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Resistance and accommodation in a racial polity : responses of Indian South Africans Adam-Moodley, Kogila 1976

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RESISTANCE;AND ACCOMMODATION IN A RACIAL POLITY: RESPONSES OF INDIAN SOUTH AFRICANS by KOGILA[ADAM-MOODLEY B.A. U n i v e r s i t y of Natal ,1961 M.A. Michigan State Univers i ty ,1965 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES, DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY AND SOCIOLOGY, THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1976 c Kogi la Adam-Moodley, 1976 In presenting th is thes is in p a r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary shal l make it f ree ly ava i l ab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thes is for scho la r ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h is representat ives . It is understood that copying or pub l ica t ion of th is thes is for f inanc ia l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wri t ten permission. Department of The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date j - 3 - 7 7 0 loH^> * h Re; C i r c u l a t i o n o f d i s s e r t a t i o n s R e s i s t a n c e a n d A c c o m m o d a t i o n i n a R a c i a l P o l i t y % R e s p o n s e s o f I n d i a n S o u t h A f r i c a n s b}r K o g i l a A d a m - M o o d l e y . A t o u r r e q u e s t 9 t h e commencement o f t h e p e r i o d f o r w h i c h t h e p a r t i a l l i c e n s e s h a l l o p e r a t e s h a l l be d e l a y e d f r o m O c t o b e r l8„ 1976 f o r a p e r i o d o f a t l e a s t o n e - y e a r a n d t h a t s u c h o p e r a t i o n may be d e l a y e d f o r a n a d d i t i o n a l p e r i o d w i t h g o o d c a u s e , a s d e t e r m i n e d b y t h e u n d e r s i g n e d : T h e s i s s u p e r v i s o r H e a d o f D e p a r t m e n t o f S o c i o l o g y a n d A n t h r o p o l o g y D e a n o f G r a d u a t e S t u d i e s A u t h o r D a t e : 23-2-77 Keseare* supervisor: Professor Micfcae! M. « . . . - i i i -ABSTRACT Th is t h e s i s attempts to analyse the ways in which, a m inor i t y responds to vary ing s i t u a t i o n s of oppression in a r a c i a l l y s t r u c t u r e d environment. In order to e x p l i c a t e what c o n s t i t u t e s o p p r e s s i o n , an h i s t o r i c a l survey o f major l e g i s l a t i o n a f f e c t i n g Indians in South A f r i c a i s o u t l i n e d . Th is revea ls d i f f e r e n t techniques used by the dominant group to ward o f f cha l lenges to i t s power by counter e l i t e s , from d i r e c t suppress ion to n e u t r a l i s a t i o n and c o - o p t a t i o n . The reac t ions o f Indians to these changes,and the impact o f these responses on t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p with the dominant group as wel l as with other subordinate groups at the p o l i t i c a l , economic, educat ional and s o c i a l l e v e l guides the focus o f t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n . More s p e c i f i c a l l y , the p o l i t i c a l behaviour o f Indians i s examined, (a) in a l l i a n c e and c o n f l i c t s with o ther subordinate groups, p a r t i c u l a r l y A f r i c a n s , (b) in developing complementary i n t e r e s t s with some members o f the superordinate group, (c) in. i n t r a -' communal c l a s s o r s ta tus-group based d i v i s i o n s and f a c t i o n s , and (d) in p o l i t i c a l i n t r o v e r s i o n and i n a c t i v i t y through c u l t u r a l e x c l u s i v i s m and c u l t u r a l immersion. Research procedures used dur ing three per iods of f i e l d work i n Natal inc luded the record ing o f 86 informal i n t e r v i e w s , the content a n a l y s i s o f var ious o f f i c i a l and p r i v a t e documents on Indian a f f a i r s ^ n d the c o l l e c t i o n o f essays wr i t ten by 65 Indian u n i v e r s i t y students as s o - c a l l e d " future autob iograph ies" . The major l i t e r a t u r e on race r e l a t i o n s and minor i ty behaviour in other s o c i e t a l contexts i s c r i t i c a l l y reviewed regarding the a p p l i c a b i l i t y o f i t s concepts and models to the South A f r i c a n case . - i v -The p o l i t i c a l behaviour o f Indians would seem to i n d i c a t e how the d i a l e c t i c o f r e s i s t a n c e and acquiescence operates in p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l c i rcumstances . Indeed, n e i t h e r c l a s s consciousness nor e t h n i c i t y in themselves c o n s t i t u t e s a t i s f a c t o r y concepts f o r g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s and p r e d i c t i o n s . Which bond is s u c c e s s f u l l y ac t i va ted would seem to depend on the s p e c i f i c h i s t o r i c a l context and percept ions of i n t e r e s t . These proved to have undergone cons iderab le changes, accord ing to the emerging s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n of the group, desp i te the common experience of r a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . Predominant Indian p o l i t i c a l reac t ions under fu ture major i ty ru le in an Afr ican-dominated government would above a l l depend on the as yet unpredictable p o l i c i e s a t that s t a g e , the degree of animosity exper ienced , and the kind o f s e c u r i t y awarded to the vulnerable and , t h e r e f o r e , ambivalent , s u s p i c i o u s -"s t rangers" in between. CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ABSTRACT PREFACE j - . PROFILE OF A COMMUNITY: INDIAN SOUTH AFRICANS II FOCUS OF INVESTIGATION IN COMPARISON WITH PREVIOUS STUDIES OF OVERSEAS INDIANS I H REVIEW OF GENERAL THEORIES OF RACE RELATIONS 1. Theor ies of Pre judice and D i s c r i m i n a t i o n - 21 2. A s s i m i l a t i o n Theor ies - 23 3. S t r a t i f i c a t i o n Theor ies - 27 4. Theories of P lura l S o c i e t i e s -33 5. M inor i ty Group Theor ies - 41 6. Marxist Explanat ions - 51 7. Theor ies of the S p l i t Labor Market - 56 IV RESEARCH PROCEDURES 1. Informal Interviews - 63 2. Documentary E v i -dence - 65 3. P a r t i c i p a t o r y Observat ion - 65 4. Future Autobiographies of Students - 66 V THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF INDIAN DEVELOPMENT TILL 1971 1. Reactions to Indian Immigration - 71 2. Changes in Occupational S t ruc ture - 78 VI EARLY POLITICAL RESPONSES 1. The P o l i t i c s of Pleading - 94 2. Confrontat ion Instead of Persuasion - 104 VII THE IMPACT OF NATIONALIST LEGISLATION VIII POST-1961 GOVERNMENT INSTITUTIONS 1. The Department of Indian A f f a i r s - 123 2. The South A f r i c a n Indian Counci l - 129 3. Local A f f a i r s Committees - 146 4. Autonomous Indian Townboards -153 IX ETHNIC HIGHER EDUCATION 158 1. The Indian U n i v e r s i t y - 158 2. Student Percept ions - 176 * REVIVAL OF POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS 192 1. The New Natal Indian Congress - 192 2. Black Consciousness - 196 3. Fr inge Groups - 198 4. Voluntary A s s o c i a t i o n s - 202 5. Covert C o l l e c t i v e Organisat ions - 211 XI INDIAN-AFRICAN RELATIONS 214 1. Cu l tu ra l D i s c o n t i n u i t i e s - 214 2. Encounters of C o n f l i c t : the Durban Riots - 217 3. I n te res t -based A l l i a n c e s - 222 4. Prospects f o r In ter -subordinate A l l i a n c e s - 224 XII CONCLUSIONS 232 BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. References 244 2. South A f r i c a n P e r i o d i c a l s Used 263L APPENDIX Maps: Southern A f r i c a - Durban - Group Areas 265 Sample Sheets of Student Essays 268 .-<' v i i LIST OF TABLES Page Table 1 P o l i t i c a l Persecut ion According to Race 10 Table 2 Organizat ion of Department of Indian A f f a i r s 126 Table 3 Durban C i t y Counci l Expenditure (Est imates) f o r 1975-76 According to Racia l Group in Rand 151 - v i i i -Preface This t h e s i s analyses the p o l i t i c a l responses of Indians in South A f r i c a from the time of t h e i r a r r i v a l in Natal in 1860. as indentured labourers on the sugar p l a n t a t i o n s , to the present.. Today, t h i s community of 709,000 has progressed economica l ly , but in common with the indigenous groups i s l e g a l l y excluded from any p o l i t i c a l power in a r a c i a l l y segregated s o c i e t y . Unl ike previous s tudies of the group which focused on c u l t u r a l pers is tence and changes in Indian t r a d i t i o n s and percep t ions , these are viewed here in t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p with the wider s t ruc ture of South A f r i c a n s o c i e t y which i s considered of primary importance. My i n t e r e s t in the top ic stems from being born in South A f r i c a , and having experienced my s o c i a l i z a t i o n t i l l the end of undergraduate education as an Indian woman in the p e c u l i a r environment of c o l o n i a l Eng l ish Na ta l . Th is comprised attendance of schools run by I r i s h nuns and prim Engl ish l a d i e s . L a t e r , I was among the l a s t generat ion of the few pr ive leged "non-white" students at an"open" u n i v e r s i t y , which inc luded exposure to some renowned l i b e r a l s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s , among them Leo Kuper and P ie r re van den Berghe. A f t e r re turn ing home from two years of graduate s tudies in Mich igan , I had the opportuni ty to compare the i n s i d e operat ion of " t r i b a l academia" f o r two years as a f a c u l t y member o f the newly founded a l l - I n d i a n u n i v e r s i t y , s t a f f e d mostly by p a t e r n a l i s t i c A f r i k a n e r c o l l e a g u e s . Since my marriage in 1967 to a fo re igner outs ide the prescr ibed r a c i a l group boundar ies, l i v i n g in South A f r i c a as a fami ly became a legal o f f e n c e , punishable by imprisonment, though short v i s i t s to the country as t o u r i s t s are normally t o l e r a t e d . L i v i n g and t r a v e l l i n g in other par ts of the world where Indians have s e t t l e d , increased my i n t e r e s t in the u n i f o r m i t i e s and d i f f e r e n c e s in the responses of overseas Indians to the d iverse count r ies of t h e i r adopt ion . Beyond t h i s academic mot ivat ion in f a s c i n a t i n g c r o s s - n a t i o n a l comparisons, i t i s the des i re fo r p o l i t i c a l change in the country of my b i r t h which i s of deep concern to me. It i s hoped that t h i s study can con t r ibu te to t h i s g o a l , not by o f f e r i n g s i m p l i s t i c s o l u t i o n s but by r e a l i s t i c a n a l y s i s of a complex s i t u a t i o n which would seem a p r e r e q u i s i t e to the implementation of new p o l i c i e s . It i s with great g ra t i tude that I should l i k e to acknowledge the a s s i s t a n c e and encouragement of my committee members, Professors Michael Ames, T i s s a Fernando, Robert Jackson , Helga Jacobsen and E l v i Whit taker. The help extended by Professor Michael Ames goes beyond h is superv is ion as Chairman of my committee, and only those who p e r s o n a l l y know h is i n t e l l e c t u a l s tandards , endless pat ience and human concern can understand my great indebtedness to him. Several d i s c u s s i o n s with Professor Fernando proved most useful in c l a r i f y i n g quest ions on comparative e thn ic c o n f l i c t , and comments on t h e s i s d r a f t s by Professors Jackson , Jacobsen and Whittaker helped sharpen the focus of my study c o n s i d e r a b l y . Within South A f r i c a , many ind iv idua ls . , too numerous to mention by name,}gave generously of t h e i r time and h o s p i t a l i t y to ta lk to me about t h e i r views. Spec ia l mention must be made of a long-t ime f r i e n d and c o l l e a g u e , Fatima Meer, who made a v a i l a b l e to me her vast knowledge of Indian h i s t o r y and experience as a p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i s t . Although she would disagree with several of my c o n c l u s i o n s , there are no doubt many more aspects which she would endorse. Unfor tuna te ly , however, she has been s i l e n c e d f o r f i v e years by a banning order served on her in August 1976. S i m i l a r r e s t r i c t i o n s f o r f i f t e e n years were suf fe red by an o l d fami ly f r i e n d , Dr. G.M. Na icker , the past president of the Natal Indian Congress, who r e c a l l e d h is numerous encounters with the Apartheid system. Dr. Gavin Maasdorp and Mr. Nesa P i l l a y of the Department of Economics, U n i v e r s i t y of N a t a l , shared t h e i r va luable economic data on the community with me and k ind ly provided pleasant working space. Professor Lawrence Schlemmer of the Ins t i tu te f o r S o c i a l Research at the U n i v e r s i t y of Natal made a v a i l a b l e the r e s u l t s of current a t t i t u d e surveys . However, fo r the opinions expressed and numerous d e f i c i e n c i e s remaining, I alone take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . • In the domestic sphere , two c h i l d r e n born during the course of t h i s work had to be taken care of beyond the bedtime s to ry r i t u a l . Whenever p o s s i b l e , my l i b e r a t e d husband, Her iber t Adam, took over and,above a l l , acted as sounding board and hardest c r i t i c of my ideas . F i n a l l y , my parents through t h e i r i n s p i r i n g examples and s e l f l e s s s a c r i f i c e s l a i d the basis f o r my e d u c a t i o n , desp i te the obstac les of the South A f r i c a n environment. For Heribert - 3 -I PROFILE OF A COMMUNITY: INDIAN SOUTH AFRICANS Indians of the d i a s p o r a , though motivated to leave t h e i r ances t ra l homeland by s i m i l a r c i rcumstances , were sca t te red in very d i f f e r e n t m i l i e u s . T h e i r varying patterns of adjustment to new environments provide t e l l i n g i n s i g h t s in to s o c i a l behaviour under d i f f e r e n t c i rcumstances . In A f r i c a a l o n e , the major areas of Indian sett lement in East A f r i c a , Central A f r i c a , and South A f r i c a have a t t r a c t e d d i f f e r e n t types of immigrants as well as engendered vary ing r e a c t i o n s . East and Central A f r i c a n Indian communities comprised mostly t rad ing groups, whi le t h e i r South A f r i c a n counterpar t c o n s i s t e d i n i t i a l l y of an indentured community with a very small p o r t i o n o f inde -pendent t r a d e r s . To a grea ter extent than other Indian set t lements i n A f r i c a , wi th the except ion o f Rhodesia , South A f r i c a n Indians found them-se lves i n an i n c r e a s i n g l y whi te-dominated, r a c e - s t r a t i f i e d s o c i e t y to which they have evolved severa l unique p o l i t i c a l responses. Indians in South A f r i c a , together with A f r i c a n s and Coloureds c o n s t i t u t e the d i s e n f r a n c h i s e d subordinate s e c t o r o f that s o c i e t y . Together they are r e f e r r e d to as Non-Whites, al though of l a t e the term Black i s p r e f e r r e d by p o l i t i c i s e d members of these groups.^ In 1975 Indians numbered approximately 1. Group re ferences have strong p o l i t i c a l connotat ions i n South A f r i c a and need to be e x p l a i n e d . In t h i s s tudy , the name g e n e r a l l y p re fe r red by the p o l i t i c a l l y aware members o f the group i s used ra ther than the o f f i c i a l d e s i g n a t i o n , o f ten perceived as derogatory or assoc ia ted with o f f i c i a l p o l i c y . However, t h i s i s not done dogmat ica l ly and the o f f i c i a l l a b e l s are not changed when d e s c r i b i n g p o l i c y . A f r i c a n s , o f f i c i a l l y c a l l e d Bantu ( e a r l i e r : K a f f i r s , Nat ives) are here r e f e r r e d to as B l a c k s , together with Indians and Co loureds , except when i t i s necessary to d i s t i n g u i s h any one of these groups from one another . In such instances the terms A f r i c a n , Coloured and Indian are used. "Coloured" r e f e r s to an indigeneous group of "mixed" r a c i a l descent . S i m i l a r l y , the term European i s the o f f i c i a l term used to r e f e r to Whites, even though they may be American, A u s t r a l i a n or o f another n a t i o n a l i t y , "Non-European" i s used synonymously with "Non-Whites". A l l three non-white groups are here r e f e r r e d to as the subordinate group or the dominated, and r a c i a l terms are used interchangeably with e thn ic denominations accord ing to the context . The category "As ians" or " A s i a t i c s " i s used o f f i c i a l l y to i n c l u d e the small Chinese p o p u l a t i o n . Approximately 1.3 percent o f the As ian popula t ion i n 1970 was of Chinese o r i g i n (SABRA, 1975). The few hundred Japanese i n S . A . are "honorary Whi tes" , except f o r purposes o f in te rmar r iage . By using na t iona l or l i n g u i s t i c terms f o r the d i f f e r e n t popula t ion groups i t should not be imp l ied that they a l l are not " A f r i c a n s " in the p o l i t i c a l sense by b i r t h r i g h t or long r e s i d e n c y . a- -/ -4-709,000 and c o n s t i t u t e roughly 3 percent of the p o p u l a t i o n , as compared with 9 percent Co loureds , 17 percent Whi tes , and 71 percent A f r i c a n s ( H o r r e l l , 1976:38). Seventy-two percent of a l l Indians l i v e in the predominantly " E n g l i s h " province of N a t a l , most of them in the Durban a r e a , the r e s t are s c a t -tered in the A f r i kaans -speak ing Transvaal p r o v i n c e , very few l i v e in the Cape, none in the Orange Free Sta te . L ike the Coloureds and Whites, Indians have become an i n c r e a s i n g l y urbanised group. Eighty-one percent o f a l l Indians l i v e i n urban a r e a s , compared with 89 percent Whites, 86 percent Coloureds and 19 percent A f r i c a n s (South A f r i c a , Populat ion Census, 1970). Unl ike the c u l t u r a l l y more homogeneous Coloureds who do not d i f f e r from the r u l i n g A f r i k a n e r Whites c u l t u r a l l y , Indians are a h igh ly d i v e r s i f i e d group in terms of r e l i g i o n and mother-tongue. S i x t y - e i g h t percent are Hindus, 20 percent Moslems and the remainder comprise C h r i s t i a n s of var ious denominations Z o r o a s t r i a n s , Buddhists and Agnost ics (SABRA, 1975:21). Approximately 90 per -cent of a l l Hindus are T a m i l , Hindi and Telugu speaking. P r a c t i c a l l y a l l Urdu-speaking Indians and 75 percent of those speaking Gujera t i are Moslems ( i b i d . ) . With the except ion of the o l d e r generat ion however, a l l speak Eng l ish in N a t a l , and Af r ikaans (or both o f f i c i a l languages) in the T r a n s v a a l . Economic d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n i s equa l ly c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the "economical ly a c t i v e " Indian popu la t ion . 3.7 percent are engaged in a g r i c u l t u r e , 0.3 percent in m in ing , 35.3 percent in manufactur ing, 0.1 percent i n e l e c t r i c i t y , 5.3 percent in c o n s t r u c t i o n , 28.4 percent in commerce, 4.2 percent in t r a n s p o r t , 1.6 percent in f i n a n c i n g and 12.9 percent - 5 -in s e r v i c e s (South A f r i c a , Lndian A f f a i r s , 1973:13-14). While a l l three subordinate groups are a l i k e in t h e i r d i s e n f r a n c h i s e d s t a t u s , customary d i s c r i m i n a t i o n in common f a c i l i t i e s f o r a l l Non-Whites and shared exc lus ion from a l l white r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s , the subordinates experience r e s t r i c t i v e l e g i s l a t i o n and d i s c r i m i n a t o r y t reatment , n e v e r t h e l e s s , to d i f f e r i n g ex tents . Customar i ly , the Coloureds are at the higher end of the subordinate s c a l e , fo l lowed by Ind ians , with A f r i c a n s a t the lowest extreme. Th is i s r e f l e c t e d in freedom of movement w i th in the count ry , set t lement areas as well as d i f f e r e n t i a l s a l a r y s c a l e s . In recent y e a r s , however, Indian and Coloured s a l a r y sca les in the p u b l i c sector have been merged. Some r e s t r i c t i o n s which apply to Indians are not a p p l i c a b l e to Coloureds and are surpassed on ly by the d i s c r i m i n a t i o n aga ins t A f r i c a n s , whose regimentat ion in a l l spheres i s f a r g rea te r . The lega l and customary p o s i t i o n o f Coloureds and Indians in the r a c i a l h i e r a r c h y , however, i s not s i m i l a r l y r e f l e c t e d in t h e i r r espec t i ve economic placement. Asians have the l a r g e r middle c l a s s s ince 2.6 percent earn over R2.000 as compared with 1.2 percent Coloureds (South A f r i c a , 1970), and a much smal ler p ropor t ion of A f r i c a n s would be estimated to f a l l in to t h i s category.^ On the other hand, the major i ty o f incomes among Indians i s very low. The 1970 Census estimates that 1. A f r i c a n f i g u r e s were unfor tunate ly u n a v a i l a b l e . - 6 -76 percent of a l l working Indians earned incomes of l e s s than R100 per month (F inanc ia l M a i l , 10 January,1975) , compared with 89 percent in the case of Coloureds and 26 percent in the white group. This means a cons iderab le percentage of Indians l i v e below the poverty datum l i n e , estimated to be R110 per month f o r an Indian fami ly ( i b i d . ) . Fur ther -more, 70.7 percent of the Indians were reported without any income in 1970, as compared with 53.7 percent Whites and 64.6 percent Coloureds (South A f r i c a , 1970). T h i r t y percent o f the Indian populat ion was "economical ly a c t i v e " at the end of 1974 as compared with 41 percent of the white p o p u l a t i o n , 35.5 percent of the Coloureds and 36.5 percent of the A f r i c a n populat ion ( H o r r e l l , 1976:165). This has been a t t r i b u t e d to the pre jud ices of employers towards Indians, as well as the s e l e c t i v i t y of Indians in choosing employment in some areas only (McCrystal and Maasdorp, 1967:3). The t r a d i t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n o f the r o l e o f women as being e s s e n t i a l l y conf ined to the p r i va te domestic sphere , would seem to account f o r the low numbers of women in employment in the p u b l i c sphere. Despite these d i s a b i l i t i e s , Indians of a l l three black groups have come c l o s e s t to white incomes and have r i s e n s t e a d i l y , e s p e c i a l l y during the 1970-1975 p e r i o d . In 1975, Indians earned approximately h a l f of the average white household income, as compared with a t h i r d by Coloureds and one-e ighth earned by the average A f r i c a n household (F inanc ia l M a i l , -7-13 February 1976)J Such economic m o b i l i t y has been accompanied by dramatic changes in the occupat ional s t r u c t u r e of IndianSjfrom an i n -dentured community supply ing predominantly a g r i c u l t u r a l labour, to a more d iverse range of occupa t ions , i nc lud ing commerce and manufactur ing. The m o b i l i t y of Indians which supercedes the other subordinate groups i s not unrelated to the high degree of group i n t e g r a t i o n which i s evidenced in comparat ively high educat ional a t ta inment , heal th s tandards , and low crime r a t e s , d ivorce r a t e s , as well as i l l e g i t i m a t e b i r t h r a t e s . The c l o s e kn i t s t ruc ture of fami ly and community in an e s s e n t i a l l y h o s t i l e environment would seem to be of utmost importance in under-standing the responses of Indians in the South A f r i c a n contex t . The highest p r i o r i t y i s placed on formal Western educat ion . Despite t h e i r o v e r a l l low income d i s t r i b u t i o n , Indians, of a l l non-white groups, have the highest number of students e n r o l l e d at u n i v e r s i t i e s , though c o n s t i t u t i n g only o n e - t h i r d of the co loured populat ion and one-twenty-four th of the A f r i c a n s . Indian u n i v e r s i t y students who are e n r o l l e d at South A f r i c a n u n i v e r s i t i e s number 4,863, in cont ras t with 3,142 Coloureds < 7,845 A f r i c a n s ( H o r r e l l , 1975:369). S i m i l a r l y , the Facu l ty of Medicine at the U n i v e r s i t y of Natal reported that between 1957 and 1974 i n c l u s i v e , 41 Coloureds , 308 Indians and 207 A f r i c a n s had graduated as medical doctors ( H o r r e l l , 1976:272). 