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Europeans and the Kikuyu to 1910: a study of resistance, collaboration and conquest Toulson, Thomas 1976

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EUROPEANS AND THE KIKUYU TO 1910: A STUDY OF RESISTANCE, COLLABORATION AND CONQUEST by THOMAS TOULSON B.A; (Hons".), " U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia,.-1970 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of H i s t o r y We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA February, 1976 c) Thomas Toulson In presenting th i s thesis in pa r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary sha l l make it f ree ly ava i l ab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thes is for scho lar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or i by his representat ives. It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of th is thes i s for f inanc ia l gain sha l l not be allowed without my writ ten permiss ion. Department.of The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date ABSTRACT The t h e s i s deals w i t h the Kikuyu t r i b e s of East A f r i c a , t h e i r e a r l y h i s t o r y , ethnography and r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h Europeans to 1 9 1 0 . Kikuyu s o c i e t y i s described as i n f l u x r e s u l t i n g from i t s m i g r a t i o n to a new h a b i t a t from Shungwaya. P e r i p h e r a l areas of the h a b i t a t were s t r e s s e d by the p r o x i m i t y of the Masai, Arab and S w a h i l i t r a d e r s , European e x p l o r e r s , armed t r a d e r s , o f f i c i a l s of the Imp e r i a l B r i t i s h East A f r i c a Company and l a t t e r l y o f f i c e r s , c i v i l and m i l i t a r y , of the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Masai p r o x i m i t y f o r c e d the Kikuyu i n t o a defensive posture and conditioned t h e i r a t t i t u d e s w i t h respect t o the i n t r u s i o n of ot h e r s . Evidence presented suggests t h a t Kikuyu were i n i t i a l l y h o s p i t a b l e t o c o a s t a l t r a d e r s . By the l 8 T 0 ' s , however, Kikuyu were r e l u c t a n t to al l o w f r e e passage o f Arab and S w a h i l i caravans. H o s t i l i t y had been engendered by Arab and S w a h i l i p r o p e n s i t i e s f o r r a i d i n g Kikuyu mashamba f o r food and departing the area without making r e s t i t u t i o n . European a t t i t u d e s toward the Kikuyu were i n f l u e n c e d by rumours of Kikuyu f e r o c i t y d e l i b e r a t e l y spread by c o a s t a l and Wakamba t r a d e r s . E a r l y explorers were prepared to " f i g h t every inc h of the way" across the Kikuyu h a b i t a t . European apprehension coupled w i t h Kikuyu s u s p i c i o n featured prominently i n the e a r l y contact p e r i o d . i i -- i i i -These a t t i t u d e s and the o c c a s i o n a l v i o l e n t clashes were c o n d i t i o n i n g f a c t o r s i n the subsequent, more e x t e n s i v e , r e l a t i o n s h i p s between Kikuyu and Europeans. Kikuyu ethnography i s examined and rev e a l s t r i b a l s o c i e t y as being acephalous and e g a l i t a r i a n . Power r e s i d e d i n the hands of elders who assumed a u t h o r i t y a f t e r s u c c e s s f u l l y n e g o t i a t i n g a s c a l e of ascendancy incorp o r a t e d i n t h e - i r i t e s du passage. P r o v i s i o n was made w i t h i n the system f o r young men t o r i s e t o p o s i t i o n s of eminence and to be h u r r i e d along the road to s e n i o r i t y . Known as athamaki, they were i n no sense c h i e f s . Because m i l i t a r y a f f a i r s played a l a r g e p a r t i n Kikuyu l i f e — t h e t h r e a t of the Masai, the behaviour of Arab and S w a h i l i t r a d e r s , the i n t r u s i o n s of European t r a v e l l e r s , armed t r a d e r s , IBEA Co. men and the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n — athamaki of m i l i t a r y a b i l i t y s w i f t l y rose to prominence. Lugard's attempts t o e s t a b l i s h the Imp e r i a l B r i t i s h East A f r i c a Company are d e a l t w i t h at some l e n g t h . Company f a i l u r e t o e s t a b l i s h i t s e l f s u c c e s s f u l l y i n Kikuyuland i s iseen as being due t o manifold f a c t o r s ; under f i n a n c i n g , poor communications, l a c k of c o n t r o l over A f r i c a n l e v i e s , poor l e a d e r s h i p and r e c o g n i t i o n by the Kikuyu of the Company's i n t e n t i o n t o s e t t l e the area permanently. H o s t i l i t y against the Company was g r e a t l y exacerbated by the use of Masai and Kikuyu armed l e v i e s f o r r a i d i n g , and the death of Waiyaki, a Kikuyu athamaki of l o c a l eminence. 1 8 9 5 saw the end of Company hegemony and i t s replacement by i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t y . - i v The e f f e c t s on the Kikuyu t r i b e s by armed t r a d e r s are analyzed. John Boyes, described by hi m s e l f as "King of the WaKikuyu", Gibbons and ot h e r s , are seen as dac o i t s who a f f e c t e d t o some considerable degree the a t t i t u d e s and d i s p o s i t i o n of Kikuyu w i t h whom they came i n t o contact. As w i t h the Company, d i v i d e and r u l e t a c t i c s were p r a c t i s e d and armed t r a d e r s a l l i e d themselves w i t h athamaki c o l l a b o r a t o r s against other Kikuyu opposed t o the European presence. Though the armed t r a d e r s profoundly d i s t u r b e d the Kikuyu between 1 8 9 5 and 1 9 0 0 , the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n was powerless t o prevent t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . Conquest of the Kikuyu t r i b e s was two-phased. The f i r s t phase ( 1 8 9 5 - 1 9 0 2 ) i s r e f e r r e d t o as a "ho l d i n g " e x e r c i s e . During the period•obvious preparations were made t o t i g h t e n the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e net on Kikuyuland. The armed t r a d e r s were a r r e s t e d and deported. Masai were beginning t o be contained i n areas away from Kikuyuland. Roads began t o r a d i a t e north i n t o the Kikuyu i n t e r i o r from the new a d m i n i s t r a t i v e centre of N a i r o b i . Ukamba Province was s p l i t and Kikuyuland became Kenia Province. The c r i t i c a l problem of the Mombasa-Lake V i c t o r i a r a i l w a y t r a v e r s i n g the Kikuyu h a b i t a t was solved. The P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n possessed an e l i t e cadre of Kikuyu c o l l a b o r a t o r s on whom they r e l i e d t o render a i d i n the subjugation of other Kikuyu. A r e - o r g a n i z a t i o n of m i l i t a r y forces was t a k i n g place and by 1 9 0 2 the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n was i n a strong p o s i t i o n t o make a concerted e f f o r t t o dis l o d g e and defeat the remaining pockets of Kikuyu o p p o s i t i o n . The second phase of the Kikuyu conquest i s seen as a " m i l i t a r y " e x e r c i s e : i t l a s t e d roughly e i g h t years ( 1 9 0 2 - 1 9 1 0 ) . Subjugation of the Kikuyu, founded on a p o l i c y of mounting strong p u n i t i v e e x p e d i t i o n s , was b a r b a r i c and excesses were common. " O v e r k i l l " was s u b s t i t u t e d f o r the t r a d i t i o n a l m i l i t a r y t a c t i c of s k i r m i s h i n g . "On the spot" decision-making was more the r u l e than the exception. Contrary to the expressed i n t e n t i o n of se n i o r o f f i c i a l s , p u n i t i v e e x p e d i t i o n s , l e d by j u n i o r m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r s and supported by consenting j u n i o r c i v i l o f f i c e r s , i n f l i c t e d l a r g e numbers of c a s u a l t i e s , ' burnt h u t s , destroyed crops, and c r i p p l e d the Kikuyu economy by c o n f i s c a t i n g thousands of c a t t l e and goats. Both j u n i o r o f f i c e r s and Commissioner E l i o t h i m s e l f f a l s i f i e d c a s u a l t y f i g u r e s ; thus g i v i n g London a wrong impression of events. By 1 9 1 0 , a f t e r sustained m i l i t a r y a c t i o n , Kikuyu r e s i s t a n c e was el i m i n a t e d . The t h e s i s concludes that Kikuyu athamaki rose t o prominence i n the m i l i t a r y atmosphere of the c o l o n i a l e n t e r p r i s e . As c o l l a b o r a t o r s athamaki became the prime agents of change i n the t r a n s i t o r y process from t r i b a l i s m t o c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . They heralded a powerful and sustained d i s r u p t i o n of t r i b a l s o c i e t y and speeded the processes of change. The i m p e r i a l o r d e r , ever w a t c h f u l f o r means t o achieve i t s o b j e c t i v e s at minimum expense, used athamaki f o r i t s unique purposes. Conversely, athamaki used the P r o t e c t o r a t e - v i -A d m i n i s t r a t i o n t o r e a l i z e t h e i r own ambitions. A l l i a n c e s between athamaki and Europeans were r e c i p r o c a l i n both c o n s t r u c t i o n and purpose. There e x i s t e d a dual r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t one element could not proceed without the concurrence or a i d of the other. Some i n i t i a t i v e s thus remained i n Kikuyu hands w i t h i n the c o l o n i a l order. C o l l a b o r a t i n g athamaki became j u n i o r partners i n the c o l o n i a l e n t e r p r i s e — a n d prospered a c c o r d i n g l y . European p e n e t r a t i o n r a d i c a l l y - a f f e c t e d Kikuyu s o c i e t y . Stressed by the i n t r u s i o n s of Arabs, S w a h i l i and Masai and the e f f e c t s of m i g r a t i o n , Kikuyu s o c i e t y was f u r t h e r i n f l u e n c e d by the European presence. The European impact opened up se r i o u s r i f t s i n Kikuyu s o c i e t y , d i s t u r b e d t r a d i t i o n a l rankings of dominance and h i e r a r c h y , and sharpened already e x i s t i n g cracks i n the t r i b a l s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l firmament. Kikuyu r e s i s t a n c e was weakened by the use of athamaki and f i n a l l y smashed by superi o r m i l i t a r y f o r c e s . The t h e s i s concludes w i t h the suggestion t h a t P r o f e s s o r T.O. Ranger's hypothesis on connexions between primary r e s i s t a n c e movements and modern mass n a t i o n a l i s m , may, i n the Kikuyu case, have some b a s i s i n t r u t h . PREFACE Between 1880 and 1914- A f r i c a n h i s t o r y a b r u p t l y changed course as Europeans a r r i v e d on the A f r i c a n continent i n t e n t upon a permanent presence. Described i n manifold ways, " r e s i l i e n t " , " f l e x i b l e " , "incoherent", " o p p o r t u n i s t i c " and even, "a succession of unco-ordinated responses to d i f f e r e n t types of sti m u l u s " , the B r i t i s h brand of Empire grew from the f a c t that her t e r r i t o r i a l i n t e r e s t s were acquired as much by accident as design, l a y s c a t t e r e d over the map, contained a broad spectrum of human e t h n i c i t y and had been brought i n t o the i m p e r i a l f o l d by methods ranging from l e a s i n g to conquest. H i s t o r i a n s have p a i d much heed to these processes, w r i t i n g of the i n v a s i o n and " p a c i f i c a t i o n " of A f r i c a as p a r t of European p o l i t i c a l or dip l o m a t i c h i s t o r y . Only r e c e n t l y has A f r i c a n h i s t o r i o g r a p h y changed i t s t r a d i t i o n a l approach by developing uniquely A f r i c a n p e r s p e c t i v e s . Case s t u d i e s , confined o f t e n to backwaters of i m p e r i a l i s m , are beginning to r e v e a l new i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the European i n t r u s i o n . " P a c i f i c a t i o n " of the n a t i v e s , long the parlance of t r a d i t i o n a l h i s t o r i o g r a p h y , i s beginning to be seen r a t h e r as "conquest." E a r l y wars of r e s i s t a n c e were c a l l e d nothing more than " r e b e l l i o n s " and were seen by Europeans to be only of minor consequence. To A f r i c a n s " r e b e l l i o n s " were of major consequence: they were traumatic events which conditioned Afro-European r e l a t i o n s h i p s both at the time and l a t e r . - v i i -- v i i i -C o n f i r m e d i n modern c a s e s t u d i e s , a l s o , i s t h e f a c t t h a t E u r o p e a n i n f l u e n c e on t h e g r o u n d l a g g e d b e h i n d i t s p r e s e n c e on t h e map b y t w e n t y y e a r s . What was s a i d t o be " p o s s e s s e d " t e r r i t o r y b y t h e c o l o n i a l power was h e l d o n l y b y a h a n d f u l o f men c o n f i n e d b y , and s u b j e c t t o , t h e p r e s s u r e s o f o f t e n h o s t i l e A f r i c a n s . S e e k i n g no v i r t u e i n c o n s i s t e n c y f o r i t s own s a k e , e a r l y c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , m e r e l y o c c u p y i n g t h e g r o u n d on w h i c h t h e y s t o o d , were g u i d e d o n l y b y an " i d e a " o f c o l o n i a l r u l e n o t y e t c o m m i t t e d t o p a p e r : L u g a r d ' s p r i n c i p l e s o f I n d i r e c t R u l e were n o t t o come u n t i l 1923. C h a r g e d w i t h t h e monumenta l t a s k o f i m p o s i n g t h e i r w i l l o v e r t r i b a l A f r i c a , c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , t h e r e f o r e , c o n d i t i o n e d b y w e s t e r n n o t i o n s o f h i e r a r c h y , s c o u r e d t h e b u s h l o o k i n g f o r A f r i c a n s upon whom t h e y c o u l d d rape a m a n t l e o f " c h i e f t a i n s h i p . " Where " c h i e f t a i n s h i p " e x i s t e d , t h e c o l o n i a l r e g i m e o f t e n s u c c e e d e d i n g r a f t i n g i t s e l f on t o t h e e s t a b l i s h e d o r d e r . Where " c h i e f t a i n s h i p " d i d n o t e x i s t E u r o p e a n s were f o r c e d t o c r e a t e c h i e f s ; an a r t i f i c i a l p r o c e s s w h i c h t e n d e d t o e x a c e r b a t e n a t i v e h o s t i l i t y . T r a d i t i o n a l h i s t o r i o g r a p h y , a l s o , t e n d s t o show o n l y E u r o p e a n i n i t i a t i v e s i n t h e c o l o n i s i n g p r o c e s s . The c a s e s t u d y a p p r o a c h i s b e g i n n i n g t o v e r i f y more c l e a r l y t h a t A f r i c a n s f r e q u e n t l y t o o k t h e i n i t i a t i v e i n d e a l i n g w i t h t h e i n v a d e r s . T h i s t h e s i s , a s t u d y o f K i k u y u - E u r o p e a n c o n t a c t , shows c l e a r l y t h a t some A f r i c a n s , d o u b t l e s s f o r t h e i r own a d v a n t a g e , a i d e d and a b e t t e d E u r o p e a n e n d e a v o u r s . They o f f e r e d t h e m s e l v e s t o t h e i n v a d e r s as i n t e r m e d i a r i e s and s u b s e q u e n t l y as " c h i e f s " o f t h e c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Under t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s , a " t h i n on t h e g r o u n d " a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , p o o r c o m m u n i c a t i o n s and a - ix -penurious Treasury, the invaders g r a t e f u l l y accepted overtures of c o l l a b o r a t o r s . But Kikuyu c o l l a b o r a t o r s were not merely pawns i n the c o l o n i a l process: they were e s s e n t i a l l y r e a l i s t s who saw the f o l l y of r e s i s t a n c e and the advantages of c o l l a b o r a t i o n . A l l i a n c e s between Kikuyu and Europeans were thus n e c e s s a r i l y two-way i n c o n s t r u c t i o n and purpose. W i t h i n any compact there e x i s t e d a dual r e a l i z a t i o n that one element could not proceed without the other. A mutually acceptable balance of power, whose t i l t was determined by bargain and concession, was t h e r e f o r e manifest as the l y n c h p i n of the e a r l y c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . This t h e s i s , a case study of Kikuyu-European contact during the e a r l y years of c o l o n i a l e n t e r p r i s e , seeks to examine and analyse the i s s u e s o u t l i n e d above. Chapter 1 of the t h e s i s , The Kikuyu: An E t h n o . h i s t o r i c a l  Background, i s devoted to a d e s c r i p t i o n of the Kikuyu t r i b e s of East A f r i c a , the geography of t h e i r h a b i t a t , t h e i r e a r l y h i s t o r y and the i n f l u e n c e upon them of the N i l o - H a m i t i c Masai peoples. One i n f l u e n c e a t t r i b u t e d to Kikuyu and Masai p r o x i m i t y i s t h a t of acephaly: there were no c h i e f s . A r e a l i n s t a b i l i t y precluded the p o s s i b i l i t y of a p o l i t y s i m i l a r to the s t a t i c Bantu of Uganda. This d i d not mean that Kikuyu p o l i t y was not adequate to meet the needs of Kikuyu s o c i e t y or was not malleable enough to a d j u s t to c o n d i t i o n s imposed by the environment. The s o c i a l order, f o r example, was permeable enough to a l l o w co-operation w i t h other t r i b a l groups. Masai took Kikuyu wives and land t r a n s a c t i o n s took place between Kikuyu and Wanderobo. T r a d i t i o n s of the Masai were thus t r a n s f e r r e d to the Kikuyu, i n c l u d i n g c i r c u m c i s i o n methods and acephaly. But while acephaly p r e v a i l e d and thus no c h i e f s e x i s t e d , there were, as Pr o f e s s o r D.A. Low has asserted, " i f not c h i e f s then other prominent i n d i v i d u a l s of some considerable consequence" about whom the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s of the t r i b e s revolved. These observations are to some extent corroborated i n the l i t e r a t u r e of e a r l y European t r a v e l l e r s who met and d e a l t w i t h i n d i v i d u a l s they i n c o r r e c t l y deemed to be c h i e f s . Two sub-chapters, e n t i t l e d , Age Orga n i z a t i o n and R i t e s De  Passage and T e r r i t o r i a l O rganization, Sets and Leadership, r e s p e c t i v e l y , analyse i n d e t a i l the Kikuyu s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l order. They r e v e a l t h a t despite acephaly Kikuyu p o l i t y was s o p h i s t i c a t e d and e g a l i t a r i a n . The evidence s t r o n g l y supports a contention t h a t while acephaly p r e v a i l e d , " i n d i v i d u a l i s m " was provided f o r w i t h i n the s o c i a l order. Kikuyu of a b i l i t y (muthumaki ( s i n g . ) and (athamaki ) (pl.) were s a i d by the t r i b e to "appoint themselves f o r l e a d e r s h i p . " Kikuyu possessed of e x c e p t i o n a l q u a l i t i e s of p e r s o n a l i t y , a b i l i t y — " c h a r i s m a " — w e r e recognized and moved more r a p i d l y through the r i t e s de passage t o s e n i o r i t y ahead of t h e i r l e s s e r endowed contemporaries. Some athamaki showed a b i l i t y i n t r i b a l law while others were regarded as leaders i n r e l i g i o n and p o l i t i c s . L o c a l a f f a i r s of the Kikuyu t r i b e s thus o f t e n r e v o l v e d around athamaki although r e a l power was i n v e s t e d i n grades of e l d e r s . The th r e a t imposed by o u t s i d e r s , Masai, Arab and S w a h i l i t r a d e r s , armed European t r a d e r s and e x p l o r e r s , the Im p e r i a l B r i t i s h East A f r i c a Company and P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , enhanced co n s i d e r a b l y the r i s e to prominence of athamaki s k i l l e d i n the m i l i t a r y a r t s . These men, seen x i -as ' c h i e f s ' by Europeans ignorant of Kikuyu p o l i t y , were to p l a y a la r g e p a r t i n subsequent attempts to e s t a b l i s h or superimpose over the Kikuyu an a l i e n c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Robert 0. C o l l i n s , Problems i n A f r i c a n H i s t o r y , i n a prelude to a chapter e n t i t l e d "The H i s t o r i a n and S t a t e l e s s S o c i e t i e s , " p o i n t s out the d i f f i c u l t i e s inherent i n e s t a b l i s h i n g c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s over s o - c a l l e d . s t a t e l e s s s o c i e t i e s . Not u n n a t u r a l l y , European o f f i c i a l s endeavoured to b r i n g these s t a t e l e s s s o c i e t i e s i n t o the o r b i t of the c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , but time and again they were f r u s t r a t e d because they could f i n d no i n s t i t u t i o n s of a u t h o r i t y and no t r a d i t i o n a l leaders who would a c t as re s p o n s i b l e o f f i c e h o l d e r s i n a s t a t e bureaucracy. When they f a i l e d to f i n d a "native a u t h o r i t y " , the Europeans f r e q u e n t l y t r i e d to impose one on the s o c i e t y . 1 Imposing a s i n g l e "native a u t h o r i t y " , a c h i e f , over t r i b e s whose d e c i s i o n -making was t r a d i t i o n a l l y c o l l e c t i v e , was f o r the c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t i e s o f t e n d i s a s t r o u s and t y r a n n i c a l . "Not u n n a t u r a l l y " , C o l l i n s remarks, "the a s s o c i a t i o n between peoples of s t a t e l e s s s o c i e t i e s and the European a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was, i n the e a r l y years, c h a r a c t e r i z e d by r a i d s and u p r i s i n g s suppressed i n t u r n by p u n i t i v e e x p e d i t i o n s . By any standard p such a r e l a t i o n s h i p could h a r d l y be c a l l e d a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . " Chapter 2, E a r l y Contacts, deals w i t h Kikuyu responses to the i n t r u s i o n of s o - c a l l e d wageni, or f o r e i g n e r s . Evidence suggests that Kikuyu were f a m i l i a r w i t h t r a d i n g processes through t h e i r neighbours, the Wakamba. Between 1830 and the 1860's, Wakamba middlemen h e l d a iRobert 0. C o l l i n s , ed., Problems i n A f r i c a n H i s t o r y (New Jersey, P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1968), p. 169. 2 C o l l i n s , Problems, p. 170. - i i i -trading monopoly between the coast and Mount Kenya. After i860, however, Wakamba trading suffered a decline at the hands of Arabs and Swahili traders who successfully by-passed the Wakamba entrepot around Mach'akos. By 1870 large Arab and Swahili led caravans were penetrating or s k i r t i n g the Kikuyu habitat. Ngongo Bagas, located at the southern t i p of Kikuyuland, was used extensively as a staging area for caravans proceeding up the R i f t Valley to Lake V i c t o r i a . From Ngongo Bagas parties of caravan porters and armed levies raided Kikuyu smallholdings and foraged for food. Their behaviour and the fact they made l i t t l e or no re t r i b u t i o n for provisions taken caused l o c a l Kikuyu to become extremely h o s t i l e to a l l intruders. Joseph Thomson, an early European explorer, recorded incidents of Kikuyu h o s t i l i t y when attempting a traverse of the Kikuyu habitat i n 1883. Others, notably von Hohnel and Count Teleki, were also attacked by Kikuyu. There i s evidence that Europeans were deterred from penetrating the area by false rumours about Kikuyu fierceness spread by Arabs, Swahilis and Wakamba who did not want to lose to Europeans a trading monopoly i n Kikuyu ivory. In consequence early Europeans were prepared to "fight every inch of the way" through and around the Kikuyu habitat. Kikuyu were seen by early European intruders as being "less f r i e n d l y " than others tr i b e s , "turbulent and treacherous", "secretive, more conservative and d i f f i c u l t to understand." There i s l i t t l e doubt that such expressed attitudes by early Europeans heavily conditioned attitudes of Europeans who arrived l a t e r . European apprehension coupled with Kikuyu suspicion of th e i r motives featured prominently during the early - z i i i -contact p e r i o d . These a t t i t u d e s and o c c a s i o n a l v i o l e n t clashes became important f a c t o r s i n subsequent, more extensive r e l a t i o n s h i p s between Kikuyu and Europeans. The f i r s t s u stained i n t e r a c t i o n between Europeans and Kikuyu took place a f t e r 1889 and was a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the e f f o r t s of the I m p e r i a l B r i t i s h East A f r i c a Company to e f f e c t a permanent presence i n Kikuyuland. The e f f e c t s of t h i s presence are d e a l t w i t h i n Chapter 3, The I m p e r i a l  B r i t i s h East A f r i c a Company. The e f f o r t to e s t a b l i s h the IBEA Co. i n East A f r i c a was derived from the d i p l o m a t i c imperative to occupy the N i l e headwaters and thus deny other European powers, n o t a b l y the Germans and French, from e s t a b l i s h i n g themselves s t r a t e g i c a l l y i n the area. At the van of the scramble f o r B r i t i s h hegemony i n Uganda was a company column l e d by F r e d e r i c k Lugard. Leaving Mombasa i n 1889, Lugard t a r r i e d a t Ngongo Bagas f o r time enough to b u i l d a s t a t i o n at D a g o r e t t i , an area l o c a t e d on the southern t i p of Kikuyuland. I t was here t h a t Lugard attempted to extend Company i n f l u e n c e by i n v o l v i n g h i m s e l f w i t h Kikuyu athamaki—men he termed ' c h i e f s ' — i n blood-brotherhood ceremonies. He was undeniably impressed by the Kikuyu he met. His account i s r e p l e t e w i t h complimentary d e s c r i p t i o n s of Kikuyu. I t i s considered probable t h a t h i s success i n e s t a b l i s h i n g good rapport was due t o the power of h i s p e r s o n a l i t y and the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t Kikuyu athamaki considered h i s presence as being temporary. Three years l a t e r , on h i s r e t u r n from Uganda, Lugard changed h i s opinions on the Kikuyu. He saw them now (1893) as "treacherous", and "embittered." Kikuyu response to the presence of the IBEA Co. had changed d r a s t i c a l l y i n j u s t three years. Reasons f o r Kikuyu h o s t i l i t y are suggested - xiv t o be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h Company i n t e n t i o n s t o r e m a i n i n K i k u y u l a n d p e r m a n e n t l y . Moreover, t h e p r e v i o u s p a t t e r n s o f wageni b e h a v i o u r were b e i n g r e p e a t e d as s m a l l h o l d i n g s were r a i d e d w i t h Company c o n d o n a t i o n . F u r t h e r m o r e , Company o f f i c e r s were p r a c t i s i n g a p o l i c y o f d i v i d e and r u l e — no doubt f o r c e d upon them b y c i r c u m s t a n c e s o f a u s t e r i t y and p o o r communica-t i o n s . Europeans were " u s i n g " a t h a m a k i , as i n d e e d , a t h a m a k i were " u s i n g " Europeans. K i k u y u were f i g h t i n g K i k u y u , a s i t u a t i o n w h i c h , even i f t r a d i t i o n a l , was e x a c e r b a t e d t o a l a r g e degree b y t h e i n v o l v e m e n t o f t h e Company. W i l l i n g l y drawn i n t o t h e c o n f l i c t and seen as ' c h i e f s ' b y Company o f f i c e r s , a thamaki g a i n e d p e r s o n a l advantages a t t h e expense o f t h e i r f e l l o w K i k u y u . Other K i k u y u a t h a m a k i who r e s e n t e d t h e Company i n t r u s i o n p a i d t h e p e n a l t y o f n o n - c o l l a b o r a t i o n . W a i y a k i , a p r o m i n e n t muthumaki o f Lugard's a c q u a i n t a n c e , one who had undergone w i t h L u g a r d t h e b l o o d - b r o t h e r h o o d ceremony, was d e p o r t e d o n l y t o d i e i n t h e p r o c e s s . H i s d e a t h r a l l i e d t h e r e s i s t o r s t o a p o i n t where t h e Company p r e s e n c e i n K i k u y u l a n d became u n t e n a b l e . I n 1895, a f t e r a f o r m a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n by S i r G e r a l d P o r t a l , t h e Company was r e l i e v e d o f i t s r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n E a s t A f r i c a . From t h e n on E a s t A f r i c a became t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f t h e B r i t i s h Government. The t r o u b l e s o f t h e K i k u y u h a b i t a t , r e m a i n e d , however, f o r by now athamaki had l e a r n e d t o f i g h t t h e i r l o c a l wars w i t h h e l p f r o m t h e w h i t e i n t r u d e r s . F u r t h e r m o r e , o t h e r f o r c e s , n o t a b l y armed European t r a d e r s , i n v e s t e d K i k u y u l a n d and made worse an a l r e a d y e x c e e d i n g l y t u r b u l e n t s i t u a t i o n . C h a p t e r 5 o f t h e t h e s i s , Armed T r a d e r s , d e a l s w i t h t h e e f f e c t s on the K i k u y u o f Europeans who a c t e d n o t as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f e s t a b l i s h e d commercial ventures but as p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s motivated by an urge f o r adventure and an eye f o r the main chance. The t r a d e r s moved across Kikuyuland seeking out f r i e n d l y and powerful athamaki w i t h whom they could do business. K a r u r i , one of Low's "prominent i n d i v i d u a l s " , engaged himse l f i n the game f o r h i s own set of unique motives. He became "something of a personage" i n the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Wagombi and K a r k e r r i e , other eminent athamaki, aided and abetted Boyes i n p a r t i c u l a r , while Gutu engineered a r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h Gibbons, as a r e s u l t of which the t r a d e r was deported and h i s Kikuyu cohort became Paramount Chief of the Embu. Importantly, armed t r a d e r s and t h e i r Kikuyu c o l l a b o r a t o r s , a c t i n g i n concert and f o r t h e i r own purposes, were r e s p o n s i b l e together f o r fomenting f u r t h e r Kikuyu h o s t i l i t y . Athamaki recognized the value of t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h armed t r a d e r s and should not be considered as merely r e a c t o r s to the European presence. Their p a r t s i n the process of i n t e r a c t i o n were a c t i v e : they, l i k e the armed t r a d e r s , i n i t i a t e d and shaped events f o r t h e i r own purposes. They created t h e i r own d e s t i n y as much as they i n f l u e n c e d t h a t of the t r i b e . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , the embryo P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , p o o r l y financed, t h i n on the ground and without v i s i b l e s t r e n g t h at i t s back, d i d l i t t l e to prevent the j o i n t a c t i v i t i e s of armed t r a d e r s and athamaki. Boyes was f r e e l y able to peddle h i s i n f l u e n c e from one muthumaki t o another. By 1900 he was able to r e f e r to h i m s e l f , not without some t r u t h , as King of the Wakikuyu. Chapter 5, The Conquest, f a l l s i n t o two p a r t s ; namely, F i r s t - xvi Phase (1895-1902): A "Holding" E x e r c i s e and Second Phase (1902-1910):  A M i l i t a r y E x e r c i s e . The f i r s t sub-chapter deals w i t h the coming of government (1895) to East A f r i c a . The embryo P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n h e r i t e d a t e r r i t o r y which had been profoundly d i s t u r b e d by a succession of wageni. Moreover, governance of the t e r r i t o r y had been couched by London i n the broadest terms. P r a c t i c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , t h e r e f o r e , was devolved onto D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r s who were o f t e n unaware or unconcerned w i t h s o - c a l l e d p o l i c y . Some o f f i c e r s were experienced; others not. Those h i r e d from the Company g e n e r a l l y adapted themselves w e l l while others, l a c k i n g both experience and m o t i v a t i o n , degenerated to i n e f f e c t i v e -ness. Thus the q u a l i t y of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n depended much upon the q u a l i t y of i t s members. Good or bad, a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the Kikuyu was i n the e a r l y years c a r r i e d out "on the spot." An example of "on the spot" a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i s F r a n c i s H a l l , a former Company employee h i r e d by the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n 1895. H a l l was n a t u r a l l y s u i t e d to meet the r i g o r o u s demands of l i f e on the A f r i c a n f r o n t i e r . He was n o t a b l y very s u c c e s s f u l i n g a i n i n g i n f l u e n c e over Kikuyu athamaki. In p a r t i c u l a r h i s a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h K i n a n j u i , a muthumaki of some l o c a l eminence, aided the establishment of the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n the F o r t H a l l area. Known to H a l l as h i s Fidus Achates, K i n a n j u i c o l l a b o r a t e d w i t h the B r i t i s h and l a t e r , l i k e K a r u r i , became an important servant of the c o l o n i a l regime. H a l l ' s use of.athamaki, w h i l e s u c c e s s f u l to a degree i n the area under h i s j u r i s d i c t i o n , served f u r t h e r to d i v i d e the Kikuyu and thus make more h o s t i l e those t r i b a l elements who chose r e s i s t a n c e to c o l l a b o r a t i o n . This - x v i i -made f i n a l p a c i f i c a t i o n of the Kikuyu impossible without the a i d of strong m i l i t a r y f o r c e s . The p e r i o d 1895-1902 saw the B r i t i s h develop strong m i l i t a r y f o r c e s i n p r e p a r a t i o n f o r conquest of the n a t i v e t r i b e s . Moreover, the p e r i o d saw a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , p o l i t i c a l and economic changes which made i t e a s i e r f o r the a u t h o r i t i e s to deal w i t h d i s s i d e n t t r i b e s — e s p e c i a l l y the Kikuyu. Kikuyuland, formerly p a r t of Ukamba Province, became Kenia Province. The r a i l w a y , now completed past the Kikuyu h a b i t a t , could be used as a means of b r i n g i n g troops from the coast. Roads were constructed and r a d i a t e d from N a i r o b i i n t o Kikuyuland. The Masai, always considered a t h r e a t to the A d m i n i s t r a t i o n and the Kikuyu, were removed from the p r o x i m i t y of Kikuyuland. By 1902 the armed European t r a d e r s had been a r r e s t e d and deported. Now the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n was i n a p o s i t i o n to penetrate the Kikuyu i n t e r i o r w i t h the express i n t e n t i o n of subduing the remaining pockets of t r i b a l h o s t i l i t y . The p e r i o d 1902-1910 saw the King's A f r i c a n R i f l e s , supported by p o l i c e and numerous A f r i c a n l e v i e s , invade the Kikuyu i n t e r i o r i n what modern parlance might r e f e r to as "search and destroy" missions. M i l i t a r y t a c t i c s changed from t r a d i t i o n a l s k i r m i s h i n g to " o v e r k i l l " . With the obj e c t o f overcoming a l l r e s i s t a n c e , strong p a t r o l s r a i d e d Kikuyu i t u r a , destroyed huts and k i l l e d without d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . Acts of barbarism were much i n evidence and both sides gave no quarter. C a t t l e were c o n f i s c a t e d and s o l d on the open market t o help finance the e x p e d i t i o n s . Contrary to e d i c t s i s s u e d by higher a u t h o r i t i e s , m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r s took the i n i t i a t i v e i n f i e l d operations against the i n t e r i o r - x v i i i -Kikuyu. Disputes broke out between j u n i o r m i l i t a r y and c i v i l o f f i c e r s on the conduct of operations. Reports to supe r i o r s were o f t e n "toned down" while on one occasion even the Commissioner f a l s i f i e d c a s u a l t y f i g u r e s . The Commissioner of the P r o t e c t o r a t e turned a b l i n d eye toward the a c t i v i t i e s of p u n i t i v e e x p e d i t i o n s . Thus l a c k i n g d i r e c t i o n from higher a u t h o r i t y , m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r s took the conduct of operations i n t o t h e i r own hands by making "on the spot" d e c i s i o n s . By 1910 the Kikuyu t r i b e s had c a p i t u l a t e d v o l u n t a r i l y or had been "put down" i n blood. The pax B r i t a n n i c a was a f a c t i n Kikuyuland. The f i n a l chapter, the Conclusion, sums up the evidence as presented. By the mid-nineteenth century Kikuyu s o c i e t y had completed i t s m i g r a t i o n from i t s c o a s t a l d i s p e r s a l p o i n t , Shungwaya, to i t s new h a b i t a t . Kikuyu t r i b e s were f r a c t i o u s , unstable and acephalous. The s o c i a l system was, however, f a i r l y s o p h i s t i c a t e d and e g a l i t a r i a n . P r o x i m i t y to the Masai forced the Kikuyu i n t o a defensive posture and thus conditioned t r i b a l a t t i t u d e s , e s p e c i a l l y those l i v i n g on the southern periphery of the h a b i t a t , against the i n t r u s i o n o f others. Acephaly was t r a d i t i o n a l l y a Masai custom adopted by the Kikuyu: i t d i d not preclude the development of i n d i v i d u a l i s m i n a s o c i e t y dominated by e l d e r s who made c o l l e c t i v e d e c i s i o n s . Young Kikuyu possessed of unusual t a l e n t s were encouraged and rewarded by being h u r r i e d through the r i t e s de passage to e a r l y s e n i o r i t y . Known as athamaki, they were i n no sense c h i e f s . Since m i l i t a r y a f f a i r s played a large p a r t i n Kikuyu l i f e — t h e t h r e a t of the Masai, the provoca-t i v e behaviour of wageni, the i n t r u s i o n s of European t r a v e l l e r s , Company - xix -men, armed t r a d e r s and the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n — i t was n a t u r a l t h a t athamaki predominant i n m i l i t a r y a f f a i r s rose to prominence. In attempting to e s t a b l i s h themselves the European i n t r u d e r s , whether Company men, armed t r a d e r s or P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f f i c e r s , were faced w i t h the imperative of " f i n d i n g " the c h i e f . But no c h i e f s e x i s t e d — o n l y athamaki. Whether Europeans were aware o f the non-existence of c h i e f s i s unknown: c e r t a i n l y they r e f e r r e d o f t e n to c h i e f s i n the e a r l y l i t e r a t u r e . The conquest of the Kikuyu was made e a s i e r by European o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and t e c h n i c a l s u p e r i o r i t y : but athamaki c o l l a b o r a t o r s aided and abetted the process. They o f f e r e d themselves to Europeans as i n t e r m e d i a r i e s . They were r e a l i s t s faced w i t h the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of conquest: they could e i t h e r r e s i s t , c o l l a b o r a t e or simply acquiesce. Those who chose to r e s i s t were swept aside. Others, probably the ma j o r i t y , chose to acquiesce. Many decided t o c o l l a b o r a t e . The d e c i s i o n to c o l l a b o r a t e was doubtless motivated by the prospect of pe r s o n a l g a i n . There i s evidence t h a t l e a d i n g c o l l a b o r a t o r s became appointed c h i e f s under the auspices of a benevolent and g r a t e f u l c o l o n i a l regime. Importantly, athamaki were not merely pawns i n the c o l o n i a l process: they might b e t t e r be seen as r e a l i s t s who possessed acumen to foresee the f o l l y of r e s i s t a n c e and the advantage of c o l l a b o r a t i o n . C e r t a i n l y they were not simply objects or v i c t i m s of change set i n motion by a l i e n s . Their a c t i o n s i n a i d i n g the establishment of the B r i t i s h ensured t h a t once the pax B r i t a n n i c a was a f a c t , they, as i n t e r m e d i a r i e s i n the process, could continue to p l a y t h a t r o l e . In t h i s way some i n i t i a t i v e s always remained i n Kikuyu hands w i t h i n the c o l o n i a l order: athamaki became, i n e f f e c t , partners i n the c o l o n i a l e n t e r p r i s e . C e r t a i n l y the a c t i v i t i e s of c o l l a b o r a t o r s , both during and a f t e r the establishment of c o l o n i a l government, h e a v i l y conditioned the course of p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and economic change i n Kikuyu s o c i e t y . Moreover, t h e i r a t t i t u d e s and r e a c t i o n s speeded the pace and processes of change and thus heralded a powerful and sustained d i s r u p t i o n of Kikuyu s o c i e t y . The e a r l y European a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was of the "on the spot" v a r i e t y . L i t t l e or no c o n t r o l over f i e l d o f f i c e r s was e x e r c i s e d by the centre. There i s much evidence to suggest t h a t f i e l d o f f i c e r s were l e f t much to t h e i r own devices and t h a t i n consequence d e c i s i o n s taken were e s s e n t i a l l y of a pragmatic nature. S o - c a l l e d " p o l i c y " amounted t o nothing more than a set of g u i d e l i n e s couched i n broad d i p l o m a t i c , r a t h e r than d e t a i l e d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , terms. Moreover, the e a r l y a d m i n i s t r a t o r s l a c k e d the " t e e t h " to enforce themselves: the ease w i t h which undesirables l i k e Boyes and Gibbons roamed the area i s evidence of the i n a b i l i t y of the A d m i n i s t r a t i o n to prevent them. .Thus the q u a l i t y of the A d m i n i s t r a t i o n was a f u n c t i o n of the q u a l i t y of i t s men on the ground. Some o f f i c e r s rose to the occasion admirably by a c q u i t t i n g themselves to the d a i l y r i g o u r s of l i f e i n the h o s t i l e environment of Kikuyuland: others degenerated i n t o i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s . By 1902 the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n was beginning to put i t s house i n order and was subsequently thus able to venture i n t o the i n t e r i o r i n f o r c e . Pockets of Kikuyu r e s i s t a n c e were e l i m i n a t e d and new a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t a t i o n s constructed i n areas formerly avoided by the - xxi -A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . The previous p o l i c y or t r a d i t i o n of p a c i f i c a t i o n became, during the p e r i o d , a programme of conquest. R a d i c a l changes took place i n Kikuyu s o c i e t y as a r e s u l t of the c o l o n i a l i m p o s i t i o n . The European impact opened up s e r i o u s r i f t s , steepened e x i s t i n g cleavages and d i s t u r b e d the s o c i a l order by d i s r u p t i n g the t r a d i t i o n a l power s t r u c t u r e . P r o f e s s o r Ranger's-^ suggestion t h a t there may be a connexion, p s y c h o l o g i c a l or otherwise, between primary Kikuyu r e s i s t a n c e and t h a t which continued.to plague the B r i t i s h u n t i l 1963, may w e l l have some b a s i s i n f a c t . C e r t a i n l y there i s work to be done i n the area of e a r l y A f r i c a n r e s i s t a n c e to the European i n v a s i o n and i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p , i f any, to l a t e r r e a c t i o n s . The w r i t e r i s indebted to the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia L i b r a r y which was extremely h e l p f u l i n o b t a i n i n g sources and a l l o w i n g him to h o l d books f o r p r o t r a c t e d periods of time. I t i s not easy to w r i t e a t h e s i s some f i v e hundred mile s away from the U n i v e r s i t y L i b r a r y ! The w r i t e r would a l s o l i k e to express g r a t i t u d e to h i s w i f e , Rosina, f o r her t o l e r a t i o n i n " l i v i n g " w i t h t h i s t h e s is—sometimes morning, noon and n i g h t . A l s o g r a t e f u l thanks must be extended to P r o f e s s o r s Robert V. Kubicek and F r i t z Lehmann of U.B.C. H i s t o r y Department. Each i n h i s way, by t o l e r a t i o n , humour, and suggestion, aided the w r i t e r i n over-coming a marked pro p e n s i t y f o r l a z i n e s s . F i n a l l y , I dedicate t h i s t h e s i s to my Kikuyu f r i e n d s : to D a n i e l Maina w i t h whom I sat many hours d i s c u s s i n g ^See T.O. Ranger, "Connexions Between 'Primary Resistance' Movements and Modern Mass Nationalism i n East and C e n t r a l A f r i c a " , J o u r n a l  of African' H i s t o r y 9, 3, 1968 and J.M. Lonsdale, "Some O r i g i n s of N a t i o n a l -ism i n East A f r i c a " i n J o u r n a l of A f r i c a n H i s t o r y , 9, 1, 1968. - xxii -the Kikuyu socio-economic system and the ravages of John Boyes. To Miano Wambugu who, over my years i n Kikuyuland, showed me every b i t of th a t b e a u t i f u l yet t r o u b l e d country. And, of course, to my good f r i e n d Mahommed Maalum, a most unusual man i n a most unusual p e r i o d of my l i f e . TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1 THE KIKUYU: AN ETHNOHISTORICAL BACKGROUND 1 Age Organization and Rites De Passage 13 Junior Warrior Grade (mumo) 21 Senior Warrior Grade (anake) 24 Learning Elder Grade (karabai) 25 Junior Elder (Athamaki mbule omwe) 26 Senior Elder (Athamaki mbule egeri) 27 Priest (Ukuru)' 28 Ter r i t o r i a l Organization, Sets and Leadership 29 CHAPTER 2 EARLY CONTACTS 47 CHAPTER 3 THE IMPERIAL BRITISH EAST AFRICA COMPANY 62 CHAPTER 4 ARMED TRADERS 88 CHAPTER 5 THE CONQUEST 115 First Phase (1895-1902): A "Holding" Exercise 115 Second Phase (1902-1910): A Military Exercise 136 CONCLUSION 162 APPENDICES 173 BIBLIOGRAPHY 184 - x x i i i -CHAPTER 1 THE KIKUYU: AN ETHNOHISTORICAL BACKGROUND 1 2 The Kikuyu people l i v e i n the present C e n t r a l Province of Kenya. They are c l o s e l y a f f i l i a t e d w i t h two smaller t r i b a l groups r e l a t e d i n l a n g -uage, c u l t u r e , and p h y s i c a l character, known as Embu and Meru. The three t r i b e s i n h a b i t or surround f i v e major a d m i n i s t r a t i v e centres; Kiambu i n the south, F o r t H a l l i n the centre and Nyeri i n the n o r t h . Embu and Meru r e s p e c t i v e l y r e s i d e w i t h i n p r o x i m i t y of the towns of Embu and Meru. Each area has i t s own t r i b a l name. The Kiambu people, f o r ex-ample, are known as Karura; the F o r t H a l l people, Metume; while those of Nyeri are known as Gaki. S u b - t r i b a l names f o r the Embu peoples are Embu, Mbere, Ndia and Kichugu. Meru s u b - t r i b a l names are Igembe, T i g a n i a , 3 Imenti, M i u t i n i , I g o j i , Mwimbi, Muthamba, Chuka and Tharaka. The geographic h a b i t a t of the Kikuyu, the C e n t r a l Province, s t r e t c h e s from the s i t e of the present c i t y of N a i r o b i at 5,500 f e e t , west along the Kiambu southern and Masai northern perimeter, to the R i f t V a l l e y ^ escarpment. The Aberdare Mountains, 12,000 f e e t at the southern extent, run n o r t h to c u t - o f f the western perimeter of the C e n t r a l Province from the R i f t Province, and thus c o n s t i t u t e a n a t u r a l western boundary. To the n o r t h of the boundary there e x i s t s the h i g h and u n d u l a t i n g White Highlands and beyond, to the east, the dry savannah and acac ia country reaching Mount Kenya. The Mount Kenya massif, w i t h i t s snow-covered - 1 -2 peaks, Lenana and B a t i a n , w forms the n a t u r a l eastern boundary of the province. South of the mountain the boundary proceeds i n the d i r e c t i o n of N a i r o b i across the Embu p l a i n and the c u l t i v a t e d Thika area. The topography of the C e n t r a l Province i s g r e a t l y i n f l u e n c e d by the p r o x i m i t y of both the Aberdares and the Mount Kenya massif. Notably the Kikuyu homeland i s homogeneous and e c o l o g i c a l l y d i s t i n c t from other areas w i t h i n i t s p r o x i m i t y . Moreover, n a t u r a l obst a c l e s make access and e x i t i n t o the province d i f f i c u l t f o r the cross-country t r a v e l l e r . Fast r i v e r s , f l o w i n g from east to west and west to east o f f Mount Kenya and the Aberdares r e s p e c t i v e l y , spate high i n the r a i n y seasons and have carv-ed deep v a l l e y s i n t o the rugged t e r r a i n . The high and o f t e n spine-backed r i d g e s , t h i c k l y f o r e s t e d w i t h mature deciduous t r e e s and bamboo, r i s e i n rows across the t e r r a i n and provide formidable o b s t a c l e s along the n o r t h -7 south t r a v e r s e . The major r i v e r , the Tana, dr a i n s the area, crosses the dry savannah immediately east of Mount Kenya and flows i n t o the Indian 8 Ocean n o r t h of the c o a s t a l c i t y of Mombasa. I t c a r r i e s w i t h i t much of the r i c h t o p s o ^ l of the Kikuyu core-areas. 