m p e r i a l i s m " . Crush the l o c a l weaving i n d u s t r y , and the raw c o t t o n which would have been woven l o c a l l y w i l l be exported t o England; moreover, h o p e f u l l y , the redundant weavers would a l s o t u r n t h e i r hands t o growing c o t t o n f o r e x p o r t . E n g l i s h c o t t o n s would r e p l a c e the l o c a l m a n u f a c t u r e — t o the b e n e f i t of everyone, except the N i g e r i a n s , who p e r v e r s e l y continued t o p r e f e r the l o c a l p r o d u c t . 76 As i t t u r n e d  out, the  B r i t i s h were not  successful i n elimin-  a t i n g the N i g e r i a n t e x t i l e i n d u s t r y , l a r g e l y because l o c a l consumers continued A f r i c a n p r o d u c t , and  the  t o p r e f e r the b e t t e r q u a l i t y  because the B r i t i s h , even w i t h  ^ M a r i o n Johnson, "Cotton Imperialism A f r i c a n A f f a i r s 73 ( A p r i l , 1 9 7 ) , 182. 7  k  the  i n West A f r i c a , "  **3 c o m p e t i t i v e advantage o f the power-loom and the h i g h t a x e s imposed  on the t r a n s p o r t of domestic c o t t o n , c o u l d n o t  u n d e r s e l l the hand-woven p r o d u c t .  Other p a r t s o f  sub-Saharan  A f r i c a were n o t , however, as f o r t u n a t e , e i t h e r because t h e y l a c k e d the c o m p e t i t i v e advantage v i s - a - v i s the  European  t r a d e r s and m a n u f a c t u r e r s , the support o f the l o c a l consumers,  were more v u l n e r a b l e t o c o l o n i a l i n t e r f e r e n c e , o r  simply l a c k e d the t e n a c i t y of the N i g e r i a n e n t r e p r e n e u r s . An example o f an a r e a unable t o w i t h s t a n d the p r e s s u r e s of European  economic r e p r e s s i o n i s Angola, where p r i o r t o  Portuguese c o l o n i a l i s m t h e r e were a number o f q u i t e h i g h l y developed A f r i c a n kingdoms based on a prosperous  economic  77 base, such as the L o z i and Kongo kingdoms.  Needless t o  say, Portuguese c o l o n i a l i s m has had a marked l e v e l i n g  effect,  r e d u c i n g Angolans t o a more u n i f o r m l e v e l o f p o v e r t y and underdevelopment. Where c o l o n i a l r u l e d i d not o v e r t l y attempt t o destroy indigenous entrepreneurial a c t i v i t y to gain  advantage  f o r m e t r o p o l i t a n manufacturing and t r a d i n g i n t e r e s t s , i t o f t e n attempted t o a c c o m p l i s h the same ends f o r the white ' A c c o r d i n g t o Gray and Birmingham, a t the time the Portuguese a r r i v e d the Kongo kingdom had a developed commercial system c e n t e r e d on a r o y a l c a p i t a l , w i t h a w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d c u r r e n c y system and an e s t a b l i s h e d market. See Gray and Birmingham, "Some Economic and P o l i t i c a l Consequences of Trade," 8 - 9 . For a s h o r t account of the impact of Portuguese c o l o n i a l i s m , see B a s i l Davidson, "The O l d e s t A l l i a n c e Faces a C r i s i s , " i n Angola: A Symposium. Views o f a R e v o l t , comp. I n s t i t u t e of Race R e l a t i o n s (London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 6 2 ) , 1 3 8 - 1 6 0 .  s e t t l e r community I n areas where t h i s p o p u l a t i o n was significant.  and i s  Here one might c i t e a number of examples,  i n c l u d i n g the u s u r p a t i o n of the most f e r t i l e l a n d i n Kenya on the s o - c a l l e d White Highlands  f o r European  occupation,  7 8  but perhaps the most g r a p h i c example of t h i s development of underdevelopment of the A f r i c a n p o p u l a t i o n to the s t a t u s of a m a r g i n a l - s u b s i s t e n c e p e a s a n t r y i s the case of South A f r i c a and Southern  Rhodesia.  A f r i c a n p o p u l a t i o n was and  In both c o u n t r i e s the f a t e of the t i e d to the development of  capitalism  the p o l i t i c a l economy o f the s e t t l e r community.  Rhodesia,  f o r example, the l u c r a t i v e t a s k of s u p p l y i n g  export-producing farms and  In the  r e g i o n s ( n o t a b l y the mines, c a p i t a l i s t  company-owned p l a n t a t i o n s ) w i t h food and s e r v i c e s  f e l l l a r g e l y t o the A f r i c a n peasant a f t e r the F i r s t World War. ^ 7  producers u n t i l  F a r from r e s i s t i n g  shortly  change, a  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c which some w r i t e r s have a t t r i b u t e d t o the 80 peasantry,  the Rhodesian p e a s a n t r y was  prompt i n i n v e s t i n g  F o r one account of the a l i e n a t i o n of A f r i c a n l a n d s i n Kenya, see M. P. K. Sorrenson, O r i g i n s of European Settlement i n Kenya. Memoir Number Two of the B r i t i s h I n s t i t u t e of H i s t o r y and Archaeology i n East A f r i c a ( N a i r o b i : Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 6 8 ) . 7 8  ^ P h i m i s t e r , "Peasant P r o d u c t i o n and Underdevelopment i n Southern Rhodesia," 217. 80 See, f o r example, Arthur H. N i e h o f f and J . C h a r n e l Anderson, "Peasant F a t a l i s m and Socio-economic I n n o v a t i o n , " Human O r g a n i z a t i o n 2 5 (Winter, 1 9 6 6 ) , 273-283, and C h a r l e s J . Erasmus, Man Takes C o n t r o l : C u l t u r a l Development and American A i d ( M i n n e a p o l i s : U n i v e r s i t y of Minnesota P r e s s , 1 9 6 1 ) . 7  ^5 and i n n o v a t i n g i n response t o market o p p o r t u n i t i e s . it  81  Indeed,  i s not too much t o say t h a t the peasant producers were so  s u c c e s s f u l i n adapting t o the new from the development  o p p o r t u n i t i e s which a r o s e  of c a p i t a l i s m t h a t i n Rhodesia by the  end o f the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y they were, a c c o r d i n g t o P h i m i s t e r , enabled t o recoup c e r t a i n o f t h e i r l o s s e s i n a r e l a t i v e l y s h o r t time.  A l s o , i n South A f r i c a the p r o s p e r i t y  of some peasant producers i n the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y was such t h a t a c l a s s o f A f r i c a n c a p i t a l i s t farmers was which not o n l y had t e n a n t s and wage-labourers  emerging  on t h e i r  l a n d s — a g a i n s t whom they used the Cape's Masters and Servants A c t t o p u n i s h d e f a u l t e r s — b u t was  a b l e i n some cases  t o buy back the l a n d o f which t h e y had e a r l i e r been d e p r i v e d through  expropriation.^ While the p r o s p e r i t y of peasant  agricultural  p r o d u c t i o n served the i n t e r e s t s of d e v e l o p i n g c a p i t a l i s m i n Southern A f r i c a i t was flourish.  a l l o w e d , i f not encouraged,  to  However, once diamond and g o l d mining became a  major f o r c e i n the economy i n the 1880's and  1890's  r e s p e c t i v e l y , which a c c e l e r a t e d the predominance of d i r e c t l y  ° G i o v a n n i A r r i g h i , "Labor S u p p l i e s i n H i s t o r i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e : A Study of the P r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n o f the A f r i c a n Peasantry i n Rhodesia," i n A r r i g h i and S a u l , Essays on the P o l i t i c a l Economy o f A f r i c a , 1 8 5 .  8P P h i m i s t e r , "Peasant P r o d u c t i o n and Underdevelopment i n Southern Rhodesia," 2 2 0 . ^ B u n d y , "The Emergence and D e c l i n e of a South A f r i c a n Peasantry," 3 7 9 - 3 8 0 .  46  i m p e r i a l c a p i t a l over l o c a l c a p i t a l , Phimister  84  a l l t h i s changed.  shows, a v i a b l e peasant economy d i d not  As  facilitate  the e x t r a c t i o n of peasant s u r p l u s e s i n a form u s e f u l t o c a p i t a l i s m , t h a t i s i n the form o f labour-powerJ The e s t a b l i s h m e n t and expansion of the mining i n d u s t r y without an accompanying c a p i t a l i s t farming s e c t o r i n i t i a l l y c r e a t e d f a v o u r a b l e market o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r the emergence of an A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y i n s i g n i f i c a n t numbers. But because the g e n e r a l p r o f i t a b i l i t y o f the f i r s t s e c t o r [mining and other p r o d u c t i o n f o r e x p o r t ] , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n terms of m i n i m i z a t i o n of wage c o s t s , depended l a r g e l y on the s i z e and e x p l o i t a b i l i t y of the labour p o o l i n the t h i r d c a t e g o r y [the m a r g i n a l s u b s i s t e n c e p e a s a n t r y ] , i t was v i t a l t h a t c a p i t a l i s t a g r i c u l t u r e should dominate the second s e c t o r [the supply of food and s e r v i c e s t o the export-producing s e c t o r ] , 85 T h e r e f o r e , t o i n s u r e the c r e a t i o n of a d o c i l e army o f poor peasants who  c o u l d be induced  t o work f o r extremely  low  wages, thus i n c r e a s i n g the p r o f i t a b i l i t y of the mines, settler-owned  c a p i t a l i s t farms and p l a n t a t i o n s , a s e r i e s of  changes were undertaken t o r i d the s e m i - c a p i t a l i s t  agri-  c u l t u r a l sector of i t s A f r i c a n entrepreneurs. One  such change which was  undertaken t o l i m i t  o p p o r t u n i t i e s a v a i l a b l e t o A f r i c a n s was of  what A r r i g h i has  c a l l e d semi-feudal  the  the  establishment  relations.  Here  A f r i c a n s were s y s t e m a t i c a l l y d e p r i v e d of t h e i r a n c e s t r a l l a n d s which were then d i s t r i b u t e d among the white who,  magnanimously, allowed  settlers,  the peasants t o remain on  the  84.  M a r t i n L e g a s s i c k , "South A f r i c a : c a p i t a l accumulation and v i o l e n c e , " Economy and S o c i e t y 3 (August, 197*0, 260. 8  ^ P h i m i s t e r , "Peasant P r o d u c t i o n , "  8 6  Arrighi,  "Labour S u p p l i e s , "  196.  217-218.  47 l a n d as tenant farmers.  In t h i s way the white  were a b l e t o more d i r e c t l y e x t r a c t peasant market t h e i r t e n a n t s ' produce. asymmetrical  settlers  s u r p l u s e s and  N a t u r a l l y , once s u b j e c t t o  power r e l a t i o n s by t h e landowner, and dependent  on h i s whims, these, peasants  became v i c t i m s o f unfavourable  terms of t r a d e , or what one w r i t e r has termed i n the i n t e r -  87 n a t i o n a l context the i m p e r i a l i s m of t r a d e . ' t y p i c a l s c e n a r i o one f i n d s t h a t i n Southern  In a somewhat  Rhodesia, f o r  i n s t a n c e , when the l o c a l market v a l u e o f g r a i n was 2 0 s . a bag,  t r a d e r s i n the C h a r t e r area bought i t a t 1 0 s . ,  before  r e s e l l i n g i t i n S a l i s b u r y and H a r t l e y a t 3 7 s 6 d . p e r bag, and  some t r a d e r s o n l y o f f e r e d the peasant  producers  trade  goods i n exchange, thus s e r v i n g the f u r t h e r purpose i n the c o l o n i a l p o l i t i c a l economy o f f o r c i n g peasants  i n t o wage  employment i n order t o pay t h e i r taxes and make n e c e s s a r y go  cash purchases. producing for  As a consequence, peasants  were i n f a c t  a s u r p l u s f o r the white s e t t l e r economy, and n o t  themselves. Although t h e establishment  of semi-feudal  relations  through the e x p r o p r i a t i o n o f A f r i c a n l a n d had a c e r t a i n leveling  e f f e c t among the A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y ,  the e s t a b l i s h -  ment of the Reserve system by the N a t i v e Lands A c t of 1913 ' A r g h i r i Emmanuel, Unequal Exchange: A Study o f the I m p e r i a l i s m o f Trade, t r a n s . B r i a n Pearce (London: Monthly Review P r e s s , 1 9 7 2 ) . 8 8  P h i m i s t e r , "Peasant P r o d u c t i o n , " 224, 2 2 5 .  48  may  be  seen as the c r u c i a l f a c t o r i n c r e a t i n g a m a r g i n a l -  s u b s i s t e n c e f r a c t i o n of the peasantry  i n Southern A f r i c a .  As one might perhaps expect, the o b j e c t of the N a t i v e Act was  t o l i q u i d a t e the  c o m p e t i t i o n t o the s e t t l e r  c a p i t a l i s t a g r i c u l t u r e and  Lands  dominated  t o i n s u r e a steady f l o w of A f r i c a n  wage-labourers to the mines from a s u b s i s t e n c e Reserve economy, although the s t a t e d r a t i o n a l e i n Parliament t h a t t h e A c t would i n s u r e the t e r r i t o r i a l races.  s e g r e g a t i o n of the  At any r a t e , the Act s t i p u l a t e d t h a t no A f r i c a n  c o u l d purchase or occupy l a n d o u t s i d e the A f r i c a n and  was  Reserves,  t h a t Whites c o u l d not a c q u i r e or occupy l a n d i n the  Reserves.  