1. According to these f i g u r e s by Market Research A f r i c a as reported in the F inanc ia l Mail ( i b i d . ) , the average white household in 1975 r e -ceived an income 1.9 (2.6) times as large as the average A s i a n , 2.9 (4.2) as large as that of the Coloured and 8.5 (11.1) times as large as the average A f r i c a n household. The f i g u r e s in brackets are those f o r 1970. - 8 -Despi te the changing urban m i l i e u , cons iderab le value would s t i l l seem to be attached to t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . The high degree of endog-amy among Indians i s n o t i c e a b l e . There are few Indian-Coloured marriages and even fewer I n d i a n - A f r i c a n marr iages. White- Indian unions are pun-ishab le by law, but i t i s noteworthy that of the of fenders under the s o - c a l l e d "Immorality A c t " , Indians are l e a s t represented. Of those c o n -v i c t e d under the Immorality Act in 197'1, 262 were WJiites, 90 C o l o u r e d s , 12 Indians and 201 A f r i c a n s ( H o r r e l l , 1973:63). Th is i s not s u r p r i s i n g i n l i g h t o f the preva lent p r e - i n d u s t r i a l value tha t marriage outs ide the r e l i g i o u s and l i n g u i s t i c group i s undes i rab le . S i m i l a r l y cases of d ivorce occur with l e a s t frequency among Indians as compared with other groups. In 1970 the d ivorce ra tes were 0.8 per -cent f o r Ind ians , 1.2 percent f o r Co loureds , and 3.1 percent f o r Whites (SABRA, 1975:21 ) . 1 The same syndrome would seem to apply to rates o f i l l e g i t i m a t e b i r t h s : 7 percent among Asians and a remarkable 43 percent among Coloureds who are in a s i m i l a r intermediate p o s i t i o n in South A f r i c a n s o c i e t y ( i b i d : 65.) The impact o f the extended f a m i l y , s l i g h t l y be t te r economic c o n d i t i o n s and importance attached to nurture o f the young, would seem r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the r e l a t i v e l y low in fan t m o r t a l i t y (Kark and C h e s l e r , 1956) o f Indians which i s three times lower than among Co loureds , and 1. Equ iva lent s t a t i s t i c s f o r A f r i c a n s are not a v a i l a b l e , because o f the a p p l i c a t i o n of customary laws. 2. A f r i c a n and white f i g u r e s were not a v a i l a b l e . i - 9 -even more so in the case of A f r i cans^ ( H o r r e l l , 1976:39). The l i k e l i h o o d of Indians coming into c o n f l i c t with the law i s a l s o much l e s s frequent than that o f the other groups. Convicted pr isoners per 100,000 of each populat ion group in 1974 were: Whites 79 .7 , Coloureds 653.9, A f r i c a n s 318.7, and Asians 63.8 ( H o r r e l l , 1976:51). S i m i l a r l y , there was no Indian among the 329 persons shot at and k i l l e d or wounded by the p o l i c e in 1974 ( i b i d : 5 6 ) . However, in terms of p o l i t i c a l pe rsecu t ion , Ind ians have a reverse record compared with the coloured group and rank r e l a t i v e l y higher than the much more vu lnerable A f r i c a n s . Among the persons "banned" s ince 1951,8 percent are Ind ians , who c o n s t i t u t e 3 percent o f the t o t a l popu la t ion . Among the persons imprisoned under the var ious S e c u r i t y Laws (General Law Amendment [sabotage] A c t ; Suppression o f Communism A c t ; Unlawful Organ isa t ion A c t ; Ter ror ism Act) Indians are represented by 4 percent (Table 1) . One of the cent ra l quest ions o f t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n w i l l be the reasons which motivated a comparat ively high number of Indians to become 1. Since b i r t h s and deaths are inadequately r e g i s t e r e d among A f r i c a n s , no comparative f i g u r e s are a v a i l a b l e . 2. A person served with a "banning" order i s u s u a l l y conf ined to h i s home at night and over weekends. He may not attend any "gather ings of more than two persons" as well as c e r t a i n s p e c i f i e d i n s t i t u t i o n s ( u n i -v e r s i t i e s , f a c t o r i e s ) ; h is movements are conf ined to the m a g i s t e r i a l d i s t r i c t of his r e s i d e n c e , he must repor t to the p o l i c e r e g u l a r l y , u s u a l l y weekly, may not p u b l i s h and may not be quoted by o t h e r s . A banning order i s normally issued f o r f i v e years and f requent ly renewed. "Banning" amounts to s o c i a l excommunication without cos t to the s t a t e , but f r e -quent ly imposes severe mental s t r a i n on the i s o l a t e d v i c t i m . -10-Table 1 P o l i t i c a l Persecut ion According to Race Race Group as Race Group.as Race Group as percentage of % of a l l persons % of a l l persons populat ion imprisoned banned ' Whites 16.7% (4.160) 3% ( 9) 11% (139) Coloureds 9.3 (2.306) 2 ( 6) 7 ( 84) Asians 2.8 ( .709) 4 ( 1 3 ) 8 (104) A f r i c a n s 71.2 (17.745) 91 (292) 74 (913) 100% (24.920) 100% (320) 100% (1240) (1) Percentages c a l c u l a t e d according to f i g u r e s in Hor re l l (1975:58). (2) Percentages c a l c u l a t e d according to f i g u r e s in H o r r e l l (1974:67). Not a l l these banning orders were in fo rce in 1974 s ince some were withdrawn or expired and several banned persons d i e d . According to the most recent f i g u r e s the l i s t o f banned persons gazetted in J u l y 1975 contained the names of 147 persons ( H o r r e l l , 1975;45). p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e and s u f f e r f o r t h e i r c o n v i c t i o n s . -11 -U Focus of Inves t iga t ion in Comparison with. Other Studies  on Overseas Indians The widespread d i s p e r s a l of Indians emigrat ing from India s ince the mid-19th cen tu ry , mainly to former c o l o n i a l t e r r i t o r i e s , has been a sub jec t o f extensive r e s e a r c h . (Arasaratnam 1970; Bened ic t , 1961; C a l p i n , 1949; D e l f , 1963; Depres, 1967; Dotson, 1967; G h a i , 1970; Glasgow, 1970; Jayawardene, 1963; K l a s s , 1961; Kondapi , 1951; Kuper, 1960; Mangat, 1969; Mayer, 1961 , 1963; Mahajani , 1960; Mor r is , . 1968; Meer, 1969; N i e h o f f , 1960; P a c h a i , 1971; Palmer, 1959; van den Berghe, 1964.) Three d i f f e r e n t , though over lapping emphases in the study of Indian m i n o r i t i e s may be d iscerned in the l i t e r a t u r e : h i s t o r i c a l , c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l . 1. H i s t o r i c a l a c c o u n t s , concerned with the e a r l y e n t r e ' o f the r e s p e c t i v e groups in the count r ies of t h e i r adopt ion , record the d e t a i l s of ex-changes between the c o l o n i e s and the motherland. F r e -quent focus i s on cond i t ions of employment, g r i e v a n c e s , and forms of p r o t e s t as e s s e n t i a l parts o f a l l se t t lements . Examples of such s tud ies a r e : Arasaratnam, 1970; C a l p i n , 1959; Pachai, 1971; Palmer, 1959; Woods, 1954; Kondap i^ l95 i ; Mayer, 1963; Benedic t , 1961; and Mangat, 1969. 2. C u l t u r a l s tud ies emphasize the c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the m i n o r i t i e s and the p l u r a l nature o f the s o c i e t y as having cent ra l s i g n i f i c a n c e . The preoccupat ion in such s tud ies i s with changes in c u l t u r a l forms such as caste o r g a n i s a t i o n , k insh ip s t r u c t u r e , behav iour , r i t u a l , fami ly o r g a n i s a t i o n , changes in r e l i g i o n and r e l i g i o u s sec t format ion . The extent of c u l t u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e i s a f requent f o c a l p o i n t . In t h i s category are s tud ies by Kl ass , 1961; Bened ic t , 1961; S c h w a r t z , ^ ? ; Mayer, 1961; Niehoff , I960;and Kuperjgeo. 3. Studies concerned e s s e n t i a l l y with the p o l i t i c a l behaviour of such m i n o r i t i e s . Th is i s approached through an examination o f the var ious power c o n s t e l l a t i o n s , the a s s o c i a t i o n a l l i f e o f the groups concerned, i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of pressure groups and centres of economic power or in te r -g roup r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Studies using t h i s approach a r e : Del f , 1963", Dotson,1967; Meer, 1970', Ma l ik ,1971; Glasgow,1970. Some of these s t u d i e s , such as Dotson ,cast m i n o r i t i e s i n the r o l e o f p ro tagon is t on the h i s t o r -i c a l scene in much the way Wirth (1945) does. The Indian: m i n o r i t i e s are endowed with i n i t i a t i v e in choosing a course that leads e i t h e r to f u l l a s s i m i l a t i o n in the host s o c i e t y or secess ion from i t and the establ ishment of independent p o l i t i c a l power. Whether these goals are achieved or not, i s dependent on the host s o c i e t y ' s response to the m i n o r i t y ' s own i n i t i a t i v e and movement. Mahajani 's examination o f the r o l e of the Indian minor i ty in Burma and Malaya (I960) f a l l s in to t h i s category as does G h a i ' s study of Indians in Kenya, although in a more l i m i t e d way than the former. He recognises in h is c o n c l u s i o n , however, that the onus f o r the future of Indians in that s o c i e t y i s s h i f t i n g from Indian behaviour to how the A f r i c a n major i ty a c t s . Concern with m i n o r i t i e s in the process of d e c o l o n i z a t i o n , has led to the s i m i l a r perspect ive of r a c i a l ba rga in ing . E thn ic m i n o r i t i e s are t reated as -13 -s ta tes in the sense suggested by Geertz (1963). The techniques used by such " s t a t e s " , which maximise symbolic and substant ive rewards to be had, range from p e r s u a s i o n , boyco t t , b a r g a i n i n g , threat and even force ( R o t h c h i l d , 1973). Such a view i s useful in a l i m i t e d way f o r understanding Indian p o l i t i c a l behaviour , al though the presumed "power" of the minor i ty i s not a p p l i c a b l e i n the South A f r i c a n s i t u a t i o n . Throughout the l i t e r a t u r e there i s a tendency to presuppose homogeneity on the par t of the m i n o r i t y . A un i ty of i n t e r e s t i s assumed. A f r e -quent analogy i s drawn between Indians and Jews i n the sense r e f e r r e d to by Hannah'Arendt; namely, the p o s i t i o n of pre-war German a n t i - s e m i t i s m , when Jews had " l o s t t h e i r p u b l i c f u n c t i o n s , and t h e i r in f luence and were l e f t with nothing but t h e i r wealth" (1951:4). Y e t , the cur rent range of s i t u a t i o n s in which Jewish communities are placed adds another dimen-s ion to the otherwise p r o t o t y p i c a l re ference to the Jewish exper ience . S i m i l a r to t h i s are the terms "middleman m i n o r i t i e s " (Bonacich , 1973), "pariah c a p i t a l i s t s " (Weber, 1950; Hami l ton, 1970) and " t rad ing m i n o r i t i e s " , which overemphasize the mercant i le r o l e o f such groups. In South A f r i c a , f o r i n s t a n c e , l e s s than a s i x t h of the Indians are t r a d e r s , and the r e s t f i l l a d iverse range of o c c u p a t i o n s , from market gardeners to p r o f e s s i o n a l s . As van den Berghe (1975) points o u t , such m i n o r i t i e s are f requent ly r e -garded as s t r u c t u r a l l y analogous to each o t h e r , v i s - a - v i s t h e i r host s o c i e t i e s . Such a perspect ive over looks the in te rna l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s wi th in these groups. As Morr is shows in the case of Ugandan Ind ians , the term "community" i s an exaggerated one (.1968). Indeed a sense o f "community" has emerged in many overseas Indian communities out of the uni formly app l ied d i s c r i m i n a t i o n against the group, thereby e l i c i t i n g u n i f i e d a c t i o n . As such i t i s e s s e n t i a l l y as Morr is r e f e r s to i t , a "moral" community ( i b i d . ) . While the term "community" i s a useful working d e f i n i t i o n , a s are the other v a r i a t i o n s mentioned e a r l i e r , i t seems important to guard aga ins t the a l l too frequent tendency to impose a homogeneity which does not e x i s t . On the s p e c i f i c theme of South A f r i c a n Ind ians , two s tud ies deal with Indians as a group from a s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t ' s p e r s p e c t i v e . These are H i lda Kuper's Indians in Natal (1961) and Fatima Meer's P o r t r a i t of  Indian South A f r i c a n s (1970). Kuper , - f rom an an thropo log ica l v iew, focuses on the s o c i a l o rgan isa t ion and c u l t u r e of that community. Un-l i k e other s t u d i e s which attempt to impose the Indian caste model on the new s e t t i n g , Kuper 's study recognizes that "a var iegated and y e t s o c i a l l y i n t e r l o c k i n g pat tern which had been b u i l t through the ages on the Indian cont inent" (1961:20) could not be recreated to any great extent in the new Western s o c i e t y , nor imposed on the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e by indentured l a b o u r e r s . On the other hand, r i g i d adherence to caste by the G u j e r a t i - s p e a k i n g t rad ing community i s d e s c r i b e d . The study i s a percept ive exp lo ra t ion of the i n t e r p l a y of such c o n t r a s t s , i n an urbanized s e t t i n g . Some a t t e n t i o n i s given to the new e l i t e s , and the a s s o c i a t i o n a l l i f e of Indians. i -15-Fatima Meer's p o r t r a i t of Indian community l i f e i s e s s e n t i a l l y de-s c r i p t i v e rather than a n a l y t i c a l . Her own statement of purpose in p r e -sent ing such a work sums up her primary concern as a p o l i t i c a l one. "I wr i te about Indian South A f r i c a n s i n the hope that through the w r i t i n g they w i l l reach out and make contact with fe l low South A f r i c a n s ; in the hope t o o , that South A f r i c a n s w i l l recognize themselves in the l i v e s of t h e i r f e l lows" (1969:preface) . While such accounts provide much va luab le i n f o r m a t i o n , the focus of the present study d i f f e r s from them in severa l r e s p e c t s . The cent ra l focus of t h i s a n a l y s i s i s on the ways in which a minor i ty responds to vary ing s i t u a t i o n s of oppression in a r a c i a l l y s t r u c t u r e d environment. What c o n s t i t u t e s oppression w i l l be e x p l i c a t e d through an h i s t o r i c a l survey of the major l e g i s l a t i o n a f f e c t i n g Indians. Th is revea ls d i f f e r e n t techniques used by the dominant group to ward o f f cha l lenges to i t s power by c o u n t e r - e l i t e s , from d i r e c t suppress ion to n e u t r a l i s a t i o n and c o - o p t a t i o n . How Indians in turn reacted to these changes and how these responses a f f e c t e d the r e l a t i o n s h i p with the dominant group as well as with the other subordinate sec t ions at the p o l i t i c a l , economic, educat ional and s o c i a l l eve l guides the focus of t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n . More s p e c i f i c a l l y the p o l i t i c a l behaviour o f Indians w i l l be examined (a) in a l l i a n c e with other subordinate groups , p a r t i c -u l a r l y A f r i c a n s , (b) in developing complementary i n t e r e s t s , with some members of the superordinate group, (c) in intra-communal c l a s s or s ta tus-group based d i v i s i o n s and f a c t i o n s , and Cd) in p o l i t i c a l i n t r o --16-vers ion and I n a c t i v i t y through c u l t u r a l exc lus iv ism and c u l t u r a l immersion. However, contrary to the predominant focus on changes in c u l t u r e , e t h n i c i t y and i d e n t i t y , per s e , t h i s study i n v e s t i g a t e s the extent to which c l a s s and status d i f f e r e n c e s have replaced e thn ic i d e n t i t y or c o i n c i d e with i t . The p o l i t i c i z a t i o n of c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s w i l l be s tudied by t r a c i n g the i n t e r p l a y between p o l i t i c a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n and " ident i ty -maintenance" (Barth* 1969:117). The degree to which the l a t t e r has been transformed seems c r u c i a l f o r understanding i n t r a -group p o l i t i c s but above a l l the prospects of I n d i a n - A f r i c a n a l l i a n c e s . It i s hoped that such an a n a l y s i s a lso sheds l i g h t on an o ld t h e o r e t i -ca l debate on the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f the concepts o f c l a s s or race f o r an a n a l y s i s of p l u r a l s o c i e t i e s . L. Kuper, who "quest ion(s) the u n i v e r s a l i t y of the c l a s s s t rugg le" (1975:203) has pointed to a c r u c i a l d i f f e r e n c e between race and c l a s s c o n f l i c t s : "The upwardly mobile are not thereby l o s t to t h e i r o r i g i n a l group, in cont ras t to the tendency in c l a s s m o b i l i t y " (Kuper, 1975:234). Other o b s e r v e r s , such as the p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t Thomas Kar is (1975:232) have conceded the opposi te p o s s i b i l i t y : " the regime may succeed in d e - r a d i c a l i z i n g A f r i c a n s who might o ther -wise be leaders a somewhat b e t t e r - p a i d Black labour fo rce may be even more r e l u c t a n t than i t i s now to r i s k what i t has . " Is "em-bourgeoisement" p o s s i b l e under cond i t ions of r i g i d r a c i a l separat ion? The p o l i t i c a l behaviour of the Indian minor i ty would seem to i n d i c a t e how the d i a l e c t i c of r e s i s t a n c e and acquiescense operates in p a r t i c u l a r I i 1 -17-h i s t o r i c a l c i rcumstances . The c o n t r a d i c t o r y answers by Kuper and K a r i s , i t i s hypothesized here , would seem both, o v e r s i m p l i f i c a t i o n s o f a f a r more complex r e a l i t y in which ne i ther race nor c l a s s consciousness in t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l meanings can f u l l y exp la in group behaviour . i i -18-IH.REVIEW OF GENERAL THEORIES OF RACE RELATIONS Before focus ing on the s p e c i f i c case of t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n , i t would seem useful to survey major trends and approaches- in the general l i t e r a t u r e on race r e l a t i o n s and p l u r a l i s m , in order to p lace t h i s study in the context of the d i s c i p l i n e . Such an attempt could explore c r i t i c a l l y some cent ra l concepts employed in race r e l a t i o n s theor ies and by doing so demonstrate t h e i r d e f i c i e n c i e s f o r an a n a l y s i s of the s p e c i f i c South A f r i c a n s i t u a t i o n . T h i s , h o p e f u l l y , w i l l lead to a more f r u i t f u l understanding of group behaviour under cond i t ions of r a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a -t i o n . Without being able to develop here a l l aspects of the most adequate a p p r o a c h , i t might s u f f i c e to s ta te t h a t , i d e a l l y , i t would have to be (a) i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y in the sense o f u t i l i z i n g explanat ions and concepts emerging from d i f f e r e n t d i s c i p l i n e s , regard less of t h e i r l a b e l j (b) comparative by viewing South A f r i c a n Indians in r e l a t i o n to other m i n o r i t i e s in s i m i l a r c o n d i t i o n s . A comparative perspec t ive would t ry to s t r i k e a s e n s i b l e balance between the unique and the gen-e r a l , the parts and the whole,by being aware of general s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l tendencies w i th in a g lobal contex t . For t h i s reason , such a perspec-t i v e would have to incorporate (c) an h i s t o r i c a l dimension when assess ing contemporary behaviour and l i k e l y fu ture developments. The ideal ap-proach would have to be (d) e m p i r i c a l , not in the narrow sense of c o n -f i n i n g a n a l y s i s to the s t a t i s t i c a l l y v e r i f i a b l e but in the sense of -19 -permanently being grounded in and cor rec ted by a l l commonly i d e n t i f i a b l e aspects of given r e a l i t y , in cont ras t to s e l e c t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . While v a l u e - n e u t r a l i t y of the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t , i t may be argued, i s ne i ther p o s s i b l e nor d e s i r a b l e , p a r t i c u l a r l y in s i t u a t i o n s of r a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a -t i o n , i t would seem e s s e n t i a l that there is awareness of these assumptions^ in cont ras t to c la iming f a l s e o b j e c t i v i t y in the name of s c i e n t i f i c i n q u i r y . With these c r i t e r i a in mind, a c r i t i c a l review of the l i t e r a t u r e revea ls an as ton ish ing range of conceptua l i za t ions of s i m i l a r phenomena. Ear ly approaches to the study of intergroup r e l a t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y race r e l a t i o n s were c h a r a c t e r i s e d by: (1) the environmental explanat ions o f the e ighteenth century in which s o c i a l behaviour was viewed as e s s e n t i a l l y re la ted to c l i m a t i c and geographic f a c t o r s ; (2) the Soc ia l Darwinist perspect ive which len t s c i e n t i f i c r a t i o n a l e to racism and j u s t i f i e d the harsh f a c t s of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n in an attempt to r e c o n c i l e them with the prevalent ideology of e g a l i t a r i a n i s m . The evo lu t ion of races based on t h e i r varying genet ic c a p a c i t i e s , were s a i d to culminate in white European c i v i l i z a t i o n . De Gobineau, a French a r i s t o c r a t , and l a t e r H i t l e r , were among the protagonis ts of t h i s view. The inherent d i f f e r e n c e s among people were considered d e c i s i v e in t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to l i v e together in harmony. G idd ings 1 concept of "consciousness of k ind" expla ined r a c i a l exc lus iveness and accepted current not ions about the i n s t a b i l i t y of mixed races . (G idd ings , 1908). Cooley argued that "two races of d i f f e r e n t temperament and c a p a c i t y , d i s t i n c t to the eye and -20-l i v i n g s ide by s ide in the same community, tended s t rong ly to become c a s t e s , no matter how equal the s o c i a l systems may otherwise be" (Cooley, 1923:218). S t a b i l i t y was to be maintained only by keeping d i f f e r e n t groups separate from each o ther . (3) As a r e f u t a t i o n of these . . p e r s p e c t i v e s , there were a number of s tud ies by s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s , among them W.I. Thomas, R . E . Park, Margaret Mead, Ruth Benedic t , A l p o r t , Myrdal and F r a n k l i n F r a z i e r , focus ing on the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l determinants of human b e h a v i o u r . 1 Ear ly theor ies of intergroup r e l a t i o n s p r o v e r b i a l l y i l l u s t r a t e the fundamental features of the consensus model of s o c i e t y . In t h i s perspec-t i v e , norms and values are the bas ic binding fo rces of s o c i a l l i f e ; from t h i s commitment emerges; s o c i e t i e s are n e c e s s a r i l y cohesive and recognize l eg i t imate a u t h o r i t y ; s o c i a l l i f e depends on s o l i d a r i t y ; i t i s based on r e c i p r o c i t y and c o o p e r a t i o n ; s o c i a l systems r e s t on con-sensus, are in tegrated and tend to p e r s i s t (Cohen, 1966:166-167). Apart from these wr i t ings in which e thn ic r e l a t i o n s are e i t h e r not t o p i c a l at a l l or in which e thnic antagonism i s seen as a temporary d i s r u p t i o n of the s o c i a l order, due to i n s u f f i c i e n t i n t e g r a t i o n and adjustment of newcomers, there now e x i s t s in the s o c i a l sc iences a much c l e a r e r focus on the o r i g i n s and developments of e thn ic c o n f l i c t in d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l s e t t i n g s . These explanat ions i n e v i t a b l y o v e r l a p , but i t may be contended 1. For a more d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n o f these developments, r e f e r P . L . van den Berghe (1974) and M. Banton (1967)-I i - 2 1 -that s i x f o c i can be d i s t i n g u i s h e d . Baste tenets o f the s i x exp lana-t ions may be c h a r a c t e r i s e d a s : CD theor ies of pre jud ice and d i s c r i m -i n a t i o n , C2) a s s i m i l a t i o n t h e o r i e s , C 3 ) s t r a t i f i c a t i o n t h e o r i e s , (4) theor ies of p l u r a l s o c i e t i e s , (5) minor i ty group t h e o r i e s , (6) Marxist exp lana t ions , and (7) theor ies of r e a l i s t i c group c o n f l i c t and resource compet i t ion in a s p l i t labour market. 