9 The Kikuyu t r i b e s are Bantu speaking. The Bantu of Kenya f a l l b r o a d l y i n t o three geographic d i v i s i o n s , the l a c u s t r i n e , c o a s t a l and cen-t r a l . The Kikuyu t r i b e s are of the c e n t r a l group of peoples. They emanate from a much l a r g e r body r e f e r r e d to by Seligman as the "Eastern Bantu." In t h i s group are a l s o i n c l u d e d the WaChagga and s i m i l a r t r i b e s of n o r t h -ern Tanzania together w i t h the WaTeita of south-east Kenya and the Wa-Pokomo of the Tana R i v e r area of Kenya. Current research suggests t h a t the Bantu invaded Kenya i n two 3 waves. The f i r s t group l e f t the i n t e r l a c u s t r i n e area n o r t h and west of Lake V i c t o r i a and s e t t l e d immediately east of the l a k e . Soja suggests t h a t t h i s wave probably entered Kenya about "the l a s t h a l f of the f i r s t m i l l e n i u m A.D.""'"1 and continued to spread eastwards s e t t l i n g i n areas where there was abundant water supply. They d i s p l a c e d or absorbed the 12 e x i s t i n g pre-Caucasoid and Bushmanoid po p u l a t i o n s . The second wave, i n c l u d i n g those of the Kikuyu t r i b e s , spread out from the t e m p o r a r i l y s e t t l e d area of Mount K i l i m a n j a r o , V o i and -13 T e i t a , and proceeded n o r t h along the coast. This i s e s t a b l i s h e d by o r a l t r a d i t i o n among the Kikuyu t r i b e s , the WaKamba and the WaTeita. Moreover, the same o r a l t r a d i t i o n , a l s o , has i t t h a t t h i s Bantu group f i n a l l y assembled and dispersed to t h e i r present core-areas from a place somewhere between the Juba and Tana r i v e r s . The exact place of f i n a l d i s p e r s a l , known i n o r a l t r a d i t i o n as Shungwaya, i s l o c a t e d by V.L. Grottanelli"'"^ and others as being some 260 15 m i l e s n o r t h of the present s i t e of Mombasa. The Kikuyu t r i b e s are s a i d to have moved west toward t h e i r f i n a l settlement area about A.D. 1200-1300 but there i s s u b s t a n t i a l dispute over the accuracy of t h i s date. G e n e r a l l y the date i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the southern t h r u s t of the nomadic G a l l a i n the area. Experts on the 17 G a l l a i n d i c a t e t h a t t h i s t h r u s t took p l a c e as l a t e as 1600. The l i n k s which help i d e n t i f y groups dispersed from Shungwaya are those of language, 18 age-set and c l a s s systems. In t h i s regard there are d i s t i n c t s i m i l a r -i t i e s between the c o a s t a l and southern Bantu and the Bantu groups who 19 penetrated i n l a n d along the Tana R i v e r toward the Mount Kenya area. North-Eastern A f r i c a , . 12thUt6-L7th c e n t u r i e s showing southern l i m i t s of G a l l a Thrust (16th century), the Kikuyu and N i l o t i c s e t t l e d areas and the Kikuyu emigration route from Shungwaya. From J.D. Fage, An A t l a s of A f r i c a n H i s t o r y , Edward A r n o l d , 1958, p. 21. - 4 -5 Lambert has i t t h a t the e a r l y Kikuyu migrants l e f t Shungwaya and journeyed i n l a n d along the n a t u r a l water-course of the Tana R i v e r u n t i l they reached t h e i r f i r s t settlement p o i n t somewhere i n the v i c i n -i t y of south-feast Mount Kenya. From t h i s p o i n t they g r a d u a l l y spread southwards towards the present s i t e of Kiambu and N a i r o b i . A study and a n a l y s i s of the age-set genealogy has allowed him to t r a c e the dates of 20 a r r i v a l at v a r i o u s places along the route. These are: Lambert's f i n d i n g s are supported by L.S.B. Leakey, a noted a u t h o r i t y on e a r l y Kikuyu h i s t o r y , but i n somewhat vague terms. He r e f e r s , f o r example, to the Kikuyu as beginning to occupy the F o r t H a l l d i s t r i c t " s e v e r a l hun-dred years ago." Saying nothing of Shungwaya he suggests t h a t increased numbers i n the s i x t e e n t h century f o r c e d the Kikuyu to seek f r e s h l i v i n g room to the west. The movement southwards across the Chania R i v e r i n t o what i s now known as the Kiambu d i s t r i c t of Kilcjiyuland s t a r t e d about t h a t time, as d i d a movement northwards i n t o an area c a l l e d N y e r i , l y i n g a t the f o o t of Mount Kenya.21 There i s l i t t l e doubt t h a t as they moved the Kikuyu t r i b e s were i n f l u e n c e d by c u l t u r e - c o n t a c t w i t h other t r i b e s . O l i v e r remarks, f o r example, that the Meru preserve the memory of c a t t l e keeping people of Hamitic o r i g i n c a l l e d Mwoko. Using Lambert as h i s source (Systems, pp. 12-13.) he says t h a t "clashes between the Meru and Mwoko continued u n t i l the time of a Chuka (south-east Mount Kenya) Embu (south-east Mount Kenya) Fo r t H a l l Kiambu 1300 1425 1545 1800 6 Meru age-class.which had been i n the w a r r i o r stage i n about 1760." Moreover, O l i v e r observes, "The Kikuyu show i n t h e i r i n i t i a t i o n customs and age-classes as w e l l as i n t h e i r appearance and adornment the c l e a r e s t signs of i n f l u e n c e from.the N i l o - H a m i t i c and Hamitic sources, but none 23 at a l l of the c h i e f l y i n s t i t u t i o n s of the i n t e r l a c u s t r i n e s . " (Bantu). This p o i n t i s i n t e r e s t i n g i n view of the acephalous t r a d i t i o n s of the Nilo-Hamites. Huntingford suggests, on the b a s i s t h a t acephalous Bantu are and have been t r a d i t i o n a l l y l o c a t e d w i t h i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y of the acephalous Nilo-Hamites, t h a t the former may w e l l have taken the t r a d i t i o n from the Nilo-Hamites. The t r i b e s having no c h i e f s , he observes, are g e n e r a l l y l o c a t e d n o r t h of the present Tanzanian-Kenya border and near-er to Nilo-Hamites than those w i t h c h i e f s . To s u b s t a n t i a t e the hypothesis he c i t e s the f a c t t h a t out of 101 t r i b e s i n the three East A f r i c a n t e r r i -t o r i e s ; Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania, 45 had no c h i e f s , 47 had d i s t r i c t c h i e f s and 9 had c e n t r a l c h i e f s . "Acephaly", he t h e r e f o r e concludes, "Is an e a r l -i e r form than r u l e by c h i e f s . . . and t h a t . . . " one can conceive of the adoption of r u l e by a c h i e f through c u l t u r e contact or conquest, but the 25 reverse process i s not l i k e l y . " I t i s at t h i s p o i n t we must pause to consider the general e f f e c t of other ethnic migrations upon the Kikuyu. What i s e s p e c i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t i s the e f f e c t upon the Kikuyu t r i b e s of the p a s t o r a l Nilo-Hamites (Masai) and the Hamitic G a l l a and Somali peoples. Both groups formed ethnic b a r r -i e r s to the west and east of the Kikuyu core-area. Because the Masai were war-oriented, the Kikuyu peoples were f o r c e d to c o n s o l i d a t e themselves behind the n a t u r a l p r o t e c t i o n of the p e r i p h e r a l f o r e s t b e l t . Thus the 7 T r i b a l settlement i n East A f r i c a about 1800. Note G a l l a and Masai h a b i t a t s and "moat" area south of Kiambu. From B.A. Ogot and J.A.. K i e r a n ( e d s . ) , Zamani: A Survey of East A f r i c a n H i s t o r y , N a i r o b i : EAPH, 1968, p. 210. 8 f o r e s t b e l t became a n a t u r a l f r o n t i e r to the east, west and south of the Kikuyu homeland. Where the f o r e s t was t h i n the Kikuyu b u i l t f o r t i f i e d v i l l a g e s to form a k i n d of 'Maginot L i n e ' which made Masai r a i d i n g ex-p e d i t i o n s more d i f f i c u l t to accomplish s u c c e s s f u l l y . In t h i s way.the 26 s e c u r i t y of those l i v i n g behind the s t r i p was enhanced. Hence we may i n f e r t h a t the Kikuyu t r i b e s , once s e t t l e d i n the area between the f o r e s t -covered hig h Aberdares and Mount Kenya, were safe from t h e i r enemies.as 27 long as they remained w i t h i n the confines of t h e i r i s l a n d . Soja r e f e r s to the l a n d outside the f o r e s t b e l t as a " f o r e s t moat" and says t h a t i t d i d not become i n t e g r a t e d w i t h i n the e s t a b l i s h e d l i f e p a t t e r n s , e i t h e r 28 g r a z i n g or a g r i c u l t u r e , of any t r i b a l group. I t was i n e f f e c t a no-man's land behind which t h e . f o r e s t b e l t provided a n a t u r a l sanctum f o r the a g r i -c u l t u r a l l y disposed Kikuyu. Thus wherever there was f o r e s t , "high ground 29 and f e r t i l e ground other peoples h e l d them (the Masai) at bay." P r o v i d -i n g the Kikuyu d i d not venture f o r t h from t h e i r i s l a n d f a s t n e s s , they were safe from the marauding p a s t o r a l i s t s who roamed to the n o r t h , to the west and to the south. The b l e a k l y f o r e s t e d slopes of Mount Kenya p r o t e c t e d t h e i r i s l a n d from any e a s t e r l y i n t r u s i o n . We have seen (Oliver,,p. 9) t h a t the f a b r i c of t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t y was not so w e l l constructed as t h a t of the i n t e r l a c u s t r i n e Bantu of Uganda. Few, i f any, A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s i n e a r l y Kenya achieved a l e v e l of s o c i o -p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s i m i l a r t o that which p r e v a i l e d to the west near the head of the Lake. The acephalous peoples c o n s i s t e d t y p i c a l l y of a s s o c i a t i o n s , k i n s h i p groups and popular segments u n i t e d i n response, i t may be presumed, to the environment and the t h r e a t of the Masai and other 9 m i l i t a r i l y o r i e n t e d peoples. Dependence upon a g r i c u l t u r e and.animals r e -q u i r e d an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e more complex, s o p h i s t i c a t e d and l a r g e r than that of the p r i m i t i v e hunting-gathering groups. But due to the l a c k . of e x t e r n a l c u l t u r e - c o n t a c t and stimulus from more "advanced" s o c i e t i e s , the t r a d i t i o n a l systems of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n lacked the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Uganda Bantu i n whose t e r r i t o r i e s kingdoms, minor s t a t e s , c h i e f s and headmen f l o u r i s h e d . I t was here t h a t "kingdoms' tended . . . to form i n c l u s t e r s , w i t h one or more l a r g e kingdoms at the centre of the c l u s t e r , and.a host of smaller ones s c a t t e r e d around the p e r i p h e r i e s . " I t was here that had developed a bureaucracy "without paper, i n k , desks, or telephones, i n which power was wielded by o f f i c i a l s who h e l d t h e i r o f f i c e s during the king's pleasure, and who could be t r a n s f e r r e d from post to post, promoted, demoted, and even d e s t i t u t e d , by a nod of the d i v i n e 30 head or a s y l l a b l e from the d i v i n e mouth." From the top of the h i e r a r c h -i c a l s t r u c t u r e there descended a host of c i v i l servants of decreasing import-a n c e — r a n g i n g from the k i n g h i m s e l f , h i s immediate r e l a t i v e s and higher officer-bear.ers, to p r o v i n c i a l , d i s t r i c t and l o c a l c h i e f s . In c o n t r a s t , '' the only s i g n i f i c a n t change i n the Kikuyu l i f e - s t y l e seems to have been a t r a n s i t i o n from hunting to an a g r a r i a n economy—forced upon the t r i b e be-cause of the nature of i t s new environment and the p r o x i m i t y of the Masai beyond the "moat". Perhaps i t was a l a c k of a r e a l s t a b i l i t y which precluded the dev-elopment of a more s o p h i s t i c a t e d p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . Kikuyu s o c i e t y was i n f l u x . Groups formed, broke-off and re-formed, rose to l o c a l prom-inence and d e c l i n e d i n a s o r t of s o c i a l u n d u l a t i o n i n f l u e n c e d by p r e v a i l i n g 10 s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l and environmental c o n d i t i o n s . Perhaps t h i s syndrome was a m a n i f e s t a t i o n of the constant search f o r new areas c o n t a i n i n g the pre-r e q u i s i t e s f o r existence. Water, grass f o r grazing animals, f o r e s t and r i d g e s f o r p r o t e c t i o n , c o n s t i t u t e d the c a r d i n a l t r i b a l d e s i r e s . The im-p e r a t i v e to meet these requirements created a f l u i d p o p u l a t i o n only l o o s e l y or l o c a l l y organized. Indeed, i t i s suggested that the constant search f o r new land d i d not manifest the emergence of new p o l i t i c a l forms and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , but r a t h e r caused a r e v i s i o n to e a r l i e r forms of s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . Moreover, even Kikuyu " l o c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s were mainly the r e s u l t of a f a m i l y ' s need f o r some apparatus to r e g u l a t e claims upon land or the problems a r i s i n g from the j u x t a p o s i t i o n of d i f f e r -31 ent f a m i l i e s i n an a g r i c u l t u r a l s o c i e t y . " Perhaps i t was the s o c i o -p o l i t i c a l and geographical environment which determined the nature of Kikuyu p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . Each r i d g e , i s o l a t e d from others by f o r e s t and o f t e n impassable r i v e r s , became a n a t u r a l p o i n t of defense f o r those l i v i n g on the back of i t s spine; each had i t s e l d e r s and i t s 32 c o u n c i l s of defense. 33 Sporadic r a i d i n g by the Masai o f t e n aggravated the s i t u a t i o n and e f f o r t s to r e s i s t by the ridge-based defence c o u n c i l s gave way.to f u r t h e r t r i b a l f r i c t i o n and c o n f l i c t . F i g h t i n g u s u a l l y took place between Kikuyu and Masai but t h i s i s not to imply t h a t f i g h t i n g was always confined to these t r i b a l groups. Sometimes, f o r example, Masai fought Masai and such p e r i o d s , no doubt, gave r e s p i t e to the beleagued Kikuyu. On occasion Kikuyu fought Kikuyu. There i s evidence t o suggest, a l s o , that p e r i o d i c a l l y 34-Kikuyu segments a l l i e d themselves w i t h Masai against other Kikuyu. 11 The suggestion t h a t a r e a l i n s t a b i l i t y precluded the p o s s i b i l i t y of a more s o p h i s t i c a t e d p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i s w e l l based; e s p e c i a l l y i f comparison i s made between th a t of the Kikuyu and the Bantu of the n o r t h -west. But t h i s does not mean t h a t the Kikuyu t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l system ( t o be described i n more d e t a i l i n t h i s t h e s i s ) was not adequate to meet the needs of Kikuyu s o c i e t y or was notSia'l^eable enough to adjust to the new c o n d i t i o n s imposed upon i t by a change i n e n v i r o n m e n t — p o l i t i c a l or geographical. To be sure there was a l a c k of s t a b i l i t y caused by the constant movement and counter-movement of people across the landscape; but a l s o , i r r e s p e c t i v e of t h i s human f l u x , there developed a semblance of s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y founded on the d i c t a t e s of n e c e s s i t y . This embryo s t a b i l i t y must have been p o r t a b l e and w e l l - r o o t e d i n Kikuyu t r a d i t i o n not to have been s e r i o u s l y shaken or even dismembered permanently by the con-sta n t pressures of war and movement. As time passed t h i s growing s t a b i l i t y became permeable enough to a l l o w a b s o r p t i o n of outside groups and c l u s t e r s of people r e l a t e d or sometimes not e t h n i c a l l y r e l a t e d . There i s evidence, f o r example, that numbers of Masai took Kikuyu wives without i n c u r r i n g 35 c u l t u r a l f r i c t i o n . There i s evidence t h a t Wanderobo, p r e v i o u s l y occupy-in g the area s e t t l e d by the Kiambu Kikuyu, were both absorbed.into the 36 t r i b e and allowed to p a r l e y w i t h Kikuyu on l e g i t i m a t e business over the 37 possession of land. Thus i t i s p o s s i b l e to say t h a t s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s were developed or evolved f o r purposes of c o n s t r u c t i v e p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n . Where p o s s i b l e , c l a s s - l i n e s , d i f f e r e n t ethnic l i n k a g e s and s m a l l - s c a l e communities d i d not prevent co-operation where and when such was deemed to be of advantage. The evidence suggests that the s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n was not always met by -12 m i l i t a r y c o n f l i c t . Often i t was met by a system of adjustment i n the s p i r i t of s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic co-operation. The passage of time saw t h i s system evolve to a p o i n t where p h y s i c a l and :ethnic boundaries, although 38 fused, became more constant a n d . i d e n t i f i a b l e . The s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l environment now began, f o r example, to provide the t r a d i t i o n a l l y acephalous Kikuyu w i t h ' c h i e f s ' . Low observes: I t i s customary to a f f i r m t h a t the Kikuyu had no c h i e f s , and t h i s , by and l a r g e , i s t r u e . The i n h a b i t a n t s of each r i d g e i n t o which the country was d i v i d e d r a r e l y owed a l l e g i a n c e to anyone beyond, and were f r e q u e n t l y a t war w i t h t h e i r neighbours. But on occasions s o c i o l o g i c a l norms can be mis l e a d i n g . For the Kikuyu were  throwing up, i f not c h i e f s , trren "prominent „ Q  i n d i v i d u a l s " of some considerable consequence. E a r l y European accounts give evidence of the existence of l o c a l Kikuyu leaders and by the 1880's these personages became d i s t i n c t i n the l i t e r -a t u r e . S i r Richard Burton, f o r example, speaks of two Kikuyu l e a d e r s named Mundu Wazeli and K i p p i n g o . ^ Father Cagnolo r e f e r s to K a r u r i of Metume ( F o r t H a l l ) and Wangombi of Gaki ( N y e r i ) . ^ 1 John Boyes, the s e l f -s t y l e d "King of the Kikuyu", a European adventurer who l i v e d among the Kikuyu during the e a r l y European p e n e t r a t i o n , mentions the e x p l o i t s of 4-2 K a r k e r r i and K a r o l i . Governor Hardinge's r e p o r t , A f r i c a No. 6 (1903), p. 7, quotes " s e v e r a l C h i e f s of considerable importance, such as K i n a n j u i ( s i c ) and K a r u r i , each of ...whom can put s e v e r a l hundred w a r r i o r s i n t o the f i e l d " " t o g e t h e r w i t h , "a multitude of smaller C h i e f s . " A l l of these prom-in e n t Kikuyu possessed c h a r i s m a t i c q u a l i t i e s and a b i l i t y recognized and allowed f o r by the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e of the t r i b e . T h e i r r i s e to power, a l b e i t l o c a l , was not outside of the acephalous order, 13 but w i t h i n i t . Many were leaders of men i n war and probably d i s p l a y e d marked p h y s i c a l and mental c a p a c i t i e s . i n t h i s area. Because the e n v i r o n -ment c a l l e d f o r m i l i t a r y s k i l l s , a s s o c i a t e d w i t h Masai and l a t t e r l y Euro-pean i n t e r f e r e n c e i n Kikuyu a f f a i r s , they tended to r i s e to p o s i t i o n s of prominence w i t h i n the t r i b a l s t r u c t u r e . Notably, t h i s was because the t r i b a l s t r u c t u r e provided f o r such e x i g e n c i e s ; provided f o r men of a b i l i t y to assume p o s i t i o n s of s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s h i p . These men were to form the nucleus of appointed Kikuyu C h i e f s under the aegis of the f o r t h -coming embryonic B r i t i s h C o l o n i a l A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Age O r g a n i z a t i o n and R i t e s De Passage The Kikuyu t r i b e i s d i v i d e d i n t o two halves. Every Kikuyu male c h i l d ^ i s inducted i n t o one or the other halves at b i r t h . One h a l f of the t r i b e i s known as Maina and the other h a l f , Mwangi. A male c h i l d assumes the t r i b a l h a l f of h i s grandfather. For example: Grandfather Mwangi Father Maina Son Mwangi or Grandfather Maina Father Mwangi Son Maina One t r i b a l h a l f , e i t h e r Mwangi or Maina, " r u l e s " the t r i b e f o r a p e r i o d of time before f o r m a l l y handing over a u t h o r i t y to the other h a l f . The p e r i o d t h a t one h a l f i s i n power seems to vary c o n s i d e r a b l y and there are s u b s t a n t i a l d i f f e r e n c e s of o p i n i o n on i t s l e n g t h . One source says 30 years; 14 another 20-30 years, while Hobley says 15 years. Kenyatta says " . . one generation (held) o f f i c e of government for a period of t h i r t y to f o r t y 47 years . . . " Prins states that 30-40 years i s the best time lapse as i t i s in:"best harmony with the idea of the duration of a physical genera-48 t i o n fundamental to the p r i n c i p l e of alternation of both halves." Here i t i s important to note that Kikuyu "time" was not measured i n solar or lunar years but by "generations" or "age-sets" (see Cagnolo below). Thus, differences i n years suggested by the foregoing sources are of l i t t l e use i n determining the period between Kikuyu "governmental" changeovers. The fact of the matter i s that the change-over ceremony, itwika, took place p e r i o d i c a l l y and no consensus opinion exists on the time span of the r u l i n g half. A point consistent with the system of r u l i n g halves, i s that a male c h i l d could only be informally known as Mwangi or Maina. ; Formal recognition of his t r i b a l half was only accorded when he assumed the status of junior elder of the r u l i n g half or conversely junior elder of the non-ruling hal f . Nevertheless, according to the p r i n c i p l e of the alternation of p a t r i l i n e a l generations, i t was known at b i r t h into which t r i b a l half the c h i l d would move. After circumcision the young male passed through two grades of non-elder, mumo and anake, before being accepted into the elder category. I f born a Mwangi, and.this was not the r u l i n g half, he was accorded the name Mwangi Irungu. Irungu i d e n t i f i e d him as not being destined for the r u l i n g h a l f . Presumably, i f during the period of his s o c i a l ascendancy the itwika took place and power changed hands, he relinquished the,Irungu i d e n t i f i e r and became merely Mwangi. At t h i s time the young warrior class of Maina, pre-viously destined for power, became.Maina Irungu. 15 Kenyatta states that the l a s t itwika was celebrated about 1890-98. Lucy Mair gives the dates as being 1890-1903 and says - the ceremony "took about a dozen years to complete." The handing-over of power "was organized separately, and at different times, i n different parts of the country (and) the areas which co-operated for t h i s purpose were much wider than those 50 which did so for any other." There are two points of significance here. F i r s t l y , since the l a s t ceremony took place between 1890 and roughly the turn of the century, then i t i s apparent that the handing-over of power to the Mwangi f r a t e r n i t y was coincident with early attempts by the B r i t i s h to establish an administration. This may or may not have affected B r i t i s h e f f o r t s , but i t i s of some significance to relate the fact that the next itwika (1925-28) to herald ascendancy of the Maina group was declared i l l e g a l and proscribed by the administration. There i s a good p o s s i b i l i t y that since Independence the Kenya authorities have, for symbolic or p o l i t i c a l 51 purposes, r e - i n s t i t u t e d the itwika. The second point concerns Professor Mair's assertion that the itwika tended'to involve more distant segments of the t r i b e than any other kind of ceremony. This i s interesting i n view of the fact that the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l and geographic environment was at the root of Kikuyu s o c i a l system and that, i n consequence, t r i b a l a f f a i r s tended to .emanate and be dealt with on a l o c a l l e v e l . The effect of the itwika, we see, was one of consolidating the t r i b e by giving i t s members, far and wide, some c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y . B r i t i s h proscription of the event (1925-28) may, therefore, have been predicated on the assumption that t h i s same c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y could l i k e l y be converted into a p o l i t i c a l i d e n t i t y ; especially i n view of the fact that the time i n question was one of Kikuyu 16 p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y . P r i n s s t a t e s t h a t the r e a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of the i t w i k a was t h a t i t brought together a l l segments of the Kikuyu i n t o a corporate u n i t and served g e n e r a l l y as an i n t e g r a t i v e i n f l u e n c e . Importantly i t served to t r a n s f e r power from one group to another by s o c i a l agreement r a t h e r than power s t r u g g l e and showed a l s o the i n v i o l a b i l i t y of a t r i b a l c o n s t i t u -52 t i o n which could be and was r e g u l a r l y c a r r i e d out without t e n s i o n . This 5 3 view, broadly speaking, i s i n concert w i t h t h a t expressed by Mair. A l -though cautious about seeing the i t w i k a as a t o t a l i n t e g r a t i v e i n f l u e n c e , P r o f e s s o r Mair sees the i t w i k a as being, among other t h i n g s , a means to is s u e proclamations on matters of r u l e s or orders or to r e a s s e r t g e n e r a l l y recognized r u l e s of t r i b a l conduct. Sometimes ?pr^clama|ionseh^ have 1_ " at handing-over ceremonies . . . the Kikuyu sometimes summoned meetings f o r the purpose . . . we have no c l e a r p i c t u r e a o f the way i n which a d e c i s i o n was taken to make such announcements; nor do we know whose business i t was to p r o c l a i m them . . . examples given by some Kikuyu e l d e r s were the p r o h i b i t i o n of w i t c h c r a f t ; the announce-ment th a t h a b i t u a l t h i e v e s should be executed; orders to p r o t e c t s u p p l i e s of food i n times of famine . . . orders r e g u l a t i n g the use of l a n d , f o r example t h a t c e r t a i n t r a c t s of f o r e s t should be l e f t standing^as a defence against enemies, or th a t a s a l t - l i c k should be open f o r general use. I t i s do u b t f u l whether t h i s a c t i v i t y would e n t i t l e one to say th a t the government of the Kikuyu i n c l u d e d organs of l e g i s l a t i o n . I f l e g i s l a t i o n means making r u l e s of general a p p l i c a t i o n which change or extend the e x i s t i n g body of r u l e s , none of these examples r e a l l y f i t s the d e f i n i t i o n . Some are r e a s s e r t i o n s of recognized r u l e s , others are 17 orders d e a l i n g w i t h s p e c i f i c s i t u a t i o n s . They do demonstrate, however, that c o l l e c t i v e d e c i s i o n s could be taken i n such emergencies as famine. We do not know how wide an area was covered by any of these orders, though i t i s f a i r l y safe to say t h a t i t i s not l i k e l y t o have been the whole Kikuyu country . . . we do not r e a l l y know how such assemblies were composed, or whether they c o n s i s t e d of people who combined f o r other pur-poses of government.54 The s o c i o l o g i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of the i t w i k a become evident on c l o s e r a n a l y s i s . Although the deposed h a l f , f o r example, was t e c h n i c a l l y powerless, i t continued to a i d and advise on j u d i c i a l and other matters. The new r u l i n g segmentowas judged competent to implement i t s r e s p o n s i b i l i -t i e s as during i t s p e r i o d of power i t s members acted as consultants to each e l d e r grade i n the s o c i a l p a t t e r n . When power changed hands, over the p e r i o d of the i t w i k a , each e l d e r moved from h i s p o s i t i o n of non-power to a corresponding p o s i t i o n of power. Many Kikuyu, however, never rose to higher e l d e r s t a t u s . This was because i f the i t w i k a took p l a c e , say, at 25 years of age and at a time when a tribesman was too young to ho l d e l d e r s t a -tus , 30 to 40 years l a t e r might see him dead. This i s e s p e c i a l l y s i g n i f i -cant i n view of the p r o b a b i l i t y t h a t l o n g e v i t y , p r i o r to c o l o n i a l r u l e , was perhaps only 45-55 years. A f u r t h e r i m p l i c a t i o n i s that i f a man a c t u a l l y l i v e d long enough out of o f f i c e to experience the i t w i k a , he would automa-t i c a l l y be accepted i n t o the highest r u l i n g e l d e r grades without a c t u a l l y having had the r u l i n g experience of the lower e l d e r grades. Thus, unless he had taken h i s n o n - r u l i n g d u t i e s s e r i o u s l y enough to l e a r n by s i m u l a t i o n or osmosis a l l ceremonial procedure, c u l t u r a l law, and other d u t i e s of 18 e l d e r o f f i c e , h i s judgement may w e l l be deemed f a u l t y . Sets or age groups p l a y a . ' s i g n i f i c a n t p a r t i n Kikuyu s o c i o - p o l i -t i c a l l i f e . Males (and females) were inducted f o r m a l l y i n t o the t r i b e and thus onto the lowest rung of the ladder of rank. Ceremonies were g e n e r a l l y conducted on a y e a r l y b a s i s although according to p r e v a i l i n g c o n d i t i o n s , l i k e war or catastrophe, they were missed from time to time. Formal i n d o c t r i n a t i o n of age-sets i n t o the p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the t r i b e was c a r r i e d out by means of c i r c u m c i s i o n . C i r c u m c i s i o n was more than mere ceremonial a c t i v i t y ; i t was a l s o a symbolic act which represented values embodied i n the age-class system w i t h a l l i t s education, s o c i a l , moral and r e l i g i o u s i m p l i c a t i o n s . As Leakey p o i n t s out, i t was the beginning of a s e r i e s of r i t e s de passage 55 through which each Kikuyu would pass. Kenyatta i s more e x p l i c i t when he regards i t as "the c o n d i t i o s i n e qua non of the whole teaching of 56 t r i b a l law, r e l i g i o n , and m o r a l i t y . " I t s r e a l s i g n i f i c a n c e seems to be that the act marked the new s t a t u s a r r i v e d at by the i n d o c t r i n a t e s ; i t meant that those circumcised becameepledged f o r f u t u r e i n s t i t u t i o n a l a c t i v i t y . I t marked the beginning of s e n i o r i t y p r o g r e s s i o n ; i t was the foundation of an assured e l i t i s m 57 provided f o r by t r a d i t i o n and s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e . The ceremony : ( i r u a ) i s complex and beyond the scope of t h i s the-.: 58 s i s . What i s important, however, i s the f a c t even the ceremony has about i t a c e r t a i n d u a l i t y . Cagnolo observes that the young male Kikuyu may be circumcised by the s o - c a l l e d Kikuyu or Masai f a s h i o n r e s p e c t i v e l y . While he notes t h a t both methods are i n f a c t very s i m i l a r i n technique; 19 i . e . i n c i s i o n r a t h e r than c i r c u m c i s i o n , the s i g n i f i c a n c e of whether one or the. other method was used l i e s i n the f a c t t h a t the method determines a l l subsequent i n i t i a t i o n r i t e s . This i s not to suggest t h a t one method i s 'superior', or produces .'.superior' i n d i v i d u a l s i n terms of s o c i a l or p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s . What can be i n f e r r e d from t h i s f i n d i n g i s th a t the Kikuyu t r i b e s were not h i s t o r i c a l l y i s o l a t e d to the degree t h a t c u l t u r e -contact d i d not take p l a c e w i t h other t r i b e s . The f a c t t h a t a technique known as the 'Masai' method was used i n Kikuyu c i r c u m c i s i o n r i t e s s t r o n g l y 59 suggests t h a t Kikuyu t r i b a l l o r e was not s i n g u l a r l y of Kikuyu o r i g i n . The t r i b a l s t r u c t u r e , i t could be deemed, was o b v i o u s l y v i a b l e enough to absorb those p a r t s of another c u l t u r e which were workable and not a l i e n to e s t a b l i s h e d Kikuyu s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l p r a c t i c e . ^ The foregoing could not be s a i d of the Masai or the Hamitic Somali. Their c u l t u r e s appear not to have been i n f l u e n c e d or a l t e r e d much by the p r o x i m i t y of the Kikuyu; r a t h e r the reverse seems to be the .case. Obviously where the "moat" was t h i n n e s t , c u l t u r e - c o n t a c t and i t s a f f e c t s upon the Kikuyu were- strongest. As has been pointed out, each age-set comes forward f o r circum-c i s i o n on a y e a r l y b a s i s . For purposes of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and perhaps a convenient method of l o c a t i n g ' h i s t o r i c a l time', successive s e t s of i n i -t i a t e s are given a name corresponding to s i g n i f i c a n t events a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the year of c i r c u m c i s i o n . This i s important resource m a t e r i a l f o r anthro-p o l o g i s t s , ethnographers, historians: and others concerned w i t h i n v e s t i -g a t i n g Kikuyu t r a d i t i o n or h i s t o r y . By^aapr.ocess^fir.inqulr y_.among- e l d e r s and a knowledge of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , i t i s o f t e n p o s s i b l e to r e c o n s t r u c t the past on the b a s i s of the names and name-associations of circumcised 20 groups. Cagnolo has been successful i n tracing the names of years from 184-0 to 1932 by t h i s method. Of interest i n the Cagnolo l i s t i s the year 1903 and the name-association given to the age-set of that year. Venereal disease has a European heritage and i s not thought to have been present i n A f r i c a before the advent of the European on that continent. The use of Venereal disease as an age-set i d e n t i f i e r suggests that 1903 was s i g n i f i -cant to the Kikuyu i n that they f i r s t contracted i t from European c a r r i e r s . The year 1926 i s also of some interest and indicative of the march of European technology i n Kikuyuland. Other years s i g n i f y manifestations of the European administrative presence. In 1919, for example, we have the Registration C e r t i f i c a t e ; i n 1923 the Flag; while i n 1930 the name-association, Modern Practices indicates increasing Kikuyu knowledge and awareness of the concept of "modern" and, perhaps, i t s implications as introduced by the co l o n i a l administration. Yet other years record famine, disease, plague and the presence of animal plagues. The discovery of gold i n Kakamega i s recorded as being i n 1913 Kenyatta asserts that "men circumcised at the same time stand i n the very closest relationship to each other. When a man of the same age-group injures another i t i s a serious magico-religious offence. They are l i k e blood brothers; they must not do any wrong to each other. . the age-group i s thus a powerful instrument for securing conformity with t r i b a l usage . . i t binds men from a l l parts of the country (even) though they be circumcised hundreds of miles apart. The age-groups do more than bind men of equal standing together. They further emphasize the s o c i a l grades 21 of j u n i o r and s e n i o r , i n f e r i o r and s u p e r i o r . 62 Thus we see the p a r t i a l l y -b i n d i n g i n f l u e n c e of the i t w i k a and we have Kenyatta's a s s e r t i o n t h a t age-groups and c i r c u m c i s i o n r i t e s were powerful instruments f o r f u r t h e r t r i b a l conformity. gether i n t o the f i r s t of s i x s e q u e n t i a l grades of p r o g r e s s i v e s e n i o r i t y . This p r o g r e s s i o n i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the Kikuyu t r a d i t i o n suggesting t h a t v a r i o u s p u b l i c f u n c t i o n s are best performed by persons at d i f f e r e n t stages of l i f e . The advance of the tribesman from w a r r i o r to e l d e r i s thus marked by s i g n i f i c a n t s o c i a l events i n h i s l i f e . The f i r s t step, the i n i t i a t i o n ceremony ( i r u a ) i s f o l l o w e d u s u a l l y by marriage, the b i r t h and maturation of c h i l d r e n and the menopause of the tribesman's w i f e . Progression, i t should be noted, i s not automatic. The a s p i r a n t to a higher stage must be accepted by h i s p r o s p e c t i v e p e e r s . ^ Respective grades are as f o l l o w s and w i l l be discussed, f o r pur-poses of c l a r i t y , i n s e q u e n t i a l order: J u n i o r Warrior Grade (mumo) This i s the f i r s t grade i n t o which circumcised males enter. As w a r r i o r r e c r u i t s they had l i t t l e or no say i n p o l i t i c a l , r e l i g i o u s , or s o c i a l a f f a i r s . Most of the time i n t h i s grade, s i x to seven years, seems A f t e r the c i r c u m c i s i o n r i t e s i n i t i a t e s f o r t h a t year proceed t o -Senior E l d e r s J u n i o r Warriors Senior Warriors Learning E l d e r s J u n i o r E l d e r s (Morika ya mumo) (Morika ya anake) (Morika ya k a r a b a i ) (Morika ya kiama ya mbule omwe) (Morika ya kiama ya mbule e g e r i ) Xtttt KlK.U i U SPCIO-POLITICAL ORDER  WHERE MAINA IS THE RULING HALF No D e c i s i o n - M a k i n g R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s POWER GROUPS D e c i s i o n - M a k i n g R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s MUMP ( J u n i o r W a r r i o r ) F i r s t G r a d e . E n t r y on C i r c u m -c i s i o n A b o u t 14 Y e a r s o f Age. M ANAKE ( S e n i o r W a r r i o r ) S e c o n d G r a d e . 20-28 Y e a r s o f Age. j KARABAF ( L e a r n i n g E l d e r ) M a r r i a g e Manda-t o r y f o r Upward M o b i l i t y . 28-45 Y e a r s o f Age. MBULE OMWE ( J u n i o r E l d e r ) C h i l d E n t e r i n g MUMO and W i f e i n Men o p a u s e f o r Upward, M o b i l i t y . 45-60 Y e a r s o f Age. M A I N A ( R u l i n g H a l f ) M W A N G I ( N o n - R u l i n g H a l f ) MBULE EGERI ( S e n i o r E l d e r ) A b o u t 60 Y e a r s o f Age. P e e r G r o u p A c c e p - ' t a n c e and P o s s e s s i n g C h a t t e l s . u — >» UKURU ( P r i e s t By E l e c t i c u o > i o m <u csj M (fl U U S rC CU Cfl H CJ > flj MWANGI IRUNGU No D e c i s i o n - M a k i n g R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s SHADOW GROUPS O b s e r v a t i o n o f Power G r o u p s 23 to have been spent s i n g i n g songs, l e a r n i n g and performing dances, m i l i t a r y s k i l l s , and t r a v e l l i n g over the country. Sheep tending, considered the work of boys, was now given over to the more se r i o u s job of tending cow herds. This was important work and an appropriate task f o r a young w a r r i o r ; espec-i a l l y i n view of the f a c t t h a t the N i l o - H a m i t i c Masai were of the c a t t l e -complex peoples and l i a b l e to r a i d f o r the purpose of p r o c u r i n g cows. Thus t h e i r p r o t e c t i o n and r e t r i e v a l was the work of w a r r i o r s . The corporate nature of the j u n i o r w a r r i o r grade i s evidenced i n t h e i r l i v i n g h a b i t s . Frequently they were housed i n barracks together w i t h those of the Senior Warrior Grade (ana'ke'-). During war, or t h r e a t of a t t a c k , bothc.grades could be mustered to form regiments on a t e r r i t o r i a l b a s i s . Thus the whole t r i b e could be organized to act against the invader as a t e r r i t o r i a l whole. Each age-set (seven i n number) had i t s own spokesman who was allowed to l i s t e n t o the d e l i b e r a t i o n s of the higher c o u n c i l s . This i n d i v i d u a l , known as athamaki wa r i i k a ( l e a d e r of the age-set), was e v i d e n t l y chosen f o r h i s l e a d e r s h i p q u a l i t i e s . Kenyatta says that age-set leaders were a c t u a l l y chosen during jthe c i r c u m c i s i o n ceremonial a c t i v i -t i e s . ^ Lambert observes that a boy's n a t u r a l i n c l i n a t i o n toward l e a d e r -ship would manifest i n e a r l y childhood. Often at t h i s age he would arrange the a f f a i r s and p l a y of o t h e r s ; he would dominate h i s peer group u n t i l such time as he was challenged by another. He would a f f e c t "a s u p e r i o r knowl- : . edge of the grown up l i f e and be' something of a hero t o h i s s o c i a l equals 65 i n the homestead." In the northern areas of Kikuyuland and around the present s i t e of N y e r i ( G a k i ) there was a c t u a l l y a formal r e c o g n i t i o n of y o u t h f u l l e a d e r s h i p . The best boys i n t h i s area were r e f e r r e d to as njama and f e t e d ceremonially. 24 I f disputes arose w i t h i n the w a r r i o r grades the young leader would act as a d j u d i c a t o r . Often he was a war l e a d e r . Thus i t seems reasonable to i n f e r t h a t h i s p r e s t i g e was founded on h i s a b i l i t y to f i g h t , to organ-i z e and c o n t r o l men i n war and peace, to manipulate events f o r corporate s a t i s f a c t i o n — t h u s enhancing h i s r e p u t a t i o n f u r t h e r among h i s e l d e r s — a n d to show " d i f f e r e n t " or s u p e r i o r q u a l i t i e s of "body and b r a i n . Senior Warrior Grade (anake ) This was the second grade i n t o which young w a r r i o r s passed a f t e r having served a s i x to seven year a p p r e n t i c e s h i p i n the J u n i o r Warrior Grade. P r i n s s t a t e s t h a t t h i s grade and i t s r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s stand- out more c l e a r l y than the j u n i o r grade. R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s amounted to the maintenance of c i v i l order and the p o l i c i n g of f e s t i v a l s and markets. Notably, s e n i o r o l d e r c o u n c i l s used members of t h i s grade to supply inform-a t i o n against offenders and make a r r e s t s . P o l i t i c a l l y t h e i r d u t i e s i n v o l -ved the g i v i n g of advice i n war and a c t i n g as i n t e r m e d i a r i e s between Jun-i o r Warriors and the E l d e r s ' c o u n c i l s . Thus i t can be seen t h a t as ma-t u r e w a r r i o r s t h e i r primary concern was warfare but at the same time they were being acquainted w i t h p o l i t i c a l and j u d i c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of a min-or n a t u r e . ^ No doubt because of t h e i r age (20-28) t h e i r d u t i e s were be-ginning to take on a more mature aspect; e s p e c i a l l y those married men nearing the end of t h e i r time i n the Senior Warrior Grade and s h o r t l y to proceed to the E l d e r g r a d e s . ^ M i l i t a r y regiments were organized on a d i s t r i c t ( r u g o n g o ) ^ b a s i s . Larger m i l i t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s t h a n d d i s t r i c t s i z e are not recorded i n the 25 l i t e r a t u r e nor can evidence be found i n the o r a l t r a d i t i o n . The army was broken down i n t o regiments, s i x i n number f o r the J u n i o r Warrior Grade (one f o r each year of the annual s e t ) and s i x f o r the 70 Senior Warrior Grade (one f o r each year of the annual s e t ) . Each r e g i -ment was l e d by a c a p t a i n ; each was d i v i d e d i n t o ' f i l e s ' l e d by a l i e u t e n -ant. S i x captains were allowed i n t o the c o u n c i l of war c o n s i s t i n g of a l l s e n i o r w a r r i o r s (njama ya i t a ) . These leaders were chosen by t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r groups at general or p u b l i c assembly. They were men who had proved by t h e i r own a c t i o n s , t h e i r c a p a b i l i t y of l e a d e r -s h i p ; had shown bravery i n wars; i m p a r t i a l i t y i n j u s t i c e , s e l f - s a c r i f i c e ; and above a l l , d i s c i p l i n e i n the group. A man w i t h these q u a l i t i e s was able to a t t a i n a h i g h p o s i -t i o n and esteem i n the community, e s p e c i a l l y when he r e -t i r e d from the a c t i v i t i e s of a warrior.71 The task of f o r m u l a t i n g plans, m o b i l i z i n g w a r r i o r s , and l e a d i n g the army i n t o combat was not the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of members of the Senior Warrior Grade. These d u t i e s f e l l to s e l e c t e d members of the next higher grade ( J u n i o r E l d e r Grade) who had i n the past d i s t i n g u i s h e d themselves i n m i l i t a r y l e a d e r s h i p or who possessed magical powers (mundu mugu wa i t a 72 — w a r magician). Learning E l d e r Grade ( k a r a b a i ). Entry i n t o t h i s group was based upon f u l f i l l m e n t of s o c i a l o b l i g a -73 t i o n s . Kenyatta c i t e s marriage as being a p r e - c o n d i t i o n . P r o s p e c t i v e Learning E l d e r s were a l s o r e q u i r e d to pay to e s t a b l i s h e d e l d e r s i n the grade, a fee of one goat. Membership would a l s o depend on the date- of 26 b i r t h of a f i r s t or f u r t h e r c h i l d . I n the l a t t e r respect the time of entry-was a s s o c i a t e d w i t h entry of a man's son or sons i n t o the Ju n i o r Warrior Grade. Organized on a d i s t r i c t (rugongo) b a s i s , there was w i t h i n the grade a c o u n c i l of e l d e r s known as Kiama g i a Kamatimji.. Hobley give s the l i t e r a l , t r a n s l a t i o n of t h i s term as, "those who s i t away." This i n f e r s t h a t they were not yet considered q u a l i f i e d to act as members of the higher c o u n c i l s . P r i n s describes t h e i r f u n c t i o n as being p r i m a r i l y concerned w i t h l e a r n i n g j u d i c i a l procedure by observing court methods, a c t i n g as i n t e r m e d i a r i e s or servants of the higher courts and g e n e r a l l y c a r r y i n g out minor func-75 t i o n s . A small number of them, v a r i o u s l y c i t e d as ei g h t or nine, were allowed to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the t r i b a l h a l f ceremony ( i t w i k a ) . Ceremonially, they acted as ski n n e r s . o r procurers of s a c r i f i c i a l animals on o f f i c i a l 76 occasions. J u n i o r E l d e r (Athamaki mbule omwe) Athamaki mbu'le omwe or l i t e r a l l y , " l e g i s l a t i v e e l d e r s of the f i r s t goat" sat as j u n i o r o f f i c i a l s on the C o u n c i l of Peace (kiama g i a mataathi). Though they shared t h i s p r i v i l e g e w i t h e l d e r s of the next s e n i o r grade (mbule e g e r i ) or ('.'second goat") they were not. yet admitted i n t o the highest t r i b a l c o u n c i l s as a d v i s o r s . A l s o , i t should be noted, only those of the r u l i n g h a l f of the t r i b e , Maina or Mwangi, were allowed to take 77 t h e i r places on the C o u n c i l of Peace. Entry i n t o J u n i o r E l d e r s t a t u s depended upon the time the c h i l d of a pr o s p e c t i v e e l d e r was circumcised or entered the grade of Juni o r 27 Warrior (mumo). Those e n t e r i n g the grade were approximately 4-5 years of age p r o v i d i n g t h e i r e a r l i e r p r o g r e s s i o n had been normal and unhindered (non-payment of dues). Kenyatta c i t e s the grade as being d i v i d e d i n t o 7 9 two halves, each w i t h e s t a b l i s h e d f u n c t i o n s . Hobley says that i n f a c t 80 two separate grades e x i s t e d each w i t h i t s owndduties and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . Senior E l d e r (Athamaki mbule e g e r i ) Athamaki mbule e g e r i or l i t e r a l l y , " l e g i s l a t i v e e l d e r s of the second goat" must be regarded as a r u l i n g d i v i s i o n having s e n i o r adminis-t r a t i v e and l e g i s l a t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . E ntry i n t o the grade depended) as i n previous cases, on age and s o c i a l accomplishments. The r u l i n g h a l f , Maina or Mwangi, sat on the C o u n c i l of Peace as a d v i s o r s . