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Peasant classes in sub-Saharan Africa : an interpretation Meade, Michael Edward 1975

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PEASANT CLASSES IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA: AN INTERPRETATION by MICHAEL EDWARD MEADE B.A. (Hons.), Simon Fraser University, 1973 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of P o l i t i c a l Science We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required i standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August, 197? In presenting th i s thes is in pa r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary sha l l make it f ree ly ava i l ab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thesis for scho lar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives. It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of th i s thes is for f inanc ia l gain sha l l not be allowed without my writ ten permission. Department of P o l i t i c a l Science The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 ABSTRACT This thesis presents an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the c o n t r o v e r s i a l question of peasant class formation i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a . While the long dominance of the f u n c t i o n a l school of anthropology has resulted i n a v i r t u a l monopoly of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n studies of A f r i c a n s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n favour of t r i b a l i s m and e t h n i c i t y , t h i s thesis suggests, through an attempt to apply i n overview the i n f l u e n t i a l d e f i n i t i o n s of peasants advanced by Kroeber, Redfield and Wolf, that i n the age of colonialism and neo-colonialism sub-Saharan A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s may be meaningfully analyzed i n terms of the existence of a non-homogeneous peasant class g e n e r i c a l l y s i m i l a r to that found i n p r e - i n d u s t r i a l Europe, L a t i n America and A s i a . B r i e f l y summarized, the argument and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n presented here i s , f i r s t , that Redfield's d e f i n i t i o n of peasants which stresses a s o c i e t a l d i s t i n c t i o n between a c u l t u r a l "Great T r a d i t i o n " and a peasant " L i t t l e T r a d i t i o n " applies to sub-Saharan A f r i c a insofar as colonialism and the subsequent p o s t - c o l o n i a l developments have created a new A f r i c a n bourgeoisie which i s d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from the peasantry on the basis of such objective c r i t e r i a as income, education, conspicuous consumption and the a s s i m i l a t i o n of "Western" c u l t u r a l norms. Far from withering away with the i i demise of colonialism i n A f r i c a , the process of decoloniz-ation and A f r i c a n i z a t i o n has g r e a t l y strengthened t h i s new c l a s s , which may be best described as a state bourgeoisie, i n t e r n a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d into p o l i t i c a l , m i l i t a r y and bureaucratic class categories. Second, Wolf's d e f i n i t i o n of peasants, which emphasizes the c r i t e r i a of s o c i o p o l i t i c a l oppression and economic e x p l o i t a t i o n r e s u l t i n g i n the production of a fund of "rent" through the extraction of peasant labour-power by a group of dominant r u l e r s , has also been found to apply to c o l o n i a l and p o s t - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a . Examined under the heading of three class f r a c t i o n s of t h i s non-homogeneous c l a s s , a typology based i n part on Barnett's model of three types of A f r i c a n peasantries, i t i s argued that the economic surpluses of A f r i c a n c u l t i v a t o r s have indeed been extracted by a group of dominant na t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l r u l e r s i n the form of peasant labour-power, often f o r c i b l y supplied at a price below the cost of i t s s o c i a l and b i o l o g i c a l production. As t h i s thesis attempts to show, the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the marginal-subsistence, labour-exporting and cash-cropping f r a c t i o n s of the A f r i c a n peasantry has been a key v a r i a b l e i n the process of c a p i t a l accumulation fo r a l l those exercising i n Wolf's terms "asymmetrical power r e l a t i o n s " over t h i s c l a s s : c o l o n i a l governments, metropolitan firms operating i n A f r i c a , white s e t t l e r communities engaged i n mining and c a p i t a l i s t i i i agriculture and, l a t e r , the post-colonial African state bourgeoisie. i v CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i I. INTRODUCTION 1 I I . PEASANTS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA 8 I I I . CONCLUSION Bh SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 91 v I. INTRODUCTION The purpose of t h i s thesis i s to examine the question of peasant class formation i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a . S p e c i f i -c a l l y , the thesis w i l l argue that s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a may be meaningfully analyzed i n terms of the existence of a peasant class g e n e r i c a l l y s i m i l a r to that described i n s o c i a l science l i t e r a t u r e on Latin America, Asia and p r e - i n d u s t r i a l Europe. At the outset i t should be noted that the study of peasant classes i s a recent development In the f i e l d of Af r i c a n s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . Long dominated by the functional school of anthropology, the academic "charter group" i n A f r i c a n studies, most students of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a have tended to u t i l i z e the e x i s t i n g anthropological framework of t r i b a l i s m or, more rece n t l y , e t h n i c i t y , rather than c l a s s . Indeed, i t may be argued that t h i s dominance of anthropology, with i t s primary emphasis on i s o l a t e d t r i b a l peoples, has resulted i n a v i r t u a l monopoly of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n through the neglect of peasant classes as an alternate approach to Af r i c a n s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . C e r t a i n l y , the case may be made that t h i s d i s c i p l i n a r y bias of anthropology has, u n t i l very recently, contributed to the underdevelopment of the study of peasant classes i n developing soc i e t i e s . ^ Another f a c t o r which i n part explains the As Geertz has pointed out, the emphasis i n anthro-2 neglect of Af r i c a n peasant classes, and one which has contributed to what Wallerstein has termed the "shaky h i s t o r y " of class analysis i n contemporary A f r i c a , has been the tendency for European and North American writers to mechanically examine A f r i c a n s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n terms of the same classes and groups which are thought to have provided the impetus f o r s o c i a l change and modernization i n Europe. In t h i s process of academic ethnocentrism, the peasantry—considered In terms of the modern European experience to be a feudal or " t r a d i t i o n a l " vestige, burdened with conservatism—is l a r g e l y ignored i n favor of the embryonic "Westernized" or "modernizing" middle and working classes, which receive the bulk of a n a l y t i c a l a t t e n t i o n . I r o n i c a l l y , i t has been the Marxist writers who have shown the greatest i n c l i n a t i o n to engage i n t h i s type of s t e r i l e exegesis by mechanically examining the A f r i c a n p r o l e t a r i a t as a source of revolutionary p o l i t i c s , despite the f a c t that i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a the working c l a s s , defined as those employed i n manufacturing i n d u s t r i e s , ranges from 0.2 per pology on t r i b a l peoples has been so pervasive that anthropologists working i n areas almost t o t a l l y dominated by peasant culture have gone out of t h e i r way to seek out i s o l a t e d t r i b e s , while ignoring the more accessible peasantry. See C l i f f o r d Geertz, "Studies i n Peasant L i f e : Community and Society," i n Biennial Review of Anthropology 1961, ed. Bernard J . Siegal (Stanford: Stanford Un i v e r s i t y Press, 1962), 1. Immanuel Wallerstein, "Class and C l a s s - C o n f l i c t i n Contemporary A f r i c a , " Canadian Journal of African Studies VII (1973), 375. 3 cent of the t o t a l active labour force i n Nigeria to 1.1 per cent i n Ghana.^ Needless to say, since Marx and Engels associated the peasantry with the " i d i o c y of r u r a l l i f e " , the peasantry has not been an important area of concern i n much orthodox Marxist writing on A f r i c a . Nevertheless, i n recent years there has been a dramatic s h i f t i n s o c i a l science i n t e r e s t i n peasant classes i n developing s o c i e t i e s . To a very large extent t h i s s h i f t may be a t t r i b u t e d to the important reappraisal of revolutionary Marxism since the Second World War, which i n turn may be traced to the slow r e a l i z a t i o n that r e v o l u t i o n has not occurred, as Marx predicted, i n the highly developed ^This data i s taken from Ann Seidman, Planning f o r  Development i n Sub-Saharan A f r i c a (New York: Praeger, 197^)> 68, Table 10. For an example of t h i s type of a n a l y s i s , see Romano Ledda, " S o c i a l Classes and P o l i t i c a l Struggle," International S o c i a l i s t Journal, no. 22 (August, 1967), 560-Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, "Manifesto of the Communist Party," i n Selected Works [one v o l . ] (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1970), 39. •'The main thrust of Marx's writing was that r e v o l u t i o n would occur out of the contradictions i n advanced c a p i t a l i s t society, and David Mitrany i s quite correct i n arguing that on the basis of published materials " . . . Communism has only come to power were by a l l Marxist tenets i t might have been l e a s t expected that i t could", Marx Against the Peasant: A  Study i n S o c i a l Dogmatism (Chapel H i l l : U n iversity of North Carolina Press, 1951)» 205. One cannot push t h i s point too f a r , however, since there are i n d i c a t i o n s that Marx, l a t e i n l i f e , supported the Narodniks who believed that the Russian v i l l a g e community could provide the basis of a t r a n s i t i o n to socialism without p r i o r d i s i n t e g r a t i o n through c a p i t a l i s t development. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g here that t h i s view was not accepted by the Russian Marxists, who were apparently aware of Marx's departure from h i s e a r l i e r writings. See E. J . i f i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s . On the contrary, aside from the sporadic r e v o l t s i n Europe during the early years of the century and the b r i e f surge of r a d i c a l i s m during the 1960's, a l l major revolutions since the death of Marx have occurred 7 i n predominantly a g r i c u l t u r a l , peasant-based s o c i e t i e s . At the same time, the continued development of capitalism i n Western Europe and North America has resulted i n the progressive decline of m i l i t a n t class consciousness with possible revolutionary implications, as the p r o l e t a r i a t has been incorporated into c a p i t a l i s t democracy by increasing o l e v e l s of affluence. While these developments i n Europe and North America have undermined the proposition that the continued development of c a p i t a l i s t productive forces w i l l Hobsbawm, Introduction to P r e - C a p i t a l i s t Economic Formations* by K a r l Marx, trans. Jack Cohen (New York: International Publishers, 196*f), h9-50. ^ S p e c i f i c a l l y , the German and I t a l i a n factory councils of 1918-1919 and the student movements i n France and West Germany of the 1960's. 7 ' I t might be argued that the exception to t h i s was the Yugoslav revolution. However, the Yugoslav rev o l u t i o n , much l i k e the Cuban revo l u t i o n , began with a base i n the mountains and, according to D j i l a s , r e l i e d on the revolutionary r o l e of the peasantry. See Milovan D j i l a s , Conversations With  S t a l i n , trans. Michael B. Petrovich (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1 9 6 2 ) , 30. o Most Marxist writers are s t i l l unwilling to acknow-ledge that the p r o l e t a r i a t i s not a revolutionary class i n advanced c a p i t a l i s t society. Two notable exceptions are C. Wright M i l l s , The Marxists (New York: D e l l Publishers, 1962), e s p e c i a l l y 128, 468-469, and Paul M. Sweezy, "The P r o l e t a r i a t i n Today's World," T r l c o n t i n e n t a l 9 (1968), 23-33> who both argue e s s e n t i a l l y that the peasantry i s the new revolutionary class i n the twentieth century. i n e v i t a b l y lead to p r o l e t a r i a n r e v o l u t i o n , the v i c t o r y of Mao Tse-tung i n China has more d i r e c t l y lead to the basic r e v i s i o n of the Marxist theory of r e v o l u t i o n . While Mao continued to acknowledge the importance of the leading r o l e of the p r o l e t a r i a t as the revolutionary vanguard i n h i s t h e o r e t i c a l works on Marxism, i t i s important to note that as a p r a c t i t i o n e r of r e v o l u t i o n Mao acted on the premise that i n China the peasants must lead. Indeed, as e a r l y as 1927 Mao stated that not only would the Chinese r e v o l u t i o n be based on the peasantry, but that the peasantry would alone d i c t a t e i t s course. Further, t h i s r e v e r s a l of orthodox Marxism i n p r a c t i c e , strengthened by the success of 10 the Algerian, Cuban and Vietnamese revolutions, has been helped along the road to becoming a new orthodoxy by a school of revolutionary writers who emphasis and even romanticize the r o l e of the peasantry i n the "non-white'1 world as the prime mover of g l o b a l r e v o l u t i o n . Two notable examples of t h i s new l i t e r a r y genre are Jean-Paul S a r t r e ^ ^See Mao Tse-Tung, "Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement i n Hunan," Selected Works of Mao Tse-Tung,, 4 v o l s . (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1967)? 1:23-24. ^°This i s not to imply that the Maoist model was n e c e s s a r i l y consciously followed as such. In Cuba, for example, Guevara claims that "The popular forces, without knowing these manuals of strategy and t a c t i c s on g u e r r i l l a war beforehand, written i n China, c a r r i e d on our g u e r r i l l a war i n a s i m i l a r manner". Ernesto Guevara, Che: Selected  Works of Ernesto Guevara, eds. Rolando E. Bonachea and Nelson P. Valdes (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1969)> 249. 11 Jean-Paul Sartre, Sartre On Cuba (New York: Ballantine Books, 1961), e s p e c i a l l y 42, 48-50, 52. Also see h i s Preface to The Wretched of the Earth, by Frantz Fanon, trans. Constance Farrington (New York: Grove Press, 1968), 7-31. 6 and Frantz Fanon, who has stated that . . i t i s clear that i n c o l o n i a l countries the peasants alone are re v o l u t i o n -1 2 ary, f o r they have nothing to lose and everything to gain". With the peasantry now proclaimed as the new revolutionary class i n the so-called Third World, an issue of both applied and t h e o r e t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e , the reexamin-ation of Af r i c a n s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n takes on considerable importance. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y so i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a , which has not received the same intensive analysis of peasant classes, J and where, consequently, the debate i s very much s t i l l i n the formative stage. To attempt to make a contribution to the reap p r a i s a l of A f r i c a n s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c -a tion i n favour of peasant classes, t h i s thesis w i l l devote some e f f o r t to an examination of some prevalent d e f i n i t i o n s of the peasantry developed from the study of other continents, and the way they may be said to apply to sub-Saharan A f r i c a . Before beginning the discussion of peasant classes i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a , however, b r i e f mention should be made of the l i m i t a t i o n s of the present undertaking. Due to the r e s t r i c t i o n s of space and time, to say nothing of the 1 ^ Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, 61. ^Peasants i n Northern A f r i c a have received much more attention. In addition to Fanon's The Wretched of the Earth which posited the Algerian peasantry as a revolutionary c l a s s , s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s have shown an i n t e r e s t i n North A f r i c a n peasants. Examples are John M. Cohen, "Peasants and Feudalism i n A f r i c a : The Case of Ethiopia," Canadian Journal of A f r i c a n  Studies VIII (1971*), 155-157, and Marie B. Perinham. "Fanon and the Revolutionary Peasantry—the Algerian Case," Journal  of Modern Af r i c a n Studies 11 (September, 1973), h27"]^T» 7 complexity and vastness of the subject, no attempt has been made to present a " d e f i n i t i v e statement" on the existence of peasant classes i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a . Rather, t h i s t h e s i s presents an argument and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n which departs some-what from established ways of studying A f r i c a n s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . I I . PEASANT CLASSES IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA S o c i a l c l a s s , as Schumpeter has observed, ". . . i s a creation of the researcher [and] owes i t s existence to h i s organizing touch". While Schumpeter's observation may f o r some introduce an unwanted element of r e l a t i v i s m to the study of c l a s s , h i s point i s nevertheless cogent for the study of peasant classes i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a , and r a i s e s the necessity to undertake a preliminary examination of some contemporary d e f i n i t i o n s of the peasantry. For i t may be contended that c l a s s i c a l nineteenth century European s o c i a l analysis provides few u s e f u l g u i d l e l i n e s f o r the study of an a g r i c u l t u r a l class such as the peasantry which may be applied to sub-Saharan A f r i c a . Tonnies, for example, l i k e many of h i s contemporaries, tended to view the peasantry through the conceptual prism of ideal-type analysis and saw e s s e n t i a l l y an I d y l l i c r u r a l aggregate which he defined l a r g e l y by contrast with what he considered i t s a n t i t h e s i s , 1 % the g e s e l l s c h a f t or modern c a p i t a l i s t society. J Although lacking Tonnies' sentimental attachment to the r u r a l gemeinschaft, Marx's analysis of the peasantry tended to use Joseph Schumpeter, Social Classes and Imperialism: Two Essays, i n t r o . Bert H o s e l i t z , trans. Heinz Norden (Cleveland: Meridian Books, 1966), 105. ^ F e r d i n a n d Tonnies, Community and Society (Gemeinschaft  und G e s e l l s c h a f t ) , trans, and ed. Charles P. Loomis (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1 9 6 3 ) . 9 a similar approach. For Marx, who was not concerned with the i n t e r n a l dynamics of p r e - c a p i t a l i s t systems except i n so 16 f a r as they explain the preconditions of capitalism, the peasantry was also defined i n terms of an i m p l i c i t contrast with the c r i t e r i a of c l a s s formation which he ascribed to the p r o l e t a r i a t : In so f a r as m i l l i o n s of f a m i l i e s l i v e under economic conditions of existence that separate t h e i r mode of l i f e , t h e i r i n t e r e s t s and t h e i r culture from those of the other classes, and put them i n h o s t i l e opposition to the l a t t e r , they form a c l a s s . In so f a r as there i s merely a l o c a l interconnection among these small-holding peasants, and the i d e n t i t y of t h e i r i n t e r e s t s begets no community, no national bond and no p o l i t i c a l organization among them, they do not form a c l a s s . 17 If the Western ethnocentrism of c l a s s i c a l European sociology provides few u s e f u l guidelines for a d e f i n i t i o n of the peasantry which may be applied to the case of sub-Saharan A f r i c a , the modern s o c i a l sciences have not done much better, aside from adding g r e a t l y to the sheer bulk of material written on peasants. As Shanin has commented, " i n view of the large number of peasant studies already i n existence, there i s something amusing, i f not grotesque, i n the f a i l u r e of scholars to reach general agreement even on the very existence of the t o p i c under consideration, i . e . of peasantry as a v a l i d concept representing a r e a l s o c i a l Hobsbawm, Introduction to P r e - C a p i t a l i s t Economic  Formations, 43. 1 7 'Karl Marx, The Eighteenth Brumalre of Louis  Bonaparte (New York: International Publishers, 1969), 124. Compare Marx and Engels' views on the p r o l e t a r i a t as a class i n the "Manifesto of the Communist Party," 41-43. 