L i k e the p o l i c y which p r e v a i l e d i n Canada and  U n i t e d S t a t e s w i t h the e s t a b l i s h m e n t  of I n d i a n  the  Reservations,  the A f r i c a n Reserves would seem to have been p u r p o s e l y l o c a t e d on the p o o r e s t a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d a v a i l a b l e , and  in  areas which were g e o g r a p h i c a l l y disadvantaged  i n terms o f  a c c e s s t o r a i l w a y s and markets, and  therefore of  l i t t l e use t o Europeans.  which was  Even more important,  land a v a i l a b l e f o r A f r i c a n occupation Although  the s i t u a t i o n was  shrank d r a s t i c a l l y .  t o a l i m i t e d extent a l l e v i a t e d  1936 when the Smuts and Hertzog T r u s t and  the amount of  C o a l i t i o n passed the  Native  Land Act under which some l a n d a d j a c e n t to or  the Reserves was  added t o the A f r i c a n a l l o t m e n t , the  In  In  total  H a r o l d Wolpe, " C a p i t a l i s m and cheap labour-power i n South A f r i c a : from s e g r e g a t i o n t o a p a r t h e i d , " Economy and S o c i e t y 1 ( 1 9 7 2 ) , 438. y  V9 amount o f l a n d a v a i l a b l e t o the A f r i c a n p o p u l a t i o n was pitifully  small and s u b j e c t t o a r t i f i c i a l l y  Malthusian population pressures.  created  As a long-time  l e a d e r and  i n t e l l e c t u a l o f the A f r i c a n N a t i o n a l Congress puts i t : When a l l the r e l e a s e d areas a r e bought and added to t h e scheduled a r e a s , the t o t a l a r e a s e t a s i d e f o r A f r i c a n o c c u p a t i o n I n terms o f -the two A c t s w i l l c o n s t i t u t e 13 p e r cent o f South A f r i c a ' s l a n d s u r f a c e . But o n l y 5 o f t h e 7\ m i l l i o n morgen have, i n f a c t as y e t been a c q u i r e d , so t h a t today some 1 1 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 A f r i c a n s have r i g h t s t o o n l y 9 p e r cent o f the l a n d , w h i l e 3 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 Whites own and occupy the r e s t . Furthermore, A f r i c a n s i n a l l but a v e r y few areas cannot a c q u i r e i n d i v i d u a l t i t l e to t h e i r land. I t i s l e g a l l y h e l d by a T r u s t on b e h a l f of the S t a t e , and the peasant o c c u p i e r s a r e — i n e f f e c t — t e n a n t s , h o l d i n g t h e i r l a n d under c o n d i t i o n s imposed by the government. 9 0 As a r e s u l t of t h e overcrowding on the Reserves,  and consequent  overcropping  combined w i t h the poor q u a l i t y o f much o f  the l a n d t o b e g i n w i t h , the South A f r i c a n peasant have been e f f e c t i v e l y prevented  producers  from p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n  c a p i t a l i s t a g r i c u l t u r e , except as wage-labourers.  In f a c t ,  the p r e s s u r e s on t h e l a n d a r e such t h a t a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v i t y , a c c o r d i n g t o Mbeki, has d e c l i n e d on the Reserves t o t h e p o i n t t h a t they are today producing  the minimum food requirements  i n c a p a b l e of  f o r the p o p u l a t i o n s  91 t h e y support.  In s h o r t , the occupants o f the Reserves a r e  a marginal-subsistence  f r a c t i o n o f the A f r i c a n  peasantry—  9°Govan Mbeki, South A f r i c a : The Peasants' (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1 9 6 4 ) , 6 6 . 91 I b i d . , 6 9 .  Revolt  50 c r e a t e d and kept as such by c o l o n i a l i s m , the requirements the white s e t t l e r s as expressed their politicians Malan and  of  i n the r a c i s t p o l i c i e s of  (as i n the Government of Prime M i n i s t e r  a f t e r ) , and by t h e requirements  of m e t r o p o l i t a n  c a p i t a l i s m — w i t h no a l t e r n a t i v e t o s e l l i n g  their  labour 92  a t p r i c e s even below the c o s t of i t s p r o d u c t i o n . At the s t a t u s of the occupants of t h e South A f r i c a n Reserves has been c r e a t e d by c o l o n i a l i s m and the p o l i c i e s of the s e t t l e r regime, so the peasant  racist  marginal-subsistence  f r a c t i o n i n other p a r t s o f the c o n t i n e n t south of  the Sahara which l a c k a l a r g e white s e t t l e r p o p u l a t i o n be seen as a r e c e n t c r e a t i o n , stemming from domination.  may  colonial  T h i s i s not t o argue, of course, t h a t  s u b s i s t e n c e a r g l c u l t u r e per s_e i s a newly developed p r o d u c t i o n i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a .  mode of  However, the s t a t u s o f  t h i s f r a c t i o n of the A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y as m a r g i n a l  and  s u b s i s t e n c e - o r i e n t e d i n the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , e x i s t i n g  no  l o n g e r as i s o l a t e d tribesmen wherein c o n t r o l of the means o f ^ M a r x f e l t t h a t the lowest p r i c e a t which l a b o u r c o u l d be s o l d , t a k i n g i n account t h a t the workers' ". . . n a t u r a l wants, such as f o o d , c l o t h i n g , f u e l , and housing, v a r y a c c o r d i n g to the c l i m a t i c and other p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n s of h i s c o u n t r y " , was, l i k e o t h e r commodities, determined ". . . b y the l a b o u r - t i m e n e c e s s a r y f o r the p r o d u c t i o n , and c o n s e q u e n t l y a l s o the r e p r o d u c t i o n , of t h i s special a r t i c l e " . K a r l Marx, C a p i t a l : A C r i t i q u e of P o l i t i c a l Economy, 3 v o l s . , ed. F r e d e r i c k Engels (New York: I n t e r n a t i o n a l Publishers, 1967), 1: 171, 170. T h i s f o r m u l a , however, does not h o l d f o r the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the sub-Saharan A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y i n the c a p i t a l i s t economy, s i n c e the c r e a t i o n of a m a r g i n a l - s u b s i s t e n c e f r a c t i o n a l l o w s the p r i c e of l a b o u r t o f a l l f a r below the c o s t of i t s p r o d u c t i o n . T h i s q u e s t i o n w i l l be e x p l o r e d i n the d i s c u s s i o n of the l a b o u r - e x p o r t i n g f r a c t i o n of the A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y .  51 p r o d u c t i o n no l o n g e r r e s t s w i t h the p r i m a r y p r o d u c e r s but i s l o c a l l y mediated by t h e A f r i c a n p o s t - c o l o n i a l  state  b o u r g e o i s i e and c o n t r o l l e d by the m e t r o p o l i t a n b o u r g e o i s i e , i s the c r e a t i o n o f uneven economic development,  colonial  and n e o - c o l o n i a l European domination, and the c a p i t a l i s t o r g a n i z a t i o n o f sub-Saharan A f r i c a n economies.  In a r e a s  of A f r i c a now commonly r e f e r r e d t o as "independent", where s t a t e power of a white s e t t l e r m i n o r i t y government d i d n o t systematically deprive A f r i c a n c u l t i v a t o r s of t h e i r communally-held l a n d , t h e s t r u c t u r a l u n d e r d e v e l o p m e n t ^ f Q  the m a r g i n a l - s u b s i s t e n c e f r a c t i o n o f the A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y arose out o f a combination o f c a p i t a l i s t market f o r c e s and the n a t u r a l l i m i t a t i o n s imposed on p r o d u c t i o n by g e o g r a p h i c a l and e c o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s .  As B a r n e t t p u t s i t s  The term " s t r u c t u r a l underdevelopment" i s t a k e n from Frank, C a p i t a l i s m and Underdevelopment i n L a t i n America, 9, who has w r i t t e n : "Economic development and underdevelopment are the o p p o s i t e f a c e s o f the same c o i n . Both a r e the n e c e s s a r y r e s u l t and contemporary m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f i n t e r n a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s i n the w o r l d c a p i t a l i s t system. Economic development and underdevelopment a r e n o t j u s t r e l a t i v e and q u a n t i t a t i v e , i n t h a t one r e p r e s e n t s more economic d e v e l o p ment than the o t h e r ; economic development and underdevelopment are r e l a t i o n a l and q u a l i t a t i v e , i n t h a t each i s s t r u c t u r a l l y d i f f e r e n t from, y e t caused by i t s r e l a t i o n w i t h , the o t h e r . Yet development and underdevelopment a r e the same i n t h a t they a r e the p r o d u c t o f a s i n g l e but d i a l e c t i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t economic s t r u c t u r e s o r systems, o r o f supposed d i f f e r e n c e s i n stages o f economic growth achieved w i t h i n the same system. One and the same h i s t o r i c a l process o f the expansion and development o f c a p i t a l i s m throughout the world has s i m u l t a n e o u s l y g e n e r a t e d — a n d c o n t i n u e s t o g e n e r a t e — b o t h economic development and s t r u c t u r a l underdevelopment". y:i  52 . . . t h i s type [the m a r g i n a l - s u b s i s t e n c e p e a s a n t r y ] i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by i t s r e l a t i v e l y m a r g i n a l i n v o l v e ment i n the modern processes of c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n , o f t e n occupying l a n d s of o n l y moderate s o i l f e r t i l i t y o u t s i d e the p e r e n n i a l crop zone or l o c a t e d i n areas remote from r a i l or road t r a n s p o r t and urban c e n t e r s , these peasant communities are l a r g e l y engaged i n subs i s t e n c e c u l t i v a t i o n combined w i t h a componont of cash economy s u f f i c i e n t a t best to take care of t h e i r t a x burdens and purchase the minimal n e c e s s a r y t r a d e and/ or consumption i t e m s . 9h G i v e n the p r o p e n s i t y of r u r a l peasant to  respond  cultivators i n Africa  t o market o p p o r t u n i t i e s , i t may  u n l i k e the romantic  be s a i d t h a t they  "back t o the l a n d " f a d d i s t s of  North  America, are engaging i n s u b s i s t e n c e c u l t i v a t i o n due l a c k of o t h e r v i a b l e One  t o the  alternatives.  should not assume, however, t h a t because t h e  m a r g i n a l - s u b s i s t e n c e f r a c t i o n of the sub-Saharan A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y i s l e a s t i n v o l v e d i n the c a s h economy t h a t i t i s e i t h e r a homogeneous e n t i t y , or f r e e from the e x t r a c t i o n o f an economic s u r p l u s by the m e t r o p o l i t a n and state bourgeoisie. first  post-colonial  On t h e c o n t r a r y , i n r e f e r e n c e to the  p o i n t one a n a l y s t has d e l i n e a t e d t h r e e stages w i t h i n  what i s here termed the m a r g i n a l - s u b s i s t e n c e f r a c t i o n of the A f r i c a n peasantry: each household  stage one,  s u b s i s t e n c e f a r m i n g , i n which  produces a l l the f o o d i t consumesj stage  d i r e c t a g r i c u l t u r a l consumption, i n which most produce t h e i r own  people  f o o d , and a l s o supply I t t o the  non-  a g r i c u l t u r a l p o p u l a t i o n as b a r t e r ; stage t h r e e , i n d i r e c t  B a r n e t t , Peasant Types. 29  two,  53 a g r i c u l t u r a l consumption, i n which the whole n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l p o p u l a t i o n and a t l e a s t a p a r t o f the a g r i c u l t u r a l p o p u l a t i o n s a t i s f y t h e i r needs through  a market i n which goods a r e s o l d ,  m a i n l y from d i s t r i c t s w i t h a g r i c u l t u r a l s u r p l u s e s .  y  As  Morgan n o t e s , a l l t h r e e of these stages a r e r e p r e s e n t e d i n the peasant  economies o f t r o p i c a l  Africa:  Stage one i s uncommon and c o n f i n e d m a i n l y t o t h e remoter a r e a s of v e r y low p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y i n Central Africa. Stage two i s the most common, i f marketing i s s u b s t i t u t e d f o r b a r t e r . The buying and s e l l i n g o f a l l manner of goods, i n c l u d i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l produce, has been long e s t a b l i s h e d in tropical Africa. A d m i t t e d l y i n many a r e a s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Congo B a s i n , Zambia and T a n z a n i a , the e x i s t e n c e o f o n l y a few s m a l l scattered n u c l e i of population, with d e n s i t i e s g r e a t e r than 50 persons per square m i l e , s e r i o u s l y l i m i t e d such exchanges, or even reduced i t t o the l e v e l of b a r t e r . . . . Stage t h r e e i s l e s s common, and i s developed m a i n l y i n t h o s e a r e a s most a f f e c t e d by the i n d u s t r i a l and mining development a s s o c i a t e d w i t h European investment, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Rhodesia and n o r t h e r n and c e n t r a l Zambia, and i n the h i n t e r l a n d s o f the g r e a t p o r t s . I n a l a r g e p a r t o f West A f r i c a , however, stage t h r e e had been reached b e f o r e European-made goods had a major e f f e c t on t h e economy. 