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note, w i t h regard to age and s o c i a l accomplish-ments as q u a l i f i c a t i o n s f o r p r o g r e s s i o n , that such were no longer e n t i r e l y necessary f o r promotion from mbule e g e r i to the most se n i o r grade, Ukuru ( P r i e s t ) . I f the case warranted; f o r example the death of Ukuru members, mbule e g e r i could be e l e c t e d to the highest o f f i c e by popular acclamation. Thus we see t h a t the system allowed s o c i a l p r o g r e s s i o n to the highest grade on the b a s i s of merit and personal s u i t a b i l i t y . In t h i s way f a i r l y young men ($0-55 years of age) who had showed great c a p a b i l i t y , knowledge and j u d i c i a l e x p e r t i s e during t h e i r p r o g r e s s i o n through the lower grades, could r i s e to the top l e a d e r s h i p p o s i t i o n s . 28 P r i e s t (Ukuru) This grade represented the peak of Kikuyu s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l progres-s i o n . E ntry i n t o the grade was based upon the i n d i v i d u a l having achieved 81 c e r t a i n s o c i a l q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . A l l h i s c h i l d r e n , f o r example, had to have been circumcised and h i s w i f e was to be past c h i l d - b e a r i n g age. Middleton says e l d e r s of t h i s grade i d e n t i f i e d themselves by c a r r y i n g a bunch of leaves (maturanguru) and by means of a s p e c i a l e a r - r i n g . They were allowed to make s a c r i f i c i a l o f f e r i n g s to the Kikuyu God (Ngai) on beh a l f of t h e i r community, decide the dates of c i r c u m c i s i o n s , the time of the i t w i k a ceremony (change of power) and to conduct thahu ( r i t u a l unclean-l i n e s s ) removal proceedings. A r b i t r a t i o n of l e g a l disputes was a l s o w i t h i n 82 t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n . One of t h e i r most important d u t i e s was to summon the 83 kiama ( c o u n c i l ) " f o r the d i s c u s s i o n of questions of n a t i o n a l importance." The l a s t statement i s most i n t e r e s t i n g i n view of the f a c t t h a t s o c i o - p o l i -t i c a l matters are o f t e n thought to have been conducted only on a l o c a l or t e r r i t o r i a l b a s i s . Contrary to the foregoing statement that Ukuru f u l f i l l e d c e r t a i n s o c i a l q u a l i f i c a t i o n s before entry i n t o the grade, some evidence s t r o n g l y suggests t h i s not to be e n t i r e l y the case. The l i t e r a t u r e c ontains, f o r example, statements t h a t r e l a t i v e l y young men became Ukuru. The explana-t i o n , according to Mair, . . i s t h a t here the h e r e d i t y p r i n c i p l e p l a y s a p a r t — n o t i n the sense that the st a t u s of r i t u a l e l d e r i s reserved f o r a p a r t i c u l a r l i n e a g e , but i n the sense that every l i n e a g e has to have a r i t u a l e l d e r . This would be easy to understand i n a s o c i e t y where the s p i r i t s of the ances-t o r s b u l k so l a r g e i n r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f , s i n c e such s p i r i t s are always b e l i e v e d _ t o be concerned only w i t h t h e i r own descendants and approachable only by them. 29 Moreover, she asserts that i n some lineages probably more than one old man attained t h i s status although i t i s e n t i r e l y possible that the senior tribesman of any lineage who i s also i t s secular head, has to be an Ukuru "even i f through some accidental circumstance he i s a r e l a t i v e l y young T e r r i t o r i a l Organization, Sets and Leadership The Kikuyu grades were organized on two l e v e l s ; v i l l a g e and d i s -t r i c t . Here the word " v i l l a g e " i s used for want of a better expression. The v i l l a g e as Europeans.understand i t was not t r a d i t i o n a l to the Kikuyu tr i b e s . The European concept was introduced l a t e r and was a forced mea-85 sure adopted by the B r i t i s h to counteract Mau Mau. In fact, u n t i l the advent of Mau Mau i n 1952, the Kikuyu had l i v e d i n small f a m i l i a l clusters atop the numerous ridges. Perhaps the Kikuyu word i t u r a more aptly express-es the concept rather than " v i l l a g e . " Notably i t should be seen as a word bearing p o l i t i c a l rather than t e r r i t o r i a l connotations. Each i t u r a possessed a council of elders comprising representa-tives from the r u l i n g half of the elder grades. Prins spotlights t h i s as 86 being the key t e r r i t o r i a l governing unit. Certainly i t s deliberations embraced the key areal unit of the t r i b e ; the i t u r a or ridge. In terms of importance i t was placed above the homestead or family governing body and below the d i s t r i c t (rugongo) council. I t had j u r i s d i c t i o n over a l l i t u r a -area s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s and l e g a l cases. Authority within the coun-c i l rested with those members drawn from mbule egeri and Ukuru. The i t u r a council was known as the ' council of nine. '• 30 The d i s t r i c t (rugongo) was the largest t e r r i t o r i a l unit. There i s only slight evidence to suggest that matters of great importance were decided at a higher level than the d i s t r i c t . The council comprising nine elders from each ridge (kiama kinene) was sometimes known as the 'big council'. Meeting only occasionally and for specific purposes, they are probably best described as guardians of t r i b a l lore, custom and cul-ture. The exalted and venerable Ukuru of the council were empowered to decide the date of the itwika for handing over power to the relevant t r i -bal half (Mwangi or Maina) . . . They also decided the name designation 87 and circumcision dates of the forthcoming annual age-sets. When nec-essary they formulated case law, changed customary law and adjudicated cases of crime or breaches of t r i b a l custom. Theirs was the f i n a l court of appeal to the litigant who had progressively taken his case through the 88 lower elders' councils. Importantly, they were more often than not dis-regarded, as potential chiefs or sources of liasion, by the British Colonial Administration. Names of Kikuyu grades were both status and function oriented. Youth, learning elder, elder and priest, as terms used to describe func-tion, a l l give indication of social responsibility within the t r i b a l socio-p o l i t i c a l organization. Youths within the junior warrior grade were nec-essarily associated with fighting, the physical defence of the tribe, i t s cattle and i t s chattels. Middle groups, senior warriors and learning elders aged between, say 25 and 50, assumed typically "middle" roles of a quasi-political nature. Priests, who were "great", exalted and "old", were close to the centre of judicial, magical and religious power. Their status was based upon peer acceptance, age, and membership of the ruling 31 h a l f of the t r i b e (Mwangi or Maina). The annual set e x i s t e d independently of grades, tended to cut across t r i b a l d i v i s i o n s and was c o r p o r a t e l y independent. Demonstrating t r i b a l s o l -i d a r i t y by group a c t i o n , i t s members r e f e r r e d to each other as "brother" or "my t r i b a l equal." The b a s i s of t h e i r k i n s h i p was found i n the f a c t t h a t they had entered Kikuyu s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l l i f e together as peers. The use of such terms as "brother" or "my t r i b a l equal" would suggest the con-cept of e q u a l i t y among those of the annual set. And yet a c l o s e r examina-t i o n of the Kikuyu s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e r e v e a l s more than a sugges-t i o n t h a t p o l i t i c a l e q u a l i t y d i d not p r e v a i l . ' Despite the presumption t h a t Kikuyu s o c i e t y was corporate, there i s strong evidence to support a contention t h a t i n d i v i d u a l i s m e x i s t e d and, moreover, was a c t u a l l y provided f o r . We have, f o r example, Low's a s s e r t i o n t h a t the Kikuyu "were throwing up, i f not c h i e f s , then some 'prominent i n d i v i d u a l s ' of some considerable consequence." C e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s (muthamaki) were s a i d by the Kikuyu to "appoint" themselves f o r l e a d e r s h i p " i n childhood" and t o proceed more r a p i d l y than t h e i r peers to a s e n i o r grade. Leadership, indeed as i n European s o c i e t i e s , was seen i n the context of p e r s o n a l i t y , a b i l i t y and g e n e r a l l y c h a r i s m a t i c q u a l i t i e s . He so possessed and recognized could expect to proceed more r a p i d l y through the v a r i o u s grades to l e a d e r s h i p and s e n i o r i t y . Thus scope was a f f o r d e d the e s p e c i a l l y endowed and i n t h i s 90 way the system avoided "die-hard r u l e by t h e - d e c r e p i t or s e n i l e . " That l e a d e r s h i p and i t s • q u a l i t i e s were important i s seen i n the Kikuyu proverb, I r e gothua ndongorya i t i k i n y a g e r a n y e k i , "The goats having a lame leader do not a r r i v e i n the grass." T r a n s l a t e d , t h i s proverb would 3 2 suggest t h a t " l e a d e r s h i p i s e v e r y t h i n g . " Lambert quotes a Kikuyu pro-92 verb to the e f f e c t that a leader i s " r u l e d by h i s head and not by h i s 9 3 heart" and that "he looks before he leaps and never l o s e s h i s temper." On the matter of l e a d e r s h i p a government r e p o r t s t a t e s : . . . the-to-us somewhat i n d e f i n i t e q u a l i t y of "Ugambi" ( l e a d e r s h i p ) i s a complex of i n t e l l i -gence, p e r s o n a l i t y , good r e p u t a t i o n , s o c i a l and economic success, and a sound h e r e d i t y . Real wealth counts but i s not e s s e n t i a l . "Ugambi" i s more than a mere appointment. I t i m p l i e s something of the "common decency" of the E n g l i s h "gentleman", something of the "ungwana" of the S w a h i l i . . . a mugambi i s primus i n t e r pares because of h i s e x c e p t i o n a l courage and u p r i g h t character, manifested i n youth and maintained i n manhood. . . 9 4 Recognition of i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h l e a d e r s h i p q u a l i t i e s was given on a l o c a l b a s i s . The term muthumaki wa r i k a ( v a r i o u s l y r i i k a ) was used to r e f e r to a young man who by acclamation v.was; considered f i t to lead h i s r e s p e c t i v e age-set. Young leaders of high c a l i b r e were allowed to l i s t e n toIeadeKS d e l i b e r a t e court cases and on occasion were even consulted. I f warranted by proven competence, s e l e c t e d men were given the t i t l e athamaki  wa c h i r a ( l e a d e r s i n law) and " h u r r i e d along the road to s e n i o r i t y ahead of t h e i r f e l l o w s . " As t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e r e p u t a t i o n s grew so d i d t h e i r t r i b a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . They would become, f o r example, spokesmen of f a m i l y group, v i l l a g e ( i t u r a ) and d i s t r i c t . Uthamaki (the s t a t e of l e a d e r s h i p ) f e l l i n t o grades each of q u a l i t y r a t h e r than a c t u a l rank. For example, the athamaki d i d not n e c e s s a r i l y poss-ess outstanding knowledge of t r i b a l law or s o c i a l r i t u a l . Grades of l e a d e r -s h i p were a s s o c i a t e d w i t h i n d i v i d u a l p r o f i c i e n c i e s . Some muthumaki ( s i n g -u l a r ) were considered experts i n t r i b a l law while others were regarded as 33 war leaders or e x c e p t i o n a l w a r r i o r s . Hence the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e made p r o v i s i o n f o r "l e a d e r s " i n war, i n law, i n r e l i g i o n , i n p o l i t i c s , e t c . The l a t t e r p r o f i c i e n c y , p o l i t i c s , was important i n th a t i t s exponents be-came known over wider geographical areas than others whose r e s p o n s i b i l i -t i e s and r e p u t a t i o n s were l o c a l . Lambert c i t e s the phrase muthumaki wa  b u r u r i ( l e a d e r of the country) as being used to describe such men. More-over, i f the p e r s o n a l i t y and l e a d e r s h i p q u a l i t i e s of such men were excep-t i o n a l , they could and o f t e n d i d become l o c a l a u tocrats about whom the a f f a i r s of the t r i b e r e volved. Low's a s s e r t i o n that the "Kikuyu were throwing up, i f not c h i e f s , 'prominent i n d i v i d u a l s ' of some considerable -•consequence" o b v i o u s l y r e f e r s , t h e r e f o r e , to ath'amaki Moreover, a l s o , Wazeli and Kippingo of Burton's experience, Karure of F o r t H a l l and Wangombi of Gaki ( N y e r i ) known to Cagnolo, K a r k e r r i and K a r o l i of John Boyes' acquaintance and the powerful and i n f l u e n t i a l K i n a n j u i known to . both Governor Hardinge and D i s t r i c t Commissioner Ainsworth, were a l l athamaki and men who had d i s p l a y e d a t a l e n t f o r l e a d e r s h i p . I t would not take long f o r the B r i t i s h to r e a l i z e the importance of i n c o r p o r a t i n g these men i n t o an A d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n t e n t upon e s t a b l i s h i n g dominion over the Kikuyu but plagued by personnel shortages and s h o e - s t r i n g budgets. 34 FOOTNOTES The Kikuyu people are variously referred to as Kikuyu, Akikuyu, Agikuyu, Gikuyu, Gekuyu or Gekoyo. The correct designations, according to John Middleton, "The Kikuyu and Kamba of Kenya" i n Ethnographic Sur- vey of Africa, ed. D. Forde, (London: International African Institute, 1953), p. H f , are Mukikuyu (pl. Akikuyu) for the people, Ukikuyu for the country and Kikikuyu for the language. He notes Gekuyu and Gekoyo as being phonetic renditions and probably more accurate i n verbal des-cription of the people than the commonly used Kikuyu. Throughout this thesis the term "Kikuyu" w i l l be used to refer to the inhabitants of the core areas, Kiambu, Fort Hall and Nyeri, while the term "Kikuyu tribes" w i l l be used to encompass those of the three core-areas to-gether with the closely a f f i l i a t e d Embu and Meru tribes. 2 An area previously designated Ukamba, Kenia Province (1901) (variously Kenya Province), Kikuyu Province (Proclamation 54, 1924) and subsequently to the present, Central Province (Proclamation 109, 1933). See S.H. Ominde, Land and Population Movements in Kenya, (London: Heinemann, 1968), pp. 9-10-12, and figs. 1.5?,1.6, 1.7. 3 See John Goldthorpe and F.B. Wilson, Tribal Maps of East  Africa and Zanzibar, (Kampala: East African Institute of Social Re-search, I960), map 5, "Tribes of Kenya, Sub-tribes of Kikuyu, Embu and Meru." See also Middleton, pp. 11-2 and H.E. Lambert, Kikuyu Social and  P o l i t i c a l Institutions, (London: International African Institute and OUP, 1956), pp. 1-2. ^See Walter Fitzgerald, Africa: A Social, Economic and Polit- i c a l Geography of i t s Major Regions, (London: Methuen, 1934), pp. 253-4-5 The major area of.European settlement. Early European travel-lers were greatly impressed by the large stretches of apparently unused and potentially f e r t i l e land. Sir Charles El i o t , Commissioner, East African Protectorate, 1901-1904, and Lord Delemere, gave this area i t s clearest description as a region suitable for European settlement. Both triggered, the impetus for settlement. See Elspeth Huxley, White Man's  Country, vols. I and 2, (London: Macmillan, 1935), for perhaps the best description of white settlement i n Kenya. 35 So-called after two eminent Masai encountered and cultivated as collaborators by early British administrators. Known locally as the Sagana River, becoming the Tana east of Mount Kenya. The Kiswahili phrase, "Damu waAfrika" (Blood of Africa) is descriptive of the-Tana outfall into the Indian Ocean north of Malindi and refers to the typically red s o i l of Kikuyuland discolouring the sea at that point. Mombasa is the second major cit y of Kenya and is the "greatest port of the African l i t t o r a l . " It i s linked by r a i l and road to Nairobi and Lake Victoria. See Fitzgerald, pp. 229-230. Bantu, a linguistic term, has been given an ethnic connotation and i n this context i s used to describe many peoples of southern and eastern Africa who may have had a common origin i n what is now central Nigeria. See Roland Oliver, Journal of African History, vol. 7, (1966), pp. 361-76. See C.G. Seligman, Races of Africa, (London: OUP, 1937). For a discussion of the WaChagga, WaTeita and WaPokomo Bantu tribes, see A.H.J. Prdns, "The Coastal Tribes of North-Eastern Bantu" in Ethnographic  Survey of Africa, Part 11, ed. D. Forde, (London: International African Institute, 1952). Edward W. Soja, The Geography of Modernization in Kenya: A  Spatial Analysis of Social, Economic and P o l i t i c a l Change, (Syracuse: University Press, 1968), p. 8. G.W.B. Huntingford suggests that the earliest Bantu movements to the east took place i n the early centuries of the Christian era. ^See Sonia Cole, The Pre-History of East Africa,(London: Harmons-worth, 1964-), passim for a description of the earlier ethnography, of East Africa. See also "Notes on the Origin and History of the Dorobo and Kikuyu- Tribes" i n Man, (1908), p. 76 and L.S.B. Leakey, The Stone-Age  Cultures of Kenya Colony, (London: Methuen, 1931); The Stone-Age Races of Kenya, (London: Methuen, 1934-). 36 13 Huntingford, passim pp. 58-93-'V.L. Grotanelli, "A Lost African Metropolis" i n Afrikanistische  Studien, (Berlin: n.p., 1955), p. 236. See also G.S.P. Freeman-Granville, "The Coast 14-98-1840" in Oliver and Mathew eds., History of East Africa, pp. 129-168. See also A.H.J. Prins, where Shungwaya i s "probably rightly identified with the vast deserted site of Bir Gao or Port Durnford." Prins observes, also, that the Kitab-al Zanuj "andtitheir oral traditions claim Shungwaya as being the dispersal point for the Kikuyu, Meru etc..." 15 Which would locate Shungwaya roughly between the Juba and Tana rivers. 16 Huntingford, pp. 58-93-17 Gervase Mathew suggests that Galla pressure from the north forced the Shungwaya Bantu to move westward about 1600. 18 Some current research is at variance with the established view that Shungwaya was the.final dispersal point of the Kikuyu tribes. See, for example, J. Forbes Munro, "Migrations of the Bantu-speaking Peoples of the Eastern Kenya Highlands: a Reappraisal""'in Journal of African  History, vol. 8, (1967), pp. 25-8. See also, Satish C. Saterwal, "His-to r i c a l Notes on the Embu of Central Kenya" in Journal of African History, vol. 8, (1967), pp. 29-38. Here Saterwal states that the main source of the Shungwaya hypothesis, H.E. Lambert, Systems of Land Tenure in the  Kikuyu Land Unit, (Capetown: School of African Studies, No. 22, 1950) is in fact more cautious on the matter of Shungwaya than those who have copied from i t . Saberwal states further that Kikuyu origin at Shungwaya has no basis in fact and unless authentic archaeological evidence is forthcoming, i t cannot be said decisively that Kikuyu tribes migrated west to their present core-areas from Shungwaya. Moreover, this view is supported by the finding that some coastal peoples who remember Shungwaya, do not mention Kikuyu tribes as being there. Nor, i t i s fur-ther emphasized, do the traditions of the Kikuyu tribes themselves point to Shungwaya as being a place of congregation and ultimate dispersal— except, perhaps, with the exception of the Meru. See also, B.G. Mcintosh, "The Eastern Bantu Peoples" in Zamani: A Survey of East African History, eds. B.A. Ogot and J.A. Kieran, (Nairobi: EAPH, 1968), pp. 200-205. 37 19 Cultural and l i n g u i s t i c s i m i l a r i t i e s , i t should be noted, exi s t between the Bantu WaGiriama, who remained i n the coastal area, and the Kikuyu migrants who proceeded west along the Tana watercourse. 20 Lambert, i - i i i , 21 L.S.B. Leakey, Mau Mau and the Kikuyu, (London: Methuen, 1952), p. 2. For a more contemporary viewpoint see B.G. Mcintosh, pp. 209-10. " I t would be too simple . . . to assume that the migrations from Shungwaya took place i n close succession, or that the migrants moved s w i f t l y through empty lands. The departures from Shungwaya of the proto Pokomo, Kamba and Kikuyu may be said to belong to the thirteenth and fourteenth and those of the Nyika, Meru and Taita to the f i f t e e n t h and sixteenth centuries. In the course of the migrations several temporary resettlements were made at Kirao and at other places, and many peoples took circuitous routes and retraced t h e i r steps before s e t t l i n g perma-nently. And f i n a l l y , although the Eastern Bantu were multiplying i n numbers more rapidly than any other peoples, the process of absorption of pre-existing peoples and of expansion into t h e i r modern habitants was f a r from complete at the st a r t of the nineteenth century." For an account of Meru migrations see Jeffrey A. Fadiman, "Early History of the Meru of Mt. Kenya,"i: i n Journal of African History, v o l . 14-, (1973), pp. 9-27. 22 Roland Oliver, "Discernible Developments i n the I n t e r i o r " i n History of East A f r i c a , p. 202. Q-3 Photographs i n Fr. Cagnolo, The Akikuyu, (Consolata Mission, 1933) indicate remarkable s i m i l a r i t i e s i n dress, posture and hair style between Masai (Nilo-Hamitics) and Kikuyu (Bantu). 24 See note above regarding use of term Bantu and other si m i l a r l i n g u i s t i c descriptions of East African t r i b e s . For elucidation of the "Cushitic" theory see J.E.G. Sutton, "The Settlement of East A f r i c a " i n eds. B.A. Ogot and J.A. Kieran, Zamani, pp. 96-99. 25 Huntingford, p. 91. 26 Leakey, Mau Mau, pp. 7-38 27 For a comprehensive discussion on Masai-Kikuyu relations see William L. Lawren, "Masai and Kikuyu: An H i s t o r i c a l Analysis of Culture Transmission" i n Journal of African History, v o l . 9, (1969), pp. 571-583. "The history of Masai-Kikuyu relations f e l l into two d i s t i n c t periods; one r e l a t i v e l y short, the other much longer. The f i r s t period commenced with the i n i t i a l contact of the Masai and Kikuyu, which has been placed at about 1750. During t h i s time, at least some segments of both tri b e s were l i v i n g on the plains i n the v i c i n i t y of Mount Kenya, and i n t h i s environment ibhe Masai undoubtedly raided the Kikuyu quite frequently. Although some contact of a less b e l l i c o s e nature apparently took place, the period was es s e n t i a l l y one i n which c o n f l i c t between the two tribes was the order of the day... . .The second period began i n the la t e eighteenth century with the movement of the Kikuyu into the forests south of the Chania River. Having l e f t a broad b e l t of forest around th e i r new t e r r i t o r y which the Masai found very d i f f i c u l t to penetrate, the Kikuyu throughout the nineteenth century were l e f t r e l a t i v e l y free from Masai attack. Occasional raids took place, but relations were generally peaceful." 2 8 S o j a , p. 11. D.A. Low, "The Northern Inte r i o r 18-40-188-4, i n History of  East A f r i c a , pp. 301-2. 30 Roland Oliver and John D. Page, A Short History of A f r i c a , (London: Penguin African Library, 1962), pp. 4-4-52. 31 Kenneth Ingham, A History of East A f r i c a , (London: Longmans, n.d., ), pp. 54-5. 32 See Great B r i t a i n , Foreign Office, Report by S i r A. Hardinge  on the Condition and Progress of the East A f r i c a Protectorate from I t s  Establishment to the 20th July, 1897, (A f r i c a No. 7, 1897), Cmd. 8683, p. 24. "In places v i l l a g e s are found of 200 or 300 houses, and else-where there are clusters of hamlets extending pretty continuously for from half a mile to a mile, and containing perhaps a 1000 ;inhabitants. The general rule throughout the province i s , however, except among the Masai. . . that families of from 30 to 100 s e t t l e i n separate v i l l a g e s , each having i t s own granaries and stockade for c a t t l e . . . huts are thatched bee-hive structures universal throughout Central A f r i c a . " 39 Ibid, pp. 22-3. The Masai of Kenia or Kikuyu D i s t r i c t , con-sisted of one t r i b e , the Naivasha (or Kinanggp Masai), whose "chief" was Lenana, and the broken remnants of seven other t r i b e s , the. Dogelani, Buruko, Ligoradi, Matapatu, Kurukoni, Gikinuka and Kapte Masai. "Once th e i r own flocks and herds were decimated by the great c a t t l e plague, the Masai, a purely pastoral people, were compelled by famine to depend not p a r t i a l l y as before, but exclusively on raids, and about half, or perhaps more, of the warriors of a given t r i b e would be absent for a long period on a foray, leaving the kraal, which with them, owing to the d i s l i k e of the whole race for any manual labour, i s never stockaded or provided with defensive works of any kind, protected by only a few hun-dred men. . . . The Wakikuyu would be on the watch for these raiding expeditions, and as soon as one was we l l on the way would swoop down on the undefended kraal i n overwhelming numbers, and the raiders would re-turn with t h e i r spoils only to f i n d t h e i r houses i n ashes, and the women and children whom they had l e f t behind there carried off to be sold as slaves." According to Hardinge, "The t o t a l number of Masai i n the Kenia D i s t r i c t , including the Wanderobbo ( s i c ) (a helot Bantu race s e r v i l e to both the Masai and Kikuyu) . . . (was) . . . estimated by Mr. Ainsworth . . . to be . . . 23,000. This t o t a l excluded some 4-0000 old men, women and children andn832 Elmoran, or warriors, under the close supervision of a B r i t i s h o f f i c e r based at Ngongo Bagas." By contrast Ainsworth es-timated the. number of Kikuyu i n the d i s t r i c t as being i n the region of 300Q000 . . . "although other experts estimate t h i s figure as being too high." See G.H. Mungeam, "Masai and Kikuyu Responses to the Establish-ment of B r i t i s h Administration i n the East African Protectorate," Journal  of African History, v o l . 2, (1970), pp. 127-43 and D.A. Low,."The Northern," p. 312. See also Great B r i t a i n , Foreign Office, Report by His Majesty's  Commissioner on the East African Protectorate, ( A f r i c a No. 6, 1903), Cmd. 1626, p. 7. '.'... the Kikuyu are by no means averse to f i g h t i n g or raiding other tribes when occasion offers, t h e i r habitual occupation i s quarrelling with one another." William L. Lawren, "Masai and Kikuyu," p. 575 points out that on occasion " . . . the Kikuyu, Masai, and Dorobo did unite after a fashion" i n attempts to ward off Somali and Galla i n -cursions into Kikuyuland. > Great B r i t a i n , Cmd. 1626, p. 7. "They seem (the Kikuyu) i n many ways intermediate between that t r i b e (the Wakamba) and the Masai, and may, perhaps, be hybrids. I t i s certain that the famine of 1882 gave r i s e to some curious relationships between the two t r i b e s . In some cases the Masai settled i n the richer Kikuyu d i s t r i c t s near Mount Kenya, and took Kikuyu wives, and i n others they entered the service of Kikuyu Chiefs ( s i c ) and formed a sort of mercenary force. I t i s conceivable that similar events i n the remoter past may have affected the physical 40 characteristics of the whole race." See also, Sutton, i n Zamani, pp. 9 3 - 4 . "The Bantu who live i n the Highlands east of the Rift Valley (Kikuyu, Kamba, Chagga, etc.) . . . have absorbed many non-Bantu elements. These include, besides, hunter-gatherers and Southern Cushites, pastor-al i s t s of diverse origins . . . ." Lawren, p. 577 points out, also, that "there was a continual tendency of the two tribes (Masai and Kikuyu) to intermarry . . . there are traditions which indicate that remnants of the Laikipiak and other Masai-speaking peoples settled and intermarried with the Kikuyu. The endogamous restrictions of the Kikuyu traditionally regarded both intermarriage and blood-brotherhood as useful implements toward the cementing of friendly relations." Although "absorbed" into the Kikuyu tribe, the Wanderobo were not accorded the same privileges by the Masai. See Great Britain, Cmd. 8683, p. 23 i n which Hardinge points out that the Wanderobo was ". . .A helot tribe or rather caste, formed out of various conquered and enslaved neighbouring tribes of Bantu race, constitutes the servile class among the Masai, and performs the necessary domestic and manual labour . . . This race . . . is known as the Eldorobo (sic) . . . they are forbidden to marry Masai women, and their kraals are separate from those of their Masai masters. This i s the only approach in the province to any regular system of domestic slavery." Leakey, Mau Mau, pp. 3-4-5. See also Leakey, The Stone Age, p. 98 and C. Dundas, "Notes on the Origin and History of the Dorobo and Kikuyu Tribes" i n Man (1908), p. 76. ''"Care must be taken i n attempting delineation of ethnographic boundaries: especially those of the geographer who tends to draw hard and fast lines. Any map purporting to show early t r i b a l areas i s "suspect" and should be interpreted i n terms of approximation rather than actual fact. Accurate maps require information more than i s presently available. What can be said positively, with respect to the location of Kikuyu tribes, i s that they occupied roughly the area under discussion. A d i f f i c u l t problem also i s the identification of definite social boundaries. The cultural landscape can be characterized by i t s complexity and socio-territorial f l u i d i t y . Clusters of people existed i n ethnically circumscribed cel l s . They were often homogeneous i n the core areas but mixed on the peripheries due to Masai and Kikuyu intermarriage. Low, "The Northern," p. 311. See also Leakey, Mau Mau, pp. 2-8 and Lambert, Kikuyu, pp. 105-6. My underline. 41 Quoted by Low i n "The Northern" and extracted from M. Guillain, Documents sur L'histoire, La Geographie et Le Commerce de L'Afrique  Orientale, 3 vols., n.p. 1856, i i i , p. 295. ^"Cagnolo, The Akikuyu, passim. p. 97. / 2 John Boyes, King of the WaKikuyu, (London: Methuen, 1911), 43 The word "tribe" i s often used as a relative term by people who consider themselves c i v i l i z e d , as a way. of describing societies they do not regard as c i v i l i z e d . Thus the word has derogatory connotations. Its use i n this thesis should not be construed as being concerned with levels of c i v i l i z a t i o n but rather with p o l i t i c a l divisions of large popu-lations calling themselves by similar names and speaking similar languages. W r i t e r s of papers on African subjects frequently find i t d i f f i -cult to decide whether they should write i n the present or past tense. Some of the sources in this thesis are almost one hundred years old and what they say may no longer be true; especially i n view of the fact that traditions, customs, indeed the whole cultural l i f e of Africans, has changed drastically, or at least been: modified by the influence of alien culture-contact and conquest. In this thesis both tenses have been used. The past tense signifies that the institution referred to i s now extinct or has changed to such a degree that i t i s now vir t u a l l y unrecognizable. The present tense refers to a custom or institution which i s known to have existed and which, although possibly altered by the passage of time, never-theless s t i l l exists as part of t r i b a l l i f e . 45 See Lambert, The Systems, p. 38 and The Use of Indigenous Au- thorities in Tribal Administration: Studies of. the, Meru of Kenya, (Cape-town: School of African Studies, No. 16, 1947), passim and Kikuyu So- c i a l , passim. See also Cagnolo, The Akikuyu, p. 202. ^6C.W. Hobley, Bantu Beliefs and Magic, (London: Witherby, 1922), p. 93. 47 Jomo Kenyatta, Facing Mount Kenya: The Tribal Life of the  Gikuyu, (London, Seeker and Warburg, 1944), p. 189. See also "Kikuyu Religion, Ancestor Worship and S a c r i f i c i a l Practices" i n Africa, vol. 10, (1937), pp. 302-328. 42 A.H.J. Prins, East African Age-Class Systems: An Inquiry into  the Social Order of Galla", Kipsigis and Kikuyu, (Gronigen and Djakarta, J.B. Wolters, 1953), p. 43. ^Kenyatta, Facing, p. 196. 5 0Lucy Mair, Primitive Government, (London, Penguin, 1962), p. 100. 5 52 No doubt i n the s p i r i t of 'harambee' Prins, East African, pp. 117-8. ^^Mair, Primitive, pp. 103-4. 5 4 I b i d . 5 5Leakey, Mau Mau, pp. 22-27. 56 Kenyatta, Facing, pp. 133-5. 57 Ibid., "The irua (ceremony) marks the commencement of p a r t i c i -pation i n various governing groups in the t r i b a l administration, because the real age groups begin from the day of the physical operation." 58 For a detailed discussion of the ceremony see R. Mugo Gatheru, "The Day the Knife Bit Me" i n Jane Dubaghian ed., Mirror of Man, (Toronto: L i t t l e , Brown and Co., 1975), pp. 110-3. 5 9Hobley, Bantu, p. 77. k°See Kenyatta, Facing, p. 210 ". . .my grandmother (Kenyatta 1s) on my father's side, was a Masai woman called Mosana . . . my aunt . . . was married to a Masai chief called Senden, and was treated as the head wife. Exchange v i s i t s were made on both sides, and I had the opportunity of v i s i t i n g her and stayed there for some months as a member of the family." 43 Cagnolo,. The Akikuyu, pp. 199-202. See also age-set names in Hobley, Bantu, pp. 88 and 92. Middleton, "The Kikuyu," p. 34, states that "the names for any one year may vary over different parts of the country . . . how far differently named rika (age-sets) are regarded as being related cannot be seen from the material. These names are clearly linked, however, through the Districts of Kiambu, Fort.Hall (and) Nyeri." 62 Kenyatta, Facing, p. 115. See Mair, Primitive, pp. 98-9. "Payment was traditionally made in goats to provide feasts for theseesuperiors. The f i r s t payment is made as part of a man's wedding ceremonies: this is regarded from one point of view as payment for the right to marry, while from another i t is the fee for entry into the lowest grade of elders... . . Men go on paying further goats u n t i l the requisite number have been paid for f u l l membership of the body of elders. To enter this body a man should have a child old enough to be initiated; but he cannot enter u n t i l he has made the requisite payments, and i f he has not made the payments he can-not have his child initiated either. This i s the kind of circumstance which may lead to the postponement of i n i t i a t i o n , and so place a man i n an age-set most of whom are younger than he i s . " Kenyatta, Facing, p. 140. "Generation sets about to be c i r -cumcised were given tasks which were liable to demonstrate to elders and the people generally the worth of the i n i t i a t e s . Feats of manhood involv-ing hunting, skirmishing i n mock war and dancing for long periods of time, afforded the potential leader to show his worth and s k i l l . " See also Lambert, Kikuyu, pp. 103-4.= 65 Lambert, Kikuyu, pp. 100-1. ^ P r i n s , East African, p. 105. ^F o r comments on Senior Warrior organization and duties, see Kenyatta, Facing, pp. 141-2, 198-200, 205-7, 299-305; Hobley, Bantu, p. 47; Prins, East African, p. 51 and Middleton, The Kikuyu, pp. 34-5. grades. ^Marriage was a mandatory requirement for entry into the elder 44 69 I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o note that the concept of d i s t r i c t (rugongo) was alr e a d y e s t a b l i s h e d i n the Kikuyu t r a d i t i o n before the advent of c o l o n i a l i s m . Thus B r i t i s h use of the concept f o r a d m i n i s t r a -t i v e purposes was not f o r e i g n to the Kikuyu and f i t t e d i n w e l l w i t h the e x i s t i n g i n f r a - s t r u c t u r e . 70 The age of Senior Warriors ranged from 20-28. That only s i x sets e x i s t e d i s c o n j e c t u r a l . The evidence on t h i s p o i n t i s o f t e n vague and thus not worth c o n s i d e r i n g . S u f f i c e i t to say that there may have $ been more than s i x age-sets i n t h i s grade. 71 Kenyatta, Facing, p. 200. 72 This i s i n t e r e s t i n g i n view of the f a c t that Mau Mau (1952) regiments employed against the B r i t i s h , w a r magicians, seers or sooth-sayers. 73 Kenyatta, Facing, p. 200. 74 Hobley, Bantu, p. 211 and Mair, P r i m i t i v e , p. 99. 75 P r i n s , East A f r i c a n , p. 108. 76 Kenyatta, Facing, pp. 108, 201, 221 and Hobley, Bantu, p. 94-77 I t i s important to note t h a t a l l s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s a t the e l d e r l e v e l were conducted only by the r u l i n g h a l f of the t r i b e ; i . e . e i t h e r Maina or Mwangi. Leakey, Mau Mau, p. 37, however, says there was p r o v i s i o n made to c a l l on n o n - r u l i n g e l d e r s should the r u l i n g h a l f need advice on matters f o r e i g n to them. 78 The Kikuyu word "mumo," or j u n i o r w a r r i o r , i s pronounced simi-l a r l y to the words Mau Mau. C o r f i e l d , Report on the O r i g i n of Mau Mau, (London, I960), Cmd. 1030, H.M.S.O., suggests the connection. Kikuyu approached by the w r i t e r i n 1953-4 denied the suggestion. 45 79 Kenyatta, Facing, p. 107. Or) Hobley, Bantu, p. 209. 81 I b i d . , p. 213, c i t e s other q u a l i f i c a t i o n s f o r acceptance i n t o the grade. "Some . . . never become members of the Ukuru grade; the con-sent of the other members of the grade i s necessary and they do not approve of a candidate who i s not well-endowed w i t h wor.latby goods, or again, pros-p e c t i v e candidates may be considered unlucky." Pp. 212-9 give an e x c e l l e n t d e s c r i p t i o n of the i n i t i a t i o n ceremonies f o r p r o s p e c t i v e Ukuru. ^^Middleton, Kikuyu, p. 36. See a l s o , Kenyatta, Facing, pp. 204-5. go Hobley, Bantu, p. 212. 8 4 M a i r , P r i m i t i v e , p. 100. 85 See unpublished Mss. T. Toulson, The E f f e c t s of Counter-Insur- gency Measures on C o l o n i a l Peoples, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1970. ^ P r i n s , East A f r i c a n , p. 110. ' 87 I f the 'big c o u n c i l ' was indeed formulated on a d i s t r i c t l e v e l and those who c o n s t i t u t e d i t s membership d i d i n f a c t decide age-set names and i t w i k a dates, then i t f o l l o w s that i t w i k a dates and age-set names must have v a r i e d from d i s t r i c t to d i s t r i c t . However, i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note t h a t only minor v a r i a t i o n s occur i n i t w i k a dates and age-set names throughout the Kikuyu core areas, i . e . Kiambu, F o r t H a l l and N y e r i . This f a c t would t h e r e f o r e suggest t h a t some form of c o o r d i n a t i o n e x i s t e d between t r i b a l c o u n c i l s l o c a t e d i n the Kikuyu core-areas. 88 H.R. Tate, "Further Notes on the Southern Gikuyu of B r i t i s h East A f r i c a " intj.o.urnar o.f_=the_Afr.i.can_S.o.c.ie.ty, v o l . 10, (1910), pp. 285-97. 8 9Low, "The Northern," p. 311. 90 Lambert, Kikuyu, pp. 100-1. 91 Cagnolo, The Akikuyu, p. 214,,ll?2£hproverb 9 2Much of the Kikuyu language i s p r o v e r b i a l 93 Lambert, Kikuyu, pp. 100-1. 9 4 I b i d . Chapter 2 EARLY.CONTACTS I n i t i a l Kikuyu response to the wageni, 1 Arab, S w a h i l i or Wakamba, was conditioned, by t h e i r behaviour i n Kikuyuland. There i s some evidence to suggest t h a t Kikuyu were at f i r s t h o s p i t a b l e to c o a s t a l t r a d e r s because they were f a m i l i a r w i t h t r a d i n g processes through contact f o r sometime w i t h 2 Wakamba middlemen. By the 1870's, however, the Kikuyu were apparently r e -l u c t a n t to a l l o w wageni passage through Kikuyuland to the Lake. This ap-pears due to the f a c t t h a t t r a d e r s r e g u l a r l y foraged Kikuyu smallholdings i n search of food and departed the area without making r e s t i t u t i o n . I n -creased f r i c t i o n between Kikuyu and wageni i s borne out by the evident f e a r e x h i b i t e d by caravan p o r t e r s as they neared or s k i r t e d Kikuyuland. The f i r s t European to see Kikuyuland was John Ludwig Krapf, a CMS missionary l o c a t e d a t Rabai, near Mombasa. In 1848 he t r a v e l l e d n o r t h to the Wakamba country ( K i t u i ) and saw the t w i n peaks of Mount Kenya. In i860 3 a book of h i s t r a v e l s described the mountain. The snow-capped mountain bears v a r i o u s names among the n a t i v e t r i b e s . The Wacamba ( s i c ) c a l l i t Kima j a Kegnia, Mountain of Whiteness. Snow-white Libanon; other t r i b e s K i r a n i a , or Ndur Kengnia; the Wakuafi, O r l d i n i o e i b o r , White Mountain; i t was only seen by myself A Since none of the terms w i t h which Krapf describes the mountain are of Kikuyu o r i g i n , i t i s do u b t f u l t h a t he a c t u a l l y penetrated Kikuyuland. His statement, however, t h a t the mountain "had only been seen by myself" - 47 -48 and his wanderings i n the area, inspired others to mount exploratory ex-peditions. It was not u n t i l 1883-4, f u l l y 50 years later, however, that Joseph Thomson successfully traversed the area i n an attempt to discover 5 a route to Victoria Nyanza. Thomson's journey took him through Masai country and by August 1883 he found himself on the southern periphery of Kikuyuland at Ngongo Bagas (later Ngong). Having without trouble negotiated his way through Masailand, he now faced with trepidation the task of penetrating the Kikuyu "moat". "We had not gone far before we found that the Wakikuyu were l i t e r a l l y swarming the forest, on the look-out for an opportunity to dye their spears i n blood or to capture goods.Thomson proceeded north, undeterred, but fearful of an armed clash with the Kikuyu. "Our sensa-tions were rather queer traversing these forest depths, kept as we were continually on the alert, and i n momentary expectation of encountering 7 poisoned arrows launched from among the trees." In search of water Thomson was forced to penetrate the Kikuyu for-est "where a pond was known to exist i n disagreeable proximity to the Wa-Kikuyu." It was here that . . . "a volley of guns upset any feeling of security (then) a commotion was heard among the cattle, and warning voices that the Wa-Kikuyu were stampeding them . . . We fired aimlessly into the forest, i n the hope of frightening the disturbers of our peace . . . sev-eral arrows were shot from the bush." Subsequently i t was found that the "cause of the original volley had been an attempt to massacre one small party (of wageni) by creeping up on them." The raiders, Thomson relates, were discovered after they had attempted to k i l l a porter. The 4 9 clash continued: "A prompt volley . . . scattered the murderers, several having thus .been wounded, and one l e f t dead . . . two of the coast porters were either speared or captured." Further indication of the terror experi-enced by Thomson and his men i s his observation that "not a soul slept the livelong night" and that a "continuous fusilade was kept up as our sole 8 protection. Numerous arrows were launched into the camp . . . " In February 1887, Count Teleki von Szek and Lieut; von Hohnel, proceeded inland intent upon exploring the area north of Mount Kenya. Spending April and July i n Taveta, at the foot of Mount Kilimanjaro, the expedition marched north on roughly the same heading taken by Thomson four years earlier. By August they had reached Ngongo Bagas and from there they proceeded through Kikuyuland. Possibly influenced by Thomson's account, published i n 1885, both explorers did not r e l i s h the idea of pass-9 ing through, the area i n "which dwelt the dreaded people of Kikuyu." Ngongo Bagas, however, was safe and was to Hohnel an "oasis i n the wilder-ness to caravans." Notably i t was i n the v i c i n i t y of Ngongo Bagas that "foraging", the source of f r i c t i o n between Kikuyu and the wageni had tra-ditionally taken place. Moreover, the location of Ngongo Bagas was "safe" since i t was situated atop h i l l s i n open country. Kikuyu warriors dared not venture beyond the forest edge and into open country occupied by Masai. There i s some evidence to suggest, however, that trading actually took place at Ngongo Bagas between Kikuyu and the caravans. This was pos-sible because the Kikuyu used intermediaries to make contact with the wageni across the "moat". At Miansini, a place situated close to Ngongo Bagas, the Kikuyu sent the helot Wanderobo to act as "go-betweens" in the 50 t r a d i n g process. To f u r t h e r s u b s t a n t i a t e rumours of Kikuyu h o s t i l i t y , von Hohnel ob-served t h a t before the a r r i v a l of T e l e k i ' s e x p e d i t i o n l i t t l e was known of the land or people of the Kikuyu . . . "with the r e s u l t that countless t a l e s were a f l o a t of the f i e r c e n e s s and h o s t i l i t y of the natives.""'""'" This comment seems to have been based upon the case of a previous caravan which had attempted "to enter Kikuyu from the east, and had been destroy- . 12 ed.','. whether the case c i t e d was based on rumour i s not known. What i s known, however, i s that Ngongo Bagas had been used as a caravan staging place f o r many years. Thomson recorded the f a c t t h a t caravans of 1200 to 1500 men had o f t e n been seen at Ngongo Bagas and a l l of them had expected 13 . to o b t a i n f u r t h e r p r o v i s i o n i n g from the Kikuyu. Jumbe Kimemeta, T e l e k i ' s guide and h i m s e l f a frequent v i s i t o r to the area i n search of i v o r y , had been seen by Thomson at M i a n z i n i i n possession of i v o r y taken "from regions 14 never before reached by c o a s t a l caravan." S i g n i f i c a n t l y i t was Kimemeta who t r i e d to dissua'de Thomson from t a k i n g the Wakamba route back to the 15 coast. Kimemeta was a l s o r e s p o n s i b l e f o r i n i t i a t i n g rumours of impending Kikuyu a t t a c k s on T e l e k i ' s e x p e d i t i o n . I t was he, a l s o , who advised T e l e k i and von Hohnel t h a t i t would not be p o s s i b l e f o r them to pass through K i k u -yuland. Perhaps i t i s s p e c u l a t i v e to suggest t h a t Kimemeta (and other coast-a l t r a d e r s ) d i d not wish to compete w i t h whitemen i n the l u c r a t i v e i v o r y -bearing areas of the Aberdares and Mount Kenya. I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t r u -mours of Kikuyu h o s t i l i t y could have been spread by hunters i n t e n t upon p r e c l u d i n g Europeans a c t i v i t y i n the i v o r y business. 