10 18 e n t i t y " . At the very l e a s t , a survey of the l i t e r a t u r e would i n d i c a t e , as Mintz has disparagingly noted, that there 1 1. . . has been a p e r s i s t i n g lack of consensus among scholars 19 about the d e f i n i t i o n of the peasantry". Given t h i s lack of consensus, t h i s thesis w i l l only undertake to b r i e f l y survey some of the major anthropological attempts to define the peasantry which may be u s e f u l f o r an analysis of sub-Saharan A f r i c a . In overview i t may be said that the anthropological approach to the peasantry has been e s s e n t i a l l y the reverse of that used by c l a s s i c a l European t h e o r i s t s l i k e Tonnies and Marx. Whereas the l a t t e r tended to view the peasantry through the conceptual prism of the ge s e l l s c h a f t or advanced capitalism, the anthropological approach views the peasantry through the prism of the i s o l a t e d t r i b e . Thus one fi n d s that Kroeber's d e f i n i t i o n of the peasantry, which has served as the point of departure for most subsequent inquires, states that while t r i b a l culture belongs to a small, i s o l a t e d , c l o s e - k n i t society, Peasants are d e f i n i t e l y r u r a l — y e t l i v e i n r e l a t i o n to market towns; they form a class segment of a lar g e r population which u s u a l l y contains also urban centers, sometimes metropolitan c a p i t a l s . They constitute p a r t - s o c i e t i e s with part-cultures. They lack the i s o l a t i o n , the p o l i t i c a l autonomy, and the s e l f -Teodor Shanin, "Peasantry: Delineation of a S o c i o l o g i c a l Concept and a F i e l d of Study," Archives  Europeenes de Sociologie X I I ( 1 9 7 2 ) , 290. 1 ^ Sidney W. Mintz, "A Note on the D e f i n i t i o n of Peasantries," Journal of Peasant Studies 1 (October, 1973)? 91 . 11 s u f f i c i e n c y of t r i b a l populations; but t h e i r l o c a l u nits r e t a i n much of t h e i r old i d e n t i t y , i n t e g r a t i o n , and attachment to the s o i l s and c u l t s . 20 Following Kroeber's lead, many students have u t i l i z e d and elaborated on the approach to the peasantry as a part-society with a part-culture. Among the more important, Redfield has focused on t h i s approach i n terms of peasant culture, which he sees as being expressed i n the d i v i s i o n between a "Great T r a d i t i o n " and a " L i t t l e T r a d i t i o n " , 2 1 which i s e s s e n t i a l l y the d i s t i n c t i o n between the l e v e l of the "enlightened" e l i t e and high p r i e s t s of education and r e l i g i o n and the l e v e l of the i l l i t e r a t e r u r a l c u l t i v a t o r s . While the " L i t t l e T r a d i t i o n " represents the peasantry, i t cannot be studied, according to Redfield, without reference to the "Great T r a d i t i o n " , since the culture of the peasant i s but a r e f l e c t i o n of e l i t e culture and i s maintained only with 22 continual i n t e r a c t i o n and communication between the two. For Redfield, then, the e s s e n t i a l problem f o r the study of the peasantry i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the e l i t e and peasant, 2^ and the chief c r i t e r i a for a d e f i n i t i o n of the ZUA. L. Rroeber, Anthropology; Culture Patterns and  Processes, rev. ed. (New York: Hareourt, Brace & World, i9h8), 92. 2 1 Robert Redfield, "The S o c i a l Organization of T r a d i t i o n , " i n Peasant Society: A Reader, ed. Jack M. Potter et a l . (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown & Co., 1967), 26. 2 2 R o b e r t Redfield, "Peasant Society and Culture," i n The L i t t l e Community and Peasant Society and Culture (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1960), 4-0-M-1. 2 3 R e d f i e l d , "The S o c i a l Organization of T r a d i t i o n , " 26. 12 peasantry i s the symbiotic r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two. While Kroeber and Redfield stress the s t r u c t u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between peasants and the larger society i n t h e i r d e f i n i t i o n s , another approach has been to define the peasantry i n terms of power r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Here Wit t f o g e l , perhaps the main adherent of t h i s view, defines c l a s s r e l a t i o n s i n terms of access to the p r i v i l e g e of power. As he expresses i t , "The masters and b e n i f i c i a r i e s of the state, the r u l e r s , constitute a class d i f f e r e n t from, and superior to, the masses of the commoners—those who, although personally f r e e , do not share the p r i v i l e g e s of power". Another student who has u t i l i z e d power r e l a t i o n s h i p s as a key to peasant society i s Foster, who contends that " . . . what i s most peasant about peasants . . . [ i s that] 2 throughout h i s t o r y they have been oppressed and repressed". Based on t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of peasant powerlessness i n the face of an oppressive and repressive r e l a t i o n s h i p with the lar g e r society of which they are a part, Foster has extra-polated a model of peasant society which he has c a l l e d the "Image of Limited Good". While t h i s model has been r i g h t l y c r i t i c i z e d f o r being l i t t l e more than a restatement of an -<arl A. Wittfogel, Oriental Despotism: A Comparative  Study of Total Power (New Haven: Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1957)> 3 0 2 . 2^George M. Foster, "Comments," Human Organization 29 (Winter, 1 9 7 0 ) , 31 ^ 13 26 economic truism which applies to a l l human s o c i e t i e s , Foster's "Image of Limited Good" assumes that i n peasant society the t o t a l universe Is viewed as one i n which a l l of the desired things i n l i f e such as land, wealth, health, friendship and love, manliness and honour, respect and status, power and influence, security and safety, e x i s t i n f i n i t e quantity only and are always i n short supply as f a r as the peasant i s concerned. Further, according to Foster, not only do these and a l l other "good things" ex i s t i n f i n i t e q u a n t i t i e s , but i n addition there i s no way d i r e c t l y within 27 peasant power to increase the available q u a n t i t i e s . As a r e s u l t the peasantry i s , according to Foster, e s s e n t i a l l y conservative, although i t i s a conservatism born of oppression and repression by the larger society. As Foster says: The truncated p o l i t i c a l nature of peasant s o c i e t i e s , with r e a l power l y i n g outside the community, seems e f f e c t i v e l y to discourage l o c a l assumption and exer-cis e of power, except as an agent of these outside f o r c e s . By the very nature of the peasant society, seen as a s t r u c t u r a l part of a larger society, l o c a l development of leadership which might make possible cooperation i s e f f e c t i v e l y prevented by the r u l e r s of the p o l i t i c a l u n i t of which a p a r t i c u l a r peasant community i s an element, who see such action as a p o t e n t i a l threat to themselves. 28 While Redfield, Wittfogel, Foster and others have ?6 John G. Kennedy, "Peasant Society and the Image of Limited Good: A C r i t i q u e , " American Anthropologist 68 (1966), 1212. 2 7 'George M. Foster, "Peasant Society and the Image of Limited Good," i n Peasant Society, ed. Potter et a l . , 3 0 4 . 2 8 I b i d . , 311. 1M-emphasized d i f f e r e n t aspects of the peasantry as a part-society with a p a r t - c u l t u r e , as a class segment of a l a r g e r society, the work of E r i c Wolf represents at l e a s t a p a r t i a l synthesis of the various approaches within a broader frame-work which i s p a r t i c u l a r l y u s e f u l here. For Wolf, the key c r i t e r i a f o r a d e f i n i t i o n of the peasantry i s both economic e x p l o i t a t i o n and s o c i o p o l i t i c a l oppression by the l a r g e r society. Peasants, as Wolf comments, " . . . are r u r a l c u l t i v a t o r s whose surpluses are transferred to a dominant group of r u l e r s that uses the surpluses both to underwrite i t s own standard of l i v i n g and to d i s t r i b u t e the remainder to groups i n society that do not farm but must be fed f o r t h e i r s p e c i f i c goods and services i n turn". 7 In further elaboration of t h i s point, Wolf notes: This peasant . . . [ i s ] subject to asymmetrical power r e l a t i o n s which make a permanent charge on h i s production. Such a charge, paid out as the r e s u l t of some superior claim to h i s labor on the land, we c a l l rent, regardless of whether that rent i s paid i n labor, i n produce, or i n money. Where someone exercises an e f f e c t i v e superior power, or domain, over a c u l t i v a t o r , the c u l t i v a -tor must produce a fund of rent. It is. t h i s production of a fund of rent which  c r i t i c a l l y distinguishes the peasant from, the  p r i m i t i v e c u l t i v a t o r . 30 It may be said that Wolf's d e f i n i t i o n , based on both economic and s o c i o p o l i t i c a l c r i t e r i a , i s an improvement on previous 2 ^ E r i c R. Wolf, Peasants (Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice-H a l l , 1 9 6 6 ) , 3-h. 3°Ibid., 9 - 1 0 (emphasis i n o r i g i n a l ) . 1 ? rather s t a t i c d e f i n i t i o n s of Kroeber, Redfield and Foster i n so f a r as i t emphasizes that peasants are created by the i n t e r a c t i o n with the lar g e r society. Moreover, for Wolf the larger society i s not defined as narrowly as Redfield's "Great T r a d i t i o n " which stresses the existence of old c i v i l i z a t i o n s , ^ 1 but includes the r e l a t i o n s of peasants with outside markets which are a part of the world economy. As he points out for Latin America, " h i s t o r i c a l l y , the open peasant community arose i n response to the r i s i n g demand f o r cash crops which accompanied the development of capitalism i n Europe".^ 2 With the above b r i e f survey of some of the more i n f l u e n t i a l d e f i n i t i o n s of the peasantry i n mind, i t i s possible to attempt to determine the extent to which they apply to sub-Saharan A f r i c a . At the outset i t i s well to acknowledge that a number of writers have argued that the term "peasant" applies to t h i s part of A f r i c a only i n a marginal s e n s e . ^ To a large extent these arguments are 3 1 R e d f i e l d , "Peasant Society and Culture," 2 0 . 3 2 E r i c R. Wolf, "Types of Latin American Peasantry: A Preliminary Discussion," i n T r i b a l and Peasant Economies: Readings i n Economic Anthropology, ed. George Dalton (Garden C i t y : Natural History Press, 1 9 6 7 ) , 51*+. ^ J a n e t Mathew Fitchen, "'Peasantry 1 as a S o c i a l Type," i n Symposium: Patterns of Land U t i l i z a t i o n and Other Papers, ed. V i o l a E. G a r f i e l d (Seattle: American Ethnological Society, 1 9 6 1 ) , 1 1 7 ; Guy Hunter, Modernizing Peasant S o c i e t i e s : A  Comparative Study of Asia and A f r i c a (New York: Oxford Univer-s i t y Press, 1969), x; R. H. Jackson, " P o l i t i c a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n T r o p i c a l A f r i c a , " Canadian Journal of African Studies VII ( 1 9 7 3 ) , 391 . 16 based on or are strongly influenced by the seminal a r t i c l e by Lloyd Fallers which has concluded that at best African cultivators could be called "proto-peasants" or "incipient ok peasants". While i t may be objected that this a r t i c l e has been superceded by a later and more comprehensive work,->'/ which amends Fallers' argument presented here i n that i t enlarges the analysis to include some discussion of colonial and post-colonial A f r i c a , ^ i t i s nevertheless important to critique his earler and admittedly less sophisticated work since this a r t i c l e has frequently been cited, partly by virtue of being included i n a widely read collection of essays on peasant society, i n support of the view that a peasantry does not f u l l y exist i n Africa, while the later essay has, i n comparison, remained somewhat obscure. In any case, the main thrust of Fallers' early argument that a peasantry of the type familiar i n Latin America, Europe and Asia does not exist i n Africa Is his interpretation of Kroeber and, more specifically, Redfield's formula of the peasantry as a part-society with a part-culture. Here Fallers contends that this notion of semi-autonomy of ^ L l o y d A. Fa l l e r s , "Are African Cultivators to be Called 'Peasants'?" i n Peasant Society, ed. Potter et a l . , 35-^1. ^ L l o y d Fallers, "Equality, modernity, and democracy in the new states," in Old Societies and New States; The  quest for modernity in Asia and Africa, ed. C l i f f o r d Geertz (New York: Free Press, 1963), 158-219-3 6 I b i d . , especially 180, 202-204, 216-218. 1 7 constituent l o c a l communities, which i s seen as the main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g peasants from tribesmen, may be separately analyzed i n three categories: the economic, the p o l i t i c a l , and the c u l t u r a l . 3 7 Of the three categories, F a l l e r s sees the c u l t u r a l dimension—which i s simply a restatement of Redfield's d i s t i n c t i o n between the "Great T r a d i t i o n " and the " L i t t l e T r a d i t i o n " — a s presenting most d i f f i c u l t y f o r the argument that a recognizable peasantry exi s t s i n A f r i c a . As F a l l e r s puts i t : Now i t would seem to be just the r e l a t i v e absence of t h i s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n t o high and f o l k cultures which p r i n c i p a l l y distinguishes the A f r i c a n kingdoms from the s o c i e t i e s which have commonly been c a l l e d 'peasant 1. There i s , of course, a substantial degree of c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n many Afr i c a n s o c i e t i e s . . . . Nevertheless, there remains an important difference between trans-Saharan pagan A f r i c a i n these respects and the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n which was possible i n medieval Europe, China, India and Islam. The word 'peasants' denotes, among other things, a degree of r u s t i c i t y i n comparison with h i s betters which we do not f e e l j u s t i f i e d i n a t t r i b u t i n g the the A f r i c a n v i l l a g e r s . 38 The problem with F a l l e r s ' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n t h i s important a r t i c l e , however, i s that i t ignores the f a c t of European co l o n i z a t i o n and the impact i t has had on sub-Saharan A f r i c a n society. For while i t may be accurate to say that i n most p r e - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a n kingdoms, which represented a degree of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n untypical of many Af r i c a n t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s , there was l i t t l e or no perception 3 7 F a l l e r s , "Are Af r i c a n C u l t i v a t o r s to be Called •Peasants'?" 3 7 . 3 8 I b i d . , 3 9 . 18 of s u p e r i o r i t y and i n f e r i o r i t y between the indigenous r u l e r s and the r u l e d , ^ the penetration of the A f r i c a n continent by the c o l o n i a l powers has established a c u l t u r a l "Great T r a d i t i o n " In the form of European education, r e l i g i o n and conspicuous consumption which has been adopted by the newly created A f r i c a n e l i t e . That t h i s "Great T r a d i t i o n " was assimilated i s now a matter of h i s t o r i c a l record, but the extent to which i t was achieved i s well documented by Kuper*s study of South A f r i c a where, i t must be said, the p o l i c y of apartheid has i f anything hindered the development of an A f r i c a n entrepreneurial or managerial c l a s s . As Kuper observes: In A f r i c a n society, the s o c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n between the educated and the uneducated, Western and t r i b a l , C h r i s t i a n and heathen i s deeply rooted. . . . It i s encouraged by the example of the dominant White society, as an A f r i c a n businessman sensed i n the revealing comment that "a man who has seen other races can set Africans i n t o classes too". And i t i s fostered by sections of the A f r i c a n i n t e l l i g e n t s i a . Nimrod Mkele, f o r example, speaks and writes of the A f r i c a n middle c l a s s . His own wedding was almost a c l i n i c a l demonstration of appropriate behavior, adding, f o r f u l l measure to the abundance of prestige items, a White church and a White bridesmaid. k 0 3 ^ I t would seem that the question i s almost impossible to v e r i f y one way or the other since these indigenous A f r i c a n kingdoms were f o r the most part destroyed through competition with the economically superior Europeans. See Richard W. Gray and David Birmingham, "Some Economic and P o l i t i c a l Consequences of Trade i n Central and Eastern A f r i c a i n the Pre-Colonial Period," i n Pre-Colonial African Trade: Essays on Trade i n  Central and Eastern A f r i c a Before 1900. eds. Gray and Birmingham (London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 7 0 ) , e s p e c i a l l y 2 3 . Leo Kuper, An A f r i c a n Bourgeoisie: Race. Class, and  P o l i t i c s i n South A f r i c a (New Haven: Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 6 5 ) , 118. 19 Given t h i s adoption of the c u l t u r a l "Great T r a d i t i o n " of Western education, r e l i g i o n and the l i f e - s t y l e of conspicuous consumption, the degree of r u s t i c i t y during the c o l o n i a l period may be measured by the degree to which Africans have acquired a fluency i n the use of the c u l t u r a l baggage of European " c i v i l i z a t i o n " . As Fanon points out i n h i s study of the psychology of colonialism: Every colonized people . . . f i n d s i t s e l f face to face with the language of the c i v i l i z i n g nation; that i s , with the culture of the mother country. The colonized i s elevated above h i s jungle status i n proportion to h i s adoption of the mother country's c u l t u r a l standards. He becomes whiter as he renounces h i s blackness, h i s jungle. In the French c o l o n i a l army, and p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Senegalese regiments, the black o f f i c e r s serve f i r s t of a l l as i n t e r p r e t e r s . They are used to convey the master's orders to t h e i r fellows, and they too enjoy a c e r t a i n p o s i t i o n of honor. 4-1 This, of course, i s something of a gross ge n e r a l i z a t i o n as the d i f f e r e n t p o l i c i e s of the c o l o n i a l powers did not create a uniform indigenous e l i t e , either i n terms of Westernization or s i z e . The B r i t i s h p o l i c y of i n d i r e c t r u l e i n those colonies which, more often f o r reasons of climate than p o l i c y , lacked a large white s e t t l e r community, was based on the manipulation of indigenous leaders and encouraged Western education as a branch of p o l i t i c a l economy f o r a select Frantz Fanon, Black Skin. White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann (New York: Grove Press, 1967)» 1 8 - 1 9 . ^ G . B. Kay, "The p o l i t i c a l economy of colonialism i n Ghana," i n Kay, The P o l i t i c a l Economy of Colonialism i n Ghana: A C o l l e c t i o n of Documents and S t a t i s t i c s 1900-1960 (London: Cambridge University Press, 1 9 7 2 ) , 31 . 2 0 few needed to f i l l the petty c l e r i c a l positions i n the colonial administration. Since the Brit i s h did not attempt to create "Black Englishmen" i n their African colonies, but instead attempted to rule Indirectly by disturbing the population as l i t t l e as possible, while, i t may be suggested, allowing the British firms to make maximum profits, the emerging African e l i t e tended to combine Western education, religion and conspicuous consumption with indigenous African culture. A somewhat different type of e l i t e emerged In the French colonies, where the policy of assimilation, while under the auspices of direct rule, deliberately created a Westernized African e l i t e which was encouraged to directly adopt the metropolitan cultural norms and, i f achieved, was given the right to become French citizens. In the Portuguese colonies a different situation prevailed. A l -though the population was divided into two categories of asslmilado and indfgena, wherein the former were supposedly given the same civi c rights and status as metropolitan Portuguese and the latter were deprived of a l l rights and subject to the f u l l discrimination of the law, i n fact only two per cent of the population i n Angola, less i n Mozambique, and less than 0.3 per cent i n Guine were granted the status of assimilado.*4'3 Finally, i n the Belgian colonies, even the facade of Portuguese colonialism's asslmilado policy was ^ B a s i l Davidson, "African Peasants and Revolution," Journal of Peasant Studies 1 (April, 197 L), 272, 2 8 7 . 