1. Theories of Pre jud ice and D isc r im ina t ion This phase was c h a r a c t e r i s e d by a tendency to psychologize group r e l a t i o n s in to p e r s o n a l i t y processes (Young, 1932; Simpson and Y i n g e r , 1965; Van der Zanden, 1966 among o t h e r s ) . The focus was on p r e j u d i c e , which monopolised a t ten t ion to the neglect of s o c i a l and s t r u c t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s . A tendency to s t a r t at the i n d i v i d u a l l eve l and pro jec t a t t i t u d e s o f s i n g l e persons in to la rge s c a l e s o c i a l e f f e c t s i s e v i d e n t , so that p re -j u d i c e appears to be a prime mover in r a c i a l and e thnic problems. As has been demonstrated, i f research has confirmed a n y t h i n g , i t i s that pre jud ice i s a product of s i t u a t i o n s - h i s t o r i c , economic and p o l i t i c a l , " i t i s not a demon which emerges in people simply because they are de-praved" (Schermerhorn, 1970:6). Th is i s not to deny the importance o f p r e j u d i c e , but to show that i t i s not cent ra l to the explanat ion of race and e thn ic r e l a t i o n s . At b e s t , i t can perhaps be usefu l as a dependent or in terven ing v a r i a b l e (Raab and L i p s e t , 1959; A l p o r t , 1954). The same app l i es to the focus on d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , "which although an advance from the sub jec t i ve f a c t o r of ' p r e j u d i c e ' to a more o b j e c t i v e l e v e l , has stronger undertones" (Simpson and Y i n g e r , 1965:13-34). As a f a c t o r -22-in i t s e l f , d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i s not very r e v e a l i n g , s ince i t too bypasses the under ly ing s t ruc tures which generate i t . While s o c i a l psycholog ica l theor ies alone can hardly exp la in the r i s e of e thnic antagonism in s i t u a t i o n s determined by h i s t o r i c a l - s t r u c t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s , these perspect ives do g ive i n s i g h t s in to the s p e c i f i c c o n -tent of h o s t i l e a t t i tudes and the varying degree of i n t e n s i t y with which they are h e l d . Soc ia l psycholog ica l t h e o r i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y in the Freudian t r a d i t i o n , shed l i g h t as to why c e r t a i n people are suscep-t i b l e to hate and others in the same group r e s i s t such m o b i l i z a t i o n . Sumner's concept of ethnocentrism has been f r u i t f u l l y u t i l i z e d to analyze ingroup-outgroup r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Freud regarded ethnocentr ism as narc iss ism at the group l e v e l , ~2C -.dZ-sT^Z? K In h is l a t e r " C i v i l i z a t i o n and i t s Discontents" Freud saw the s o c i a l func t ion of group n a r c i s s i s m a s f a c i l i t a t i n g the displacement of aggression from i n -group to outgroup. Do l la rd (1939) assumed an innate po ten t ia l of aggression due to the f r u s t r a t i o n s of c o n s t r a i n i n g s o c i a l i z a t i o n in a l l human be ings , the displacement of such aggressiveness away from the source onto some other object was seen as d e c i s i v e ( D o l l a r d , 1939). The concept of p r o j e c t i o n , namely the a t t r i b u t i o n to others of un-acceptable impulses wi th in one's s e l f , lends i t s e l f to convinc ing explanat ions of a v e r s i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y when the outgroup i s no real th rea t . The research on the "Author i t a r i an P e r s o n a l i t y " (Adorno, et a l . , 1950) revealed the background of the stereotypes in which the "st rangers" are por t rayed. By focus ing on d i f f e r e n t c h i l d - r e a r i n g i -23 -p r a c t i c e s and the s e v e r i t y of s o c i a l i z a t i o n , Adorno's work engendered a r i c h l i t e r a t u r e of c r o s s - c u l t u r a l s tud ies of e thnic antagonism. While o r i g i n a l l y motivated by the v i r u l e n t ant i -Semi t ism which had become a gruesome s t a t e - d o c t r i n e but was a lso prevalent in a n t i - f a s c i s t Western c o u n t r i e s , i t soon became evident that the syndrome of scapegoating had l i t t l e to do with Jewish behaviour or Jewish h i s t o r y . What emerges from Adorno's work i s that the v ic t ims of c o l l e c t i v e aggression are i n t e r -changeable and can be redef ined according to s o c i a l needs and the h i s t o r i c a l c o n s t e l l a t i o n . I t i s t h i s s o c i o - h i s t o r i c a l context which seems neglected in the pre jud ice s t u d i e s . As Pett igrew (1958) has shown f o r the South A f r i c a n c a s e , i t i s conformity pressure ra ther than mare a u t h o r i t a r i a n upbringing which accounts f o r the adherence to r a c i a l d o c t r i n e s . Furthermore, the debate on the bas ic aggressiveness of a l l humans i s f a r from being c o n c l u s i v e as y e t . By assuming a po ten t ia l aggressiveness as i n e v i t a b l e , only to be r e d i r e c t e d in to harmless channe ls , such as s p o r t , many s o c i a l s c i e n -t i s t s deny even the p o s s i b i l i t y of success fu l s u b l i m i n a t i o n . 2. A s s i m i l a t i o n Theor ies A s s i m i l a t i o n theor ies have held a very prominent p o s i t i o n in American s o c i o l o g y . Very c l o s e l y re la ted to t h i s was the use o f the c y c l i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e . R . E . Park 's "race r e l a t i o n s c y c l e " , contended that "In the r e l a t i o n s of races there i s a c y c l e of events which tends everywhere to repeat i t s e l f " (Park, 1950:150). It takes the form of "con tac t , compet i t ion , accommodation and eventual a s s i m i l a t i o n " ( i b i d . ) . Though the tempo may be slackened by the a t t i t u d e of minor i ty groups them--24-selveSj as well as by customs, r e g u l a t i o n s , immigration r e s t r i c t i o n s and r a c i a l bar r ie rs , , i t s d i r e c t i o n was c o n -s idered unchangeable and i r r e v e r s i b l e (Park, 1950:150). In a s i m i l a r v e i n , other attempts to const ruc t c y c l e s fo l lowed . E . S . Bogardus, based on h is observat ion of Or ienta l and Mexican immigrants in C a l i f o r n i a , proposed seven stages in the a c c u l t u r a t i o n p rocess : (1) c u r i o s i t y , (2) economic welcome, (3) i n d u s t r i a l and s o c i a l antagonism, (4) l e g i s -l a t i v e antagonism (5) f a i r play tendenc ies , (6) quiescense and (7) second generat ion d i f f i c u l t i e s (Bogardus, 1930:613).. The same outcome seemed i n e v i t a b l e in W.O. Brown's c y c l i c a l view of race r e l a t i o n s , which formulated a pat tern in terms of (1) i n i t i a l c o n t a c t , (2) emergence of c o n f l i c t , (3) temporary accommodation, (4) s t rugg le f o r s t a t u s , (5) m o b i l i z a t i o n and (6) s o l u t i o n (Brown, 1934:34-37; Kurokaiva, 1*170:6). In e labora t ing the c y c l i c a l approach, L ieberson (1961:902-3) examines f a c t o r s which could in f luence i t s i n e v i t a b l e path. The focus i s on the power s t r u c t u r e of migrant and indigenous groups, namely, "when a people migrat ing to a land i s super io r in technology and more t i g h t l y organised than the indigenous group, the migrant 's p o l i t i c a l and economic i n s t i t u t i o n s are u s u a l l y imposed on the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n . " Fur ther -more, he argues that although c o n f l i c t may be present in the i n i t i a l s t a g e s , g radua l ly the indigenous people p a r t i c i p a t e in the i n s t i t u t i o n s of the dominant group, as f o r example in the case of Europeans in South A f r i c a , and Chinese in South East A s i a . The converse i s c i t e d f o r s i t -uat ions where the migrant 's p o l i t i c a l and economic i n s t i t u t i o n s are i n --25-f e r i o r to those of the indigenous people . If by the gradual p a r t i c i p a -t ion of indigenous people in dominant i n s t i t u t i o n s , Lieberson intended to convey the triumph of a form of consensus over c o n f l i c t , t h i s would be a f a c i l e exp lana t ion . The f a c t of the matter i s , as Gluckman points out , i t i s money that keeps A f r i c a n s in South A f r i c a working (Gluckman/., 1955); and as van den Berghe states more v i v i d l y , "The u t t e r dependence (at a s t a r v a t i o n or near s t a r v a t i o n l e v e l ) of the A f r i c a n masses on the 'whi te 1 economy in South A f r i c a has been one o f the main i n h i b i t i n g f a c t o r s " (van den Berghe, 1965:82). The ingenious amount of r e -press ive l e g i s l a t i o n in South A f r i c a would bear testimony to the p o t e n t i a l l y seething c o n f l i c t which e x i s t s . To the l i s t of i n f l u e n c i n g f a c t o r s Schermerhorn adds the fo l lowing v a r i a b l e s : (1) the congruence of p r i o r value systems of groups which come in to contact with each o ther ; (2) the r e l a t i v e power of the host group v i s a v i s the migrants ' and (3) the leg i t imacy of t h i s power r e l a t i o n s h i p (Schermerhorn, 1964:238-246). These ideas are more s p e c i f i c a l l y examined by Warner and Sro le in t h e i r research on Northern and Southern B l a c k s , as well as Spanish and the Or ien ta l Americans in Yankee C i t y . The subordinate groups were ranked wi th in the l a r g e r s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y , in terms of the degree of subordinat ion each would exper ience , the l i k e l i h o o d f o r the development of a r a c i a l or e thnic sub-system, and f i n a l l y an attempt to p red ic t the approximate time necessary f o r a s s i m i l a t i o n . They postulate that, "The greater the r a c i a l and cultural d i f fe rences between the host and immigrant groups, the greater will be -26-the s u b o r d i n a t i o n , the greater the s t rength of the e thnic s o c i a l system, the longer the per iod necessary f o r the a s s i m i l a t i o n " [Warner & Srole, lHS":2?<?; Kurokawa. , W O ) . Overemphasis of r a c i a l and ethnic d i f f e r e n c e s which seems, so c l o s e l y l i n k e d to the a s s i m i l a t i o n theor ies has been f r e -quent ly quest ioned. Lemberg sees such " d i f f e r e n c e s " as mere " s i g n a l s " to which c o n f l i c t i n g groups o r i e n t themselves. Since the actual cause of the c o n f l i c t l i e s e lsewhere, u s u a l l y in a p a r t i c u l a r socio-economic s i t u a t i o n , such " d i f f e r e n c e s " are seen as interchangeable (Lemberg, 1974:43). Preoccupat ion with " a s s i m i l a t i o n " as the i n e v i t a b l e and d e s i r a b l e out -come of intergroup contact i s perhaps one of the best ind ices of the impact of the l i b e r a l , consensus o r i e n t a t i o n in s o c i o l o g i c a l theory , e s p e c i a l l y in the North American contex t . With the except ion of Louis Wirth (1945) who designated d i f f e r e n t types of m i n o r i t i e s to be d i s -cussed l a t e r , few perceived of an end r e s u l t other than a consensual a s s i m i l a t i o n i s m . Myrdal in "American Dilemma" s i m i l a r l y saw no impediments s t r u c t u r a l or otherwise to the a s s i m i l a t i o n o f b lacks in to American s o c i e t y . The " l o g i c a l imperat ives" of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , namely modern iza t ion , urban iza t ion and l i t e r a c y were considered to lead to e l i m i n a t i o n of racism (Myrdal , 1944). Even as l a t e as 1963, Everet t Hughes in r e f e r r i n g to the fa te of the Blacks in the U.S. s a i d , "Negro Americans want to disappear as a def ined group They want to be seen ne i ther as Negroes not as i f they were n o t ; but as i f i t d id not matter" (Hughes, 1963:883). -27-Theories of a s s i m i l a t i o n assume that migrat ion and m o b i l i t y f o r black and white immigrants are the same (Grove, 1974:4). S i m i l a r l y i t i s assumed that the p o l i t i c a l and economic systems o f f e r equal o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r s t r u c t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n 1 to b lack and white e t h n i c s . Since c u l t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n is hardly p o s s i b l e without s t r u c t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n , the concept has quest ionable value to s t a r t w i th . Furthermore, the f a c t that as e a r l y American s tudies show, even European immigrants who "appear" to have a s s i m i l a t e d e x t e r n a l l y reveal pat terns o f r e s i s t a n c e to to ta l a s s i m i l a t i o n when t h e i r group s t r u c t u r e s are examined, under-mines the concept even f u r t h e r (Whyte, 1943; Useem, 1945: Gans, 1962). 3. S t r a t i f i c a t i o n Theor ies Another trend prevalent in the l i t e r a t u r e on intergroup r e l a t i o n s i s the use of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n as a perspect ive f o r viewing such r e l a t i o n s . This l a r g e l y e n t a i l e d group c a t e g o r i z a t i o n on the bas is o f sub jec t i ve and ob jec t i ve c r i t e r i a . Warner's d e p i c t i o n o f the impenetrable b a r r i e r between White and Black res iden ts of Yankee C i t y as c l a s s and caste i s the c l a s s i c example (Warner, 1963). More r e c e n t l y Mazrui (1970:23) t a l k s of changes i n the s ta tus o f the Black on the nat iona l l e v e l i n terms of a promotion from "the s ta tus of a lower caste to a lower c l a s s " . 1. The term s t r u c t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n r e f e r s to the degree to which major s o c i e t a l i n s t i t u t i o n s are open to subordinate groups, whereas c u l t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n r e f e r s to the a c c u l t u r a t i o n p r o c e s s , that i s l ea rn ing the norms of the major i ty c u l t u r e (Gordon, 1964). As Hi lda Kuper puts i t , " c u l t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n i s l a r g e l y a r e c i p r o c a l of p o l i t i c a l dominance, and those who are supposed to a s s i m i l a t e the c u l t u r e o f others are in f a c t expected to subordinate the c u l t u r e that was t h e i r . o w n . " (Kuper, 1971). -28-In e l a b o r a t i n g , he acknowledges - t h a t , "The change in immediate comforts i s n e g l i g i b l e . But there i s probably a major change in potent ia l s o c i a l and occupat ional m o b i l i t y ; and that i s p re -c i s e l y what d i f f e r e n t i a t e s c l a s s status from caste s t a t u s . " ( i b i d ) . The apt -ness of t h i s c a t e g o r i z a t i o n has been contested by Cox who argues that the term "caste" impl ies a measure o f acquiescence in the subordinate p o s i t i o n which i s inaccurate f o r the p o s i t i o n of Blacks in the U.S. (Cox, 1959). Schermerhorn a lso d i s t i n g u i s h e d "castes" and " c l a s s e s " in terms of the former 's f rozen uncontested s o c i a l h ierarchy and the l a t t e r as always involved in a c t i v e s t rugg le f o r upward m o b i l i t y (Schermerhorn, 1970). However, the extent to which castes are s a i d to accept t h e i r p o s i t i o n o f subord inat ion v i s - a - v i s h igher castes in the Indian caste system may well be quest ioned i n l i g h t of cas te r e b e l l i o n and demands f o r higher s ta tuses by whole castes (Berreman, 1972:393-7). Along much the same l i n e s as Warner, Parsons (1954:424) po in ts to the tendency f o r e t h n i c i t y to "preserve independent pyramids in the more general system" with t h e i r own d i s t i n c t i v e set of norms and v a l u e s , s e t t i n g o f f an i n t e r a c t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p between both groups during which a process of mutual adaptat ion takes p l a c e . Shibutani and Kwan in Ethnic S t r a t i f i c a t i o n , attempt to develop a compre-hensive theory of i n t e r - e t h n i c contacts and present g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s in order "to exp la in d iverse and apparent ly unrelated episodes as mani-f e s t a t i o n s of the same recurrent processes" (1965:V). The i r work -29 -represents an i n t e r e s t i n g s h i f t in emphasis in the l i t e r a t u r e on e thn ic r e l a t i o n s from, d i s c r i m i n a t i o n and pre jud ice to a n a l y s i s in p r o c e s s u a l , i n t e r a c t i o n i s t terms. The i r explanatory framework draws heav i ly on R . E . Park 's "race r e l a t i o n s c y c l e " , t o a f f o r d t h e o r e t i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l comparison. As such , i t shares many of the shortcomings of Park 's approach. Ethnic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s analysed in terms of four bas ic p r o c e s s e s , and the volume, f o r the most p a r t , i s devoted to an e labora t ion of these d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g , s u s t a i n i n g , d i s j u n c t i v e and i n t e g r a t i v e p rocesses . " D i f f e r e n t i a t i n g " processes are concerned with d i f f e r e n t i a -t i o n of s o c i a l systems along e thnic and economic l i n e s and the development of group consciousness and l e g i t i m a t e a u t h o r i t y . "Sus ta in ing" pro -cesses r e l a t e to the value i n t e g r a t i v e dimensions o f the s o c i a l o r d e r , accommodative p r o c e s s e s , sanct ions and regu la tory i n s t i t u t i o n s . The d i s t i n c t i o n between " d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g " and " s u s t a i n i n g " processes i s , however, hardly c l e a r . " D i s j u n c t i v e " processes are those which develop when ethnic groups are opposed to one another on the bas is o f n a t i o n a l i s m , c o n f l i c t , or s o c i a l change. One i s l e f t with the impression that the authors would l i k e to wish away t h i s aspect of in tergroup r e l a t i o n s , and o f f e r t h e i r readership a more peaceful v iewing: "Much of the current i n t e r e s t in race r e l a t i o n s , " they s a y , " a r i s e s from concern over tension and c o n f l i c t . The extended per iods during which people in d i f f e r e n t e thnic ca tegor ies l i v e together in peace and mutual respect tends to be over looked . . .Because of t h e i r spec tacu la r character , bombings, a s s a s s i n a -t i o n s , r i o t s , g u e r i l l a war fare , lynchings and pogroms a t t r a c t a d i s p r o -por t ionate share of a t t e n t i o n , and even h i s t o r i a n s tend to focus upon -30-these outbreaks of v io lence which are e p i s o d i c and ephemeral and c o n s t i t u t e but a small part of what happens in the contact of peoples" ( S h i b u t a n i , 1965:34). What i s not considered i s the p o s s i b i l i t y that these ou t -bursts may be of great importance f o r t ranscending the s u p e r f i c i a l spectacu lar aspects and may be v i t a l ind ices of how s t rong ly people f e e l , as well as the under ly ing cond i t ions generat ing such c o n f l i c t . This i s c l e a r l y the bias of the authors who de f ine as t h e i r major concern in studying d i s j u n c t i v e processes the d e s i r e to e s t a b l i s h "the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c patterns of i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e behaviour that develop when d i f f e r e n t e thnic groups are opposed to one another" ( i b i d . ) . The more fundamental issue of why they are opposed to each other and the sources o f t h e i r o p p o s i t i o n are neg lec ted . F i n a l l y , the four th .p rocess which i s a r e s u l t of the three f o r e g o i n g , i s the i n t e g r a -t i v e p r o c e s s , with i t s i n e v i t a b l e and natural outcome of a s s i m i l a t i o n and a c c u l t u r a t i o n . The authors focus on value d i f f e r e n c e s as a cent ra l concern , thus: " c o n f l i c t a r i s e s when people in d i f f e r e n t ca tegor ies pursue incompat ib le va lues" ( i b i d . ) . They f a i l to see values as sympto-matic of s p e c i f i c s o c i a l cond i t ions with t h e i r rootedness in s o c i a l r e a l i t y . They view c o n f l i c t as a t r a n s i t i o n a l phenomenon: "When the de-gree of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n systems i s low" ( i b i d . ) . This stems from a perspect ive s t r e s s i n g a s s i m i l a t i o n as i n e v i t a b l e : " A s s i m i l a t i o n i s a phenomenon found in a l l cases o f i n t e r - e t h n i c contacts in which one group does not exterminate the o t h e r , f o r example, I r i s h , P o l e s , Jews, I t a l i a n s , Ch inese , Mexicans" ( i b i d . ) . The exc lus ion ( e i t h e r -31 -c o n s c i o u s l y or otherwise) .from t h i s l i s t o f Native Indians and B l a c k s , r a i s e s unanswered q u e s t i o n s , and undermines the v a l i d i t y of such c a t e g o r i c a l statements. The concept o f "Ethnic S t r a t i f i c a t i o n " , whi le encompassing a wide range of useful and informat ive d a t a , n e v e r t h e l e s s , have a number of s h o r t -comings. (1) The wishful th ink ing of Park 's "race r e l a t i o n s c y c l e " with i t s f a i t h in the a s s i m i l a b i l i t y of e thnic groups, s t a b i l i t y and i n t e -g r a t i o n , i s s t rong ly perpetuated in t h i s work. The i n e v i t a b l e s e -quence toward the f i n a l e of a s s i m i l a t i o n i s o v e r - s i m p l i f i e d . 