9 6 Although  the m a r g i n a l - s u b s i s t e n c e f r a c t i o n o f t h e  A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y i s l e a s t i n v o l v e d i n t h e modern p r o c e s s e s of c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n , one should n o t i n f e r t h a t i t i s i s o l a t e d from t h e e x p l o i t a t i v e r e l a t i o n s o f s u r p l u s e x t r a c t i o n i n the money economy.  F o r w h i l e i t i s f o r t h e most p a r t  ~ W. B. Morgan, "Peasant a g r i c u l t u r e i n t r o p i c a l A f r i c a , " i n Environment and Land Use i n A f r i c a , eds. M. F . Thomas and G. W. W h i t t i n g t o n (London: Methuen & Co., 1 9 6 9 ) , 245-246. 7  Ibid., 2 4 6 .  9+  q u i t e t r u e t h a t the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the money economy d i d not  i r r e t r i e v a b l y d i s r u p t A f r i c a n subsistence  l e a d to a breakdown of t r i b a l l i f e , ^ i t has  incorporated  7  production  i t i s equally true  the f o r m e r l y i s o l a t e d t r i b e s m e n i n t o  or that the  ofl world economy.'  In a d d i t i o n , a l t h o u g h G e i g e r and  Armstrong  may  be c o r r e c t i n contending t h a t i n many A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s  the  cash economy does not  i n v o l v e more t h a n 10 per c e n t  of  OQ  the p o p u l a t i o n  on a f u l l - t i m e , continuous b a s i s ,  few  sub-Saharan A f r i c a n s have been able t o remain c o m p l e t e l y a l o o f from the cash economy and  t o t a l l y able to devote them-  s e l v e s t o "pure", non-monetary s u b s i s t e n c e T h i s was  p r i m a r i l y due  government and  t o the  c o l o n i a l d e s i r e t o make l o c a l  the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  "Whiteman's Burden", pay imperial coffers.  In any  cultivation.^^  of law  and  order,  f o r i t s e l f without d r a i n i n g  the the  case, A f r i c a n s were f o r c e d t o  enter  ^ S e e W i l l i a m Watson, T r i b a l Cohesion i n a Money Economy: A Study o f t h e Mambwe People of Northern Rhodesia (Manchester: Manchester U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 5 8 ) , e s p e c i a l l y 222, 225. 7  Paul Bohannan, "The Impact of Money on an A f r i c a n S u b s i s t e n c e Economy," i n T r i b a l and Peasant Economies, ed. Dalton, 135. go " T h e o d o r e G e i g e r and W i n i f r e d Armstrong, The Development of A f r i c a n P r i v a t e E n t e r p r i s e . Planning Pamphlet No. 120 (Washington: N a t i o n a l Planning A s s o c i a t i o n , 1 9 6 4 ; , 2 1 . 7  A s S a u l and Woods, " A f r i c a n P e a s a n t r i e s , " 4 0 9 , put i t : ". . . the u b i q u i t o u s reach of c o l o n i a l i s m has ensured t h a t no s i g n i f i c a n t numbers of p r i m i t i v e a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s who p r e v i o u s l y comprised the v a s t m a j o r i t y of the p o p u l a t i o n have remained o u t s i d e the framework of a wider economic system". 1 0 0  55 the cash economy and t o generate an economic s u r p l u s through the i m p o s i t i o n of t a x e s , n o t a b l y hut and p o l l  (which taxed d w e l l i n g s )  (which taxed a d u l t males) t a x e s .  served the t w o f o l d purpose  These taxes  of d r i v i n g A f r i c a n s e i t h e r t o  seek wage employment or t o produce marketable products. of  However, as may  agricultural  be seen from the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  these t a x e s , the c o l o n i a l governments put a r a t h e r  h e a v i e r emphasis on the former r a t h e r than the factor.  T h i s may  or what i s now  latter  be seen i n the case o f N o r t h e r n  Rhodesia,  known as Zambia, where the p o l l t a x a f t e r  1 9 0 5 had t o be p a i d i n cash, r a t h e r than i n k i n d .  In  1 0 1  Kenya, where the requirements of the c o l o n i a l economy somewhat d i f f e r e n t — i n t h a t Kenya had a l a r g e white p o p u l a t i o n which r e q u i r e d p u b l i c works and A f r i c a n  was  settler peasant  p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the p r o d u c t i o n of f o o d crops as w e l l as l a b o u r f o r the s e t t l e r - o w n e d p l a n t a t i o n s , w h i l e N o r t h e r n Rhodesia's C o p p e r b e l t r e g i o n had a more p r e s s i n g need f o r African miners—the  N a t i v e Hut and P o l l Tax Ordiance a l l o w e d  somewhat more f l e x i b i l i t y .  As Wolf d e s r i b e s i t :  I t p r e s c r i b e d a l t e r n a t i v e s t o cash payment: e i t h e r payment i n k i n d , or l a b o r on p u b l i c works, a t the r a t e o f one month's l a b o r f o r each 3 rupees due. Needless t o say, the v a l u e of payment i n k i n d exceeded the cash t a x due, w h i l e one month's l a b o r f o r a p r i v a t e employer r e t u r n e d more than 3 rupees. R e f u s a l t o pay taxes i n any form was p u n i s h a b l e by . c o n f i s c a t i o n o f an A f r i c a n ' s h u t , or other p r o p e r t y ,  Helmuth H e i s l e r , U r b a n i z a t i o n and the Government of M i g r a t i o n : The I n t e r - r e l a t i o n of Urban and R u r a l L i f e i n Zambia (London: C. H u r s t & Co., 1974), 6. '  56 and/or imprisonment. 102 Since Independence many o f these A f r i c a n taxes which evolved  during  the c o l o n i a l p e r i o d have remained i n e f f e c t ,  e i t h e r as a p o l l t a x or i n m o d i f i e d  form as income t a x ,  thus a l l o w i n g t h e p o s t - c o l o n i a l s t a t e b o u r g e o i s i e  through  the government t o e x t r a c t from the masses o f t h e p e a s a n t r y a fund o f " r e n t " , as d e f i n e d by Wolf, w i t h which t o underwrite their  standard  of l i v i n g .  In part t h i s  continued  r e l i a n c e on t h e e x t r a c t i o n o f peasant economic s u r p l u s e s i n some sub-Saharan A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s through taxes d e r i v e d from t h e c o l o n i a l l e g a c y has been made n e c e s s a r y both by the i m p o s s i b i l i t y of c o l l e c t i n g l a n d t a x due t o t r a d i t i o n a l systems o f l a n d t e n u r e , ^ collecting  0 3  and by the d i f f i c u l t y o f  company taxes on the p r o f i t a b l e f o r e i g n f i r m s .  10il-  Thus one f i n d s t h a t i n many p o s t - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s , which have extremely low average annaul incomes, a d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e percentage o f t h e t o t a l d i r e c t t a x revenue i s c o l l e c t e d from p o l l and income t a x e s , as t a b l e 1 on t h e f o l l o w i n g page shows.  T h i s data must, of course,  be r a t h e r  1 09  ' ^ R i c h a r d D. W o l f f , The Economics o f C o l o n i a l i s m : B r i t a i n and Kenya. 1870-19*30. Yale S e r i e s i n Economic H i s t o r y (New Haven: Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 7 ) , 1 1 7 . k  1  0^  -'Nicolas K a l d o r , " T a x a t i o n f o r economic development," i n T a x a t i o n f o r A f r i c a n economic development, ed. M i l t o n C. T a y l o r (London: H u t c h i n s o n E d u c a t i o n a l , 1 9 7 0 ) , 1 6 8 - 1 6 9 .  1 04  As Kaldor has p o i n t e d out, the l a r g e f o r e i g n f i r m s have been a b l e t o a v o i d t a x a t i o n by p r i c i n g p o l i c i e s d e s i g n e d t o s h i f t p r o f i t s o u t s i d e the A f r i c a n country by o v e r p r i c i n g imports and u n d e r p r i c i n g e x p o r t s . See I b i d . , 1 7 4 - 1 7 5 .  57 c a r e f u l l y i n t e r p r e t e d s i n c e t a x a t i o n d a t a from 1 9 6 1 - 1 9 6 2 i s obviously  dated and does not take i n t o account changes such  as Nyerere's 1967  n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n o f banks, i n s u r a n c e  companies, m i l l s and o t h e r l a r g e food  i n d u s t r i e s and the b i g  TABLE 1 PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL DIRECT TAX REVENUE GAINED FROM VARIOUS FORMS OF DIRECT TAXES, 1961-1962  Country  Ghana S i e r r a Leone Rhodesia Nigeria Tanganyika Uganda Kenya Zanzibar  Company Taxes  Special Forms  £ 61  16 28 0  24  40  76 3  > 42 38 3  10  0 0 0 0  Personal Income Tax  Personal P o l l Tax  8 9  0 0 8 0 20 16  48  14  11 11  0  90  SOURCE: John F. Due, Taxa t i o n and E conomic Devel opment i n T r o p i c a l A f r i c a (Cambridg e: M U Pre s s , 1 9 6 3 ) , 2 7 , t a b l e 2 . 3 » i m p o r t - e x p o r t companies, which would c l e a r l y i n c r e a s e the percentage o f t a x revenue g a i n e d from company s o u r c e s . In a d d i t i o n , another caveat on the a v a i l a b l e t a x a t i o n which must be c o n s i d e r e d  i s t h a t the c o u n t r i e s  data  represented  i n t a b l e 1 do n o t n e c e s s a r i l y have the same t a x base, nor does t a b l e 1 i l l u s t r a t e t h e continued importance o f i n d i r e c t t a x a t i o n , as shown i n t a b l e 2 on the f o l l o w i n g page, which, w h i l e v e r y o f t e n more s i g n i f i c a n t o v e r a l l f o r the c o l l e c t i o n of government revenue, I s l i k e d i r e c t t a x a t i o n  " . . . widely  58 regarded as c o n s t i t u t i n g l e v i e s on the incomes of the producers  of the p r o d u c t s " . - * 10  Nevertheless, while mindful  TABLE 2 RELATIVE RELIANCE OF DIRECT, INDIRECT, AND EXPORT TAXES IN SELECTED TROPICAL AFRICAN COUNTRIES, 1 9 6 1 - 1 9 6 2  Percentage Country  o f Tax Revenue  D i r e c t Taxes  Rhodesia Kenya Tanganyika S i e r r a Leone Uganda Nigeria Ghana Zanzibar  from  I n d i r e c t Taxes  67 44 30 30 24 21 15 10  33 56 70 63 61 65 66 45  Export  Duties  0 0 Negl. 7 15 1M19 5 k  Source: Due, T a x a t i o n and Economic Development i n T r o p i c a l A f r i c a . 2 6 , table 2 . 2 . of the above caveats on the a v a i l a b l e t a x d a t a , i t may seen t h a t t h i s dimension  be  of the e x t r a c t i o n of economic  s u r p l u s e s from the m a r g i n a l - s u b s i s t e n c e f r a c t i o n o f the A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y has c o n t i n u e d i n p o s t - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a . T h i s dimension  o f t h e e x t r a c t i o n o f peasant  economic  s u r p l u s e s through t a x a t i o n i s , of course, o n l y one a s p e c t of the s u p e r i o r c l a i m made on peasant E q u a l l y important  l a b o u r on t h e l a n d .  has been the e x t r a c t i o n o f economic  ^ J o h n F. Due, T a x a t i o n and Economic Development i n T r o p i c a l A f r i c a (Cambridge: MIT P r e s s , 1963), 26. 1 0  59 s u r p l u s e s by the m e t r o p o l i t a n b o u r g e o i s i e through  the m u l t i -  national firms.  of  F o r convenience,  the examination  this  second a r e a of economic s u r p l u s e x t r a c t i o n i s best undertaken through  a d i s c u s s i o n of the l a b o u r - e x p o r t i n g  and  cash-cropping  f r a c t i o n s of the A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y .  I t should  be emphasized, however, t h a t t h i s d i v i s i o n i s somewhat a r b i t r a r y and a r t i f i c i a l , of and  and does not imply t h a t the forms  s u r p l u s e x t r a c t i o n d i s c u s s e d under the l a b o u r - e x p o r t i n g cash-cropping  f r a c t i o n s of the A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y do  a p p l y to a l e s s e r e x t e n t t o the m a r g i n a l - s u b s i s t e n c e As the p r e c e d i n g d i s c u s s i o n shows, the peasant  of  By the  fraction.  marginal-subsistence  f r a c t i o n does engage i n some migrant  cash-cropping.  not  labour  same token, the l a t t e r two  and  fractions  the A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y a l s o pay taxes which c o n t r i b u t e t o  the support of the A f r i c a n s t a t e b o u r g e o i s i e . Barnett's typology i t s e l f ,  Indeed, l i k e  there i s a considerable overlap  between the t h r e e f r a c t i o n s of the A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y and i t is difficult  without  a d e t a i l e d examination  of  specific  c a s e s , which i s beyond the scope of t h i s paper as a c o n c e p t u a l a n a l y s i s s u r v e y i n g sub-Saharan A f r i c a , to f i r m l y d i s t i n g u i s h between the v a r i o u s t y p e s .  