21 not practiced and the Congo was ruled d i r e c t l y from Brussels without even the philosophy of eventual self-government or p o l i t i c a l i ntegration, and p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y was prohibited. C l e a r l y , then, Fanon's comment regarding the question of r u s t i c i t y i n c o l o n i a l society applies with p a r t i c u l a r force to the French colonies and the attempt to create "Black Frenchmen", but i t could be said to apply to a le s s e r extent to the other A f r i c a n colonies as w e l l . In contemporary sub-Saharan A f r i c a i t would appear that the European "Great T r a d i t i o n " has not withered away with the demise of colonialism. Like economic imperialism, c u l t u r a l imperialism has taken a neo-colonial form. The centers of c u l t u r a l i n s p i r a t i o n for the newly created A f r i c a n bourgeoisie, as before, have remained l a r g e l y i n Europe and North America, and while some countries have attempted to i n i t i a t e a p o s t - c o l o n i a l c u l t u r a l renaissance stressing negritude. the Af r i c a n personality and Afr i c a n socialism, the members of the urban e l i t e appear to c l i n g tenaciously to the values, attitudes and b e l i e f s acquired i n the metropolitan u n i v e r s i t i e s and the c u l t u r a l norms of fashion L.L. and the l i k e which flow from New York, Paris and London. There i s , of course, an ongoing controversy over Westernization among the urban bourgeoisie between those who see European influences as damaging to Afr i c a n culture and morals and those who f e e l the need to be "modern". Primarily t h i s controversy centers on the "un-African" behavior of the urban, educated women and ignores the Western st y l e of dress worn by Af r i c a n men. See Audrey Wipper, "African Women, Fashion, and Scapegoating," Canadian Journal of Afr i c a n Studies VI ( 1 9 7 2 ) , 3 29-3 L9. 22 Indeed, i t could be argued that independence i n tropical Africa i s a misnomer, and that what has i n fact happened i s that the former colonies have been transformed into neo-colonial satellites which have remained culturally, as well as economically, dependent on the advanced capitalist nations. With the formal"achievement of independence the p o l i t i c a l , bureaucratic and military apparatus of the state was transferred from the colonial powers to members of African societies who had most closely assimilated the l i f e -style, values, attitudes and beliefs of the European "Great Tradition". In cultural terms i t may be said that the transfer had the effect of either rapidly creating or greatly expanding an indigenous "Great Tradition". In class terms, the transfer may be said to have created an indigenous bourgeoisie, which inherited from colonialism positions of power and influence, as well as salaries at approximately the same level as that previously paid to expatriate o f f i c i a l s . y Since independence the newly created indigenous bourgeoisie, the national vehicle of a European cultural "Great Tradition", has emerged as a largely urban class distinguished on the basis of objective c r i t e r i a , such as income and education, from the peasants, traders and small entrepreneurs of sub-Saharan African societies. ^ P . C. Lloyd, Africa and Social Change: Changing  Traditional Societies in the Modern World, rev, ed.(Harmonds worth: Penguin Books, 1969), 146-147. 23 To say that decolonization i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a has resulted i n the creation of an indigenous bourgeoisie i s , however, to g r e a t l y oversimplify the nature of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n p o s t - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a . As we have previously noted, I t i s important to stress the impact of the various types of c o l o n i a l administrations on the development of an indigenous A f r i c a n bourgeoisie, f o r the d i f f e r e n t p o l i c i e s of the c o l o n i a l powers did not create a uniform, homogeneous class structure, either i n regard to the bourgeoisie or the peasantry. More important, to view the development of a p o s t - c o l o n i a l bourgeoisie i n terms of Redfield's dichotomous formula of a c u l t u r a l "Great T r a d i t i o n " and " L i t t l e T r a d i t i o n " , useful though i t may be f o r arguing i n general terms the existence of an indigenous r u l i n g c lass and peasantry, tends to oversimplify and thus obscure the nature of t h i s bourgeoisie on a l l but the c u l t u r a l dimension, i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p with the metropolitan bourgeoisie i n the p o s t - c o l o n i a l state, and the important question of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n within the indigenous A f r i c a n bourgeoisie. The f i r s t point to be made i s that the indigenous A f r i c a n bourgeoisie i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from that found i n the advanced c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t i e s of Western Europe and North America. Unlike the l a t t e r , the indigenous A f r i c a n bourgeoisie i s not characterized by either the own-ership of or the control over the means of production i n the 2h modern c a p i t a l i s t sector of the economy, such as finance, mining, industry or plantation a g r i c u l t u r e . This i s important, for the A f r i c a n bourgeoisie i n h e r i t e d from colonialism not the control over the means of c a p i t a l i s t production i n A f r i c a , which i s the sense the term "bourgeoisie" i s often taken to mean, but the control over the apparatus of the state. While the state i n c l a s s i c a l Marxist theory i s described as an instrument for the domination of one class by another, i n p o s t - c o l o n i a l s o c i e t i e s of sub-Saharan A f r i c a , where the c o n t r o l over the p r o f i t a b l e c a p i t a l i s t enterprises has remained since decolonization i n the hands of the metropolitan bourgeoisie, the state i s one of the few instruments f o r the production of an economic surplus available to the indigenous A f r i c a n bourgeoisie to provide a s u f f i c i e n t revenue to maintain t h i s class i n the l i f e - s t y l e of a national "Great T r a d i t i o n " . Viewed i n t h i s way, the term which most accurately describes t h i s post-c o l o n i a l indigenous A f r i c a n r u l i n g c l a s s i s "state bourgeoisie". While t h i s provides a general d e f i n i t i o n of the A f r i c a n p o s t - c o l o n i a l state bourgeoisie, an equally important question centers on i t s i n t e r n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , for i t cannot p r o f i t a b l y be viewed as a homogeneous c l a s s . One approach for the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of a class i s that suggested by Marx i n , for example, h i s analysis of the French bourgeoisie as i n t e r n a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n t o " f r a c t i o n s of 25 a c l a s s " , by Lenin i n h i s commentary on the English p r o l e t a r i a t as being d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n t o an "upper stratum" (a p r i v i l e g e d "working class a r i s t o c r a c y " ) and a "lower 47 stratum" (the p r o l e t a r i a t "proper"), ' and summarized by the contemporary t h e o r i s t Poulantzas i n h i s model f o r class d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n t o " s o c i a l categories", " f r a c t i o n s of classes", and " s o c i a l s t r a t a " . B r i e f l y , t h i s termin-ology has been explicated by Poulantzas as follows: " s o c i a l categories" are distinguished on the basis of what Poulantzas c a l l s " t h e i r s p e c i f i c and over-determining r e l a t i o n to structures other than economic ones"; " f r a c t i o n s of classes", as compared to " s o c i a l categories", are located at the l e v e l of economic r e l a t i o n s to production (as, f o r example, i n the commercial, i n d u s t r i a l and f i n a n c i a l f r a c t i o n s of the metropolitan bourgeoisie); and "strata 1* are defined as "the r e s u l t of combinations of modes of production i n a s o c i a l formation" (as, f o r example, i n the working class a r i s t o c r a c y ) . l f^For example, Marx has written that " I t was not the French bourgeoisie that ruled under Louis Philippe, but a f r a c t i o n of i t , bankers, stock kings, railway kings, owners of coal and ironworks and f o r e s t s , a section of landed proprietors that r a l l i e d round them—the so-called finance a r i s t o c r a c y " . See Karl Marx, The Class Struggles i n France  (1848-1850) (New York: International Publishers, 1969), 33-3 L. ^ S e e V. I. Lenin, Imperialism, the Highest Stage of  Capitalism (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1970), 101-102. Nicos Poulantzas, P o l i t i c a l Power and S o c i a l Classes, trans. Timothy O'Hagan (London: NLB and Sheed and Ward, 1973), e s p e c i a l l y 84-85. ^ I b i d . 26 Using Poulantzas' summary of the Marxist theory for the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n within classes, then, the p o s t - c o l o n i a l state bourgeoisie i n A f r i c a may be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d into " p o l i t i c a l " , " m i l i t a r y " and "bureaucratic" s o c i a l categories on the basis of t h e i r r e l a t i o n to structures other than economic ones, namely the apparatus of the state. Further, as Poulantzas suggests, these s o c i a l categories may become " s o c i a l f o r ces" r e f l e c t i n g d i f f e r e n t i n t r a - c l a s s i n t e r e s t s , which i n the context of A f r i c a n and other p o s t - c o l o n i a l states i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the p r o c l i v i t y of the m i l i t a r y , as one powerful s o c i a l category within the state bourgeoisie, to overthrow by coup d'etat the p o l i t i c a l category. While we have suggested a general outline for the d e f i n i t i o n of the A f r i c a n state bourgeoisie, suggested a model fo r i t s i n t r a - c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , and sketched i t s r e l a t i o n to the metropolitan bourgeoisie i n the p o s t - c o l o n i a l state, another important question centers on the differences between t h i s indigenous A f r i c a n class and i t s metropolitan counterpart i n regard to c l a s s consciousness, or, i n non-Marxist terms, i n t r a - c l a s s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . Due to the f a c t that i t i s only one or, at most, two generations o l d , the state bourgeoisie In sub-Saharan A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s i s , to 50 use Kilson's terminology, "asymmetrical" i n nature. ^°Martin Kilson, "African P o l i t i c a l Change and the Modernization Process," Journal of Modern African Studies 1 (December, 1963), h2,7-h3lT, It may be objected that the use of Kilson's term represents a l i n g u i s t i c solution to a 27 This i s to say that, due to the short period of time the A f r i c a n bourgeoisie has existed, those acquiring the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the class do so i n d i v i d u a l l y and very often r e t a i n a connection with t h e i r poor r e l a t i v e s and f r i e n d s . This point i s Important, since some observers using the Parsonian f u n c t i o n a l approach to s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n ^ argue on t h i s basis that classes do not e x i s t i n the p o s t - c o l o n i a l states of t r o p i c a l A f r i c a . For t h i s writer, the question concerning the existence o f conceptual problem. However, i t i s here contended that Kilson's "asymmetrical 1 1 A f r i c a n bourgeoisie, while i t i s unfortunately jargonish, does convey a legitimate socio-l o g i c a l concept, and one which distinguishes between an older, more established c l a s s system wherein the conscious-ness of c l a s s i s widely recognized, and a newer, l e s s well established class system such as that found i n p o s t - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a where class b a r r i e r s have not yet hardened to i n h i b i t ongoing s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n between members of d i f f e r e n t classes. 51 J See T a l c o t t Parsons' o r i g i n a l essay published i n 1 9 ^ 0 , "An A n a l y t i c a l Approach to the Theory of S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n , " i n Parsons, Essays i n S o c i o l o g i c a l Theory, rev. ed. (New York: Free Press, 1 9 6 4 ) , 6 9 - 8 8 . Also see the essay by h i s two d i s c i p l e s , Kingsley Davis and Wilbert E. Moore, "Some P r i n c i p l e s of S t r a t i f i c a t i o n , " American Socio- l o g i c a l Review 10 ( A p r i l , 19^5)? 24-2-249, who attempt to explain the f u n c t i o n a l necessity for s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n a l l s o c i a l systems. J See, f o r example, P. C. Lloyd, Introduction to The  New E l i t e s of T r o p i c a l A f r i c a , ed. Lloyd (London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 6 6 ) , 55-62. Also see the updated and more sophisticated verson of t h i s argument by Martin Stani-land, "Frantz Fanon and the A f r i c a n P o l i t i c a l Class," A f r i c a n A f f a i r s 68 (January, 1 9 6 9 ) , e s p e c i a l l y 2 4 , who argues e s s e n t i a l l y that there i s only a " p o l i t i c a l c l a s s " i n A f r i c a defined i n terms of functionalism; and R. H. Jackson, " P o l i t i c a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n T r o p i c a l A f r i c a , " 3 8 1 - ^ 0 0 , who argues that t r o p i c a l A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s are "one-class s o c i e t i e s " . 28 classes on t h i s basis, given the great i n e q u a l i t i e s involved, amounts to l i t t l e more than the age-old dispute i n studies of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n over the concepts of a class of i t s e l f and a class f o r i t s e l f . Adherents of the f u n c t i o n a l school of analysis claim that a class may not be said to e x i s t unless i t perceives i t s e l f as such, J while those favouring the Marxist t r a d i t i o n emphasize, the previous excerpt from The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte not withstanding, that classes may be said to e x i s t i n objective terms even though they have not achieved the subjective c r i t e r i a of a class f o r i t s e l f i n the form of class consciousness. It i s here argued that the two approaches must be judged on the basis of t h e i r u t i l i t y f o r the study of society and p o l i t i c s . Here one may advance two reasons why the Marxist approach to class i s more u s e f u l for the study of p o l i t i c s and society than the competing fu n c t i o n a l approach. F i r s t , the f u n c t i o n a l approach to class tends to emphasize the i n t e g r a t i v e function of c l a s s s t r a t i f i c a t i o n and thus provides few u s e f u l i n s i g h t s f o r students of s o c i e t i e s characterized by c o n f l i c t and s o c i a l change, J whereas the Marxist approach emphasizes class as -^This derives from the Parsonian theory of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n which i s perceived, i n psychological terms, as a motivation system, according to which class i s somewhat synonymous with the concept of status. See S. M. Lipset, "Issues i n S o c i a l Class Analysis," i n Lipset, Revolution and  Counterrevolution: Change and Persistence i n Social Structures (New York: Basic Books, 1 9 6 8 ) , 1 3 9 . y This may explain why functional!sm has made i t s greatest showing i n the study of i s o l a t e d tribesmen. 29 a basis f o r c o n f l i c t i n society. Second, the f u n c t i o n a l approach i n equating c l a s s with status i s able to study class formation only i n so f a r as the perception of c l a s s differences are widely recognized i n society. For example, the f u n c t i o n a l approach would have great d i f f i c u l t y describing the class p o s i t i o n of B r i t i s h working cl a s s t o r i e s or a f f l u e n t North American workers who do not i d e n t i f y with t h e i r objective class p o s i t i o n . In comparison, the Marxist approach allows the study of class p r i o r to the development of class consciousness. This i s important for the study of s o c i e t i e s , such as i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a , where the class system i s of recent o r i g i n and where c l a s s consciousness i s lacking or only p a r t i a l l y developed, but where i t may nevertheless be argued that a class structure already e x i s t s . In any case, the "asymmetrical" nature of the A f r i c a n state bourgeoisie—which i s l a r g e l y the r e s u l t of the f a c t that i t did not f u l l y emerge as a class u n t i l the post-c o l o n i a l period—does appear to be, i n c e r t a i n respects, a temporary c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . As Barbara Lloyd has pointed out i n her study of the Yoruba: Despite apparent adult disregard of class differences, a study of the c h i l d - r e a r i n g methods employed by w e l l -educated Yoruba mothers indicates the emergence i n the next generation of a f a i r l y homogeneous group more d i s t i n c t from th e i r countrymen than t h e i r own educated parents, who had themselves been r e c r u i t e d rather wide-l y from the population. The home and family l i f e , the schools and educational opportunities, as well as the attitudes and values which the e l i t e parents o f f e r h i s o f f s p r i n g to assure him a bright future, w i l l most 30 probably produce adults quite d i f f e r e n t i n experience, t r a i n i n g and motivation from the majority of t h e i r contemporaries. 55 In other words, although the state bourgeoisie i s not at present as class conscious as the more established classes of Europe and A s i a , i t i s probable that i t w i l l develop i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n i n several generations. For the moment, however, i t may be said to be s u f f i c i e n t l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from the extremely poor, i l l i t e r a t e r u r a l population to constitute both a c u l t u r a l "Great T r a d i t i o n " and a state bourgeoisie, although some may object to t h i s usage i n the context of sub-Saharan A f r i c a since the class system i s derived from the c o l o n i a l legacy. Here, however, i t must be remembered that i n L a t i n America, f o r example, where few observers question the existence of e i t h e r a bourgeoisie or a peasantry, the "Great T r a d i t i o n " of Catholicism and l a t i f u n d i o was established i n a similar way through Spanish and Portuguese colonialism, where the indigenous c i v i l i z a t i o n s were destroyed and replaced with a l i e n t r a d i t i o n s . Also, patron-client r e l a t i o n s h i p s — w h i c h develop between two p a r t i e s unequal i n status, wealth and i n f l u e n c e ' and therefore point to the presence of a perceived gap between ^B a r b a r a B. Lloyd, "Education and Family L i f e i n the Development of Class I d e n t i f i c a t i o n Among the Yoruba," i n The New E l i t e s of T r o p i c a l A f r i c a , ed. Lloyd, 163. ' J o h n Duncan Powell, "Peasant Society and C l i e n t e l i s t P o l i t i c s , " American P o l i t i c a l Science Review LXIV (June, 1970), M 2 . 31 the p r i v i l e g e d e l i t e and the powerless, poor r u r a l popula-te t i o n — a r e widespread i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a . While the presence of patron-client r e l a t i o n s h i p s does not, of course, " s i g n a l " peasant s o c i e t i e s , they are important i n so f a r as they point to a widespread perception of s o c i a l and economic in e q u a l i t y , although not n e c e s s a r i l y framed i n terms of c l a s s , which may be seen as a necessary f i r s t step i n the development of c l a s s consciousness. While we have presented the argument that a c u l t u r a l "Great T r a d i t i o n " e x i s t s i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a i n the form of the p o s t - c o l o n i a l state bourgeoisie, we have not yet examined the presence of a peasant culture and, i n Redfield's terms, a " L i t t l e T r a d i t i o n " . In A f r i c a the culture of the peasantry, l i k e that described i n other peasant s o c i e t i e s i n L a t i n America, Asia and Europe, e x i s t s as a f o l k version of the urban "Great T r a d i t i o n " . As Chodak describes i t , the culture of the peasantry i n A f r i c a i s derived from the way the new urban culture impinges on the t r i b a l h i nterland. Africans i n the r u r a l areas are s t i l l p arochial, but are becoming Increasingly e x t e r n a l l y oriented, and market-oriented i n p a r t i c u l a r . Urban centers expand t h e i r influence, constantly impinging on the h i n t e r -land by means of administration, the mass media, trade and education. What i s more s i g n i f i c a n t i s that the hinterland becomes more open to that influence, wel-comes i t , and i n turn the urban culture induces changes i n the indigenous l o c a l cultures and provokes the generation of a new s u p r a - t r i b a l r u r a l culture. It i s ^ S e e Richard Sandbrook, "Patrons, C l i e n t s , and Factions: New Dimensions of C o n f l i c t Analysis i n A f r i c a , " Canadian Journal of P o l i t i c a l Science V (March, 1 9 7 2 ) , 104 - 1 1 9 . 32 the culture of the new emerging peasantry. Market r e l a t i o n s are the prime vehicle of the urban-rural exchanges. ... . The greater the r o l e of the market becomes i n A f r i c a n r u r a l l i f e , the more they themselves and t h e i r culture w i l l become peasant-l i k e . 