1 (2) The emphasis on o r d e r , i n t e g r a t i o n , consensus, peaceful c o - e x i s t e n c e and compromise, as aga ins t c o n f l i c t and a c t i v e a r t i c u l a t i o n o f d i s s e n t as the d e s i r a b l e s t a t e , reveal a b i a s . Statements such as the fo l low ing are r e v e a l i n g : "In s tab le s o c i e t i e s minor i ty people are e i t h e r reasonably s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r l o t , or do not dare chal lenge the order" ( S h i b u t a n i , 1965:342). In the case of Indians in s tab le South A f r i c a ne i ther r e a c t i o n i s ev ident . (3) In keeping with the r e s t of the work, the conc lus ions focus s t rong ly on epiphenomena, such as " s u p e r s t i t i o u s b e l i e f s " , " s o c i a l d is tance" and " c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s " as being respons ib le f o r poor intergroup r e l a t i o n s . For example: In ter -group problems w i l l be overcome as "more accurate knowledge" overcomes " s u p e r s t i t i o u s b e l i e f s " , (588) s and "whenever s o c i a l d is tance i s reduced, 1. Many of the c r i t i c i s m s which O .C . Cox l e v e l l e d at Park are al a p p l i c a b l e to t h i s work (Cox, 1959:462-74). -32-i n d i v i d u a ! s recognise t h e i r resemblances. The bas ic d i f f e r e n c e s between ethnic groups are c u l t u r a l and convent ional norms which serve as masks to cover the s i m i l a r i t i e s " (589). The a n a l y s i s f a i l s to come to g r i p s with the fundamental s o c i a l and mater ia l r e a l i t y which generates these " b e l i e f s " and " s o c i a l d i s t a n c e " . Knowledge which i s to change peoples a t t i t u d e s does not a r i s e in a vacuum. A more f r u i t f u l approach on a c l o s e l y re la ted t o p i c i s that taken by Stavenhagen (1965) in ana lys ing e thn ic r e l a t i o n s in Mexico and Guatemala, in which he adds more to the understanding of r e l a t i o n s between economy and s o c i e t y . Ethnic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s seen as a r e s u l t of h i s t o r i c a l evo lu t ion and i n t e r e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s are viewed as being backed by a s o c i a l c l a s s s t r u c t u r e . Without s i m p l i f y -ing a h igh ly complex problem, under ly ing labour r e l a t i o n s are probed in s i t u a t i o n s of i n t e r e t h n i c con tac t . In the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , Stavenhagen i s o l a t e s four elements: c o l o n i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , c l a s s r e l a t i o n s h i p s , s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n and the a c c u l t u r a t i o n p r o c e s s , and t rea ts them as interdependent v a r i a b l e s . As a perspec t ive f o r viewing intergroup r e l a t i o n s , in p a r t i c u l a r the d i f f e r e n c e s between c l a s s , c a s t e , e thn ic and r a c i a l d i v i s i o n s , s t r a t i -f i c a t i o n theory has tended to be ra ther u n y i e l d i n g . At best s tud ies tend to be d e s c r i p t i v e , with no a n a l y s i s of the r a t i o n a l e f o r such u n i f o r m i t i e s in sub jec t ive percept ion which are sa id to e x i s t . Shibutani and Kwan, f o r i n s t a n c e , s p e c i f y the d i f f e r e n t forms o f e thn ic i d e n t i t y , -33 -yet f a i l to analyse the s o c i o l o g i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of such d i f f e r e n c e s . John Rex (1970), in r e j e c t i n g the yalue of the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n approach to race r e l a t i o n s , points to the absence of " u n i v e r s a l " s o c i e t a l s tandards . Instead he r e f e r s to the ex is tence of in te rna l standards of var ious e thn ic groups. This i s e s p e c i a l l y prevalent in c o l o n i a l s o c i e t i e s where the absence of shared values i s most n o t i c e a b l e . Such consensual ly agreed value pat terns appear to have s i g n i f i c a n c e s o l e l y wi th in the c o n s t i t u e n t segments of s o c i e t y (Rex, 1970:18). Furthermore, the r o l e of power in d e f i n i n g percept ions of d i f f e r e n t i a l s ta tus has been neg lec ted . 4. P l u r a l i s t Theory The theory of the p l u r a l s o c i e t y , with i t s focus on c u l t u r a l and i n s t i t u -t iona l v a r i a t i o n as the major fo rce determining s o c i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n and s o c i a l change, has consequently gained some impetus. I n i t i a l l y pro -posed by J . S . F u r n i v a l l (1939), on the bas is of h is research in South East A s i a , i t has s ince been developed by M.6. Smith (1969) P. van den Berghe (1967 and Leo Kuper (1969), among o t h e r s . F u r n i v a l l descr ibes the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c features of p lu ra l s o c i e t y as f o l l o w s : (1) a s o c i e t y compris ing d ispara te e thn ic ca tegor ies which l i v e s ide by s i d e , though i n d i v i d u a l s o f d i f -f e r i n g e t h n i c i t y meet only in the market p l a c e , (2) each e thn ic category occupies a p a r t i c u l a r p lace in the economic s t r u c t u r e and economic r e -l a t i o n s predominate over a l l other aspects of l i f e ; and (3) the component sec t ions of the populat ions do not have a common " s o c i a l w i l l " or commonly agreed set of values f o r checking and guid ing s o c i a l a c t i o n . The s o c i e t y i s there fore held together on ly by external c o e r c i v e power, -34-u s u a l l y , though not n e c e s s a r i l y , that of a fo re ign government ( F u r n i v a l l , 1939:199-204). To F u r n i v a l l , p l u r a l i s t i c s o c i e t y der ived from the d i s -in tegra t ion of nat ive cu l tu res under the impact o f c a p i t a l i s m , which he saw as being v i r t u a l l y synonymous with c o l o n i a l i s m . One permanent form of the d i s r u p t i o n of nat ive l i f e was the s u b s t i t u t i o n of the c a p i t a l i s t phys ica l s t ruc ture of ex is tence - - the in t roduc t ion of the c i t y as the centre of product ive l i f e - - f o r the system of v i l l a g e s serv ing l a r g e l y s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t a g r i c u l t u r a l communities. Th is s t r a i n toward c e n t r a l i z a t i o n in c o l o n i a l i s m i s the bas is o f p l u r a l i s m (Cox, 1971:389). Thus the c r i t i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of p l u r a l s o c i e t y i s the d i s t i n c t pat tern of economic behaviour inherent to c o l o n i a l i s t s and n a t i v e s , the p o l i t i c a l fo rce in the s i t u a t i o n being the c o l o n i a l govern-ment. While the i n i t i a l a p p l i c a t i o n of the idea of the p lu ra l s o c i e t y was s p e c i f i c a l l y in r e l a t i o n to c o l o n i a l s o c i e t i e s , i t was gradua l ly extended to give i t a p p l i c a b i l i t y to a l l c u l t u r a l l y heterogeneous s o c i e t i e s . The l a t e r view conceived o f almost any c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e in s o c i a l groups as a basis of p l u r a l i s m . These subsequent attempts by modern s o c i o l o g i s t s to develop t h i s perspec-t i v e , have l a r g e l y been based on i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s and m i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of F u r n i v a l l . M.G. Smith, one of the lead ing protagonis ts o f the idea of the p lura l s o c i e t y , begins by saying that F u r n i v a l l "saw c l e a r l y t h a t . . . e c o n o m i c p l u r a l i s m was simply an aspect of the s o c i a l p l u r a l i s m of these c o l o n i e s " (Smith, 1965:75). As mentioned e a r l i e r , F u r n i v a l l sa id p r e c i s e l y the oppos i te : he saw s o c i a l o rgan isa t ion as a d i r e c t c o n --35-sequence of the economics of c o l o n i a l i s m . Hence Smith takes the a rgu -ment back one s t e p , and attempts to conceptua l ise " c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m " , as d i s t i n c t from " s o c i a l p l u r a l i s m " . This is done by examining the d i f f e r e n c e between s o c i e t y and c u l t u r e , which he concludes are coterminous (Smith, 1960:768). Accord ing to t h i s v iew, s o c i e t y i s de f ined as a p o l i t i c a l un i t ra ther than a s o c i o - c u l t u r a l one. As such i t has i t s own t e r r i t o r i a l area and governmental i n s t i t u t i o n s . The p l u r a l s o c i e t y d i s t i n g u i s h e s i t s e l f from non-p lura l s o c i e t i e s in that i t i s a p o l i t i c a l un i t o f a s p e c i f i c type , namely, one that conta ins c u l t u r a l l y d i s t i n c t groups or s e c t i o n s . To c l a r i f y t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n , Smith focuses on d i f f e r e n t types o f i n s t i -tu t ions in which var ious sectors p a r t i c i p a t e . I n s t i t u t i o n s are considered important in that they represent "the core of c u l t u r e " , and c o n s t i t u t e concrete i s o l a t e s o f organised behaviour . Each i n s t i t u t i o n invo lves set forms of a c t i v i t y , g roup ing , r u l e s , ideas and va lues . The to ta l system of i n s t i t u t i o n s thus embraces three interdependent systems o f a c t i o n , of i d e a , value and of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s " ( i b i d : 7 6 7 ) . Three main types of i n s t i t u t i o n s have been d e l i n e a t e d , "compulsory", " a l t e r n a t i v e " and " e x c l u s i v e " . "Compulsory" i n s t i t u t i o n s are those i n which a l l members of a s o c i e t y must p a r t i c i p a t e , such as k i n s h i p , e d u c a t i o n , r e l i g i o n , property economy and r e c r e a t i o n . " A l t e r n a t i v e " i n s t i t u t i o n s are those in which the i n d i v i d u a l has some choice to p a r t i c i p a t e , f o r example, a s s o c i a t i o n a l or community membership. F i n a l l y , " e x c l u s i v e " i n s t i t u t i o n s are those in which one p a r t i c i p a t e s by belonging to a -36-s o c i a l l y recognised ca tegory , such as an occupat ional or p ro fess iona l group ( i b i d . ) . On the basis of these i n s t i t u t i o n s three d i f f e r e n t types of s o c i e t i e s are d i s t i n g u i s h e d : (1) Homogeneous s o c i e t i e s , in which "compulsory" i n s t i t u t i o n s are shared by a l l ( p r e l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s ) . (2) Hetero-geneous s o c i e t i e s - - those in which c u l t u r a l l y d i f f e r e n t groups wi th in a s i n g l e p o l i t i c a l u n i t , share the same "compulsory" i n s t i t u t i o n s but p a r t i c i p a t e in d i f f e r e n t systems of "a l te rna te" and " e x c l u s i v e " i n s t i t u t i o n s , (modern s o c i e t i e s such as the U . S . A . ) , and (3) P lu ra l s o c i e t i e s , as those in which groups l i v i n g wi th in a s i n g l e p o l i t i c a l un i t p a r t i c i p a t e in very d i f f e r e n t systems of "compulsory" i n s t i t u t i o n s . These groups are regarded as being " c u l t u r a l l y " d i f f e r e n t and are r e -f e r r e d to as " c u l t u r a l s e c t i o n s " . They are s a i d to p a r t i c i p a t e only minimal ly in the o v e r a l l economic and p o l i t i c a l s e c t o r and are o t h e r -wise h igh ly e x c l u s i v e . These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are p a r t i c u l a r l y p ro -nounced in c o l o n i a l s o c i e t i e s and newly independent s t a t e s . Hence " c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m " i s used to descr ibe s i t u a t i o n s where severa l e thn ic groups or d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e v a r i e t i e s of the same c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n may be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d . "Soc ia l p l u r a l i s m " i s used when such d i f f e r e n -t i a t i o n obtains on a bas is other than c u l t u r e . It would seem, t h e n , that s o c i a l p l u r a l i s m would be most l i k e l y in an heterogeneous s o c i e t y and c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m in a p l u r a l s o c i e t y . Although c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m i s i n v a r i a b l y accompanied by s o c i a l p l u r a l i s m , the l a t t e r can be found in the near ly t o t a l absence o f c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m . -37-A l l three types of s o c i e t i e s d i s p l a y some form of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . P lura l s o c i e t i e s c o n s i s t of d i s t i n c t groups, which may or may not be c u l t u r a l . Homogeneous s o c i e t i e s may be d iv ided in to corporate groups such as u n i l i n e a l descent groups, and heterogeneous s o c i e t i e s in to f u n c t i o n a l l y s p e c i a l i z e d groups. However, homogeneous and heterogeneous s o c i e t i e s d i f f e r , from the p l u r a l type, i n s o f a r as the homogeneous s o c i e t y represents a un i tary i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t ruc ture , and heterogeneous s o c i e t y a complemen-tary and i n t e r r e l a t e d s t r u c t u r e . The p lu ra l s o c i e t y by cont ras t d i s -t inguishes i t s e l f from the foregoing types by a s o c i a l s t ruc ture which is compartmentalised into s i m i l a r ye t d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e sets o f i n s t i t u t i o n s . This d e s c r i p t i o n throws l i t t l e l i g h t on the real d i s t i n c t i o n between homogeneous, p l u r a l and heterogeneous s o c i e t i e s . The d e l i n e a t i o n of "homogeneous" s o c i e t y i s h igh ly dubious. I f looked at c l o s e l y , a s o -c a l l e d homogeneous s o c i e t y can a l s o be seen to d i s p l a y cons iderab le d i s t i n c t i o n s among i t s members, on the bas is of s o c i a l c l a s s or status d i f f e r e n c e s , as w i l l be i l l u s t r a t e d f o r the case of South A f r i c a n Indians. Smith attempts to c l a r i f y h is s o c i e t a l types on the bas is of the d i f -f e ren t types of i n s t i t u t i o n a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , but on the whole, l i t t l e i s e luc ida ted by these . The problem would then s h i f t to the quest ion — when i s an i n s t i t u t i o n compulsory? To any p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r e a l l i t s i n s t i t u t i o n s can be sa id to be bas ic or compulsory. Even i f one makes the d i s t i n c t i o n f o r a n a l y t i c a l purposes, t h i s does not exp la in the d i f f e r e n t types of "compulsory" i n s t i t u t i o n s which must obta in f o r homogeneous, heterogeneous and p l u r a l s o c i e t i e s . Hence the main s h o r t --38-coming o f t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n a l approach f o r the i n v e s t i g a t i o n of Indian p o l i t i c a l behaviour i s that i t tends to be merely c l a s s i f i c a t o r y , and i s based on external appearance instead of examining the i n t e r a c t i v e -r e l a t i o n s h i p s that obta in between c a t e g o r i e s . Furthermore, Smith points out that the p l u r a l s o c i e t y d i s t i n g u i s h e s i t s e l f by the s p e c i f i c arrangement of i t s c u l t u r a l heterogenei ty . A l l the c u l t u r a l u n i t s , although autonomous, are bound together p o l i t i c a l l y in to a s i n g l e p o l i t y . Such c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y or p l u r a l i s m i s sa id to impose the s t r u c t u r a l necess i ty f o r domination by one of the c u l t u r a l s e c t i o n s , u s u a l l y a c u l t u r a l m i n o r i t y . The i n t e g r a t i o n of these var ious u n i t s i s s a i d to take p l a c e , not on a voluntary b a s i s , but e i t h e r by coerc ion or by fo rce of economic c i rcumstances . In the i n t e r e s t s of the p o l i t i c a l un i ty of the whole, the former p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of the subordinate groups are i n e v i t a b l y repressed by the dominant m i n o r i t y . Given t h i s s i t u a t i o n , where there i s hardly any value consensus, the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s wi th in the c u l t u r a l groups become h igh ly e x c l u s i v e and i n t r o v e r t e d , whi le s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s between groups d e t e r i o r a t e in to an impersonal secondary type o f c o n t a c t . C o n f l i c t i s i n e v i t a b l e according to the p lu ra l model. The very independence of the c u l t u r a l sec t ions could s p e l l the d i s s o l u t i o n of the e n t i r e s o c i e t y and the s t rugg le f o r power between c u l t u r a l sec t ions assumes new dimensions and var ies with changes in the s t ruc ture of t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s . In summary, the fo l lowing features c h a r a c t e r i z e the p l u r a l model and are present in varying degrees: (1) c u l t u r a l he te rogene i ty , (2) absence -39 -of value consensus, (3) autonomy of the c u l t u r a l s e c t i o n s , (4) s e c t i o n a l dominat ion, u s u a l l y by a m i n o r i t y , (5) c o n f l i c t , (6) economic interdependence and coerc ion as bases of s o c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n , and (7) primary t i e s wi th in the groups and secondary t i e s between groups. Several of these t h e o r e t i c a l assumptions may be quest ioned: (1) It i s doubtful whether c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y or p l u r a l i s m i n e v i t a b l y impose the s t r u c t u r a l n e c e s s i t y f o r domination by a c u l t u r a l m i n o r i t y . It could j u s t as r e a d i l y impose the n e c e s s i t y f o r equal representa t ion of the var ious c u l t u r a l s e c t i o n s . (2) The degree of autonomy of these c u l t u r a l sec t ions can be ques t ioned , s ince they p a r t i c i p a t e in common economic and p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and are subject to t h e i r d i c t a t e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y in i n d u s t r i a l i z e d , interdependent s o c i e t i e s , such as South A f r i c a . Inc lus ion o f Blacks in the labour market with i t s own demands, makes the c u l t u r a l autonomy of the p r e - i n d u s t r i a l sec tor a waning phe-nomena. However, there are a l s o c o u n t e r - t r e n d s . In an e a r l y formulat ion of h is theory of c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m , M.G. Smith (1965:63,89) s t ressed the primacy of c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s f o r the development of r a c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , which was assumed to d imin ish with greater c u l t u r a l u n i -fo rmi ty . However, as1 L. Kuper (1975:27) has noted and the South A f r i c a n case c l e a r l y demonstrates, the r a c i a l h ie rarchy may indeed , become more s a l i e n t , t h e more a c c u l t u r a t i o n takes p l a c e . C u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s are s t ressed by the r u l i n g group because members o f the sub ject race have i n c r e a s i n g l y acquired the dominant c u l t u r e and based on these v a l u e s , l ay c la im to i t s p r i v i l e g e s . (3) The overemphasis on coerc ion and f o r c e of -40-economic circumstances as the only i n t e g r a t i v e forces underestimate the ro le of voluntpity a s s o c i a t i o n s in l i n k i n g people from d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l s e c t o r s . Leo Kuper (1969:169-93), f o r i n s t a n c e , in exp lor ing avenues f o r peaceful change in white s e t t l e r s o c i e t i e s r e f e r s to the ro le of " i n d i v i d u a t i n g processes" which a r i s e from the c r e a t i o n of new i n t e r r a c i a l s t ruc tures in the economic, p o l i t i c a l , e d u c a t i o n a l , r e l i g i o u s and recrea t iona l spheres in South A f r i c a . (4) Throughout the l i t e r a t u r e on p l u r a l i s m , there i s an under ly ing trend that " c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y " is the main source of s o c i e t a l i n s t a b i l i t y , that the c o l o n i a l powers had served the purpose of holding together s o c i e t i e s wracked by very real c leavages , and that only an external power was capable of conta in ing them. This argument f a i l s to note the r o l e of n e o - c o l o n i a l i s m ^ i n a lso perpetuat ing var ious cleavages f o r i t s own i n t e r e s t s . To a large ex tent , c o l o n i a l powers were able to extend t h e i r in f luence in t h e i r former co lon ies by p lay ing on e thn ic s u s c e p t i -b i l i t i e s (Geer tz , 1969). Furthermore, e thn ic c o n f l i c t s are hardly viewed as being r e l a t e d to q u e s t i o n s . o f mater ia l e q u a l i t y , equal oppor tun i t i es f o r a l l , j u s t i c e and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . In s h o r t , the economic s e c t o r , the changing mode o f . p r o d u c t i o n , i s l a r g e l y excluded from the a n a l y s i s , or at best added as another v a r i a b l e and not as a cons t i tuen t of e thnic c leavages . Cu l tura l d i f f e r e n c e s , and more e s p e c i a l l y the importance attached to such d i f f e r e n c e s , are seldom conceived of as a r a t i o n a l i z i n g ideology f o r c o l o n i a l i s m , but as c o n s t i t u t i n g a fo rce in i t s own r i g h t . -41 -To conclude t h i s d i s c u s s i o n of the p l u r a l i s t model: i t shares the l i m i t -a t ions of the normative f u n c t i o n a l i s t approach in the study of s o c i a l phenomena. It tends to be s t a t i c instead o f dynamic, a d e s c r i p t i v e c a t e g o r i z a t i o n ra ther than an a n a l y s i s of p rocess . There i s no d i s c u s s i o n of how or why p lu ra l s o c i e t y comes in to e x i s t e n c e , how i t i s mainta ined, why i t changes in to heterogeneous s o c i e t y or by what s teps . What i s needed i s a more dynamic, l ess abs t rac t and more concrete concept ion of s o c i e t y . 5. M inor i ty Group Theor ies Another perspect ive i s the set of theor ies focus ing on d i f f e r i n g s i t u a t i o n s of m i n o r i t i e s . Apart from being wider in scope than other race r e l a t i o n s s t u d i e s , they inc lude r a c i a l , c o l o n i a l and p l u r a l s i t u a t i o n s and g ive p r i o r i t y to the not ion of conquest , coerc ion and p o l i t i c a l domination (Rex, 1970:24). S o c i o l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e i s laden with d i s c u s s i o n s o f an i n f i n i t e v a r i e t y of subordinate or minor i ty groups, d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e on the basis of e t h n i c i t y , r a c e , sex and economic u n d e r p r i v i l e g e , to mention only a few. Furthermore, the patterns are equa l ly wide ranging i f the h i s t o r i c a l contexts are cons idered . Underlying a l l t h i s v a r i e t y , however, are several basic c r i t e r i a which make a d i s t i n c t i o n between a m inor i t y and a major i ty useful from a s o c i o l o g i c a l point of view. M i n o r i t i e s are u s u a l l y i d e n t i f i a b l e on the bas is of some phys ica l or c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ; they are t reated as c o l l e c t i v e l y i n f e r i o r or def ined as s u f f i c i e n t l y d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l l y to j u s t i f y unequal t r e a t -ment; they are o b j e c t i v e l y excluded from f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the s o c i e t y and are accorded d i f f e r e n t i a l access to the rewards o f s o c i a l -42-s t r u c t u r e . Members of the minor i ty regard themselves as objects of c o l l e c t i v e d i s c r i m i n a t i o n with, negat ive imp l i ca t ions f o r t h e i r own s e l f - p e r c e p t i o n . Schermerhorn (1970) int roduces group s i z e as worth-while to i s o l a t e . He d i s t i n g u i s h e s minor i ty groups which are numeri-c a l l y small from those that are more numerous. Hence the d i s t i n c t i o n , minor i ty group f o r the former,and mass subjects or mass e thn ics f o r the l a t t e r . Above a l l , the dimension of "power" i s c r u c i a l in m i n o r i t y -major i ty d e l i n e a t i o n (Ge l fand , 1973:10), and has a l l too of ten been n e g l e c t e d . 