However, the main  concern here i s t o probe i n g e n e r a l terms the n a t u r e  of  economic s u r p l u s e x t r a c t i o n by the dominant c l a s s e s i n an attempt t o determine i f Wolf's d e f i n i t i o n of peasants may s a i d to a p p l y to sub-Saharan A f r i c a . the examination  T h i s being the  case,  of the v a r i o u s forms of s u r p l u s e x t r a c t i o n  be  60 under the t h r e e f r a c t i o n s of the A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r i e s i s somet h i n g of an a b s t r a c t i o n , and mutually  should not be taken to r e p r e s e n t  e x c l u s i v e types of s u r p l u s e x t r a c t i o n s p e c i f i c  o n l y to the peasant f r a c t i o n s under which they are d i s c u s s e d . In any case, as d e f i n e d by B a r n e t t the  labour-  e x p o r t i n g peasant f r a c t i o n i s found most f r e q u e n t l y i n the h i g h l a n d and  savannah r e g i o n s of E a s t A f r i c a , engaged i n  s u b s i s t e n c e c u l t i v a t i o n , u s u a l l y combined w i t h  animal  husbandry and l a r g e - s c a l e migrant wage employment, g e n e r a l l y located unfavorably with respect to t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s and market c e n t e r s and  s e t t l e d densely i n  r e s t r i c t e d areas i n t e r r i t o r i e s with r u r a l settlement  significant  and/or e x t r a c t i v e i n d u s t r i e s .  a d d i t i o n , although B a r n e t t  i s important  In  s t r e s s e s the c l o s e p r o x i m i t y t o  the l a r g e European s e t t l e m e n t s i n E a s t and it  European  t o add t h a t the  Southern A f r i c a ,  s t r u c t u r a l underdevelopment  of the h i n t e r l a n d i n other p a r t s of sub-Saharan A f r i c a produces a s i g n i f i c a n t l a b o u r m i g r a t i o n t o the c o a s t a l areas o f Cameroon, the F i r e s t o n e P l a n t a t i o n and mines i n L i b e r i a , to the cash-cropping farms i n Ghana and the Senegal,  Bomi H i l l s  areas and  iron  capitalist  I v o r y Coast, to the Dakar r e g i o n i n  t o n o r t h - c e n t r a l N i g e r i a , and  to other  developed  107 areas i n West A f r i c a .  1  ^Barnett,  '  To g i v e some i d e a of the  Peasant Types,  importance  22.  ^ S e e W i l l i a m A. Hance, P o p u l a t i o n , M i g r a t i o n , and U r b a n i z a t i o n i n A f r i c a (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1970), 1 4 6 - 1 5 0 . 1 0  61 of t h i s phenomena i n West A f r i c a , Berg has estimated that about a m i l l i o n people are involved i n migrant labour i n the area, of whom about h a l f go to Ghana and the Coast.  Ivory  These make up a very substantial portion of the  labour force i n the money economy of these two  countries,  including almost a l l those i n paid a g r i c u l t u r a l employment 1 08 and p o s s i b l y h a l f of those i n non-agricultural employment. In addition to West, East and South A f r i c a , other parts of the sub-Saharan hinterland which are f a r removed from the major centers of wage employment may  develop a labour-  exporting peasant f r a c t i o n where the need for a cash income i s not matched by the a b i l i t y to grow and market cash-crops. A case In point i s the Tonga of Malawi i n Central A f r i c a , who  export their labour at a rate of between 6 0 to 7 5 per  cent of the adult male population as f a r away as a  1,000  miles to the main employment centers i n Zambia and Rhodesia, and between 1 , 5 0 0 to 2 , 0 0 0 miles to those i n South A f r i c a . Since we have discussed  some of the major forces  which have driven the previously i s o l a t e d t r i b a l c u l t i v a t o r s into the cash economy, i t i s not necessary to repeat  that  E l l i o t J . Berg, "The Economics of the Migrant Labour System," i n Urbanization and Migration i n West A f r i c a , ed. H i l d a Kuper (Berkeley: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1 o 8  1965),  161-162.  % . Van Velsen, "Labour Migration as a Positive Factor i n the Continuity of Tonga T r i b a l Society," Economic Development and C u l t u r a l Change VIII ( A p r i l , 1960), 265-266. 1 0  62 d i s c u s s i o n here. may  S u f f i c e t o say t h a t w h i l e some A f r i c a n s  have e n t e r e d the c a p i t a l i s t economy simply out of a  d e s i r e t o support a h i g h e r standard of l i v i n g  than the  t r a d i t i o n a l economy c o u l d p r o v i d e , the c o l o n i a l  policies  were designed t o induce A f r i c a n c u l t i v a t o r s t o p r o v i d e t h e i r labour-power,  e i t h e r through compulsory  labour p r a c t i c e s ,  such as the o u t r i g h t c o n s c r i p t i o n and vagrancy laws i n the Portuguese  t e r r i t o r i e s , the i n d i g e n a t system  of F r e n c h  A f r i c a , or through the i m p o s i t i o n of cash taxes and  the  c r e a t i o n of a r t i f i c i a l l a n d shortages i n areas w i t h l a r g e European p o p u l a t i o n s . f a c t o r i n d u c i n g peasant  In the p o s t - c o l o n i a l p e r i o d a key c u l t i v a t o r s to enter the l a b o u r  market, i n a d d i t i o n t o the need to pay t a x e s , has been the i n c r e a s e of b a s i c  s u b s i s t e n c e requirements which has  accompanied the p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l economy as more and more manufactured  capitalist  goods and other items  which can o n l y be purchased w i t h cash come t o be r e g a r d e d as n e c e s s a r y . However, what i s important f o r any d i s c u s s i o n of the l a b o u r - e x p o r t i n g peasant f r a c t i o n i s the way  the  o f economic s u r p l u s e s i n the form o f labour-power  extraction has  a key v a r i a b l e i n c a p i t a l accumulation south of the  been Sahara.  11  T h i s method of c a p i t a l accumulation through the e x t r a c t i o n of peasant economic s u r p l u s e s has not, of c o u r s e , been c o n f i n e d t o sub-Saharan A f r i c a , or even c a p i t a l i s t development. In the S o v i e t Union the S t a l i n i s t c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e was a method o f e x t r a c t i n g peasant s u r p l u s e s i n the i n t e r e s t s of r a p i d c a p i t a l a c c u m u l a t i o n . See l l u  63 For i t i s q u i t e t r u e , as H e i s l e r n o t e s , t h a t m o b i l i t y , as much as m i n e r a l wealth, was the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f c a p i t a l i s m and 111 i n Central A f r i c a " . l a b o u r was  and  which are  the  "labour  a prerequisite for c r e a t i o n of w e a l t h  Furthermore, s i n c e much of t h i s  i s employed i n the e x t r a c t i v e i n d u s t r i e s ,  almost e n t i r e l y owned and  o p e r a t e d by  foreign  112 firms,  the  e x t r a c t i o n of peasant s u r p l u s e s  of cheap labour-power and  increased  i n the  profitability  has  l a r g e l y been r e p a t r i a t e d i n the i n d u s t r i a l c o u n t r i e s Western Europe and  North America.  I t may  have  undoubtably reaped some b e n e f i t s from t h e i r attempts  peasant economic s u r p l u s e s power, as much as  extraction  i n the form o f cheap  served to u n d e r w r i t e the development of the  labour-  countries.  has  advanced  while contributing l i t t l e  development of the h o s t  to  of  the e x p l o i t a t i o n of m i n e r a l w e a l t h ,  c a p i t a l i s t nations,  of  be argued, then,  t h a t w h i l e some p o s t - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s  a t t r a c t f o r e i g n investment c a p i t a l , t h e  form  toward  the  1 1 3  S. Swianiewicz, "The Impact of Ideology on S o v i e t Economic P o l i c y , " Canadian S l a v o n i c Papers 11 ( S p r i n g , 1 9 6 9 ) , 7 5 . 111 Migration, 112  H e i s l e r , Urbanization x.  and  the  Government o f  G e i g e r and Armstrong, The Development of A f r i c a n Private Enterprise. 2 1 . S e e the study o f the r e t u r n s to Senegal's economy from the attempt t o a t t r a c t f o r e i g n i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i n Samir Amin, N e o - C o l o n i a l i s m i n West A f r i c a , t r a n s . F r a n c i s McDonagh (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1973)> e s p e c i a l l y 20-21. J  6h To understand  the dynamics of the extraction of  peasant economic surpluses i n the form of cheap labourpower i n c o l o n i a l and p o s t - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a i t i s f i r s t necessary to note that "the majority of persons numbered with the A f r i c a n working class belong at the same time to t r i b a l " communities, and by v i r t u e of t h i s membership r e t a i n t h e i r r i g h t t o the land, of which they make use i f needed, 11k  and keep t h e i r t r i b a l and kinship l o y a l t y " .  Furthermore,  f o r the vast majority of Africans, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the c o l o n i a l and e a r l y p o s t - c o l o n i a l era, labour migration meant adult male migration and the women and c h i l d r e n were l e f t i n the r u r a l v i l l a g e s engaged i n subsistence c u l t i v a 115 tion.  '  This i s an extremely important feature of wage  employment i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a and the magnitude of peasant involvement  i n the labour market i s so great that,  while some Marxist writers often attempt to make the case of the p r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n of the A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y , ^ i t 11  makes much more sense and I s much more r e a l i s t i c , as Leys argues, to speak rather of the peasantization of wage 11lf  Chodak, " S o c i a l Classes i n Sub-Saharan A f r i c a , " 3 1 .  115 -'This i s generally the case, although as Hance points out, some t r i b e s s p e c i f i c a l l y t r a i n g i r l s to engage i n p r o s t i t u t i o n i n the urban areas. Two examples are the Kotokoli and the Bassari of northern Togo. Many of these women are married i n t h e i r native country and seek to become attached to a r i c h c l i e n t i n Accra, bear children and one day disappear to return to Togo with t h e i r c h i l d r e n and savings. See Hance, Population, Migration, and Urbanization, 189-190. 11A °See Saul and Woods, " A f r i c a n Peasantries," 0 9 . k  65 employment  117 ' and  the f a c t t h a t i n much o f A f r i c a  the 118  peasantry  and wage earners  belong  t o the  same c l a s s .  I t should not be assumed, however, t h a t because the labour-exporting maintains  peasant f r a c t i o n i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a  i t s k i n s h i p and  communal t i e s w i t h the  v i l l a g e s , wherein the m i g r a n t ' s i n t e r e s t s and are p r e s e r v e d  rural  claim to land  d u r i n g h i s long absence, t h a t t h i s peasant  f r a c t i o n i s somehow s u b j e c t t o l e s s e x p l o i t a t i o n of labour-power than f u l l y - f l e d g e d p r o l e t a r i a n s . i s p r o b a b l y more a c c u r a t e The  their  In f a c t , i t  to say t h a t the o p p o s i t e i s t r u e .  r e a s o n f o r t h i s heightened  labour-power i s p r i m a r i l y due  l e v e l of e x p l o i t a t i o n o f t o the c r e a t i o n o f an under-  developed peasant h i n t e r l a n d which i s o f t e n unable to support  even a m a r g i n a l - s u b s i s t e n c e  economy.  As p r e v i o u s l y  mentioned, t h i s a l l o w s the p r i c e of peasant l a b o u r to even below the c o s t of i t s s o c i a l and  biological  production,  which i s the minimum p r i c e a t which Marx f e l t l a b o u r be  sold.  When a p p l i e d to a t o t a l l y u r b a n i z e d  could  working c l a s s  t h i s f o r m u l a may  well hold true.  labour-exporting  peasant f r a c t i o n the c o s t o f the  of a new  fall  But i n the case o f  the  production  g e n e r a t i o n o f workers i s born almost e n t i r e l y  by  the underdeveloped r u r a l h i n t e r l a n d , s i n c e the urban wages are most o f t e n based on the s u b s i s t e n c e requirements o f 1 1 ?  Leys,  " P o l i t i c s i n Kenya,"  316.  V. L. A l l e n , "The Meaning of the Working C l a s s i n A f r i c a , " J o u r n a l o f Modern A f r i c a n S t u d i e s 10 (June, 1 9 7 2 ) , 1 1 8  184.  66 single  men  without f a m i l y commitments.  As Van V e l s e n  i n s i g h t f u l l y comments: The r u r a l economy thus r e l i e v e s the i n d u s t r i a l economy from the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and expense of r e a r i n g i t s own f u t u r e l a b o u r f o r c e . Urban s o c i a l s e r v i c e s are inadequate and c o u l d not a t p r e s e n t take over the t a s k s which are now performed i n the r u r a l a r e a s . Although many Tonga manage t o send money home and a l t h o u g h t h i s cash i s important as an a d d i t i o n to the income generated i n Tongaland, i t i s i n s i g n i f i c a n t i n r e l a t i o n t o the s e r v i c e s performed by the r u r a l a r e a . 