58 This analysis which views the r u r a l and migrant peasant population of sub-Saharan A f r i c a as a class segment of a l a r g e r society, as a r u r a l hinterland of a n a t i o n a l urban culture which i s i t s e l f a s a t e l l i t e of the advanced c a p i t a l i s t nations, makes much more sense as a conceptual framework i n the age of colonialism and neo-colonialism than does t r i b a l i s m . Indeed, as Mafeje has i n s i g h t f u l l y pointed out i n a penetrating analysis which r a i s e s the question of the sociology of knowledge i n regard to the framework of t r i b a l i s m : European colonialism, l i k e any epoch, brought with I t c e r t a i n ways of reconstructing the A f r i c a n r e a l i t y . I t regarded A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s as p a r t i c u l a r l y t r i b a l . This approach produced c e r t a i n blinkers or i d e o l o g i c a l predispositions which made i t d i f f i c u l t for those associated with the system to view these s o c i e t i e s i n any other l i g h t . Hence c e r t a i n modes of thought among European scholars on A f r i c a and t h e i r A f r i c a n counter-parts have pers i s t e d , despite the many important economic and p o l i t i c a l changes that have occurred i n the continent over the l a s t 75-100 years. Therefore, i f t r i b a l i s m i s thought of as p e c u l i a r l y A f r i c a , then the ideology i t s e l f i s p a r t i c u l a r l y European i n o r i g i n . 59 Further, Mafeje argues, i t i s not surprising that the A f r i c a n , who i s a product of colonialism, speaks the same language of ^8Syzmon Chodak, "The B i r t h of an A f r i c a n Peasantry," Canadian Journal of A f r i c a n Studies V (1971 )» 3^2. ^ 9 A r c h i e Mafeje, "The Ideology of 'Tribalism'," Journal of Modern African Studies 9 0 971 )» 253. 33 t r i b a l i s m i n l i n e with t h i s ex-ruling c l a s s ideology stemming from c o l o n i a l education.^ 0 While some c r i t i c s may argue that Mafeje's analysis suggesting a reason why Africans seldom speak of c l a s s "proves" that classes do nqt e x i s t i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a on the basis of the f u n c t i o n a l approach of Parsons which equates class with status, t h i s argument only holds up i f one accepts the premises of the f u n c t i o n a l theory. For as the opening excerpt from Schumpeter points out, d e f i n i t i o n s of class cannot be framed i n absolute terms, as a l l sensible studies of class are prone to s t r e s s , since they are i n the end concepts which owe t h e i r existence to the researcher's organizing touch. Given that functionalism i s by no means the only approach to class i t may be said that the above "proof" that classes do not e x i s t i n A f r i c a i s l e s s than convincing f o r those who do follow the immodest view advanced by Davis that functionalism i s synonymous with 61 s o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s . In any case, on the basis of the preceding discussion and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i t may be argued that i t i s possible to 6 0 I b i d . , 25^ . Sklar i n t h i s regard has written: "It' i s l e s s frequently recognized that t r i b a l movements may be created and i n s t i g a t e d to a c t i o n by the new men of power i n furtherance of t h e i r own s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t s which are, time and again, the c o n s t i t u t i v e i n t e r e s t s of emerging s o c i a l classes. Tribalism then becomes a mask for c l a s s p r i v i l e g e . To borrow a worn metaphor, there i s often a non-traditional wolf under the t r i b a l sheepskin." Richard L. Sklar, " P o l i t i c a l Science and National I n t e g r a t i o n — A Radical Approach," Journal of  Modern A f r i c a n Studies 5 O967), 6. ^ 1See Kingsley Davis, "The Myth of Functional Analysis as a Special Method i n Sociology and Anthropology," American  S o c i o l o g i c a l Review 2h (December, 1959), 757-772, e s p e c i a l l y 75T. 3 k speak of a sub-Saharan A f r i c a n peasantry i n terms of Red-f i e l d ' s "Great T r a d i t i o n " and " L i t t l e T r a d i t i o n " , and that F a l l e r s ' widely read argument to the contrary lacks r i g o r i n that i t ignores the impact of colonialism on A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s . However, to examine the existence of an A f r i c a n peasantry s o l e l y on the basis of a c u l t u r a l d e f i n i t i o n , or, f o r that matter, on the basis of a purely p o l i t i c a l d e f i n i t i o n l i k e that suggested by Wittfogel, i s not e n t i r e l y adequate fo r a study of A f r i c a n c l a s s structure. F i r s t , a c u l t u r a l d e f i n i t i o n explores only one aspect of the peasant m i l i e u which i s , since the penetration of the continent by colonialism, part of the world economy and hence part of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l d i v i s i o n of labour. As Saul and Woods contend, t h i s aspect of the analysis of A f r i c a n peasants i s important: . . . despite the existence of some prefiguring of a peasant class i n e a r l i e r periods, i t i s more f r u i t f u l to view both the creation of an A f r i c a n peasantry, as well as the creation of the present d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among Af r i c a n peasantries, as being p r i m a r i l y the r e s u l t of the i n t e r a c t i o n between an i n t e r n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l i s t economic system and t r a d i t i o n a l socio-economic systems, within the context of t e r r i t o r i a l l y defined c o l o n i a l systems. 6 2 Second, a purely c u l t u r a l or p o l i t i c a l d e f i n i t i o n does not probe the dynamics of e x p l o i t a t i o n and oppression which i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of peasants, and which i n A f r i c a , as elsewhere, compliments the p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the world c a p i t a l i s t system John S. Saul and Roger Woods, "African Peasantries," i n Giovanni A r r i g h i and John S. Saul, Essays on the P o l i t i c a l  Economy of A f r i c a (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1973)> 409. 35 as an underdeveloped national hinterland of the c o l o n i a l and neo-colonial c a p i t a l i s t m e t r o p o l i s . ^ Third, as we have already pointed out i n regard to the post - c o l o n i a l state bourgeoisie, a c u l t u r a l approach to s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n terms of a s o c i e t a l dichotomy of a "Great T r a d i t i o n " and a " L i t t l e T r a d i t i o n " tends to convey the impression that the class system i s composed of two homogeneous classes. While we have t r i e d to correct t h i s impression i n regard to the A f r i c a n state bourgeoisie, i t must also be stressed that an important i n t r a - c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n also e x i s t s within what may be generally termed "the A f r i c a n peasantry". One d e f i n i t i o n which does contribute to focusing attention on these c r u c i a l areas i s that advanced by Wolf. As previously noted, peasants are f o r Wolf r u r a l c u l t i v a t o r s who are subject to asymmetrical power r e l a t i o n s which make a permanent charge on t h e i r production i n the form of rent, which may be paid i n labour, i n produce, or i n money. Thus peasants are distinguished from i s o l a t e d t r i b a l c u l t i v a t o r s •^For a discussion of the development of underdevelop-ment i n these terms, see Andre Gunder Frank's analysis of the metropolis-hinterland r e l a t i o n s h i p i n i n t e r n a t i o n a l capitalism i n Capitalism and Underdevelopment i n L a t i n America: H i s t o r i c a l  Studies of Chile and B r a z i l , rev, and e n l . (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1 9 6 9 ) . F o r an excellent treatment of the development of c a p i t a l i s t underdevelopment of the Rhodesian peasantry i n the c o l o n i a l period, see I. R. Phimister, "Peasant Production and Underdevelopment i n Southern Rhodesia, 1 8 9 0 - 1 9 1 V 1 A f r i c a n A f f a i r s 7^ ( A p r i l , 1 9 7 ^ ) , 2 1 7 - 2 2 8 . For a simi l a r analysis of South A f r i c a , see C o l i n Bundy, "The Emergence and Decline of a South A f r i c a n Peasantry," A f r i c a n  A f f a i r s 71 (October, 1 9 7 2 ) , 3 6 9 - 3 3 8 . : 36 on the basis of economic e x p l o i t a t i o n of peasant surplus production, which Wolf defines as follows: . . . In primitive society, producers control the means of production, including t h e i r own labor, and exchange th e i r own labor and i t s products for the c u l t u r a l l y defined equivalent goods and services of others. In the course of c u l t u r a l evolution, however, such simple systems have been superceded by others i n which control of the means of production, including the d i s p o s i t i o n of human labor, passes from the hands of the primary producers into the hands of groups that do not carry on the productive process themselves, but assume instead s p e c i a l executive and administrative functions, backed by the use of force. The c o n s t i t u -t i o n of society i n such a case Is no longer based on the equivalent and d i r e c t exchanges of goods and services between one group and another; rather, goods and services are f i r s t furnished to a center and only l a t e r redirected. In pri m i t i v e society, surpluses are exchanged d i r e c t l y among groups or members of groups; peasants, however, are r u r a l c u l t i v a t o r s whose surpluses are transferred to a dominant group of r u l e r s that uses the surpluses both to underwrite i t s own standard of l i v i n g and to d i s t r i b u t e the remainder to groups i n soci e t y that do not farm but must be fed f o r t h e i r s p e c i f i c goods and services i n turn. 6h Lacking the s t a t i c nature of the s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n s , the Wolf d e f i n i t i o n of peasants emphasizes the nature of the genesis of peasantries. As Wolf notes i n t h i s regard, " i t i s e s p e c i a l l y important to recognize the e f f e c t s of the i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n and the growing world market on peasant segments the world over". J As compared to the framework of t r i b a l i s m , the approach i s most useful f o r the study of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a . For not only does i t focus on the f a c t that the peasantry has b M"Wolf, Peasants. 3- k. ^ W o l f , "Types of La t i n American Peasantry," 5 0 2 . 37 been for the most part created by c o l o n i a l penetration, but unlike the c u l t u r a l approach of Redfield i t i s cognizant of the the nature of the economic e x p l o i t a t i o n of peasant surpluses, as defined above by Wolf, which has re s u l t e d from the incorporation of A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s into the c a p i t a l i s t economic system. As Leys summarizes: The economic surplus produced by the vast mass of productive workers, the smaller farmers, i s being extracted, p a r t l y by adverse terms of trade with the developed countries, p a r t l y by the high p r o f i t s of expatriate firms, which are l a r g e l y repatriated overseas, and p a r t l y by the import- and consumption-oriented expenditure of the s k i l l e d workers and sa l a r i e d employees, instead of going i n t o productive manufacturing investment and the development of a domestic market f o r l o c a l products. 66 To examine how the Wolf d e f i n i t i o n applies to sub-Saharan A f r i c a i t i s necessary to b r i e f l y analyze how the surplus of rent i s extracted from the r u r a l c u l t i v a t o r s by a dominant group of r u l e r s . To have meaning, t h i s analysis must not be a r t i f i c a l l y l i m i t e d to the extraction of peasant surplus production by the A f r i c a n state bourgeoisie, but must also take i n t o account the extraction of peasant economic surpluses by the c o l o n i a l governments and the e x t r a t r i a t e firms. To both make t h i s analysis more manage-able and to explore the i n t r a - c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of the peasant classes i n A f r i c a i t i s well to view the ex t r a c t i o n of peasant economic surpluses i n terras of Barnett's typology of three types of A f r i c a n peasantries: the marginal-D D C o l i n Leys, " P o l i t i c s i n Kenya: The Development of Peasant Society," B r i t i s h Journal of P o l i t i c a l Science 1 (July, 1 9 7 D , 3 1 0 . 38 subsistence peasantry, the labour-exporting peasantry, and 67 the cash-cropping peasantry. ' It should be noted that Barnett's pioneering e f f o r t to develop a typology of the A f r i c a n peasantry r e l i e s heavily on Wolf's c r i t e r i a of economic e x p l o i t a t i o n and s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l oppression, where-i n the three types of peasantries are delineated i n terms of the nature and degree of t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the economy of i n t e r n a t i o n a l capitalism. While Barnett does not attempt to systematically locate these three types of A f r i c a n peasantries within the Marxist concept of i n t r a - c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n t o either categories, f r a c t i o n s and s t r a t a , i t may be said that the marginal-subsistence, labour-exporting and cash-cropping peasantries represent f r a c t i o n s of the A f r i c a n peasantry since, i n Poulantzas' terms, they are located at the l e v e l of economic r e l a t i o n s of production. Needless to say, as Mao has pointed out i n the case of the Chinese peasantry, these d i f f e r e n t types of peasants l i v e i n d i f f e r e n t circumstances, have d i f f e r e n t i n t e r e s t s and behave i n d i f f e r e n t ways.^ 8 By d e f i n i t i o n , the marginal-subsistence f r a c t i o n of the A f r i c a n peasantry i s engaged i n subsistence c u l t i v a t i o n ^ 7Donald L. Barnett, Peasant Types and Revolutionary  Potential i n C o l o n i a l A f r i c a (Richmond, B.C.: LSM Information Center, 1 9 7 3 ) . This paper o r i g i n a l l y appeared under the t i t l e "Three Types of A f r i c a n Peasantry," Background Paper No. 1 , U n i v e r s i t y College, Dar-es-Salaam, Rural Development Committee, 1 9 6 8 . (Mimeographed). 68 See, f o r example, Mao, "Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement i n Hunan," e s p e c i a l l y 3 0 . 39 of annual crops plus production f o r exchange s u f f i c i e n t to pay taxes and make necessary purchases, i s unfavourably located with regard to transportation f a c i l i t i e s and urban market centers and r e l a t i v e l y sparsely s e t t l e d i n t e r r i t o r i e s with l i t t l e or no European settlement and/or a very r e s t r i c t e d 69 wage-labour market. 7 Although the marginal-subsistence f r a c t i o n of the Af r i c a n peasantry i s often seen by European and American observers as representing the "pure 1 1 type of A f r i c a n a g r i c u l t u r a l production which has remained l i t t l e changed since time immemorial, the subsistence-oriented peasant f r a c t i o n of the twentieth century may be seen i n part as the creation of c o l o n i a l penetration and domination of the A f r i c a n continent, i f indeed i t may be said to have existed as a "pure" type i n A f r i c a p r i o r to colonialism. This i s i t s e l f rather doubtful since, as Gray and Birmingham point out, during the p r e - c o l o n i a l period " . . . one can begin to dis c e r n a serie s of innovations which together constitute a mode of economic organization mid-way between subsistence and a f u l l y - f l o d g e d market economy".^ C e r t a i n l y , p r i o r to colonialism, parts of Central and West A f r i c a produced s u f f i c i e n t surpluses of such items as c l o t h , tanned leather goods, pottery, gold, ivory, i r o n , copper, c a t t l e and slaves f o r exchange, some to D^Barnett, Peasant Types, 29 7°Gray and Birmingham, "Some Economic and P o l i t i c a l Consequences of Trade," 18. ho distant trading stations f o r trade with Arabia, Southern 71 Europe and even India and China. However, unlike the peasant economy of p r e - i n d u s t r i a l Europe, i n A f r i c a the extraction of peasant economic surpluses was not accomplished through the possession of land held i n private tenure i n the form of feudal estates, but rather i n the d i r e c t e x p l o i t a t i o n of labour-power i t s e l f . As Gray and Birmingham put i t , " i n Europe, but not i n A f r i c a , the key to power and wealth was mastery of the land. In A f r i c a the r e a l key to production and prosperity was men and women; land was r a r e l y i n short supply and therefore no especial value was attached to i t s ownership". 7 2 Consequently, the r u l e r s of some p r e - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a n kingdoms extracted from t h e i r subjects a form of "rent" by obtaining slaves through t a x a t i o n , 7 3 while holding land i n communal tenure.' While Gray and Birmingham's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n may be c r i t i c i z e d as something of a sweeping gene r a l i z a t i o n , given the vastness and d i v e r s i t y of the subject, the point i s nevertheless important to the question concerning the existence of classes i n p r e - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a n society and i t appears to have been overlooked by some '"Seidman, Planning for Development. 5 8 . 7 2 G r a y and Birmingham, "Some Economic and P o l i t i c a l Consequences of Trade," 1 8 . 7 3 I b l d . 7 l +While Gray and Birmingham contend that no espec i a l value was placed on the i n d i v i d u a l ovmershlp of land for the generation of wealth due to an abundance of supply, i t i s nevertheless true that land was considered a communal and sacred treasure. 41 writers who focus on the overtly e g a l i t a r i a n nature of communal tenure, while placing an overly r i g i d emphasis on the existence of private property i n land as a c r i t e r i a f o r 75 the formation of classes i n agrarian s o c i e t i e s . J This error would appear to be the r e s u l t of an attempt to use as a model f o r the study of A f r i c a n s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n the developmental experience of Europe. What i s Important f o r the study of class i n any society i s hot the form of land tenure per se, but the form of surplus extraction. In any case, while there appears to be some evidence to suggest that i n some pr e - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a n kingdoms asymmetrical power r e l a t i o n s were exercised over r u r a l c u l t i v a t o r s by a group of dominant r u l e r s to produce a fund of "rent" as defined by Wolf, the imposition of c o l o n i a l hegemony served i n i t i a l l y to create a more uniformly poor, un d i f f e r e n t i a t e d peasantry of the marginal-subsistence type through the destruction of existing p r e - c o l o n i a l entrepreneur-i a l a c t i v i t y where t h i s a c t i v i t y c o n f l i c t e d with the i n t e r e s t s of the metropolitan economy. This, of course, i s not to imply that c o l o n i a l r u l e n e c e s s a r i l y reduced Africans i n every case to poverty and dependence, as i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the prosperity of the Ibos i n the c o l o n i a l period. Neverthe-l e s s , i t may be argued that where exis t i n g p r e - c o l o n i a l '^See, for example, Szymon Chodak, " S o c i a l Classes i n Sub-Saharan A f r i c a , " Afrlcana B u l l e t i n , no. 4 (1966), 7-^7. Also see h i s " S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n Sub-Saharan A f r i c a , " Canadian Journal of A f r i c a n Studies VII (1973), e s p e c i a l l y 4T6"; h2 entrepreneurial a c t i v i t y d i r e c t l y c o n f l i c t e d with the i n t e r e s t s of the metropolitan economy i t was often met with opposition from the c o l o n i a l administration. This i s well documented i n West A f r i c a where the l o c a l l y produced t e x t i l e s had long been manufactured i n large quantities and of high q u a l i t y . Under c o l o n i a l r u l e , however, t h i s dynamic l o c a l industry was not encouraged to expand since i t produced l i t t l e i f any r e a l i z a b l e revenue f o r the l o c a l B r i t i s h a u t h o r i t i e s through taxation, i n addition to which i t s economic v i a b i l i t y did not serve the i n t e r e s t s of the metropolitan c a p i t a l i s t s . As Johnson describes i t , these Nigerian entrepreneurs were rewarded fo r t h e i r very economic v i a b i l i t y by the c o l o n i a l decision to crush the industry. . . . Lugard [the Governor] . . . faced with the demand from B r i t i s h manufacturers f o r new markets, and at the same time f o r a source of supply of cotton other than America (threatened with severe shortage as a r e s u l t of crop pests), h i t upon a p o l i c y which may be c a l l e d "cotton imperialism". Crush the l o c a l weaving industry, and the raw cotton which would have been woven l o c a l l y w i l l be exported to England; moreover, hopefully, the redundant weavers would also turn t h e i r hands to growing cotton for export. English cottons would replace the l o c a l manufacture—to the benefit of everyone, except the Nigerians, who perversely continued to prefer the l o c a l product. 