1 It i s t h i s which makes the numerical f a c t o r of group s i z e of secondary importance. Ear ly American s tudies of minor i ty groups were genera l l y considered l i t t l e more than ephemeral and having l i t t l e more than exo t ic va lue . E s s e n t i a l l y , the study of minor i ty groups was frowned upon as a temporary phenomenon whose only value lay perhaps in understanding how the process of a c c u l t u r a -t i o n was taking place in order to a c c e l e r a t e i t . The under ly ing assumption was that in the course of t ime, a l i e n m i n o r i t i e s would be i n e v i t a b l y i n -tegra ted . The tendency on the part of many c l a s s i c a l s o c i a l t h e o r i s t s was to emphasise the i n t e g r a t i v e nature of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , which would thereby lead to the formation of a nat ional s o c i e t y . The " l o g i c a l im-pera t ives" of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n were considered to au tomat ica l l y d i s s o l v e 1. As P . L . van den Berghe points out f o r re la ted American l i t e r a t u r e , of a l l a r t i c l e s on intergroup r e l a t i o n s i n the American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review over three decades, between 1939-69, l e s s than 5% addressed themselves to t h i s aspect ( P . L . van den Berghe, 1974:8). -43 -eletnents of t r a d i t i o n a l cu l tu re and l i f e s t y l e ? i n favour of the u n i -versal i s t i c r a t i o n a l i t y of the host i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . Hence the preoccupation with the c y c l i c a l approaches d iscussed e a r l i e r . A more d i f f e r e n t i a t e d perspect ive from the c y c l i c a l approach was that of Louis Wir th . He formulated a typology of the four minor i ty r e s -ponses to subord ina t ion : p l u r a l i s t , s e c e s s i o n i s t , a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t and m i l i t a n t and saw these as being success ive s tages . While Wi r th 's c o n -t r i b u t i o n in c a t e g o r i z i n g d i f f e r e n t responses has been widely acclaimed - - hardly any textbook f a i l s to r e f e r to h is c o n t r i b u t i o n - - there have been several c r i t i c i s m s . (1) Wirth tends to cast m i n o r i t i e s in the r o l e o f pro tagonis t on the h i s t o r i c a l scene. They themselves are en-dowed with i n i t i a t i v e in choosing a course that leads e i t h e r to f u l l a s s i m i l a t i o n in the host s o c i e t y or secess ion from i t , and the establ ishment of independent p o l i t i c a l power. The achievement o r non-achievement of these goals i s viewed as being dependent on the host s o c i e t y ' s response to the m i n o r i t y ' s own i n i t i a t i v e and movement. (2) If the four stages are s y s t e m a t i c a l l y re la ted to one another , they are l i k e l y to be more f r u i t f u l f o r a n a l y s i s of problems of c o n f l i c t and in tegra t ion in ethnic r e l a t i o n s (Schermerhorn, 1970:78). (3) Wir th 's suggestion that the advance of sc ience and the trend toward secular ism would reduce intergroup pre jud ice has not m a t e r i a l i s e d (Tobias and Woodhouse, 1969:2). (4) He l i m i t s his obervat ions to the react ions of minor i ty groups while neg lect ing those of the superord inates . Equal a t t en t ion should be paid to the l a t t e r , s ince i t i s the i n t e r a c t i o n be--44-tween subordinates and superordinate groups which should be the focus of a thorough study. In t h i s r e s p e c t , the fo l lowing are seen as im-portant questions:what do dominant groups pre fe r subordinates to a t t a i n ? Does the view of the dominant group c o i n c i d e with or c o n t r a d i c t the aims o f the subordinate group in the same s o c i e t y (Schermerhorn, 1970: 78-79)? ( 5 ) Wirth f a i l e d to make c l e a r the d i s t i n c t i o n between c u l t u r e and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . He seemed preoccupied with problems of a c c u l t u r a -t ion such as borrowing c u l t u r a l items and appropr ia t ing l i f e s t y l e s . His ca tegor ies of " a s s i m i l a t i o n " and " p l u r a l i s m " focus on c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s ra ther than on s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . Goals and aims are viewed as norms to be f u l f i l l e d and the whole a n a l y s i s in these terms portrays a d i f f u s e r e l a t i o n s h i p between the i n d i v i d u a l and the s o c i a l whole, with the behaviour pat terns of the i n d i v i d u a l caught up by a process of s o c i a l osmosis from the to ta l s o c i e t y . No in termediar ies such as a s s o c i a t i o n s or i n s t i t u t i o n s rece ive adequate a t ten t ion in t h i s p e r s -p e c t i v e . The other two c a t e g o r i e s , "secess ion" and " m i l i t a n c y " , imply 'very d e f i n i t e s o c i a l s t ruc tu res and can hardly be conceived without e x p l i c i t changes of groups and i n s t i t u t i o n s in those s t ruc tures . (Schermer -horn , 1970 ^ 81) . D i f f i c u l t i e s there fore a r i s e when apply ing these " c u l t u r a l " ca tegor ies to cond i t ions where " s t r u c t u r a l " features are more r e l e v a n t . Attempts to understand the fo rces and c o n d i t i o n s a f f e c t i n g e thn ic r e -1. For fu r ther statement of inadequacies of the t y p l o g i c a l approach . in g e n e r a l , see van den Berghe 1967:25. -45-l a t i o n s and boundary maintenance o f each group have been made by Kurt Lewin (Lewin, 1948). His concern with s o c i a l boundaries led to the formulat ion of a typology of the c e n t r i f u g a l and c e n t r i p e t a l f o r c e s operat ing in s o c i e t y ; namely, the forces holding a member wi th in h is group through re ten t ion of h is i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . Irwin Rinder extended the study of c e n t r i p e t a l and c e n t r i f u g a l fo rces by tak ing in to account the degree of acceptance or non-acceptance of the subordinate group by the superordinate group. He r e j e c t s as s i m p l i s t i c , previous theor ies c o r r e l a t i n g the inc idence of a high or impermeable boundary with strong group i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , re ta ined by the subordinate group (Rinder , 1965:5). Instead he sees c e n t r i f u g a l f o r c e s as being represen ta t i ve o f the acceptance of the minor i ty group by the dominant group and, c o n v e r s e l y , where the leve l of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n by the superordinate group i s h i g h , members are not ab le to break through the boundary. The theme of c e n t r i p e t a l and c e n t r i f u g a l fo rces in group r e l a t i o n s h i p s have a lso appeared in the work o f Schermerhorn, B a r t h , Peter Rose, and M i l t o n Y inger . They t e n d , however, to evolve from the more general c y c l i c a l approach to the more q u a l i f i e d t y p o l o g i c a l approach, with greater c o n -cern about s p e c i f i c c o n d i t i o n s a f f e c t i n g in tergroup r e l a t i o n s . Although the study of minor i ty groups has , over the past few decades, received cons iderab le a t t e n t i o n , there i s r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e knowledge o f the subject that can be c a l l e d t h e o r e t i c a l i n the f u l l e s t sense. B la lock and Schermerhorn s p e c i f i c a l l y addressed themselves to t h i s ques t ion . -46-In Toward a Theory of Minor i ty Group R e l a t i o n s , B la lock (1967) attempts to in tegrate empir ica l s tud ies of race and e thnic r e l a t i o n s with con-cepts and theor ies drawn from general areas of soc io logy and s o c i a l psychology. Ninety-seven propos i t ions are presented to account f o r minor i ty r e l a t i o n s as a s p e c i a l c l a s s of s o c i a l phenomena. The sources of these propos i t ions are d i v e r s e , but f o r the most part r e s t on spec ia l theor ies constructed to account f o r l i m i t e d c l a s s e s o f events , such as F r u s t r a t i o n - A g g r e s s i o n theory , N ieboer 's theory about socio-economic cond i t ions that f a c i l i t a t e s l a v e r y , the c o a l i t i o n theor ies of Caplow and Gamson, A t k i n s o n ' s approach to mot ivat ion theory , the not ion o f power and the concept of "status consciousness" which i s developed as a sub-part of the broader not ion of "status concern" . From t h e s e , B la lock deduces s i n g l e p ropos i t ions grouped around what he cons iders areas o f major s i g n i f i c a n c e such as Socio-Economic Factors and D i s c r i m -i n a t i o n , Competit ion and D i s c r i m i n a t i o n , Power and D i s c r i m i n a t i o n , and Minor i ty Percentage and D i s c r i m i n a t i o n . Deductions are made from a p l u r a l i t y of spec ia l theor ies and the deductions are organized around s p e c i f i c themes. D iscrepancies which might develop from such an approach are l a r g e l y resolved by a set of common assumptions about causal r e l a t i o n s which would seem to stem from a uni ty of out look in general theory which he does not f u l l y a r t i c u l a t e . However, B l a l o c k ' s obvious preference f o r explanat ion based on c o n f l i c t theory gives a coherence and in te rna l consis tency to his whole set of p ropos i t ions that are noteworthy - -they are sys temat ic , p rec ise and most compel l ing a r t i c u l a t o r s of power and c o n f l i c t a n a l y s i s , as app l i ed to minor i ty r e l a t i o n s . Th is use o f . i 1 -47-empir ica l s tud ies would appear to be guides to suggest the theory as in most instances evidence is too meagre to o f f e r subs tan t ia l support f o r the theory. While not a l l major aspects of race and e thnic r e l a t i o n s are covered by t h i s p r o p o s i t i o n a l approach, h is restatement of c o a l i t i o n - f o r m a t i o n theory , his c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of power and e labora t ion of s o c i a l psycho log ica l mechanisms, make f o r wide a p p l i c a b i l i t y which extends beyond the area of race and e thnic r e l a t i o n s . To imply that four power v a r i a b l e s could provide the bas ic o rgan isa t ion around which a t h e o r e t i c a l framework might be developed i s , as B la lock himsel f acknow-ledges (1967:191), somewhat premature. While the systematic and p re -c i s e enumeration and c o r r e l a t i o n of items i s u s e f u l , i t has l i m i t e d usage in comprehending the t o t a l i t y of minor i ty behaviour. In much the same way as a sound comprehension of i n d i v i d u a l behaviour or small group behaviour does not n e c e s s a r i l y guarantee a grasp of s o c i e t a l behaviour , B l a l o c k ' s somewhat r e d u c t i o n i s t approach has l i t t l e broader v a l u e , apart from i t s obvious i n t r i n s i c va lue . What i s l a c k i n g i s an h i s t o r i c a l , i n t e r p r e t i v e and more dynamic approach. Only then cou ld i t be more usefu l f o r comparative work. Schermerhorn (1965) in h is a r t i e l ® ."Toward a General Theory of II Minor i ty Groups, l i kewise attempts to sketch the under ly ing features of the minor i ty s i t u a t i o n " in order to permit comparative cross c u l t u r a l a n a l y s i s (238). He analyses observat ions of c e r t a i n "sub-forms of a -48-wicjfir c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . . . t e r m e d c u l t u r a l s u b o r d i n a t e s " ( i b i d ) , which are set o f f from the res t of the populat ion by two dimensions: c u l t u r a l d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s and s u b j e c t i o n . He sees these dimensions o f d i v e r s i t y and power as being important to separate f o r ana lyses : (1) the pre -contact phase should be examined, to see whether the values of both groups are congruent or incongruent , s ince he sees t h i s as d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the amount of po ten t ia l c o n f l i c t , c o n s t r a i n t or submiss ion . (2) The contact phase as independent v a r i a b l e - - in terms of power r e -l a t i o n s h i p between both groups in the r e s u l t i n g i n t e r a c t i o n . In ter -vening v a r i a b l e - - percept ions of groups in terms of l e g i t i m a c y / i l l e g i t i m a c y g ive r i s e to i d e o l o g i e s . Dependent v a r i a b l e — mode of ac t ion adopted and set of responses to power. In a d d i t i o n to deduct ive features of the intergroup arena , induc t ive elements must be obtained by inspec t ion f o r which he suggests three f o c i : (a) types of domina-t i o n or c o n t r o l , (b) forms of cumulat ive d i r e c t i o n a b i 1 i t y , and (c) patterns of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . In summary, Schermerhorn o v e r s t r e s s e s the importance o f c u l t u r a l va lues and d i f f e r e n c e s between subordinate and superordinate groups. His cent ra l postu la te of intergroup r e l a t i o n s i s : "To the extent that the r e l a t i o n s between two groups with d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l or l i f e h i s t o r i e s and of unequal power in any s o c i e t y d i s p l a y c o n f l i c t , t h i s c o n f l i c t w i l l tend to be greater to the extent that the values o f the two groups are incongruent ; c o n v e r s e l y , the r e l a t i o n s w i l l be more harmonious to the extent that the values of the two groups are congruent " ( i b i d : 2 4 5 ) . -49 -focus on values as v i t a l d i f f e r e n c e s between groups and as the bas is f o r cleavage i s to by-pass more fundamental d i f f e r e n c e s such as the economic p o s i t i o n of the groups, and t h e i r varying i n t e r e s t s . To point to c u l t u r a l and l i f e h i s t o r i e s as under ly ing s o - c a l l e d value d i f f e r e n c e s and use t h i s as explanat ion f o r cleavages in s o c i e t y tends to neglect the s t ruc ture in which ideo log ies have taken t h e i r s p e c i f i c shape. Hence any theory which attempts to understand minor i ty group r e l a t i o n s , by concerning i t s e l f only with d i f f e r e n c e s in value to ex-p l a i n subordinate and superordinate r e l a t i o n s , would seem to have a quest ionable point of depar ture . In h is subsequent more d e t a i l e d .work Comparative Ethnic R e l a t i o n s : A  Framework f o r Theory and Research, Schermerhorn (1970) attempts to de-velop a s e r i e s of conceptual t o o l s f o r s c i e n t i f i c e x p l o r a t i o n , as he descr ibes i t , "to f a c i l i t a t e more product ive r e s u l t s in fu ture r e s e a r c h . " He begins with a d i s c u s s i o n of consensus and c o n f l i c t t h e o r i e s , con-c lud ing that ne i ther i s adequate without some c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the other . In tegrat ion i s then analysed in terms of (1) l e g i t i m a t i o n , (2) c u l t u r a l congruence, and (3) common or d iscrepant goal d e f i n i t i o n s . As in his e a r l i e r a r t i c l e , the r o l e of value congruence between sub-ord inate and superordinate groups would appear c e n t r a l . His assumption seems s i m p l i s t i c : "When the ethos of the subordinates has values common to those in the ethos of the superordinates i n t e g r a t i o n (co-ord ina t ion of o b j e c t i v e s ) w i l l be f a c i l i t a t e d ; when the values are con t ras t ing or c o n t r a d i c t o r y , i n t e g r a t i o n w i l l be o b s t r u c t e d . " (72) -50-The values Schermerhorn speaks of are f r e q u e n t l y , as Dahrendorf has pointed o u t , " r u l i n g values" and s o - c a l l e d value d i f f e r e n c e s can always be seen to e x i s t , even though there may be l i t t l e bas is in s o c i a l r e a l i t y , i f i t i s in the i n t e r e s t s of the r u l i n g group. F ive sequent ia l patterns of e thnic r e l a t i o n s , r e l a t i n g to racism and p l u r a l i s m are d iscussed by Schermerhorn: (1) emergence of P a r i a h s , (2) emergence of indigenous i s o l a t e s , (3) annexat ion, (4) m i g r a t i o n , and (5) c o l o n i z a t i o n . These are not very e l u c i d a t i v e and tend to be c a t e g o r i c a l in nature however. Concluding induct ive g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s are f o r the most par t poor ly s u b s t a n t i a t e d , f o r example, v e r t i c a l r a c i s m . . . i s always a product of c o e r c i v e dominat ion. The reverse i s c e r t a i n l y not always t r u e : the brutal conquests of Spanish Amer ica , f o r example, r e s u l t e d in e i t h e r mi ld or non-ex is ten t forms of r a c i s m , and the type of annexation p r a c t i c e d by Russia ' d id not r e s u l t in a co lour l i n e or r a c i s t i d e o l o g y 1 ( i b i d : 1 5 6 ) . On the whole, the i n d e c i s i v e n e s s of the author , h is tendency to v a c i l l a t e from a m a c r o - s o c i o l o g i c a l approach to a m i c r o - s o c i o l o g i c a l approach in order to a r r i v e at middle range t h e o r i e s , i s l e s s e l u c i d a t i n g than i t might be. His dabbl ing with concepts of power and c o n f l i c t , whi le at the same time o v e r s t r e s s i n g the importance of value congruence makes f o r a general lack of c l a r i t y . I f he had methodica l ly addressed h imsel f to the quest ion he posed i n i t i a l l y as the cen t ra l quest ion to which comparative research in e thnic r e l a t i o n s should seek answers, v i z : "What are the cond i t ions that f o s t e r or prevent the i n t e g r a t i o n of -51 -e thnic groups into t h e i r env i roning s o c i e t i e s ? " t h i s work would have been more u s e f u l . The theor ies of minor i ty groups o u t l i n e d share the fo l low ing s i m i l a r -i t i e s : (1) they emphasize the importance of c r o s s - c u l t u r a l comparative a n a l y s i s , which represents a cons iderab le improvement on e a r l i e r trends in soc io logy and anthropology, where the tendency has been to focus on homogeneous groups. (2) With the except ion of B l a l o c k , a l l s tud ies have in tegrated a strong h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e . (3) Almost a l l the s tud ies r e j e c t in one form or other the t r a d i t i o n a l consensus or e q u i l i b r i u m model f o r a n a l y s i s . 5. Marxist Explanat ions A general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Marxist wr i t ing on race and e t h n i c i t y i s the lack of r e c o g n i t i o n of the problem. Marx had assumed that i n c r e a s i n g c l a s s p o l a r i z a t i o n would "so lve" the nat ional quest ions by c r o s s - c u t t i n g the f a l s e consciousness of e thn ic chauvinism. The few Marx is ts who deviated from t h i s o f f i c i a l doc t r ine based t h e i r explanat ions of the pers is tence of r a c i a l and e thnic antagonism on three assumptions. (1) The s p e c i f i c s t r u c t u r a l con tex t , in p a r t i c u l a r the c a p i t a l i s t system and i t s s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n , i s d e c i s i v e f o r the presence of r a c i a l i s t p r a c t i c e . In l e s s advanced c a p i t a l i s t count r ies problems of race r e l a t i o n s are sa id to be i n s i g n i f i c a n t or absent . (2) S o c i a l c l a s s which emerges from occupying a s i m i l a r p o s i t i o n in the product ion process i s based on common i n t e r e s t s and uni ty among workers aga inst the oppressive bourgeo is ie . The e s s e n t i a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s between both -52-c l a s s e s provide the dynamic which gives r i s e to higher l e v e l s o f c l a s s consc iousness . (3) Race and e t h n i c i t y are sa id to wither away in the course of the c l a s s s t ruggle because of t h e i r r e l a t i v e i r -relevance as epiphenomena. What would emerge instead i s an over -r i d i n g c l a s s consciousness based on a un i ty of i n t e r e s t s . One of the most prominent protagonists of t h i s perspect ive i s O .C . Cox (1959) ? who argued exact ly t h i s p o s i t i o n f o r the s i t u a t i o n of the black worker in the U.S. Eugene Genovese (1968, 1974) wr i tes along much the same l i n e s . His study of the American South in which the system of product ion was based on race i s r e f l e c t i v e of a more undogmatic Marxist view however. He points to the d i f f e r i n g accommodation of e thnic as opposed to r a c i a l m i n o r i t i e s . Such f a c t o r s had been h i ther to underest imated, cons ider ing the European bias of Marxian theory. Furthermore, r a c i a l and e thnic antagonisms which stand in the way of working c l a s s s o l i d a r i t y despi te t h e i r common c l a s s p o s i t i o n s tend to be inadequately e luc ida ted by simple economic exp lanat ions . How, f o r i n s t a n c e , could the absence of uni ty between black and white workers in South A f r i c a be explained by such a model apart from the somewhat inane " f a l s e consciousness" explanat ion? The d i s t i n c t i o n between race and e t h n i c i t y had to be made, e s p e c i a l l y as c o l o n i a l contexts were examined. Hence, Genovese argues s t rong ly against the tendency to view Blacks simply "as an exp lo i ted c l a s s o r . . . a s one of a number of e thn ic g r o u p s . . . w h i c h c a p i t a l i s m has oppressed in var ious ways" (1968:220). Instead he -53-s t r e s s e s that the black quest ion must be seen as one of c l a s s and n a t i o n a l i s m , i f one i s not to "b lur the unique and cent ra l q u a l i t y of the black experience in the United Sta tes" ( i b i d . ) . In order to f i l l the e x i s t i n g t h e o r e t i c a l vacuum, Blauner (1969) p re -sents the model of " in te rna l c o l o n i a l i s m " . He r e j e c t s " c l a s s a n a l y s i s " as an inadequate perspect ive f o r exp la in ing race and racism in Amer ica , and acknowledges that h is suggested model d i f f e r s from the c l a s s i c a l c o l o n i a l model h i s t o r i c a l l y and s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l l y in four r e s p e c t s . (1) Whereas c l a s s i c a l c o l o n i a l i s m r e f e r r e d to the establ ishment of p o l i t i c a l and economic domination over a geograph ica l l y external p o l i -t i c a l u n i t , inhabi ted by c u l t u r a l l y and r a c i a l l y d i f f e r e n t peop le , t h i s i s not e n t i r e l y the case in the United S t a t e s . Geographical separat ion of the colony i s absent in the extreme external sense. (2) The usual pat tern was f o r the colony to e x i s t subordinate to and be dependent upon the mother country which e x p l o i t s l a n d , raw m a t e r i a l s , labour and other resources o f the c o l o n i z e d . Although Blacks continue to be e x p l o i t e d , t h i s d id not invo lve the permanent sett lement of la rge numbers of Whites in any land unequivocably b lack . (3) In the c l a s s i c a l c o l o n i a l model , r e c o g n i t i o n i s given to d i f f e r e n c e s in power, autonomy and p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s , and o f f i c i a l agencies and p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s are set up to maintain t h i s s u b o r d i n a t i o n . Th is i s c l e a r l y not so in the U.S. and never has been the caseJ (4) Whereas the 1. Th is would seem however to ignore the presence of s lavery in U.S. h i s t o r y . -54-i d e a l - t y p e pat tern of c o l o n i a l reac t ions involved the cont ro l and ex-p l o i t a t i o n of a major i ty by a minor i ty o f o u t s i d e r s , the black oppressed, on the c o n t r a r y , were themselves o r i g i n a l l y o u t s i d e r s and a numerical minor i ty (1969:139). However, whi le acknowledging the d i f f e r e n c e s between the c l a s s i c a l c o l o n i a l model and the " in te rna l c o l o n i a l i s m " of Blacks in the U . S . , Blauner cons iders the e x i s t i n g s i m i l a r i t i e s more important f o r meaning-fu l comprehension of the s i t u a t i o n . Four bas ic components of the c o l o n i -za t ion complex are seen as re levant to the p o s i t i o n of B l a c k s : (1) Forced invo luntary e n t r y , which in the case of Blacks began with the occurrence of s l a v e r y . (2) The impact of c o l o n i a l p o l i c y which c o n s t r a i n s , confirms and destroys indigenous c u l t u r e and s o c i a l o rgan isa t ion of the c o l o n i z e d , which supercedes "na tura l " processes of contact and a c c u l t u r a -t i o n . (3) The admin is t ra t ion o f the co lon ized by representa t ives of the dominant group, which the co lon ized experience as manipulat ion and management, 1 and (4) r a c i s m , which has genera l l y accompanied c o l o n i a l i s m as a p r i n c i p l e of s o c i a l domination and bases i t s e x p l o i t a t i o n on a l l eged b i o l o g i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s (140). While Blauner concedes that other e thnic groups have a l s o l i v e d i n ghe t toes , he po in ts to three s p e c i a l fea tures d i s t i n g u i s h i n g black ghettoes as an express ion o f 1. This would appear to c o n t r a d i c t B launer 1 s e a r l i e r po in t about the absence of o f f i c i a l agencies and p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s to maintain s u b o r d i n a t i o n , al though he might argue that these are informal not o f f i c i a l . -55-co lon ized s t a t u s . (1) Genera l ly speaking ethnic ghettoes arose more from voluntary choice in the sense of migrat ing to America, and the d e c i s i o n to l i v e among fe l low e t h n i c s . (2) Immigrant ghettoes tend to be one and two generat ion phenomena, lead ing i n e v i t a b l y to a c c u l -tu ra t ion and a s s i m i l a t i o n , and (3) European ethnic groups genera l ly experience a b r i e f per iod of r e l a t i v e pover ty , of ten l e s s than a genera t ion . Blacks are d i s t i n c t i n s o f a r as t h e i r segregated communities have remained c o n t r o l l e d from the outs ide (397). An h i s t o r i c a l comparison of the forms which c o l o n i a l i s m has taken and a d e s c r i p t i o n of the p o s i t i o n of Blacks in the U.S. economy make " in terna l c o l o n i a l i s m " an apt model to descr ibe race and e thn ic r e l a t i o n s more f u l l y . The economic r e l a t i o n s of the ghetto to white A m e r i c a , c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l those between t h i r d world countr ies and the i n d u s t r i a l l y advanced c o u n t r i e s . It has been suggested that the d i s t o r t i o n of the l o c a l economy caused by outs ide ownership, can be compared to the c rea t ion of underdevelopment in external c o l o n i e s , through processes descr ibed by Gunder Frank (1967). I f , however, one were to draw l o g i c a l conc lus ions from t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e , freedom f o r blacks would be concomitant with independence of the black sector through black autonomy from white s o c i e t y . It i s here that the model o f " in te rna l c o l o n i a l i s m " d i s p l a y s i t s g rea tes t shortcoming. Independence in the c o l o n i a l sense, or in the case of the U . S . , black autonomy from the white community, would be meaningfu l , only i t i f i s wi th in a context where i t can enforce demands f o r the t r a n s f e r of -56-s i g n i f i c a n t resources . A l t e r n a t i v e l y 6*lacks, as impl ied in the Apartheid programme of geographical p a r t i t i o n in S . A . , would be in a s i t u a t i o n of greater pover ty , l e f t with t h e i r labour power and l i t t l e e l s e . It i s t h i s r e a l i t y which makes " c l a s s a n a l y s i s " , in p a r t i c u l a r the concept of "marginal working c l a s s " , so much more meaningful s ince at t h i s point the d i f f e r e n c e s between Blacks and other m i n o r i t i e s become minimal . E f f e c t i v e n e s s in t h i s area would be dependent on the a b i l i t y to create a l l i a n c e s with other groups to pressure f o r common g o a l s . 