119 In a d d i t i o n , another e x t r e m e l y important f e a t u r e o f the relationship  between the peasant h i n t e r l a n d and the developed  c a p i t a l i s t e n c l a v e s i n sub-Saharan  A f r i c a i s the way  s u b s i s t e n c e s e c t o r a l l o w s the f o r e i g n f i r m s and  the  local  e n t r e p r e n e u r s and governments the o p p o r t u n i t y to a v o i d the s p e c t e r of unemployment and i t s a t t e n d a n t c o s t s i n the c a p i t a l i s t s e c t o r o f the economy, s i n c e the unemployed migrant peasants simply r e t u r n t o the v i l l a g e t o resume subsistence c u l t i v a t i o n .  As M e i l l a s s o u x puts i t :  [ S i n c e ] . . . the c a p i t a l i s t system does not p r o v i d e a d e q u a t e l y f o r old-age p e n s i o n s , s i c k l e a v e and unemployment compensations, they [the p e a s a n t s ] have t o r e l y on another comprehensive socio-economic o r g a n i z a t i o n t o f u l f i l l these v i t a l needs . . . i t f o l l o w s t h a t the . . . p r e s e r v a t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s w i t h the v i l l a g e and the f a m i l i a l community i s an a b s o l u t e requirement f o r wage e a r n e r s , and so i s the maintenance of the t r a d i t i o n a l mode o f p r o d u c t i o n as the o n l y one capable of e n s u r i n g s u r v i v a l . 1 2 0  1 1 9  V a n V e l s e n , "Labour M i g r a t i o n , " 2 7 3 .  1 ?o Claude M e i l l a s s o u x , "From R e p r o d u c t i o n t o P r o d u c t i o n , " Economy and S o c i e t y 1 ( 1 9 7 2 ) , 1 0 3 .  67 In t h i s way surpluses  i t may  be  s a i d t h a t the e x t r a c t i o n of peasant  i n the form of labour-power, p r o v i d e d  a t below  c o s t , d i r e c t l y u n d e r w r i t e s the development of the c a p i t a l i s t n a t i o n s , w h i l e reducing areas of l a r g e labour m i g r a t i o n production  centers  the o p p o r t u n i t i e s  why  rural hinterland i n  t o l i t t l e more t h a n  f o r f u t u r e peasant workers.  Given that  f o r r a p i d c a p i t a l accumulation  becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y scarce Western Europe and  the  advanced  are  i n the developed n a t i o n s  North America, i t i s not  the m u l t i - n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n s  of  t o be wondered  have found i t p r o f i t a b l e  t o e s t a b l i s h b r a n c h - p l a n t s i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a ( o f t e n a t the r e q u e s t o f the p o s t - c o l o n i a l s t a t e b o u r g e o i s i e  i n the  "independent" c o u n t r i e s ) , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Rhodesia  and  South A f r i c a where the p o l i c y o f a p a r t h e i d  dominance  and  the  of the white s e t t l e r governments i n s u r e a s t a b l e atmosphere of c o r p o r a t e  well-being.  121  I t s h o u l d , o f c o u r s e , be added t h a t i n b l a c k A f r i c a s i n c e independence an element of " p o s i t i v e l i b e r t y "  1 22  has  For an overview o f the m u l t i - n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n i n t r o p i c a l A f r i c a , see G i o v a n n i A r r i g h i , " I n t e r n a t i o n a l C o r p o r a t i o n s , Labour A r i s t o c r a c i e s , and Economic Development In T r o p i c a l A f r i c a , " i n A r r i g h i and S a u l , Essays on the P o l i t i c a l Economy of A f r i c a . 1 0 5 1 5 1 . F o r a h i s t o r y of the m u l t i - n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n i n South A f r i c a , see Leggasick, "South A f r i c a : c a p i t a l accumulation and v i o l e n c e , " e s p e c i a l l y 269-27 . k  1 22 " P o s i t i v e l i b e r t y " i s here used i n the sense developed by I s a i a h B e r l i n , "Two Concepts of L i b e r t y , " i n B e r l i n , Four Essays on L i b e r t y (London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1970), and i m p l i e s a p r o g r e s s i o n from the c l a s s i c a l l i b e r a l t h e o r y of the s t a t e which s t r e s s e d non-interference  68  accompanied the t r a n s i t i o n from c o l o n i a l i s m to Here the main change has labour  and  neo-colonialism.  been the r i s e i n the p r i c e of  the s h i f t from an almost t o t a l r e l i a n c e on  migrant peasant l a b o u r  t o the t a c i t acceptance of  u r b a n i z a t i o n o f A f r i c a n wage-earners.  T h i s change  r e s u l t e d i n the development o f what A r r i g h i and termed an A f r i c a n " l a b o u r  the has  Saul have  a r i s t o c r a c y " which they c l a i m  has  become s t a b i l i z e d i n the wage economy and i n c r e a s i n g l y detached from the mass o f the p e a s a n t r y and  e l e v a t e d t o the  s t a t u s o f s u b - e l i t e s by v i r t u e of h i g h wages on a year-round  123 continuous b a s i s . t h i s bracketing "labour  J  While Leys has  of a l l s k i l l e d and  persuasively  criticized  s a l a r i e d workers as  a r i s t o c r a c y " on the b a s i s t h a t i t tends t o be  d e t e r m i n i s t model which assumes a p r i o r i the  a a  future  12h p r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n o f the l a b o u r - e x p o r t i n g t h e r e does seem t o be Saul's  peasant f r a c t i o n ,  some evidence t o support  Arrighi  c o n t e n t i o n t h a t the u r b a n i z a t i o n of peasant  and  labourers  and the p r e s e r v a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y , to the modern n o t i o n of l i b e r a l i s m which a l l o w s s t a t e i n t e r f e r e n c e i n the a f f a i r s o f men f o r the "common" or " c o l l e c t i v e " good of the many. G i o v a n n i A r r i g h i and John S. S a u l , " N a t i o n a l i s m and R e v o l u t i o n i n Sub-Saharan A f r i c a , " i n A r r i g h i and S a u l , Essays on the P o l i t i c a l Economy of A f r i c a , 69. A r r i g h i and S a u l are not alone i n seeing the urban workers as members of the e l i t e . Fanon i n The Wretched of the E a r t h , 1 0 8 - 1 0 9 , d e s c r i b e d the A f r i c a n working c l a s s as a "bourgeois f r a c t i o n " due t o t h e i r pampered and p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n i n the c o l o n i a l economies. 1 2 3  1 2 l +  S e e Leys, " P o l i t i c s i n Kenya," 3 0 7 - 3 0 8 .  69  does tend to lead to the erosion of t i e s with the r u r a l hinterland i n l i n e with what one might expect i n a process of p r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n .  In Zambia, as H e i s l e r found, the  t r a n s i t i o n from Labour Camps to towns i n the Copperbelt region was marked by a decline i n remittances made to r u r a l areas f o r purposes of future s o c i a l s e c u r i t y .  As he notes,  "cash flows from miners and urban areas i n general to the peasant areas i n 1931 were around 2 0 per cent of earnings; they were 18 per cent at Broken H i l l i n 1 9 1 ; and 7 per k  cent from the urban areas to peasant areas i n  1 9 6 4 " . O n  the other hand, another study which s p e c i f i c a l l y set out to t e s t the hypothesis of a "labour a r i s t o c r a c y " i n N i g e r i a has shown that while d i f f e r e n t i a l s i n gross income c e r t a i n l y e x i s t between those employed i n small-scale industry and the peasant producers, the differences between the two groups i n terms of t h e i r standard of l i v i n g i s not so great, p a r t i c u l a r l y when adjustments  are made f o r the shorter work  period of the peasant producers.  As H i n c h l i f f e observes:  D i f f e r e n t i a l s of between 5 and 4 0 per cent were found after appropriate adjustments had been made; moreover, i f a l l f i g u r e s are taken at t h e i r face value, the standard-of-living appears to be higher i n the farming sector, at l e a s t when hours of work are taken into consideration, than i n the smallscale sector [of i n d u s t r y ] . C e r t a i n l y these urban workers are very u n l i k e l y to be much better o f f than t h e i r farming 'brothers'. 126  ' ^ H e i s l e r , Urbanization. 114. ^ K e i t h H i n c h l i f f e , "Labour A r i s t o c r a c y — A Northern Nigerian Case Study," Journal of Modern African Studies 12 (March, 197^), 6 6 . a  70 While i t may  be argued t h a t H i n c h l i f f e s study i s not 1  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of sub-Saharan A f r i c a as a whole, i t would seem t h a t A r r i g h i and may  Saul's n o t i o n of a " l a b o u r a r i s t o c r a c y "  a n t i c i p a t e f u t u r e developments i n t h i s  Nevertheless,  direction.  even g i v e n the s c a r c i t y of good income  and  demographic s t a t i s t i c s f o r t r o p i c a l A f r i c a , i t would  still  seem p o s s i b l e t o p o i n t to the o v e r a l l t r e n d towards h i g h e r wages and g r e a t e r u r b a n i z a t i o n i n independent A f r i c a i n the p o s t - c o l o n i a l p e r i o d , p a r t i c u l a r l y now  that n a t i o n a l i s t  p o l i t i c i a n s have some o b l i g a t i o n , however l i m i t e d , t o up t o the  expectations  of t h e i r c o n s t i t u e n t s .  For  live-  neo-  c o l o n i a l A f r i c a the i r o n y i s , however, t h a t even w i t h  the  i n s t i t u t i o n of some s m a l l amount of " p o s i t i v e l i b e r t y " which the c o n t i n e n t might be a b l e t o a f f o r d i n the form o f h i g h e r wages and  b e t t e r c o n d i t i o n s f o r the migrant and  l a b o u r e r s i n the urban a r e a s , without  permanent  some s o r t of sweeping  n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of f o r e i g n investment, the s u r p l u s e s o f continent w i l l continue  t o be e x t r a c t e d and  the  appropriated  f o r the development of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l i s t  nations  through the r e p a t r i a t i o n o f p r o f i t s abroad. The  cash-cropping  peasant f r a c t i o n , as B a r n e t t  points  out, i s found most f r e q u e n t l y i n the m o i s t e q u a t o r i a l zone of w e l l d i s t r i b u t e d r a i n f a l l , engaged e n t e n s i v e l y i n the commercial c u l t i v a t i o n o f p e r e n n i a l s such as cocoa, c o f f e e , and  o i l palms, or annuals such as c o t t o n and  ground-nuts,  f a v o u r a b l y l o c a t e d with r e s p e c t t o t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and/or  71 market f a c i l i t i e s and s e t t l e d r e l a t i v e l y d e n s e l y i n t e r r i t o r i e s with l i t t l e  or no r u r a l European s e t t l e m e n t o r  1 27 industry.  '  T h i s l a s t f a c t o r has been important f o r the  development o f a cash-cropping peasant f r a c t i o n i n subSaharan A f r i c a , f o r as we have seen i n the case o f Rhodesia and South A f r i c a , the white  s e t t l e r p o p u l a t i o n s have n o t  shown much t o l e r a n c e toward  the e v o l u t i o n o f a prosperous  A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y i n the money economy where i t d i d not serve the narrow i n t e r e s t s of the s e t t l e r community and the extractive industries.  T h i s being the case, the b e s t  examples o f the cash-cropping peasant f r a c t i o n i s found i n West A f r i c a , where the humid t r o p i c a l c l i m a t e does n o t encourage European s e t t l e m e n t and where, f o r t h i s  reason,  i n Ghana and N i g e r i a the B r i t i s h p o l i c y , u n l i k e t h a t i n the " s e t t l e d " t e r r i t o r i e s o f Kenya, T a n z a n i a and Rhodesia, p e r m i t t e d the growth o f a cash-cropping peasant In these E a s t A f r i c a n t e r r i t o r i e s , the B r i t i s h  fraction. colonial  p o l i c y f a v o u r e d the European p o p u l a t i o n , who were g i v e n l a r g e p a r c e l s o f a l i e n a t e d l a n d f o r p l a n t a t i o n use, w h i l e the A f r i c a n s , i n Kenya a t l e a s t , were p r o h i b i t e d 128 planting  export-crops l i k e coffee.  from  This colonial  t o i n h i b i t the f o r m a t i o n o f a cash-cropping peasant appears  policy fraction  t o have been v e r y e f f e c t i v e i n Kenya, where A f r i c a n s ' B a r n e t t , Peasant Types. 1 5 .  P . P. Courtenay. P l a n t a t i o n A g r i c u l t u r e G. B e l l & Sons, 1 9 6 5 ) , 1 3 8 . 1 2 8  (London:  72  produced  o n l y 8 , 1 0 0 tons of c o f f e e i n 1 9 6 2 ,  1 9 , 3 0 0 tons produced  compared t o the  by the n o n - A f r i c a n p o p u l a t i o n , even  though the ban on p r o d u c t i o n was  lifted  i n 1937, and  this  p a t t e r n a p p l i e s a c r o s s the board t o a l l major cash-crops  up  129 to  1 9 6 2 , w i t h the p o s s i b l e e x c e p t i o n of maize,  p o s t - c o l o n i a l Kenya has  7  although  seen the r e v e r s a l of t h i s t r e n d w i t h  the emergence of a s i g n i f i c a n t s m a l l - h o l d i n g c a s h - c r o p p i n g peasant  fraction.  