76 As i t turned out, the B r i t i s h were not successful i n elimin-ating the Nigerian t e x t i l e industry, l a r g e l y because the l o c a l consumers continued to prefer the better q u a l i t y A f r i c a n product, and because the B r i t i s h , even with the 7^Marion Johnson, "Cotton Imperialism i n West A f r i c a , " A f r i c a n A f f a i r s 73 ( A p r i l , 1 9 7 k ) , 182. **3 competitive advantage of the power-loom and the high taxes imposed on the transport of domestic cotton, could not undersell the hand-woven product. Other parts of sub-Saharan A f r i c a were not, however, as fortunate, either because they lacked the competitive advantage v i s - a - v i s the European traders and manufacturers, the support of the l o c a l consumers, were more vulnerable to c o l o n i a l interference, or simply lacked the tenacity of the Nigerian entrepreneurs. An example of an area unable to withstand the pressures of European economic repression i s Angola, where p r i o r to Portuguese colonialism there were a number of quite h i g h l y developed A f r i c a n kingdoms based on a prosperous economic 77 base, such as the Lozi and Kongo kingdoms. Needless to say, Portuguese colonialism has had a marked l e v e l i n g e f f e c t , reducing Angolans to a more uniform l e v e l of poverty and underdevelopment. Where c o l o n i a l r u l e did not o v e r t l y attempt to destroy indigenous entrepreneurial a c t i v i t y to gain advantage f o r metropolitan manufacturing and trading i n t e r e s t s , i t often attempted to accomplish the same ends for the white ' According to Gray and Birmingham, at the time the Portuguese arr i v e d the Kongo kingdom had a developed commercial system centered on a r o y a l c a p i t a l , with a w e l l -established currency system and an established market. See Gray and Birmingham, "Some Economic and P o l i t i c a l Consequences of Trade," 8 - 9 . For a short account of the impact of Portuguese colonialism, see B a s i l Davidson, "The Oldest A l l i a n c e Faces a C r i s i s , " i n Angola: A Symposium. Views of  a Revolt, comp. In s t i t u t e of Race Relations (London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 6 2 ) , 1 3 8 - 1 6 0 . s e t t l e r community In areas where t h i s population was and i s s i g n i f i c a n t . Here one might c i t e a number of examples, including the usurpation of the most f e r t i l e land i n Kenya on the so-called White Highlands for European o c c u p a t i o n , 7 8 but perhaps the most graphic example of t h i s development of underdevelopment of the A f r i c a n population to the status of a marginal-subsistence peasantry i s the case of South A f r i c a and Southern Rhodesia. In both countries the fat e of the A f r i c a n population was t i e d to the development of capitalism and the p o l i t i c a l economy of the s e t t l e r community. In Rhodesia, f o r example, the l u c r a t i v e task of supplying the export-producing regions (notably the mines, c a p i t a l i s t farms and company-owned plantations) with food and services f e l l l a r g e l y to the A f r i c a n peasant producers u n t i l s h o r t l y a f t e r the F i r s t World War.7^ Far from r e s i s t i n g change, a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c which some writers have att r i b u t e d to the 8 0 peasantry, the Rhodesian peasantry was prompt i n investing 7 8 F o r one account of the a l i e n a t i o n of A f r i c a n lands i n Kenya, see M. P. K. Sorrenson, Origins of European  Settlement i n Kenya. Memoir Number Two of the B r i t i s h I n s t i t u t e of History and Archaeology i n East A f r i c a (Nairobi: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 19 6 8 ) . 7^Phimister, "Peasant Production and Underdevelopment i n Southern Rhodesia," 2 1 7 . 80 See, for example, Arthur H. Niehoff and J . Charnel Anderson, "Peasant Fatalism and Socio-economic Innovation," Human Organization 2 5 (Winter, 1 9 6 6 ) , 273-283, and Charles J . Erasmus, Man Takes Control: C u l t u r a l Development and American  Aid (Minneapolis: U n i v e r s i t y of Minnesota Press, 1 9 6 1 ) . ^5 81 and innovating i n response to market opportunities. Indeed, i t i s not too much to say that the peasant producers were so successful i n adapting to the new opportunities which arose from the development of capitalism that i n Rhodesia by the end of the nineteenth century they were, according to Phimister, enabled to recoup c e r t a i n of t h e i r losses i n a r e l a t i v e l y short time. Also, i n South A f r i c a the prosperity of some peasant producers i n the l a t e nineteenth century was such that a class of A f r i c a n c a p i t a l i s t farmers was emerging which not only had tenants and wage-labourers on t h e i r l a n d s — a g a i n s t whom they used the Cape's Masters and Servants Act to punish d e f a u l t e r s — b u t was able i n some cases to buy back the land of which they had e a r l i e r been deprived through e x p r o p r i a t i o n . ^ While the prosperity of peasant a g r i c u l t u r a l production served the i n t e r e s t s of developing capitalism i n Southern A f r i c a i t was allowed, i f not encouraged, to f l o u r i s h . However, once diamond and gold mining became a major force i n the economy i n the 1880's and 1890's r e s p e c t i v e l y , which accelerated the predominance of d i r e c t l y ° Giovanni A r r i g h i , "Labor Supplies i n H i s t o r i c a l Perspective: A Study of the P r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n of the A f r i c a n Peasantry i n Rhodesia," i n A r r i g h i and Saul, Essays on the  P o l i t i c a l Economy of A f r i c a , 1 8 5 . 8P Phimister, "Peasant Production and Underdevelopment i n Southern Rhodesia," 2 2 0 . ^Bundy, "The Emergence and Decline of a South A f r i c a n Peasantry," 3 7 9 - 3 8 0 . 46 84 imperial c a p i t a l over l o c a l c a p i t a l , a l l t h i s changed. As Phimister shows, a v i a b l e peasant economy did not f a c i l i t a t e the extraction of peasant surpluses i n a form use f u l to capitalism, that i s i n the form of labour-powerJ The establishment and expansion of the mining industry without an accompanying c a p i t a l i s t farming sector i n i t i a l l y created favourable market opportunities for the emergence of an A f r i c a n peasantry i n s i g n i f i c a n t numbers. But because the general p r o f i t a b i l i t y of the f i r s t sector [mining and other production f o r export], p a r t i c u l a r l y i n terms of minimization of wage costs, depended l a r g e l y on the size and e x p l o i t a b i l i t y of the labour pool i n the t h i r d category [the marginal-subsistence peasantry], i t was v i t a l that c a p i t a l i s t a g r i c u l t u r e should dominate the second sector [the supply of food and services to the export-producing sec t o r ] , 85 Therefore, to insure the creation of a docile army of poor peasants who could be induced to work for extremely low wages, thus increasing the p r o f i t a b i l i t y of the mines, settler-owned c a p i t a l i s t farms and plantations, a s e r i e s of changes were undertaken to r i d the s e m i - c a p i t a l i s t a g r i -c u l t u r a l sector of i t s A f r i c a n entrepreneurs. One such change which was undertaken to l i m i t the opportunities available to Africans was the establishment of what A r r i g h i has c a l l e d semi-feudal r e l a t i o n s . Here Africans were systematically deprived of their ancestral lands which were then d i s t r i b u t e d among the white s e t t l e r s , who, magnanimously, allowed the peasants to remain on the 84. Martin Legassick, "South A f r i c a : c a p i t a l accumulation and violence," Economy and Society 3 (August, 197*0, 260. 8^Phimister, "Peasant Production," 217-218. 8 6 A r r i g h i , "Labour Supplies," 196. 47 land as tenant farmers. In t h i s way the white s e t t l e r s were able to more d i r e c t l y extract peasant surpluses and market t h e i r tenants' produce. Naturally, once subject to asymmetrical power r e l a t i o n s by the landowner, and dependent on h i s whims, these, peasants became victims of unfavourable terms of trade, or what one writer has termed i n the i n t e r -87 national context the imperialism of trade. ' In a somewhat t y p i c a l scenario one fi n d s that i n Southern Rhodesia, f o r instance, when the l o c a l market value of gra i n was 2 0 s . a bag, traders i n the Charter area bought i t at 1 0 s . , before r e s e l l i n g i t i n Salisbury and Hartley at 37s 6 d . per bag, and some traders only offered the peasant producers trade goods i n exchange, thus serving the further purpose i n the c o l o n i a l p o l i t i c a l economy of forc i n g peasants into wage employment i n order to pay t h e i r taxes and make necessary go cash purchases. As a consequence, peasants were i n f a c t producing a surplus for the white s e t t l e r economy, and not f o r themselves. Although the establishment of semi-feudal r e l a t i o n s through the expropriation of A f r i c a n land had a c e r t a i n l e v e l i n g e f f e c t among the Afr i c a n peasantry, the e s t a b l i s h -ment of the Reserve system by the Native Lands Act of 1913 ' A r g h i r i Emmanuel, Unequal Exchange: A Study of the  Imperialism of Trade, trans. Brian Pearce (London: Monthly Review Press, 1 9 7 2 ) . 8 8 P h i m i s t e r , "Peasant Production," 224, 2 2 5 . 48 may be seen as the c r u c i a l factor i n creating a marginal-subsistence f r a c t i o n of the peasantry i n Southern A f r i c a . As one might perhaps expect, the object of the Native Lands Act was to l i q u i d a t e the competition to the s e t t l e r dominated c a p i t a l i s t a g r i c u l t u r e and to insure a steady flow of A f r i c a n wage-labourers to the mines from a subsistence Reserve economy, although the stated r a t i o n a l e i n Parliament was that the Act would insure the t e r r i t o r i a l segregation of the races. At any rate, the Act st i p u l a t e d that no A f r i c a n could purchase or occupy land outside the A f r i c a n Reserves, and that Whites could not acquire or occupy land i n the Reserves. Like the p o l i c y which prevailed i n Canada and the United States with the establishment of Indian Reservations, the A f r i c a n Reserves would seem to have been purposely located on the poorest a g r i c u l t u r a l land a v a i l a b l e , and i n areas which were geographically disadvantaged i n terms of access to railways and markets, and which was therefore of l i t t l e use to Europeans. Even more important, the amount of land available f o r A f r i c a n occupation shrank d r a s t i c a l l y . Although the s i t u a t i o n was to a l i m i t e d extent a l l e v i a t e d In 1936 when the Smuts and Hertzog C o a l i t i o n passed the Native Trust and Land Act under which some land adjacent to or In the Reserves was added to the A f r i c a n allotment, the t o t a l yHarold Wolpe, "Capitalism and cheap labour-power i n South A f r i c a : from segregation to apartheid," Economy and  Society 1 (1972), 438. V9 amount of land available to the A f r i c a n population was p i t i f u l l y small and subject to a r t i f i c i a l l y created Malthusian population pressures. As a long-time leader and i n t e l l e c t u a l of the A f r i c a n National Congress puts i t : When a l l the released areas are bought and added to the scheduled areas, the t o t a l area set aside for A f r i c a n occupation In terms of -the two Acts w i l l constitute 13 per cent of South A f r i c a ' s land surface. But only 5 of the 7\ m i l l i o n morgen have, i n f a c t as yet been acquired, so that today some 1 1 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 Africans have r i g h t s to only 9 per cent of the land, while 3 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 Whites own and occupy the r e s t . Furthermore, Africans i n a l l but a very few areas cannot acquire i n d i v i d u a l t i t l e to t h e i r land. It i s l e g a l l y held by a Trust on behalf of the State, and the peasant occupiers a r e — i n e f f e c t — tenants, holding t h e i r land under conditions imposed by the government. 9 0 As a r e s u l t of the overcrowding and consequent overcropping on the Reserves, combined with the poor q u a l i t y of much of the land to begin with, the South A f r i c a n peasant producers have been e f f e c t i v e l y prevented from p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n c a p i t a l i s t a g r i c u l t u r e , except as wage-labourers. In f a c t , the pressures on the land are such that a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v i t y , according to Mbeki, has declined on the Reserves to the point that they are today incapable of producing the minimum food requirements f o r the populations 91 they support. In short, the occupants of the Reserves are a marginal-subsistence f r a c t i o n of the A f r i c a n peasantry— 9°Govan Mbeki, South A f r i c a : The Peasants' Revolt (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1 9 6 4 ) , 6 6 . 91 Ibid., 6 9 . 50 created and kept as such by colonialism, the requirements of the white s e t t l e r s as expressed i n the r a c i s t p o l i c i e s of t h e i r p o l i t i c i a n s (as i n the Government of Prime Minister Malan and a f t e r ) , and by the requirements of metropolitan c a p i t a l i s m — w i t h no a l t e r n a t i v e to s e l l i n g t h e i r labour 92 at p r i c e s even below the cost of i t s production. At the status of the occupants of the South A f r i c a n Reserves has been created by colonialism and the r a c i s t p o l i c i e s of the s e t t l e r regime, so the marginal-subsistence peasant f r a c t i o n i n other parts of the continent south of the Sahara which lack a large white s e t t l e r population may be seen as a recent creation, stemming from c o l o n i a l domination. This i s not to argue, of course, that subsistence a r g l c u l t u r e per s_e i s a newly developed mode of production i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a . However, the status of th i s f r a c t i o n of the A f r i c a n peasantry as marginal and subsistence-oriented i n the twentieth century, e x i s t i n g no longer as i s o l a t e d tribesmen wherein control of the means of ^Marx f e l t that the lowest p r i c e at which labour could be sold, taking i n account that the workers' ". . . natural wants, such as food, c l o t h i n g , f u e l , and housing, vary according to the c l i m a t i c and other p h y s i c a l conditions of h i s country", was, l i k e other commodities, determined ". . . b y the labour-time necessary for the production, and consequently also the reproduction, of t h i s s p e c i a l a r t i c l e " . Karl Marx, C a p i t a l : A Cr i t i q u e of P o l i t i c a l  Economy, 3 v o l s . , ed. Frederick Engels (New York: International Publishers, 1 9 6 7 ) , 1 : 1 7 1 , 1 7 0 . This formula, however, does not hold for the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the sub-Saharan A f r i c a n peasantry i n the c a p i t a l i s t economy, since the creation of a marginal-subsistence f r a c t i o n allows the price of labour to f a l l f a r below the cost of i t s production. This question w i l l be explored i n the d i s c u s s i o n of the labour-exporting f r a c t i o n of the A f r i c a n peasantry. 51 production no longer r e s t s with the primary producers but i s l o c a l l y mediated by the Af r i c a n p o s t - c o l o n i a l state bourgeoisie and controlled by the metropolitan bourgeoisie, i s the creation of uneven economic development, c o l o n i a l and neo-colonial European domination, and the c a p i t a l i s t organization of sub-Saharan A f r i c a n economies. In areas of A f r i c a now commonly ref e r r e d to as "independent", where state power of a white s e t t l e r minority government d i d not systematically deprive A f r i c a n c u l t i v a t o r s of t h e i r communally-held land, the s t r u c t u r a l underdevelopment^ Q f the marginal-subsistence f r a c t i o n of the A f r i c a n peasantry arose out of a combination of c a p i t a l i s t market forces and the natural l i m i t a t i o n s imposed on production by geographical and e c o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s . As Barnett puts i t s y:iThe term " s t r u c t u r a l underdevelopment" i s taken from Frank, Capitalism and Underdevelopment i n Latin America, 9, who has written: "Economic development and underdevelopment are the opposite faces of the same coin. Both are the necessary r e s u l t and contemporary manifestation of i n t e r n a l contradictions i n the world c a p i t a l i s t system. Economic development and underdevelopment are not just r e l a t i v e and quantitative, i n that one represents more economic develop-ment than the other; economic development and underdevelopment are r e l a t i o n a l and q u a l i t a t i v e , i n that each i s s t r u c t u r a l l y d i f f e r e n t from, yet caused by i t s r e l a t i o n with, the other. Yet development and underdevelopment are the same i n that they are the product of a single but d i a l e c t i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t economic structures or systems, or of supposed differences i n stages of economic growth achieved within the same system. One and the same h i s t o r i c a l process of the expansion and development of capitalism throughout the world has simultan-eously generated—and continues to generate—both economic development and s t r u c t u r a l underdevelopment". 52 . . . t h i s type [the marginal-subsistence peasantry] i s characterized by i t s r e l a t i v e l y marginal involve-ment i n the modern processes of commercialization, often occupying lands of only moderate s o i l f e r t i l i t y outside the perennial crop zone or located i n areas remote from r a i l or road transport and urban centers, these peasant communities are l a r g e l y engaged i n sub-sistence c u l t i v a t i o n combined with a componont of cash economy s u f f i c i e n t at best to take care of t h e i r tax burdens and purchase the minimal necessary trade and/ or consumption items. 9h Given the propensity of r u r a l peasant c u l t i v a t o r s i n A f r i c a to respond to market opportunities, i t may be said that they unlike the romantic "back to the land" f a d d i s t s of North America, are engaging i n subsistence c u l t i v a t i o n due to the lack of other v i a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e s . One should not assume, however, that because the marginal-subsistence f r a c t i o n of the sub-Saharan A f r i c a n peasantry i s l e a s t involved i n the cash economy that i t i s either a homogeneous e n t i t y , or free from the extraction of an economic surplus by the metropolitan and p o s t - c o l o n i a l state bourgeoisie. On the contrary, i n reference to the f i r s t point one analyst has delineated three stages within what i s here termed the marginal-subsistence f r a c t i o n of the A f r i c a n peasantry: stage one, subsistence farming, i n which each household produces a l l the food i t consumesj stage two, d i r e c t a g r i c u l t u r a l consumption, i n which most people produce t h e i r own food, and also supply I t to the non-a g r i c u l t u r a l population as barter; stage three, i n d i r e c t Barnett, Peasant Types. 29 53 a g r i c u l t u r a l consumption, i n which the whole non-agricultural population and at l e a s t a part of the a g r i c u l t u r a l population s a t i s f y t h e i r needs through a market i n which goods are sold, mainly from d i s t r i c t s with a g r i c u l t u r a l surpluses. y As Morgan notes, a l l three of these stages are represented i n the peasant economies of t r o p i c a l A f r i c a : Stage one i s uncommon and confined mainly to the remoter areas of very low population density i n Central A f r i c a . Stage two i s the most common, i f marketing i s substituted for barter. The buying and s e l l i n g of a l l manner of goods, including a g r i c u l t u r a l produce, has been long established i n t r o p i c a l A f r i c a . Admittedly i n many areas, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Congo Basin, Zambia and Tanzania, the existence of only a few small scattered n u c l e i of population, with de n s i t i e s greater than 50 persons per square mile, s e r i o u s l y l i m i t e d such exchanges, or even reduced i t to the l e v e l of barter. . . . Stage three i s l e s s common, and i s developed mainly i n those areas most affected by the i n d u s t r i a l and mining development associated with European investment, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Rhodesia and northern and central Zambia, and i n the h i n t e r -lands of the great ports. In a large part of West A f r i c a , however, stage three had been reached before European-made goods had a major e f f e c t on the economy. 96 Although the marginal-subsistence f r a c t i o n of the Af r i c a n peasantry i s l e a s t involved i n the modern processes of commercialization, one should not i n f e r that i t i s i s o l a t e d from the e x p l o i t a t i v e r e l a t i o n s of surplus extraction i n the money economy. For while i t i s f o r the most part ~7W. B. Morgan, "Peasant a g r i c u l t u r e i n t r o p i c a l A f r i c a , " i n Environment and Land Use i n A f r i c a , eds. M. F. Thomas and G. W. Whittington (London: Methuen & Co., 1 9 6 9 ) , 245-246. Ibid., 2 4 6 . 