6. Theories of a S p l i t Labour Market In response to the need fo r a developed theory of e thnic antagonism, Bonacich (1972) presents a very c a r e f u l l y reasoned, widely a p p l i c a b l e and most f r u i t f u l theory of e thn ic antagonism. In c o n t r a s t to e a r l i e r views on e thn ic antagonism which sought explanat ion in d iverse f a c t o r s such as r e l i g i o n o f dominant groups, norms, values and d i f f e r e n c e s in sk in c o l o u r , Bonacich sees economic processes as most fundamental. Central to her t h e o r e t i c a l scheme i s the idea of the s p l i t labour market which sees c o n f l i c t developing between three key c l a s s e s : b u s i n e s s , higher paid labour and cheaper labour (553). Factors a f f e c t i n g the dynamics of such c o n s t e l l a t i o n s are c a r e f u l l y s c r u t i n i s e d . Ethnic antagonism i s s a i d to f i r s t germinate in a labour market in which immigrant workers are introduced at a lower wage l e v e l . Two groups of workers are d i f f e r e n t i a l l y remunerated f o r the same work. Factors which determine the p r i c e o f immigrant labour a r e : (1) l e v e l o f -57-l i v i n g or economic r e s o u r c e s , (2) informat ion on which immigrants base t h e i r expectat ions - - the best example of t h i s being the case of indentured labourers who accept cond i t ions of employment in the home country before they have seen the host count ry , (3*) p o l i t i c a l r e s o u r c e s , namely the group's o rgan isa t iona l s k i l l s and the extent to which they can br ing pressure to bear from t h e i r home c o u n t r i e s , (4) motives f o r working permanently or temporar i ly and t h e i r in f luence on l i k e l y labour d i s p u t e s , and f i n a l l y (5) d i f f e r e n c e s in s k i l l . Ethnic antagonism i s presented as tak ing two a n t i t h e t i c a l forms: exc lus ion movements such as the former p o l i c y adopted by A u s t r a l i a toward Asian immigrants, c a s t e - l i k e systems, such as South A f r i c a n Apar the id . "Caste i s e s s e n t i a l l y an a r i s t o c r a c y of labour in which higher paid labour deals with the undercutt ing po ten t ia l of cheaper labour by excluding them from c e r t a i n types of work" ( i b i d : 5 5 5 ) . This i s i l l u s t r a t e d in the South A f r i c a n case with s p e c i a l re ference to the mining i n d u s t r y . In t h i s i n s t a n c e , desp i te the a v a i l a b i l i t y of cheaper A f r i c a n l a b o u r , mine owners had to succumb to the c o l l e c t i v e strength of the white workers in defending t h e i r p o s i t i o n ( i b i d : 5 5 6 ) . Whereas exc lus ion movements serve the i n t e r e s t s of higher paid labour and depr ives the entrepreneurs of cheaper l a b o u r , caste arrangements are based on exc lus iveness ra ther than e x c l u s i o n . Both protect higher paid labour from being undercut . H o p e f u l l y , t h i s study can demonstrate how f a r the o u t l i n e d major -58-concepts in the l i t e r a t u r e on intergroup r e l a t i o n s are a p p l i c a b l e to the study of Indians in South A f r i c a . As the smal les t o f three d i s -enfranchised m i n o r i t i e s , they occupy a very spec ia l p o s i t i o n of power-l e s s n e s s . They have ne i ther the numerical st rength of the A f r i c a n s nor the c la im of the Coloureds to p a r t i a l ancestry by the r u l i n g group. There i s much c o l o u r f u l mater ia l to document formal and informal p re -jud ices against Indians. At the o f f i c i a l l e v e l , t h e amount of l e g i s l a t i o n r e s t r i c t i n g t h e i r p o l i t i c a l power, movement and general freedom amply documents the d i s c r i m i n a t i o n d i r e c t e d against Indians as part of the Non-Whites. However, theor ies o f pre jud ice and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n can-not be considered very e l u c i d a t i n g on the whole, s ince they do not venture beyond mere d e s c r i p t i o n to a n a l y s i s . In running counter to the dominant p o l i t i c a l ideology of "separate development", a s s i m i l a -t i o n - o r i e n t e d theor ies are a lso o f l i t t l e value in such a context . Since the chances of i n t e g r a t i o n are non-ex is tent and above a l l sanct ioned by a lega l system, there i s 1 i t t le 'accompanying c u l t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n e i t h e r . The lega l system which ranks i n d i v i d u a l s and groups on the bas is of pigmentation diminishes the value of a general s t r a t i f i c a t i o n theory. Even i f the c a s t e - c l a s s syndrome were app l i ed i t would at best be unproductive of i n s i g h t in to the dynamics of the to ta l s o c i e t y . Such is the case o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n - b a s e d s tudies conducted on i n d i v i d u a l groups, which tend to be merely d e s c r i p t i v e . -59 -P l u r a l i s t theory which expla ins the p lu ra l s t r u c t u r e of s o c i e t i e s in terms of the presence of c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s of groups^is h igh ly quest ionable f o r the a n a l y s i s of both Indians in South A f r i c a , a s well as f o r South A f r i c a n s o c i e t y as a whole. As pointed out e a r l i e r in c r i t i c i z i n g p l u r a l s o c i e t y theory , the presence of c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y does not au tomat ica l l y demand domination by one of the c u l t u r a l sec tors ( in t h i s case , the Whi tes) , nor do c u l t u r a l c leavages ,per se,amount to increased f r i c t i o n s . What the p l u r a l i s t concept does however, i s to provide a r a t i o n a l e f o r mainta in ing the p r i v i l e g e s o f the dominant group, s ince non-white c u l t u r a l a t t r i b u t e s are equated with "under-development" by the r u l i n g group. Furthermore, such a perspect ive tends to r e i f y c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s as i f they are immutable. As s t ressed e a r l i e r , in ana lys ing the p o l i t i c a l behaviour of Indians in South A f r i c a , the focus has to take in to account two l e v e l s of r e l a t i o n s : f i r s t l y , intergroup r e l a t i o n s , namely Indian r e l a t i o n s with the other subordinate groups (A f r icans and Co loureds) f and with the p o l i t i c a l l y dominant group (Whi tes) ; second ly , in t ragroup d i f -f e r e n c e s , s ince they determine the group's p o l i t i c a l fu ture as well as i t s r o l e in i n f l u e n c i n g p o l i t i c a l change at the s o c i e t a l l e v e l . Nei ther the protean concept of s o c i a l c l a s s , which mostly r e f e r s to an aggregate of people shar ing s i m i l a r s ta tus based on income, o c c u -pat ion and weal th , nor the Marxist d e f i n i t i o n which sees c l a s s as def ined through c o l l a b o r a t i o n in the product ion p r o c e s s , are adequately d e s c r i p t i v e of South A f r i c a n Indians. They c o n s t i t u t e a c l a s s only -60-in terms of the status bestowed on them by an i n i q u i t o u s regime. Contrary to the assumption under ly ing almost a l l theor ies of minor i ty groups, m i n o r i t i e s are seldom monol i th ic or homogeneous in composi t ion . Nor do they n e c e s s a r i l y behave in unison out of a moral commitment to l i b e r a t i o n based on the ob jec t i ve cond i t ions of t h e i r powerlessness and t h e i r presumed uni ty of i n t e r e s t s stemming from t h i s . D i f fe rences in economic p o s i t i o n wi th in the Indian community, which h i s t o r i c a l l y emanate from t h e i r var ied oppor tun i t ies and mot ivat ion as immigrant t raders or as indentured l a b o u r e r s , have created c o n s t e l l a t i o n s which have relevance f o r t h e i r p o l i t i c a l behaviour . Hence a s c r u t i n y of the in terna l composit ion of the community^and an understanding of i t s h e t e r o g e n e i t y ? i s important f o r comprehending the dynamics of such group behavior . Only through a grasp of such under ly ing processes can any real assessment of present p o l i t i c a l behaviour be understood and future trends p o s i t e d . -61 -IV. RESEARCH PROCEDURES Looking at South A f r i c a from the o u t s i d e , one i s l e f t with the impression that research must be impossib le in that s o c i e t y . Its very a u t h o r i t a r i a n nature r a i s e s doubts about the p o s s i b i l i t y of f ree i n q u i r y . O f f i c i a l i n t i m i d a t i o n and censorship i s a n t i c i p a t e d , as well as the s e l f - c e n s o r -ship of informants and t h e i r re luc tance to impart c o n t r o v e r s i a l i n f o r -mation. Yet research i s done in South A f r i c a , and i s p o s s i b l e to a c e r t a i n ex tent . The chal lenge i s how to devise ways of coping with the cons iderab le o b s t a c l e s . S o c i a l sc ience research in South A f r i c a i s not l e g a l l y p r o h i b i t e d or dependent on a permi t , as in many A f r i c a n s t a t e s . R e s t r i c t i o n s operate in terms of taboos, non-cooperat ion by government bureaucracies in p o l i t i c a l l y s e n s i t i v e areas and, above a l l , access by a member of one r a c i a l group, to other groups, regard less of race (Welsh, 1975). In the case of in t ra -group research as in t h i s c a s e , governmental sanct ions in the form of i n t e r r o g a t i o n by the S e c u r i t y P o l i c e can be avoided by e s t a b l i s h i n g a"cleatr iden t i t y"and at the same time keeping a low p r o f i l e as f a r as the actual research i s concerned. No major problems were encountered on both counts , e s p e c i a l l y s ince I had not been d i r e c t l y a c t i v e in any p o l i t i c a l o rgan iza t ion in the past and had a c lean p o l i c e r e c o r d , i n c l u d i n g a much-valued South A f r i c a n passport f o r t rave l abroad. Unl ike other a u t h o r i t a r i a n s o c i e t i e s , n o i d e o l o g i c a l commitment on the part of subord ina tes , only acqu iescence , i s demanded i n South-1. "Clear i d e n t i t y " connotes that in the percept ion of a u t h o r i t i e s , expected r a c e - s p e c i f i c ro les have not been overstepped through a s s o c i a t i o n with members of other r a c i a l groups, or a c t i v i t y considered to be subvers ive or inflammatory has not been engaged i n . -62-A f r i c a . P o l i c e coerc ion i s not a r b i t r a r i l y d i r e c t e d aga inst a l l members of the out -g roup , but aga inst "subvers ive a c t i v i s t s " . As s u c h , s ta te a c t i o n i s to an extent c a l c u l a b l e and p r e d i c t a b l e . As Her iber t Adam (1971b:46-7) has s t ressed the d i f f e r e n c e : "Since a l l the A f r i c a n s have to be considered a po ten t ia l danger, the p o l i c e can only cope with the authent ic opponents, def ined as of fenders of var ious laws and petty r e g u l a t i o n s . By s t r i c t l y ab id ing by these r e s t r i c t i o n s , however, the A f r i c a n can stay out of t roub le in cont ras t to the Jews of German-occupied Europe, f o r whom no laws e x i s t e d a t a l l . " The greater d i f f i c u l t i e s with research in South A f r i c a l i e in the con-formity pressure and r e s u l t a n t s e l f - c e n s o r s h i p as a consequence of wide-spread anxiety and powerlessness on the part of most B l a c k s . In t h i s respect my c l e a r i d e n t i t y was h e l p f u l . As a member of the Indian community who taught f o r two years at the Indian U n i v e r s i t y , and comes from a well-known fami ly s t i l l l i v i n g in Durban, contacts were not d i f f i c u l t to arrange. My departure from Durban in 1968 and wide ly -p u b l i c i s e d marriage with a fo re ign academic, c l e a r l y def ined me as an " o u t s i d e - i n s i d e r " , i f such a re ference i s p o s s i b l e . There was no s u s p i c i o n about my i d e n t i t y as a p o l i c e informant s i n c e I myself had had my s e r v i c e s at the Indian U n i v e r s i t y terminated by the M i n i s t e r of Indian A f f a i r s , a f t e r a two-year probat ion p e r i o d , on the grounds that I d id not " i d e n t i f y with my community". P u b l i c i t y about my i n t e r r o g a -t i o n by the S e c u r i t y P o l i c e i n 1965 when I returned from the U . S . , would seem to have a l s o rendered me above s u s p i c i o n . Above a l l the -63-p o l i t i c a l involvement of my fami ly in the e a r l y Congress days , in passive r e s i s t a n c e campaigns and in a s s i s t i n g A f r i c a n c h a r i t a b l e t r u s t s a l s o l e n t d e f i n i t i o n to the way people perceived me. Unl ike Western s o c i e t i e s , among Indians the i n d i v i d u a l percept ion by others i s always in the context of a fami ly background, hence the re levance of o u t l i n i n g these d e t a i l s . Above a l l , the respect f o r the "educated" , namely those with u n i v e r s i t y degrees, more e s p e c i a l l y in the case of the r e l a t i v e l y few females , i s so high that support and p a r t i c i p a t i o n in such academic endeavours as "research" i s i t s e l f a s ta tus symbol. Many considered i t a s e r v i c e to the community to wr i te about"our problems". While these f a c t o r s were very h e l p f u l , there were s t i l l severe d i f f i c u l t i e s which had to be overcome. Three periods of research were conducted in the Durban a r e a , dur ing A p r i l 1972 to September 1972, February 1973 to September 1973, and June 1974 to August 1974. During t h i s time four main sources and methods of gather ing data were used: (1) informal i n t e r v i e w s , (2) documentary ev idence , (3) p a r t i c i p a n t o b s e r v a t i o n s , and (4) student e s s a y s . 1. Informal Interviews The e s t a b l i s h e d i d e n t i t y notwi thstanding , the a t t i t u d e of most Indians i s such that a formal s t ruc tured in terv iew with preformulated q u e s t i o n s , a tape recorder, or even notes wr i t ten during a conversat ion w i l l t r i g g e r b a r r i e r s of caut ion and anx ie ty . T h e r e f o r e , these approaches were soon d iscarded in favour of informal i n t e r v i e w s , in which only mention of my -64-work in Canada on the s i t u a t i o n of South A f r i c a n Indians was made. Subsequently, conversat ions were recorded as comprehensively as p o s s i b l e . During the t a l k s , ranging from casual d i s c u s s i o n at weddings to formal appointments, key top ics of the i n v e s t i g a t i o n were introduced as the s i t u a t i o n permit ted. Questions such as "where d id you l i v e before t h i s ? " u s u a l l y led to Group Areas d i s c u s s i o n s , and changes in l i f e -s t y l e , as well as l i f e in the new suburb. S i m i l a r l y in the case of o lder respondents "where were you during the 1949 r i o t s " was a useful way to ta lk about Ind ian -A f r i can r e l a t i o n s . Many other s i m i l a r leads were more spontaneously forthcoming i n a s i t u a t i o n where most respon-dents appeared to enjoy the opportuni ty to ta lk about themselves a f t e r overcoming i n i t i a l i n h i b i t i o n s . In t h i s way 86 informal interviews were recorded. Persons se lec ted fo r d i s c u s s i o n were a c r o s s - s e c t i o n of the community, but above a l l , s o -c a l l e d " o p i n i o n - l e a d e r s " . These were people r e g u l a r l y quoted in the Indian p r e s s . They were d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e by the p u b l i c r o l e s they played as well as the way others perceived them. Included in th is group were leading members of var ious i n t e r e s t groups, trade unions and organised p o l i t i c a l groups. These were a l s o the persons with the l e a s t , though often d i s c e r n a b l e , i n h i b i t i o n s to speak f r e e l y about s e n s i t i v e s u b j e c t s . Approximately twelve persons formal ly approached,refused to ta lk to me at a l l i u n d e r var ious pretences. In th is study the informal interviews which do not lend themselves to -65-q u a n t i f i c a t i o n or comparison, form a cent ra l source fo r many judgements of " o f f i c i a l pronouncements" and the assessment of s p e c i f i c o rgan isa t ions and events d i s c u s s e d . 2. Documentary Evidence A more comprehensive and systemat ic source of data were o f f i c i a l and p r i v a t e documents on Indian a f f a i r s . O f f i c i a l p u b l i c a t i o n s by the Department of Indian A f f a i r s and in the Natal Archives were reviewed. Back issues of the two Indian week l i es , "The Leader" and "The Graphic" from 1960 to the present were r e a d , as well as the two Durban d a i l y papers. A search of the U n i v e r s i t y of Durban-Westv i l le l i b r a r y f o r a l l re levant m i c r o - l e v e l s tud ies was conducted. The U n i v e r s i t y of Natal Economics Department made a v a i l a b l e to me severa l small s tud ies they had been commissioned to conduct f o r var ious organ isa t ions and trade unions. The minutes of the South A f r i c a n Indian Teachers A s s o c i a t i o n , as well as the South A f r i c a n Soccer F e d e r a t i o n , were perused. The Durban C h i l d Welfare Organ isa t ion made i t p o s s i b l e to look through t h e i r case books f o r an understanding of the type of community work they were h a n d l i n g , and Natal Tamil Vedic S o c i e t y ' s records-were a lso viewed. 3. P a r t i c i p a t o r y Observat ion P a r t i c i p a t o r y observat ions inc luded mass meetings of p r o t e s t i n g res idents at Chatsworth, var ious ratepayers meet ings, 1973 s t r i k e s where Indian and A f r i c a n workers gathered outs ide t h e i r work p l a c e , 1972 and 1973 -66-annual conferences of the South A f r i c a n Indian Teachers A s s o c i a t i o n , Durban Indian C h i l d Welfare meet ings, student r a l l i e s at UDW, c u l t u r a l gather ings such as the 1973 South A f r i c a n Tamil F e d e r a t i o n ' s E i s t e d f o d , and 1974 Annual General Meeting of Hindu Maha Sabha, m u l t i - r a c i a l p o l i t i c a l c a b a r e t s , weddings, and p r i va te p a r t i e s at a wide range of Indian homes. Whenever a p p r o p r i a t e , such occasions were used f o r interv iews as well and notes were made on the impressions of the event . 4. Future Autobiographies of Students Percept ions of Indian students of themselves, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p with the other r a c i a l groups, and t h e i r v i s i o n s of l i k e l y fu ture developments were probed through s o - c a l l e d "future au tob iograph ies" . Th is technique was used by p s y c h o l o g i s t Kurt Danziger (1963a,b) with a sample of students from d i f f e r e n t r a c i a l groups at the U n i v e r s i t y o f Cape Town i n the la te 1950 's , but has apparent ly not been repeated s i n c e . A regu lar c l a s s of 39 f i r s t year Ar ts students at the U n i v e r s i t y of Durban-Westv i l ie and 26 students at the medical school of the U n i v e r s i t y of Natal in 1973 were asked by t h e i r i n s t r u c t o r to respond on a prepared page, handed out to them together with an envelope, to the fo l low ing statement (see sample essay sheet in appendix) : "Please wr i te a short essay in the space below of approximately one to two pages on the h i s t o r y of South A f r i c a pro jected in to the f u t u r e . Imagine you are a h i s t o r i a n w r i t i n g i n the 21st century and g i v i n g a . b r i e f o u t l i n e h i s t o r y of South A f r i c a from 1973 to 2000. Do not merely wr i te a d e s c r i p t i o n of South A f r i c a in 25 years time but wr i te an actual h i s t o r y of the in te rven ing p e r i o d . This is not a t e s t of imaginat ion — j u s t descr ibe what you r e a l l y expect to happen. At the end , p lease add a shor t paragraph concerning your personal plans and expectat ions f o r -67-the f u t u r e . (Write anonymously and f r a n k l y . Do not give your name, but please complete the s t a t i s t i c s at the end)."