The  only c o l o n i a l East A f r i c a n country  which developed a s i g n i f i c a n t cash-cropping peasant was  Uganda, where a l t h o u g h the i n i t i a l p o l i c y was  fraction t o emulate  t h a t of Kenya, Tanzania and Rhodesia, the p l a n t a t i o n system 1 30 proved e c o n o m i c a l l y u n v i a b l e and was g i v e a b r i e f overview,  not pursued.  i n the t e r r i t o r i e s of the o t h e r  c o l o n i a l powers the use of p l a n t a t i o n s was widespread,  To  0  also quite  w i t h the r e s u l t t h a t the emergence of a c a s h -  c r o p p i n g peasant f r a c t i o n was  inhibited.  In the F r e n c h  I v o r y Coast and the German, then B r i t i s h and  French  Cameroons the main export crops were grown on p l a n t a t i o n s . In  the I v o r y Coast, however, export crops were a l s o grown  by peasant p r o d u c e r s , a f t e r being i n i t i a l l y compelled p l a n t s p e c i f i c acreages of cocoa and o t h e r c r o p s .  to  The  ' ^ F o r e l a b o r a t i o n , see I n t e r n a t i o n a l Bank f o r R e c o n s t r u c t i o n and Development, The Economic Development o f Kenya ( B a l t i m o r e : John Hopkins P r e s s , 1 9 6 3 ) , 3*+5, t a b l e S . 1 0 . 3 ° F o r d S t u r r o c k , "The Comparative V i e w p o i n t , " i n S u b s i s t e n c e t o Commercial Farming i n Present-Day Buganda, eds. Audrey I. R i c h a r d s , F o r d S t u r r o c k and Jean M. F o r t t (London: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 3 ) , 3 0 7 . 1  73 Portuguese a l s o adopted a system o f f o r c e d p l a n t i n g export c r o p s and labour  was  p l a n t a t i o n s worked by A f r i c a n m i g r a n t  a common f e a t u r e  Portuguese A f r i c a . Belgium, and  of  i n the B e l g i a n Congo  Indeed, as Udo  Portugal  considered  p o i n t s out,  ".  . . France,  the p l a n t a t i o n system as  e s s e n t i a l p a r t of t h e i r d r i v e t o i n c r e a s e t h e i r A f r i c a n dependencies and,  and  the revenue of  v e r y o f t e n , the  local 1  populations  an  were f o r c e d t o c u l t i v a t e export c r o p s " .  31  As  3  one might expect, the presence o f p l a n t a t i o n a g r i c u l t u r e d i d not  bestow any  competitive  peasant p r o d u c e r s and  advantage on the  African  the atmosphere o f f o r c e d l a b o u r  not p a r t i c u l a r l y conducive f o r encouraging A f r i c a n s compete w i t h the c o l o n i a l a g r o - b u s i n e s s o f the  was  to  plantations.  I f the cash-cropping peasant f r a c t i o n i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a has  developed o n l y i n a r e a s where the Europeans d i d  not f i n d i t p r o f i t a b l e or c o m f o r t a b l e t o s e t t l e i n l a r g e numbers, or i n p o s t - c o l o n i a l c o u n t r i e s  such as Kenya where  governmental p o l i c i e s d i d not f a v o u r Europeans t o  the  d e t r i m e n t of A f r i c a n c u l t i v a t o r s , i t d i d not develop  simply  from a p h i l a n t h r o p i c d e s i r e on the p a r t o f the c o l o n i a l o f f i c i a l s I n areas l i k e West A f r i c a t o p r o v i d e A f r i c a n s w i t h a source of income.  L i k e the f a i l u r e of the p o l i c y of  "cotton imperialism"  i n West A f r i c a , the development o f  Reuben K. Udo, " B r i t i s h P o l i c y and the Development of Export Crops i n N i g e r i a , " N i g e r i a n J o u r n a l of Economics and S o c i a l S t u d i e s 9 (November, 1 9 6 7 ) , 300, 1 3 1  7h cash-cropping may  be seen as the r e s u l t of the f a i l u r e  Europeans t o s u c c e s s f u l l y compete w i t h the peasant T h i s i s shown i n the case of Ghana, one  of the  cultivators.  of the c l a s s i c  areas  of a cash-cropping peasant f r a c t i o n , where the U n i t e d A f r i c a Company t r i e d u n s u c c e s s f u l y f o r 15 y e a r s t o produce  cocoa  a c o m p e t i t i v e b a s i s w i t h Ghanaian cocoa p r o d u c e r s ,  and  " o n l y the m o r a l i t y of the l e d g e r sheet had brought  the  on  B r i t i s h t o the c o n c l u s i o n t h a t they would be w i s e r t o a v o i d competing  w i t h the N a t i v e  cultivators".  1 3 2  However, w h i l e the B r i t i s h i n West A f r i c a d i d not e s t a b l i s h European p l a n t a t i o n s i n c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h the c a s h cropping peasants when i t became c l e a r t h a t such c o m p e t i t i o n was  u n v i a b l e , and a f t e r w a r d s even made the seeds  and  t e c h n o l o g y a v a i l a b l e t o West A f r i c a n peasant p r o d u c e r s , the c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t i e s had  somewhat ambivalent f e e l i n g s  the development of e x p o r t - o r i e n t e d c a s h - c r o p p i n g , w i t h r e g a r d t o the massive c o l o n i a l economy.  importance  toward  especially  o f cocoa t o the  As Kay n o t e s , t h i s ambivalence  resulted  from the t h r e e major economic and p o l i t i c a l problems f o r the c o l o n i a l government which the p r o f i t a b i l i t y o f the peasant  cash-cropping of cocoa r a i s e d :  F i r s t l y , t o the e x t e n t t h a t cocoa was important and p r o f i t s from i t s p r o d u c t i o n accrued t o Ghanaians, B r i t i s h c a p i t a l c a p t u r e d a d i m i n i s h e d share of the t o t a l p r o f i t s t h a t arose from the t r a d e of the c o l o n y . Thus the c o i n c i d e n c e o f c o l o n i a l p r o g r e s s and the p r o s p e r i t y of B r i t i s h e n t e r p r i s e was f a r from complete.  1 3 2  Illusion  B o b F i t c h and Mary Oppenheimer, Ghana: End of an (New York: Monthly Review P r e s s , 1 9 6 6 ) , 3 8 .  75 Secondly, Ghanaian c a p i t a l competed w i t h B r i t i s h c a p i t a l f o r r e s o u r c e s , such as l a b o u r and the p r o v i s i o n o f t r a n s p o r t f a c i l i t i e s by the s t a t e , and p r e v e n t e d i t s expansion i n s e c t o r s of the economy where i t might otherwise have s e t t l e d . . . . T h i r d l y , the c a p i t a l i s t o r g a n i z a t i o n of cocoa p r o d u c t i o n a c t e d as a d i s s o l v e n t on the ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' s t r u c t u r e s of Ghanaian s o c i e t y , through which the B r i t i s h would have l i k e d t o e x e r c i s e t h e i r power: i n d i r e c t r u l e . The p r o g r e s s of the cocoa i n d u s t r y t h e r e f o r e t h r e a t e n e d t o erode the v e r y r o o t s of the c o l o n i a l s t a t e . 133 To  counteract  these adverse s i d e - e f f e c t s o f the dynamic  c a s h - c r o p p i n g cocoa i n d u s t r y , the B r i t i s h began what has  c a l l e d a sustained  a t t a c k on the  Department of A g r i c u l t u r e i n 1 9 1 0 ,  °  i n d u s t r y through  I t may has  be  until  of the Cocoa Marketing Board.  seen, then, t h a t t h i s most important  cash-crop  s u r v i v e d , l i k e the t e x t i l e i n d u s t r y i n N i g e r i a ,  colonial interference.  Had  despite  the c a s h - c r o p p i n g peasants i n  West A f r i c a been l e s s r e s o u r c e f u l , or more s u b j e c t c o l o n i a l power, the cocoa i n d u s t r y would not, hood, have  the  a l t h o u g h the c o l o n i a l  a u t h o r i t i e s d i d not manage t o c o n t r o l the i n d u s t r y 1 9 ^ 8 w i t h the establishment  Kay  to  in a l l likeli-  survived.  As a g e n e r a l  d e s c r i p t i o n , i t may  be  said that  the  c a s h - c r o p p i n g peasant f r a c t i o n i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a has developed t o the p o i n t t h a t food has  t o be imported, as i s 1  o f t e n the  case i n Malaya, Indonesia and  l 3 3  K a y , "The  1 3 k  Ibid.,  not  Peru.  ifi D J  In Uganda,  p o l i t i c a l economy of c o l o n i a l i s m , "  12.  13.  ^ G e o r g e S. T o l l e y and George D. Gwyer, " I n t e r n a t i o n a l Trade i n A g r i c u l t u r a l Products i n R e l a t i o n t o Economic Develop1  76 for of  i n s t a n c e , "most farmers i n s i s t on devoting a l a r g e p a r t t h e i r h o l d i n g s t o f o o d crops even i f t h e y c o u l d g e t a  h i g h e r income from growing the p r o c e e d s " . ^ 1 3  study was  L i k e w i s e , i n N i g e r i a , where a c a r e f u l  undertaken  on domestic  cash crops o n l y and buy f o o d w i t h  t o e x p l o r e the Impact of cash-cropping  f o o d s u p p l i e s , i t was  found t h a t i n the Western  S t a t e 7 0 per cent o f a l l peasant producers p l a n t e d both f o o d and non-food  c r o p s , and  over 88 per cent of a l l peasants 1 37  grew f o u r or more d i f f e r e n t types of crops every y e a r .  J t  The  e x c e p t i o n t o t h i s might be the cocoa farmers i n Ghana,  who  have been d e s c r i b e d by H i l l as " r u r a l c a p i t a l i s t s " ,  who  a p p a r e n t l y b u i l d I t a l i n a t e mansions i n t h e i r home areas  and  and t r a v e l c o n s i d e r a b l e d i s t a n c e s t o t h e i r crops i n the forest.  1 3 8  There i s some q u e s t i o n whether the l a b e l  "rural  c a p i t a l i s t s " i s e n t i r e l y a p p r o p r i a t e , however, s i n c e w h i l e some cocoa farmers o f t e n e n t e r the market t o h i r e l a b o u r e r s , ment," i n A g r i c u l t u r a l Development and Economic Growth, eds. Herman M. Southworth and Bruce F. Johnson ( I t h a c a : C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 6 8 ) , 414. 1  ^Sturrock,  "The  Comparative  Viewpoint,"  309.  ^ G o d w i n E. Ckurume, F o r e i g n Trade and the S u b s i s t e n c e S e c t o r i n N i g e r i a : The Impact of A g r i c u l t u r a l Exports on Domestic Food S u p p l i e s i n a Peasant Economy (New York: Praeger P u b l i s h e r s , 1973)> 5 - 5 1 . 1  P o l l y H i l l , The Migrant Cocoa-Farmers of Southern Ghana: A study of r u r a l c a p i t a l i s m (London: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1963)» 1 . 1 3 8  S e e John H. C l e a v e , A f r i c a n Farmers: Labor Use i n the Development o f S m a l l h o l d e r A g r i c u l t u r e (New York: Praeger, 1974). 1 3 9  77 not a l l become wealthy  and  some engage i n s u b s i s t e n c e a g r i -  1 ho c u l t u r e as w e l l as i n the c u l t i v a t i o n of export c r o p s . As f a r as l a n d tenure i s concerned, most cash-cropping peasants work l a n d which i s communally or c o l l e c t i v e l y h e l d , although i n d i v i d u a l s are n o r m a l l y e n t i t l e d t o the p r o d u c t s of  the s o i l , the r e s u l t s of t h e i r own 1M  i s no c o l l e c t i v e c l a i m t o t h e s e .  e x e r t i o n , and t h e r e In areas of West A f r i c a  where the cash-crop c o n s i s t s l a r g e l y of p e r e n n i a l t r e e c r o p s , such as cocoa, t h e r e has, however, been a movement toward  i n d i v i d u a l tenure.  p r o d u c t i v e l a n d was  In Uganda much of the most  a l l o t t e d t o members of the  e l i t e t o ensure t h e i r  traditional  support f o r the c o l o n i a l regime and  to  g i v e them an a d d i t o n a l base of a u t h o r i t y f o r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e 1 h2 purposes,  and the peasant producers on these e s t a t e s have  been reduced t o the s t a t u s of t e n a n t s or s h a r e - c r o p p e r s . L i k e the m a r g i n a l - s u b s i s t e n c e and l a b o u r - e x p o r t i n g f r a c t i o n s of the A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y , the dominant  classes  e x t r a c t from the cash-cropping peasant f r a c t i o n much o f t h e i r s u r p l u s e s i n the form of what Wolf has termed " r e n t " .  Also,  l i k e the o t h e r two peasant f r a c t i o n s , t h i s e x t r a c t i o n of s u r p l u s e s from cash-cropping i s e s s e n t i a l l y the e x t r a c t i o n of ° H i l l , The Migrant Cocoa-Farmers. 1 8 8 . 1 k  0 k u r u m e , F o r e i g n Trade and the S u b s i s t e n c e Sector in Nigeria. 13. l l f 1  H e n r y W. West, Land P o l i c y i n Buganda (London: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 2 ) , M - 7 . 1 l f 2  78 of labour-power, although commodity.  