9+ quite true that the introduction of the money economy did not i r r e t r i e v a b l y disrupt A f r i c a n subsistence production or lead to a breakdown of t r i b a l l i f e , ^ 7 i t i s equally true that i t has incorporated the formerly i s o l a t e d tribesmen into the ofl world economy.' In addition, although Geiger and Armstrong may be correct i n contending that i n many Af r i c a n countries the cash economy does not involve more than 10 per cent of OQ the population on a f u l l - t i m e , continuous basis, few sub-Saharan Africans have been able to remain completely aloof from the cash economy and t o t a l l y able to devote them-selves to "pure", non-monetary subsistence c u l t i v a t i o n . ^ ^ This was p r i m a r i l y due to the c o l o n i a l desire to make l o c a l government and the administration of law and order, the "Whiteman's Burden", pay for i t s e l f without draining the imperial c o f f e r s . In any case, Africans were forced to enter ^ 7See William Watson, T r i b a l Cohesion i n a Money  Economy: A Study of the Mambwe People of Northern Rhodesia (Manchester: Manchester Univ e r s i t y Press, 1 9 5 8 ) , e s p e c i a l l y 2 2 2 , 2 2 5 . 7 Paul Bohannan, "The Impact of Money on an A f r i c a n Subsistence Economy," i n T r i b a l and Peasant Economies, ed. Dalton, 1 3 5 . go "Theodore Geiger and Winifred Armstrong, The Develop- ment of A f r i c a n Private Enterprise. Planning Pamphlet No. 120 (Washington: National Planning Association, 1 9 6 4 ; , 2 1 . 1 0 0 A s Saul and Woods, "African Peasantries," 4 0 9 , put i t : ". . . the ubiquitous reach of colonialism has ensured that no s i g n i f i c a n t numbers of p r i m i t i v e a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s who previously comprised the vast majority of the population have remained outside the framework of a wider economic system". 55 the cash economy and to generate an economic surplus through the imposition of taxes, notably hut (which taxed dwellings) and p o l l (which taxed adult males) taxes. These taxes served the twofold purpose of dri v i n g Africans either to seek wage employment or to produce marketable a g r i c u l t u r a l products. However, as may be seen from the administration of these taxes, the c o l o n i a l governments put a rather heavier emphasis on the former rather than the l a t t e r f a c t o r . This may be seen i n the case of Northern Rhodesia, or what i s now known as Zambia, where the p o l l tax a f t e r 1905 had to be paid i n cash, rather than i n k i n d . 1 0 1 In Kenya, where the requirements of the c o l o n i a l economy was somewhat d i f f e r e n t — i n that Kenya had a large white s e t t l e r population which required public works and A f r i c a n peasant p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the production of food crops as w e l l as labour f o r the settler-owned plantations, while Northern Rhodesia's Copperbelt region had a more pressing need f o r A f r i c a n miners—the Native Hut and P o l l Tax Ordiance allowed somewhat more f l e x i b i l i t y . As Wolf desribes i t : It prescribed a l t e r n a t i v e s to cash payment: e i t h e r payment i n kind, or labor on public works, at the rate of one month's labor f o r each 3 rupees due. Needless to say, the value of payment i n kind ex-ceeded the cash tax due, while one month's labor for a private employer returned more than 3 rupees. Refusal to pay taxes i n any form was punishable by . c o n f i s c a t i o n of an African's hut, or other property, Helmuth H e i s l e r , Urbanization and the Government of  Migration: The I n t e r - r e l a t i o n of Urban and Rural L i f e i n  Zambia (London: C. Hurst & Co., 1974), 6. ' 56 and/or imprisonment. 102 Since Independence many of these African taxes which evolved during the c o l o n i a l period have remained i n e f f e c t , either as a p o l l tax or i n modified form as income tax, thus allowing the p o s t - c o l o n i a l state bourgeoisie through the government to extract from the masses of the peasantry a fund of "rent", as defined by Wolf, with which to under-write t h e i r standard of l i v i n g . In part t h i s continued r e l i a n c e on the extraction of peasant economic surpluses i n some sub-Saharan A f r i c a n countries through taxes derived from the c o l o n i a l legacy has been made necessary both by the i m p o s s i b i l i t y of c o l l e c t i n g land tax due to t r a d i t i o n a l systems of land t e n u r e , ^ 0 3 and by the d i f f i c u l t y of 10il-c o l l e c t i n g company taxes on the p r o f i t a b l e f o r e i g n f i r m s . Thus one fi n d s that i n many p o s t - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a n countries, which have extremely low average annaul incomes, a dispro-portionate percentage of the t o t a l d i r e c t tax revenue i s co l l e c t e d from p o l l and income taxes, as table 1 on the following page shows. This data must, of course, be rather 1 0 9 ' ^ R i c h a r d D. Wolff, The Economics of Colonialism: B r i t a i n and Kenya. 1870-19*30. Yale Series i n Economic History (New Haven: Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 7 k ) , 1 1 7 . 1 0^  -'Nicolas Kaldor, "Taxation f o r economic development," i n Taxation f o r A f r i c a n economic development, ed. Milton C. Taylor (London: Hutchinson Educational, 1 9 7 0 ) , 1 6 8 - 1 6 9 . 1 04 As Kaldor has pointed out, the large f o r e i g n firms have been able to avoid taxation by p r i c i n g p o l i c i e s designed to s h i f t p r o f i t s outside the A f r i c a n country by overpricing imports and underpricing exports. See Ibid., 1 7 4 - 1 7 5 . 57 c a r e f u l l y interpreted since taxation data from 1 9 6 1 - 1 9 6 2 i s obviously dated and does not take i n t o account changes such as Nyerere's 1967 n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of banks, insurance companies, m i l l s and other large food i n d u s t r i e s and the big TABLE 1 PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL DIRECT TAX REVENUE GAINED FROM VARIOUS FORMS OF DIRECT TAXES, 1961-1962 Country Company Taxes Special Forms Personal Income Tax Personal P o l l Tax Ghana Si e r r a Leone Rhodesia Nigeria Tanganyika Uganda Kenya Zanzibar SOURCE: John F. Tro p i c a l A f r i c a 76 £ 3 61 24 > 3 42 38 1 0 Due, Taxa (Cambridg 16 28 0 40 0 0 0 0 t i o n and E e: MU Pre 8 9 11 11 48 9 0 conomic Devel ss, 1 9 6 3 ) , 27 0 0 8 0 20 16 14 0 opment i n , table 2 . 3 » import-export companies, which would c l e a r l y increase the percentage of tax revenue gained from company sources. In addition, another caveat on the availa b l e taxation data which must be considered i s that the countries represented i n table 1 do not ne c e s s a r i l y have the same tax base, nor does table 1 i l l u s t r a t e the continued importance of i n d i r e c t taxation, as shown i n table 2 on the following page, which, while very often more s i g n i f i c a n t o v e r a l l f o r the c o l l e c t i o n of government revenue, Is l i k e d i r e c t taxation " . . . widely 58 regarded as constituting l e v i e s on the incomes of the producers of the products". 1 0-* Nevertheless, while mindful TABLE 2 RELATIVE RELIANCE OF DIRECT, INDIRECT, AND EXPORT TAXES IN SELECTED TROPICAL AFRICAN COUNTRIES, 1 9 6 1 - 1 9 6 2 Percentage of Tax Revenue from Country Direct Taxes Indirect Taxes Export Duties Rhodesia 67 3 3 0 Kenya 4 4 56 0 Tanganyika 3 0 7 0 Negl. S i e r r a Leone 30 6 3 7 Uganda 2 4 61 15 Nigeria 21 6 5 1M-Ghana 15 66 19 Zanzibar 10 45 k 5 Source: Due, Taxation and Economic Development i n T r o p i c a l  A f r i c a . 2 6 , table 2 . 2 . of the above caveats on the av a i l a b l e tax data, i t may be seen that t h i s dimension of the extraction of economic surpluses from the marginal-subsistence f r a c t i o n of the A f r i c a n peasantry has continued i n p o s t - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a . This dimension of the extraction of peasant economic surpluses through taxation i s , of course, only one aspect of the superior claim made on peasant labour on the land. Equally important has been the ext r a c t i o n of economic 1 0 ^ J o h n F. Due, Taxation and Economic Development i n  T r o p i c a l A f r i c a (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1963), 26. 59 surpluses by the metropolitan bourgeoisie through the m u l t i -national firms. For convenience, the examination of t h i s second area of economic surplus extraction i s best under-taken through a discussion of the labour-exporting and cash-cropping f r a c t i o n s of the A f r i c a n peasantry. I t should be emphasized, however, that t h i s d i v i s i o n i s somewhat a r b i t r a r y and a r t i f i c i a l , and does not imply that the forms of surplus extraction discussed under the labour-exporting and cash-cropping f r a c t i o n s of the A f r i c a n peasantry do not apply to a l e s s e r extent to the marginal-subsistence f r a c t i o n . As the preceding discussion shows, the marginal-subsistence peasant f r a c t i o n does engage i n some migrant labour and cash-cropping. By the same token, the l a t t e r two f r a c t i o n s of the A f r i c a n peasantry also pay taxes which contribute to the support of the A f r i c a n state bourgeoisie. Indeed, l i k e Barnett's typology i t s e l f , there i s a considerable overlap between the three f r a c t i o n s of the A f r i c a n peasantry and i t i s d i f f i c u l t without a d e t a i l e d examination of s p e c i f i c cases, which i s beyond the scope of t h i s paper as a conceptual analysis surveying sub-Saharan A f r i c a , to f i r m l y d i s t i n g u i s h between the various types. However, the main concern here i s to probe i n general terms the nature of economic surplus extraction by the dominant classes i n an attempt to determine i f Wolf's d e f i n i t i o n of peasants may be said to apply to sub-Saharan A f r i c a . This being the case, the examination of the various forms of surplus e x t r a c t i o n 6 0 under the three f r a c t i o n s of the A f r i c a n peasantries i s some-thing of an abstraction, and should not be taken to represent mutually exclusive types of surplus extraction s p e c i f i c only to the peasant f r a c t i o n s under which they are discussed. In any case, as defined by Barnett the labour-exporting peasant f r a c t i o n i s found most frequently i n the highland and savannah regions of East A f r i c a , engaged i n subsistence c u l t i v a t i o n , u s u a l ly combined with animal husbandry and large-scale migrant wage employment, generally located unfavorably with respect to transportation f a c i l i t i e s and market centers and s e t t l e d densely i n r e s t r i c t e d areas i n t e r r i t o r i e s with s i g n i f i c a n t European r u r a l settlement and/or extractive i n d u s t r i e s . In addition, although Barnett stresses the close proximity to the large European settlements i n East and Southern A f r i c a , i t i s important to add that the s t r u c t u r a l underdevelopment of the hinterland i n other parts of sub-Saharan A f r i c a produces a s i g n i f i c a n t labour migration to the coastal areas of Cameroon, the Firestone Plantation and Bomi H i l l s i r o n mines i n L i b e r i a , to the cash-cropping areas and c a p i t a l i s t farms i n Ghana and the Ivory Coast, to the Dakar region i n Senegal, to north-central Nigeria, and to other developed 107 areas i n West A f r i c a . ' To give some idea of the importance 1 ^ B a r n e t t , Peasant Types, 22. 1 0^See William A. Hance, Population, Migration, and  Urbanization i n A f r i c a (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970), 146 - 1 5 0 . 61 of this phenomena i n West Africa, Berg has estimated that about a million people are involved i n migrant labour i n the area, of whom about half go to Ghana and the Ivory Coast. These make up a very substantial portion of the labour force in the money economy of these two countries, including almost a l l those i n paid agricultural employment 1 08 and possibly half of those i n non-agricultural employment. In addition to West, East and South Africa, other parts of the sub-Saharan hinterland which are far removed from the major centers of wage employment may develop a labour-exporting peasant fraction where the need for a cash income i s not matched by the a b i l i t y to grow and market cash-crops. A case In point i s the Tonga of Malawi i n Central Africa, who export their labour at a rate of between 6 0 to 7 5 per cent of the adult male population as far away as a 1 , 0 0 0 miles to the main employment centers in Zambia and Rhodesia, and between 1 , 5 0 0 to 2 , 0 0 0 miles to those i n South Africa. Since we have discussed some of the major forces which have driven the previously isolated t r i b a l cultivators into the cash economy, i t i s not necessary to repeat that 1 o 8 E l l i o t J. Berg, "The Economics of the Migrant Labour System," in Urbanization and Migration in West Africa, ed. Hilda Kuper (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1 9 6 5 ) , 1 6 1 - 1 6 2 . 1 0 % . Van Velsen, "Labour Migration as a Positive Factor i n the Continuity of Tonga Tribal Society," Economic  Development and Cultural Change VIII (April, 1960), 265-266. 62 discussion here. S u f f i c e to say that while some Africans may have entered the c a p i t a l i s t economy simply out of a desire to support a higher standard of l i v i n g than the t r a d i t i o n a l economy could provide, the c o l o n i a l p o l i c i e s were designed to induce A f r i c a n c u l t i v a t o r s to provide t h e i r labour-power, either through compulsory labour p r a c t i c e s , such as the outright conscription and vagrancy laws i n the Portuguese t e r r i t o r i e s , the indigenat system of French A f r i c a , or through the imposition of cash taxes and the creation of a r t i f i c i a l land shortages i n areas with large European populations. In the p o s t - c o l o n i a l period a key factor inducing peasant c u l t i v a t o r s to enter the labour market, i n addition to the need to pay taxes, has been the increase of basic subsistence requirements which has accompanied the p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l i s t economy as more and more manufactured goods and other items which can only be purchased with cash come to be regarded as necessary. However, what i s important f o r any discussion of the labour-exporting peasant f r a c t i o n i s the way the extraction of economic surpluses i n the form of labour-power has been a key v a r i a b l e i n c a p i t a l accumulation south of the Sahara. 1 1 l l u T h i s method of c a p i t a l accumulation through the extraction of peasant economic surpluses has not, of course, been confined to sub-Saharan A f r i c a , or even c a p i t a l i s t development. In the Soviet Union the S t a l i n i s t c o l l e c t i v i z -ation of agricu l t u r e was a method of extracting peasant surpluses i n the i n t e r e s t s of rapid c a p i t a l accumulation. See 63 For i t i s quite true, as H e i s l e r notes, that "labour mobility, as much as mineral wealth, was a prerequisite f o r the establishment of capitalism and the creation of wealth 111 i n Central A f r i c a " . Furthermore, since much of t h i s labour was and i s employed i n the extractive i n d u s t r i e s , which are almost e n t i r e l y owned and operated by f o r e i g n 112 firms, the extraction of peasant surpluses i n the form of cheap labour-power and increased p r o f i t a b i l i t y has l a r g e l y been repatriated i n the i n d u s t r i a l countries of Western Europe and North America. It may be argued, then, that while some p o s t - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a n countries have undoubtably reaped some benefits from t h e i r attempts to a t t r a c t f o r e i g n investment c a p i t a l , the extraction of peasant economic surpluses i n the form of cheap labour-power, as much as the e x p l o i t a t i o n of mineral wealth, has served to underwrite the development of the advanced c a p i t a l i s t nations, while contributing l i t t l e toward the development of the host c o u n t r i e s . 1 1 3 S. Swianiewicz, "The Impact of Ideology on Soviet Economic Po l i c y , " Canadian Slavonic Papers 11 (Spring, 1 9 6 9 ) , 7 5 . 111 H e i s l e r , Urbanization and the Government of  Migration, x. 112 Geiger and Armstrong, The Development of A f r i c a n  Private Enterprise. 2 1 . JSee the study of the returns to Senegal's economy from the attempt to a t t r a c t f o r e i g n i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i n Samir Amin, Neo-Colonialism i n West A f r i c a , trans. Francis McDonagh (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1973)> e s p e c i a l l y 2 0 - 2 1 . 6h To understand the dynamics of the extraction of peasant economic surpluses i n the form of cheap labour-power i n colonial and post-colonial Africa i t i s f i r s t necessary to note that "the majority of persons numbered with the African working class belong at the same time to tribal" communities, and by virtue of this membership retain their right to the land, of which they make use i f needed, 11k and keep their t r i b a l and kinship loyalty". Furthermore, for the vast majority of Africans, particularly i n the colonial and early post-colonial era, labour migration meant adult male migration and the women and children were l e f t i n the rural villages engaged i n subsistence cultiva-115 tion. ' This i s an extremely important feature of wage employment i n sub-Saharan Africa and the magnitude of peasant involvement i n the labour market i s so great that, while some Marxist writers often attempt to make the case of the proletarianization of the African peasantry, 1 1^ i t makes much more sense and Is much more r e a l i s t i c , as Leys argues, to speak rather of the peasantization of wage 1 1 l fChodak, "Social Classes i n Sub-Saharan Africa," 3 1 . 115 -'This i s generally the case, although as Hance points out, some tribes specifically train g i r l s to engage in prostitution in the urban areas. Two examples are the Kotokoli and the Bassari of northern Togo. Many of these women are married i n their native country and seek to become attached to a rich client i n Accra, bear children and one day disappear to return to Togo with their children and savings. See Hance, Population, Migration, and Urbanization, 189-190. 11A °See Saul and Woods, "African Peasantries," k09. 6 5 117 employment ' and the f a c t that i n much of A f r i c a the 118 peasantry and wage earners belong to the same c l a s s . It should not be assumed, however, that because the labour-exporting peasant f r a c t i o n i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a maintains i t s kinship and communal t i e s with the r u r a l v i l l a g e s , wherein the migrant's i n t e r e s t s and claim to land are preserved during h i s long absence, that t h i s peasant f r a c t i o n i s somehow subject to l e s s e x p l o i t a t i o n of t h e i r labour-power than f u l l y - f l e d g e d p r o l e t a r i a n s . In f a c t , i t i s probably more accurate to say that the opposite i s true. The reason f o r t h i s heightened l e v e l of e x p l o i t a t i o n of labour-power i s p r i m a r i l y due to the creation of an under-developed peasant hinterland which i s often unable to support even a marginal-subsistence economy. As previously mentioned, t h i s allows the price of peasant labour to f a l l even below the cost of i t s s o c i a l and b i o l o g i c a l production, which i s the minimum p r i c e at which Marx f e l t labour could be sold. When applied to a t o t a l l y urbanized working class t h i s formula may well hold true. But i n the case of the labour-exporting peasant f r a c t i o n the cost of the production of a new generation of workers i s born almost e n t i r e l y by the underdeveloped r u r a l hinterland, since the urban wages are most often based on the subsistence requirements of 1 1 ? L e y s , " P o l i t i c s i n Kenya," 3 1 6 . 1 1 8 V . L. A l l e n , "The Meaning of the Working Class i n A f r i c a , " Journal of Modern Af r i c a n Studies 10 (June, 1 9 7 2 ) , 1 8 4 . 66 single men without family commitments. As Van Velsen i n s i g h t f u l l y comments: The r u r a l economy thus r e l i e v e s the i n d u s t r i a l economy from the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and expense of rearing i t s own future labour force. Urban s o c i a l services are inadequate and could not at present take over the tasks which are now performed i n the r u r a l areas. Although many Tonga manage to send money home and although t h i s cash i s important as an addition to the income generated i n Tongaland, i t i s i n s i g n i f i c a n t i n r e l a t i o n to the services performed by the r u r a l area. 119 In addition, another extremely important feature of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the peasant hinterland and the developed c a p i t a l i s t enclaves i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a i s the way the subsistence sector allows the f o r e i g n firms and l o c a l entrepreneurs and governments the opportunity to avoid the specter of unemployment and i t s attendant costs i n the c a p i t a l i s t sector of the economy, since the unemployed migrant peasants simply return to the v i l l a g e to resume subsistence c u l t i v a t i o n . As Meillassoux puts i t : [Since] . . . the c a p i t a l i s t system does not provide adequately f o r old-age pensions, sick leave and un-employment compensations, they [the peasants] have to r e l y on another comprehensive socio-economic organiza-t i o n to f u l f i l l these v i t a l needs . . . i t follows that the . . . preservation of the r e l a t i o n s with the v i l l a g e and the f a m i l i a l community i s an absolute requirement for wage earners, and so i s the maintenance of the t r a d i t i o n a l mode of production as the only one capable of ensuring s u r v i v a l . 