51 Arab trading routes from the East African coast into the interior. From John S. Galbraith, Mackinnon. and East Africa  1878-1895, Cambridge: UP, 1972, p . ^ T 52 Rumours of Kikuyu h o s t i l i t y were spread also by Wakamba traders who wished to maintain a position as middlemen in the trading process 17 between inland areas and the coast. The case of Wakamba rumours about Kikuyu h o s t i l i t y i s of particular significance, especially with respect to the effect such tales had on Europeans who, i t seems, prepared them-18 selves to "fight every inch of the way" through Kikuyuland. Wakamba trade with the coast had been taking place since 1836 and well before Europeans made their presence a fact in the interior. Krapf 19 and others have stated that trade relations between Wakamba and the coast commenced during and after a great famine. It is known, also, prior to 1836 a great deal of local trading went on and consisted mainly of the exchange of foodstuffs, poison for arrows, and possibly iron implements. According to Wakamba oral tradition, this trade took place with the Kikuyu and Embu. The post-1836 coastal trade developed, however, in a much more sophisticated fashion and placed the Wakamba solidly i n the position of being trading middlemen between the coast and the Kikuyu. By 184-8-9 Krapf reported that the Wakamba coastal trading t r a f f i c was substantial: "The Swahili purvey to the Wakamba cotton fabrics (Americano), blue calico, glass beads, copper, salt luaha, blue v i t r i o l (zinc) etc. and receive i n 20 exchange chiefly cattle and ivory." By the 1840's large caravans were reported to be seen between Wakamba country and the coast. Krapf estimated that Wakamba coastal safaris consisted often of as many as 300-400 persons 21 carrying large amounts of ivory. By the latter half of the century, how-, ever;,'/ the Wakamba lost their trading monopoly to Arab and Swahili traders and reverted to their role of "middlemen" in the trading process. Moreover, 53 Arabs and S w a h i l i began to penetrate beyond Wakamba country i n an e f f o r t 22 • to reach the i v o r y - b e a r i n g areas of Kikuyuland. In f a c t Wakamba country had now ceased to be the East A f r i c a n entrepot. Traders bent on commerical a c t i v i t y i n Kikuyuland and beyond, forced by t h e i r new a c t i v i t y a d e c l i n e i n Wakamba economic ascendency. Hence the strong suggestion t h a t rumours of Kikuyu h o s t i l i t y were designed d e l i b e r a t e l y to deter t r a v e l l e r s from 23 proceeding n o r t h i n t o Kikuyuland. I n i t i a l European experiences w i t h the Kikuyu, however, seemed to vary from extreme h o s t i l i t y to f r i e n d l i n e s s . Kikuyu a t t i t u d e s and r e -sponses to the European i n v a s i o n seemed to vary from r i d g e to r i d g e ; from one p a r t of the country to the other. In the southern p e r i p h e r y of Kikuyu-land von Hohnel and T e l e k i met w i t h implacable r e s i s t a n c e while f u r t h e r to the n o r t h they were amazed a t a s s i s t a n c e o f f e r e d them by f r i e n d l y and co-oper a t i v e Kikuyu. Both men were able "to secure f a i t h f u l guides" who would warn them of impending o p p o s i t i o n on the p a r t of Kikuyu planning to r e s i s t f u r t h e r p e n e t r a t i o n of t h e i r homeland. Indeed, Hohnel observed t h a t one of the most remarkable aspects of the journey through Kikuyuland was the "honesty and f a i t h f u l n e s s " d i s p l a y e d to both h i m s e l f and h i s com-panion by t h e i r Kikuyu guides. H.J. Mackinder, i n 1900, s u b s t a n t i a t e d Hohnel's remarks by p r a i s i n g the l o y a l t y of h i s Kikuyu guides during an 25 ascent of Mount Kenya. Von Hohnel speaks of T e l e k i , a l s o , as being r e -garded by some Kikuyu as being a "white samaki ( s i c ) , or c h i e f . " On t h i s occasion some of T e l e k i ' s men were i n v o l v e d i n a blood-brotherhood cere-mony w i t h the Kikuyu, were r e c e i v e d i n a f r i e n d l y f a s h i o n and "returned to 26 camp w i t h heavy sacks of sweet potatoes." 54 Conversely, however, despite the f r i e n d l y behaviour of some Kikuyu others adopted an openly h o s t i l e a t t i t u d e toward the strangers. We have, f o r example, Thomson's account of harassment and von Hohnel and T e l e k i r e -f e r to the need to f i g h t t h e i r way through s e v e r a l areas of Kikuyuland. There e x i s t s , t h e r e f o r e , something of a c o n t r a d i c t i o n about Kikuyu a t t i -tudes towards wageni: the evidence r e v e a l s both h o s t i l e and f r i e n d l y r e -l a t i o n s h i p s . M a n i f o l d reasons account f o r Kikuyu a t t i t u d e s toward wageni. Un-doubtedly the major reason f o r h o s t i l i t y i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the p r o p e n s i t y f o r caravans to r a i d Kikuyu smallholdings f o r f o o d ; e s p e c i a l l y ; i n . t h e staging area of Ngongo Bagas. There had been a w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d t r a d i t i o n of r a i d i n g across the "moat" and as caravans became l a r g e r to the n e c e s s i t y of feeding more p o r t e r s increased. Furthermore, i t was not the. h a b i t of caravan owners to o f f e r r e s t i t u t i o n f o r p r o v i s i o n s taken. A l s o , Ngongo Bagas was an " o a s i s i n the w i l d e r n e s s " . I t was here t h a t caravans were for c e d to p r o v i s i o n a f t e r t h e i r long march across the dry scrub to the south-east; here the t r a v e l l e r s saw the verdant slopes of Kikuyuland abound-i n g w i t h f r e s h produce. Indeed, perhaps the "greatest problem f a c i n g the 27 Kikuyu was t h e i r very p r o s p e r i t y . " I t was a t Ngongo Bagas, a l s o , t h a t Kikuyu, used to t r a d i n g as the evidence suggests, sent t h e i r i n t e r m e d i a r i e s , the h e l o t Wanderobo, to trade produce f o r beads, b l a n k e t s , "amerikani" and perhaps, l a t e r , f i r e a r m s . The l o g i c of sending i n t e r m e d i a r i e s l i e s , of course, i n the f a c t t h a t i n t h i s event there was then no need f o r Kikuyu to leave t h e i r i s l a n d f a s t n e s s and conversely there was thus no reason f o r wageni to cross the "moat" and trespass Kikuyu smallholdings f o r food. 55 T y p i c a l Layout of Kikuyu Mashamba, e a r l y 1900's, near F o r t H a l l . From Richard Meinhertzhagen, Kenya Diary, 1902-1906, London: Witherby, 1957, p. 104-. Perhaps the "greatest problem f a c i n g the Kikuyu was t h e i r very p r o s p e r i t y . " 56 Traders, t h e i r A f r i c a n l e v i e s and unsuspecting e x p l o r e r s , who d i d cross the "moat" were t h e r e f o r e at once "suspect" and thus " f a i r game" f o r the w a i t i n g w a r r i o r s . Kikuyu a t t i t u d e s were conditioned to a l a r g e extent, a l s o , by the behaviour of Europeans. White t r a v e l l e r s tended to b e l i e v e t h a t f i r i n g "a few shots" f o r the purpose of "overawing the people" or, as Thomson put i t , " f i r i n g a i m l e s s l y i n t o the f o r e s t " were the only means of d e a l i n g w i t h t h e i r u n w i l l i n g hosts. Von Hohnel, indeed, a f t e r h i s t a l k of Kikuyu "honesty and f a i r n e s s " went on to a s s e r t t h a t "to employ f o r c e Gwas) the 28 only means of c r e a t i n g the necessary impression." The "necessary im-p r e s s i o n " meant, of course, to implant i n t o the Kikuyu a f e a r of the 29 whiteman. There i s l i t t l e doubt that Europeans were conditioned t o f i g h t the Kikuyu even before they a r r i v e d i n Kikuyuland; Kimemeta and the Wakamba rumour-mongers had seen to t h a t . Where, s i g n i f i c a n t l y , Kikuyu had been 'touched' by the wageni they were h o s t i l e : i n areas beyond the f r i n g e of Kikuyuland, w i t h i n the i n t e r i o r and removed from the scene of abrasive contact, r e l a t i o n s h i p s between wageni and the tribesmen were tenuous but o f t e n f r i e n d l y as the e x p e r i e n c e s - o f . T e l e k i , von Hohnel, Thomson and Mackinder c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e . Lugard was l a t e r to a f f i r m these f i n d i n g s on h i s v i s i t to Kikuyuland i n 1890. But European apprehension coupled w i t h Kikuyu s u s p i c i o n ( p a r t i c u l a r l y among those who knew of or had f i r s t - h a n d experience of scavenging caravans) f e a t u r e d prominently i n the i n i t i a l con-t a c t p e r i o d . These a t t i t u d e s and the o c c a s i o n a l v i o l e n t clashes of t h i s p e r i o d were important c o n d i t i o n i n g f a c t o r s i n subsequent, more extensive 57 r e l a t i o n s h i p s , between the Kikuyu and European armed t r a d e r s , European and A f r i c a n employees of the B r i t i s h East A f r i c a Company and the P r o t e c t o r -ate A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . 58 FOOTNOTES ~4(iswahili (foreigners) 2 For perhaps the most comprehensive account of Wakamba trading activities see John Lamphear, "The Kamba and the Northern Mrima Coast" in Richard Gray and David Birmingham, eds., Pre-Colonial Trade: Essays  on Trade i n Central and Eastern Africa before 1900, (London: OUP, 1970), pp. 75-101. A useful review of Wakamba trading patterns i s in Isaria N. Kimambo, "The Economic History of the Wakamba,"1850-1950," Hadith 2, Bethwell A. Ogot, ed. (Nairobi: EAPH, 1970, pp. 70-103. Some reference to Wakamba trade is also to be found in Satish C. Saterwal, "Historical Notes," pp. 34-5, " . . . the Kamba established the ivory trade links between the coast and the foothills of Mt. Kenya during the 1830's. They exploited this trade through the 1840' s and 185.0'.s, but during the 1860's the traders from Zanzibar successfully established routes to the Mt. Kenya region, by-passing Kamba country, and captured the trade i n that area from the Kamba." 3 John L. Krapf, Travels, Researches and Missionary Labours, (London: Trubner, i860). See also excerpts in Charles Richards, ed. Some Historic Journeys i n East Africa, (London: OUP, 1961), passim. ^Ibid., pp. 10-11. 5 See H.R. Tate, "Two African Explorers, 11-Joseph Thomson " in Journal of the Royal African Society, vol. 37, (Oct. 1938), pp. 449-70, also, Joseph Thomson, "East Africa as i t Was and Is" i n The Contemporary  Review, (1889), pp. 41-51 and Sir Harry Johnston, "The East African Prob-lem" i n Nineteenth Century, (1908), p. 56B. ^Joseph Thomson, Through Masailand, (London: Sampson Low, 1885) and i n Charles Richards, ed., Some Historic, p. 91. 7 Ibid., 59 8T_bid., pp. 91-2-3. Lieut,von Hohnel, The Discovery of Lakes Rudolph and Stefanie, (London: Longmans Green, 1894) and extracted from ibid p. 101. Ibid. I U . . Ibid. 1 2 I b i d . , p. 102. •^Thomson, Through, pp. 307, 572. U I b i d . , p. 571. 1 5 I b i d . , pp. 572-3. "^Von Hohnel, The Discovery, p. 296. 17 Kimambo, "The Economic," p. 81. 18 Von Hohnel, The Discovery, p. 287. This i s a specific reference to Fischer, a European explorer who, notably, never actually crossed Kikuyu-land but who appears to have been influenced by his.own porters into making this statement. 19 Krapf, Travels, pp. 230-1. See also Kimambo, "The Economic" for a reference to a recent work by K. Jackson, (1967-8) on this sub-ject, p. 99. ? 0 Ibid., pp. 256-7 and K.G. Lindblom, The Akamba in East Africa, (Upsala, n.p., 1920). 60 2 1Krapf, Travels, pp. 248, 287. 22 This i s substantiated by Thomson's observation that he witnessed caravans of 1200 to 1500 persons as far north of Wakamba country as Ngongo Bagas. Obviously the Wakamba habitat had by the 1870's ceased to be the interior entrepot and that now the trade fulcrum had shifted to Ngongo Bagas.. For an informative account of the ivory trade see R.W. Beachey, "The East African Ivory Trade in the Nineteenth Century" i n Journal of African History, vol. 8, (1967), pp. 269-90. The ivory trade had already been well exploited by Arabs and Swahilis; routes into the interior were well established by the 1870's-(see Gerald W. Hartig, "The Victoria Nyanza as a Trade Route i n the Nineteenth Cen-tury" i n Journal of African History, vol. 11, (1970), pp. 535-552) but by the 1880's Europeans were greatly involved to the detriment Arabs, Swahilis and the interior tribes. "Filibustering expeditions into northern Kenya and Lake Rudolf region, commencing with that of Teleki inel888loeQntinugd8througho.U(tdthera>8§06st tTelekiGspeakseqfA; L X the "ever-increasing store of ivory," He acquired a great quantity .After Teleki came.Chanler, Newman, Donaldson-Smith and Frazer Delemere and Atkinson -. . ; y, p. 84. 23 In the mind of the European, doubtless conditioned by rumours and his own experience, Kikuyu steadily acquired a reputation for trucu-lence and untrustworthiness. Elio t referredc to them as being "less friendly" than other tribes. C.W. Hobley described the Kikuyu as "tur-bulent and treacherous . . . secretive, more conservative and more d i f f i -cult to understand than other tribes." Major J.R.L. Macdonald said that the Kikuyu "were about as treacherous as could be" while Colonel Richard Meinhertzhagen, Kenya Diary, 1902-1906, (London: Witherby, 1957), pp. 79-80, made the prediction that "in the end they w i l l cause a lot of trouble." 2<S/bn Hohnel, The Discovery, p. 338. 25 H.J. Mackinder, "A Journey to the Summit of Mount Kenya" i n The. Geographical Journal, vol. 15, (1900), p. 457. 26 Richards, ed., Some Historic, p. 103. 27 E.A. Alpers, "The Nineteenth Century: Prelude to Colonialism" in Zamani, pp. 247-8. See also Captain CE. Stigand, The Land of Zinj, (London: Cass, 1966, ed. ), p. 238. "The Kikuyu are really immensely rich, as they have everything the heart could desire i n abundance. I have never seen raw natives anywhere who have such copious and various supplies of food. 61 28 Von Hohnel, The Discovery, pp. 336-7. 29 See Richard Crawshay, "Kikuyu: Notes on the Country, People, Fauna and.Flora" in the Geographical Journal, vol. 20, tl9©2)., p. 39. Travellers in Kikuyuland said Crawshay, "owe any rough treatment they have to complain of either to their ignorance of 'savoir faire' . . . or more frequently to the secret misconduct of their followers." Chapter 3 THE IMPERIAL BRITISH EAST AFRICA COMPANY At this point we must consider•the effects on the Kikuyu of Euro-pean penetration of the "moat" by o f f i c i a l s and African employees of the Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEA Co.). In 1886 a boundary was drawn to separate German East Africa from the British East African spheres One consequence of the definition of the new boundary was the channelling of British penetration toward Lake Vic-toria from Mombasa. The British recognized that effective communications with the hinterland were imperative for prospective government, economic progress and p o l i t i c a l expediency. 1 For these reasons railroad construc-2 tion from Mombasa to the Lake began in 1895. Although Germans and British had agreed on the location of the border between their respective claims, the hinterland around and beyond Lake Victoria remained in dispute. In 1887, with the endorsement of the 3 British Foreign Office <the British East Africa Company was founded. A year later the organization possessed a Royal Charter, subscribed capital of 24-0,000 pounds and had changed i t s name to the Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEA Co.). Like i t s forerunners i n India and Canada, the Company's mandate included the administration and development of the t e r r i tory under i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n . 4 The area included the British sphere of influence, negotiated with the Germans in 1886 and extending north of - 62 -'^.-•L'.v.vi.V ' A^ S'o-C^ . A:t. Jul/ IG90. OF C'o-c. : INFLUENCE — JLIII W J . v * ^ 8 GEftMAN S P H E R E . %&!Wr/tA''-' PO RT UCUESE E A S 7' A F R I C A J 6. L! Agreement: of iG2s/:8B6. — — • Agreement) of 1890/1091. Approximate .irc.icliimcd by Germany .u Willi Protectorate Oc:o!>cr i3Ca. German V-LfJ,Lt/±//.\ claim renounced, Jidy iciQO. Approximate area claimed by Germany under protectorate of February iSS^.r B p ' J v ' f t i i l Sultan of Zan-ibar'j coa;ia! dominions a; acknowledged by Ar.r-lo-Gcrrnan-Frenci ^ • ' . ' i l Delimitation Commission, 1C8G. • • Zanzibar northern Ports leased to I.B.E.A. Co. 1383. Northern co.v.t!inc r.f Zaosi'bar Icaieo io /.5- r- A- Co. 1887. 1 . Southern c oa s t l i ne ofXantibac leaded to German E.A. Co. April i860. Sold to Ger-many JDcccir.ber ; 090. The.partition of East Africa, 1884-91 from John S. Galbraith, Mackinnon and East Africa, 1878-1895, Cambridge: UP, 1972, p. 104. 64 the Anglo-German boundary, together w i t h the S u l t a n of Zanzibar's domain --•a s t r i p of t e r r i t o r y extending along the coast some 200 m i l e s by 10 m i l e s wide. An annual t i t h e of 10,000 pounds, extending f o r a p e r i o d of 50 years, was p a i d to S u l t a n Barghash i n r e n t , w h i le a l l customs l e v i e d were c o l l e c t e d by the Company. F l y i n g i t s own f l a g , m inting i t s own money, p r i n t i n g i t s own postage stamps, the Company became a corporate dominion: i t r e c r u i t e d an army and b u i l t up the town of Mombasa to 5 serve as i t s East A f r i c a n Headquarters. From Mombasa the e d i c t s of the " A d m i n i s t r a t o r " ^ were passed down to j u n i o r o f f i c e r s r e s i d e n t "up-country" on the route to the Lake. Caravans were r e g u l a r l y despatched i n t o the i n t e r i o r as the f u t u r e of trade was thought to be around the head of the Lake and i n p a r t i c u l a r , Buganda. Buganda was a matter of the utmostt importance to both Germans and B r i t i s h . The Agreement of 1886 had not been c l e a r l y defined. According to the document the border between Anglo-German.respective spheres of i n f l u e n c e stoppedc.at the eastern shore of the Lake; furthermore the n o r t h -ern boundary of the B r i t i s h sphere stopped to the east of the N i l e and thus d i d not encompass the Kingdom of Buganda. How, the Germans, asked, could the B r i t i s h c l a i m paramountcy over an area not i n c l u d e d i n the 1886 Agree-ment? What was important, t h e r e f o r e , i n the eyes of both p a r t i e s — m o r e so the B r i t i s h because of p o l i t i c a l ambitions i n Egypt—was the a c t u a l occupa-t i o n of Buganda and the N i l e source. For these reasons there commenced a 'scramble' whose ant a g o n i s t s , K a r l Peters of the C o l o n i z a t i o n S o c i e t y , 7 a c t i n g f o r the German Government, and F r e d e r i c k Dealty Lugard of the B r i t -i s h East A f r i c a Corporation, a c t i n g f o r the B r i t i s h Government, became the w i l l i n g instruments of i m p e r i a l p o l i c y . Hence the urgent d i s p a t c h of 65 Lugard, ostensibly a Company employee, to reach Buganda, annex i t i n the name of the B r i t i s h Government and make peace with i t s r u l e r (Kabaka) Mwanga.^ Lugard's expedition to Buganda l e f t Mombasa i n August 1889. I t included a m i l i t a r y force of Sudanese askari armed with Snider r i f l e s and a Maxim gun.^ By October 1889 the s a f a r i had successfully flanked the dry scrub of the Taru, followed the course of the Sabaki.River and had reached Kikuyuland. For a month or more Lugard lingered i n the area; f i r s t at Ngongo Bagas and l a t t e r l y at a s i t e to be known as Dagoretti. At both l o -cations he proceeded to b u i l d and occupy Company stations, or " f o r t s " , as he preferred to c a l l them. It was i n the area of Dagoretti that Lugard attempted to extend Company influence over the Kikuyu by involving himself with Kikuyu not-ables i n "blood-brotherhood" ceremonies. Confirmation of the r i t e s took the form of lengthy speeches pledging eternal and f r i e n d l y a l l i a n c e s be-tween parties. Thus i t i s evident that Lugard saw the v a l i d i t y of the ceremonial approach to friendship, over that of the formal treaty. He saw, for example, the i m p r a c t i c a l i t y of the "treaty" when used i n the same form customary i n Europe "I f e l t that I could not honourably pledge the Company's protection to distant t r i b e s , whom they had no means whatever of protecting . . . while the cession of a l l rights of rule . . was, i n my opinion, asking for more than was f a i r . " " ^ Clearly more equitable—and perhaps as valid—was the r i t u a l of bloodfebcoibherhood. At least the cere-mony provided an "understanding" of more significance t© the Kikuyu than a piece of paper written i n a foreign language and incorporating the LUGA^D'S JOURNEY T UGANDA iLLUSTRATt, !!S OUTWARD ROU": AUGUST-SEPTEMBER i AND RETURN ROUT AUGUST 1392. • -x />; CENTRAL SECTION O;-LUGAilD'S JOU&N5Y TO UGANDA ILLUSTRATING HIS OUTWARD ROUTT:, OCTOBER - DF.CGMBEK 1890 AND R.ETUr\M ROUTE, JUNE -AUGUST 1092. Lugard's routes to and from Uganda,. 1890 and 1892 from Margery Perham, Lugard, The Years of. Adventure, 1858-1898, London: Collins, 1956, p. 40 and p. 310 Lugard':. route oh his prel iminary •journe.-/ from Mombns:; to t-'lachakos, J a n u a r y - A p r i l IC90 fo! lowed the Sabaki PJver and the norch - ens torn route- alon'.' the A t h i River ro K i b w c z i , ,. on bath the outv/ard and return journeys . j '/:. 67 semantics of European diplomacy. S h o r t l y a f t e r t a k i n g p a r t i n a blood-brotherhood a l l i a n c e w i t h the Kikuyu (October 1890), Lugard described h i s f e e l i n g s on the matter. Apropos of the t r e a t y business . . . Miroo and others came to say th a t some h o s t i l e Kikuyu had b o l t e d w i t h some of t h e i r c a t t l e , and they came to ask me f o r a few men to go and f i g h t . This to them seemed most n a t u r a l as I am to them a blood b r o t h e r . H T y p i c a l l y of Lugard he f e l t he evaded the i m p l i c a t i o n s of the request f o r a i d by Kikuyu.to f i g h t other Kikuyu, " r a t h e r c l e v e r l y " . " I s a i d t h a t . . . we would f i g h t i f the Masai came r a i d i n g c l o s e to our f o r t but I could not f i g h t against the Kikuyu because I had come here to make peace and f r i e n d -s h i p w i t h a l l Kikuyu, and i f I fought against some that would prevent my purpose, and perhaps on my r e t u r n I pass t h r o ' t h e i r country and then they 1 1 2 would consider me an enemy." Lugard pursued h i s l o g i c by e x p l a i n i n g t h a t Kikuyu seeking h i s a i d i n an a l l i a n c e might contravene a previous t r e a t y or blood-brotherhood ceremony he or any of h i s a s s o c i a t e s might have w i t h other c l a n s . . . . Jackson (who of course was my 'brother' )x M d made blood brothers w i t h c h i e f s i n the i n t e r i o r , hence they were my b r o t h e r s , and perhaps these were the very ones . . . against whom they wished me to f i g h t . I d i d not know, and i t was m a n i f e s t l y impossible to f i g h t against p o s s i b l e blood b r o t h e r s . ^ Lugard's major p o i n t , however, was h i s ex p l a n a t i o n to the Kikuyu t h a t t h e i r i n t e r n a l disputes r e s u l t e d o n ly i n minor consequences. Far more se r i o u s consequences would manifest, he suggested, should the B r i t -i s h become i n v o l v e d i n i n t e r - t r i b a l d i s p u t e s . "When the Kikuyu f i g h t , " he t o l d h i s !"blood-brothers", "a man gets h i s s k u l l cracked at worst. I f 68 the B r i t i s h f i g h t and b r i n g guns, many, many men d i e . I don't wish to k i l l Kikuyu.'' 1^ Thus he "r a t h e r c l e v e r l y " , to use h i s own expression, conveyed to the Kikuyu that n o t i o n t h a t the B r i t i s h were not to be t r i f l e d w i t h . Contrary, however, to h i s expressed a v e r s i o n to the formal t r e a t y , Lugard d i d i n f a c t use t h i s means to ensure Kikuyu a l l e g i a n c e to the Com-pany. He d i d not adhere to the standard procedure of usi n g " p r i n t e d t r e a t y 25 forms", but r a t h e r made out h i s own formsof dbcumentmenMorebver he was c a r e f u l to conclude t r e a t i e s w i t h Kikuyu he deemed to be " c h i e f s " . Thus i t must have been evident to him th a t there were i n existence Kikuyu who could be r e f e r r e d to as " c h i e f s " simply because they appeared to poss-ess some s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e over l o c a l t r i b a l a f f a i r s . Lugard l e f t D a g o r e t t i on November 2, 1890, bound f o r the head of the Lake and the kingdom of Buganda. He had gained a favourable impress-i o n of the Kikuyu. Tribesmen he encountered were " r e a l l y charming savages" w i t h "most i n t e l l i g e n t faces, high foreheads, well-shaped heads, and i n -t e l l i g e n t eyes and expression. The c h i e f and h i s brothers and r e l a t i v e s were e s p e c i a l l y so." E i y e k i ( s i c ) introduced Lugard t o h i s b r o t h e r s , Miroo, Kahusu and Muriakarara who were seen to be "three c a p i t a l f e l l o w s . " 1 The Kikuyu ' c h i e f s ' seemed a l s o to have great i n f l u e n c e . . . . In the evening on a word of command, h a l f a dozen w a r r i o r s rushed forward w i t h long s t i c k s to c l e a r the camp of Kikuyu . . . they went at i t w i t h a w i l l , and some got m e r c i l e s s l y lashed out of camp. A few b i g w a r r i o r s were t r e a t e d l e s s roughly, but the s t i c k s f l e w around them, and the ground was beaten, and amid much clamour (they were) f o r c e d to c l e a r out.-^ ' 69 An i n d i c a t i o n of the genuine respect and h o s p i t a l i t y shown Lugard by the Kikuyu was the custom of s p i t t i n g on the hands before shaking hands. "I t . w a s r o b v i o u s l y 'quite bone f i d e " , Lugard asserted. "Some seemed overjoy-ed to see D u a l l a (Lugard's guide again and spat p r o f u s e l y before shak-ing hands, but i t seemed a mark of respect and f r i e n d s h i p to do so, and 20 the more c o r d i a l (Kikuyu) d i d i t more than once . . . " Lugard was e s p e c i a l l y s t r u c k by the extent of Kikuyu c u l t i v a t i o n and remarked t h a t t h i s f a c t seemed "to mark the Kikuyu as an i n d u s t r i o u s race. Their paths," he observed, "were biroad and good" and were o b v i o u s l y designed to serve defensive purposes." Kikuyu smallholdings were i r r i g a -21 ted "very s u c c e s s f u l l y , " w i t h l i t t l e water courses around t h e i r p l o t s . Kikuyu w i t h whom Lugard impressed the idea of f r i e n d s h i p w i t h Wakamba "agreed r e a d i l y and l i k e d the idea of going to Machakos and b r i n g i n g loads up from there." "The people," Lugard s t a t e d , "seem of an e x c e l l e n t dispo-s i t i o n , and stand chaff without q u a r r e l l i n g . I have seen a man robbed of a handful of potatoes, and take i t a l l as a joke. I have h a r d l y had a 22 complaint of any s o r t . " . They were " r e a l l y very n i c e f e l l o w s , so i n t e l l i -gent,aand such good-mannered, c i v i l f e l l o w s f o r savages . . . Their faces betoken great i n t e l l i g e n c e , and so do t h e i r h i g h foreheads and good shaped 23 heads." He was, he s a i d , "more favourably impressed by them than by any other t r i b e (he) had yet met i n A f r i c a . " Moreover, he remarked, ". . . 1 had no h e s i t a t i o n i n t r u s t i n g myself alone among them, even at considerable 25 distances from camp . . . I found them honest and s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d . " By 1893, however, desp i t e h i s experiences and the sentiments he had expressed about the Kikuyu three years e a r l i e r , Lugard's a t t i t u d e had 70 changed considerably. " I very g r e a t l y deplore the mismanagement ( o f the Kikuyu) which had p r a c t i c a l l y c l o s e d a country which bade f a i r to be the most promising f o r commercial development between the coast and the Lake, and has converted the f a i r promise of f r i e n d s h i p and peace i n t o h o s t i l i t y and bloodshed, so t h a t the people have become a treacherous and embittered enemy, who now massacre any detached men they can catch . . . " There i s l i t t l e doubt t h a t subsequent to Lugarddls f i r s t v i s i t to the area r e l a t i o n s h i p s between wageni and Kikuyu had d e t e r i o r a t e d . By the mid-1890's Kikuyu looked upon most newcomers w i t h the g r e a t e s t f e a r and s u s p i c i o n . Open h o s t i l i t y was rampant and k i l l i n g not i n f r e q u e n t . These a t t i t u d e s were to set the tone of ensuing r e l a t i o n s h i p s between Kikuyu and the Company, the t r a d e r s , tbiee embryo C o l o n i a l A d m i n i s t r a t i o n and, not the l e a s t , among Kikuyu themselves. What f a c t o r s caused a d e t e r i o r a t i o n i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s ? Why had the Kikuyu become, i n a comparatively short p e r i o d of time, "a treacherous and embittered enemy"? Three reasons tend to h i g h l i g h t the obvious demise of Kikuyu-Company r e l a t i o n s . The f i r s t concerns the f o r c e d evacuation of D a g o r e t t i by Lugard 1s subordinate, George Wilson. Here i t should be r e c a l l e d that Dag-, o r e t t i had been constructed as a means to p r o v i s i o n Company caravans bound f o r the Lake. True Lugard had seen Kikuyuland as being a place not u n l i k e the E n g l i s h countryside and thus s u i t a b l e , " i n the f a r f u t u r e " f o r white settlement: but at t h a t time-his i n t e n t i o n was not to " s e t t l e " at D a g o r e t t i . H i s concern was merely to e s t a b l i s h f o r the Company j u s t one of a s t r i n g of p r o v i s i o n i n g bases between the coast and the Lake. 71 The Kikuyu, however, saw D a g o r e t t i as a permanent settlement. For them to be harrassed by passing caravans was one t h i n g ; f o r them to have the wageni permanently i n t h e i r midst was another. They had endured the a t t e n t i o n s of the c o a s t a l marauders and from t h e i r experiences w i t h Thom-son, T e l e k i , von Hohnel and some armed t r a d e r s , they were w e l l aware of the "fire-power" of Europeans. True they had been k i n d to L u g a r d — a European — b u t as an " i n d i v i d u a l " . Now the Kikuyu were confronted not w i t h Europeans as " i n d i v i d u a l s " but r a t h e r w i t h the p o t e n t i a l of Europeans en masse. Lugard, through probably.the power of h i s p e r s o n a l i t y , had indeed e s t a b l i s h -ed a rapport w i t h the athamaki, e s p e c i a l l y Waiyaki, but h i s departure l e f t a vacuum hard to f i l l . George Wilson, r e s p o n s i b l e f o r D a g o r e t t i , was f r e -quently s i c k and thus indisposed to engage hims e l f i n the time-consuming 27 a c t i v i t i e s of A f r i c a n diplomacy. P u r k i s s , another Company man, was young and inexperienced. Nelson's b r i e f tenure a t D a g o r e t t i was i l l - f a t e d by a 28 mutiny of Company a s k a r i . Thus i n a r e l a t i v e l y short p e r i o d of time, Lugard's good example and foundations f o r the f u t u r e were wrecked. The Company was forced to desert D a g o r e t t i and r e t i r e to the comparative s a f e t y of Machakos. The second reason e x p l a i n i n g a change i n Kikuyu a t t i t u d e can be a s c r i b e d to the behaviour of i l l - d i s c i p l i n e d Company l e v i e s . Kikuyu sus-p i c i o n s and h o s t i l i t y g e n e r a l l y seemed to have been exacerbated by Company attempts to a r r e s t tribesmen f o r a l l e g e d s t e a l i n g . As a r e s u l t f i g h t i n g o f t e n brokecouit,, houses were burned and l i v e s t o c k c o n f i s c a t e d . T y p i c a l of these i n c i d e n t s was the preven t i o n of Company employees from drawing water and the a c t i v i t i e s of a s k a r i , who, on a journey to Machakos l o o t e d and 72 k i l l e d g o a t s . ^ y The e a r l y l i t e r a t u r e abounds w i t h such i n c i d e n t s and the r e t a l i a t o r y t a c t i c s of both s i d e s . Even Jackson's caravan was accused of 30 s t e a l i n g crops and v i o l a t i n g women. Of major s i g n i f i c a n c e , however, i s the way the Kikuyu became v i o l e n t l y i n v o l v e d not only w i t h the Company but w i t h each other. Company o f f i c i a l s and r e t a i n e r s got themselves em-b r o i l e d i n t r i b a l squabbles by s i d i n g w i t h one against the other. There i s on record, f o r example, an instance of a Kikuyu persuading a l a r g e number of Company men to accompany him on an e x p e d i t i o n to recover a l l e g e d s t o l e n c a t t l e . Proceeding on the p r e t e x t of seeking food, the e x p e d i t i o n was 31 " s u c c e s s f u l " and returned to i t s Company base w i t h the l o o t e d stock. Both Company a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , P u r k i s s and Nelson, were faced w i t h a s e r i o u s breakdown of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e machinery i n southern Kikuyuland: and most of their, t r o u b l e s can be tr a c e d to l a c k of c o n t r o l over t h e i r A f r i c a n l e v i e s . In 1892, moreover, the s i t u a t i o n was worsened c o n s i d e r a b l y by the decree t h a t a l l Company s t a t i o n s should be s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g . Now i t appears t h a t o f f i c i a l carte-blanche had been given to r a i d f o r food or s t o c k — a s i t u a t i o n t h a t was n a t u r a l l y to exacerbate.the problem and one which i n e v i t a b l y l e a d to an e s c a l a t i o n of the t u r m o i l . Hence Lugard was able to say w i t h j u s t i f -i c a t i o n t h a t the Kikuyu "became estranged (and) h o p e l e s s l y d i s a f f e c t e d . " The evacuation of D a g o r e t t i was only a temporary r e s p i t e . Soon the Company was back to the s t a t i o n i n stre n g t h ; i n t e n t t h i s time i n e s t a b l i s h -i n g a more.permanent presence. In the t e r r i t o r y of Lugard's o l d f r i e n d , Waiyaki, work commenced on a new s t a t i o n to be named Fort;:-Smith a f t e r the leader of the e x p e d i t i o n . But around the area of the new f a c i l i t y r e l a t i o n s between the Company, i t s supporters and the Kikuyu, d i d not improve. The 73 death of Maktubu and the arrest and subsequent death of Waiyaki served fur-ther to engender increased hatred and h o s t i l i t y . The third reason explaining a change in Kikuyu attitude i s asso-ciated with the deaths of Maktubu and Waiyaki. Maktubu, a Nyasa, was a Company levy who had served under Thomson and von Hohnel. Described by Thomson as a man endowed with "an utter absence of tact in dealing with 32 men under him" he had almost shot Martin and had quarrelled perpetually 33 with Dualla. The Company often despatched him to forage for food and to act generally as an intermediary i n dealing with Kikuyu around Fort Smith. In mid-1892 Maktubu was induced to accompany a Kikuyu collaborator, Kamau Wamagata, on a journey to a village to collect a marriage dowry. Both men took with them several Kikuyu and fifteen Company askari. On arrival at the village in question they demanded the repayment of the dowry and a fight broke out. The invaders, outnumbered and without aid from Fort Smith, were almost a l l k i l l e d . A survivor subsequently reported that Maktubu and his followers had been k i l l e d while innocently searching for food. In August 1892 the Company sent a.strong expedition to punish the Kikuyu re-34 sponsible for Maktubu's death. Meanwhile, the muthumaki Waiyaki, blood-brother of Lugard, fearing he might be punished for events surrounding the Maktubu incident, went to see Purkiss of the Company. Soon an argument ensued during which the Kikuyu drew his sword (simi) and attempted to k i l l the European. A scuffle took place and Waiyaki.appears to have been struck on the head with his own weapon. Overpowered and beaten Waiyaki was handcuffed and l e f t outside overnight. On August 19, 1892 he was escorted by Company askari on a jour-ney to exile on the coast. But Waiyaki never reached Mombasa: he died and 74 was b u r i e d at Kibwezi. The a f f a i r of Waiyaki i s of importance i n view of h i s p e r s o n a l change of a t t i t u d e toward the whiteman. Whereas i t i s only p o s s i b l e to i n t e r p o l a t e from the evidence c o l l e c t i v e Kikuyu a t t i t u d e s , i t i s p o s s i b l e , . i n the case of Waiyaki, to t r a c e w i t h c e r t a i n t y h i s personal change of a t t i t u d e . Just a few years before h i s death, f o r example, he had been in s t r u m e n t a l i n a i d i n g T e l e k i ' s s a f e . t r a v e r s e of Kikuyuland. Lugard found common cause w i t h him i n the ceremony of blood-brotherhood—a f a c t which i s w e l l recorded i n Lugard's w r i t i n g s . Even other European employ-ees of the Company, not a b l y P u r k i s s and Smith, had e a r l i e r developed a r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h Waiyaki of mutual t r u s t . Waiyaki had, f o r example, d i s p l a y e d remarkable t a c t i n r e t u r n i n g to the Company i t s s t o l e n p r o p e r t y on more than one occasion. But i n the short time between Lugard's f i r s t v i s i t to Waiyaki's area, and the establishment and o p e r a t i o n of the Company s t a t i o n ( F o r t h Smith) W a i y a k i i s personal a t t i t u d e toward the strangers un-deniably;^ changed: the presence a n d . a c t i v i t i e s of the whitemen—and t h e i r c o l l a b o r a t o r s — h a d d u n d o u b t e d l y c o n t r i b u t e d profoundly to t h a t change. The demise of Waiyaki i n c i t e d Kikuyu to f u r t h e r h o s t i l e a c t s . I n consequence r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the Company and people l i v i n g i n i t s p r o x i m i t y continued to d e t e r i o r a t e . P u r k i s s appears during t h i s p e r i o d as being v i r t u a l l y a c a p t i v e w i t h i n the confines of Fort.u Smith; while out-side waged an e s c a l a t i o n of f r i c t i o n and h o s t i l i t y f o r the next four years. By 1893 P o r t a l commented th a t the Kikuyu were "a t h B i P o u g h l y bad l o t " w i t h "a bad name, which s t i c k s to them l i k e a b u r r , and the stranger . . . t r e a t s them a c c o r d i n g l y . " Another statement, t y p i c a l i n i t s extreme, was that the 75 Kikuyu should be "shot on s i g h t " " ^ — a sentiment not c a l c u l a t e d to create a favourable atmosphere and c e r t a i n l y a r a d i c a l departure from Lugard's impression of Kikuyu as being " r e a l l y n i c e f e l l o w s " . There i s no doubt that had the Kikuyu been capable of a c t i n g c o l l e c -t i v e l y against the Company, of mounting concerted a t t a c k s upon Company s t a -t i o n s or employees, the Europeans would have f o r c e d to withdraw Kikuyuland. But a c t i n g together, f o r common cause, was o b v i o u s l y not p o s s i b l e f o r the Kikuyu. Cracks -in the firmament of t r i b a l s o c i e t y were w e l l recognized; the Company's s a l v a t i o n l a y i n i t s a b i l i t y t o'perceive which ones i t would e x p l o i t to i t s advantage—where and how f a r to d r i v e home a wedge—and thus s u s t a i n i t s e l f i n Kikuyuland. In consequence the" Company i n c r e a s i n g l y sought out Kikuyu c o l l a b o r a t o r s , i n v o l v e d i t s e l f i n p e t t y and personal t r i b a l a f f a i r s , and g e n e r a l l y sided w i t h one group ( o r i n d i v i d u a l ) against another. The M a k t u b u t a f f a i r , f o r example, i s evidence enough of Company w i l l i n g n e s s to become i n v o l v e d i n t r i b a l d i s p u t e s — a l b e i t , i n t h i s case, u n o f f i c i a l involvement. O f f i c i a l s a n c t i o n , however, was not long i n com-i n g . Kikuyu " f r i e n d l i e s " began to a c t i v e l y seek the a i d of the Company against other Kikuyu. Moreover, the Company responded r e c i p r o c a l l y when i t needed a l l i e s . P u n i t i v e e x p e d i t i o n s were now o f t e n comprised of Com-pany employees and Kikuyu w a r r i o r s . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , athamaki were now able to s e t t l e o l d scores, reap the rewards of v i c t o r y i n l i v e s t o c k and gener a l -l y extend t h e i r i n f l u e n c e over l a r g e r areas of the c o u n t r y — a l l at the expense of t h e i r enemies, r e a l or imagined, and w i t h the a i d of the Com-37 pany. 76 A factor which tended to complicate an already complex situation was the settlement of Masai around the Company stations in southern Kikuyu-land. No doubt Company o f f i c i a l s saw the advantage of placing several hun-dred Masai warriors between themselves and the Kikuyu. Providing the Com-pany could successfully maintain good relations with the Masai—and tra-ditionally they had been good—the yoiaaggnoran could be conveniently used as a Company defense force. By 1894 several hundred Masai were quar-tered around Fort Smith, an area into which they had never previously ven-tured in force and which for many years had been solidly Kikuyu. Soon the i n i t i a l group of Masai were joined by others and by 3i.uly, 1894 there were substantial numbers of Masai warriors l i v i n g in Kikuyuland enjoying 39 the protection of the Company. Because of their warlike tradition the Masai made excellent Sighting material to supplement Company expeditions against dissident Kikuyu. Furthermore, the Company did not need to incur the expense of feeding and housing them as i t did in the case of i t s own askari. Kikuyuland was rich in foodstuffs and provided an adequate source of sustenance to support the Masai. Thus for these reasons, foraging of Kikuyu smallholdings became a common occurrence. In January 1893 ForthSmith was attacked andfPurkissdwas->-forced to seek the aid of Ainsworth at Machakos. For six days i n January 1893 the fort was beseiged completely. On his arrival i n Kikuyuland, Portal found Purkiss "practically a prisoner with a l l his people." 4^ Portal observ-ed to Rodd that "the European i n charge does not dare venture two hundred yards from his stockade without an armed escort."4"'" 77 Meanwhile punitive expeditions continued. Francis Hall under-took major raids, from his base at Fort Smith, on Kikuyu itura i n the area. Large numbers of cattle, sheep and goats were confiscated as Hall t e s t i f i e s in his diaries. "The next day I counted the spoils, 922 sheep 4-2 and goats and six cattle." On another occasion, aided this time by 15 Nubians, 87 Masai and 50 "loyal" Kikuyu led by the muthumaki, Kinanjui, Hall attacked a Kikuyu itura and captured 550 goats and seven head of cattle. Not satisfied at the results Hall decided to loose off my pack of war-dogs again and, as I had got information as to the whereabouts of their stock, I hoped to get a good haul and settle the matter. The same 'bob-bery pack' went again, though there were over 100 Masai this time The expedition was a grand success, for they captured 800 goats and 16 head of cattle and burnt a lot of villages.4-3 To make matters worse, in terms of Kikuyu/Company relationships, a l l this was going on when famine was beginning to make i t s e l f f e l t i n the country. Between 1894 and 1899 the Kikuyu were hit by a series of natural disasters which sapped their resistance to the invaders. In 1894 and again in 1895 swarms of locusts descended on Kikuyuland, to be followed in rapid succession by drought, plague and severe food shortage. Mass movements of Kikuyu took place in a search for food.^ These factors added further to the general turmoil. Now chaos reigned in Kikuyuland and i t s most eminent white witness, Sir Gerald Portal, emissary extraordinary of Her Majesty's Government, spared not the Company.and i t s officers in his description of i t . 78 P o r t a l ' s journey from the coast to Uganda and r e t u r n was a s i g n i f -i c a n t landmark i n the demise of the Company. U n t i l r e c e n t l y Consul-General, Zanzibar, P o r t a l was esteemed by S a l i s b u r y and recommended f o r high o f f i c e by Lord Cromer. Selected to r e p o r t on the operations of the Company, he advised the Foreign O f f i c e t h a t Mackinnon's b r a i n c h i l d , The I m p e r i a l B r i t -i s h East A f r i c a Company, was "on i t s deathbed from a combination of penur-iousness, f a l s e economy and r e c k l e s s extravagence." The B r i t i s h Government, he asserted, should a l l o w the Company to e x p i r e r a t h e r then prolong i t s • 45 a c t i v i t i e s by misplaced e f f o r t s at a s s i s t a n c e . Both the o f f i c i a l account of P o r t a l ' s journey and h i s p r i v a t e correspondence condemned the Company. The s o - c a l l e d Mackinnon Road, he s a i d , was no more than overgrown path and Company a d m i n i s t r a t i o n along i t s whole l e n g t h was v i r t u a l l y n on-existent. Company maps, p u r p o r t i n g to show a s e r i e s of s t a t i o n s of posts from the coast to Uganda, d i d not convey the true s t a t e of a f f a i r s . Some s t a t i o n s had been abandoned while others were inadequately s t a f f e d and defended. Worse s t i l l , the surrounding t r i b e s had been a l i e n a t e d by Company employees occupying the s t a t i o n s . Company f a c i l i t i e s i n Kikuyuland, he noted, were a c t u a l l y besieged f o r long periods of time.. No doubt t h i s was due to the 1892 Company d e c l a r a t i o n t h a t i t s i n t e r i o r s t a t i o n s should be s e l f - s u p p o r t -i n g — a s i t u a t i o n which meant that Company employees were forced to r a i d Kikuyu shambas f o r f o o d . ^ P o r t a l ' s r e p o r t was subsequently presented to the B r i t i s h Government and i t s major recommendations suggested t h a t Great B r i t a i n should declare a P r o t e c t o r a t e over East A f r i c a . Furthermore the route to Uganda should not be the "overgrown" Mackinnon Road, a u s e l e s s means.of moving troops 79 to Uganda i n defence of the s t r a t e g i c a l l y important N i l e source, but ra t h e r the r a i l w a y . Thus the d e a t h - k n e l l of the Company was sounded: having u t t e r e d i t w i t h such damning eloquence, P o r t a l died w i t h i n a month. Broadly speaking the Imp e r i a l B r i t i s h East A f r i c a Company was s u c c e s s f u l i n extending B r i t i s h i n f l u e n c e i n East A f r i c a . Despite a sho e - s t r i n g approach the Company's outstanding achievement, whether-by design or f o r t u i t o u s a c c i d e n t , l a y i n the establishment of a B r i t i s h 4-7 presence and a d e n i a l of German ambitions. The Company's f a i l u r e , however, l a y i n an i n a b i l i t y to r e s o l v e problems of i t s presence among the Kikuyu. Lugard had shrewdly negotiated h i s passage through Kikuyu-land, was unusually impressed by Kikuyu and had developed a f r i e n d l y r e -l a t i o n s h i p w i t h eminent mathamaki, n o t a b l y Waiyaki. Using t a c t , d i p l o -macy and a suggestion of f o r c e , Lugard had departed the area o p t i m i s t i c about the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of Company settlement. But subsequent events proved otherwise. George Wilson, l e f t i n charge of Company a f f a i r s , was o f t e n s i c k and thus indisposed to give time and t r o u b l e to the i n t r i c a c i e s of A f r i -can diplomacy. Others l i k e P u r k i s s and Nelson proved inexperienced and thus i l l - e q u i p p e d to b u i l d c o n s t r u c t i v e l y on Lugard's foundation. Both o f f i c e r s were unable to c o n t a i n the Company's A f r i c a n l e v i e s , some of whom were Kikuyu, from r a i d i n g , t h i e v i n g , and g e n e r a l l y harassing the n a t i v e p o p u l a t i o n . Indeed, by 1892, H a l l actuaihlyaehcouragedr'theaplund'er of n a t i v e smallholdings by Company employees. In the f u r o r e and h o s t i l i t y engendered by the Company presence, Waiyaki, the muthumaki of whom Lugard had thought so h i g h l y , was a r r e s t e d 80 and deported, to die subsequently i n the hands of the B r i t i s h . Kikuyu h o s t i l i t y e s c a l a t e d to a f e v e r p i t c h , perhaps engendered by Waiyaki be-in g seen as a p a t r i o t : a muthumaki who had made a genuine remonstration against the establishment of the Company, w h i l e other eminent Kikuyu were c o l l a b o r a t i n g f o r t h e i r own s e l f i s h reasons. By 1895 P o r t a l found Kikuyuland i n a t u r m o i l and p r a c t i c a l l y un-tenable. His recommendations t h a t the B r i t i s h Government take over the country were accepted and soon the Company a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n Kikuyuland was brought to an end. The t r o u b l e s , however, remained, f o r by now Kikuyu athamaki had l e a r n t to use the B r i t i s h to f i g h t t h e i r l o c a l wars and other fo r c e s were at work, no t a b l y armed t r a d e r s , whose presence exacerbated an already exceedingly t u r b u l e n t s i t u a t i o n . 81 FOOTNOTES See R. Robinson?and John Gallagher, A f r i c a and the V i c t o r i a n s : The O f f i c i a l Mind of Imperialism, (London: Macmillan, 1961), passim pp. 198-202. "In the autumn of 1892 Egyptian c o n s i d e r a t i o n s were upper-most i n the minds of the B r i t i s h o f f i c i a l s as they grappled w i t h the question of Uganda." See a l s o p. 314- and pp. 4-62-472 f o r a d d i t i o n a l d e t a i l s . A l s o , J.P. F a r l e r , "England and Germany i n East Africa',' i n F o r t n i g h t l y Review, (February 1889), pp. 157-65. The 2nd Lord Grim-thorpe, "England and Germany i n A f r i c a " i n F o r t n i g h t l y Review ( J u l y 1890), pp. 1 4 4 - 6 4 . Great B r i t a i n , Foreign O f f i c e , "Arrangement Be-tween Great B r i t a i n and Germany regarding Boundaries i n East A f r i c a , J u l y 25, 1893,'"'in Treaty S e r i e s , No. 1 4 , 1893 and S i r F.W. Dewinton, "England and Germany i n East A f r i c a " i n 19th Century, (May 1890), pp. 721-6. Perhaps the best work on the r a i l w a y , c e r t a i n l y the most com-prehensive, i s M.F. H i l l , Permanent Way, ( N a i r o b i , EAPH, 2 v o l s . 