i n the form of an  agricultural  As Post c o g e n t l y p o i n t s out:  J u s t as s u r p l u s l a b o u r i s an asymmetrical power r e l a t i o n s h i p between i n d i v i d u a l s and between c l a s s e s which permits one t o e x p r o p r i a t e the l a b o u r power of the o t h e r , so these ' s u r p l u s ' a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t s are not t h i n g s i n themselves but a s i m i l a r r e l a t i o n ship, i n a non-industrial setting. The b a s i c d i f f e r ence i s t h a t i n one case the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s c e n t r e d d i r e c t l y upon l a b o u r power, i n the other i t i s media t e d through commodities produced by l a b o u r power. But both r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n v o l v e e x p r o p r i a t i o n of l a b o u r power, whether d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y . 1 3 k  To examine how cropping  s u r p l u s l a b o u r i s e x t r a c t e d from the  f r a c t i o n , then, one must t u r n t o a b r i e f  of market r e l a t i o n s i n West A f r i c a . it  should be noted  Before doing  cashexamination  so, however,  t h a t i n Uganda the form of s u r p l u s  e x t r a c t i o n f o l l o w s more c l o s e l y t h a t f a m i l i a r i n f e u d a l Europe and  L a t i n America, where the landowners, a c c o r d i n g  t o West, have come ". . . t o l o o k upon t h e i r l a n d as a source o f unearned income which c o u l d be d e r i v e d through a 14 l e v y on the c u l t i v a t o r s i n a c t u a l o c c u p a t i o n of much o f In West A f r i c a , and  i n other areas of the  it".  cash-cropping  peasant f r a c t i o n , where t h e r e i s a heavy r e l i a n c e on  export-  o r i e n t e d produce, market r e l a t i o n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the c o l o n i a l p e r i o d , were dominated by the g i a n t s of i n t e r n a t i o n a l agro-business,  such as the U n i t e d A f r i c a Company.  As one might perhaps expect,  i n the p e r i o d of f r e e e n t e r p r i s e  3 p o s t , ' " P e a s a n t i z a t i o n ' and R u r a l Movements i n Western A f r i c a , " 2 3 0 . 1 k  1 k k  W e s t , Land P o l i c y i n Buganda. 2 9 .  Political  79 t r a d i n g , p r i o r to the  e s t a b l i s h m e n t of s t a t u t o r y marketing,  t h i s dominance a d v e r s e l y  e f f e c t e d the terms of t r a d e  for  the peasant producers, s i n c e both the purchase p r i c e of h i s export crop and  the  s e l l i n g p r i c e of imported consumer  a r t i c l e s were i n the end  c o n t r o l l e d by the g i a n t  expatriate  firms.  These f i r m s q u i t e n a t u r a l l y undertook t o attempt  buy  e x p o r t - c r o p s a t the lowest p o s s i b l e p r i c e , w h i l e  the  selling  the  imported goods which they c o n t r o l l e d a t  highest  possible price.  to  the  In a d d i t i o n t o the g i a n t , c a p i t a l - i n t e n s i v e metropolitan  f i r m s , much of the a c t u a l t r a d i n g w i t h  cash-cropping peasants was middlemen, who  bought and  the r u r a l h i n t e r l a n d .  done by a l a r g e number of transported  small  the export crop I n  As Bauer notes i n h i s comprehensive  study o f West A f r i c a n t r a d e ,  these middlemen " . . .  p a i d commissions by the merchant f i r m s ; kept any  the  were  moreover, t h e y  d i f f e r e n c e s between the p r i c e s t h e y p a i d f o r  produce and  those they r e c e i v e d from the f i r m s " .  J  While  Bauer argues t h a t the worst abuses were p r o b a b l y mediated by the f i e r c e c o m p e t i t i o n there i s l i t t l e  between the numerous middlemen,  doubt t h a t the marketing  system,  character-  i z e d by r a p i d f l u c t u a t i o n s i n the purchase p r i c e , encouraged  ^ P . T. Bauer, West A f r i c a n Trade: A Study of C o m p e t i t i o n , O l i g o p o l y and Monopoly i n a Changing Economy (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1 9 6 3 ) , 2 0 2 . 1lf  1 l f 6  Ibid.,  231-232.  80 much e x p l o i t a t i o n of the s m a l l and o f t e n i s o l a t e d producers.  peasant  In a d d i t i o n t o the t r a d e r s and middlemen, a  c l a s s o f p e t t y c r e d i t o r s a l s o arose i n West A f r i c a who e x t r a c t e d an income from the p r o d u c t i o n o f t h e cash-cropping peasants by extending  c r e d i t t o the s m a l l producers t o whom  the l a r g e e x p a t r i a t e banks were u n w i l l i n g t o l e n d without some form of c o l l a t e r a l , e i t h e r i n the form o f money o r a 1 h7 s o l i d business r e p u t a t i o n . '  As B a r n e t t p o i n t s o u t , the  terms of t r a d e a g a i n d i d not work t o the peasant's  advantage:  The peasant producer, o f t e n i n need o f cash f o r seed or other n e c e s s a r y items of p r o d u c t i o n , and caught I n a system of low and f l u c t u a t i n g p r i c e s f o r h i s p r o d u c t , f i n d s h i m s e l f i n need o f c r e d i t from money l e n d e r s or b r o k e r s and i s o f t e n i n a p o s i t i o n of having mortgaged h i s crop long b e f o r e i t i s ready t o be h a r v e s t e d . I f unable t o repay the u s u a l l y u s u r i o u s l o a n , the peasant i s f o r c e d t o pledge or otherwise g i v e up h i s l a n d t o the middleman, who o f t e n l e a v e s the former owner on the l a n d as h i s t e n a n t . While some o f these money l e n d e r s are A f r i c a n , i n most cases t h i s r o l e i s p l a y e d by immigrant e t h n i c m i n o r i t i e s , such as the I n d i a n s i n E a s t A f r i c a o r the Lebanese and S y r i a n s i n West A f r i c a . 1*f8 With the t r a n s i t i o n from c o l o n i a l i s m t o the neoc o l o n i a l economy, which i n Ghana may be dated from the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f the Cocoa Marketing  1  Board i n 1 9 7 > many o f k  h7  'Peter C. G a r l i c k , A f r i c a n T r a d e r s and Economic Development i n Ghana (London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 1 ) ? 6 0 - 6 1 . T o > say t h a t t h i s c l a s s o f e n t r e p r e n e u r s e x t r a c t e d peasant s u r p l u s e s , o f t e n on a s m a l l p r o f i t margin, i s n o t t o deny t h e i r s t r a t e g i c Importance i n t h e economy. See Peter M a r r i s and Anthony Somerset, A f r i c a n Businessmen:, A Study of E n t r e p r e n e u r s h i p and Development i n Kenya (London: Routledge & Kegan P a u l , 1 9 7 1 ) , e s p e c i a l l y 1 - 2 0 . 1l+8 B a r n e t t , Peasant Types. 1 9 .  81 the abuses of the marketing  system  t i o n of the cash-cropping peasant to  some governmental  control.  and the open e x p l o i t a f r a c t i o n were s u b j e c t  L i k e the move  toward  s l i g h t l y h i g h e r wages and u r b a n i z a t i o n f o r l a b o u r - e x p o r t i n g peasants, the n e o - c o l o n i a l p e r i o d here Introduced a touch of " p o s i t i v e l i b e r t y " as the demands of the  African  n a t i o n a l i s t s reached the ears of m e t r o p o l i t a n p a r l i a m e n t arians. was  In the case of Ghana, the e s t a b l i s h m e n t i n  19^+7  designed t o e l i m i n a t e the b i g e x p a t r i a t e f i r m s from  t h e i r dominant p o s i t i o n i n the cocoa i n d u s t r y by making the Board of  cocoa.  the s o l e buyer, g r a d e r , s e l l e r , and e x p o r t e r In l i n e w i t h the i d e o l o g y of the Labour  government, one of the c h i e f reasons f o r the e s t a b l i s h m e n t , of  the Board was  t o s t a b i l i z e the p r i c e p a i d f o r cocoa,  so t h a t the peasant producers would be l e s s prone t o the w i l d f l u c t u a t i o n s i n the export p r i c e , which i s o f t e n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c t o such crops i n . t h e world economy. However, w h i l e the o f f i c i a l r h e t o r i c had a p h i l a n t h r o p i c r i n g , the a c t u a l p r a c t i c e of the Board was  to p e r f e c t  the e x t r a c t i o n of the cash-cropping p e a s a n t s ' s u r p l u s e s , s i n c e the s t a b i l i z a t i o n i n the producer's p r i c e was  only  a c h i e v e d by a r t i f i c i a l l y d e p r e s s i n g t h i s p r i c e i n r e l a t i o n to  the a c t u a l world export p r i c e .  T h i s i s w e l l shown  i n the d a t a presented by F i t c h and Oppenheimer, where the p r i c e p a i d to peasant producers as a percentage the world export p r i c e ranged  between 3 7 . 3  and 8 8 . 3  of per  82  cent.  148  Since the Marketing Board kept the p r o f i t s made  on the difference between the two p r i c e s , which over the fourteen year l i f e of the Board amounted to m i l l i o n s of pounds, the r e s u l t was analogous to the extraction of peasant surpluses i n the Soviet Union under the S t a l i n i s t 149 J* c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e . The difference was, of 7  course, that while peasant surpluses i n the Soviet Union went to finance i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , the peasant surpluses extracted by the Ghanaian Cocoa Marketing Board went, as F i t c h and Oppenheimer point out, to support the f a i l i n g 1 50 B r i t i s h pound i n the post-war period. Further, the terms y  F i t c h and Oppenheimer, Ghana, 41. 149 The setting-up of public marketing bodies was not l i m i t e d to the B r i t i s h t e r r i t o r i e s . In Senegal, f o r instance, the equivalent agency f o r the extraction of peasant surpluses was the A g r i c u l t u r a l Marketing Bureau (OCA), which accumulated a reserve of 650,000 m i l l i o n francs between 1 9 6 5 - 1 9 6 6 and 1 9 6 8 - 1 9 6 9 , which went into public funds to finance 26 per cent of public investment. See Amin, Neo-Colonialism i n West A f r i c a , 1 l + 8  7  12-13.  ^°Fitch and Oppenheimer, Ghana, 42-44-. Although F i t c h and Oppenheimer do not make the point, i t should be added that the currency of the c o l o n i a l powers was used to back A f r i c a n currencies through Currency Boards. In the case of B r i t i s h colonies i n A f r i c a , s t e r l i n g Currency Boards operated with 100 per cent backing u n t i l 1 9 5 4 , when the l e v e l of backing dropped to 80 per cent. See Ursula K. Hicks, "Finance and the f i n a n c i a l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , " i n Taxation f o r A f r i c a n economic development, ed. Taylor, '%2~. This being the case, the appropriation of p r o f i t s from the Ghanaian Cocoa Marketing Board to support the f a i l i n g B r i t i s h pound may be seen as also supporting the Ghanaian currency as w e l l . This does not, however, a l t e r the f a c t that the surpluses of the Ghanaian peasant cash-croppers were extracted by a class of dominant national and i n t e r n a t i o n a l r u l e r s , even though the benefits may have f i l t e r e d back to the peasants i n d i r e c t l y , i n that the bankrupcy of the pound would c e r t a i n l y have greatl y reduced the market f o r cocoa. 1  83 of t r a d e f o r the cash-cropping peasants went from bad t o worse w i t h t h i s p i e c e o f s o c i a l democratic p h i l a n t h r o p y . As Bauer n o t e s : Throughout the p e r i o d of s t a t u t o r y marketing the West A f r i c a n producers have had t o s e l l t h e i r c r o p s a t p r i c e s f a r below open-market l e v e l s . But t h e y have had t o purchase the imported consumer goods on which they spend t h e i r incomes a t open market p r i c e s , which were governed by g e n e r a l f o r c e s of s u p p l y and demand, and which were r i s i n g s u b s t a n t i a l l y almost w i t h o u t i n t e r r u p t i o n throughout t h i s p e r i o d . As a r e s u l t the terms of t r a d e of the producers were depressed f a r below what they would have been w i t h out s t a t u t o r y marketing and w e l l below those of t h e i r p r i n c i p a l c o m p e t i t o r s . 151  Bauer, West A f r i c a n Trade,  30  k  •III. CONCLUSION By examining  sub-Saharan  African social stratification  i n broad overview i n terms o f the i n f l u e n t i a l d e f i n i t i o n s o f "peasants" advanced  by R e d f i e l d  t h e s i s has been t o argue  and Wolf, the t h r u s t  of t h i s  t h a t A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s may be mean-  i n g f u l l y d e s c r i b e d i n terms o f the e x i s t e n c e o f a p e a s a n t r y , d i f f e r e n t i a t e d into marginal-subsistence, labour-exporting, and cash-cropping f r a c t i o n s . i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f peasant as 1.  B r i e f l y summarized, the  c l a s s f o r m a t i o n presented here i s  follows: Redfield s f  c u l t u r a l d e f i n i t i o n which sees peasant  society  as d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n t o a "Great T r a d i t i o n " and a " L i t t l e T r a d i t i o n " has been e x p l o r e d through a c r i t i q u e o f F a l l e r s seminal a r t i c l e , 'Peasants'?"  