120 1 1 9 V a n Velsen, "Labour Migration," 2 7 3 . 1 ?o Claude Meillassoux, "From Reproduction to Production," Economy and Society 1 ( 1 9 7 2 ) , 1 0 3 . 67 In t h i s way i t may be said that the extraction of peasant surpluses i n the form of labour-power, provided at below cost, d i r e c t l y underwrites the development of the advanced c a p i t a l i s t nations, while reducing the r u r a l hinterland i n areas of large labour migration to l i t t l e more than production centers f o r future peasant workers. Given that the opportunities f o r r a p i d c a p i t a l accumulation are becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y scarce i n the developed nations of Western Europe and North America, i t i s not to be wondered why the multi-national corporations have found i t p r o f i t a b l e to e s t a b l i s h branch-plants i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a (often at the request of the p o s t - c o l o n i a l state bourgeoisie i n the "independent" countries), p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Rhodesia and South A f r i c a where the p o l i c y of apartheid and the dominance of the white s e t t l e r governments insure a stable atmosphere 121 of corporate well-being. I t should, of course, be added that i n black A f r i c a 1 22 since independence an element of " p o s i t i v e l i b e r t y " has For an overview of the multi-national corporation i n t r o p i c a l A f r i c a , see Giovanni A r r i g h i , "International Corporations, Labour A r i s t o c r a c i e s , and Economic Development In T r o p i c a l A f r i c a , " i n A r r i g h i and Saul, Essays on the  P o l i t i c a l Economy of A f r i c a . 1 0 5 1 5 1. For a h i s t o r y of the multi-national corporation i n South A f r i c a , see Leggasick, "South A f r i c a : c a p i t a l accumulation and violence," e s p e c i a l l y 2 6 9 - 2 7 k . 1 22 "Positive l i b e r t y " i s here used i n the sense developed by Isaiah B e r l i n , "Two Concepts of Liberty," i n B e r l i n , Four Essays on Liberty (London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1970), and implies a progression from the c l a s s i c a l l i b e r a l theory of the state which stressed non-interference 68 accompanied the t r a n s i t i o n from colonialism to neo-colonialism. Here the main change has been the r i s e i n the price of labour and the s h i f t from an almost t o t a l r e l i a n c e on migrant peasant labour to the t a c i t acceptance of the urbanization of A f r i c a n wage-earners. This change has resulted i n the development of what A r r i g h i and Saul have termed an A f r i c a n "labour a r i s t o c r a c y " which they claim has become s t a b i l i z e d i n the wage economy and i n c r e a s i n g l y detached from the mass of the peasantry and elevated to the status of sub-elites by v i r t u e of high wages on a year-round 123 continuous basis. J While Leys has persuasively c r i t i c i z e d t h i s bracketing of a l l s k i l l e d and s a l a r i e d workers as a "labour a r i s t o c r a c y " on the basis that i t tends to be a determinist model which assumes a p r i o r i the future 12h p r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n of the labour-exporting peasant f r a c t i o n , there does seem to be some evidence to support A r r i g h i and Saul's contention that the urbanization of peasant labourers and the preservation of i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y , to the modern notion of l i b e r a l i s m which allows state interference i n the a f f a i r s of men f o r the "common" or " c o l l e c t i v e " good of the many. 1 2 3 G i o v a n n i A r r i g h i and John S. Saul, "Nationalism and Revolution i n Sub-Saharan A f r i c a , " i n A r r i g h i and Saul, Essays on the P o l i t i c a l Economy of A f r i c a , 69. A r r i g h i and Saul are not alone i n seeing the urban workers as members of the e l i t e . Fanon i n The Wretched of the Earth, 1 0 8 - 1 0 9 , described the A f r i c a n working class as a "bourgeois f r a c t i o n " due to t h e i r pampered and p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n i n the c o l o n i a l economies. 1 2 l +See Leys, " P o l i t i c s i n Kenya," 3 0 7 - 3 0 8 . 69 does tend to lead to the erosion of ties with the rural hinterland i n line with what one might expect i n a process of proletarianization. In Zambia, as Heisler found, the transition from Labour Camps to towns i n the Copperbelt region was marked by a decline in remittances made to rural areas for purposes of future social security. As he notes, "cash flows from miners and urban areas i n general to the peasant areas i n 1931 were around 2 0 per cent of earnings; they were 18 per cent at Broken H i l l i n 1 9 k 1 ; and 7 per cent from the urban areas to peasant areas i n 1 9 6 4 " . O n the other hand, another study which specifically set out to test the hypothesis of a "labour aristocracy" in Nigeria has shown that while differentials i n gross income certainly exist between those employed i n small-scale industry and the peasant producers, the differences between the two groups i n terms of their standard of living i s not so great, particularly when adjustments are made for the shorter work period of the peasant producers. As Hinchliffe observes: Differentials of between 5 and 4 0 per cent were found after appropriate adjustments had been made; moreover, i f a l l figures are taken at their face value, the standard-of-living appears to be higher i n the farming sector, at least when hours of work are taken into consideration, than i n the small-scale sector [of industry]. Certainly these urban workers are very unlikely to be much better off than their farming 'brothers'. 126 '^Heisler, Urbanization. 114. ^ aKeith Hinchliffe, "Labour Aristocracy—A Northern Nigerian Case Study," Journal of Modern African Studies 12 (March, 197^), 6 6 . 70 While i t may be argued that H i n c h l i f f e 1 s study i s not representative of sub-Saharan A f r i c a as a whole, i t would seem that A r r i g h i and Saul's notion of a "labour a r i s t o c r a c y " may a n t i c i p a t e future developments i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n . Nevertheless, even given the s c a r c i t y of good income and demographic s t a t i s t i c s f o r t r o p i c a l A f r i c a , i t would s t i l l seem possible to point to the o v e r a l l trend towards higher wages and greater urbanization i n independent A f r i c a i n the p o s t - c o l o n i a l period, p a r t i c u l a r l y now that n a t i o n a l i s t p o l i t i c i a n s have some o b l i g a t i o n , however l i m i t e d , to l i v e -up to the expectations of t h e i r constituents. For neo-c o l o n i a l A f r i c a the irony i s , however, that even with the i n s t i t u t i o n of some small amount of " p o s i t i v e l i b e r t y " which the continent might be able to a f f o r d i n the form of higher wages and better conditions f o r the migrant and permanent labourers i n the urban areas, without some sort of sweeping n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of f o r e i g n investment, the surpluses of the continent w i l l continue to be extracted and appropriated f o r the development of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l i s t nations through the r e p a t r i a t i o n of p r o f i t s abroad. The cash-cropping peasant f r a c t i o n , as Barnett points out, i s found most frequently i n the moist equatorial zone of well d i s t r i b u t e d r a i n f a l l , engaged entensively i n the commercial c u l t i v a t i o n of perennials such as cocoa, coffee, and o i l palms, or annuals such as cotton and ground-nuts, favourably located with respect to transportation and/or 71 market f a c i l i t i e s and s e t t l e d r e l a t i v e l y densely i n t e r r i t o r i e s with l i t t l e or no r u r a l European settlement or 1 27 industry. ' This l a s t factor has been important f o r the development of a cash-cropping peasant f r a c t i o n i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a , for as we have seen i n the case of Rhodesia and South A f r i c a , the white s e t t l e r populations have not shown much tolerance toward the evolution of a prosperous A f r i c a n peasantry i n the money economy where i t did not serve the narrow i n t e r e s t s of the s e t t l e r community and the extractive i n d u s t r i e s . This being the case, the best examples of the cash-cropping peasant f r a c t i o n i s found i n West A f r i c a , where the humid t r o p i c a l climate does not encourage European settlement and where, f o r t h i s reason, i n Ghana and Nigeria the B r i t i s h p o l i c y , unlike that i n the " s e t t l e d " t e r r i t o r i e s of Kenya, Tanzania and Rhodesia, permitted the growth of a cash-cropping peasant f r a c t i o n . In these East A f r i c a n t e r r i t o r i e s , the B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l p o l i c y favoured the European population, who were given large parcels of alienated land f o r plantation use, while the Africans, i n Kenya at l e a s t , were prohibited from 128 planting export-crops l i k e coffee. This c o l o n i a l p o l i c y to i n h i b i t the formation of a cash-cropping peasant f r a c t i o n appears to have been very e f f e c t i v e i n Kenya, where Africans 'Barnett, Peasant Types. 1 5 . 1 2 8 P . P. Courtenay. Plantation Agriculture (London: G. B e l l & Sons, 1 9 6 5 ) , 1 3 8 . 72 produced only 8 , 1 0 0 tons of coffee i n 1 9 6 2 , compared to the 1 9 , 3 0 0 tons produced by the non-African population, even though the ban on production was l i f t e d i n 1937, and t h i s pattern applies across the board to a l l major cash-crops up 129 to 1 9 6 2 , with the possible exception of maize, 7 although p o s t - c o l o n i a l Kenya has seen the r e v e r s a l of t h i s trend with the emergence of a s i g n i f i c a n t small-holding cash-cropping peasant f r a c t i o n . The only c o l o n i a l East A f r i c a n country which developed a s i g n i f i c a n t cash-cropping peasant f r a c t i o n was Uganda, where although the i n i t i a l p o l i c y was to emulate that of Kenya, Tanzania and Rhodesia, the plantation system 1 30 proved economically unviable and was not pursued. 0 To give a b r i e f overview, i n the t e r r i t o r i e s of the other c o l o n i a l powers the use of plantations was also quite widespread, with the r e s u l t that the emergence of a cash-cropping peasant f r a c t i o n was i n h i b i t e d . In the French Ivory Coast and the German, then B r i t i s h and French Cameroons the main export crops were grown on plantations. In the Ivory Coast, however, export crops were also grown by peasant producers, a f t e r being i n i t i a l l y compelled to plant s p e c i f i c acreages of cocoa and other crops. The ' ^ F o r elaboration, see International Bank fo r Reconstruction and Development, The Economic Development of  Kenya (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1 9 6 3 ) , 3*+5, table S . 1 0 . 1 3°Ford Sturrock, "The Comparative Viewpoint," i n Subsistence to Commercial Farming i n Present-Day Buganda, eds. Audrey I. Richards, Ford Sturrock and Jean M. F o r t t (London: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 7 3 ) , 3 0 7 . 7 3 Portuguese also adopted a system of forced planting of export crops and plantations worked by A f r i c a n migrant labour was a common feature i n the Belgian Congo and Portuguese A f r i c a . Indeed, as Udo points out, ". . . France, Belgium, and Portugal considered the p l a n t a t i o n system as an e s s e n t i a l part of t h e i r drive to increase the revenue of t h e i r A f r i c a n dependencies and, very often, the l o c a l 1 3 1 populations were forced to c u l t i v a t e export crops". 3 As one might expect, the presence of p l a n t a t i o n a g r i c u l t u r e did not bestow any competitive advantage on the A f r i c a n peasant producers and the atmosphere of forced labour was not p a r t i c u l a r l y conducive f o r encouraging Africans to compete with the c o l o n i a l agro-business of the p l a n t a t i o n s . If the cash-cropping peasant f r a c t i o n i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a has developed only i n areas where the Europeans did not f i n d i t p r o f i t a b l e or comfortable to s e t t l e i n large numbers, or i n p o s t - c o l o n i a l countries such as Kenya where governmental p o l i c i e s d i d not favour Europeans to the detriment of A f r i c a n c u l t i v a t o r s , i t did not develop simply from a philanthropic desire on the part of the c o l o n i a l o f f i c i a l s In areas l i k e West A f r i c a to provide Africans with a source of income. Like the f a i l u r e of the p o l i c y of "cotton imperialism" i n West A f r i c a , the development of 1 3 1 Reuben K. Udo, " B r i t i s h P o l i c y and the Development of Export Crops i n Nigeria," Nigerian Journal of Economics  and S o c i a l Studies 9 (November, 19 6 7 ) , 300, 7h cash-cropping may be seen as the r e s u l t of the f a i l u r e of the Europeans to s u c c e s s f u l l y compete with the peasant c u l t i v a t o r s . This i s shown i n the case of Ghana, one of the c l a s s i c areas of a cash-cropping peasant f r a c t i o n , where the United A f r i c a Company t r i e d unsuccessfuly f o r 15 years to produce cocoa on a competitive basis with Ghanaian cocoa producers, and "only the morality of the ledger sheet had brought the B r i t i s h to the conclusion that they would be wiser to avoid competing with the Native c u l t i v a t o r s " . 1 3 2 However, while the B r i t i s h i n West A f r i c a did not e s t a b l i s h European plantations i n competition with the cash-cropping peasants when i t became clear that such competition was unviable, and afterwards even made the seeds and technology available to West A f r i c a n peasant producers, the c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t i e s had somewhat ambivalent f e e l i n g s toward the development of export-oriented cash-cropping, e s p e c i a l l y with regard to the massive importance of cocoa to the c o l o n i a l economy. As Kay notes, t h i s ambivalence res u l t e d from the three major economic and p o l i t i c a l problems f o r the c o l o n i a l government which the p r o f i t a b i l i t y of the peasant cash-cropping of cocoa ra i s e d : F i r s t l y , to the extent that cocoa was important and p r o f i t s from i t s production accrued to Ghanaians, B r i t i s h c a p i t a l captured a diminished share of the t o t a l p r o f i t s that arose from the trade of the colony. Thus the coincidence of c o l o n i a l progress and the prosperity of B r i t i s h enterprise was f a r from complete. 1 3 2 B o b F i t c h and Mary Oppenheimer, Ghana: End of an  I l l u s i o n (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1 9 6 6 ) , 3 8 . 7 5 Secondly, Ghanaian c a p i t a l competed with B r i t i s h c a p i t a l f o r resources, such as labour and the p r o v i -sion of transport f a c i l i t i e s by the state, and prevented i t s expansion i n sectors of the economy where i t might otherwise have s e t t l e d . . . . T h i r d l y , the c a p i t a l i s t organization of cocoa production acted as a dissolvent on the ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' structures of Ghanaian society, through which the B r i t i s h would have l i k e d to exercise t h e i r power: i n d i r e c t r u l e . The progress of the cocoa industry therefore threatened to erode the very roots of the c o l o n i a l state. 133 To counteract these adverse s i d e - e f f e c t s of the dynamic cash-cropping cocoa industry, the B r i t i s h began what Kay has c a l l e d a sustained attack on the industry through the Department of Agriculture i n 1 9 1 0 , ° although the c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t i e s did not manage to c o n t r o l the industry u n t i l 19^8 with the establishment of the Cocoa Marketing Board. It may be seen, then, that t h i s most important cash-crop has survived, l i k e the t e x t i l e industry i n Nigeria, despite c o l o n i a l i n t e r f e r e n c e . Had the cash-cropping peasants i n West A f r i c a been l e s s resourceful, or more subject to c o l o n i a l power, the cocoa industry would not, i n a l l l i k e l i -hood, have survived. As a general d e s c r i p t i o n , i t may be said that the cash-cropping peasant f r a c t i o n i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a has not developed to the point that food has to be imported, as i s 1 ifi often the case i n Malaya, Indonesia and Peru. D J In Uganda, l 3 3 K a y , "The p o l i t i c a l economy of colonialism," 1 2 . 1 3 k I b i d . , 1 3 . 1 ^ G e o r g e S. T o l l e y and George D. Gwyer, "International Trade i n A g r i c u l t u r a l Products i n Relation to Economic Develop-76 f o r instance, "most farmers i n s i s t on devoting a large part of t h e i r holdings to food crops even i f they could get a higher income from growing cash crops only and buy food with the proceeds". 1 3^ Likewise, i n Nigeria, where a c a r e f u l study was undertaken to explore the Impact of cash-cropping on domestic food supplies, i t was found that i n the Western State 7 0 per cent of a l l peasant producers planted both food and non-food crops, and over 88 per cent of a l l peasants 1 37 grew four or more d i f f e r e n t types of crops every year. J t The exception to t h i s might be the cocoa farmers i n Ghana, who have been described by H i l l as " r u r a l c a p i t a l i s t s " , and who apparently b u i l d I t a l i n a t e mansions i n t h e i r home areas and t r a v e l considerable distances to t h e i r crops i n the f o r e s t . 1 3 8 There i s some question whether the l a b e l " r u r a l c a p i t a l i s t s " i s e n t i r e l y appropriate, however, since while some cocoa farmers often enter the market to h i r e labourers, ment," i n A g r i c u l t u r a l Development and Economic Growth, eds. Herman M. Southworth and Bruce F. Johnson (Ithaca: C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 6 8 ) , 414. 1 ^ S t u r r o c k , "The Comparative Viewpoint," 3 0 9 . 1^Godwin E. Ckurume, Foreign Trade and the Subsistence  Sector i n Nigeria: The Impact of A g r i c u l t u r a l Exports on  Domestic Food Supplies i n a Peasant Economy (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1973)> 5 - 5 1 . 1 3 8 P o l l y H i l l , The Migrant Cocoa-Farmers of Southern  Ghana: A study of r u r a l capitalism (London: Cambridge Univer-s i t y Press, 1 9 6 3 ) » 1 . 1 3 9 S e e John H. Cleave, African Farmers: Labor Use i n  the Development of Smallholder Agriculture (New York: Praeger, 1 9 7 4 ) . 77 not a l l become wealthy and some engage i n subsistence a g r i -1 ho culture as well as i n the c u l t i v a t i o n of export crops. As f a r as land tenure i s concerned, most cash-cropping peasants work land which i s communally or c o l l e c t i v e l y held, although i n d i v i d u a l s are normally e n t i t l e d to the products of the s o i l , the r e s u l t s of t h e i r own exertion, and there 1 M i s no c o l l e c t i v e claim to these. In areas of West A f r i c a where the cash-crop consists l a r g e l y of perennial tree crops, such as cocoa, there has, however, been a movement toward i n d i v i d u a l tenure. In Uganda much of the most productive land was a l l o t t e d to members of the t r a d i t i o n a l e l i t e to ensure t h e i r support f o r the c o l o n i a l regime and to give them an additonal base of authority f o r administrative 1 h2 purposes, and the peasant producers on these estates have been reduced to the status of tenants or share-croppers. Like the marginal-subsistence and labour-exporting f r a c t i o n s of the A f r i c a n peasantry, the dominant classes extract from the cash-cropping peasant f r a c t i o n much of t h e i r surpluses i n the form of what Wolf has termed "rent". Also, l i k e the other two peasant f r a c t i o n s , t h i s extraction of surpluses from cash-cropping i s e s s e n t i a l l y the extraction of 1 k°Hill, The Migrant Cocoa-Farmers. 1 8 8 . l l f 1 0 k u r u m e , Foreign Trade and the Subsistence Sector  i n N igeria. 1 3 . 1 l f 2Henry W. West, Land Pol i c y i n Buganda (London: Cambridge University Press, 1 9 7 2 ) , M - 7 . 78 of labour-power, although i n the form of an a g r i c u l t u r a l commodity. As Post cogently points out: Just as surplus labour i s an asymmetrical power r e l a t i o n s h i p between i n d i v i d u a l s and between classes which permits one to expropriate the labour power of the other, so these 'surplus' a g r i c u l t u r a l products are not things i n themselves but a s i m i l a r r e l a t i o n -ship, i n a non-industrial s e t t i n g . The basic d i f f e r -ence i s that i n one case the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s centred d i r e c t l y upon labour power, i n the other i t i s medi-ated through commodities produced by labour power. But both r e l a t i o n s h i p s involve expropriation of labour power, whether d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y . 