1950). The best t o p i c a l account i s undoubtedly Charles M i l l e r , The L u n a t i c  Express: An Entertainment i n Imperialism, (New York: Macmillan, 1971). I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t the chartered company was a time-honoured implement which had l a i d the foundations of much of the- B r i t i s h Empire. More s i g n i f i c a n t , perhaps, i s the f a c t that l a y i n g these foundations had been c a r r i e d out without s t r a i n i n g the Treasury purse or appealing to the tax-payer. For years businessmen had been p o o l i n g t h e i r a s s e t s , sometimes w i t h Royal s a n c t i o n , and i n s t i t u t i n g companies l i k e the Hudson's Bay Company, the B r i t i s h East I n d i a Company, and others. Often laws were made by companies, taxes. c o l l e c t e d , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and m i l i t a r y -•' f o r c e s i n s t i t u t e d not to mention the development of a great deal of l u -c r a t i v e commerce. During the l a t t e r p a r t of the nineteenth century Great B r i t a i n gave her assent to the c r e a t i o n of four chartered companies and endowed them w i t h extensive p o l i t i c a l and commercial p r i v i l e g e s . Three of these companies were a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the A f r i c a n sphere of e n t e r p r i s e and pro-vided much of the impetus f o r i m p e r i a l expansion i n West, South and East A f r i c a . Since a l l three companies were inaugurated i n the space of nine years i t may be presumed t h a t B r i t i s h o f f i c i a l d o m , which had acquired the h a b i t of l o o k i n g askance at p r i v a t e oversea companies, began to view such undertakings w i t h a new a i r of r e s p e c t a b i l i t y . The changing p o l i t i c a l ^climate of the second p e r i o d of i m p e r i a l expansion, p a r t i c u l a r l y the .82 ' A f r i c a n Scramble' of the 1880's, saw once more government condonation of p r i v a t e ambitions i n the h i t h e r t o undeveloped p a r t s of the world. See i n respect of the development of the Im p e r i a l B r i t i s h East A f r i c a Company, John S. G a l b r a i t h , Mackinnon and East A f r i c a 1878-189$: A  Study i n the New Imperialism, (Cambridge: UP, 1972). Other works on the Company i n c l u d e : Marie de K i e w i e t , " H i s t o r y of the Im p e r i a l B r i t i s h East A f r i c a Company, 1876-1895," PHD Thesis, U n i v e r s i t y of London, 1955; P.L. McDermott, B r i t i s h East A f r i c a or IBEA: A H i s t o r y  of the Formation and Work of the I m p e r i a l B r i t i s h East A f r i c a Company, (London, Chapman H a l l , 1893); E.R. Vere-Hodge, I m p e r i a l B r i t i s h E a s t " A f r i c a Company, (London: Macmillan, I960); Roland O l i v e r , "Some Factors m the B r i t i s h Occupation of East A f r i c a , 1884-1894" i n The Uganda  Jo u r n a l , v o l . 15, (1951), pp. 49-64-; see a l s o S i r Harry Johnston's comments on the cause f o r existence of the Company i n "The East A f r i c a n Problem" i n Nineteenth Century, ( J u l y 1908), pp. 567-87. " . . . The parsimony of the Treasury . . . was the d i r e c t cause of the c a l l i n g i n t o existence of these chartered companies." HSee Robinson and Gallagher, A f r i c a , pp. 199-200. ". . . b y 1887 S a l i s b u r y no longer objected to the n o t i o n of p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e occupying the coasts and e v e n t u a l l y the whole sphere a l l o t t e d under the Anglo-German Agreement. The sooner t h i s t e r r i t o r y was occupied, the b e t t e r . . . But i f t h i s was to be done, i t would have to be without p u b l i c expense. Mackinnon had founded h i s B r i t i s h East A f r i c a n A s s o c i a t i o n and the Foreign O f f i c e began t o encourage him to e s t a b l i s h i t on the mainland. For the development of Mombasa as East A f r i c a n entrepot and Company headquarters see H. de B l i j , Mombasa, (Michigan:. Northwestern U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1968). "George Mackenzie a r r i v e d i n Zanzibar as managing d i r e c t o r i n October 1888. I t was Mackenzie's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to organize the head-quarters at Mombasa, t o c o n c i l i a t e the l o c a l p o p u l a t i o n , and t o formulate a p l a n of a c t i o n f o r commercial development." See G a l b r a i t h , Mackinnon, p. 150. The Times, London, 27 March 1890. "We are w i t n e s s i n g the process known i n p r i v a t e l i f e as ' t r y i n g i t on' . . . . The K a r l Peters e x p e d i t i o n i s c l e a r l y and avowedly intended t o cut us o f f from the' i n t e r i o r , by e s t a b l i s h i n g German i n f l u e n c e at the back of our t e r r i t o r y . " 83 °See Margery Perham ed., The Diaries of Lord Lugard, (London: Faber and Faber, 1959); Lugard, The Years of Adventure, 1858-1898, (London: Collins, 1956) and Lugard, The Years of Authority, (London: Collins, I960). See also Lugard's own works, Capt. F.D. Lugard, The  Rise of Our East African Empire, (London: Blackwood, 1893), 2 vols.; The Dual Mandate in Africa, (London: Blackwood, 1923) and "The Rise of Our East African Empire" in Blackwood's, (Dec. 1893), pp. 865-91. 9 Perham, Lugard, vol. 1, pp. 206, 460 " . . . the only person who has up to the present time benefited by our enterprise i n the heart of Africa has been Mr. Hiriam Maxim." (A remark attributed to Sir Charles Dilke. ) "^Perham, The Diaries, p. 318. ^ I b i d . 12 Ibid., p. 344. 13 Ibid. Reference to (Sir) Frederick Jackson, Company officer sub-sequently absorbed by the Protectorate Administration (1895) and placed i n charge of the Mau District. From 1911-18 Jackson was Governor of Uganda Protectorate. "^Perham, The Diaries, p. 345. 15 Ibid., p. 318. "I also made a treaty, but as I do not believe in the printed treaty forms of the Company by which a man gives his land and a l l his rights of rule to the Company i n exchange for their 'Govt, and protection,' I made out my own treaty form. This Company's treaty i s an utter fraud. No man i f he understood would sign i t , and to say that a savage chief has been told that he cedes a l l rights to the Company i n exchange for nothing i s an obvious untruth." "^Variously referred to i n the early literature as Waiyaki, Wayaki or Wyaki. 84 17 Perham, The Diaries, p. 315. 18 Ibid., p. 314-19 Dualla was a most unusual Somali guide and caravan headman. He had been with Stanley in the Congo and had accompanied, also, the Von Hohnel/Teleki expedition. He spoke English, Arabic, Swahili and-Somali. He had travelled in Europe and America and had lived for some time in England. His home was i n Aden. He was, says, Lugard, "the most energetic, valuable native I have ever met, thoroughly trustworthy and very conscientious and willing. His fault lay i n his rough and arbitrary methods with the men . . . He was feared and disliked by the men. . . Porters were treated as mere beasts of burden. Flogging—some-times with great cruelty—chaining of men together in gangs . . . beat-ing men who lagged behind i n the rear of the caravan . . . abandoning others on the march who were unable to come on . . . " Lugard would not allow him to flog porters and had "quite a personal affection for him . . . " See Lugard, The Rise, pp. 302-3-20 Perham, The Diaries, p. 315. 2 1 I b i d . , p. 316. Ibid., p. 338. 2 3 I b i d . 24 Perham, Lugard, vol. 1, p. 202. 25 ^Ibid. 26 Lugard, The Rise, pp. 336-7. Not only Lugard was disturbed by the turn of events. Thomson, "East Africa" commented that "The country had been thrown back into a worse condition of anarchy and savagery than i t was twenty years ago. European travellers, however well-armed and protected, cannot now go where formerly a solitary individual armed only with an umbrella could formerly pass with safety." 85 27 Perham, Lugard, vol. 1, p. 203. See also Lugard,. The Rise, pp. 335-6. Wilson was dismissed by the Company for his action i n with-drawing Dagoretti. According to Lugard "the fault did not l i e with Wilson." E.R. Vere-Hodge, Imperial British, pp. 24-6 says that Wilson's career was not ruined by the unfortunate circumstances of Dagoretti for "later he rose to high rank in the service of the government of Uganda." 28 Vere-Hodge, Imperial British, pp. 76-7. "Captain Nelson, late of the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition, was sent to Kikuyu during 1892, but his brief influence does not seem to have been benign. He engaged in punitive expeditions of a questionable nature not only against the Kikuyu but against more pacific tribes like the Taita. Soon after his arrival at Kikuyu there was a mutiny against the garrison, while Nelson himself died a short while after this episode. 29 H.B. Thomas, "George Wilson and Dagoretti Fort" in Uganda  Journal, vol. 23, (1959), pp. 173-7. 30 ^Perham, ed., The Diaries, pp. 299-300. -^Thomas, "George Wilson," pp. 173-77. 32 J Thomson, Through, p. 20. 33 Ibid., pp. 284-6 and von Hohnel, The Discovery, vol. 1, pp. 201-2. See also p. 103 for description of Martin's a c t i v i t i e s . 34 There are various accounts of the expedition and Maktubu's death. See Perham, ed., The Diaries, pp. 377-80; Perham, Lugard, vol. 2, p. 537 and Major J.R.L. Macdonald, Soldiering and Surveying i n British  East Africa 1891-1894, (London: Arnold,) 1897). 35 Macdonald, Soldiering, pp. 115-9. Also, Vere-Hodge, Imperial  British, p. 78. -^Sir Gerald Portal, The Mission to Uganda in 1893, (London: Arnold, 1894), pp. 89-93-86 37 B.E.F.Hall, "How Peace Came to Kikuyu: E x t r a c t s of L e t t e r s from F r a n c i s George H a l l " i n Journal of the Royal A f r i c a n S o c i e t y , v o l . 3 7 , (Oct. 1938), pp. 432-48. "^Masai w a r r i o r c l a s s e s . 3 9 H a l l , "How Peace Came," p. 439. \Wller, The L u n a t i c , pp. 310-5. See a l s o Vere-Hodge, Im p e r i a l  B r i t i s h , pp. 76-7. "As f o r Kikuyu, P o r t a l described i t to the Foreign O f f i c e as being ' p r a c t i c a l l y i n a s t a t e of siege and i n constant danger from the h o s t i l i t y of the n a t i v e s . ' The Company's i n f l u e n c e , he declared, was only being maintained by 'sending almost d a i l y l o o t i n g and r a i d i n g p a r t i e s to burn the surrounding v i l l a g e s and s i e z e the crops and c a t t l e . " Moreover., P u r k i s s , Vere-Hodge observes, was never intended to be more than an a s s i s t a n t a t the f o r t but through a stroke of f a t e became the Company's A c t i n g Superintendent at the " c h i e f t r o u b l e spot." ^ P o r t a l to Rodd, from Nzoi, 22 i . 93, F.O. 2.60 quoted i n O l i v e r , " B r i t i s h Occupation," p. 56. ^ 2 H a l l , "How Peace Came," p. 43V. ^ 3 I b i d . , p. 441. ^D.R.F. Taylor, "Changing Food Habits i n Kikuyuland" i n Canadian  Jo u r n a l of A f r i c a n Studies, v o l . 4, (1970), p. 340. 45 G a l b r a i t h , Mackinnon, p. 214. ^ I b i d . , pp. 228-9, from sundry correspondence quoted and P o r t a l , The M i s s i o n , passim. See a l s o M i l l e r , The L u n a t i c , pp. 310-15 and Vere-Hodge, Im p e r i a l B r i t i s h , pp. 76-82. 87 O l i v e r , "Some F a c t o r s , " pp. 4-9-64. See a l s o Johnston, "The East A f r i c a n , " p. 5 6 9 . " . • . (The Company) . . . secured f o r us, h i t by b i t , the whole vast area between the Indian Ocean, the Congo S t a t e , the Egyptian Sudan, and the confines of Somaliland. They o u t b i d and ou t w i t t e d e q u a l l y p a t r i o t i c Germans, as s e n s i b l e ( s i c ) as we were of the supreme a d v a n t a g e s — s t r a t e g i c and economic—of E q u a t o r i a l A f r i c a . " CHAPTER A ARMED TRADERS During the e a r l y years of the B r i t i s h a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and before ser-ious e f f o r t s were made to p a c i f y the Kikuyu, well-armed European t r a d e r s who were not r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of e s t a b l i s h e d commercial undertakings profoundly d i s t u r b e d Kikuyu l i f e and s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n f l u e n c e d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a c t i o n . The most important armed t r a d e r was John Boyes. A c t i n g f o r h i m s e l f , motivat-ed by p r o f i t and an urge f o r adventure, Boyes penetrated the h e a r t l a n d of Kikuyuland i n search of trade. Boyes was i n h i s mid-twenties when he landed i n East A f r i c a . He had served as a trooper i n the Matabele War u n t i l he heard of p r o f i t s to be made t r a d i n g i v o r y i n East A f r i c a . In 1898 he a r r i v e d i n Mombasa to be greeted only by the scantest courtesy. "Whitemen, whether t r a v e l l e r s or hungers," he remarked, "were by no means welcome." In consequence he determined to pursue h i s a c t i v i t i e s outside the knowledge or the j u r i s d i c -t i o n of the authorities."'" B o y e s ' f i r s t commercial venture i n East A f r i c a f a i l e d : but he was not deterred. On h i s way back to the coast a f t e r an a b o r t i v e m i s s i o n to feed B r i t i s h troops i n Uganda, he saw i n the green and f e r t i l e Kikuyu 2 mashamba .an opportunity to p r o v i s i o n both Government s t a t i o n s and r a i l -way o f f i c i a l s w i t h garden produce. Even at t h i s p o i n t d e s t i t u t e and b a r e l y able to s u s t a i n h i m s e l f he had l o s t no d e s i r e f o r f u r t h e r adventure. Here - 88 -89 was the p e r f e c t opportunity f o r him to penetrate h i t h e r t o unexplored country, r e p a i r previous misfortunes and indulge h i s p r o p e n s i t y f o r i n -t r i g u e and power among the tribesmen. Boyes' ambitions, however, were almost thwarted once more by o f f i c i a l d o m . The D i s t r i c t Commissioner, Naivasha, concerned about Boyes' welfare ( o r perhaps h i s s a n i t y ) , decreed that the t r a d e r •should not en-t e r the Kikuyu i n t e r i o r from h i s d i s t r i c t . O f f i c i a l remonstrations, how-ever, were to no a v a i l as Boyes c o n t r i v e d to enter Kikuyuland by a d e v i -ous route. Accompanied by n a t i v e r e t a i n e r s he t r a v e r s e d the high bamboo slopes of the western Aberdares, crossed the twelve-thousand f o o t moorlands and dropped down the eastern side i n t o Kikuyuland. Kikuyu w a r r i o r s gath-ered to meet him. "They were c e r t a i n l y a w i l d - l o o k i n g l o t , " he observed, "with t h e i r bodies smeared a l l over w i t h grease and red c l a y , or i n some cases, a k i n d of whitewash, i n which p a t t e r n s were drawn according touthe fancy of each i n d i v i d u a l , w h i l e fastened to the l e g was a r a t t l e , w i t h an i r o n b a l l i n si d e , which as they moved about, made a noise very much l i k e a r a i l w a y t r a i n . " "Many of them," he went on, "wore wonderful headresses, made of the s k i n of the colubus monkey, and a l l were armed w i t h spears and s h i e l d s . " As many as f i v e hundred w a r r i o r s were drawn up ready to defend t h e i r i t u r a . Boyes asked to see the " c h i e f " and the Kikuyu muthumaki, K a r u r i , stepped forward. 90 I t was a strange meeting, and one which was to have great consequences f o r both of us. As time went on K a r u r i was t o become my f r i e n d and right-hand supporter, while, I , i n t u r n , was to have an i n f l u e n c e over him and h i s people which was to r a i s e him t o a p o s i t i o n of a great c h i e f y and myself to supreme power i n the c o u n t r y — a v i r t u a l King of the Kikuyu.3 Thus the t r a d e r , Boyes, and h i s Kikuyu f r i e n d K a r u r i , aided each other i n t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e ambitions. Boyes was to become, as he so a p t l y put i t , "King of the Kikuyu" while K a r u r i gained even gre a t e r power as a muthumaki. Moreover, i n d i r e c t l y Boyes was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the e l e v a t i o n of h i s f r i e n d to the s t a t u s of "an important personage" i n the P r o t e c t o r -5 ate A d m i n i s t r a t i o n of 1912. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , Boyes' acceptance by t h i s segment of the Kikuyu t r i b e was based upon h i s w i l l i n g n e s s to take p a r t i n i n t e r n e c i n e warfare. "They came," he s a i d , "to implore my help f o r themselves." Boyes respond-ed w i t h c h a r a c t e r i s t i c bravado. "My duty was c l e a r . . . these people had brought the t r o u b l e on themselves by b e f r i e n d i n g me, and the l e a s t I could do was to give them such help as I could." The i n t r e p i d Boyes then j o i n e d i n the c o n f l i c t and aided K a r u r i t o defeat h i s enemies. The i n c i d e n t was of the g r e a t e s t value to Boyes as now h i s r e p u t a t i o n was e s t a b l i s h e d as what he termed "a u s e f u l member of the community.!" K a r u r i showed h i s g r a t i t u d e by urging Boyes to remain i n Kikuyu country. . . . K a r u r i came to ask.me i f I would stop i n h i s country, ... . 1 s a i d i f he would s e l l me f l o u r and food-s t u f f s I would come back to him. . . . I t o l d him the f l o u r was f o r f r i e n d s of mine who were coming along the caravan road.6 91 Boyes departed Karuri's country and made for the nearest point to the caravan route where railway surveyors were at work. Here he built a storage hut from which he sold his flour and produce; Within a short period of time he realised a great profit. Excited with the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of making higher gains, he purchased quantities of beads, "amerikani" and other goods from passing Arab traders and sent word to Karuri to provide porters to carry his purchases back to Kikuyuland. He had begun to trade on a reciprocal basis with Karuri, a fact which doubtless contributed greatly to the muthumaki becoming a man of wealth, power and enhanced pres-tige both within and outside Kikuyu society. Meanwhile Boyes, now named Karianjahi, (eater of dolichos lablab or beans), continued to operate between the storage hut and Kikuyuland. Not content to s e l l his produce to railway workers he actually began to supply Protectorate o f f i c i a l s i n Naivasha, "where the need for food was so desperate that they (government officers) turned a blind eye to the violations of the law and drew up a contract for a regular provisioning service." By the end of May 1899 the railway had reached mile 327 from Mdmba;sato the Lake—a place appropriately named by the Masai as Nakuson- telon or "the beginning of a l l beauty." The plain at this point was b i -sected by a stream, the Uaso Nairobi (cold water) and i t was this name which was given to the railhead and administrative centre. Situated immed-iately south of "the beginning of a l l beauty"—the Kikuyu territory—Nairobi appeared almost overnight as a collection of wooden and corrugated iron g shacks in which worked railway and Protectorate o f f i c i a l s . Ainsworth, 92 Sub-Commissioner at Machakos, moved h i s headquarters to N a i r o b i and es-t a b l i s h e d h i m s e l f as the s e n i o r government o f f i c e r i n the area. Perhaps t h i s move was the f i r s t o f f i c i a l step i n the development and subsequent emergence of the c i t y as being the p r i n c i p a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and commercial centre of East A f r i c a . C e r t a i n l y i t brought both Europeans and Kikuyu i n -to c l o s e r contact. The redoubtable Boyes echoed h i s sentiments on the choice of l o c a t i o n as being "beyond h i s imagination!" A f u r t h e r f a c t o r which c o n t r i b u t e d to the socio-economic develop-ment of the area was the i n a u g u r a t i o n i n 1900 of a d a i l y r a i l w a y s e r v i c e between Mombasa and N a i r o b i . The Kikuyu areas were no longer i s o l a t e d and were now i n c r e a s i n g l y exposed to i n f l u e n c e s brought by Europeans from the coast. Moreover, the long arm of government, s t i l l centred i n Mombasa, could reach out w i t h comparative ease.and come to r e s t i n some h i t h e r t o impregnable redoubt of t r i b a l i s m . A l s o , i n support of government, troops could be dispatched w i t h speed a n d . e f f i c i e n c y p r e v i o u s l y not p o s s i b l e . During the ensuing few years the i m p e r i a l presence, i n i t i a l l y exerted only along the t r a v e r s e of the Mackinnon Road and now along the l i n e of the r a i l w a y , would c o n s o l i d a t e i t s e l f i n N a i r o b i and.then i r r e p r e s s i b l y b u r s t out over the "moat" and pour f o r t h i t s agents i n t o Kikuyuland. Meanwhile, however, the c r u c i a l food shortage observed by Boyes continued to concern the embryo A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . In consequence, w i t h an eye f o r the main chance, Boyes continued to p l a y the r o l e of middleman be-tween the Kikuyu and European. He was thus able to enlarge the area of h i s a c t i v i t i e s by making longer t r e k s n o r t h i n t o the Chinga and Gaki coun-t r y . Here he e s t a b l i s h e d networks of Kikuyu s u p p l i e r s and c e n t r a l i s e d 93 t r a d i n g s t a t i o n s . S i g n i f i c a n t l y he was able to c a r r y on t r a d i n g a c t i v i -t i e s s u c c e s s f u l l y i n Kikuyu areas where the Company, a t r a d i n g o r g a n i z a -t i o n operated by businessmen of i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e p u t a t i o n , had been unable to make more than a modicum of progress. Having developed, a f t e r o n l y a short p e r i o d of time, an extensive t r a d i n g p r a c t i c e , Boyes became i n c r e a s i n g l y ambitious. True he was able to t r a v e r s e much of the country f r e e l y but h i s wanderings were confined to areas where K a r u r i possessed i n f l u e n c e . Now, i n an e f f o r t to enhance bus-in e s s and h i s own i n f l u e n c e , he began to seek f r e e access to a l l p a r t s of Kikuyuland. Shrewdly he deduced t h a t "the constant s t a t e of c i v i l war," he had observed was probably a d i r e c t r e s u l t of h i s presence. "They (the u n f r i e n d l y Kikuyu) s t r o n g l y resented my i n t r u s i o n i n t o the country," he remarked, "and any of the n a t i v e s known to be f r i e n d l y towards me, or wear-i n g any of the c l o t h I had given them, were immediately marked down f o r a t t a c k . " Thus he r e s o l v e d to settlemmatters by a t t a c k i n g the d i s s i d e n t clans u s i n g an army of t r a i n e d Kikuyu w a r r i o r s . This p r i v a t e army of K a r u r i • s best young w a r r i o r s were taught parade-ground d r i l l , s c o u t i n g , sentry duty, elementary t a c t i c s , t a r g e t p r a c t i c e and the use of the l a t e s t B r i t i s h Army r i f l e s . Dressed r e s p l e n d e n t l y i n pressed Khaki, Boyes' a s k a r i s were soon put to work subduing those who chose to oppose him. . . . we were soon among them and engaged i n a warm . hand-to-hand f i g h t , which l a s t e d u n t i l wehhad beaten o f f the invaders and f o l l o w e d them r i g h t b a c k . i n t o t h e i r own country . . . having administered severe punishment, we camped f o r the n i g h t i n the enemy's d i s t r i c t . 9 9A Boyes give s the impression, however, t h a t h i s m i l i t a r y e x p e d i t i o n s were not always d e s t r u c t i v e . Indeed, i t seems th a t he was not averse to making, where such a course of a c t i o n s u i t e d h i s purpose, an o c c a s i o n a l dramatic peace-making h i d . The prospect of having to deal w i t h the Mount Kenya (Gaki) athamaki, e s p e c i a l l y Wagombi ( s i c ) and K a r k e r r i e (sic}) gave the t r a d e r cause f o r t r e p i d a t i o n . Wagombi had "a most murderous r e p u t a t i o n " and was s a i d . t o be very treacherous. Previous Arab and S w a h i l i expedi-t i o n s were reported to have been completely wiped out when attempting to t r a v e r s e the r e g i o n . Moreover, the Gaki Kikuyu possessed firearms and the King of Tato ( s i c ) . K a r k e r r i e , t h e i r muthumaki, was reputed to have been r e s p o n s i b l e f o r s i m i l a r murders. But Boyes was not deterred: he " approached the Sub-Commissioner, Mombasa, w i t h a request f o r more i - i f l e s . Once more the o f f i c i a l was uncooperative and repeated h i s e a r l i e r s t a t e -ment t h a t "whitemen were not wanted i n the country." "Such," remarked Boyes w i t h obvious contempt, "was the c l a s s of a d m i n i s t r a t o r approved by Downing S t r e e t f o r the opening of a new country.'' A "good" a d m i n i s t r a t o r , as f a r as Boyes was concerned, was one who would a l l o w him to continue to wreak havoc around the countryside. Boyes f a i l e d to appreciate t h a t a "good" a d m i n i s t r a t o r , from the Government viewpoint, would have been one who p r o s c r i b e d h i s a c t i v i t i e s and who took a c t i o n to ensure they were not repeated. Thus Boyes was r i g h t about the "poor c l a s s of a d m i n i s t r a t o r " f o r the wrong reasons. Undeterred by the i n c r e a s i n g l y i n f l e x i b l e a t t i t u d e of the a u t h o r i -t i e s , Boyes departed on h i s s a f a r i to the Mount Kenya area. He took w i t h him 100 of h i s t r a i n e d men, 30 of whom were armed w i t h r i f l e s . In consider-a t i o n of the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t the presence of the Union Jack might i n f l u e n c e 95 the athamaki to be f r i e n d l y , Boyespurchased a f l a g to be c a r r i e d at the head of t h i s and subsequent e x p e d i t i o n s . This h a b i t was to draw the i r e of Government o f f i c i a l s and thus help to hasten the end of the t r a d e r ' s a c t i v i t i e s i n Kikuyuland. Proceeding n o r t h to meet the powerful athamaki of Gaki, the s a f a r i encountered h o s t i l i t y i n the Chinga country. Huts were abandoned and tribesmen c l u s t e r e d on s u r r o u n d i n g ^ h i l l t o p s i s s u i n g t h r e a t s . I t was again c l e a r to Boyes that the Kikuyu " d i d not want a whiteman i n t h e i r country." Boyes, i t w i l l be r e c a l l e d , had now heard t h i s sentiment expressed both by European a d m i n i s t r a t o r s and the Kikuyu. Moreover, even h i s a l l y K a r u r i , w h i l e accepting Boyes, had s a i d t h a t "he d i d not want any more white people i n the country (and) they (the Kikuyu) d i d not mean to have any st r a n g e r s . " Contact was made w i t h two e l d e r s who r e l a y e d a message.to the l o c a l athamaki t h a t Boyes wished an audience. Soon B a r t i e r ( s i c ) and Henga ( s i c ) a r r i v e d . They were .observed to be "both young men and very i n t e l l i g e n t f o r 12 savages." Presents were exchanged and i n f o r m a t i o n given as to the d i s -p o s i t i o n of the people i n the next d i s t r i c t ( T a t o ) . The muthumaki of Tato> K a r k e r r i e , was s a i d to be t r e a c h e r o u s — a statement which supported what Boyes had been t o l d e a r l i e r by K a r u r i . Ominously, the c h i e f rainmaker of 13 the d i s t r i c t , "a t a l l f i n e l o o k i n g man" made complicated the evident entente by d e c l a r i n g t h a t no good would come of a f r i e n d s h i p w i t h the white man. Once more Boyes had been reminded of h i s unwanted presence. Once more,Bcharaciberistical"ly .v'lB6yes remained undeterred. S t r i k i n g n o r t h towards Gaki, the s a f a r i passed through t h i c k l y pop-u l a t e d areas where sheep and c a t t l e grazed and Kikuyu tended t h e i r shambas. 96 Boyes l i k e n e d the scene to a p e a c e f u l E n g l i s h landscape. Soon the ex-p e d i t i o n was greeted by a p a r t y of Kikuyu sent by a " b i g c h i e f " and "powerful w i t c h doctor," named Muga wa diga (Muga son of Diga). Muga was described asn "an o l d man, very a c t i v e f o r h i s years, and f a r more i n t e l l i -gent than the m a j o r i t y 6*f n a t i v e s . " H i s manner, Boyes noted, was f r i e n d l y , h e l p f u l and i n f o r m a t i v e . Boyes f a i l e d to note, however, t h a t Muga's d i s -p o s i t i o n wassprobably based upon a f e a r t h a t the white stranger would t a r r y a w h i l e i n the area! Muga was keen to see Boyes leave as soon as p o s s i b l e and even o f f e r e d to guide him to Wagombi's camp I Another muthumaki, Katuni (the L i o n ) , the " t a l l e s t " Kikuyu Boyes had ever seen, decided a l s o to accompany the s a f a r i out of the area. A r r i v i n g a t K a r k e r r i e ' s i t u r a the e x p e d i t i o n was met by the muthumaki himse l f . Boyes was s u r p r i s e d at the apparent f r i e n d l y g r e e t i n g , e s p e c i a l l y i n view of what he had been t o l d about K a r k e r r i e . The mood changed, how-ever, during the t r a d i n g p r o c e s s — a p p a r e n t l y over Boyes' possession of a c l o c k — a n d soon he was f o r c e d to e x t r i c a t e h i m s e l f by h o l d i n g K a r k e r r i e a t the p o i n t of a p i s t o l . Subsequently, however, the i s s u e was r e s o l v e d and Boyes was able to convince the " c h i e f " to take p a r t i n a Pigasangi ceremony. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , the Pigasangi ceremony, as f a r as Boyes was concerned, rep-resented a step i n the r i j b e t d i r e c t i o n ! The ceremony d i f f e r e d , f o r example, from that of "blood-brotherhood" taken by Lugard. The blood-brotherhood ceremony e s t a b l i s h e d a f r i e n d l y r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t t h e i n d i v i d u a l whereas Pigasangi cemented f r i e n d l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h the whole c l a n and other clans represented at the ceremony. Boyes' ambitions, were to p a c i f y the country by whatever means, f o r c e or diplomacy,j : i n o r d e r to e s t a b l i s h a 97 trade monopoly i n a p e a c e f u l s e t t i n g . Now he was i n a p o s i t i o n to use a Kikuyu custom which would preclude the use of f o r c e . H is p l a n was to par-t i c i p a t e i n Pigasangi w i t h the three most powerful athamaki i n the northern p a r t of Kikuyuland, namely; h i s f r i e n d K a r u r i , h i s new found acquaintance K a r k e r r i e and muthumaki of the Gaki people, Wagombi. This was an ambitious venture which demanded the s k i l l s of a seasoned diplomat and great courage; q u a l i t i e s which Boyes, even though inexperienced and i l l - e d u c a t e d , seemed to possess. But f i r s t he had to persuade Wagombi. I had heard a l o t of talk.about Wagombi, and was very anxious to v i s i t him and, i f p o s s i b l e , make.friends w i t h him, as my aim was to get a l l the country under c o n t r o l and put a stop to the f i g h t i n g and bloodshed so t h a t i t would be safe f o r caravans to pass through i t and trade. The n a t i v e s were beginning to see t h a t I had t h e i r i n t e r e s t s at heart . . 14 Hearing of Boyes'approach, Wagombi came out to meet him. Boyes was impress-ed. " I found him a f i n e , t a l l f e l l o w , i n h i s bearing and appearance every i n c h a c h i e f , and i n h i s speech a good deal more b r i s k than any Kikuyu I 15 had met." Obviously, Boyes was d e s c r i b i n g not a " c h i e f " — n o n e e x i s t e d — b u t a powerful w a r r i o r muthumaki, a c h a r i s m a t i c i n d i v i d u a l who, by v i r -tue o f . h i s m i l i t a r y prowess, had been h u r r i e d along the road to l e a d e r s h i p ahead of h i s f e l l o w Kikuyu. Perhaps he f i t t e d more a p p r o p r i a t e l y i n t o the category of leader c i t e d by Lambert, namely; muthumaki wa b u r u r i or leader of the country. C e r t a i n l y he was one of Low's "prominent i n d i v i d u a l s , ' " a a man whose p e r s o n a l i t y and l e a d e r s h i p q u a l i t i e s were so e x c e p t i o n a l t h a t he had evolved i n t o a l o c a l a utocrat about whom the a f f a i r s of the Gaki clans revolved. Kenyatta's d e s c r i p t i o n of Wangombe ( s i c ) ^ suggests that the Kikuyu " c h i e f " (Kenyatta's term) acquired h i s fame 98 out of many incidents from his boyhood to the days of his eldership, and because his personality stood out i n the various age-groups i n which he. held leadership, he f i n a l l y attained his supreme position as a great and wise r u l e r . For his unselfish devotion to his people, and for maintaining good relations with the neighbouring countries, his good name has been passed from generation to generation to l i v e i n the memory of his people.IV Boyes camped at Wagombi's and traded ivory. Kenyatta describes Boyes as being a "pale-faced stranger (Mothongo) (who) v i s i t e d Wangombe" and who was given a f r i e n d l y welcome and was entertained. This Mothongo was i n touch with others of his kind who had already settled i n Chief Waiyaki 1s t e r r i t o r y , and he sent news to his friends of the beauty of the coun-t r y and i t s prosperity, and the goodwill of i t s chief. A few moons passed, and the Mothongo with his caravans used to go to and fro buying food and ivory. During his stay he took part i n the Pigasangi ceremony he so urgently de-sired between himself, Wagombi, Karkerrie and Muga wa Diga. Against the objections of his hosts Boyes "managed the matter eventually by the aid of presents." Moreover, he successfully overcame the problem of the l o -cation of the ceremony by t a c t f u l l y arranging to conduct i t at a point roughly equidistant from the three respective spheres of influence. The participants then converged on the s i t e and took part i n the ceremony un-der a Union Jack. On completion of the r i t e s Boyes, the r e a l i s t , suggest-ed that a l l return to t h e i r homes with haste as the temper of the people 19 might change and "there would be trouble." Perhaps what established Boyes' authority i n Kikuyuland without question was his m i l i t a r y defeat of the Chinga clans. I t w i l l be recalled that he had experienced trouble with the Chinga people on his way north to 99 meet Wagombi. On h i s r e t u r n to K a r u r i ' s r e g i o n news reached him t h a t three Goanese t r a d e r s had been murdered i n Chinga country. On reaching B a r t i e r ' s camp the'-rumours about the omurder-were i confirmed 1.^ The"-Chinga people had j o i n e d f o r c e s w i t h those from Mahigga ( s i c ) t o wipe out the Goanese s a f a r i . - The country was i n a s t a t e of ferment and Boyes witness-ed some five-thousand armed tribesmen preparing themselves f o r an a t t a c k on h i s e x p e d i t i o n . Burying h i s i v o r y , Boyes took f l i g h t south toward the s a f e t y of K a r u r i ' s sphere of i n f l u e n c e . A t t a c k a f t e r a t t a c k was made upon h i s d e p l e t i n g column of ' f r i e n d l i e s , ' each being repulsed w i t h heavy c a s u a l t i e s on both s i d e s . In desperation Boyes sought the sanctu-ary of B a r t i e r ' s t e r r i t o r y and soon i t became evident to him t h a t h i s Pigasangi agreement w i t h Wagombi and K a r k e r r i e was to pay dividends. Both athamaki sent l a r g e numbers of w a r r i o r s to h i s a i d . "The whole coun-t r y was thrown i n t o a s t a t e of excitement: the war f e v e r was at i t s height: but my blood brothers had r a l l i e d nobly to my h e l p , and b i g f o r c e s of armed w a r r i o r s were coming i n every hour from the d i f f e r e n t f r i e n d l y c h i e f s to support me, u n t i l I had a f o r c e of s e v e r a l thousands of f i n e s t , f i g h t i n g 20 men i n the country camped at B a r t i e r ' s . " At t h i s p o i n t Boyes described a w i l d scene where h i s new f o l l o w e r s "danced themselves i n t o the w i l d e s t passion, numbers of them going i n t o h y s t e r i c a l f i t s , and jabbing t h e i r spears i n t o the t r e e trunks i n i m i t a t i o n of k i l l i n g t h e i r enemies, w h i l e t h e i r breath sobbed i n great gulps.". Soon the b l o o d t h i r s t y throng swept through 'the Chinga country, burning i t u r a ; Kikuyu k i l l i n g Kikuyu at the behest of the white i n t r u d e r . At the c o n c l u s i o n of t h i s f r e n z y the Chinga clanssceased to e x i s t as a d i s s i d e n t f o r c e . "From t h i s time on," Boyes 100 paused to remark, " I had complete c o n t r o l of the country." A t r u l y remark-able a c h i e v e m e n t — i f we are to b e l i e v e B o y e s — e s p e c i a l l y i n view of the f a c t t h a t the Company had f a i l e d i n s i m i l a r e n t e r p r i s e s and th a t the f e a t had been achieved while the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n purported to " r u l e " the country. John Boyes, of course, was not the only t r a d e r a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the Kikuyu. According to Boyes there were other t r a d e r s operating i n the v i c -i n i t y of the r a i l w a y . Indeed, as the r a i l w a y c o n s t r u c t i o n progressed and i n consequence of the d a i l y r a i l w a y s e r v i c e from Mombasa to N a i r o b i , more t r a d i n g a c t i v i t y was engendered. In the wake of c o n s t r u c t i o n , t h e r e f o r e , came other p r i v a t e entrepreneurs. An Indian duka ( s t o r e ) was opened i n Naivasha. Mr. and Mrs. Walsh, l a t e l y s e t t l e d i n the P r o t e c t o r a t e , a l s o opened a store and t r a d i n g business i n Naivasha. Mrs. Walsh was reputed to be the f i r s t white woman s e t t l e r i n East A f r i c a . Both she and her hus-band operated a l e g i t i m a t e t r a n s p o r t business t a k i n g goods from the N a i r o b i r a i l r o a d to Government s t a t i o n s and r a i l w a y c o n s t r u c t i o n s i t e s up the R i f t V a l l e y . Other t r a d e r s , however, were ope r a t i n g i n not so l e g i t i m a t e . a f a s h i o n . 21 Boyes' f i r s t p a r t n e r , Gibbons, was i n business w i t h a Mr. F i n d l a y ; both being engaged i n the p r o v i s i o n o o f i v o r y and produce f o r government and p r i v a t e buyers. During a severe a l t e r c a t i o n w i t h the Kikuyu, from which 22 Gibbons was l u c k y to s u r v i v e , F i n d l a y was speared and subsequently died. U n t i l September 1903 Gibbons continued to trade alone w i t h the Embu to the south and south-west of Mount Kenya. 101 According to o r a l t r a d i t i o n as analysed by Saterwal, up the establishment of the B r i t i s h a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n the Embu area (1906) only a few Europeans had ventured i n t o the r e g i o n and those n a t i v e s who had come i n t o contact w i t h them "found the experiences r e g r e t t a b l e . " One of these Europeans was probably Gibbons who had, "about 1900, e s t a b l i s h e d h i m s e l f i n Kabare (Gafcjugui d i v i s i o n , some f i f t e e n m i l e s west of the Embu border) i n a l l i a n c e w i t h a man c a l l e d Gutu who was l a t e r (under the B r i t -i s h A d m i n i s t r a t i o n ) made the Paramount Chief of Gicugu D i v i s i o n . " In 191V the P r o v i n c i a l Commissioner was to r e f e r to Gutu as a man who had had pre-vious unhealthy exposure to a "European freebooter named Gibbons." Gibbons' e x p l o i t s i n and around Embu are s t i l l r e c a l l e d l o c a l l y and Saterwal gives evidence of one i n c i d e n t which leaves l i t t l e doubt as to the e f f e c t s of the armed t r a d e r ' s presence. An e x p e d i t i o n , l e a d by Gibbons was brought to the Embu-Gicugu border by the Gicugu war c o u n c i l l o r s , who assured the Embu war c o u n c i l l o r s that the European's i n t e n t i o n s were pe a c e f u l and th a t he wished only to buy i v o r y . The Embu then escorted him three or fou r m i l e s deep i n t o t h e i r own t e r r i t o r y , and he camped i n a neighbourhood c a l l e d K a r i a r i . They t o l d him about the hunters who had i v o r y . During the next two or three days he and h i s r e t a i n e r s made three t r i p s f o r i v o r y . On the f i r s t two t r i p s he took the hunter's i v o r y but made no payment. The Embu w a r r i o r s and war c o u n c i l l o r s discussed h i s odd behaviour widely, and decided to f o r c e the issu e during h i s t h i r d t r i p . When he came to the t h i r d hunter's neighbourhood, he met the war c o u n c i l l o r s i n t e n t on demanding payment from him. He took the i v o r y , promised to make payments i n h i s camp, and marched towards h i s camp. On the way, the Embu w a r r i o r s ambushed h i s p a r t y , k i l l e d some of h i s r e t a i n e r s , captured t h e i r guns, and recovered the i v o r y . The t r a d e r r an to h i s camp and promised to pay the next morning f o r the i v o r y he had purchased e a r l i e r . During the n i g h t he escapeddwith h i s r e -t a i n e r s . 24-102 The circumstances of Gibbon's a r r e s t are i n t e r e s t i n g i n t h a t they serve f u r t h e r to r e v e a l h i s personal c a l i b r e and the nature of h i s a c t i v i t y among the Embu c l a n s . At For t H a l l , Meinhertzhagen, an army o f f i c e r second-ed to the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n f o r p a c i f i c a t i o n purposes, was ad-v i s e d by h i s su p e r i o r o f f i c e r , Hinde, that a low c l a s s man c a l l e d Gibbons w i t h some 30 armed S w a h i l i s had i n s t a l l e d h i m s e l f i n the Embu country south-east of Mount Kenya and.was c o l l e c t i n g hut tax .-' and e x t o r t i n g i v o r y from the n a t i v e s . He had h o i s t -ed the Union Jack to give Government p r o t e c t i o n to h i s n e f a r i o u s a c t i o n s . Boyes, i t w i l l be r e c a l l e d , was i n the h a b i t of doing the same t h i n g — f o r presumably the same purpose. A f t e r a day's march from F o r t H a l l , Meinhertzhagen and h i s a s k a r i s reached Gibbons' armed camp. Using s u r p r i s e and t a k i n g advantage of a doz-ing sentry, the p a r t y were able to i n f i l t r a t e the surrounding z a r i b a ( p r o -t e c t i v e thorn enclosure) and subdue Gibbons' ' f r i e n d l i e s , ' Gibbons h i m s e l f was a r r e s t e d at the p o i n t of a r e v o l v e r . He woke w i t h a s t a r t , made an e f f o r t to produce a r e v o l v e r from under h i s p i l l o w , and swore an oath. , . . . I then t o l d him th a t I a r r e s t e d him on a charge of i l l e g a l l y c o l l e c t i n g hut tax and d e s p o i l -i n g the n a t i v e s . . . 