1  "Are A f r i c a n C u l t i v a t o r s t o be C a l l e d  In terms o f the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n p r e s e n t e d h e r e ,  F a l l e r s ' t h e s i s t h a t a "Great T r a d i t i o n " and a peasant " L i t t l e T r a d i t i o n " does n o t e x i s t i n sub-Saharan  Africa  has been found wanting, i n t h a t i t does n o t take  into  account t h e impact o f c o l o n i a l i s m  on A f r i c a n s o c i a l  s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , which has served t o c r e a t e i n many cases a c u l t u r a l "Great T r a d i t i o n " i n a p r i v i l e g e d e l i t e which i s d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from the r u r a l peasant c u l t i v a t o r s , the " L i t t l e T r a d i t i o n " , on the b a s i s  o f such o b j e c t i v e  as income, e d u c a t i o n , conspicuous consumption a s s i m i l a t i o n o f "Western" c u l t u r a l norms.  criteria  and the  Further, this  85 European-inspired  "Great T r a d i t i o n " has  not w i t h e r e d away  with the demise of c o l o n i a l i s m i n A f r i c a . decolonization as the and  served t o " A f r i c a n i z e " the  contrary,  "Great T r a d i t i o n "  educated c o l o n i a l e l i t e moved i n t o p o s i t i o n s o f power  i n f l u e n c e v a c a t e d by the d e p a r t i n g  tors.  On the  The  r e s u l t has  expatriate  administra-  been the emergence of a new  c o l o n i a l state bourgeoisie,  post-  w h i l e the p r e v i o u s l y i s o l a t e d  t r i b a l c u l t i v a t o r s have been transformed i n t o a peasant cultural "Little Tradition". however, t h a t the new  T h i s i s not t o suggest,  bourgeoisie  and  peasantry i n A f r i c a  viewed i n terms of R e d f i e l d ' s c u l t u r a l d e f i n i t i o n i s an exact r e p l i c a o f s i m i l a r c l a s s e s i n L a t i n America, A s i a and  p r e - i n d u s t r i a l Europe.  ation did l i t t l e  Due  t o the  t o a l t e r the m e t r o p o l i t a n  means o f p r o d u c t i o n ,  the  r e s t s on c o n t r o l of the  apparatus o f the  c l a s s may  m i l i t a r y and the  decoloniz-  c o n t r o l of  c l a s s base of the new  c o n t r o l of s t a t e c a p i t a l , on the ruling  f a c t that  bourgeoisie  s t a t e and  the  b a s i s of which t h i s  be i n t e r n a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n t o  bureaucratic  categories.  only  new  political,  In a d d i t i o n ,  c l a s s system i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a has  the  since  fully  developed i n the p o s t - c o l o n i a l p e r i o d , i t d i f f e r s from  the  the more e s t a b l i s h e d c l a s s systems of the  other  continents  i n t h a t the  state  bourgeoisie  and  p e a s a n t r y have not y e t hardened t o c r e a t e a w i d e l y  perceived two  s o c i a l boundaries between the  sense o f s o c i a l d i s t a n c e  c l a s s e s such as to h i n d e r  between members of  s o c i a l m o b i l i t y and  the  strain  86 inter-class ties of family defined  and f r i e n d s h i p .  i n terms o f R e d f i e l d ' s  Nevertheless,  i n f l u e n t i a l d e f i n i t i o n , the  p o s t - c o l o n i a l developments have been s u f f i c i e n t to a l l o w the use  of the term "peasants" t o d e s c r i b e  African cultivators.  2.  The t h e s i s has a l s o examined t h e problem o f peasant  c l a s s f o r m a t i o n i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a i n terms o f Wolf's d e f i n i t i o n o f "peasants", which f o c u s e s on the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l o p p r e s s i o n and economic e x p l o i t a t i o n o f s u r p l u s i n peasant s o c i e t y . c r i t i c a l l y distinguishes  F o r Wolf the k e y f a c t o r which  peasants from p r i m i t i v e  c u l t i v a t o r s i s the e x t r a c t i o n o f r u r a l economic by a group o f dominant r u l e r s who e x e r c i s e power r e l a t i o n s over the p e a s a n t r y .  tribal surpluses  asymmetrical  Analyzed i n terms of  B a r n e t t ' s t y p o l o g y o f A f r i c a n p e a s a n t s , which we have suggested r e p r e s e n t s c l a s s f r a c t i o n s of the A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y , i t has been argued t h a t the economic s u r p l u s e s of A f r i c a n c u l t i v a t o r s have indeed been e x t r a c t e d  i n the  form o f labour-power by the n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l c l a s s e s which e x e r c i s e  economic and p o l i t i c a l power over  c o l o n i a l and p o s t - c o l o n i a l  societies.  While t h e r e i s some  doubt whether the p r o d u c t i o n o f a fund o f " r e n t " was a feature little  of p r e - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a n kingdoms, there can be doubt t h a t  c o l o n i a l penetration  and domination of the  c o n t i n e n t i n t r o d u c e d widespread e x t r a c t i o n power o f p r e v i o u s l y  o f the l a b o u r -  i s o l a t e d c u l t i v a t o r s as the c o n t r o l  of the means o f p r o d u c t i o n passed from the primary producers  87  as A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s became i n c o r p o r a t e d n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l i s t economy.  i n t o the  Indeed, the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of  the m a r g i n a l - s u b s i s t e n c e , cash-cropping and f r a c t i o n s o f the  inter-  A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y has  labour-exporting  been a key  variable  i n the p r o c e s s of c a p i t a l a c c u m u l a t i o n f o r those  exercising  domination over t h i s non-homogeneous c l a s s — c o l o n i a l governments, m e t r o p o l i t a n f i r m s  operating  i n A f r i c a , white  s e t t l e r communities engaged i n mining and a g r i c u l t u r e and,  l a t e r , the A f r i c a n s t a t e  capitalist bourgeoisie—  s i n c e t h i s peasant labour-power, whether i n the forced was  l a b o u r , wage employment or the  most o f t e n  supplied  form of  imperialism  as cheap-labour, and  of  trade,  i n some cases  a t a p r i c e even below the c o s t of i t s p r o d u c t i o n . While i t has s t r a t i f i c a t i o n may existence  been argued t h a t A f r i c a n s o c i a l be m e a n i n g f u l l y a n a l y z e d i n terms o f  of a non-homogeneous peasant c l a s s , the  implications  political  of t h i s development are l e s s c l e a r .  hand i t c o u l d  be  suggested t h a t  characterized  by c u l t u r a l i n e q u a l i t y and  the  On the  one  s i n c e peasant s o c i e t y i s subordination  as  w e l l as economic e x p l o i t a t i o n the c o n t i n u e d development of the A f r i c a n p e a s a n t r y w i l l r e s u l t i n the c o n s c i o u s n e s s and may  be  class conflict.  For  a t t r a c t i v e , both f o r those who  b e l i e f that  ".  . .a  emergence o f  some t h i s  proposition  follow Lipset i n  s t a b l e democracy r e q u i r e s  class  the  t i o n of c o n f l i c t or c l e a v a g e so t h a t t h e r e w i l l be  the  manifestastruggle  over r u l i n g p o s i t i o n s , c h a l l e n g e s t o p a r t i e s i n power,  and  88  s h i f t s of parties i n o f f i c e . . . ," '  and for those  who  see the emergence of c l a s s c o n f l i c t as a prerequisite for a 15"^  genuine s o c i a l revolution i n A f r i c a . • However, i t must be said that the emergence of c l a s s consciousness and c l a s s c o n f l i c t i n A f r i c a n peasant society i s not a sure thing.  Continued economic development does  not n e c e s s a r i l y r e s u l t i n the heightening of class consciousness, as the case of Japan and the persistence  of " t r a d i t i o n a l "  oyabun-kobun r e l a t i o n s h i p s despite an extremely high l e v e l of 1 n\ i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n c l e a r l y demonstrates. A l a v i has pointed  J  Moreover, as  out, the emergence of class consciousness  i n peasant society i s g r e a t l y hampered by the tendency f o r primordial l o y a l t i e s to mediate and d i s s i p a t e the l o y a l t i e s 1 H  of c l a s s . ' J  In A f r i c a the main primordial l o y a l t i e s which  ^ Seymour Martin Lipset, P o l i t i c a l Man; The S o c i a l Bases of P o l i t i c s (Garden C i t y : Anchor Books, 1 9 6 3 ) , 1 . 1  2  "genuine s o c i a l revolution" i s here distinguished from a change of government by a coup d'etat or Putsch. A u s e f u l d e f i n i t i o n of r e v o l u t i o n has been suggested by Huntington: "A revolution i s a rapid, fundamental and v i o l e n t domestic change i n the dominant values and myths of a society, i n i t s p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , s o c i a l structure, leadership, and government a c t i v i t y and p o l i c i e s " . See Samuel Huntington, P o l i t i c a l Order i n Changing Societies (New Haven: Yale Univers l t y Press, 1968), 264. See Chie Nakane, Japanese Society (Berkeley: Univers i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1970); John W. Bennett and Joseph A. Kahl, "Japan: Oriental Industrialism," i n Comparative Perspectives on S t r a t i f i c a t i o n : Mexico. Great B r i t a i n and Japan, ed. Kahl (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown & Co., 1968), 1 5 5 . J  1  "Hamza A l a v i , "Peasant Classes and Primordial L o y a l t i e s , " Journal of Peasant Studies 1 (October, 1 9 7 3 ) ,  29.  89  have hindered the development of c l a s s consciousness have been e t h n i c i t y ^ 1  and c l i e n t e l i s m , ^ both of which provide 1  a d i r e c t l i n k between members of the p o s t - c o l o n i a l state bourgeoisie  and members of the various f r a c t i o n s of the  peasantry.  Even when peasant class consciousness has  emerged as a p o l i t i c a l f o r c e , i t tends to be narrow i n scope 1 58 and transient i n nature, thus providing neither a stable and secure base f o r the development of democratic p o l i t i c s 1 59 or the waging of protracted revolutionary struggle. This, y  7 7  ^ For a discussion of e t h n i c i t y i n A f r i c a , see Immanuel Wallerstein, " E t h n i c i t y and National Integration i n West A f r i c a , " Cahiers d'Etudies A f r i c a i n e s 1 (October, 1960), 129-139} Charles W. Anderson, Fred R. von der Mehden and Crawford Young, Issues of P o l i t i c a l Development, 2d ed. (Englewood C l i f f s : P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 197*0, 29-91; C l i f f o r d Geertz, "The Integrative Revolution: Primordial Sentiments and C i v i l P o l i t i c s i n the New States," i n Old S o c i e t i e s and New States: The Quest for Modernity i n Asia and A f r i c a , ed. Geertz (New York: Free Press, 1963)? 105-157. 1 57  •"For a general discussion of c l i e n t e l i s m i n A f r i c a , see Sandbrook, "Patrons, C l i e n t s , and Factions," 104-119. Also see Leys, " P o l i t i c s i n Kenya," e s p e c i a l l y 333-33 . 1 58 Marx, of course, observed the narrow scope of peasant c l a s s consciousness i n the much quoted passage i n The Eighteenth Brumaire, 123. ° r a more systematic discussion of the narrow and transient nature of peasant class consciousness, see E. J . Hobsbawm, "Peasants and P o l i t i c s , " Journal of Peasant Studies 1 (October, 1973)» e s p e c i a l l y 7. 1 59 T h e continued importance of primordial l o y a l t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y e t h n i c i t y , and the often transient nature of peasant c l a s s consciousness has plagued peasant revolutionary movements i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a . Two notable examples are the "Mau Mau" peasant r e v o l t i n Kenya, which collapsed, according to Donald L. Barnett and Karari Njama, Mau Mau From Within: An Analysis of Kenya's Peasant Revolt (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1966;, 490-491, due to the emergence of ethnic c o n f l i c t and factionalism among the g u e r r i l l a s ; and L  J  F  >7  90 however, r a i s e s a much l a r g e r q u e s t i o n than t h i s essay attempt t o answer, and  could,  providing  the  peasants can p r o g r e s s beyond the d i s c u s s i o n of peasant c l a s s e s , be  the  subject  study of of the  can  African  existence •  of f u r t h e r work.  the peasant r e v o l u t i o n i n Angola, which i s , a c c o r d i n g to B a s i l Davidson, " A f r i c a n Peasants and R e v o l u t i o n , " 270, a peasant s t r u g g l e of "an e s p e c i a l l y pure type", but which a l s o appears t o be i n a s t a t e of c o l l a p s e due t o an i n t e n s e c o n f l i c t , p a r t l y on e t h n i c grounds, between the three main g u e r r i l l a movements now forming a P r o v i s i o n a l Government during Portuguese d e c o l o n i z a t i o n .  SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS, MONOGRAPHS AND  PAMPHLETS  A l r o y , G i l C a r l . 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