1 k 3 To examine how surplus labour i s extracted from the cash-cropping f r a c t i o n , then, one must turn to a b r i e f examination of market r e l a t i o n s i n West A f r i c a . Before doing so, however, i t should be noted that i n Uganda the form of surplus extraction follows more c l o s e l y that f a m i l i a r i n feudal Europe and L a t i n America, where the landowners, according to West, have come ". . . t o look upon t h e i r land as a source of unearned income which could be derived through a 14 l e v y on the c u l t i v a t o r s i n actual occupation of much of i t " . In West A f r i c a , and i n other areas of the cash-cropping peasant f r a c t i o n , where there i s a heavy r e l i a n c e on export-oriented produce, market r e l a t i o n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the c o l o n i a l period, were dominated by the giants of i n t e r -n ational agro-business, such as the United A f r i c a Company. As one might perhaps expect, i n the period of free enterprise 1 k 3 p o s t , '"Peasantization' and Rural P o l i t i c a l Movements i n Western A f r i c a , " 2 3 0 . 1 k kWest, Land P o l i c y i n Buganda. 2 9 . 79 trading, p r i o r to the establishment of statutory marketing, t h i s dominance adversely effected the terms of trade f o r the peasant producers, since both the purchase p r i c e of h i s export crop and the s e l l i n g p rice of imported consumer a r t i c l e s were i n the end controlled by the giant expatriate firms. These firms quite n a t u r a l l y undertook to attempt to buy the export-crops at the lowest possible p r i c e , while s e l l i n g the imported goods which they co n t r o l l e d at the highest possible p r i c e . In addition to the giant, c a p i t a l - i n t e n s i v e metropolitan firms, much of the actual trading with the cash-cropping peasants was done by a large number of small middlemen, who bought and transported the export crop In the r u r a l hinterland. As Bauer notes i n h i s comprehensive study of West A f r i c a n trade, these middlemen " . . . were paid commissions by the merchant firms; moreover, they kept any differences between the prices they paid f o r produce and those they received from the firms". J While Bauer argues that the worst abuses were probably mediated by the f i e r c e competition between the numerous middlemen, there i s l i t t l e doubt that the marketing system, character-i z e d by rapid f l u c t u a t i o n s i n the purchase p r i c e , encouraged 1 l f^P. T. Bauer, West Afr i c a n Trade: A Study of  Competition, Oligopoly and Monopoly i n a Changing Economy (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1 9 6 3 ) , 2 0 2 . 1 l f 6 I b i d . , 2 3 1 - 2 3 2 . 8 0 much e x p l o i t a t i o n of the small and often i s o l a t e d peasant producers. In addition to the traders and middlemen, a class of petty c r e d i t o r s also arose i n West A f r i c a who extracted an income from the production of the cash-cropping peasants by extending c r e d i t to the small producers to whom the large expatriate banks were unwilling to lend without some form of c o l l a t e r a l , either i n the form of money or a 1 h7 s o l i d business reputation. ' As Barnett points out, the terms of trade again did not work to the peasant's advantage: The peasant producer, often i n need of cash f o r seed or other necessary items of production, and caught In a system of low and f l u c t u a t i n g p r i c e s for h i s product, f i n d s himself i n need of c r e d i t from money lenders or brokers and i s often i n a p o s i t i o n of having mortgaged h i s crop long before i t i s ready to be harvested. If unable to repay the us u a l l y usurious loan, the peasant i s forced to pledge or otherwise give up h i s land to the middleman, who often leaves the former owner on the land as h i s tenant. While some of these money lenders are Af r i c a n , i n most cases t h i s r o l e i s played by immigrant ethnic m i n o r i t i e s , such as the Indians i n East A f r i c a or the Lebanese and Syrians i n West A f r i c a . 1*f8 With the t r a n s i t i o n from colonialism to the neo-c o l o n i a l economy, which i n Ghana may be dated from the establishment of the Cocoa Marketing Board i n 19 k 7> many of 1 h7 'Peter C. G a r l i c k , African Traders and Economic  Development i n Ghana (London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1971)? 6 0 - 6 1 . T o > say that t h i s class of entrepreneurs extracted peasant surpluses, often on a small p r o f i t margin, i s not to deny t h e i r strategic Importance i n the economy. See Peter Marris and Anthony Somerset, A f r i c a n Businessmen:, A Study of  Entrepreneurship and Development i n Kenya (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1 9 7 1), e s p e c i a l l y 1 - 2 0 . 1l+8 Barnett, Peasant Types. 1 9 . 81 the abuses of the marketing system and the open e x p l o i t a -t i o n of the cash-cropping peasant f r a c t i o n were subject to some governmental c o n t r o l . Like the move toward s l i g h t l y higher wages and urbanization f o r labour-exporting peasants, the neo-colonial period here Introduced a touch of "positive l i b e r t y " as the demands of the A f r i c a n n a t i o n a l i s t s reached the ears of metropolitan parliament-arians. In the case of Ghana, the establishment i n 19^ +7 was designed to eliminate the big expatriate firms from t h e i r dominant p o s i t i o n i n the cocoa industry by making the Board the sole buyer, grader, s e l l e r , and exporter of cocoa. In l i n e with the ideology of the Labour government, one of the chief reasons f o r the establishment, of the Board was to s t a b i l i z e the p r i c e paid f o r cocoa, so that the peasant producers would be l e s s prone to the wild f l u c t u a t i o n s i n the export p r i c e , which i s often c h a r a c t e r i s t i c to such crops in.the world economy. However, while the o f f i c i a l r h e t o r i c had a philanthropic r i n g , the actual p r a c t i c e of the Board was to perfect the extraction of the cash-cropping peasants' surpluses, since the s t a b i l i z a t i o n i n the producer's price was only achieved by a r t i f i c i a l l y depressing t h i s price i n r e l a t i o n to the actual world export p r i c e . This i s well shown i n the data presented by F i t c h and Oppenheimer, where the p r i c e paid to peasant producers as a percentage of the world export price ranged between 3 7 . 3 and 8 8 . 3 per 82 148 cent. Since the Marketing Board kept the profits made on the difference between the two prices, which over the fourteen year l i f e of the Board amounted to millions of pounds, the result was analogous to the extraction of peasant surpluses i n the Soviet Union under the St a l i n i s t 149 J* collectivization of agriculture. 7 The difference was, of course, that while peasant surpluses i n the Soviet Union went to finance industrialization, the peasant surpluses extracted by the Ghanaian Cocoa Marketing Board went, as Fitch and Oppenheimer point out, to support the f a i l i n g 1 50 Briti s h pound i n the post-war period. y Further, the terms 1 l + 8 F i t c h and Oppenheimer, Ghana, 41. 149 7The setting-up of public marketing bodies was not limited to the British t e r r i t o r i e s . In Senegal, for instance, the equivalent agency for the extraction of peasant surpluses was the Agricultural Marketing Bureau (OCA), which accumulated a reserve of 650 ,000 million francs between 1965-1966 and 1 9 6 8 - 1 9 6 9 , which went into public funds to finance 26 per cent of public investment. See Amin, Neo-Colonialism i n West Africa, 1 2 - 1 3 . 1^°Fitch and Oppenheimer, Ghana, 42-44-. Although Fitch and Oppenheimer do not make the point, i t should be added that the currency of the colonial powers was used to back African currencies through Currency Boards. In the case of Brit i s h colonies i n Africa, sterling Currency Boards operated with 100 per cent backing u n t i l 1 9 5 4 , when the level of backing dropped to 80 per cent. See Ursula K. Hicks, "Finance and the financial infrastructure," i n Taxation for African  economic development, ed. Taylor, '%2~. This being the case, the appropriation of profits from the Ghanaian Cocoa Market-ing Board to support the f a i l i n g British pound may be seen as also supporting the Ghanaian currency as well. This does not, however, alter the fact that the surpluses of the Ghanaian peasant cash-croppers were extracted by a class of dominant national and international rulers, even though the benefits may have f i l t e r e d back to the peasants indirectly, i n that the bankrupcy of the pound would certainly have great-l y reduced the market for cocoa. 83 of trade f o r the cash-cropping peasants went from bad to worse with t h i s piece of s o c i a l democratic philanthropy. As Bauer notes: Throughout the period of statutory marketing the West A f r i c a n producers have had to s e l l t h e i r crops at p r i c e s f a r below open-market l e v e l s . But they have had to purchase the imported consumer goods on which they spend t h e i r incomes at open market p r i c e s , which were governed by general forces of supply and demand, and which were r i s i n g s u b s t a n t i a l l y almost without i n t e r r u p t i o n throughout t h i s period. As a r e s u l t the terms of trade of the producers were depressed f a r below what they would have been with-out statutory marketing and well below those of t h e i r p r i n c i p a l competitors. 151 Bauer, West African Trade, 3 0 k •III. CONCLUSION By examining sub-Saharan A f r i c a n s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n broad overview i n terms of the i n f l u e n t i a l d e f i n i t i o n s of "peasants" advanced by Redfield and Wolf, the thrust of t h i s thesis has been to argue that A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s may be mean-i n g f u l l y described i n terms of the existence of a peasantry, d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n t o marginal-subsistence, labour-exporting, and cash-cropping f r a c t i o n s . B r i e f l y summarized, the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of peasant class formation presented here i s as follows: 1. R e d f i e l d f s c u l t u r a l d e f i n i t i o n which sees peasant society as d i f f e r e n t i a t e d into a "Great T r a d i t i o n " and a " L i t t l e T r a d i t i o n " has been explored through a c r i t i q u e of F a l l e r s 1 seminal a r t i c l e , "Are A f r i c a n C u l t i v a t o r s to be Cal l e d 'Peasants'?" In terms of the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n presented here, F a l l e r s ' thesis that a "Great T r a d i t i o n " and a peasant " L i t t l e T r a d i t i o n " does not ex i s t i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a has been found wanting, i n that i t does not take in t o account the impact of colonialism on A f r i c a n s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , which has served to create i n many cases a c u l t u r a l "Great T r a d i t i o n " i n a p r i v i l e g e d e l i t e which i s d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from the r u r a l peasant c u l t i v a t o r s , the " L i t t l e T r a d i t i o n " , on the basis of such objective c r i t e r i a as income, education, conspicuous consumption and the as s i m i l a t i o n of "Western" c u l t u r a l norms. Further, t h i s 85 European-inspired "Great T r a d i t i o n " has not withered away with the demise of colonialism i n A f r i c a . On the contrary, decolonization served to " A f r i c a n i z e " the "Great T r a d i t i o n " as the educated c o l o n i a l e l i t e moved into positions of power and influence vacated by the departing expatriate administra-t o r s . The r e s u l t has been the emergence of a new post-c o l o n i a l state bourgeoisie, while the previously i s o l a t e d t r i b a l c u l t i v a t o r s have been transformed i n t o a peasant c u l t u r a l " L i t t l e T r a d i t i o n " . This i s not to suggest, however, that the new bourgeoisie and peasantry i n A f r i c a viewed i n terms of Redfield's c u l t u r a l d e f i n i t i o n i s an exact r e p l i c a of s i m i l a r classes i n L a t i n America, Asi a and p r e - i n d u s t r i a l Europe. Due to the f a c t that decoloniz-a t i o n did l i t t l e to a l t e r the metropolitan control of the means of production, the class base of the new bourgeoisie r e s t s on control of the apparatus of the state and the c o n t r o l of state c a p i t a l , on the basis of which t h i s new r u l i n g c l a s s may be i n t e r n a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d into p o l i t i c a l , m i l i t a r y and bureaucratic categories. In addition, since the class system i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a has only f u l l y developed i n the p o s t - c o l o n i a l period, i t d i f f e r s from the the more established c l a s s systems of the other continents i n that the s o c i a l boundaries between the state bourgeoisie and peasantry have not yet hardened to create a widely perceived sense of s o c i a l distance between members of the two classes such as to hinder s o c i a l m o b i l i t y and s t r a i n 86 i n t e r - c l a s s t i e s of family and f r i e n d s h i p . Nevertheless, defined i n terms of Redfield's i n f l u e n t i a l d e f i n i t i o n , the pos t - c o l o n i a l developments have been s u f f i c i e n t to allow the use of the term "peasants" to describe A f r i c a n c u l t i v a t o r s . 2. The thesis has also examined the problem of peasant class formation i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a i n terms of Wolf's d e f i n i t i o n of "peasants", which focuses on the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l oppression and economic e x p l o i t a t i o n of surplus i n peasant society. For Wolf the key factor which c r i t i c a l l y distinguishes peasants from pr i m i t i v e t r i b a l c u l t i v a t o r s i s the extraction of r u r a l economic surpluses by a group of dominant r u l e r s who exercise asymmetrical power r e l a t i o n s over the peasantry. Analyzed i n terms of Barnett's typology of A f r i c a n peasants, which we have suggested represents c l a s s f r a c t i o n s of the A f r i c a n peasantry, i t has been argued that the economic surpluses of A f r i c a n c u l t i v a t o r s have indeed been extracted i n the form of labour-power by the national and i n t e r n a t i o n a l classes which exercise economic and p o l i t i c a l power over c o l o n i a l and pos t - c o l o n i a l s o c i e t i e s . While there i s some doubt whether the production of a fund of "rent" was a feature of pr e - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a n kingdoms, there can be l i t t l e doubt that c o l o n i a l penetration and domination of the continent introduced widespread extraction of the labour-power of previously i s o l a t e d c u l t i v a t o r s as the co n t r o l of the means of production passed from the primary producers 87 as A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s became incorporated i n t o the i n t e r -n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l i s t economy. Indeed, the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the marginal-subsistence, cash-cropping and labour-exporting f r a c t i o n s of the A f r i c a n peasantry has been a key v a r i a b l e i n the process of c a p i t a l accumulation for those exercising domination over t h i s non-homogeneous c l a s s — c o l o n i a l govern-ments, metropolitan firms operating i n A f r i c a , white s e t t l e r communities engaged i n mining and c a p i t a l i s t a g r i c u l t u r e and, l a t e r , the A f r i c a n state b o u r g e o i s i e — since t h i s peasant labour-power, whether i n the form of forced labour, wage employment or the imperialism of trade, was most often supplied as cheap-labour, and i n some cases at a p r i c e even below the cost of i t s production. While i t has been argued that A f r i c a n s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n may be meaningfully analyzed i n terms of the existence of a non-homogeneous peasant c l a s s , the p o l i t i c a l implications of t h i s development are l e s s c l e a r . On the one hand i t could be suggested that since peasant society i s characterized by c u l t u r a l i n e q u a l i t y and subordination as well as economic e x p l o i t a t i o n the continued development of the A f r i c a n peasantry w i l l r e s u l t i n the emergence of c l a s s consciousness and class c o n f l i c t . For some t h i s proposition may be a t t r a c t i v e , both f o r those who follow Lipset i n the b e l i e f that ". . . a stable democracy requires the manifesta-t i o n of c o n f l i c t or cleavage so that there w i l l be struggle over r u l i n g positions, challenges to p a r t i e s i n power, and 88 shifts of parties i n office. . . ," ' and for those who see the emergence of class conflict as a prerequisite for a 15"^ genuine social revolution i n Africa. • However, i t must be said that the emergence of class consciousness and class conflict i n African peasant society i s not a sure thing. Continued economic development does not necessarily result i n the heightening of class conscious-ness, as the case of Japan and the persistence of "traditional" oyabun-kobun relationships despite an extremely high level of 1 n\ industrialization clearly demonstrates. J Moreover, as Alavi has pointed out, the emergence of class consciousness i n peasant society i s greatly hampered by the tendency for primordial loyalties to mediate and dissipate the loyalties 1 H of class. J ' In Africa the main primordial loyalties which 1^2Seymour Martin Lipset, P o l i t i c a l Man; The Social  Bases of Politics (Garden City: Anchor Books, 1 9 6 3 ) , 1 . "genuine social revolution" i s here distinguished from a change of government by a coup d'etat or Putsch. A useful definition of revolution has been suggested by Hunting-ton: "A revolution i s a rapid, fundamental and violent domestic change i n the dominant values and myths of a society, i n i t s p o l i t i c a l institutions, social structure, leadership, and government acti v i t y and policies". See Samuel Huntington, P o l i t i c a l Order in Changing Societies (New Haven: Yale Univer-slty Press, 1968), 264. J See Chie Nakane, Japanese Society (Berkeley: Univer-sity of California Press, 1970); John W. Bennett and Joseph A. Kahl, "Japan: Oriental Industrialism," i n Comparative Perspectives  on Stratification: Mexico. Great Britain and Japan, ed. Kahl (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown & Co., 1968), 1 5 5 . 1 "Hamza Alavi, "Peasant Classes and Primordial Loyalties," Journal of Peasant Studies 1 (October, 1 9 7 3 ) , 29. 89 have hindered the development of class consciousness have been ethnicity 1 ^  and c l i e n t e l i s m , 1 ^ both of which provide a direct link between members of the post-colonial state bourgeoisie and members of the various fractions of the peasantry. Even when peasant class consciousness has emerged as a p o l i t i c a l force, i t tends to be narrow i n scope 1 58 and transient i n nature, y thus providing neither a stable and secure base for the development of democratic p o l i t i c s 1 59 or the waging of protracted revolutionary struggle. 7 7 This, ^ For a discussion of ethnicity i n Africa, see Immanuel Wallerstein, "Ethnicity and National Integration i n West Africa," Cahiers d'Etudies Africaines 1 (October, 1960), 129-139} Charles W. Anderson, Fred R. von der Mehden and Crawford Young, Issues of P o l i t i c a l Development, 2d ed. (Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice-Hall, 197*0, 29-91; C l i f f o r d Geertz, "The Integrative Revolution: Primordial Sentiments and C i v i l Politics i n the New States," i n Old Societies and  New States: The Quest for Modernity i n Asia and Africa, ed. Geertz (New York: Free Press, 1963)? 105-157. 1 57 •"For a general discussion of clientelism i n Africa, see Sandbrook, "Patrons, Clients, and Factions," 104-119. Also see Leys, "Politics i n Kenya," especially 333-33 L. 1 58 J Marx, of course, observed the narrow scope of peasant class consciousness in the much quoted passage i n The  Eighteenth Brumaire, 123. F°r a more systematic discussion of the narrow and transient nature of peasant class consciousness, see E. J. Hobsbawm, "Peasants and P o l i t i c s , " Journal of Peasant  Studies 1 (October, 1973)» especially 7. 1 59 > 7The continued importance of primordial loyalties, particularly ethnicity, and the often transient nature of peasant class consciousness has plagued peasant revolutionary movements i n sub-Saharan Africa. Two notable examples are the "Mau Mau" peasant revolt i n Kenya, which collapsed, according to Donald L. Barnett and Karari Njama, Mau Mau From  Within: An Analysis of Kenya's Peasant Revolt (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1966;, 490-491, due to the emergence of ethnic conflict and factionalism among the guerrillas; and 90 however, raises a much larger question than th i s essay can attempt to answer, and could, providing the study of A f r i c a n peasants can progress beyond the discussion of the existence • of peasant classes, be the subject of further work. the peasant revolution i n Angola, which i s , according to B a s i l Davidson, "African Peasants and Revolution," 270, a peasant struggle of "an e s p e c i a l l y pure type", but which also appears to be i n a state of collapse due to an intense c o n f l i c t , p a r t l y on ethnic grounds, between the three main g u e r r i l l a movements now forming a Provisional Government during Portuguese decolonization. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS, MONOGRAPHS AND PAMPHLETS Alroy, G i l C a r l . 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