26 The c a p t i v e d i d not acquiesce e a s i l y and used "the most provoking language." Worse s t i l l , l o c a l n a t i v e s a r r i v e d on the scene and adopted a menacing a t t i -tude toward the Government f o r c e . "They were a l l armed," observed Mein-hertzhagen, "and they wanted to know why we were removing t h e i r 'Govern-ment o f f i c i a l , ' how they were going to be p a i d f o r the i v o r y they had given 27 him, and a host of other awkward questions." Meinhertzhagen advised them 103 t h a t t h e i r complaints should be r e g i s t e r e d w i t h the s e n i o r P r o t e c t o r a t e o f f i c e r i n F o r t H a l l , "to which t h e y . s a i d they d i d not recognize F o r t H a l l or the B r i t i s h Government." Their menacing a t t i t u d e continued and the a r r e s t i n g o f f i c e r was f o r c e d to d e t a i n as hostages Gibbons' 14 concubines, s u p p l i e d to him by the l o c a l muthumaki. F i n a l l y Gibbons was charged w i t h " r a i d i n g the n a t i v e s , w i t h t a k i n g by f o r c e n a t i v e women, w i t h i l l e g a l l y c o l l e c t i n g Government taxes f o r h i s own b e n e f i t , and 28 w i t h murder i n having shot aanative during one of h i s r a i d s . " He was despatched to N a i r o b i f o r t r i a l — t h e r e s u l t s of which are not known. A Maltese s a i l o r , M a r t i n , was another European i n v o l v e d i n East 29 -•African trade. He had f i r s t t r a v e r s e d the country w i t h Joseph Thomson and was s a i d to be the f i r s t white man to venture among the Masai. Mar-t i n ( o r M a r t i n i — h i s r e a l name) had f i r s t a r r i v e d i n East A f r i c a o f f an American ship which had grounded c l o s e to Zanzibar. A f t e r c r o s s i n g Masailand and L a i k i p i a w i t h Thomsonn he a l t e r n a t e d between s u p e r v i s i n g caravans.from Mombasa to Uganda and a c t i n g as an o f f i c e r of the Sultan's army ( Z a n z i b a r ) — i n which c a p a c i t y he became an employee of the Company. When the B r i t i s h Government took over the Company's t e r r i t o r y and de-30 Glared i t a P r o t e c t o r a t e , M a r t i n became an employee of the Government. Stra n g e l y enough, w i t h a l l h i s t r a d i n g e n t e r p r i s e , M a r t i n could not read or w r i t e . He was subsequently taught to w r i t e h i s name, on reaching the rank of D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r , by S i r F r e d e r i c k Jackson. M a r t i n may have been the t a r g e t of S i r Clement H i l l ' s remark that the P r o t e c t o r a t e Admin-i s t r a t i o n would continue to be of low q u a l i t y "so long as C i v i l Servants 31 were e n l i s t e d from the g u t t e r . " By 1912 M a r t i n had s u r v i v e d the r i g o u r s of East A f r i c a n t r a d i n g and the even more t r y i n g , perhaps, a d m i n i s t r a t i v e '. i _ ; Ha •. ae?ora' fig -' B :y3n, I,- -. i nsg;;? ' 104 l i f e . He was, according to Boyes, by then the manager of a rubber forest estate at Mabira. Yet another freebooter was the i l l - f a t e d Trader Dick, k i l l e d by-Masai i n November 1895. According to Ainsworth, administrator of the area in which the incident took place, a safari l e f t Kikuyu for Eldama Ravine carrying 800 loads of food and stores. The caravan comprised some 32 870 Africans of whom 756 were Kikuyu. On the return journey the sa- f a r i was attacked by Masai. Andrew Dick, in the v i c i n i t y with two French visitors, decided to intervene and was speared. Losses i n this incident included 546 Kikuyu porters k i l l e d . A subsequent enquiry re-vealed that members of the safari were almost wholly to blame as acts of violence and larceny had been committed against the Masai by members 33 of the caravan. Analysis of the evidence shows l i t t l e doubt that the Kikuyu were profoundly disturbed by the abrasive presence of armed traders. Acting not as representatives of established commercial ventures, but as p r i -vate individuals motivated by urge for adventure and personal gain, John Boyes, Gibbons and others severely aggravated an already developed Kikuyu aversion to wageni. Kikuyu attitudes were probably, i t should be noted, based more on a defensive rather than an aggressive posture: their neigh-bours, the war-like Masai, for example, had long been in the habit of crossing the "moat" to raid the southern periphery of Kikuyuland. Kikuyu h o s t i l i t y toward intruders, therefore, was already a tradition before the advent of Arab and Swahili traders and early European expeditions. Not-ably, the cardinal difference between early intruders, the Company, armed 105 t r a d e r s and the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , i s th a t the former were t r a n s i e n t s while the l a t t e r were i n t e n t upon permanent presence. Of the e a r l i e r group, the Masai, f o r example, were i t i n e r a n t r a i d e r s who returned always to t h e i r h a b i t a t outside the "moat." Arab and S w a h i l i t r a d e r s were i n v a r i a b l y "passing through" or s k i r t i n g the edges of Kikuyuland. European e x p l o r e r s l i k e Thomson, von Hohnel, T e l e k i and others, were never i n t e n t upon e s t a b l i s h i n g themselves i n Kikuyuland 34 ' on more than a temporary b a s i s . The t u r n i n g p o i n t , that which tend-ed to harden Kikuyu a t t i t u d e s i n t o aggressive h o s t i l i t y , t h e r e f o r e , came w i t h the approach and settlement of the second group of i n t r u d e r s ; the Company and i t s u n c o n t r o l l e d A f r i c a n s o l d i e r y , European armed tra d e r s and f i n a l l y the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n ; a l l , s i g n i f i c a n t l y , i n t e n t upon a permanent presence, a v e r i t a b l e "occupation" of Kikuyu-land. Moreover, a comp l i c a t i n g f a c t o r faced by each wave of occupation l a y i n a s o r t of p r o g r e s s i o n of Kikuyu h o s t i l i t y . Each new a l i e n f o r c e i n h e r i t e d Kikuyu h o s t i l i t y engendered by i t s predecessors. The Company a r r i v e d i n Kikuyuland to be met by i n i t i a l f r i e n d l i n e s s — a n a t t i t u d e which q u i c k l y soured when Company employees r a i d e d smallholdings i n much the same way as had Arab and S w a h i l i t r a d e r s . The Company p r a c t i s e d t a c -t i c s of d i v i d e and r u l e and i n t h i s way tended to create an even more f r a c t i o u s Kikuyu community than had h i t h e r t o e x i s t e d . On the demise of the Company the armed t r a d e r s i n h e r i t e d , t h e r e f o r e , a chaotic-estate of a f f a i r s where there e x i s t e d among t h i s f r a c t i o u s community Kikuyu c o l l a -b o r ators w i l l i n g to cast i n t h e i r l o t w i t h Europeans,and others to whom the European "occupation" was anathema. Kikuyu 'touched' by the Company 106 were, broadly speaking, either friendly or hostile, either willing to collaborate or anxious to k i l l . Like the Company—and later the Protectorate Administration—the armed traders seized upon the idea of using Kikuyu collaborators to best advantage. Desire for profit, personal power and trading monopoly drove the traders to seek out the most influential Kikuyu in areas form-erly influenced by the Company and outside. Often traders offered athamaki the services of their personal armies—so-called "friendlies" or "levies"—as trained forces to be disposed against unfriendly Kikuyu. Traders gained favour, also, by dispensing presents, perhaps r i f l e s , beads or the coveted "amerikani" cloth. Boyes, like his predecessor Lugard, contrived to extend his personal influence over larger areas of the Kikuyu interior by use of the Kikuyu custom of blood-brotherhood (Pigasangi) taken in concert with groups of the most powerful athamaki collaborators. Significantly, acting as an individual motivated by per-sonal reasons and not like Lugard who was concerned with matters on a 'grand scale,'. Boyes successfully peddled his influence over larger areas of the Kikuyu interior in a way that had not been possible during the short period of Company "occupation" or indeed during the f i r s t few years of the Protectorate Administration. John Boyes, therefore, ill-educated, inarticulate, a trooper i n the Matabele wars, acting for his own selfish reasons and outside of the sanc-tion of legitimate authority, became the most influential whiteman in Kikuyuland. By 1903, f u l l y eight years after the British Government had taken over the administration of the Protectorate, he could boast that he 107 had become a v e r i t a b l e "King of the Wa-kikuyu" and t h a t he had "complete c o n t r o l of the country." But i n Boyes' bo a s t i n g we see exposed an example of h i s well-dev-eloped personal v a n i t y . Sudden peace a f t e r years of t r a d i t i o n a l Kikuyu h o s t i l i t y to i n t r u d e r s i s h a r d l y conceivable. What i n f a c t Boyes and others had succeeded i n doing was to exacerbate an already exceedingly t u r b u l e n t s i t u a t i o n l e f t by the Company. Indeed, i n a moment of l o g i c Boyes pronounced that he created i n Kikuyuland a major problem by the f a c t o f h i s own presence! The evidence, a l s o , of Gibbons' a c t i v i t i e s i n Embu tends to s u b s t a n t i a t e t h i s f i n d i n g . Wherever both t r o d i n Kikuyuland,.wherever they stopped even f o r short periods of time, t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s were shrouded i n an atmosphere of i n t r i g u e and h o s t i l i t y . The "peace" of which Boyes spoke was probably based upon, as one 35 o f f i c e r put i t , "a s u l k y aquiescence" and not a genuine s p i r i t of co-operation. Furthermore, Boyes' n o t i o n of "peace" may have been more due to the potency of the Martini-Henry r i f l e then the powers of h i s per-36 sonal diplomacy. C e r t a i n l y both played a p a r t i n h i s a c t i v i t i e s ; one o b v i o u s l y supported the other. In these aspects of h i s a c t i v i t i e s (and those of Gibbons) we must accord Boyes the a b i l i t y and the i n i t i a t i v e to have survived the exhaustive r i g o u r s of l i f e as an a l i e n i n Kikuyuland. But here, i m p o r t a n t l y , we must consider that the armed t r a d e r s were not e n t i r e l y i s o l a t e d , were not alone i n t h e i r e f f o r t s to s u s t a i n themselves and t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . They were aided and abetted by athamaki, Low's "prominent i n d i v i d u a l s , " Kikuyu who were w i l l i n g to indulge themselves i n the game f o r t h e i r own set of unique motives. K a r u r i , f o r example, implored Boyes to help him subdue other Kikuyu. Wagombi and K a r k e r r i e 108 d i d not h e s i t a t e to send a i d and thus save the t r a d e r from death when he was being attacked by the Chinga c l a n s . Gibbons and Gutu helped each other i n Embu, much to Gutu's u l t i m a t e advantage. By 1917, as we have seen, Gutu was Paramount Chief of the Embu wh i l e according to Boyes h i s good f r i e n d K a r u r i was as e a r l y as 1912 a man of some eminence i n the c o l o n i a l h i e r a r c h y l Thus the legacy of t r i b a l h o s t i l i t y and s o c i a l t u r -bulence i n h e r i t e d by the P r o t e c t o r a t e . A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , cannot wh o l l y be a t t r i b u t e d to the armed t r a d e r s — a l t h o u g h they were undoubtedly c a t a l y s t s i n the processes of European and Kikuyu i n t e r a c t i o n . I t would be more accurate to say th a t the armed t r a d e r s and t h e i r Kikuyu c o l l a b o r a t o r s , the athamaki, a c t i n g i n concert and f o r t h e i r own unique reasons, were r e s p o n s i b l e together f o r fomenting f u r t h e r t r a d i t i o n a l Kikuyu h o s t i l i t y toward ' o u t s i d e r s . ' Undoubtedly aibhamaki recognized the value of t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h the armed t r a d e r s and.indeed were not merely 'reactors' to the European presence. Their p a r t s i n the process of i n t e r a c t i o n were a c t i v e ; they, l i k e the armed traders', i n i t i a t e d and shaped events f o r t h e i r own d i s c r e e t purposes. They indeed created t h e i r own d e s t i n y as much as they i n f l u e n c e d t h a t of the t r i b e . The armed t r a d e r s , Boyes and to a l e s s e r extent, Gibbons and others, gained by a c t i n g as middlemen i n the t r a d i n g process between Kikuyuland and European a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , between Kikuyuland and the approaching r a i l -way. Notably the armed t r a d e r s were a c t u a l l y allowed to operate by an A d m i n i s t r a t i o n whose r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , on more than one occasion and accord-i n g to Boyes h i m s e l f , expressed t h e i r d i s p l e a s u r e at h i s presence. Doubt-l e s s t r a d e r s were allowed to continue t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s because, r e g a r d l e s s 109 of t h e i r tendency to arouse' the Kikuyu to h o s t i l i t y and v i o l e n c e , the A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , between 1895 and 1900, was too t h i n on the ground and lac k e d the necessary f o r c e at i t s back to prevent them. The very prod-u c t s obtained and brought to a d m i n i s t r a t i v e centres by the armed t r a d e r s were, f o r example, necessary f o r the d a i l y sustenance of the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Therefore, remarkable as i t seems, the Government was f o r c e d t o a l l o w Boyes, i n p a r t i c u l a r , a f r e e " r e i g n " as s e l f - s t y l e d 37 "King of the Wa-kikuyu." By 1902, however, the Government was ab l e . t o strengthen i t s p o s i t i o n to a p o i n t where i t could e f f e c t i v e l y t u r n i t s a t t e n t i o n more s e r i o u s l y toward the a c t i v i t i e s of the t r a d e r s , muster i t s m i l i t a r y and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e f o r c e s and penetrate more deeply i n t o Kikuyuland f o r the purpose of " p a c i f y i n g " the Kikuyu and i n s t i t u t i n g an all-encompassing p a x - B r i t a n n i c a . 110 FOOTNOTES According to Boyes, John Boyes, p. 70, there were only "about ten white men who were independent traders and hunters in the whole of . . . the East African and Uganda Protectorates . . . we were told plain-ly that we were not wanted . . . we were not even allowed guns and ammu-nition with which to protect ourselves." Least of Boyes' worries, how-ever, was the arms proscription: within a short time both he and his levies were carrying the latest British Army r i f l e s ! "jMashamba (pl) i s Swahili for cultivated plots of land and can be loosely interpreted as near to the English concept of garden. For notes on the shamba system see B.F. Oland, "The 'Shamba' System of Plantation Development" in East Africa Agriculture and Forestry Journal, vol. 27, (1962), pp. 82-3. 3 Boyes, John Boyes, p. 73. ^See Stigand, The Land, pp. 244-5 for a later (1913) description of Karuri who had become a Kikuyu of great influence and prestige. 5 Karuri was later made a Chief by the Administration. Boyes, p. 73, noted that "This important personage, who today (1912) collects the Hut Tax for the British Administration, would hardly be recognized as the savage warrior chief who stepped forward to meet the f i r s t white man he had ever seen in his own country." Boyes, John Boyes, p. 77.' Noteworthy i s the fact that Karuri remarked that he "did not want any.more white people in the country" and that the Kikuyu " . . . did not mean to have any (more) strangers" i n their midst. Perhaps Karuri considered that in view of the troubles encountered as a result of Boyes' presence, one white man in that part of Kikuyuland was enough! 7 Miller, The Lunatic, p. 409. See also Boyes' remarks, John  Boyes, p. 67, regarding trading with government o f f i c i a l s " . . . Food was wanted, I found, for the Government stations on the caravan road, as well as for the surveying parties on the line of the Uganda Railway, and as i t was worth a rupee a pound, I thought I saw a good chance of I l l making some money by trying my luck in the Kikuyu country." See Ominde, Land and Population, passim, for description of the development of Nairobi. See also H.E. Robertson, "Nairobi, Past and Present," in Reveille, vol. 2, (1916), pp. 859-63; Otto Trevelyan, "Memories of Nairobi i n the Old Days. Early Settlers Recall their Experiences" i n East Africa and Rhodesia, vol. 26, (6" April 1950), pp. 962-3; W. Robert Foran, "Rise of Nairobi: From Camp Site to City," in Crown Colonist (1950), pp. 160-5. Q Boyes, John Boyes, pp. 82-3. The writer was District Officer, Chinga, 1953-56. Boyes was st i l l . r e f e r r e d to and his exploits related often by the old men of the d i s t r i c t . """"'"Boyes, John Boyes, p. 77. Presumably Karuri tolerated Boyes, even though the latter was a' whiteman, because in a sense they were 'birds of a feather'. Both were ambitious and were "aware" of the need for a mutually satisfactory arrangement; Boyes to trade freely and Karuri to extend his influence with the aid of Boyes' private army. But Karuri was shrewd enough to realise the overall effect of Boyes' adventures: wars which hitherto had been local were now escalated and the country generally was i n a turmoil. underline. It i s notable that so many so-called "chiefs" met by Boyes were observed by him to be "young men". This would suggest that such individuals were muthumaki and not t r i b a l elders. """^An interesting facet of the early European literature i s that natives observed as "young", " t a l l " , "good-looking", "fair-skinned", "strong", "thin-lipped", seemed also to be associated with "chieftain-ship". Descriptions such as "old", "short", "ugly", "black", "weak", "thick-lipped", were terms associated with "savage", "backwardness", "follower" and "ignorance". Obviously Europeans possessed a "physical" image of leadership derivative,,.perhaps, of their own romantic heritage; misleading in the extreme, i t might be added. 112 14 Boyes, John Boyes, p. 143- Was Boyes aware that his very presence was probably more than anything else the major cause of "fighting and bloodshed?" It i s apparent from his narrative that he just i f i e d his presence and his act i v i t i e s by rationalizing that he had native interests at heart! 15 Ibid., p. 144- Note again Boyes' favourable description of someone he considered to be a leader as being " . . . a fine, t a l l fellow . . . every inch a chief." "^Jomo Kenyatta, My People of Kikuyu and the Life of Chief  Wangombe, (Nairobi: OUP, 1966), p. 28. 17 The memory of Wangombe was preserved through his son who became a powerful Government-appointed chief of the Nyeri d i s t r i c t . 18 Kenyatta, My People, p. 57. 19 Boyes, John Boyes, p. 151. 2D Ibid., pp. 180-1. 21 See ibid p. 42 for a description of their meeting at the coast and their arrangement to form a trading partnership. 2 2 I b i d . , p. 99. 2 3Saberwal, ""The Embu," pp. 36-7. 2^Ibid. 25 Meinhertzhagen, Kenya Diary, pp. 119-20. 113 Ibid. 27 Ibid., p. 121. Ibid., p. 122. 29 Tate, "Two African Explorers," p. 454. 30 ^ Huxley, White Man's, p. 51. ^^Meinhertzhagen, Kenya Diary, p. 132. 32 The high number of Kikuyu porters i s evidence of the influence of both traders and Government officers-in getting Kikuyu to carry loads up and down the Rift Valley. Perhaps cooperative athamaki were responsi-ble for recruiting the Kikuyu. 33 An account of the attack .'is in Stigand, The Land, pp. 266-7 and F.H. Goldsmith, John Ainsworth, Pioneer Kenya Administrator, 1864-1946, (London: Macmillan, 1959), pp. 26-31. 34 See James Barber, Imperial Frontier: A Study of Relations  between the British and the Pastoral Tribes of North East Uganda, (Nairobi: EAPH, 1968), p. 10. 35 This remark is generally attributed to G.A.S. Northcote, a P o l i t i c a l Officer in the service of the Protectorate Administration. Barber, Imperial, p. 94- "Because there was no government control, no government protection, the traders and hunters lived a law-less, often violent l i f e . This was the price to pay for unlimited hunting and trading. Traders who lived i n unadministered territory, who joined i n t r i b a l wars and who had at their disposal comparatively great wealth could expect nothing else. Sheer self-preservation dicta-ted that most traders went about heavily armed and established their own means of defence against tribes. In 1903 P.H.G. Powell Cotton 114 wrote t h a t t r a d e r s "would being pressure t o bear on any t r i b e which caused them t r o u b l e , even going as f a r as to c a r r y out p u n i t i v e e xpeditions to revenge t h e i r personal grievances. . . u s u a l l y the t r a d e r s were able to p r o t e c t themselves because of t h e i r guns." Yet another v e r i t a b l e "King" who gained great i n f l u e n c e over t r i b e s to the west of Kikuyuland was the famed elephant hunter W.D.M. B e l l . B e l l , a Scotsman whose hunting a b i l i t y became legendary i n h i s own time, was known as the "King of Karamoja." See Barber, i b i d . , pp. 97-8 f o r a d e s c r i p t i o n of h i s a c t i v i t i e s . CHAPTER 5 THE CONQUEST F i r s t Phase (1895-1902): A "Holding" E x e r c i s e S i r Gerald P o r t a l ' s indictment of the Im p e r i a l B r i t i s h East A f r i c a Company contained but one apparent compliment: " I t should be remembered, i n j u s t i c e to them, t h a t i n face of many i n i t i a l d i f f i -c u l t i e s they succeeded i n marked c o n t r a s t to the neighbouring c o l o -n i e s i n e s t a b l i s h i n g t h e i r i n f l u e n c e without bloodshed and by t h e i r own unaided e f f o r t s . " ^ " P o r t a l , of course, was not c o r r e c t i n h i s reference to the Com-pany e s t a b l i s h i n g i t s i n f l u e n c e "without bloodshed;" there had been some k i l l i n g . The matter of "bloodshed"" however, was to loom very l a r g e i n the a c t i v i t i e s of the new masters of the East A f r i c a n P rotec-t o r a t e . Some t r i b e s , e s p e c i a l l y the t r u c u l e n t and o f t e n h o s t i l e Kikuyu, were to be p a c i f i e d i n nothing l e s s than blood. In March 1895, S i r Arthur Hardinge, Consul-General, Zanzibar, ad-v i s e d the B r i t i s h Foreign O f f i c e that he was prepared on t h e i r b e h a l f to takeover the East A f r i c a n possessions of the now defunct Company. He would, he s a i d , absorb i n t o the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n as many f o r -mer Company employees as p o s s i b l e . On 1 J u l y 1895, o f f i c i a l t r a n s f e r of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y took p l a c e . Hardinge now assumed a legacy founded p r i n c i -p a l l y upon the Company's i n a b i l i t y to r e s o l v e problems posed by i t s - 115 -1 1 6 presence among the t r i b e s — p a r t i c u l a r l y the Kikuyu. Hardinge's i n s t r u c t i o n s f o r the government of the t e r r i t o r y were vague and couched i n the broadest terms. He was o b l i g a t e d , f o r example, to concern h i m s e l f w i t h the terms of r e s p e c t i v e t r e a t i e s signed between Great B r i t a i n and other powers i n t e r e s t e d i n A f r i c a although, notably, j u s t how he was to be guided on the matter of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was f a r from c l e a r . Perhaps the most s p e c i f i c suggestion regarding a d m i n i s t r a -t i o n of the P r o t e c t o r a t e was couched i n the Foreign O f f i c e d i r e c t i v e a l l u d i n g to the development of l e g i t i m a t e trade, safe c i r c u l a t i o n of t r a d e r s and t r a v e l l e r s , the need not to unduly i n t e r f e r e w i t h t r i b a l government, n a t i v e h a b i t s and customs and to attempt to confer on the 2 n a t i v e s the b e n e f i t s of c i v i l i z a t i o n . H e r e i n . l a y the b a s i s f o r an a d m i n i s t r a t i o n which t y p i c a l l y solved i t s problems l o c a l l y , "on the spot',' and without reference to anything more than a broad set of p r i n c i -p l e s : a p o s i t i o n made even more necessary by the l a c k of good communi-ca t i o n s between the coast and the i n t e r i o r . D i r e c t i v e s from Mombasa to Kikuyuland took eleven d a y s — w h i c h meant an elapsed p e r i o d of some three weeks between despatch of a d i r e c t i v e and r e c e i p t of a r e p l y . Hardinge patterned the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n on the Indian precedent. P o l i c e o f f i c e r s and magistrates were l e n t by the Indian Government, and the medical s t a f f came from I n d i a . Some Indian l e g i s l a t i o n . . . was a p p l i e d i n the P r o t e c t o r a t e without m o d i f i c a t i o n . . . the j u d i c i a l powers of o f f i c i a l s were a l s o modelled on Indian precedents. 117 Moreover, i t was decided* that j u r i s d i c t i o n , d u t i e s , powers of the Commissioner and Consul-General would be equated w i t h the Indian mod-e l . Sub-Commissioners, C o l l e c t o r s and A s s i s t a n t C o l l e c t o r s were to 3 correspond to equivalent orders of rank i n I n d i a . S i r Clement H i l l , r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the A f r i c a Department at the Foreign O f f i c e , spent much of h i s time a t "the I n d i a O f f i c e i n search offa-Indian precedents and experience." The P r o t e c t o r a t e was then d i v i d e d , f o r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e purposes, i n t o four p r o v i n c e s . Each province was again d i v i d e d i n t o d i s t r i c t s . Provinces were administered by Sub-Commissioners and d i s t r i c t s by C o l -l e c t o r s ( l a t e r D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r s ) and A s s i s t a n t C o l l e c t o r s ( l a t e r A s s i s -ts tant D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r s ) . The P r o t e c t o r a t e headquarters, l o c a t e d at Mombasa, was s t a f f e d by a supreme c o u n c i l of L t . L l o y d Mathews, R.N., now F i r s t M i n i s t e r to the Su l t a n , C r a c k n e l l and S t r i c k l a n d as j u d i c i a l and f i n a n c i a l o f f i c e r s r e s p e c t i v e l y , and Hardinge h i m s e l f . E s s e n t i a l s e r v i c e s such as f i n a n c e , customs and shi p p i n g , j u s t i c e , road and i n -land t r a n s p o r t , h e a l t h , posts and telegraphs, p u b l i c works and.the m i l i -t a r y , were a l l based i n Mombasa—notably some 350 mi l e s from the southern per i p h e r y of Kikuyuland. Of the r e s o l u t i o n to absorb i n t o the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n former Company employees, i t i s apparent that Hardinge was prepared to take anyone who would o f f e r h i s s e r v i c e s . With few exceptions a l l per-sons subsequently h i r e d had served e i t h e r i n Zanzibar or w i t h the Com-pany's mainland contingent. A few had experience i n other p a r t s of A f r i c a . F r a n c i s H a l l , f o r example, had l i v e d and worked i n South A f r i c a , 118 JiLTA Distr ict b-aunicr i«» Sul lonctrf of Zar:>': Boundaries based on mog oHccht?d fo Sir A.Hardinqe's 1097 report, A d m i n i s t r a t i v e Boundaries of East A f r i c a P r o t e c t o r a t e as of 1897. From Great B r i t a i n , Foreign O f f i c e , Report by S i r A. Hardinge of  the C o n d i t i o n and Progress of the East A f r i c a P r o t e c t o r a t e from i t s Establishment to the 20th J u l y 1897, London, 1897, CMD, 8683. 119 Dr. S.L. Hinde, a p h y s i c i a n by p r o f e s s i o n , had p a r t i c i p a t e d i n m i l i -t a r y adventures i n the Congo w h i l e John Ainsworth,^ l a t e r t o become we l l - r e s p e c t e d i n h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i v e endeavours among the Kikuyu and Kamba, had served a t r a d i n g company i n the Congo. The remaining Com-pany men h i r e d to form the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e core of the P r o t e c t o r a t e Government, had been r e c r u i t e d d i r e c t l y from B r i t a i n , possessed l i t t l e A f r i c a n experience and had earned from Lugard the contemptuous d e s c r i p -7 t i o n of "Mackinnon's raw young Scots." Cut-off from Mombasa and the d a i l y d i r e c t i o n (such as i t was) of the policy-makers, o f f i c e r s were fo r c e d i n t o making ad-hoc d e c i s i o n s to meet the c r i s e s w i t h which they were confronted. As a one-man o l i g a r -chy the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r was c a l l e d upon to make the most profound de-c i s i o n s a f f e c t i n g both h i m s e l f and h i s A f r i c a n charges. Obliged t o j o u r -ney to the f a r reaches of h i s assigned t e r r i t o r y , mostly on f o o t , the neophyte D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r endured the hardships o f topography, of the elements and not the l e a s t of t r i b a l h o s t i l i t y i n the performance of h i s duties.- "Of the v a r i e t y of very able men under whom or w i t h whom I serv-ed i n the e a r l y years," observed one o f f i c e r , "one died of d r i n k , two died of black-water f e v e r , a f o u r t h was suspected of t a k i n g drugs, which, i n a dangerous s i t u a t i o n , induced unwarranted optimism; he was murdered. A f i f t h ended i n a home f o r i n e b r i a t e s . A s i x t h committed s u i c i d e . A seventh, s u f f e r e d the pains of d e l i r i u m tremens and was b e l i e v e d , sub-sequently, to have drowned h i m s e l f i n the Red Sea." Perhaps i s o l a t i o n and ( d i s o r i e n t a t i o n from "normal" l i f e enjoyed i n B r i t a i n — t o g e t h e r w i t h the t h r e a t to l i f e and limb i s s u i n g d a i l y from enclaves of A f r i c a n \" ' 120 predominance—were the reasons why the weaker specimens degenerated to i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s . Undoubtedly only the strong were " u s e f u l " i n the pur-s u i t of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e e f f i c a c y . The "strong" prospered. Men l i k e Ainsworth, Hinde, H a l l and others succeeded q u i c k l y to the mantle of high r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and formed the e l i t e corps of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l e a d e r s h i p on whom successive Governors c o n s i s t e n t l y r e l i e d . A l l were men, i t seems, imbued w i t h the s t y l e s and e t h i c s of l a t e r V i c t o r i a n c o l o n i a l i s m — c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which i n -fluenced the development of the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . One set of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s evolved, f o r example, out of the B r i t i s h p e c u l i a r i t y and preference f o r i m p r o v i s a t i o n based upon precedent r a t h e r than p r i n c -i p l e . Common sense and experience ranked above idea s . A l l of the great-l y touted " q u a l i t i e s " of the p u b l i c schoolboy would be emphasized; f o r example, the t r a d i t i o n of the g i f t e d amateur over the p r o f e s s i o n a l and expert. The e a r l y l i t e r a t u r e on East A f r i c a w r i t t e n by a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , 9 C.W. Hobley, K.R. Dundas, C. E l i o t and W.S. Routledge, to name j u s t a few, abounds w i t h a s o r t of p o l i s h e d amateurism i n p r a c t i c a l l y every f i e l d of East A f r i c a n endeavour. E a r l y D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r s , i t seems, were men who recorded or reacted to what they saw i n the absence of background knowledge or s c h o l a r s h i p . Into t h e i r d i a r i e s and Blue Books went d e s c r i p t i o n s of men, animals, mountains, p l a n t s and countless other t h i n g s perceived around and about the urgent and o f t e n dangerous d a i l y business of the pax B r i t t a n i c a . As observers and recorders of f a c t s , these men played a unique r o l e i n the shaping of the character of East A f r i c a n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . U n t i l the ascendancy of the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t , 121 s o c i o l o g i s t , economist and A f r i c a n h i s t o r i a n , e x p e r t i s e on t r i b a l so-c i e t y and i t s problems of adjustment to the a l i e n invaders, e x p e r t i s e on the invaders themselves and t h e i r problems of adjustment to t r i b a l s o c i e t y , was almost the e x c l u s i v e province of the seasoned D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r . The e x o t i c experience of East A f r i c a , found i n the w r i t i n g s of the p e r i o d , r e p o r t s , pamphlets, i d l e ramblings, l e t t e r s and books, has thus provided a s o l i d foundation of knowledge on which l a t e r legatees have been able to b u i l d . I n d i v i d u a l i s m i s perhaps the most common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c observed among D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r s ; e i t h e r as a q u a l i t y endowed n a t u r a l l y , gained from previous experience or f o r c e d upon them by circumstances of " p o l -i c y " emanating from so f a r away. Native a d m i n i s t r a t i o n thus tended to be shaped by l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e s and was of n e c e s s i t y designed to meet the d a i l y exigencies of a given s i t u a t i o n or c r i s i s . "On the spot" admin-i s t r a t i o n thus became the vogue: i t was a d m i n i s t r a t i o n based upon l o c a l and c r i t i c a l needs r a t h e r than t h a t which was designed to meet lo n g -range c r i t e r i a . , An example of e f f e c t i v e "on the spot" a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i s the case of F r a n c i s H a l l . " ^ Preoccupied w i t h c o n t r o l l i n g h i s d i s t r i c t i n southern 'Kikuyuland, H a l l r e c e i v e d l i t t l e guidance from h i s s u p e r i o r Ainsworth a t Machakos or from the coast. He c o n s t a n t l y complained about the shoe-s t r i n g a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and l a c k of help, of poor p o l i c y and l i t t l e or no c o n s t r u c t i v e p r o g r e s s i o n . He r e s o l v e d , t h e r e f o r e , i n q u i t e obvious f a s h i o n , to take matters i n t o h i s own hands by r e s o r t i n g to any means at h i s d i s p o s a l to administer h i s area of Kikuyuland. Thus he began i n -c r e a s i n g l y to r e l y upon the c u l t i v a t i o n of Kikuyu athamaki as a means 1 2 2 to c o n t r o l the p o p u l a t i o n and increase the s e c u r i t y of h i s administration.. K i n a n j u i , s a i d by H a l l to be h i s "Fidus Achates," supported h i s European a l l y i n many a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and personal endeavours. Using a j u d i c i o u s combination of f o r c e and diplomacy, and w i t h the a i d of K i n a n j u i , the i n t r e p i d H a l l managed to win a degree of confidence from surrounding Kikuyu tribesmen. Astute enough to r e a l i s e , a l s o , Kikuyu p r o c l i v i t i e s f o r i n t e r n e c i n e warfare, now aggravated by h i s own presence, the pre-vious i n f l u e n c e of the Company and the ambitions of the a'thamaki, H a l l used e f f e c t i v e l y a " d i v i d e and r u l e " s t r a t e g y to h i s advantage. The ambitions of athamaki i s a matter of some importance i n an a n a l y s i s of H a l l ' s success. H a l l undoubtedly found h i m s e l f i n v o l v e d i n a power s t r u g g l e between competing athamaki. Resentment of H a l l may have . been based on the p o s s i b i l i t y t hat some athamaki feared h i s presence would tend to supplant t h e i r own i n f l u e n c e among l o c a l Kikuyu. Using K i n a n j u i to the gr e a t e s t advantage, H a l l was able to d r i v e a wedge be-tween the competing t r i b a l f a c t i o n s by p l a y i n g one o f f against the other. Aided by armed " f r i e n d l i e s , " Kikuyu and Masai, H a l l was thus able to se-cure h i s presence i n the immediate area around F o r t Smith and l a t e r M b i r r i ( F o r t H a l l ) . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , H a l l ' s success i n implementing the pax p a r a l l e l e d K i n a n j u i ' s success i n g a i n i n g f o r h i m s e l f more power. The two men thus acted i n concert f o r the same p u r p o s e — t o accrue power. E s s e n t i a l l y the only differenceebetween H a l l and K i n a n j u i i n respect of t h e i r p u r s u i t of power, was th a t H a l l ' s ambitions were l e s s personal than those of h i s f r i e n d . Perhaps, a l s o , K i n a n j u i ' s success l a y i n the f a c t t h a t he had presented h i m s e l f and h i s s e r v i c e s to the B r i t i s h — a l b e i t the 123 Company—at a time when the a l l - p o w e r f u l muthumaki, Waiyaki, had been deposed. R e l a t i o n s h i p s between the Company and the Kikuyu during the p e r i o d of Waiyakiss demise were at a p a r t i c u l a r l y low ebb. H a l l was no doubt e l a t e d at the prospect of being served by another muthumaki who, while not as powerful as Waiyaki, could become a u s e f u l a l l y and c a t a l y s t i n the a f f a i r s of n a t i v e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . As f a r as the B r i t i s h were concerned K i n a n j u i thus provided an answer to the problem of " f i n d - . i n g the c h i e f " i n an area where no c h i e f s e x i s t e d because Kikuyu p o l i t y was based upon a system of e l d e r s . The f a c t that K i n a n j u i was seen as a Kikuyu " c h i e f " by the B r i t i s h may have been one more reason f o r Kikuyu resentment of a l i e n " i n t r u s i o n . As f a r as the Kikuyu were concerned the key question was, "how could K i n a n j u i be a ' c h i e f when no Kikuyu c h i e f s e x i s t e d ? " On the other hand, as Mungeam p o i n t s out i t seems l i k e l y t h a t , f o r other Kikuyu, K i n y a n j u i ( s i c ) i n s p i r e d i n s p i r a t i o n as w e l l as respect. He was, a f t e r a l l , a 'success s t o r y ' i n t h a t he was a Kikuyu who had succeeded i n p l a y i n g the B r i t i s h a t t h e i r own game, and had achieved power and a u t h o r i t y as a r e s u l t . H a l l ' s e f f o r t s i n promoting athamaki, w h i l e i n i t i a l l y causing Kikuyu unrest, p a i d handsome dividends l a t e r . Through the advantage of con-t i n u i t y ( H a l l served the Company and the A d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n the same geographic areas) many.of H a l l ' s e a r l y Kikuyu contacts accepted posts w i t h the government and thus formed the nucleus of a Kikuyu ' o f f i c i a l establishment.' 124 Indeed by 1909, when an.a n a l y s i s of l o c a l .'chiefs' was made i n the Kiambu Record Book, i t i s apparent that many of the l e a d i n g ' c h i e f s ' began t h e i r years of a u t h o r i t y i n the 1890's, seeing s e r v i c e w i t h H a l l and Ainsworth. Not a few began t h e i r l i v e s i n comparative poverty, and only g r a d u a l l y became wealthy and powerful, mainly through the B r i t i s h connexion. Almost a l l seem to have secured t h e i r o f f i c i a l s t a t u s through the p r a c t i c a l t e s t of t h e i r l o y a l t y to the government r a t h e r than through any p o s i t i o n i n Kikuyu s o c i e t y . H H a l l died i n 1901 a f t e r c o n t r a c t i n g dysentery on a p u n i t i v e exped-i t i o n a g ainst the Kikuyu. Dr. Radford, who tended him during h i s f a t a l i l l n e s s , p a i d t r i b u t e by saying, " . . . h i s name was a t a l i s m a n and h i s memory w i l l l i v e long among the Wakikuyu as a man to .be feared, respected 12 and loved." No doubt he was "feared" and "respected" by h i s Kikuyu enemies—of whom he had a l a r g e number—and "loved" by those he had pro-moted: Kikuyu athamaki, who were few i n number. Hobley, a f e l l o w ad-m i n i s t r a t o r , commented that H a l l was "a g a l l a n t s o u l , who d i d more than any l i v i n g man to e s t a b l i s h the pax B r i t t a n i c a among the Kikuyu, who were 13 then a very t u r b u l e n t and treacherous t r i b e . " The case of H a l l serves to i l l u s t r a t e probably as w e l l as any the nature of "on the spot" a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n Kikuyuland. With few p o l i c y g u i d e l i n e s , e i t h e r from the coast or h i s immediate s u p e r i o r , Ainsworth, no o f f i c i a l Government m i l i t a r y f o r c e at h i s back, poor a d m i n i s t r a t i v e resources and low funds. H a l l ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n , that which gained him the unusual e u l o g i e s of his- f e l l o w a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , was based upon h i s q u a l i -t i e s t a s an i n d i v i d u a l endowed w i t h a set of personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s s u i t -ed to the ' f r o n t i e r ' existence of Kikuyuland. Perhaps he epitomized the 125 l i f e of the e a r l y D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r i n East A f r i c a . Faced w i t h the problem of.;, meeting the needs of h i s own e x i s t e n c e , of i n t r o d u c i n g a l i e n a t t i t u d e s and value-systems to a g e n e r a l l y i n t r a n s i g e n t p o p u l a t i o n , of expanding h i s i n f l u e n c e without i n c u r r i n g the wrath of the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e centre (Mombasa, N a i r o b i or London) or indeeid t h a t of the n a t i v e s , H a l l exem-p l i f i e d a t r a d i t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l i s m engendered by a set of unique c i r -cumstances: circumstances which undoubtedly c o n t r i b u t e d to h i s e a r l y -and untimely death. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , because of the c o n t i n u i t y of h i s ten-ure (1893-1900) as a Company man and then as a P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a -t i o n employee, he was able s u c c e s s f u l l y to develop a n a t i v e firmament, a nucleus of u s e f u l i n t e r m e d i a r i e s , on which h i s successors could g r a f t t h e i r i n f l u e n c e . Moreover, H a l l epitomized, a l s o , the e a r l y p e r i o d of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e establishment i n Kikuyuland (1895-1900); a jtimeoof.only s l i g h t expansion, of " s e t t l i n g i n " — g a i n i n g a "toe-hold"—among Kikuyu immediately adjacent to government s t a t i o n s ; a t i m e , - s i g n i f i c a n t l y , when a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a c t i o n came o f t e n i n the form of "responses" to Kikuyu pr o v o c a t i o n r a t h e r than the l a t e r p e r i o d (1900-1910) when Government set i t s face against the Kikuyu i n a much more determined and planned f a s h i o n . The establishment of Ainsworth's new P r o v i n c i a l Headquarters i n N a i r o b i - - — a place s t r a t e g i c a l l y l o c a t e d f o r d e a l i n g with' the Kikuyu and now reached by the r a i l w a y — h e r a l d e d the beginning of a p o l i c y of the use of m i l i t a r y f o r c e i n the subjugation of the Kikuyu. Moreover, an impor-ta n t a d m i n i s t r a t i v e change took place i n the l a t t e r p a r t of 1901 when "the Commissioner decided to detach the northern p a r t of the Kikuyu coun-t r y c o n s i s t i n g of Fort H a l l , N y e r i , Meru and Embu from the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n 126 of Ukamba and thereby i n s t i t u t e a new province to be c a l l e d the Kenya, 15 l a t e r the Kikuyu province." In e f f e c t t h i s meant that Kikuyuland had become an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t divorced from the vastness of Ukamba, was now to be administered from N a i r o b i — t h e f u t u r e communications centre of the P r o t e c t o r a t e — a n d was thus more proximate to the scene of impending p a c i f i c a t i o n . Furthermore, Dr. S.L. Hinde, a man possessed of previous m i l i t a r y experience i n the Congo, was appointed Sub-Commissioner of the Province w i t h headquarters i n Kiambu—a new s t a t i o n which superseded F o r t Smith. A l s o , a new s t a t i o n was b u i l t on the o l d D a g o r e t t i s i t e together w i t h a network of roads extending throughout southern Kikuyu-land as f a r as F o r t H a l l . For these r e a s o n s . i t i s obvious t h a t the i a d m i n i s t r a t i v e net was c l o s i n g on the Kikuyu. But f i r s t the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n was faced w i t h the prob-lem of the armed t r a d e r s , p a r t i c u l a r l y John Boyes, who represented, i n a sense, a challenge to i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t y . Moreover, worse s t i l l , many armedr1 t r a d e r s were regarded by the Kikuyu as being members of the Admin-i s t r a t i o n . Thus t r i b a l turbulence engendered by the armed t r a d e r s might have been a t t r i b u t e d , by the Kikuyu, to the A d m i n i s t r a t i o n and, moreover, the e f f e c t s of t h i s turbulence might have been construed by the Ad m i n i s t r a -t i o n as making t h e i r task of p a c i f i c a t i o n t h a t much more d i f f i c u l t . Boyes and others had to be removed from Kikuyuland i f a programme of p a c i f i c a -t i o n was to be s u c c e s s f u l l y implemented. Ainsworth's concern i s r e f l e c t e d i n h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of Boyes a c t i v i t i e s and subsequent a r r e s t . 127 A d m i n i s t r a t i v e P r o v i n c i a l and D i s t r i c t Boundaries, 1912. Note Kikuyuland now incorp o r a t e d i n t o Kenya Province. From George H. Mungeam, B r i t i s h Role i n Kenya, 1895-1912, London: OUP, 1966. 128 During the e a r l i e r p e r i o d of our occupation, we sometimes heard of a r e p u t e d l y powerful c h i e f known as K a r u r i who l i v e d somewhere west of Mount Kenya. L a t e r on there were . rumours at i n t e r v a l s of a white man l i v i n g w i t h K a r u r i . . . e n q u i r i e s made by Hinde revealed t h a t a 'white man possessing f i r e a r m s was l i v i n g i n c l o s e a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h K a r u r i . Native s t o r i e s were to the e f f e c t t h a t the white man had a s s i s t e d the c h i e f i n r a i d s on other n a t i v e s . Hinde thereupon proceeded to K a r u r i ' s where he found a white man named Boyes whom he ordered to accompany him to F o r t H a l l . The outcome of t h i s was t h a t Boyes, w i t h the c a t t l e he claimed as h i s property, was sent to N a i r o b i on a charge of d a c o i t y . There were, however, no witnesses produced to enable the charge to be proved. K a r u r i , who a l s o appeared i n N a i r o b i i n connection w i t h the case, s t a t e d t h a t Boyes had bought most of the c a t t l e w h i l e other had been given to Boyes by h i m s e l f . The outcome of the matter was t h a t Boyes was discharged.^ Importantly, however, Boyes never returned to Kikuyuland as a trader.and thus the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , now b e t t e r organized and able to 17 s u s t a i n i t s e l f without h i s help, was r i d of h i s p e r t u r b i n g i n f l u e n c e . A matter, a l s o , of some concern t.orthe P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , was d e a l t w i t h between 1901 and 1904 and concerned the f u t u r e of the Masai. The Masai, described by Low as "the hinge of Kenya," desp i t e t h e i r f i e r c e r e p u t a t i o n as w a r r i o r s , had proved not to be too i n t o l e r a n t of a l i e n advances through t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y . Weakened by c i v i l war and the devastating e f f e c t s , o f famine, the t r i b e took to r a i d i n g the Kikuyu and other t r i b e s i n search of subsistence. While the tendency f o r r a i d i n g aided the B r i t i s h c o n s i d e r a b l y i n t h e i r e f f o r t s to secure m i l i t a n t a l l i e s against the Kikuyu, i t began i n c r e a s i n g l y to d i s t u r b them between 1901 and 1904- Moreover, the Masai themselves began to show an i n c r e a s i n g uneasiness, as d i d the Kikuyu, at the prospect of t h e i r lands being taken 18 by an i n f l u x of European s e t t l e r s . G r e a t l y i n f l u e n c e d by t h e i r l a i b o n Lenana, a c o l l a b o r a t o r c u l t i v a t e d by Ainsworth and others, the Masai thus, 129 i n 190-4, concluded an agreement w i t h the B r i t i s h which c a l l e d f o r t h e i r movement en-masse i n t o two g e o g r a p h i c a l l y d e l i n e a t e d reserves. This agreement p r e c i p i t a t e d subsequent movements of Masai (1908, 1911 and 1912) and, although each occasion caused much f r i c t i o n and, indeed, even an appeal to the High Courts, the "problem" of Masai t r a d i t i o n ( r a i d i n g ) and the p r o x i m i t y of the t r i b e to other t r i b e s and European s e t t l e r s , was r e s o l v e d . Now the Masai were s a f e l y i s o l a t e d and con-19 t r o l l e d , a l b e i t l o o s e l y , by the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Now the B r i t i s h (1902-1910) could t u r n t h e i r a t t e n t i o n towards Kenya Pro-vince and s p e c i f i c a l l y the s t i l l l a r g e pockets of Kikuyu r e s i s t a n c e — e s p e c i a l l y s i n c e the r e o r g a n i z a t i o n of the A d m i n i s t r a t i o n ' s m i l i t a r y i n h e r i t a n c e from the Company. In summary, the p e r i o d 1895 to 1901 had been perhaps, f o r the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , only something more than a "holding exer-c i s e . " But progress of some s i g n i f i c a n c e had been made. The r a i l w a y , f o r example, had s u c c e s s f u l l y by-passed Kikuyuland and was on i t s way, p r a c t i c a l l y unencumbered, to the Lake and the a l l - i m p o r t a n t N i l e - s o u r c e . Boyes and the armed t r a d e r s had been removed by s w i f t and d e c i s i v e ad-m i n i s t r a t i v e a c t i o n . The d e l i c a t e matter of Masai and s e t t l e r i n t e r -r e l a t i o n s h i p s had a l s o been p a r t i a l l y r e s o l v e d . Moreover, w i t h Masai moran l o o s e l y c o n t r o l l e d and now confined to a reserve h a b i t a t , the prospect of i n t e r - t r i b a l warfare was co n s i d e r a b l y reduced. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , due to the e f f o r t s of men l i k e H a l l , the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n now possessed an e l i t e cadre of i n f l u e n t i a l f r i e n d s w i t h i n the southern i n t e r i o r of Kikuyuland. Furthermore, the Kikuyu h a b i t a t had been 130 declared an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t — a P r o v i n c e — a n d was to be a d m i n i s t e r -ed from a centre ( N a i r o b i ) proximate t o the area. Men and m a t e r i a l s necessary f o r a sustained e f f o r t a gainst the i n t e r i o r t r i b e s were j u s t hours away while the roads on which they would presumably march were beginning to penetrate n o r t h from N a i r o b i i n t o the Kikuyu h e a r t l a n d . P a c i f i c a t i o n of the Kikuyu was by 1901 about to commence. Now l a r g e r areas of Kikuyuland were to be claimed; i f necessary by m i l i t a r y means and thus a t the expenditure of much Kikuyu blood. The key i n g r e d i e n t to s u c c e s s f u l subjugation o f the Kikuyu was an e f f i c i e n t and w e l l - t r a i n e d m i l i t a r y f o r c e . But the P r o t e c t o r a t e Admin-i s t r a t i o n had not been f o r t u n a t e i n the q u a l i t y of i t s m i l i t a r y legacy from the Company. Indeed, Colonel H. Moyse-Bartlett has gone as f a r as to say th a t " . . . the Im p e r i a l B r i t i s h East A f r i c a Company made no comprehensive e f f o r t t t o organize proper f o r c e s f o r the maintenance of 20 i t s a u t h o r i t y . " S i r Arthur Hardinge commented th a t the Company was 21 a "European a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . . . w i t h no v i s i b l e f o r c e a t i t s back." I t appears t h a t the development of the Company's m i l i t a r y . f o r c e had prob-ab l y been more pragmatic than planned. Troops had been drawn from var-ious East A f r i c a n t r i b e s , d i f f e r e d w i d e l y i n q u a l i t y and were seen as a "curious hotch-potch . . . w i t h no common status and.no c e n t r a l con-22 t r o l . " The e a r l i e s t Company f o r c e had been commanded by a nav a l o f f i c e r , L t . Ll o y d Mathews, seconded from the c o a s t a l a n t i - s l a v e r y pa-23 t r o l . On the promotion of Mathews to "General" m the f o r c e s of the Government of Zanzibar, the. f o r c e was.commanded by Captain G.P. Hatch, and, according t o S i r Gerald P o r t a l , improved c o n s i d e r a b l y i n i t s m i l i -t a r y performance. 