-! The handout was headed " s o c i o l o g i c a l research pro jec t on comparative student a s p i r a t i o n s " , but d id not mention the name of the i n v e s t i g a t o r . This was done so that the i n s t r u c t o r could c la im t h i s as part of his own work, i f quest ioned by the u n i v e r s i t y a u t h o r i t i e s . They had been approached in fo rma l l y several months p rev ious ly by myself about t h e i r w i l l i n g n e s s to support and permit an as yet unspec i f i ed small p ro jec t about student a t t i t u d e s , but proved unco-opera t ive . A l l research on campus, p a r t i c u l a r l y by an o u t s i d e r , i s expected to be approved by the Rector , who usua l ly pre fers to take a personal hand in such e x e r c i s e s . Th is would of course have rendered any responses, i f forthcoming at a l l , t o t a l l y wor th less . Such problems did not e x i s t , however, at the non-white medical school at the U n i v e r s i t y of Natal where the 26 essays were c o l l e c t e d in a compulsory soc io logy course . In the case of UDW, an i n s t r u c t o r acquainted with me^and a l s o known to be on good terms with his students ,agreed to administer the essay as part of his own requirements. However, before wr i t ing the autobiography the students were t o l d that the i n s t r u c t o r requested the essays as part 1. This formulat ion d i f f e r e d somewhat from Danziger 's vers ion which a lso d id not contain the l a s t sentence and the s t a t i s t i c a l s e c t i o n . No com-par ison between the two surveys i s p o s s i b l e or was aimed a t . The s t a -t i s t i c s on sex , year at u n i v e r s i t y , area of s t u d y , language and r e l i g -ious i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , which i n i t i a l l y were envisaged f o r a bigger sample, were not u t i l i z e d in t h i s a n a l y s i s because of the small sample and p o s s i b l e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of authors . -68-of a vaguely re fe r red to comparative p r o j e c t ? i n which Indian students too would have an opportuni ty to s ta te f r a n k l y t h e i r real f e e l i n g s . The i n s t r u c t o r a lso mentioned that he p e r s o n a l l y would not see the e s s a y s , c o l l e c t e d in a sealed envelope a f t e r ha l f an hour. Encouraged in t h i s way, there were apparent ly no quest ions and the s tudents , r e p o r t e d l y , enjoyed the opportuni ty to express t h e i r f e e l i n g s anonymously and even wanted to d iscuss t h e i r d i f f e r e n t views among themselves afterwards, with the i n s t r u c t o r . Th is somewhat surreptitious procedure without l y i n g to anyone, 1 seemed to be the only p o s s i b l e way to c o l l e c t some s e l f - w r i t t e n and l i t t l e p re -s t ruc tured expressions o f hopes and a s p i r a t i o n s by the subjects under the given c i rcumstances. While the p o s s i b i l i t y was considered to approach students i n d i v i d u a l l y , t h i s soon proved i n f e a s i b l e when t r i e d in the l i b r a r y . Another opt ion would have been to have the student essays wr i t ten by h igh-school p u p i l s . However, teachers in these i n -s t i t u t i o n s are f a r more dependent, regulated and f e a r f u l than u n i v e r s i t y 1. Many researchers in the South A f r i c a n s i t u a t i o n d e l i b e r a t e l y deceive the a u t h o r i t i e s in order to overcome o b s t a c l e s , van den Berghe (1970: 152) wr i tes about his "experiences with tyranny" in South A f r i c a : "From the o u t s e t , I decided that I should have no scrup les in dece iv ing the government and that the paramount cons idera t ion in my deal ings with the s ta te would be to minimize obs tac les to my research without compromising my p r i n c i p l e s . " A d i f f e r e n t view i s expressed by former AAA pres ident Ralph Beals (1959:183): "If fo re ign research can be conducted only under c r i p p l i n g r e s t r i c t i o n s or abandonment of p ro fess iona l s tandards , the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t ' s only a l t e r n a t i v e may be to abandon his r e s e a r c h . " Beals fears that attempts by scho lars to "attack or undermine governments of which they disapprove" may "have d isas t rous e f f e c t s upon a l l fu ture research" (181). But i f such research i s i r r e l e v a n t by avoid ing c r i t i c a l i s s u e s , why should there be concern about i t s fu ture? -69-i n s t r u c t o r s while t h e i r students are l e s s p o l i t i c i z e d . No other audience than school and u n i v e r s i t y a t tenders ,on the other hand,would have l en t i t s e l f to the request f o r a s e l f - w r i t t e n statement, because i t would not have been a "capt ive audience" . The d i s t i n c t advantage of the essay type inqu i ry over a s t ruc tu red quest ionnai re l i e s in i t s very openness. The essay does not presuppose an opin ion or concern where none might be, as in many a t t i t u d e s t u d i e s . What i s not mentioned i s as important as the top ics considered worth-while f o r p e r u s a l . L ike a Rorschach Test or TAT the open-ended fu ture autobiography amounts to a wr i t ten a r t i c u l a t i o n of hopes, f r u s t r a t i o n s and anx ie t i es pro jected in to the f u t u r e . The 65 essays were the optimal number p o s s i b l e to c o l l e c t under the given c i rcumstances,and a lso deemed s u f f i c i e n t f o r the purpose of the i n q u i r y . No q u a n t i t a t i v e a n a l y s i s apart from a frequency count was aimed a t , and the responses are not representa t ive f o r the out looks of Indian students or any s e c t i o n of them. What they do demonstrate, however, are s i x c r u c i a l themes in the order of frequency mentioned: (1) v i s i o n s of revo lu t ionary change, (2) v i s i o n s of evo lu t ionary change, (3) f e e l i n g s of powerlessness and low s e l f - c o n c e p t i o n , (4) i n t e r n a l i z a -t i o n of dominant i d e o l o g i e s , (5) wider awareness, and (6) dominant a t t i tudes towards A f r i c a n s . The i n t e r e s t of t h i s a n a l y s i s however l i e s in the type of argumentat ion, not i t s f requency, with which the s i x top ics are a r t i c u l a t e d . The essays are considered important f o r the -70-i l l u s t r a t i o n of t y p i c a l syndromes or s t ruc tures of th ink ing among Indians, as r e f l e c t e d in the language and images of the most educated s e c t i o n s . -71 -y THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF INDIAN DEVELOPMENT TILL 1971 1. Reactions to Indian Immigration The Indian presence in South A f r i c a dates back to 1860. The system of indentured labour by which most Indians were brought to South A f r i c a fo l lowed c l o s e l y in the wake of the a b o l i t i o n of s lavery in the B r i t i s h empire in 1834. With the re fusa l of the f reed s laves to continue working on many p l a n t a t i o n s , an opportuni ty was created f o r p r i va te r e c r u i t e r s , p r e v i o u s l y engaged in sending labourers to C e y l o n , to now extend t h e i r supply of " c o o l i e s " to other i s l a n d s in the. Indian Ocean, e s p e c i a l l y Mauritius, then to the Carr ibean and to Guiana, where c i t i z e n s of Indian descent today c o n s t i t u t e more than h a l f of the populat ion (Kondapi , 1951, pp. 8-16, 29-40) . A s i m i l a r vo id of cane cu t te rs in South A f r i c a ' s sugar p lan ta t ions led to a t r i - p a r t i t e agreement between the c o l o n i a l admin is t ra t ion of Natal and India (Pacha i , 1971, p 1) to provide a steady supply of labour from Ind ia . Although there ex is ted an indigeneous Zulu-speaking A f r i c a n populat ion in Na ta l , as well as a s i z e a b l e Eng l i sh sett lement which had preceded the a r r i v a l of Indians by some f o r t y y e a r s , there was apparent ly s t i l l a demand f o r fo re ign labour . An organized B r i t i s h sett lement in South A f r i c a d id not s t a r t before 1820 when 5,000 se lec ted Eng l ish immigrants were s e t t l e d in the f r o n t i e r d i s t r i c t s of the Eastern Cape. B r i t a i n had captured the Cape from the "Batavian Republ ic" f i r s t in 1795 and again in 1803 (Walker, 1964; Wilson and Thompson, 1969). By the s t r a t e g i c placement of s e t t l e r s , B r i t a i n aimed at the cont ro l of c r u c i a l coasta l and border a r e a s . a g a i n s t the expanding Dutch c o l o n i a l i s t s . i n the South and we l l -o rgan ized A f r i c a n kingdoms in the North. Here the Boers had defeated Zulu power in a major b a t t l e at Blood River in 1838, which led to a s h o r t - l i v e d Boer r e p u b l i c of Natal ( i b i d ) . A f t e r B o e r - B r i t i s h f i g h t i n g and the departure of the Dutch "Trekkers" in to the i n t e r i o r a r e a s , -72-Natal was annexed as a Crown colony in 1843. For the next h a l f century B r i t i s h s e t t l e r s supported by regu lar troops from the metropole completed the m i l i t a r y subjugat ion of the A f r i c a n populat ion in Natal ( i b i d ) . Th is need f o r the import of fo re ign labour arose p a r t l y from the a t t i t u d e of Europeans to manual labour which, in t h e i r view, amounted to work to be done by non-white people (Pacha i , 1971). Given the s e m i - t r o p i c a l c o n d i t i o n s of Natal and the p r e v a i l i n g a t t i t u d e s toward "nat ives" in South A f r i c a , i t was inconce ivab le that an estate be worked e n t i r e l y by Whites, even when t h e i r numbers and geographical concent ra t ion made t h i s p o s s i b l e (Palmer, 1957, pp. 3-13). However, the employment of "na t ives" apparent ly posed severe d i f f i c u l t i e s . In the h i s t o r i c a l l i t e r a t u r e the inappropr ia teness o f A f r i c a n labour has been a t t r i b u t e d to a range o f reasons from d e f i c i e n t innate c a p a c i t i e s of a Zulu to t h e i r forms of s o c i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n . There i s reference to A f r i c a n " lack of i n d u s t r y " ; " u n r e l i a b i l i t y " ; the s e l f -s u f f i c i e n c y o f the t r i b a l economy and the unwi l l ingness o f A f r i c a n s to be coerced in to dependence on Europeans by economic p ressure . (Burrows, 1943; C a l p i n , 1949; Ferguson-Davie , 1952; Kuper, 1969; Palmer, 1957; Marquard, 1969; Walker, 1962; Woods, 1954). These assessments r e f l e c t a r e l a t i o n s h i p between c o l o n i z e r and co lon i zed in which the indigeneous A f r i c a n p o p u l a t i o n , though m i l i t a r i l y weaker than the newcomers were not ye t f u l l y conquered, but above a l l remained c u l t u r a l l y i n t a c t with s u f f i c i e n t mater ia l resources of land and c a t t l e that immunized A f r i c a n s against p l a n t a t i o n work. Miss ionary penetra t ion had j u s t begun and the head-tax with which A f r i c a n s were l a t e r forced i n t o the money economy by working in the mines, could not be imposed at that stage due to i n -s u f f i c i e n t c o n t r o l . The remaining opt ion was open coerc ion which however would have amounted to the r e s u r r e c t i o n of the j u s t abo l ished s l a v e r y system. -73 -In th is s i t u a t i o n the import of fo re ign labour seemed an idea l s o l u t i o n from the perspect ive of the sugar cane farmers. By cont ras t to the Z u l u s , Indians were to provide the p lanters and Natal a u t h o r i t i e s with "a cheap, continuous and r e l i a b l e supply of d o c i l e labour" (Palmer, 1957, p. 27) . to supplement the labour shor tages. For t h e i r p a r t , Indians are sa id to have emigrated not to escape p o l i t i c a l or r e l i g i o u s p e r s e c u t i o n . They were motivated mainly by incent ives descr ibed as "pover ty , ambi t ion , domestic t e n s i o n s , r e s t l e s s n e s s of s p i r i t , the urge to escape an epidemic or other misfortune" (Kuper, 1969, p. 9 ) . Despite t h e i r intended occupat ion few had actual exper t i se in a g r i c u l t u r e . More numerous were p o t t e r s , c l e r k s , herdsmen, boatmen, pol icemen, laundrymen, o i l p r e s s e r s , t r a d e r s , under takers , ba rbers , j e w e l l e r s , c o n f e c t i o n e r s , warr iors and p r i e s t s . (Meer, 1969, p. 10) Of the more than 80 percent Hindus, among the newcomers roughly 60 percent were Sudra and scheduled c a s t e s , about 25-30 percent Vaishya and the remaining 10 to 15 percent mainly Kshatr iya with a small percentage of Brahmins. (Kuper, 1960, p. 7) These Indian labourers were contracted to serve a f i v e year per iod of i n -denture a f t e r which they could re indenture themselves or take up any other type of employment. A f t e r ten years they were to be given the opt ion e i t h e r of re turn ing to India by paid passage or of becoming permanent s e t t l e r s i n Natal with a grant of Crown land of equal value as the foregone passage fa re (Kuper, 1960; P a c h a i , 1971; Palmer, 1957; Ferguson-Davie , 1952). Several accounts point to the way in which immigrants were deluded by r e c r u i t i n g agents about South A f r i c a n working and l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s . The i r phys ica l depr iva t ion cons is ted of lack of bas ic l i v i n g f a c i l i t i e s , overworking, over -crowding in sub-human accomodation, lack of adequate medical t reatment, poor -74-or non-ex is ten t s a n i t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s , inadequate r a t i o n s o f f o o d , as wel l as a g r o s s l y d ispropor t iona te r a t i o of men to women: 40 women to 100 men ( C a l p i n , 1949:9; a l s o Meer, 1969; Palmer, 1957; Kuper, 1960; Woods, 1954). A l l these f a c t o r s m i l i t a t e d aga inst the maintenance of what Indians considered respectab le l i v i n g s tandards. Palmer reports that on one prominent es ta te f i v e s u i c i d e s occurred i n one day when Indian employees were conf ined and prevented by a p o l i c e fo rce from complaining to a magistrate (Palmer, 1957* . 4 4 ) . Despi te these c o n d i t i o n s , r e l a t i v e l y few Indians returned to India at the exp i ry of t h e i r c o n t r a c t s . The cond i t ions under which most of them l e f t I n d i a , v i o l a t i o n of caste p u r i t y , development of newer t i e s with fe l low immigrants as well as waning t i e s with the homeland,would a l l have cont r ibuted to t h i s s i t u a t i o n . Between 1883-1890, an average of 345 l e t t e r s and approximately ^600 per annum were sent to Ind ia . For a populat ion of some 30,000 t h i s would seem remarkably low. (Ca lcu la ted from Schedules of Ships Records, Natal A r c h i v e s , P ie termar i tzburg by R. Watson, as quoted in Meer, 1969, p. 12.) Furthermore the prospect of a grant o f Crown land in l i e u of re turn passage,could have been an added i n c e n t i v e . Yet i n many i n s t a n c e s , the promise of land was not implemented (Burrows, 1943, p. 2 ) . Never the less , r e p a t r i a t i o n f i g u r e s dwindled from 2,975 in 1927 to 48 in 1940 (Palmer, 1957, p. 105).. At the end of t h e i r per iods of indenture the e a r l y s e t t l e r s engaged mainly in a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y , and were soon supply ing Durban's f r u i t and vegetable requirements. Other former indentured workers moved in to the coal mines, r a i l w a y s , and general s e r v i c e s (Palmer, 1957, p. 41-42) . Subsequently another wave of immigrants, the s o - c a l l e d f ree or passenger Ind ians , began to a r r i v e in South A f r i c a , most ly through M a u r i t i u s , to engage -75-i n t rade . L ike the white s e t t l e r s , they found a p r o f i t a b l e ex is tence in N a t a l ' s expanding economy, and in the oppor tun i t i es f o r trade in the T r a n s v a a l , hence changing the image of the Indian from dependent l aborer to po ten t ia l compet i tor . The antagonism that soon began to a r i s e between the White s e t t l e r s and Indians led to a s e r i e s of d i s c r i m i n a t o r y measures. In 1893 the p a r l i a -mentary f r a n c h i s e was o f f i c i a l l y withdrawn from Indians in N a t a l , though only a few hundred were e n t i t l e d to i t . Then a p o l l tax of three pounds per annum was l e v i e d on males above s ix teen and females above 12 years of age who refused to re indenture themselves or re turn to Ind ia . In 1913 the Indian Immigration Act p r o h i b i t e d the entry of new immigrants, apar t from the wives or c h i l d r e n of e s t a b l i s h e d s e t t l e r s . In 1923 the i n s e r t i o n of a n t i - A s i a t i c c lauses in t i t l e deeds was l e g a l i z e d ; and in 1924 the municipal f r a n c h i s e was withdrawn in Durban. Th is s t rugg le between p o l i t i c a l l y dominant Whites and Indians t r y i n g to e s t a b l i s h themselves generated cons iderab le i l l - f e e l i n g s (Webb, 1944, p. 2 ) . When Indians attempted to gain s e c u r i t y through the purchase of land or b u s i n e s s e s , a n t i - A s i a t i c c lauses hampered them. When they t r i e d to acqui re the necessary s k i l l s to advance in i n d u s t r y , p o l i t i c a l and economic c o l o r bars were i n c r e a s i n g l y i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d . Despite var ious agreements between the c o l o n i a l governments of India and Natal to the c o n t r a r y , these trends continued u n t i l 1948 when the A f r i k a n e r N a t i o n a l i s t party came in to power. I n i t i a l l y i t only r e i t e r a t e d the a n t i - I n d i a n sentiments of the preceding era,and continued to favor r e p a t r i a t i o n as the s o l u t i o n to a problem that i t def ined as one of an "unass imi lab le m i n o r i t y , " although i t had long s ince become ev ident that the South A f r i c a n Indians ' response to repeated d i s c r i m i n a t o r y ac ts was not to r e p a t r i a t e themselves but to stay and contend with them. . -76-However, in dea l ing with i t s " f o r e i g n " m i n o r i t i e s the N a t i o n a l i s t govern-ment had to take in to account the changed world s i t u a t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y the un iversa l d isgus t with r a c i a l i d e o l o g i e s a f t e r the Nazi defeat and the emerging protes t aga inst continued c o l o n i a l sub juga t ion , accentuated by Ind ia 's independence in 1947. 1 India was at the f o r e f r o n t of the s t rugg le f o r de c o lon i z a t ion and played a leading r o l e at the United Nat ions . The case of South A f r i c a n Indians was f requent ly brought to the fore there ( C a l p i n , 1949; Palmer, 1957). At the same t ime, the N a t i o n a l i s t government in South A f r i c a , having experienced the f a i l u r e of r e p a t r i a t i o n schemes, was in the predicament of f i n d i n g a s u i t a b l e j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r the d i f f e r e n t i a l t r e a t -ment of South A f r i c a n Indians. Furthermore, the emerging ideology of apartheid needed e labora t ion and l e g i t i m a t i o n i f i t were to be c r e d i b l e . Th is l e g i t i m a t i o n , which s t ressed as the basis f o r a s tab le s o c i e t y , t h e pers is tence and maintenance of the very " u n a s s i m i l a b i l i t y " f o r which Indians had been c r i t i c i z e d over the preceding two decades, marked a new approach in the form of a p o l i c y of separate development. In May 1961 an o f f i c i a l statement to the e f f e c t that Indians "must be accepted as the count ry 's permanent r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . . . a n d that they be accord ing ly e n t i t l e d to the benef i ts inherent in such c i t i z e n s h i p ' ^ heralded t h i s new p o l i c y (South A f r i c a , Indian A f f a i r s , 1971:2). Consequently the government e s t a b l i s h e d the Department of Indian A f f a i r s to cope with the s p e c i a l i z e d tasks of a race bureaucracy; a nominated Indian Counci l that the government regarded as being " representa t ive" or at l e a s t Hhe l e g a l i s t i c approach of the Indian government to i t s former na t iona ls abroad was not iced again r e c e n t l y when the Ugandan Indians were e x p e l l e d . India was conspicuous by i t s s i l e n c e on the matter . -77-" respons ib le" f o r Indians and there fore worth c o n s u l t i n g ; and Local A f f a i r s Committees (LAC) to introduce a semblance of Indian e l e c t o r a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n in loca l government, def ined as e s s e n t i a l l y c o n s u l t a t i v e in nature. Despite these seeming advances, the p o s i t i o n of the Indian community has remained s u b s t a n t i a l l y unchanged to the present day. Indians continue to be r e s t r i c t e d in the t rad ing sphere; they are r e s i d e n t i a l l y segregated a f t e r having been moved from developed urban areas to developing per iurban areas under the Group Areas A c t ; they are r e s t r i c t e d in t h e i r i n t e r p r o v i n c i a l movement* and are e n t i r e l y p r o h i b i t e d from l i v i n g in the Orange Free S t a t e ; and above a l l Indians are subject to i n f e r i o r segregated f a c i l i t i e s , l i k e other subordinate groups, in regard to e d u c a t i o n , h e a l t h , p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t , r e s t a u r a n t s , theaters and other p u b l i c and c i v i c amen i t i es , whi le being provided with only symbolic p o l i t i c a l machinery to redress g r ievances . *Trave l permits were issued to 21,003 Indians in 1972 {VaUy Horn, 16 February 1973). On 20 June 1973 the m i n i s t e r of Indian a f f a i r s gave Indians "greater freedom" to t r a v e l between p r o v i n c e s ; i . e . , they may now v i s i t s p e c i f i e d provinces f o r up to t h i r t y days f o r bonafide reasons without a permit (Rand Vaity McuJL, 21 June 1973). -78-2. Changes in Occupational S t ructure Indian economic a c t i v i t y in Natal has undergone major changes re la ted to i t s three sources : (a) indentured l a b o u r , (b) f ree immigrant t raders and (c) natural i n c r e a s e . F ive phases of d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n may be d i s t i n g u i s h e d . Dwindling r e p a t r i a t i o n of the ex- indentured al lowed f o r a d i v e r s i f i e d occupat ional a c t i v i t y , as s t imulated by new o p p o r t u n i t i e s . While in the f i r s t phase the sugar es ta tes were s t i l l the main source of employment at the turn of the century , many p rev ious ly indentured labourers found a l i v i n g in min ing , fa rming , f i s h i n g , and s e r v i c e sectors of an ex-panding economy (Burrows, 1943:6). In examining the mater ia l benef i ts accru ing to European s e t t l e r s from the continued importat ion of indentured l a b o u r , the Clayton Commission in 1909 f i r m l y concluded that in view of the inva luab le r o l e of Indians in a v a r i e t y of f i e l d s , immigration should cont inue ( C a l p i n , 1949:20). The Commission recorded the ex is tence of 2,429 White employers of Indian indentured labour spread over the fo l low ing occupat ions: general fa rming , sugar e s t a t e s , coal mines, Natal Government r a i l w a y s , domestic s e r v a n t s , b r i c k y a r d s , watt le p l a n t a t i o n s , landing and sh ipping agents ( C a l p i n , 1949:9). In 1880 the entry of s o - c a l l e d 'passenger Indians ' who came to South A f r i c a without an employment con t rac t , and were a t t r a c t e d -79-by apparent ly bet ter o p p o r t u n i t i e s , marked the second phase with the beginning of the Indian presence in t rade . The 'passengers ' es tab l i shed themselves mainly as merchants, j e w e l l e r s , owners of l a u n d r i e s , grocery s tores and other re la ted s e r v i c e s . These occupations were f o r the most part in accordance with t h e i r caste backgrounds. (H. Kuper, 1960:6-17; Burrows, 1943; Maasdorp and P i l l a y , 1975) The" steady i n f l u x thus provided f a c i l i t a t e d N a t a l ' s j o i n i n g in the evo lv ing trade boom caused by the d iscovery of gold in the Transvaal in the 1860's and the development of the diamond f i e l d s in 1870. (Walker, 196^:327-54) The new i n d u s t r i a l demand f o r cheap labour importuned the government to continue with the t r a d i t i o n a l immigration p o l i c y f o r Indians. However, oppos i t ion by the white merchants eventua l ly led to the p r o h i b i t i o n of Indian immigration in 1911, and marked the t h i r d phase of occupat ional d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n . During t h i s per iod the p o s i t i o n of the Indian worker had changed from that of s e r f in a feudal se t t ing^to an ord inary wage labourer in an indus-t r i a l i z i n g economy. With the r e l a t i v e s c a r c i t y of Indian labour under r e s t r i c t i v e immigration laws, s a l a r i e s of the formerly i n -dentured genera l ly rose s i g n i f i c a n t l y . In the sugar indust ry r a i s e s of 50 percent are recorded (Burrows, 1943:6). The Protector of Indian Immigrants c i t e d increases in savings of each immigrant from an average of ^ 8 . 5 . 3 : n 1907 t o j t l 9 . 1 0 o -80-in 1916. (Report of Pro tec tor of Indian Immigrants, 1921, para . 13) At the same t ime, there seemed to be an increase in occupat ional c h o i c e , and a change to more s k i l l e d i n d u s t r i a l occupa t ions , commerce and s e r v i c e s (Burrows, 1943:6). In 1921, f o r i n s t a n c e , there were about 20 Nata l -born Indian i n t e r p r e t e r s , earning comparat ively high s a l a r i e s (Cl80-j^ 240 per annum). Approx-imately 5,000 Indians alone were employed in c l e r i c a l p o s i t i o n s in Durban. (Report of Pro tec tor of Indian Immigrants, 1921, para . 