1 3 1 An e a r l y problem had been the s e l e c t i o n of s u i t a b l e A f r i c a n r e -c r u i t s . Some o f f i c e r s p r e f e r r e d Sudanese t o Z a n z i b a r i s while others, n o t a b l y Mackinnon, considered the p o s s i b i l i t y o f r e c r u i t i n g i n Zululand. or even S i e r r a Leone. But the cost of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n was p r o h i b i t i v e and the use of Zulus thought i m p r a c t i c a l . The Company had then sought per-m i s s i o n to r e c r u i t P unjabis, but the Indian Government opposed the pro-p o s i t i o n i n favour of troops drawn from the D e l h i a r e a — a n d Mackinnon 24 r a i s e d such a f o r c e . For the p r o t e c t i o n of caravans t r a v e r s i n g the route from the coast to Uganda, the Company had r e l i e d mainly on armed S w a h i l i l e v i e s who, untrain e d , were p a i d l i t t l e more than the p o r t e r s they guarded. Each a s k a r i c a r r i e d a muzzle-loader f i r e a r m ; a weapon o f t e n found u s e l e s s be-cause cap powder would not i g n i t e when dampened by seasonal r a i n s . Desertions were common and the consequenttloss of firearms was great. Since t r a d e r s , Arab, S w a h i l i and European a l i k e , had been d i s t r i b u t i n g 25 firearms to the i n t e r i o r t r i b e s f o r years, deserters served to extend and i n t e n s i f y t h i s p a t t e r n . Noteworthy i s the f a c t t h a t widespread . d i s t r i b u t i o n of arms was a considerable f a c t o r i n subsequent d i f f i c u l -t i e s experienced by Government when i t attempted p a c i f i c a t i o n of the i n t e r i o r t r i b e s . Company posts, designed to s u s t a i n caravans, had been l o c a t e d a t s t r a t e g i c p o i n t s along the route i n l a n d from Mombasa to the Lake. Each post was manned by European o f f i c e r s and armed A f r i c a n l e v i e s . Among the f a c i l i t i e s was a hut at Tsavo, mentioned by P o r t a l , . a n d the s t a t i o n s ( f o r t s ) at Ndi ( s i c ) , Machakos i n the Wakamba country, D a g o r e t t i s t a r t e d by Lugard, Kikuyu ( l a t e r F o r t Smith) and M b i r r i ( l a t e r F o r t H a l l ) b u i l t 132 } •JK.ir.mjii i ' ^ I ^ Z • Kitul • N i ln iJ.-nliMi;rjt-vc i n i l c n ru i l iMiS' '* m tKe fort . f f t G f r ; £ e per iod 1 E 9 S - * 90*S * M i i n j . J m i . i i u n l i v e l u i i c n i t ( u b ! . i h » d . in i.v,* colt»ni»l f>;".'k« frtriotf I 90S - I 9 J 1 0 20 -10 60 50 100 RuLi '.djry of l i i r - I s t i A f r - t The Spread of Administrative Stations 1895-1912. From George Munggamifl British Role i n Kenya, 1895-1912, London: OUP, 1966 133 by F r a n c i s H a l l . D a g o r e t t i and Fort Smith were s i t u a t e d on the south-ern p e r i p h e r y of Kikuyuland, j u s t n o r t h of the "moat," while M b i r r i ( F o r t H a l l ) l a y some 50 miles i n t o the i n t e r i o r . Each Kikuyu s t a t i o n was of sturdy c o n s t r u c t i o n and i n c l u d e d a stockade, deep d i t c h f i l l e d 26 27 w i t h p a n j i s anand a/boma surrounded by barbed w i r e . F o r t i f i e d con-s t r u c t i o n of t h i s k i n d had been necessary owing to the Kikuyu p r a c t i c e of l a y i n g siege on Company property f o r long periods of time. The m i l i t a r y f o r c e i n h e r i t e d from the Company by the P r o t e c t o r a t e was e s s e n t i a l l y p o o r l y organized and thus l a c k e d the cohesiveness nec-essary to be placed i n the f i e l d against d i s s i d e n t tribesmen. True the for c e was armed; but so were the tribesmen. F o r t u n a t e l y c e r t a i n Kikuyu c l a n s , thanks t o the e f f o r t s of people l i k e F r a n c i s H a l l , had been pac-i f i e d and were now cooperating w i t h the new A d m i n i s t r a t i o n — e s p e c i a l l y i n areas where ambitious athamaki were l o c a t e d . Boyes' o l d f r i e n d , Karure wa Gakure, i s an e x c e l l e n t example of the a i d c o l l a b o r a t o r s r e n -dered to o f f i c e r s of the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Karure's former connection w i t h Boyes had s u f f i c i e n t l y impressed him w i t h the value of cooperation w i t h whitemen i n a u t h o r i t y — e v e n though Boyes' a u t h o r i t y was somewhat specious. In 1900 Karure thus entered i n t o "an agreement w i t h the P r o t e c t o r a t e o f f i c i a l s , which enabled the B r i t i s h to b r i n g Murang'a under t h e i r control, l a r g e l y without the use of p u n i t i v e exped-28 i t i o n s . " Moreover, i n order to c o n s o l i d a t e h i s a l l i a n c e w i t h the Pro-t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , Karure rendered a s s i s t a n c e to the CMS and other missions attempting to e s t a b l i s h themselves i n the area. P a c i f i e d c l a n s , l e d by cooperative athamaki, would continue to p l a y a u s e f u l p a r t i n the p a c i f i c a t i o n process. 134 But other c l a n s , o f t e n those p h y s i c a l l y removed from the immediate p e r i p h e r i e s of P r o t e c t o r a t e s t a t i o n s , were f r e q u e n t l y h o s t i l e , l e s s m a l l -eable than those under f r i e n d l y athamaki and maintained an overt r e s i s -tance to Government. Thus i f f o r c e and consent were to be the t w i n -p i l l a r s on'which the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n was going to base i t s a u t h o r i t y , o p p o s i t i o n , the w i t h h o l d i n g of consent, the r e f u s a l to c o l l a -borate, would auger p o o r l y f o r Government p r e s t i g e : disobedience would soon generate p r o g r e s s i v e l y from one c l a n to another i n a co n t i n u i n g es-c a l a t i o n l e a d i n g to f u l l - s c a l e war. This the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n could i l l a f f o r d . P a c i f i c a t i o n p o l i c y , t h e r e f o r e , although founded on a m i l i t a r y s o l u t i o n , was to be performed on a piecemeal b a s i s . Each pocket of Kikuyu r e s i s t a n c e was to be e l i m i n a t e d when the moment was p r o p i t i o u s , when the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n was s u f f i c i e n t l y prepar-ed to mount a p u n i t i v e e x p e d i t i o n and when provocation, the " i n c i d e n t , " provided an excuse or j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r m i l i t a r y a c t i o n . Moreover, the " s k i r m i s h , " something of a t r a d i t i o n i n previous i m p e r i a l m i l i t a r y en-gagements, was to be precluded i n favour of complete conquest, a s o r t of m i l i t a r y " o v e r k i l l , " where d i s s i d e n t t r i b a l elements were to be smash-ed to a p o i n t of no recovery. At t h i s p o i n t and w i t h respect to p u n i t i v e e x p e d i t i o n s , i t i s i n -t e r e s t i n g to compare the d i c t a t e s of c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y , both the Foreign O f f i c e and the P r o t e c t o r a t e Governor, w i t h the f a c t s . Both the Foreign O f f i c e , i n the person of Lord Lansdowne, and Commissioner S i r Charles E l i o t (1900-1904) were against a p o l i c y of mounting p u n i t i v e e x p e d i t i o n s . In l a y i n g down a set of p r i n c i p l e s Lansdowne minuted: 135 I t i s e s s e n t i a l t h a t o f f i c e r s should r e a l i s e the broad l i n e s on which His Majesty's Government wish to work i n the development of the Foreign O f f i c e P r o t e c t o r a t e s . That p o l i c y i s to spread t h e i r i n f l u e n c e over the n a t i v e s , and to teach them by degrees the advantages of c i v i l i z a t i o n by a t t r a c t i n g them to European centres, but only to push on outposts where there i s a f a i r prospect of commerce, or where t h e i r establishment w i l l be w e l l r e c e i v e d by the n a t i v e s . I t i s not the wish of His Majesty's Government to f o r c e t h e i r way amongst t r i b e s who are h o s t i l e , and, though i t i s u n f o r t u n a t e l y unavoidable at times to make a d i s p l a y of st r e n g t h , a c t i o n l i k e l y to provoke such a contingency should be, i f p o s s i b l e , avoided.29 Lansdowne's statement was thus a c l e a r i n d i c a t i o n as to how London view-ed the matter of p u n i t i v e e x p e d i t i o n s . Commissioner S i r Charles E l i o t was no l e s s adamant on the matter: "I- am penetrated w i t h the c o n v i c t i o n t h a t i t i s u s e l e s s to spend l i v e s and money on subduing the barbarous i n h a b i t a n t s of barren d e s e r t s , and that p u n i t i v e expeditions are a mis-30 take." Thus we see th a t p o l i c y which emanated from the Foreign O f f i c e i n London or the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e centre i n N a i r o b i , was not the same as tha t which was planned and executed "on the spot." P u n i t i v e e x p e d i t i o n s were a f a c t of l i f e and d i d take place d e s p i t e the d i c t a t e s of c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y . Moreover, the l o c a t i o n of "on the spot" was not N a i r o b i , only some 50 m i l e s from the geographic centre of Kikuyuland, but smaller a r -eas l i k e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p o s t s , Kikuyu i t u r a , spineback r i d g e s , r i v e r c r o s s i n g s , f o r e s t t r a c k s , and a host of other i s o l a t e d environs of Kikuyuland. Obviously a great d i s p a r i t y e x i s t e d between the policy-mak-e r s , even though, as i n the case of Commissioner E l i o t , some were near to the scene of the a c t i o n , and the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n ' s l o c a l agents. Did t h i s d i s p a r i t y of purpose suggest a l a c k of c e n t r a l c o n t r o l ? Was i t due, perhaps, to poor communications? S u f f i c e to say, f o r the 136 purposes of t h i s t h e s i s , t h a t such a d i s p a r i t y e x i s t e d — o f t h i s there i s l i t t l e doubt.- 3 1 Second Phase (1902-1910): A M i l i t a r y E x e r c i s e By 1900 the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n began to prepare i t s e l f f o r p o l i c e or m i l i t a r y a c t i o n i n support of i t s e f f o r t s to e f f e c t a measure of c o n t r o l over the po p u l a t i o n . In 1901 a fo r c e of P r o t e c t o r a t e P o l i c e was organized. The f o r c e t o t a l l e d as h i g h as 2000 men armed w i t h Martini-Henry r i f l e s . While predominantly A f r i c a n , the f o r c e a l s o con-t a i n e d an Ind i a n contingent and l a t e r a s m a l l number of Europeans r e -32 c r u i t e d mainly to deal w i t h an i n c r e a s i n g number of white s e t t l e r s . Most constables were concentrated i n the towns, t r a d i n g centres and s e t t l e d areas. By 1902 a sen i o r B r i t i s h o f f i c e r , w i t h previous exper-ience i n I n d i a , was appointed as Inspector General. Soon he secured the s e r v i c e s of f i v e B r i t i s h army d r i l l i n s t r u c t o r s and the r e s u l t , according to Robert F o r a n — a n e a r l y r e c r u i t — w a s "a marked improvement i n the d r i l l , b e a r i n g , d i s c i p l i n e and general appearance of the A f r i c a n 33 ranks." Known as the B r i t i s h East A f r i c a P o l i c e , by 1905 the fo r c e had expanded c o n s i d e r a b l y and had e s t a b l i s h e d s t a t i o n s i n N a i r o b i and. Kisumu. P a r a m i l i t a r y i n f u n c t i o n the BEAP was l e d by mostly i n e x p e r i -enced but keen B r i t i s h army l i e u t e n a n t s seconded to duty i n East A f r i c a . Knowledge of p o l i c e d u t i e s came through a process of t r i a l and e r r o r — ("and mostly the l a t t e r p r e v a i l e d " )—which emanated from a r i g o r o u s l y comprehensive on-the-job-training.. 137 Although the BEAP was capable, and.often p a r t i c i p a t e d i n , m i l i t a r y , i n c u r s i o n s , by f a r the more potent f o r c e was the E a s t . A f r i c a n R i f l e s ( l a t e r King's A f r i c a n R i f l e s ) . Formed i n 1895, under Captain Hatch, the East A f r i c a n R i f l e s were a re-organized legacy of the Company i n -h e r i t e d by the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . The regiment c o n s i s t e d of "two B r i t i s h o f f i c e r s , 300 Punjabis, 100 Sudanese ( r a i s e d l a t e r to 250), 300 S w a h i l i s and a 'mixed'fforced of 200 men."-34 In 1895 the P r o t e c t o r -ate had been d i v i d e d i n t o three m i l i t a r y d i s t r i c t s , namely, S e y y i d i e h and Tanaland, the Province of Ukamba ( l a t e r s p l i t t o form Ukamba and Kenya Pro v i n c e s ) and Jubaland. By 1900 the f o r c e had accrued much ex-perience i n f i g h t i n g East A f r i c a n wars. I t had p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the Sudanese mutiny i n Uganda, the Mazrui r e b e l l i o n and the suppression of Wakamba s l a v e - t r a d e r s . In 1901 Hatch increased the establishment of the regiment to 1500 men and moved i t s headquarters to N a i r o b i . The Ukamba detachment was r a i s e d to fo u r companies w i t h posts at Machakos, Taveta and i n s i d e Kikuyuland a t M b i r r i ( F o r t H a l l ) . Masai were r e c r u i t -ed to supplement the M b i r r i contingent. U s e f u l and experienced, however, as the BEAP was, by 1901 and a t the behest of none other than the p a c i f i c E l i o t , the forc e was r e o r g a n i z -ed. On November 5 the Foreign O f f i c e gave i n s t r u c t i o n s to the e f f e c t t h a t from January 1, 1902 the BEAP would become one regiment (6 b a t t a l -i o n s ) to be s t y l e d the King's A f r i c a n R i f l e s . The t o t a l s t r e n g t h of the regiment was i n 1902 some 104- o f f i c e r s and 4,579 men. Noteworthy a t t h i s time, a l s o , was the sep a r a t i o n of c i v i l and m i l i t a r y a u t h o r i t y — w i t h the subo r d i n a t i o n of the m i l i t a r y being emphasized. 138 As commanders-in-chief, H.M. Commissioners were responsible for defining the object and scope of the military operations, but not for undertaking their immediate direction. Military authority was never to be exercised in opposition to, or i n competition with, that of the c i v i l power. . . 35 This edict i s interesting in view of what had been pointed out with respect to differences between central policy and local practice. Obviously now any military action would have to have the prior assent of the c i v i l administration. Did this in effect mean that the highest c i v i l authority, the Commissioner (later Governor), was informed of every military action? Or was i t more l i k e l y that this instruction was interpreted by the military to mean punitive expeditions were agreed upon, "on the spot," locally, between subordinate" officers of the King's African Rifles and subordinate officers of the Protectorate Administra-tion? In view of Eliot's aversion to punitive expeditions, and those of the Foreign Secretary, i t i s l i k e l y that at least, as far as punitive expeditions were concerned, decisions on how, when and where, to under-take them were l e f t to subordinate f i e l d officers. Furthermore, i t i s probable, that those i n high c i v i l authority, Foreign Secretary, Commis-sioner, Governor, etc., possessed only a cursory knowledge of plans for punitive action. Indeed, perhaps in many instances, high o f f i c i a l s were informed-of events after they had taken place. With the formation of a well-equipped, trained and experienced body of troops, the King's African Rifles, the Protectorate Administration was now in a position to react m i l i t a r i l y to t r i b a l h o s t i l i t y or provocation. The military position thus secured, at least temporarily u n t i l the next KAR reorganization (1905), administrative and military officers i n 139 Kikuyuland turned t h e i r faces to the task of p a c i f i c a t i o n : where the KAR was to act i n supporting the gradual extension of n a t i v e c o n t r o l from N a i r o b i to Mount Kenya. In the vanguard of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e t h r u s t s i n t o Kikuyuland between 1901 and 1910, the troops d i d not support the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n as much as the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n supported the troops. Subjugation of the Kikuyu, w i t h few exceptions, was a m i l i t a r y exer-c i s e . Where pockets of r e s i s t a n c e were found p u n i t i v e expeditions were mounted w i t h the express i n t e n t i o n of " p u t t i n g down" the i n c a l c i t r a n t s : there was no quarter. B a r b a r i c excesses were common and despite E l i o t ' s comment th a t m a r t i a l e x e r c i s e s should not be "allowed to o v e r r i d e the 37 greater claims of j u s t i c e and good p o l i c y , " the m i l i t a r y ship s a i l e d through Kikuyuland i n a wave of blood and " o v e r k i l l . " Boyes r e l a t e d t h a t i n 1901 he and Captain Wake hammered the people of K a r i a r a f o r a l l e g e d l y k i l l i n g a S w a h i l i along the r a i l w a y l i n e . Near F o r t H a l l the G a t u r i Kikuyu put up a small amount of r e s i s t a n c e and were put down e a s i l y . The Muruka Kikuyu, however, were not so e a s i l y cowed. 39 P r e v i o u s l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the murder of Haslam, a Company o f f i c e r , the c l a n had accrued f o r themselves a r e p u t a t i o n as troublemakers. In mid-1901, according to Meinhertzhagen, they had attacked McLellan's camp k i l l i n g three p o r t e r s and a policeman. A p u n i t i v e e x p e d i t i o n ^ was c a r r i e d out under S.L. Hinde and H a r r i s o n which, e v i d e n t l y , was i n s u f f i c -i e n t i n i t s extent and purpose: by 1902 the Muruka had r e t a l i a t e d by k i l l i n g f i v e Indian t r a d e r s . " 140 On 4 t h September Captain F.W.O. Maycock led a punitive expedition of five British officers. 115 r i f l e s 3 K.A.R., 60 police and 300 levies into the'Maruka country, and by 25th October had covered i t with patrols. Some resistance was met and the expedition lost one man k i l l e d and 13 wounded. About 300 cattle and 2000 sheep and goats were taken.40 It had been a grizzly a f f a i r as i s evidenced i n Meinhertzhagen.' s account. He had given orders, for example, that in one area, "every livi n g thing except children should be k i l l e d without mercy." Later he was to say that "every soul was either shot or bayonetted . . . we burn-41 ed a l l the huts and razed banana plantations to the ground," Meinhertz-hagen' s part in this grim a f f a i r was conditioned by the treatment accord-ed a settler by angry Kikuyu: . . . the natives caught a settler yesterday, a white man who was trying to buy sheep . . . they dragged him to a village near the forest, where they pegged him down on the ground and wedged his mouth open; then the whole village, man, woman and child, urinat-ed into his mouth t i l l he was' drowned. . . . As this took place yesterday, before the expedition entered the country, i t cannot even be extenuated under the provocation of an attack by Government . . . the horrible death they have meted out to my countryman f i l l s me with anger . . . i t does not incline me to feel too merciful . . . I shall teach the offending village such a lesson at dawn tomorrow as w i l l long be remembered among the Wakikuyu.42 Meinhertzhagen's drastic action on this occasion haunted him for many years and, i n 1956, he noted that even then he was not sure of the correctness of his actions. "My reason," he said, "for k i l l i n g a l l adults, including women, was that the latter had been the main i n s t i -gators of not only the murder but the method of death, and i t was the 43 women who had befouled the corpse before death." Naturally, since a 141 c i v i l o f f i c e r was present and i n view of the recent higher e d i c t on the matter of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p r o t o c o l — " t h e object and scope of m i l i t a r y o p e r a t i o n s " — h e was consulted on the a c t i o n . "McClean, who was w i t h me as P o l i t i c a l O f f i c e r , was n a t u r a l l y consulted; though he refused to give h i s consent to my a c t i o n , he t o l d me he would not i n t e r f e r e i f I thought i t was ?jiust punishment, so the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s e n t i r e l y mine."^ So much f o r the c o n t r o l of m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r s by members of the c i v i l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ! Here i s a prime example of "on the spot" d e c i s i o n -making by subordinates i n both the arms of government. Doubtless t h i s a c t i o n was made the subject of a r e p o r t to higher a u t h o r i t y w e l l a f t e r the event. C e r t a i n l y permission could not have been gained from higher a u t h o r i t y before the a c t i o n took p l a c e . We s h a l l see the r e s u l t s of a l a t e r m i l i t a r y a c t i o n when d e t a i l s of enormous c a s u a l t i e s were t r a n s -m i t t e d to Commissioner E l i o t . . In 1902 the m i l i t a r y launched an a t t a c k on the Gaki area. The reason f o r the f o r a y was a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the murder of Goanese t r a d e r s operating i n the Tetu s e c t i o n of N y e r i . Led by Meinhertzhagen, Barlow, Hemstead and Hinde, the a s s a u l t was a two-pronged a f f a i r emanating r e -s p e c t i v e l y from Naivasha and F o r t H a l l . Meinhertzhagen reached the tr o u b l e spot on December 2 and was fo r c e d to f i g h t every i n c h of the way, c o n f i s c a t i n g c a t t l e and burning huts. On th a t day alone he k i l l e d 20 Kikuyu a t the p r i c e of two of h i s own troops k i l l e d and f i v e wounded. By the end of the second day of the engagement he had c o n f i s c a t e d over 700 head of c a t t l e and 1000 sheep and goats. On the nig h t of December 4 h i s camp was savagely attacked by Kikuyu w a r r i o r s and he was able to 142 s u s t a i n a s i g n a l v i c t o r y by k i l l i n g n e a r l y f o r t y of them. His own l o s s e s were, as always, very l i g h t . " I must own," Meinhertzhagen remarked, " I never expected the Wakikuyu to f i g h t l i k e t h i s . " However, despi t e the r e s i s t a n c e of the Kikuyu, h o s t i l i t i e s came to an end w i t h the capture of 45 the l o c a l muthumaki, Gakere. But Hinde, 'doctor turned s o l d i e r and a d m i n i s t r a t o r , p e r s i s t e d i n h i s e f f o r t s to subdue the Kikuyu of t h i s area to a p o i n t where f u t u r e t r o u b l e s would be e n t i r e l y e l i m i n a t e d . Moreover, he wished to b u i l d a new P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n post on the commanding s i t e of N y e r i . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , higher a u t h o r i t y ( E l i o t ) had hot been consulted s p e c i f -i c a l l y on the matter of founding the new f a c i l i t y . P r o v i s i o n f o r a new s t a t i o n i n n o r t h Kikuyu country had, however, been made i n the current estimates, and i n the absence of f u r t h e r evidence i t seems th a t Hinde s e i z e d upon the excuse of the murdered Indians ( s i c ) to push nor t h and open up the d i s t r i c t . . . l a t e r . . . E l i o t expressed h i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the choice of the new s i t e . 4 6 Herein we see yet another e x c e l l e n t example of "on the spot" d e c i s i o n -making where a c t i o n was taken l o c a l l y on the i n i t i a t i v e of subordinate o f f i c e r s of, i n t h i s case, the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . The column now moved o f f toward Mahiga on the excuse t h a t l o c a l Kikuyu were harbouring Tetu l i v e s t o c k . Returning to the Nyeri v i c i n i t y a f t e r the Mahiga s o r t i e , Hinde's f o r c e then commenced a s e r i e s of "mopping up" operations designed to c o n f i s c a t e l a r g e numbers of c a t t l e , sheep and goats. The area was now i n a t u r m o i l of k i l l i n g , p i l l a g e and g e n e r a l l y p u n i t i v e a c t i v i t y ; the Kikuyu were incensed to a p o i n t of e s c a l a t i n g the whole a f f r a y . A desperate b i d was made to dislodge the a t t a c k e r s by 143 a s s a u l t i n g t h e i r camp,. Faced w i t h s u p e r i o r arms and t a c t i c a l s t r e n g t h the Kikuyu were repulsed w i t h a l o s s of 50 w a r r i o r s . At t h i s p o i n t f u r -ther Kikuyu a t t a c k s foundered and the f i g h t i n g ended. Gakere, the muthumaki who had chosen not to throw i n h i s l o t w i t h the B r i t i s h , was deported to Kismayu. Soon a group of e l d e r s sued f o r peace and from them was e x t r a c t e d a promise of s e c u r i t y f o r t r a v e l l e r s and the construc-t i o n of a new road l i n k i n g t h e i r side of the Aberdare Mountains w i t h Naivasha. By the end of 1902, t h e r e f o r e , open h o s t i l i t i e s i n t h i s area had ceased. By 1904 Hinde was able to r e p o r t t h a t the "Nyeri d i s t r i c t was 'free from trouble,'wwithAfricans coming i n t o the s t a t i o n 47 and a l l o w i n g t r a d e r s to enter t h e i r country without m o l e s t a t i o n . " Meanwhile, however, the Mathira clans were becoming once more hos-t i l e . I n 1899 they had been i n v o l v e d i n the k i l l i n g of Mackinder's p o r t e r s . In 1903, s h o r t l y a f t e r the occupation of the Nyeri area, they attacked a number of caravans passing through the country. A B r i t i s h o f f i c e r was a l s o a s s a u l t e d i n the performance of h i s d u t i e s . The prox-i m i t y of the white A d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n N y e r i was o b v i o u s l y s t i r r i n g up the Mathira Kikuyu to a f r e s h wave of h o s t i l e a c t i v i t y . Since the so-c a l l e d " c h i e f s " were a l s o of d o u b t f u l a l l e g i a n c e , according to Meinhertz-hagen, a p u n i t i v e e x p e d i t i o n was necessary "to put them i n the r i g h t Z.8 frame of mine and to 'show them the f l a g . ' " An a t t a c k was t h e r e f o r e mounted i n three columns under the command of Captain Dickson, Meinhertz-hagen and Humphrey r e s p e c t i v e l y . One column marched to M a t h i r a from For t H a l l v i a Embu. Hundreds of l i v e s t o c k were c o n f i s c a t e d , w a r r i o r s were k i l l e d and huts put to the t o r c h . Another column advanced south from 144 the new administrative boma at Nyeri and.joined the f i r s t group near Ndia. Here they captured nearly 800 head of cattle, 2200 sheep and goats and k i l l e d 796 Mathira Kikuyu. In one itura they collected firewood and roasted the looted livestock. Even heavier casualties were i n f l i c t e d on this raid than had been the case i n previous puni-tive expeditions. The o f f i c i a l report stated that some 400 Kikuyu had been k i l l e d . Meinhertzhagen, however, said that 1,500 k i l l e d was a modest figure. On Commissioner Eliot's instructions, however, the larger figure was omitted from Meinhertzhagen's report on the operation. " . . . Eli o t feared that Hinde would get into trouble i f such a large casualty l i s t reached England." .But Even the figure of 400 k i l l e d caused some concern i n London. But the matter was played down: " H i l l deprecated the operations, and Lansdowne agreed that i t would be better 49 not to express approval." Whatever the actual figure, however, the fact was that the Mathira Kikuyu were finished as a native force to be reckoned with; soon they were collecting livestock and ivory and send-ing them to the Protectorate Administration as tokens of peace. The next operation of significance was mounted against the Embu. Sporadic attacks had been suffered in this area by collaborators and mail runners. Itura known by the dissidents to have paid hut-tax were singled out as targets. Units of the King's African Rifles were des-patched to the scene in May and June 1903. Thereafter unarmed caravans were able to traverse the area unmolested. Later i n the year the armed trader Gibbons' was arrested in the area "by Meinhertzhagen. There i s l i t t l e doubt that his presence among the Embu had been a disturbing 145 i n f l u e n c e . (See p. 100-2 t h i s t h e s i s ) . On 20 February 1904- Brancker and Meinhertzhagen, under the command of Captain F.A. Dickinson, prepared themselves f o r a p u n i t i v e e x p e d i t i o n a g a i n s t the I r a i n i Kikuyu. Me^ihherjtzhagen, remarked on the reasons f o r the e x p e d i t i o n as due to the f a c t t h a t the. c l a n had been sending i n s u l t -i n g messages to Hinde, stopping caravans from passing through t h e i r coun-t r y and murdering s e v e r a l policemen. "They must l e a r n t h e i r l e s s o n , " he remarked. The p l a n c a l l e d f o r a two-pronged a t t a c k from Nyeri to the n o r t h and F o r t H a l l to the west. Notably, the e x p e d i t i o n was to be accom-50 panied by Humphrey, a c i v i l o f f i c e r . In t y p i c a l f a s h i o n , Meinhertz-hagen' s sentiments regarding the a t t i t u d e s and a c t i v i t i e s of c i v i l o f f i -cers had been expressed i n a l e t t e r to h i s commanding o f f i c e r a short time before the e x p e d i t i o n he was now p r e p a r i n g : I d i d not i n t e n d to stand i n t e r f e r e n c e i n m i l i t a r y operations from c i v i l o f f i c i a l s . They could con-t r o l the general p o l i c y but must not i n t e r f e r e w i t h operations.51 Moreover, i n respect of "orders" from higher a u t h o r i t y , Meinhertzhagen pointed out t h a t they were "sketchy i n the extreme" and t h a t the leader of the a s s a u l t , Captain Dickinson, "obviously does not i n t e n d to be worried too much about them . . . never mind my orders . . . . Just c a r r y 52 on and don't worry me too much. I ' l l back you up i n anything you do." The f a c t t h a t Meinhertzhagen had expressed h i s a v e r s i o n to i n t e r f e r e n c e on the p a r t of c i v i l o f f i c e r s , coupled w i t h the remarks of h i s s u p e r i o r , i s one more i n d i c a t i o n of the l a c k of d i r e c t i o n from higher a u t h o r i t y . Sentiments thus expressed suggest beyond doubt that p u n i t i v e operations 146 were decided upon and carried out by officers, usually military, ac-tually, "on the spot." On 24 February 1904 the expedition l e f t Nyeri and Fort Hall re-spectively. Meinhertzhagen's column included some 250 Masai levies and 60 r i f l e s led by Humphrey, the P o l i t i c a l Officer, Adams and an Australian settler, Elder. The latter person had been given a con-tract by Hinde to dispose of captured stock on a commission basis. By evening of the 27th Mr. Elder was able to count his profit on the basis of 325 cattle and 550 sheep and goats captured. In the early . morning he departed on his way to Fort Hall and a public auction where the cattle, sheep and goats were to be sold. The column then proceeded to Gutu's village. Gutu, i t w i l l be recalled, was the collaborator with whom the freebooter Gibbons had been associated. At this point the column was attacked by 12 armed natives and a fight ensued which was complicated by the charge of a full-grown lion . Adams, like an ass, shot at the l i o n and wounded him . . . I took the f i r s t 4 natives and bowled ithem over, k i l l i n g the last as he was just going to spear Adams. My men rushed up, and between us we disposed of the rest, shooting them a l l . . . I swore at Adams for „ shooting l i o n when we were being attacked by niggers. Soon the column was attacked from the branches of nearby trees and Mein-hertzhagen "got two machine guns up and poured a h a i l of bullets" into the foliage. " . . . as the niggers showed themselves we picked them off 54 with r i f l e c 3 f i r e . Five f e l l with sickening thuds." The day ended with the i n f l i c t i o n of "considerable casualties on the enemy" but "only 46 cattle and 79 sheep" were confiscated. 147 The excitement of the previous few days had by now raised the blood of the Masai levies: they were k i l l i n g indiscriminately and Meinhertz-hagen was forced to k i l l three of them in order to restore order among members of his own force. The c i v i l officer, Humphrey, was reputed to have.been at f i r s t furious at Meinhertzhagen's behaviour "but later 55 thought (he) had acted wisely but perhaps too harshly." Of this grizzly a f f a i r Meinhertzhagen remarked that Commissioner Elio t would doubtless take a serious view of his actions and thus he (Meinhertz-hagen) would not report i t . On the following day, 3 March 1904, Meinhertzhagen received a letter from his military superior, Captain Dickinson, ordering him to retreat the area and move in the direction of the Tana River. But Meinhertzhagen disagreed with Dickinson's orders and persuaded the c i v i l orifice r to move deeper into Kikuyu territory. Thus we see two sides of Meinhertzhagen. At the beginning of this operation Meinhertz-hagen had written his colonel saying he "did not intend to stand inter-ference i n military operations" and on this occasion we see him encour- aging a c i v i l officer to "interfere" i n a military operation. We see, also, that the i n i t i a t i v e in this case was clearly taken by Meinhertz-hagen: he was now acting contrary to the orders of his immediate superior and had presumably influenced a c i v i l officer to support him i n carrying out a course of action suitable for his own purposes. Meinhertzhagen continued to k i l l Kikuyu. Today we had several small brushes with the enemy, who . . . are now showing more fight. We k i l l e d some 24 of them today . . . for about ten minutes we had a good stand up fight . . . we bagged three of them.56 148 Soon, however, casualties were so/great that Meinhertzhagen decided to return to Fort Hall for rest and-replenishment. He was proud to record that his column had k i l l e d 796 Kikuyu and had captured 782 cattle and 2150 sheep and goats. Brancker's column had captured 300 cattle and 6000 sheep and goats, while Dickinson's group confiscated 602 cattle and. 4500ssheep and goats. Notably, Meinhertzhagen observed that the accompany-ing c i v i l officer, Humphrey, was " s t i l l not clear in his mind regarding the division of responsibility between military and.political officers when serving together on a column." A letter from Dickinson, however, was considered to be appropo—"for guidance"—(as) "Humphrey i s a b i t 57 inclined to interfere, and this should put things right." Thus when Meinhertzhagen wished to avoid carrying out Dickinson's orders he turned to Humphrey for help: conversely, when Meinhertzhagen was concerned about Humphrey interfering i n military matters, he turned to Dickinson for help! Importantly, the i n i t i a t i v e on both military and c i v i l matters was being taken by Meinhertzhagen—a prime example of "on the spot" de-cision-making . The 7 March saw the end of operations i n Iraini as Kikuyu "chiefs" submitted to Government in Fort Hall and offered to aid the Administration in an attack on the Embu. Thereafter, on the 8 March 1904-, the Embu ex-pedition, comprising 66 King's African Rifles, 15 Police and 4-00 Masai levies, together with 150 Kikuyu spearmen from the recently defeated Iraini Kikuyu, l e f t to engage the Embu. After several skirmishes, during which the column i n f l i c t e d losses on the Embu, the troops returned to Fort Hall. Notably Meinhertzhagen f e l t , i n this occasion, that the 149 e x p e d i t i o n had not indulged i t s e l f s u f f i c i e n t l y i n " o v e r k i l l , " t h a t the Embu "had not been s u f f i c i e n t l y hammered" and th a t he would " l i k e to go back at once and have another go at them1."' ^Nevertheless, 250 Embu had 58 been k i l l e d and some 2000 c a t t l e , sheep and goats c o n f i s c a t e d . Des-p i t e , however, the s e v e r i t y of the Embu e x p e d i t i o n , Sub-Commissioner Hinde ( F o r t H a l l ) appeared s t i l l t o be concerned about c o n t r o l of the area. One month a f t e r Meinhertzhagen's a t t a c k on the Embu, Hinde min-uted to E l i o t t h a t the "upper I r a i n i and Embu are d e f i a n t , and w i l l probably s h o r t l y recommence t h e i r r a i d s on the f r i e n d l y n a t i v e s i n the 59 F o r t H a l l D i s t r i c t and Mumoni, i n the K i t u i D i s t r i c t . " The evidence seems to suggest t h a t Embu were d i s t u r b e d by B r i t i s h use of Kikuyu i n p u n i t i v e expeditions against them. D.A. Low a s s e r t s t h a t the 1904 a t t a c k was a response to Embu a t t a c k s on "Kikuyu who had submitted to B r i t i s h j u r i s d i c t i o n . " ^ Here we see an example of the i m p l i c a t i o n s of a d i v i d e and r u l e p o l i c y . In the Embu case the B r i t i s h had used against them the conquered I r a i n i K i k u y u — t h e i r n e i g h b o u r s — and.thus Hinde's concern about Embu i n t r a n s i g e n c e was a d i r e c t r e s u l t of h i s p o l i c y to smash them w i t h the a i d of conquered l e v i e s . Hence, because the 1904 e x p e d i t i o n d i d not "smash" the Embu, was not an "over-k i l l " o p e ration, n a t i v e defiance i n the area continued. Moreover, the Embu continued to mount a t t a c k s on I r a i n i Kikuyu who had cast i n t h e i r l o t w i t h the B r i t i s h . Moyse-Bartlet.t; supports t h i s c o n c l u s i o n by s t a t i n g t h a t "the Embu were s t i l l very r e s t l e s s , and showed u n r e m i t t i n g h o s t i l i t y towards any t r i b e f r i e n d l y to the B r i t i s h . " ^ " Perhaps i t would be more accurate to say th a t the Embu showed h o s t i l i t y to conquered"Kikuyu clans 150 now used against them in punitive expeditions; a response caused by a policy of divide and rule. In mid-1905 the British were forced to return once more to Embu. Hinde's "concern" about the south-east corner of his domain had to be eliminated. It was not, however, u n t i l June 1906,Jthat matters came to a head. As a result of the k i l l i n g of Iraini Kikuyu "protected" by the Protectorate Administration, the Embu were attacked by a large 62 punitive expedition intent upon a f i n a l solution to the problem. Supported by police and units of the King's African Rifles, Captain Maycock combed the "broken, wooded ridges and deep marshy valleys of the lower slopes of Mount Kenya" looking for opportunities to smash hostile pockets of Embu. "A number (of Embu) were k i l l e d and large 64 quantities of stock captured, most of which however was returned." By the 19 July 1906 a l l resistance was at an end and the police and 65 . K.A.R. withdrew at a cost of 2 men k i l l e d and 14 wounded. The Embu District Record Book records that thereafter, "the tribe submitted and the present Embu station was started, the C i v i l Administration taking charge in July 1906."^ At the same time a garrison of K.A.R. was moved from Nyeri to Embu un t i l 1908 when i t was moved to Meru. Notably, two years after the removal of occupation forces, fighting again broke out on the Embu border. In 1910, therefore, owing to the truculence of the Tharaka and Mutejwa people, a patrol under Lieutenant L.H. Soames consisting of half 'A' Company, 2 K.A.R., was ordered to carry out punitive measures. A few casualties had to be i n f l i c t e d , and the lesson was sufficient to restore order and ensure the future cooperation of the tribe.°^ 151 I t had taken f u l l y s i x years to subdue the Embu. There were two almost d i s t i n c t periods of p a c i f i c a t i o n ; namely, the periods 1895 to 1902 and 1902 to 1910. For summary purposes i t may be seen that the e a r l y p e r i o d , 1895 to 1902, saw the P r o t e c t o r a t e Admin-i s t r a t i o n i n h e r i t from the Company a t e r r i t o r y which had been profoundly d i s t u r b e d by wageni and European armed t r a d e r s . Moreover, government of the t e r r i t o r y was i n i t i a l l y based upon a set of c r i t e r i a o u t l i n e d i n the broadest terms. P r a c t i c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , t h e r e f o r e , was devolved onto D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r s faced w i t h the day to day problems of implementing the pax. Some o f f i c e r s were experienced and others not. Former Company men g e n e r a l l y adapted themselves w e l l w h i l e others l a c k i n g experience and mo t i v a t i o n degenerated to a p o i n t of i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s . An example of e f f e c t i v e "on the spot" a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was the case of F r a n c i s H a l l . H a l l appears to have been a person n a t u r a l l y endowed w i t h personal char-a c t e r i s t i c s s u i t a b l e to meet the strenuous demands of f r o n t i e r l i f e . During h i s short tenure as a P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f f i c i a l i n southern Kikuyuland, H a l l was able to s u c c e s s f u l l y engender i n f l u e n c e among s e v e r a l notable athamaki. Athamaki, p a r t i c u l a r l y K i n a n j u i , c o l l a b -orated w i t h H a l l f o r purposes of personal p r e s t i g e and advantage. Since there was no e s t a b l i s h e d t r a d i t i o n of " c h i e f t a i n s h i p " among the Kikuyu, however, members of the t r i b e , i t i s surmised, found i t d i f f i c u l t to understand the B r i t i s h concept of " c h i e f . " The use of athamaki i n s t i t u t -ed i n e f f e c t a p o l i c y of d i v i d e and r u l e . Some Kikuyu "cooperated," f o r personal advantage, w h i l e others became i n c r e a s i n g l y h o s t i l e . H o s t i l e Kikuyu may have been perceived by other Kikuyu as being " p a t r i o t s " w h i l e 152 K i n a n j u i and others considered t r a i t o r s . Notably, the A d m i n i s t r a t i o n ' s i n f l u e n c e was confined to areas under the domination of the athamaki and o f t e n w i t h i n p r o x i m i t y of former Company s t a t i o n s . In broad terms the p e r i o d 1895 to 1902 may be seen as a time when the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n began to " s e t t l e i n , " g a i n a "toe-hold" w i t h i n the regions under i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n . The p e r i o d may be e x e m p l i f i e d by a suggestion t h a t the A d m i n i s t r a t i o n undertook l i t t l e more than a "holding e x e r c i s e " i n the i n t e r i o r r e g i o n s — e s p e c i a l l y Kikuyuland. The A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , however, d i d during t h i s p e r i o d begin to prepare i t s e l f f o r the e f f e c t i v e p a c i f i c a t i o n phase. For example, the former Ukamba Province was roughly haived to make way f o r Kenia P r o v i n c e — a n adminis-t r a t i v e c r e a t i o n which embraced Kikuyuland. Moreover, the P r o v i n c i a l A d m i n i s t r a t i o n was r e - l o c a t e d to N a i r o b i — a growing centre w i t h i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y to the scene of impending e f f o r t s to p a c i f y the Kikuyu. With the completion of the r a i l w a y from Mombasa to N a i r o b i and beyond, commun-i c a t i o n s were improved and thus made Kikuyuland a c c e s s i b l e to troops and m i l i t a r y m a t e r i a l s . Roads were a l s o constructed l i n k i n g N a i r o b i w i t h the southern i n t e r i o r of the new province. Furthermore, n e g o t i a t i o n s , a l -though p r o t r a c t e d , were commenced w i t h the Masai. The obje c t of these ne-g o t i a t i o n s was to e f f e c t i v e l y remove the Masai from p r o s p e c t i v e t r o u b l e s i t e s , areas of p o s s i b l e c o n f l i c t between Masai and Kikuyu, Masai and European, settter . S : ;* or Masai and the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . In prep-a r a t i o n , a l s o , f o r the 1902 to 1910 phase of subjugation, the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n removed from the Kikuyu i n t e r i o r a number of armed t r a d e r s , who, f o r some years had c o n s t i t u t e d a d i s t u r b i n g i n f l u e n c e on the Kikuyu. 153 The p e r i o d 1902 to 1910 may be seen as a time when the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n tightened i t s g r i p on Kikuyuland. By 1902 the Company m i l i t a r y legacy, p r e v i o u s l y p o o r l y organized and l e d , was re-organized to form p r o p e r l y c o n s t i t u t e d p a r a - m i l i t a r y and m i l i t a r y u n i t s . Led by p r o f e s s i o n a l s o l d i e r s from the B r i t i s h or B r i t i s h - I n d i a n army, equipped w i t h the l a t e s t r i f l e s , p a t r o l s of the King's A f r i c a n R i f l e s , p o l i c e and armed l e v i e s , invaded the Kikuyu i n t e r i o r on the s l i g h t e s t p r o vocation. M i l i t a r y t a c t i c s changed from the t r a d i t i o n a l s k i r m i s h i n g to " o v e r k i l l . " With the obje c t of a t o t a l e l i m i n a t i o n of a l l r e s i s t a n c e , strong p a t r o l s r a i d e d Kikuyu i t u r a , put huts to the t o r c h and k i l l e d o f t e n without d i s -c r i m i n a t i o n . Acts of barbarism on both sides were common. During these forays m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r s took the i n i t i a t i v e i n the f i e l d and a c t i o n s were o f t e n q u i t e c o n t r a r y . t o the d i c t a t e s of higher c i v i l or m i l i t a r y a u t h o r i t y . Disputes broke out between subordinate c i v i l and m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r s as to the conduct of operations. Areas of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y were not c l e a r l y defined and r e p o r t s to higher a u t h o r i t y were purposely "toned down." Commissioner E l i o t was e i t h e r aware.of what was t a k i n g place i n Kikuyuland or turned a b l i n d eye to the p r o c e e d i n g s — l e a v i n g matters to those on the spot. Subjugation of the Kikuyu was i d e a l l y a j o i n t venture; c i v i l and m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r s were to work side by s i d e . I n e f f e c t c i v i l o f f i c e r s were o f t e n present on p u n i t i v e e x p e d i t i o n s but, i f we are to take Meinhertzhagen's behaviour as t y p i c a l - - a n d . t h e r e i s no reason to doubt i t was n o t — t h e n c l e a r l y i n i t i a t i v e s i n the f i e l d were taken by m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r s . In e f f e c t , t h e r e f o r e , the establishment of the Pro-t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n was almost e n t i r e l y a m i l i t a r y a f f a i r . Moreover, 154 the c o n f i s c a t i o n of c a t t l e i n l a r g e numbers—to be s o l d i n the markets of F o r t H a l l — g u a r a n t e e d the c o n t i n u i n g sustenance of expensive m i l i t a r y adventures and s e r i o u s l y d i s r u p t e d Kikuyu economy to a p o i n t where f u r t h e r r e s i s t a n c e was u s e l e s s . By 1910 the pax B r i t a n n i c a was a f a c t i n Kikuyuland. 155 FOOTNOTES "'"Galbraith, Mackinnon, p. 235 and quoted from correspondence. Mackenzie to F.O., 11 April 1894, F.O. 2/73, P.R.O. p G.H. Mungeam, British Rule i n Kenya, 1895-1912, (London: OUP, 1966), p. 17. Mungeam states also, i n respect of the matter of policy, that "local matters could be referred back to London. If they were urgent they could be decided on the spot, and the decision sent to Lon-don for approval, which was generally forthcoming. But i n the interna-tional ferment of the 1890's the Foreign Secretary was, on the whole, far too occupied with weighty international matters to concern himself with the minutiae of an obscure African Protectorate. Indeed, one of his main anxieties seems to have been that i t should remain obscure . . . He (the Foreign Secretary) entrusted the day to day supervision of the territory to Sir Clement H i l l (who) had very l i t t l e knowledge of practical administration. 3Ibid., pp. 50, 58-9. "The very t i t l e s of East African o f f i -cers were modelled on Indian precedents. In May 1898 i t was emphasized that the jurisdiction, powers and duties of the Commissioner and Consul-General i n the East Africa Protectorate should be equated with those of the Governor-General; Governor or Lieutenant-Governor of India; Sub-Commissioners with Commissioners; Collectors with Collectors or Deputy Commissioners; and Assistant Collectors with Assistant Collectors or Assistant Commissioners." ^Ibid., p. 16. Ibid., p. 47. See also Great Britain, Cmd. 8683 (1897) passim for details of the early East African Protectorate administrative struc-ture. Hardinge recommended "that four provinces should be created . . . Coast, Ukamba, Tanaland and Jubaland." Kikuyuland was incorporated into Ukamba Province and was to be administered by Ainsworth from Machakos—some 50 miles south of Kikuyuland. ^See Goldsmith, John Ainsworth, for details of Ainsworth's career. 156 7 Mungeam, British Rule, p. 49. Quoted in Miller, The Lunatic, p. 504 from Henry Seaton, Lion in the Morning, (London: John Murray, 1963). . 9 Sir Charles E l i o t , Governor of the East African Protectorate (1900-1904) was perhaps an exception. He was a distinguished scholar "more like a don or priest than high o f f i c i a l . " See Meinhertzhagen, Kenya Diary, p. 31. Eliot's fields of interest were many and varied and included a b r i l l i a n t command of languages and a scholarly knowledge of the common sea-slug. 10Hall,•"How Peace Came." See also Hall Papers, Rhodes House, Oxford, and quoted passim in Mungeam, British Rule. 1 2M [ungeam, "Masai and Kikuyu," p. 138. tungeam, British Rule, p. 39. 1 3Hobley, Kenya, pp. 77-8. 1 4GoIdsmith, John Ainsworth, pp. 52-55. 15 Ibid. Later to be known as the Central Province (1933 ). l 6 I b i d . , pp. 56-7. 17 Interestingly, despite the Administration's former aversion to Boyes, he i s reputed to have taken part i n a Government sponsored punitive expedition during 1902. 18 Probably more accurately translated as "soothsayer" rather than "chief." 157 See excellent accounts of the "Masai problem" in Low, "British Rule," pp. 1-5 and'34-44 and Goldsmith, John Ainsworth, pp. 79-90. Lt. Col. H. Moyse-Bartlett, The King's African Rifles: A Study  in the Military History of East and Central Africa, 1890-1945, (Alder-shot: Gale and Polden, 1956), p. 95. 21 Sir Arthur Hardinge, A Diplomatist i n the East, (London: Methuen, 1928), p. 97. 22M, byse-Bartlett, The King's, p. 95. For a description of Mathews' acti v i t i e s in Zanzibar see J.E. Flin t , "Zanzibar 1890-1950" i n Vincent Harlow and E.M. Chilver, eds., History of East Africa. It i s apparent that throughout the early history of the Pro-tectorate the Indian Government was unwilling to do l i t t l e more than dis-pense advice and second token numbers of Indian troops. R^.W. Beachey, "The Arms Trade in East Africa'/ i n Journal of  African History, vol. 3, (1962), pp. 451-67, gives a well-developed account of the history of arms and the arms trade.in East Africa. Commenting on the matter of arms distribution through deserters, Beachey says that "There are many instances of arms f a l l i n g into the hands of natives as a result of carelessness or of largesse on the part of Europeans. Caravans were often attacked or sometimes discar-ded their supplies, before commencing the long journey to the coast. Many cases of desertion accounted for the loss of firearms." In sum-ming up the impact of the arms trade on East Africa, Beachey declares that between 1885 and 1902 "two points stand out. F i r s t , the immense volume of trade . . . during the period there must have entered the German and British sphere some 1,000,000 firearms, well over 4,000,000 lbs. of gunpowder and many million caps and rounds of ammunition. The second point i s , where did a l l these weapons go? Swahili (sharpened pieces of hardwood or bamboo placed closely together and designed to impede the forward progress of an attacker). 158 27 Swahili (a cluster of administrative buildings). 28 University College, Nairobi-Research Project Archives (UON: RPA), B/2/2(2), "Biography of Karuri," by Charles M. Mucaha in Robert W. Strayer, Edward I. Steinhart and Robert M. Maxon, Protest Movements in  Colonial East Africa: Aspects of Early African Response to European Rule, (Syracuse University, 1973), p. ~. Lansdowne to El i o t , 19 July 1901, F.O., 2/443 and quoted in Mungeam, British Rule, p. 79. Eliot to Lansdowne, Confidential, 1 October 1901, F.O. 2/450 and quoted i n ibid. Al/Iungeam, Bri'i>ishrRule?,^pp3.84x5 jhas;hltt: tn~a\1?_o"EM:ojt:;.appe£.rs to have turned a comparatively blind eye to what was going on i n his more dis-tant areas. He l e f t his local officers to do what they thought best and backed them up to the extent of omitting v i t a l statistics to mini-mize the harsh r e a l i t i e s of l i f e on the frontier." Furthermore, the Eastern Province of Uganda was added to the East Africa Protectorate in March 1902 and "the many challenges of the new territory increasing-ly occupied Eliot's attention." 32 See James B. Wolf, "Asian and African Recruitment i n the Kenya Police, 1920-1950" in Norman R. Bennett, ed., The International Journal  of African Historical Studies, vol. 6, (1973), pp. 401-12. 33W.R. Foran, The Kenya Police, 1887-1960, (London: Robert Hale, 1962), p. 57. 'S/Toyse-Bartlett, The King's, p. 102. Much of the information on the formation of both the East African Rifles and the subsequent King's African Rifles has been derived from this excellent and standard work. Ibid., p. 130. 159 The Meru t e r r i t o r y (north-east of Mount Kenya) was an exception and was occupied without fi g h t i n g because the clans i n t h i s area sought the protection of t h e - B r i t i s h against t h e i r t r i b a l enemies. In other areas administrators resorted to ingenious gambits designed to overcome prospective h o s t i l i t y . Among the Tharaka Kikuyu, for example, Ainsworth used organized dancing i n an ef f o r t to aid.his personal program of p a c i f i -cation. Hayes-Sadler preached the playing of gramaphone records i n order to convey the messages of his administration. See Charles Dundas, A f r i - can Crossroads, (London: Macmillan, 1955), p. 27 and Huxley, Whiteman's, v o l . 1, p. 226. 37 M i l l e r , Lunatic, p. 513-og John Boyes, The Company of Adventurers, (London: Methuen, 1928), p. 130. 39 For an account of Haslam's death see Goldsmith, John Ainsworth, pp. 32-3. 4 0Moyse-Bartlett, The King's, p. 204. ^^Meinhertzhagen, Kenya Diary, pp. 51-2. 4 2 I b i d . , p. 50. 4 3 I b i d . , p. 52. 4 4 I b i d . 4 5 L b i d . , pp. 64-75. 4^jMungeam, B r i t i s h Rule, pp. 83-4-160 4 7 I b i d . Meinhertzhagen, Kenya Diary, p. 108. Mungeam, British Rule, p. 84. ^Meinhertzhagen, Kenya - Diary, p. 138. 5 1 r b i d . , p. 136. 5 2 I b i d . , p. 1 3 9 . 53 Ibid., p. 140. Adams, a drug addict, died in 1906. 5 4 I b i d . , p. 14-1. 55 Ibid., p. 144• 56 Ibid., pp. 145-6. Ibid. 5 8 I b i d . , p. 152. 59 Quoted i n Mungeam, British Rule, p. 85. Hinde to Eli o t , 5 Ap r i l 1904, enclosure in El i o t to Lansdowne, 4 May 1904, F.O., 2/836. 60T Low, "British East," p. 25. 6 lMoyse-Bartlett, The King's, p. 205. 161 62 Saberwal, " H i s t o r i c a l Notes," p. 38. 6 3 M o y s e - B a r t l e t t , The King's, p. 206. ^ S a b e r w a l , " H i s t o r i c a l Notes," p. 38. 6 5 M o y s e - B a r t l e t t , The King's, p. 206. ^ S a b e r w a l , " H i s t o r i c a l Notes," p. 38. 6 7 M o y s e - B a r t l e t t , The King's, p. 206. CONCLUSION By the mid-nineteenth century Kikuyu s o c i e t y had completed i t s m i g r a t i o n from Shungwaya to i t s present h a b i t a t . Tribes c o n s t i -t u t i n g the Kikuyu were i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y u n c e n t r a l i s e d , e g a l i t a r i a n , acephalous and unstable. I n s t a b i l i t y was a c o n d i t i o n of s e v e r a l f a c t o r s . The constant search f o r water, grass, a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d , gave f o r t h to a f l u i d s i t u -a t i o n where pockets of Kikuyu formed, broke dSf and re-formed, rose to l o c a l prominence and d e c l i n e d i n an u n d u l a t i o n determined by p r e v a i l i n g l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s . P r o x i m i t y , a l s o , to marauding Masai, forced the Kikuyu i n t o a defensive posture which conditioned t h e i r a t t i t u d e s w i t h respect to the i n t r u s i o n of others. L i k e the Masai, the Kikuyu were composed of c o n s t i t u e n t t r i b a l p o l i t i e s , w i t h a u t h o r i t y r e s i d i n g i n the hands of e l d e r s of one genera-t i o n and handed down to succeeding generations at r e g u l a r i n t e r v a l s of time. The i t w i k a , a ceremony devised to enable one group to take over power from another, served to t r a n s f e r a u t h o r i t y i n an o r d e r l y way and without f r i c t i o n . E l d e r s c l e a r l y c o n t r o l l e d Kikuyu p o l i t y but only a t a . l o c a l l e v e l . The t r i b e as a whole d i d not act i n concert f o r e i t h e r s o c i a l or m i l i t a r y purposes. Perhaps the most s i g n i f i c a n t ceremony a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t r i b a l i n -t e g r a t i o n was the i r u a . The i r u a served to i d e n t i f y y e a r l y age-sets through c o l l e c t i v e c i r c u m c i s i o n . Each age-set was given the name of a - 162 -163 s i g n i f i c a n t event t a k i n g place during the year of c o l l e c t i v e c i r c u m c i s i o n . I n d o c t r i n a t e s were s a i d to he bound together by the "very c l o s e s t a s s o c i a -t i o n to each other." Kikuy^ T'thenuprogressivelybbecame". J u n i o r War-r i o r s , Senior Warriors, Learning E l d e r s , J u n i o r E l d e r s and f i n a l l y Senior E l d e r s . Those who di s p l a y e d the necessary q u a l i t i e s and l i v e d long enough, a t t a i n e d the venerable s t a t u s of P r i e s t . Age-sets contained r u l i n g and n o n - r u l i n g halves of the t r i b e (Mwangi or Maina). The r u l i n g h a l f c a r r i e d out l e g i s l a t i v e and govern-mental tasks w h i l e the n o n - r u l i n g h a l f "observed" the machinery of power at work. When power changed hands ( i t w i k a ) former n o n - r u l i n g e l d e r s be-came r u l i n g e l d e r s : former r u l i n g e l d e r s became n o n - r u l i n g e l d e r s . Thus Kikuyu p o l i t y was e g a l i t a r i a n . Importantly, the Kikuyu possessed no c h i e f s . C h i e f t a i n s h i p , a newer form of p o l i t y , could be reasonably assoc-i a t e d w i t h more " s e t t l e d , " more s t a t i c , Bantu populations l i k e the Buganda, wh i l e acephaly i s more t r a d i t i o n a l l y a form of s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a -t i o n p r a c t i s e d by p a s t o r a l i s t s l i k e the Masai. I t i s more than probable, ibherefiore, t h a t Kikuyu acephaly, as a system of government, was "borrowed" from the Masai. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , acephaly d i d not preclude the development of i n d i -v i d u a l i s m . Indeed, i n d i v i d u a l i s m i n Kikuyu s o c i e t y was a c t u a l l y encour-aged. Young men possessed of unusual personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , l e a d e r -s h i p q u a l i t i e s , a t t r i b u t e s i n m i l i t a r y , l e g a l and p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s , were h u r r i e d along the road to s e n i o r i t y . Known as athamaki, young men so possessed were i n no sense c h i e f s . . Because t r i b a l power was i n the hands of e l d e r s , athamaki were- never seen as leaders of the t r i b a l community 164 but r a t h e r as men possessed of e x c e p t i o n a l t a l e n t . Since m i l i t a r y -a f f a i r s played a l a r g e p a r t i n Kikuyu l i f e — e s p e c i a l l y i n view of the marauding M a s a i — t h e prominence of many athamaki, Waiyaki, Karure, K i n a n j u i and others, may have been derived from t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e m i l i -t a r y a b i l i t i e s . Furthermore, s i n c e i m p e r i a l i s t attempts to impose sovereignty over Kikuyu were founded upon m i l i t a r y means, i t i s n a t u r a l t h a t athamaki possessed of m i l i t a r y s k i l l s rose to prominence e i t h e r as c o l l a b o r a t o r s or r e s i s t o r s . P u n i t i v e p a t r o l s , s k i r m i s h e s , c a t t l e c o n f i s c a t i o n , indeed the whole atmosphere of the c o l o n i a l e n t e r p r i s e , engendered, t h e r e f o r e , the r i s e of Kikuyu s k i l l e d i n the m i l i t a r y a r t s . The conquest of the Kikuyu was made e a s i e r by the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and t e c h n i c a l s u p e r i o r i t y of the a l i e n power. Conquest would have been much more d i f f i c u l t , more p r o t r a c t e d , had the Kikuyu, however, been wholly opposed to h e l p i n g the process. "Finding the c h i e f " was t y p i c a l l y the problem of the a l i e n power. Being "found" was f r e q u e n t l y the response of Kikuyu athamaki. Indeed, some Kikuyu could not wait to be "found" — t h e y o f f e r e d themselves! Importantly, the i m p e r i a l p r o b l e m — " f i n d i n g " the c h i e f — r a r e l y took i n t o account A f r i c a n a s p i r a t i o n s or i n i t i a t i v e s i n the c o l o n i a l process. Kikuyu faced w i t h the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of conquest could e i t h e r r e s i s t , c o l l a b o r a t e or simply acquiesce. Only r e c e n t l y , i t seems, have s c h o l a r s given c o n s i d e r a t i o n to A f r i c a n r a t i o n a l i t y on the matter of choice. A f r i c a n s , the Kikuyu e s p e c i a l l y , have been v a r i o u s l y described as men dedicated to "doom and darkness," to "ignorance" and "savagery," over whom c l e v e r and s o p h i s t i c a t e d i m p e r i a l i s t s were able, without much t r o u b l e , to impose the t r i c k of I n d i r e c t Rule. A f r i c a n 165 r e s i s t o r s , l i k e Waiyaki, have been seen, furthermore, not as p a t r i o t s but as i n d i v i d u a l s pursuing l o s t causes and l o s t p r e s t i g e . Kikuyu athamaki who accommodated themselves to the i m p e r i a l presence—who, indeed, " o f f e r e d themselves before they were 'found'"—might reason-a b l y be described as r e a l i s t s , " i n d i v i d u a l i s t s " attuned to change and. possessed of acumen s u f f i c i e n t to enhance s i g n i f i c a n t l y t h e i r personal a u t h o r i t y . The Kikuyu could not avoid conquest: m i l i t a r y a c t i o n against them was too s t r o n g — e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r 1902. But they were not simply o b j e c t s or v i c t i m s of processes of change set i n motion by the European invaders. Kikuyu themselves c o n t r i b u t e d to these changes by e f f e c t i n g a balance of power. The "balance," even when t i p p e d i n the European favour, ensured that some i n i t i a t i v e s remained toi Kikuyu hands w i t h i n the c o l o n i a l order. T r i b a l t r a d i t i o n s and Kikuyu a s p i r a t i o n s thus pre-served rendered always the p o s s i b i l i t y of n e g o t i a t i o n w i t h the European power. Kikuyu could and o f t e n d i d bargain agreements, could moderate the aggressive t h r u s t of the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n and d i d a s s e r t them-seves as j u n i o r p artners i n the c o l o n i a l process. A l l i a n c e s between athamaki and Europeans were t h e r e f o r e n e c e s s a r i l y two-way i n both construc-t i o n and purpose. W i t h i n any compact there e x i s t e d a dual r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t one element could not proceed without the concurrence or a i d of the other. In t h i s way a mutually acceptable balance of power, whose t i l t was determined by b a r g a i n and concession, was manifest as the l y n c h p i n of the c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Some Kikuyu p r o f i t e d exceedingly by-making f u l l use of the balance of p o w e r — e s p e c i a l l y i n d i v i d u a l athamaki who showed a marked a b i l i t y to 166 t u r n s i t u a t i o n s to t h e i r own advantage. A wide v a r i e t y of gambits were employed to produce advantages f o r both i n d i v i d u a l s and groups. K i n a n j u i , H a l l ' s former Fidus Achates, became something of a "person-age" i n the c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Karure, Wangombe and h i s son, Nderi, Gutu and others rose to prominence under the auspice of a g r a t e -f u l pax B r i t a n n i c a . Often given the grandiloquent t i t l e of Paramount Chief each was nothing of the k i n d : they were merely athamaki or " i n -d i v i d u a l i s t s . " Furthermore, the c o l l a b o r a t o r s l a t e r developed i n t o a c l a s s who were power and money o r i e n t e d l i k e t h e i r mentors. C e r t a i n l y the c o l l a b o r a t i v e nexus h e a v i l y conditioned the course of p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and economic change i n Kikuyu s o c i e t y . As c o l l a b o r a t o r s aibhamaki were the prime agents of change i n the t r a n s i t o r y process from t r i b a l i s m to a c o l o n i a l economy: they acted as e s s e n t i a l i n t e r m e d i a r i e s , as tax c o l l e c t o r s and labour bosses f o r and on b e h a l f of the c o l o n i a l power. In so doing they speeded the processes of change and thus h e r a l d -ed a powerful and sustained d i s r u p t i o n of t r i b a l s o c i e t y . Most European a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , men l i k e Ainsworth, H a l l and others, appeared aware of the l i m i t s of t h e i r power and thus approached the prob-lem of i m p e r i a l expansion on a pragmatic b a s i s . Plagued by shortages of money, the A d m i n i s t r a t i o n was t h i n on the ground—and knew i t . L i t t l e by l i t t l e , t h e r e f o r e , i t was f o r c e d to exert i n f l u e n c e by use of c o l l a b -o r a t o r s , t a c t i c s of iLdivide and r u l e " and.small m i l i t a r y adventures. Where Kikuyu s t r e n g t h was evident i n i t i a l p e n e t r a t i o n was avoided. Pockets of Kikuyu r e s i s t a n c e developed i n areas remote from regions un-der the j u r i s d i c t i o n of government o f f i c e r s or f r i e n d l y athamaki. 167 These p o c k e t s were l e f t o n t h e i r own u n t i l s u c h t i m e as t h e P r o t e c -t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n a c q u i r e d t h e means t o e l i m i n a t e them b y f o r c e . Then w e l l - a r m e d f o r c e s were d e s p a t c h e d and K i k u y u who f u r t h e r r e s i s -t e d were h u n t e d , s c a t t e r e d and f i n a l l y c r u s h e d . I n i t i a l B r i t i s h p e n e -t r a t i o n o f t h e K i k u y u i n t e r i o r was due , t h e r e f o r e , t o a s e r i e s o f com-p l e x p e r m u t a t i o n s b e t w e e n a d m i n i s t r a t o r s l i k e A i n s w o r t h and H a l l , and s e t s o f K i k u y u a l l i e s . S u b s e q u e n t p e n e t r a t i o n was a much more p r e -d e t e r m i n e d and o r g a n i z e d a f f a i r i n v o l v i n g s t r o n g m i l i t a r y f o r c e s . M o r e o v e r , whe reas i t m i g h t be s a i d t h a t i n i t i a l e f f o r t s a t p e n e t r a t i o n were a s s o c i a t e d w i t h " p a c i f i c a t i o n , " s u b s e q u e n t E u r o p e a n p r e s e n c e i n and a r o u n d K i k u y u p o c k e t s o f r e s i s t a n c e , was c l e a r l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h m i l i t a r y c o n q u e s t . M i l i t a r y c o n q u e s t o f t h e K i k u y u was n o t a p o l i c y condoned b y c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y . B o t h E l i o t and Landsdowne were o p p o s e d t o p u n i t i v e a c t i o n s a g a i n s t A f r i c a n s . Y e t d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d o f t h e i r t e n u r e as p o l i c y - m a k e r s , v i o l e n c e a g a i n s t t h e K i k u y u was more t h e r u l e t h a n t h e e x c e p t i o n . E l i o t , i n d e e d , l o c a t e d o n l y a few m i l e s f r o m t h e scene o f a c t i o n , a p p e a r e d e i t h e r unaware o f t h e e x t e n t o f v i o l e n c e o r t u r n e d t o w a r d s i t a b l i n d e y e . P e r h a p s he r e a l i z e d t h a t , g i v e n t h e p r o b l e m o f d a i l y c o m m u n i c a t i o n s w i t h o f f i c e r s o n t h e g r o u n d , i t was v i r t u a l l y i m p o s s i b l e t o c o n t r o l e v e n t s . A c c o r d i n g l y he e i t h e r c o u l d n o t o r w o u l d n o t c o n t a i n l o c a l o f f i c e r s . Thus i t i s e v i d e n t t h a t a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d e -c i s i o n s o r p l a n s f o r p u n i t i v e a c t i o n were f o r m u l a t e d o n the s p o t . M o r e -o v e r , r e p o r t s o f l o c a l e v e n t s were e i t h e r " t o n e d down" b y j u n i o r o f f i -c e r s o r were n e v e r s u b m i t t e d . When made aware o f h i g h K i k u y u c a s u a l t y 168 f i g u r e s , i n d e e d , e v e n C o m m i s s i o n e r E l i o t h i m s e l f was n o t a v e r s e t o t a m p e r i n g i n s u c h a way as t o c o n v e y t o L o n d o n a n i n c o r r e c t i m p r e s s i o n o f e v e n t s . The re i s no doub t t h a t d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d o f E l i o t ' s t e n u r e l i t t l e c o n t r o l was e x e r c i s e d o v e r b o t h a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and m i l i t a r y o f f i -c e r s i n t h e f i e l d . A m a t t e r a l s o o f some s i g n i f i c a n c e — o n t h e s u b j e c t o f a d m i n -i s t r a t i v e c o n t r o l — w a s t h a t w h i l e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p r e d o m i n a n c e o v e r m i l i t a r y a f f a i r s had b e e n e s t a b l i s h e d b y e d i c t , , i n a c t u a l f a c t t h e r e v e r s e was t a k i n g p l a c e . " M i l i t a r y a u t h o r i t y , " t h e o r d e r had s t a t e d , "was n e v e r t o be e x e r c i s e d i n o p p o s i t i o n t o , o r i n c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h , t h a t o f t h e c i v i l p o w e r . " And y e t , i t i s p a t e n t l y o b v i o u s , a t l e a s t f r o m M e i n h e r t z h a g e n ' s a c c o u n t , t h a t t he s o - c a l l e d " s u p e r i o r i t y " o f t h e c i v i l power o v e r m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r s i n t h e f i e l d was n o t h i n g more t h a n a f a r c e . Humphrey, f o r e x a m p l e , a c i v i l o f f i c e r a t t a c h e d t o p u n i t i v e e x p e d i t i o n s , was s e e n t o be s o m e t h i n g o f a " n u i s a n c e " who, i t a p p e a r s , gave c o n s e n t , a l b e i t " g r u d g i n g , " t o w a n t o n p i l l a g e and b a r b a r i t y . D e c i s i o n s t o b u r n v i l l a g e s , c o n f i s c a t e c a t t l e and t o k i l l K i k u y u w i t h o u t d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , were made l o c a l l y and w i t h o u t 169 regard to the d i c t a t e s of the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e centre. " P a c i f i c a t i o n , " a moderate approach to the i m p o s i t i o n of the pax i n Kikuyuland, was the r e f o r e turned i n t o "conquest" by "on the spot" j u n i o r o f f i c e r s , f The conquest of Kikuyuland f a l l s i n t o two d i s t i n c t phases; 1895-1901 and 1902-1910. The f i r s t phase, 1895-1901, may best be described as a "holding e x e r c i s e " during which the B r i t i s h "prepared" themselves f o r f u r t h e r p e n e t r a t i o n s of Kikuyuland. The p r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n ' s m i l i t a r y i n h e r i t a n c e from the Company was nothing more than a "hotch-potch," a rabble w i t h no c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y or l o c a l c o n t r o l . Indeed, the Company's f a i l u r e i n Kikuyuland can be p a r t l y a t t r i b u t e d to the f a c t t h a t i t was unable to mainta i n i t s pres-ence through c o n s t r u c t i v e and sustained use of f o r c e . Moreover, Com-pany l e v i e s , Masai " f r i e n d l i e s " and others, a c t u a l l y had c o n t r i b u t e d to the Company's demise: t h e i r r a i d s on Kikuyu shambas, l a t t e r l y con-doned and even encouraged, tended to exacerbate Kikuyu h o s t i l i t y to a po i n t where the Company's p o s i t i o n became untenable. Thus when the Pr o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n h e r i t e d the Company!s "hotch-potch" i t was as powerless as the Company had been to expand i t s range of opera-t i o n s . Furthermore, Kikuyu h o s t i l i t y continued a t much the same l e v e l of i n t e n s i t y as during the p e r i o d of Company tenure. During the f i r s t phase, a l s o , Kikuyu h o s t i l i t y was fanned by the i n f l u e n c e of the armed t r a d e r s . Whereas the Company had been only mod-e r a t e l y s u c c e s s f u l i n the c u l t i v a t i o n of athamaki, i t i s apparent that John Boyes, a c t i n g o n l y f o r h i m s e l f , used them e f f e c t i v e l y over l a r g e areas of Kikuyuland. He became, to use h i s own words, "King of the 170 Wa-kikuyu." Moreover, Boyes' a c t i v i t i e s among the Kikuyu a c t u a l l y took place while the Imperial power " r u l e d " Kikuyuland. This was not so r e -markable a f e a t when i t i s considered that the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a -t i o n was powerless to stop him. Boyes' r i s e to prominence can thus be seen as d e r i v i n g from the obvious weakness of the P r o t e c t o r a t e Adminis-t r a t i o n : i t simply l a c k e d the "t e e t h " t o enforce i t s w i l l over a l l of the Kikuyu and the armed t r a d e r s . The l a t t e r p e r i o d of the f i r s t phase (1900) saw the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n begin to reorganize i t s e l f i n p r e p a r a t i o n f o r i t s more permanent establishment i n the i n t e r i o r . A p o l i c e f o r c e was inaugur-ated and the "hotch-potch" r e c o n s t i t u t e d i n t o the King's A f r i c a n R i f l e s . Kikuyuland became Kenia Province ( s i c ) and i t s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n moved to N a i r o b i . The r a i l w a y , now completed beyond the f r i n g e s of Kikuyuland, improved communications from the p o r t of Mombasa. Kikuyuland, a l s o , be-came more e a s i l y a c c e s s i b l e v i a roads r a d i a t i n g from N a i r o b i . Impor-t a n t l y , the Masai t h r e a t was removed from the southern p e r i p h e r y of the new Province. F i n a l l y , the armed t r a d e r s were a r r e s t e d and removed from the area. By 1902 the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n was ready to engage any remaining h o s t i l e Kikuyu. The second phase, 1902-1910, may best be described as being a time of m i l i t a r y conquest. With l i t t l e or no provocation, B r i t i s h l e d A f r i c a n a s k a r i of both the p o l i c e and King's A f r i c a n R i f l e s , together w i t h hordes of " f r i e n d l i e s , " invaded Kikuyuland. Notably m i l i t a r y t a c -t i c s changed from the t r a d i t i o n a l s k i r m i s h to " o v e r k i l l . " With the ob-j e c t of the e l i m i n a t i o n of a l l ' d i s s i d e n t s , p a t r o l s penetrated pockets of 171 r e s i s t a n c e , k i l l e d men, women and c h i l d r e n without d i s c r i m i n a t i o n and put n a t i v e huts to the t o r c h . Acts of barbarism were common on both s i d e s . C a t t l e and goats, e s s e n t i a l to the Kikuyu economy, were c o n f i s -cated and s o l d to help finance e x p e d i t i o n s . Athamaki j o i n e d i n the ram-page when expedient: others brought t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e areas of j u r i s d i c -t i o n i n t o the i m p e r i a l f o l d . In t h i s way r e s i s t a n c e was smashed and by 1910 the pax B r i t a n n i c a was a f a c t i n Kikuyuland. The Kikuyu-had not been p a c i f i e d : they had been conquered. Moreover, they had been conquered from both outside and i n s i d e t h e i r s o c i a l order; by Europeans and athamaki i n a complex and sustained i n t e r a c t i o n . European p e n e t r a t i o n r a d i c a l l y a l t e r e d Kikuyu s o c i e t y . Already i n f l u x , s t r e s s e d by problems of recent settlement i n a new h a b i t a t , the a t t e n t i o n s of wageni l o o k i n g f o r i v o r y and produce,and marauding Masai, Kikuyu s o c i e t y was f u r t h e r d i v i d e d by European i n t r u s i o n . Reacting* to European i n f l u e n c e , the Company, the t r a d e r s , or the P r o t e c t o r a t e Admin-i s t r a t i o n , competitive elements i n Kikuyu s o c i e t y embraced e i t h e r c o l l a -b o r a t i o n by a c t i o n , c o l l a b o r a t i o n by acquiesence, or r e s i s t a n c e . The European impact thus opened up serious r i f t s i n Kikuyu s o c i e t y ; i t sharp^ ened e x i s t i n g cleavages and d i s t u r b e d t r a d i t i o n a l rankings of dominance and h i e r a r c h y . I t produced, a l s o , an unevenn.ess i n development between regions dominated e i t h e r by c o l l a b o r a t i n g athamaki or r e s i s t o r s : while one r e g i o n , f o r example, was g a i n i n g through a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h Europeans, another, perhaps only a few mi l e s away, was being smashed. These f a c t o r s c o n t r i b u t e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y to the c r e a t i o n of even deeper s o c i a l and po-l i t i c a l d i s u n i t i e s . The h i s t o r y of the Kikuyu and t h e i r subsequent r e -l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h the B r i t i s h would prove to be a strong r e f l e c t i o n of 172 the traumatic e f f e c t s of the e a r l y i m p e r i a l presence. APPENDICES Appendix A Kikuyu Age-set Names and Name Associations extracted from Father Cagnolo, The Akikuyu, Consolata Mission, 1933, pp. 199-202. Appendix B Notes on the Protectorate Administration, Ukamba Province, 1895-1897. Notes on the Composition and Activities of Military Forces, Ukamba Province, 1897. Notes on the Police Establishment, Ukamba Province, 1895-1897. Notes on Roads and Communications, East Africa Protectorate, 1895-1897. Notes on Revenue and Expenditure, 1895-1897. Appendix B notes are extracted from Great Britain, Foreign Office. Report by Sir A. Hardinge on the Condition and Progress of  the East Africa Protectorate from i t s Establishment to the 20th  July 1897" London 1897. Cmd. 8683. Great Britain, Foreign Office. Report by His Majesty's Commissioner on the East Africa  Protectorate, London, 1903. Cmd. 1626 and Great Britain, Foreign Office. Report by Hardinge on the British East Africa Protectorate for 1897-98, London, 1899. Cmd. 1925. Appendix C Commissioners and Governors of the East Africa Protectorate 1895-1912... .Extracted .from G.H. Mungeam, British Rule i n Kenya, 1895-1912, London: OUP, 1966. - 173 -17-4 Appendix A Kikuyu Age-set Names and Name-Associations Kyangige Year of the l o c u s t s 1932 Magoko Wattle hark 1931 Mambo le o Modern P r a c t i c e s 1930 Mogwongo Elephant tusk 1929 Kyendano Love 1928 Kyangige Year of the l o c u s t s 1927 Kya ndege Year of the aeroplane 1926 Karebe unknown 1925 Gachithe Cow T a i l used as ornament 1924 Bendera F l a g 1923 Kya h i t i Year of the Hyaenas 1922 Gathetha Beads or necklace 1921 Matoto or n o t i notes 1920 Kepande R e g i s t r a t i o n c e r t i f i c a t e 1919 Ndarama Drum 1918 Kya Lyoa Year of the famine 1917 Gechogwa unknown 1916 F i r i m b i w h i s t l e 1915 Gathuthe species of weed 1914 Romemo Gold 1913 Ohere Scabies 1912 Njaramba Courageous 1911 Kanorya Kind of disease 1910 Makanga Cotton cl o t h e s 1909 Gethei Maize m i l l 1908 Njege Porcupines 1907 Ngara Rats 1906 Nyoto Wolves 1905 Machai Iron sheets 1904 Gatego Venereal disease 1903 Kamande unknown 1902 N j a n g i r i wanderers 1901 Ndimo k i n d of chalk 1900 175 Appendix B Notes on the P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , Ukamba Province, 1895-1897. Table Showing Names, A d m i n i s t r a t i v e P o s i t i o n s and Pay of European O f f i c e r s i n Ukamba Province (1897). Sub-Commissioner J. Ainsworth (H.Q. Machakos) 500 pounds/year T e i t a D i s t r i c t (D.O.) J.V. Weaver 400 ii it " " As s t . D.O. E. Goldie Taubman 250 II ti A t h i D i s t r i c t (D.O.) J. Ainsworth N i l II ti " " As s t . D.O. C.R.W. Lane 250 II ii Kenia D i s t r i c t (D.O.) F.G. H a l l 400 ii it " " Asst. D.O. E. R u s s e l l 250 ii it K i t u i D i s t r i c t Not yet organized- N i l ii ti T o t a l Cost of Ukamba Province A d m i n i s t r a t i o n 2050 it ti T o t a l Cost of Kenia D i s t r i c t (Kikuyu T r i b a l Area) 650 II ii I t can be seen from the foregoing t a b l e t h a t Ukamba Province, a vast area, was i n 1897 administered by 6 o f f i c e r s i n c l u d i n g one Sub-Commissioner, John Ainsworth, who doubled as a D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r i n the A t h i R i v e r D i s t r i c t . Kenia D i s t r i c t p o p u l a t i o n i s estimated a t 300,000 Kikuyu and approximately 23,000 Masai and was a c t u a l l y administered by only two o f f i c e r s , F r a n c i s H a l l and E. R u s s e l l . This gives approximately a r a t i o of 160,000 n a t i v e s per o f f i c e r ! I t i s thus h a r d l y s u r p r i s i n g that l i t t l e c o n t r o l was ex e r c i s e d over regions beyond the immediate v i c i n i t y of P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n s t a t i o n s . In Kenia Province ( o r Kikuyuland) the A d m i n i s t r a t i o n was indeed " t h i n on the ground". 176 Notes on the Composition and A c t i v i t i e s of M i l i t a r y Forces, Ukamba Province, 1897. (a) The t o t a l m i l i t a r y f o r c e f o r the East A f r i c a n P r o t e c t o r a t e i n 1897 was 1,120 men. Of t h i s number the Ukamba contingent numbered 144 although there were some 200 l e v i e s r e c r u i t e d from l o c a l A f r i c a n t r i b e s who were employed " f o r the defence of the European s t a t i o n s against p o s s i b l e a t t a c k s by h o s t i l e n a t i v e s . . . " Use seems to have been made of c e r t a i n A f r i c a n s to act as leaders of the armed l e v i e s . Of some s i g n i f i c a n c e , as can be determined from the t a b l e below, i s the f a c t t h a t S w a h i l i and Sudanese troopers were used e x t e n s i v e l y i n Kikuyu, Wakamba and Masai t r i b a l areas. The l e n g t h of t h e i r s e r v i c e was normally three years. Ukamba Province Troop D i s p o s i t i o n (1897) A f r i c a n A f r i c a n Kikuyuland ( S w a h i l i troops) Machakos (Sudanese troops) Ngongo Bagas (Sudanese troops ) Totals Capts L t s Sgts Corp. Bug Ptes T o t a l 1 1 1 6 2 59 70 1 2 7 3 40 53 . 1 3 0 17 21 1 2 4 16 5 116 144 (b) Noticeable from the foregoing t a b l e i s the f a c t t h a t the Kikuyu area had considerably more troops s t a t i o n e d than Wakamba or Masai t e r r i t o r y . Machakos, the key a d m i n i s t r a t i v e base of Ukamba Province, was gar r i s o n e d by o n l y 53 troops compared t o 70 f o r Kikuyuland. Perhaps i t can u s e f u l l y be i n f e r r e d from t h i s that both the Masai and Wakamba t r i b e s were considered l e s s of a t h r e a t than the Kikuyu. In the case of the Masai there were reasons to b e l i e v e t h a t t h e i r m i l i t a r y power was on the wane by the end of the nineteenth century. Notably, permanent barracks were b u i l t a t Ngongo Bagas whereas troops quartered i n Kikuyuland l i v e d i n temporary huts. This would i n d i c a t e that the m i l i t a r y a u t h o r i t i e s had considered the need f o r a permanent occupation o f Masai t e r r i t o r y w h i l s t troops i n Kikuyuland were f r e e to move i n any d i r e c t i o n from t h e i r temporary quarters. Not a w e l l d i s c i p l i n e d f o r c e , t h e i r c h i e f offences seem to have been " i r r e g u l a r i t i e s when on d u t y " — a phrase of the most ominous connotations. 177 Notes on the Police Establishment, Ukamba Province, 1895-1897. Ukamba Province Machakos Outpost Kikuyu Ngongo Kibwezi 1 Inspector 2 Sergeants 5 Corporals 15 Policemen 3 Corporals 15 Policemen 1 Inspector 2 Sergeants 4 Corporals 35 Policemen 1 Sergeant 2 Corporals 20 Policemen 1 Inspector 3 Corporals 25 Policemen Ndi 1 Inspector 3 Corporals 25 Policemen Cost (Rupees) 2,040 3,736 10,452 included i n Kikuyu above 4,500 4,500 Total Cost Wages 29,268 Arms, Ammunition, rations. 68,108 Total Cost 97,376 Note the higher cost of police services for Kikuyu/Masai areas in comparison to remainder of Ukamba Province. This may be indicative of the amount •of police activity necessary to sustain the administration of the area. Notably, Ukamba Province i n which Kikuyu, Masai and Wakamba tribes were resident, cost more for police services than the combined total of the remaining three provinces of the East Africa Protectorate, i.e. in police wages 29,268 rupees against 23,088 rupees. 178 Notes on Roads and Communications, East A f r i c a  P r o t e c t o r a t e , 1895-1897. The only true road ran from Mazeras, near Mombasa, to the Kedong R i v e r on the eastern boundary of the Uganda P r o t e c t o r a t e . The road c o n s i s t e d of two s e c t i o n s . The f i r s t s e c t i o n ran from Mazeras to Tsavo, a distance of 185 m i l e s , and was r e f e r r e d to as the Mackinnon Road. Named a f t e r the founder of the I m p e r i a l East A f r i c a Company i t was subsequently r e f e r r e d t o by S i r Gerald P o r t a l as nothing more than an "overgrown t r a c k " . The second s e c t i o n of the road ran from Kibwezi to Kedong, a distance of 130 m i l e s , and on to V i c t o r i a Nyanza on the Lake. At a convenient p o i n t a branch road was constructed west to the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e centre of Machakos and thence to A t h i , N a i r o b i and Kikuyu. The Province of Ukamba, seen by Hardinge as the "most u n c i v i l i z e d d i v i s i o n of the t e r r i t o r y " was b e t t e r provided w i t h roads than the other Provinces and the c o n s t r u c t i o n of roads was "welcomed by l o c a l Headmen." At Machakos the Wakamba even volunteered to construct roads "at t h e i r own expense." The remaining roads throughout the P r o t e c t o r a t e were mere paths cut through the bush which, according to Hardinge, were well-known and w e l l used. Along the main road to Uganda v a r i o u s means of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n were t r i e d . The f i r s t s e c t i o n proved d i f f i c u l t f o r c a r t s hauled by b u l l o c k s due to the presence of Tsetse F l y . The second s e c t i o n , between Kibwezi and Kikuyu, was considered f r e e of Tsetse F l y and thus passable by B u l l o c k c a r t . Transport between Kibwezi and the coast by r a i l was p o s s i b l e a f t e r 1897. Experiments were conducted w i t h camels but proved unsuccessful due to the h i g h m o r t a l i t y r a t e of the beasts. Horses were used and to some extent donkeys a l s o . By f a r the most popular method of t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n was the use of human p o r t e r s . A f r i c a n p o r t e r s were r e c r u i t e d mostly i n Mombasa, Rabai and the T e i t a country to the southeast of Mount K i l i m a n j a r o . Notably some Kikuyu had been persuaded to c a r r y loads but were found u n s u i t a b l e f o r long d i s t a n c e s . Hardinge reported t h a t i n 1897 about 1,100 known p o r t e r s r e s i d e d i n the Mombasa area and 600 of t h i s number were d i s t r i b u t e d at key p o i n t s along the road to the Lake. In Rabai, a l s o , about 1000 men were a v a i l a b l e to supplement the r e g u l a r work f o r c e on a part-time b a s i s . Few would t r a v e r s e the n o r t h e r n reaches of the road through Kikuyu country. The average wages o f p o r t e r s amounted t o approximately 10 rupees per month. (A Rupee was worth approximately 1 s h i l l i n g and twopence s t e r l i n g . ) Each p o r t e r was p a i d a l s o 4 rupees per month f o r posho (maize meal). Head p o r t e r s were p a i d 20 to 50 rupees per month. P o r t e r s could c a r r y about 70 pounds on t h e i r heads. 2,500 loads per year were r e q u i r e d to s u s t a i n P r o t e c t o r a t e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n s t a t i o n s along the road:" 7000 loads 179 were required yearly to sustain the British i n Uganda. A private firm, Smith, Mackenzie Company was i n i t i a l l y given the contract for cartage to Uganda. In 1897, however, the Administration took on the responsibility only to give i t up to armed European Traders like John Boyes. The following table illustrates the cost of porterage and the number of loads to key administrative stations along the road In the year 1897. Loads of Trade Goods, Expend, (approx) Provisions and Stores. in Rupees. Ndi Station 786 5,895 Kibwezi 91 1,820 Machakos (Admin. H.Q. ) 763 19,075 Kikuyu 136 3,672 Total 1,776 30,462 Note that Machakos,.the administrative centre for Ukamba Province, including the Kikuyu areas, had the highest expenditure, while Kikuyu, a sub-station in Kikuyuland, received considerably less i n stores, goods and general provisions. This may be indicative of the fact that Government stations in Kikuyuland provisioned themselves l o c a l l y — o f t e n at the expense of the Kikuyu. Mail Mail communications were of the utmost necessity to the Administration resident i n the interior. Oversea mail came by steamer to Mombasa and thence overland to the various administrative stations. For the interior part of the journey mail was carried by runners who covered great distances in comparatively short periods of time. The f i r s t 110 miles, to Ndi, was covered i n four days. At Ndi the mail was transferred to Wakamba runners sent down from Machakos by Sub-Commissioner Ainsworth. Wakamba runners then travelled the next 245 miles to Kikuyu where they handed their loads to Masai. Each load for this part of the journey was 30 pounds weight. Masai runners then carried their loads the next 245 miles to Eldama Ravine. The total distance of 495 miles was covered i n 20 days or approximately 25 miles per day. Twenty-six loads were dispatched inland per month. Posts and Telegraphs To 1897 there was no completed telegraph line inland. A line was being built, however, along the line of the railway at that time under construction. 1 8 0 The P r o t e c t o r a t e was c o n n e c t e d b y t e l e g r a p h f r o m Mombasa t o Z a n z i b a r and E u r o p e . Thus t h e i n t e r i o r c o u l d be r e a c h e d f r o m E n g l a n d v i a Mombasa and t h e n t h e n o r m a l m a i l s e r v i c e d e l i v e r y b y r u n n e r . The c a b l e was c o n s t a n t l y b r e a k i n g down and was v e r y i n e f f i c e n t . 181 Notes on Revenue and Expenditure, 1895-1897. Revenue and expenditure for 9 months between the creation of the Protectorate and the beginning of the financial year were as follows: Actual receipts 22,865 pounds Actual expenditure ... 77,920 pounds Of the sum expended, 12,750 pounds were paid as rent and interest to the Sultan of Zanzibar; 18,327 pounds was spent for military expeditions for "establishing the authority of the Government." Ordinary expenditure (sic) was 4-6,843 pounds and thus a deficit of 23,978 pounds was manifest. Grants-in-Aid amounted to 50,975 pounds between July 1 1895 and April 1 1896. 1896 receipts rose slightly to 32,670 pounds while expenditure rose to 134,346 pounds. Higher expenses included the cost of quelling the rebellious coastal peoples, payment to the Sultan of Zanzibar and the purchase of the former IBEA Co. Mackinnon Road trading station and sundry mortgages from the defunct Company. Administra-tive work cost 91,464 pounds and collected revenue was 32,670 pounds. Thus there was in 1896 a deficit of 58,794 pounds; a rise of 25% in administrative costs over the previous year. Commissioner Hardinge pointed out that i t i s only natural that expenditure should be more than revenue in an underdeveloped country. But he was optimistic i n forecasting the future; i n ten years from 1897 he foresaw the end of Grants-in-Aid. Hardinge pointed out that two provinces, Tanaland and Seyyidich, were i n 1897 self-supporting but cautioned optimism when considering Ukamba and Masailand. He observed money was hardly known by the tribesmen and payments were made i n kind. Here, also, the largest expense to be anticipated was that of the maintenance of military forces (31,600 pounds); an amount which "really equals the whole of the receipts of the Protectorate." S t i l l , he pointed out, given the size of the territory and the warlike nature of the Kikuyu and Masai, the number of troops (1,120 i n 1897) was not unduly large. As of 1897 there was no form of direct taxation. This was because various Treaties signed with coastal Arabs and heads of coastal tribes, forbade the collection of direct taxes. Hardinge saw the 182 p o s s i b i l i t y o f a d i r e c t t a x l e v y o f t h e e x p i r a t i o n o f t h e T r e a t i e s . D i r e c t t a x , he e n v i s a g e d , c o u l d e i t h e r be e x t r a c t e d d i r e c t l y o r on a house o r h u t . I n t h e i n t e r i o r , where t h e T r e a t i e s were n o t o p e r a t i v e , "some D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r s ( w e r e ) d e s i r o u s o f i m p o s i n g a h u t t a x a t o n c e . " Here H a r d i n g e c o u n s e l l e d r e s t r a i n t b y a r g u i n g t h a t " t h e n a t i v e t a k e s some t i m e t o u n d e r s t a n d why he s h o u l d p a y a t a x f o r t h e r i g h t t o u se a house o r p i e c e o f g r o u n d w h i c h i s h i s o w n . " F u r t h e r , he s u g g e s t e d , " t h e c o n c e p t i o n o f a c o n t r i b u t i o n t o w a r d s t h e m a i n t e n a n c e o f t h e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n r e t u r n f o r b e n e f i t s and p r o t e c t i o n w h i c h he d e r i v e s f r o m i t ( t h e t a x ) i s a s y e t q u i t e f o r e i g n t o h i s m i n d ( t h e n a t i v e ) , a n d , s l o w as he i s t o a p p r e h e n d new i d e a s , i t i s n o t t o be e x p e c t e d t h a t i t s h o u l d q u i c k l y become f a m i l i a r t o h i m . " The e f f e c t o f p r e c i p i t a t i n g an e a r l y i m p o s i t i o n o f h u t t a x w o u l d b e , H a r d i n g e p o i n t e d o u t , " t o d r i v e t h e n a t i v e s away f r o m t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d o f s t a t i o n s where we w i s h t o e n c o u r a g e them t o s e t t l e . . . w h i l e i f i t s c o l l e c t i o n i n r emote d i s t r i c t s were l e f t i n t h e hands o f s t i l l i n s u f f i c i e n t l y e d u c a t e d n a t i v e Headmen, g r e a t abuses and i n j u s t i c e s m i g h t r e s u l t . " H a r d i n g e saw d i s t r i c t s w h i c h l e n t t h e m s e l v e s t o e a s y t a x c o l l e c t i o n as b e i n g d e s i r a b l e p l a c e s t o commence c o l l e c t i o n . M o r e o v e r , he r e a s o n e d t h a t a p o l i c y o f d i v i d e and r u l e had i t s a d v a n t a g e s as f a r as t a x c o l l e c t i o n was c o n c e r n e d . F o r e x a m p l e , i f one segment o f a t r i b e was a b o u t t o a t t a c k a n o t h e r , t h e n t h e t r i b e a b o u t t o be a t t a c k e d w o u l d s u b m i t t o t h e c o l l e c t i o n o f t a x i n r e t u r n f o r Government p r o t e c t i o n . H a r d i n g e saw a l s o the a d v a n t a g e s o f i m p o s i n g t a x on s t a t i c t r i b e s l i k e t h e K i k u y u r a t h e r t h a n p a s t o r a l t r i b e s l i k e t h e A f e s a i . S t a t i c t r i b e s , a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s l i k e t h e K i k u y u , were t h u s e a s i e r p r o s p e c t s f o r t h e i m p o s i t i o n o f f o r e i g n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s , f o r e i g n economic and v a l u e s y s t e m s , t h a n o t h e r t r i b e s . I n d i g e n o u s t a x s y s t e m s a l s o a i d e d t h e i m p o s i t i o n o f t a x c o l l e c t i o n b y t h e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Where A f r i c a n s , c h i e f s o r o t h e r w i s e , were i n t h e h a b i t o f e x a c t i n g r e t r i b u t i o n f r o m s u b j e c t s , f o r e x a m p l e , i v o r y , t h e " i d e a " o f payment t o a u t h o r i t y f o r s e r v i c e s r e n d e r e d , was w e l l i n c u l c a t e d i n t o t h e A f r i c a n m i n d . Appendix C Commissioners and Governors of the East A f r i c a P r o t e c t o r a t e 1895-1912. S i r A rthur Hardinge S i r Charles E l i o t S i r Donald Stewart S i r James Hayes Sadler S i r Percy Girouard 1895-1900 1900-1904 1904- 1905 1905- 1909 1909-1912 BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Barber, James.. Imperial Frontier: A Study of Relations between the B r i t i s h and the Pastoral Tribes of North East Uganda. Nairobi: EAPH, 1968. Bennett, George. Kenya: A P o l i t i c a l History: The Colonial Period. New York: Oxford, 1963. Bennett, Norman, R. Studies i n East African History. Boston: Uni-v e r s i t y Press, 1963-Boyes, John. 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