13) Th is per iod co inc ided with the growth of educat ional oppor tun i t i es under the Cape Town Agreement, as o u t l i n e d e a r l i e r . In the absence of U n i v e r s i t y f a c i l i t i e s f o r Ind ians , admission of Indian students to the "Native Col lege of For t Hare" was allowed under the Cape Town Agreement (Palmer, 19S7:98), and provided new horizons f o r the top stratum of upwardly-mobi le . A four th phase in the changing occupat ional s t r u c t u r e i s marked by the end of World War II. In l i n e with general t rends , Ind ian i n - , volvement in secondary indust ry and the t e r t i a r y sec tor of an advanced economy,increased whi le the t r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r a l occupat ions continued to d e c l i n e , as r e f l e c t e d in Table 1. Increasing oppor tun i t i es as well as a wider range of employment now a v a i l a b l e to Ind ians , has been well documented (H.R. Burrows, 1952; J . R . Burrows, 1959; Maasdorp, 1968; McCry . ta l and Maasdorp, 1967; Palmer, 1957; Woods, 1954). The rap id ec<. .omic growth in the post World War II p e r i o d , with the need fos ;nore s k i l l e d man--81 -Table 1 Percentage D i s t r i b u t i o n of Indian Workers by Industry D i v i s i o n -1936-1970.* Industry D i v i s i o n 1936 1951 1960 1970 A g r i c u l t u r e 37.8 20.3 12.0 4.8 Mining 1.4 .8 .6 .4 Manufacturing 19.1 31.4 37.7 41.9 Const ruct ion 2.0 3.4 2.4 6.8 Commerce 16.1 18.1 18.1 24.0 Transport 3.1 3.6 4.7 5.1 Serv ices 20.4 22.4 24.2 15.3 Other .3 1.5 Tota l (=100%) 47.0 63.0 79.0 134.0 * S o u r c e s : J . R . Burrows South A f r i c a The Populat ion and Labour Resources of N a t a l , P ie te rmar i t zburg : Natal Town and Regional Planning Commission, 1959. Bureau o f Census and S t a t i s t i c s , 1960 Populat ion  Census: Sample Tabu la t ion No. 2. Dept. of S t a t i s t i c s , 1970 Populat ion Census  Report 02.01.06. (1946 s t a t i s t i c s have been excluded due to non-cooperat ion of Indians with a u t h o r i t i e s in y i e l d i n g census data as an aftermath of the h igh ly unpopular A s i a t i c Land Tenure and Indian Representat ion Act (No. 26 of 1946.) -82-power, undermined the p r e v i o u s l y e x c l u s i v e hold of Whites on many h igher -s ta tus occupat ions . The presence of Whites in the armed forces of South A f r i c a during the war ,a lso a f forded Blacks p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r expansion, p a r t i c u l a r l y in manufactur ing. Be-tween 1944-45, Indian employment in t h i s sec tor expanded by 37 percent . ( Ib id . ) These data reveal one of the most powerful f a c t o r s working f o r the "upl i f tment" of subordinates in an i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g r a c i a l l y s t r a t i f i e d s o c i e t y with a r e l a t i v e l y small r u l i n g group. The mere r a t i o of the superordinates makes t h e i r cont inuing monopoly of higher economic p o s i t i o n s d i f f i c u l t , unless economic growth i s a r t i f i c a l l y retarded in the i n t e r e s t of r a c i a l dominance. This o p t i o n , however, though f requent ly advocated by i d e o l o g i c a l p u r i s t s , has l i t t l e appeal in a r e a l i t y which i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d , above a l l , b y the goal of p r o f i t maximisat ion. Its p r e r e q u i s i t e s , economic s t a b i l i t y , and inves tors c o n f i d e n c e , i s dependent on a minimal f u l f i l m e n t of worker 's a s p i r a t i o n s . I f these were to be permanently d iscarded by an a r t i f i c i a l , r a c i a l l y i n s p i r e d economic r e c e s s i o n , the purpose and foundat ion of the r a c i a l system i t s e l f would be undermined. Contrary to Herbert Blumer's a s s e r t i o n (Blumer, 1965), c a p i t a l ism and r a c i a l i s m are not compatible in the long run,though there might well be adaptat ions of a " c o l o u r - b l i n d " mode of product ion and consumption to e x i s t i n g r a c i a l p re jud ices in the short term. Th is i s not to say that -83 -democracy and e q u a l i t y w i l l au tomat ica l l y and i n e v i t a b l y accompany i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , as the of ten c r i t i z e d Oppenheimer t h e s i s a s s e r t s . (On t h i s drawn out debate see Johnstone, 1970; T r a p i d o , 1971; L e g a s s i c k , 1972; L e f t w i c h , 1974; O'Dowd, 1974; Bromberger, 1974.) But manpower shortages and p a r t i c u l a r l y the severe bot t leneck of s k i l l e d labour at an advanced stage of t echno log ica l development fo rce the South A f r i c a n system to t r a i n former ly excluded subordinates and al low them under much c o n f l i c t w i th in the heterogeneous r u l i n g group in to p r e v i o u s l y reserved p o s i t i o n s without n e c e s s a r i l y r e p l a c i n g the low-c lass members of the superordinate group. It i s i r r e l e v a n t whether t h i s s i t u a t i o n i s o f f i c i a l l y admitted o r , as in South A f r i c a , hidden behind job r e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . What would seem d e c i s i v e would be the newly acquired economic -s t ra teg ic power by the subordinate groups both as producers and consumers. Unl ike u n s k i l l e d migrants , t ra ined workers can no longer be e a s i l y replaced or ignored without high costs and loss of p r o f i t ; o p p o r t u n i t i e s . Th is f a c t o r g ives them poten t ia l power in a s t r i k e s i t u a t i o n , and i t i s t h i s threat to which a r a c i a l system has to somehow adjust in i t s own i n t e r e s t of s u r v i v a l . Adjustment, however, can only mean gradual d e - r a c i a l i s a t i o n in the sense of greater o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r the !bord inates , though i n i t i a l l y encompassing only a few bare v i s i b l e p r i v i l e g e d and not n e c e s s a r i l y c l o s i n g the o v e r a l l incomi jap. Indust r ia l and p o l i t i c a l ac t ion in the form of s t r i k e s as enforced non--84-r a c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n would seem the only r e a l i s t i c way to achieve real e q u a l i t y , and the newly acqui red economic p o s i t i o n s pave the way fo r the subord ina te 's greater po ten t ia l power in t h i s cont inuing s t r u g g l e . The system of white r a c i a l dominance indeed attempts to r e c r u i t i t s needed manpower from i t s own group members abroad. However, there are l i m i t s to the number of white immigrants South A f r i c a can a t t r a c t , d e s p i t e a s s i s t e d passages. Not only i s she now competing with A u s t r a l i a and Canada in t h i s respect^but missed the post-war immigration wave from Europe,by not a l lowing any immigration u n t i l the ea r l y s i x t i e s f o r fear of the A f r i k a n e r N a t i o n a l i s t p a r t y ' s being swamped and outnumbered by E n g l i s h -speaking r i v a l s . The approximately 50,000 annual immigrants in recent years (60% of whom came from B r i t a i n ) , e s p e c i a l l y those o r i g i n a t i n g from C a t h o l i c Southern Europe,are s t i l l viewed with s u s p i c i o n and d i s d a i n by many r igh t -w ing A f r i k a n e r s . * Even a net gain of 30-40,000 immigrants annual ly i s i n s u f f i c i e n t to f i l l i nc reas ing openings f o r q u a l i f i e d personnel (H. Adam, 1971).Harry Oppenheimer, the chairman of Anglo-Amer ican, est imated that at l e a s t h a l f of the approximately 80,000 annual new openings f o r s k i l l e d , c l e r i c a l and p r o f e s s i o n a l occupat ions w i l l have to be *The i rony of the A f r i k a n e r a t t i t u d e s towards B r i t i s h immigrants, was shown in a recent empir ica l study,which revealed that the major i ty of B r i t i s h immigrants soon overconform to what they perce ive as the dominant values of t h e i r new host s o c i e t y , a n d f requent ly be-come more r a c i s t than the S o u t h - A f r i c a n born Whites (Stone, 1973). A s i m i l a r phenomena was reported from Israe l with regard to the a t t i t u d e s of Sephardic Jews towards I s r a e l i Arabs (Smooha, 1974). -85-f i l l e d by l o c a l l y t ra ined Blacks (The. Stan., WE, 11 May 1975) . It i s from t h i s s i t u a t i o n that Indian and c o l o u r e d blue and w h i t e - c o l l a r workers benef i t ted most , s ince they were being i n c r e a s i n g l y h i red f o r superv isory and middle-management p o s i t i o n s in preference to A f r i c a n s . Reverse r o l e r e l a t i o n s h i p s seem non-e x i s t e n t . According to the authors ' personal observat ions and reports from var ious in formants , instances where A f r i c a n s would give orders to Indians in Natal e n t e r p r i s e s , a r e v i r t u a l l y unknown. While in the e a r l y stages of the South A f r i c a n economic development Indians mainly worked in i s o l a t i o n from the indigeneous A f r i c a n p o p u l a t i o n , the subsequent process of i n d u s t r i a l i n t e g r a t i o n and interdependence has th rus t Indians in to a middle-man posi t ion,whose ser ious i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r race r e l a t i o n s , m u s t not be over looked. In s h o r t , broader p o l i t i c a l -economic changes a f t e r World War II have s i g n i f i c a n t l y a l t e red the occupat ional s t ruc ture of Indians by (a) d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of economic a c t i v i t y and (b) r e s u l t a n t s ta tus-changes v i s -a - v i s the other e thn ic groups, despi te cont inuing d i s c r i m i n a t o r y l e g i s l a t i o n . However, i t should be added that while there i s much to show f o r extension of job o p p o r t u n i t i e s , there have a lso been major setbacks to which Indians have been s u b j e c t e d , e s p e c i a l l y in the f i e l d of commerce through the Group Areas Act of 1954 which w i l l be d iscussed l a t e r . The o u t l i n e d processes are acce le ra ted now by what might be -86-adequately c l a s s i f i e d as a f i f t h phase of bureaucra t ic d i v e r s i -f i c a t i o n , assoc ia ted with the government's implementation of i t s "Separate Development Programme" s ince the ea r l y s i x t i e s . The proclaimed need f o r s e l f - a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , i n c l u d i n g s e l f -p o l i c i n g of the var ious e thn ic groups in South A f r i c a opened add i t iona l avenues f o r a p r o f e s s i o n a l e l i t e in a h i ther to c losed p u b l i c s e c t o r . A s i z e a b l e bureaucra t ic apparatus created fo r Indians by the Department of Indian A f f a i r s o f fe red new p o s i t i o n s . In 1961, 28 out of a to ta l of 102 posts (27.5 percent of the t o t a l ) were held by Indians (South A f r i c a , Indian A f f a i r s , 1971:12). By 1974, 481 author ized posts out of a t o t a l of 798 were occupied by Indians ( H o r r e l l , 1975:197). C i ted as a "breakthrough" f o r Indians i s the post of Educat ional P lanner , so f a r the most sen ior a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p o s i t i o n . S i m i l a r l y , the extension of l o c a l government to Indian townships and suburbs has created a range of p rev ious ly non-ex is tent openings. There are now town c l e r k s , heal th inspectors (9 obtained National diplomas in 1974, H o r r e l l , 1976:256), C i v i l Engineers (9 C i v i l Engineer ing techn ic ians graduated with Nat ional C e r t i f i c a t e s in 1974, i b i d . ) , 840 Asians are employed i n posta l s e r v i c e s ( H o r r e l l , 1976:202), and 796 Indians are in the p o l i c e fo rce ( i b i d : 1 9 6 ) . One p o l i c e s t a t i o n i n Chatsworth i s administered e n t i r e l y by Indians ( i b i d ) . Two openings f o r Indian prosecutors have been -87-created and f i l l e d by Ind ians , one of them a woman. Fur ther -more, as a novelty 200 Indians have been r e c r u i t e d fo r Army, Navy and A i r f o r c e t r a i n i n g (F ia t Lux, August, 1974:16). At the i n t e r n a t i o n a l l e v e l , the government's appointment of an Indian envoy at an Overseas embassy (Stcui, WE 21 February, 1976) and of Indian representa t ive with observer status at the United Nations despi te t h e i r p o l i t i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s , are regarded as notable " f i r s t s " by many Indians and c r i t i c i z e d as window-dressing by the more p o l i t i c i s e d . Related developments are the establ ishment of the New Republ ic Bank in 1971, which o f fe red o u t l e t s for bankers, chartered accountants and c l e r i c a l workers (SABRA, 1975:27). In the p r o f e s s i o n a l and t e c h n i c a l f i e l d s there has been a s h i f t from an e a r l i e r emphasis on medic ine , law and teaching to a greater v a r i e t y of p r o f e s s i o n s . Th is was due p a r t l y to the f a c t that in the p a s t , the s o - c a l l e d 'open' University of Natal d id not open i t s sc ience f a c u l t y to Ind ians , who were there fore forced to leave the province to study at e i t h e r For t Hare or at the U n i v e r s i t y of Cape Town or Witwatersrand. The expense of l i v i n g away from home,l imited the number o f students who could study sc ience f u l l - t i m e . Only in 1951, was the Medical Facu l ty f o r non-Europeans added to the U n i v e r s i t y of Natal (Palmer, 1957:168). P r i o r to that time most doctors q u a l i f i e d -88-abroad. Today a range of degrees have been awarded in a r c h i t e c t u r e , engineer ing and pharmacy, and diplomas in medical l abora tory technology , e l e c t r o n i c data p r o c e s s i n g , chemical technology, a r c h i t e c t u r a l draftsmanship and radio technology, among others ( H o r r e l l , 1976:256). In 1974, M.L. Sul tan Col lege of Advanced Technica l Educat ion in Durban had an enrolment of 1 ,293 f u l l time students and 6,285 p a r t -time students ( i b i d . : 2 5 7 ) . The o u t l i n e d upward economic m o b i l i t y of s i z e a b l e por t ions o f the Indian populat ion was not without costs with which these achievements were accompl ished. Many of these changes were forced upon a powerless community by l e g i s l a t i o n , which a r b i t r a r i l y d is rup ted e s t a b l i s h e d businesses^and created a new kind of poverty through the d i s l o c a t i o n of extended f a m i l i e s , an increased s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n wi th in the group,and new dependencies on d i s c r i m i n a t o r y s ta te bureaucrac ies . Any balanced assessment o f Indian progress has to take i n t o account t h i s other s ide of the c o i n , as symbolized in the l a r g e - s c a l e reset t lement schemes. The fa te of the e s t a b l i s h e d t r a d e r s , fo r i n s t a n c e , needs a d d i t i o n a l a t t en t ion in context o f the changing occupat ional s t r u c t u r e . The over -a l l e f f e c t s of the "Group Areas Act" on Indian l i f e s t y l e s w i l l be analyzed in more d e t a i l e lsewhere. • -89-Despite the cons iderab le s t r u c t u r a l and v i s i b l e changes in the economic a c t i v i t i e s of the former " c o o l i e s " , ea r l y white a t t i t u d e s of antagonism to Indian trade and commercial a c t i v i t y have undergone only slow t rans format ion . An o f f i c i a l s t a t e -ment, by the Deputy M i n i s t e r of the I n t e r i o r in 1960 i s i n d i c a t i v e of t h i s a t t i t u d e : "Indians have arrogated to them-selves the r i g h t to be the only businessmen. Why cannot some of them a l s o do some work? Why should white people have to use t h e i r hands and not they?" (House of Assembly, 11 A p r i l 1960, Hansard 13, Col 5285). S i m i l a r sentiments are evident in many informal comments by Whites to the author . Th is view of Indian commercial compet i t ion as p a r a s i t i c and non-p r o d u c t i v e ^ a s used to j u s t i f y l e g i s l a t i o n aga ins t the success fu l businessman in the name of r e s i d e n t i a l segregat ion to avoid f r i c t i o n . The Group Areas Act in 1954, g radua l ly succeeded in the d r a s t i c reduct ion of Indian commercial a c t i v i t y . In 1963, the M i n i s t e r of Indian A f f a i r s stated that only 340 out of a to ta l of 3,191 t raders in Durban would be unaffected by the proc lamat ion . The remaining 2,057 cases would be held in abeyance, unable to engage in any f u r t h e r development in the meantime. Of these 794 had to q u i t t h e i r premises at the time (Hansard 19, Cols 7000-1 as c i t e d i n H o r r e l l , 1963:222). In 1973, however, 4,363 t raders are on o f f i c i a l record as yet to be r e s e t t l e d (SABRA, 1975:16). To -90-counteract t h i s s i t u a t i o n ? t h e government has made p a t e r n a l i s t i c d e c l a r a t i o n s that other f i e l d s of employment are being created to a l l e v i a t e the overemphasis on commerce (W.A. Maree, 1962:2). The Indust r ia l Development C o r p o r a t i o n , a s ta te agency, i s c i t e d as having a s s i s t e d three Indians in the Transvaal through loans of Rl78,000 to e s t a b l i s h c l o t h i n g , t e x t i l e and vegetable o i l f a c t o r i e s ( H o r r e l l , 1976:74). S i m i l a r l y , the IDC i s r e -ported to have embarked on a R3 m i l l i o n programme to develop f i f t e e n i n d u s t r i a l s i t e s f o r Indians in Durban, Stanger and Tongaat (Horre l l ,1976:74-75) . However, as Meer points o u t , only a small propor t ion of g r o s s l y undercompensated t raders can hope to extend themselves in t h i s d i r e c t i o n (Meer, 1971: 24). While f igures represent ing an increase in Indian manu-f a c t u r e r s from 142 in 1962 to 350 in 1967, together with to ta l investment in industry between 1966^and 1963-^totall ing R 2 0 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 9 a p p e a r "impressive, Meer argues that they are in f a c t i n s i g n i f i c a n t when compared with a loss in one area a l o n e , of R20,000,000 in business turnover to 310 businesses and R13,700,000 in s t o c k s , goodwil l and f a c i l i t i e s ( i b i d . ) . On the other hand, i t should be pointed out that t h i s very i n -s e c u r i t y would appear to have generated d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . 1,650 Indian entrepreneurs now operate manufacturing concerns ( South A f r i c a , 1970) and 41.9 percent of employed Indian workers, that i s approx--91 -imately 56,280, are engaged in manufacturing (South A f r i c a , Populat ion Census 1970). Th is cont ras ts sharp ly with 19.1 percent in 1936, 31.4 percent i n 1951 and 37.7 percent i n 1960 as shown in Table 1. In the main, there has been a change from s m a l l - s c a l e fami ly based e n t e r p r i s e s , reminiscent of cottage i n d u s t r i e s , and to a large extent caste based (such as j e w e l l e r s , laundry owners, brassware makers, p r i n t i n g - f i r m s ) , to l a r g e r manufacturing and r e t a i l e n t e r p r i s e . Such manufacturers tend to be more f r e -quent ly descendants o f indentured l a b o u r e r s , i n c o n t r a s t to e a r l i e r wealthy merchants who were i n v a r i a b l y of passenger-Indian o r i g i n . The major i ty of Indian manufacturers are now concentrated in the c l o t h i n g i n d u s t r y . Out of a to ta l of 1,650 Indian manu-f a c t u r i n g employers, 1,050 are i n the c l o t h i n g i n d u s t r y , 130 i n f u r n i t u r e , 90 i n p r i n t i n g and p u b l i s h i n g , and smal ler numbers i n t e x t i l e s , l e a t h e r and footwear , metal p r o d u c t s , t ranspor t equipment and p r o f e s s i o n a l and s c i e n t i f i c instruments (South Af r ica^ Indian A f f a i r s , 1973: 31-2) . Due to the inadequacy of i n d u s t r i a l census f igures however, i t i s not p o s s i b l e to quant i fy the r e l a t i o n s h i p of Indian-owned i n d u s t r i e s to to ta l manufacturing employment. While changes i n Indian occupat ional s t ruc tu re would appear to i n d i c a t e upwardly mobile trends (Bromberger, 1974), there s t i l l -92-e x i s t s cons iderab le poverty in the community. Maasdorp and Pi 11 ay r e f e r to 1963 f i g u r e s showing that 64 percent of Durban Indian households l i v e below the poverty datum l i n e . It may be est imated,however , that t h i s has changed somewhat s ince then , e s p e c i a l l y with the i n c r e a s i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women in the labour f o r c e . Furthermore,a cons iderab le propor t ion of Indian workers are sa id to be engaged in p r i v a t e undertakings to supplement income. In 1970, 88 percent of a l l Indian workers, compared with 72 percent Coloureds and 28 percent Whites,were thus involved (SABRA, 1975:25). While there has been a narrowing of the White- Indian per c a p i t a income gap between 1960-1970 (McGrath, 1974), there s t i l l e x i s t s d i s c r i m i n a t i o n in s a l a r y s c a l e s , not only in the p r iva te sec tor but a lso in p u b l i c s e r v i c e . It has been c a l c u l a t e d that in p r o v i n c i a l medical s e r v i c e and educat ional i n s t i t u t i o n s in 1972, Indian s a l a r i e s were on ly 70-80 per-cent of those of Whites with i d e n t i c a l t r a i n i n g and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s ( F o u r i e , 1973). Th is was at the s k i l l e d end of the spectrum-In the case of s e m i - s k i l l e d and u n s k i l l e d workers the gap was much grea te r . Despite the cont inu ing intergroup i n e q u a l i t i e s the o u t l i n e d changes in the occupat ional s t r u c t u r e have led to new c l a s s --93-l i k e intragroup d i v i s i o n s , based on greater income i n -e q u a l i t y . This in te rna l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n of what the proponents of c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m (Kuper and Smith , 1969) of ten view as homogeneous communities w i l l have to be the focus of a n a l y s i s elsewhere. -94-V I . EARLY POLITICAL RESPONSES 1. The P o l i t i c s of Pleading Indian p o l i t i c a l responses to a s i t u a t i o n generat ing i n -c r e a s i n g l y repress ive measures took var ious forms. Beginning with a r e l a t i v e l y i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c , l e g a l i s t i c , and non-conf ron ta t iona l approach, Indians gradua l ly turned from e x c l u s i v i s m to more u n i v e r s a l , c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n s . In so d o i n g , the demands of a l l underpr iv i l eged groups were f o r a whi le l i n k e d , u n t i l p o l i t i c o - l e g a l cond i t ions generated i n c r e a s i n g l y greater obstac les to black u n i t y , reducing i t to t h e o r e t i c a l l e v e l s o n l y . Before any organized p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n , i n d i v i d u a l Indian laborers had protested aga inst work cond i t ions when they became i n t o l e r a b l e . There were instances of s m a l l - s c a l e s t r i k e s on esta tes "(Huttenback, 1971:31). Indiv idual t raders resor ted to the law cour ts to p r o t e s t cases of i l l e g a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . One such lawsui t of a wealthy Indian t rader brought to South A f r i c a Mohandas Gandhi , a young Ind ian , E n g l i s h - t r a i n e d b a r r i s t e r on a y e a r ' s c o n t r a c t . This was the beginning of organized Indian p o l i t i c a l express ion in South A f r i c a , l a t e r to have i t s impact on the independence movement in India i t s e l f . A year a f t e r his a r r i v a l Gandhi was instrumental in forming the Natal Indian Congress (NIC), i n i t i a l l y as a r e a c t i o n to a b i l l threatening disenfranchisement o f Indians there (Pacha i , 1971:22). A p e t i t i o n with 10,000 s ignatures was submit ted, the bas is -95-f o r pro tes t being e s s e n t i a l l y l e g a l i s t i c . Gandhi be l ieved s t rong ly that e q u a l i t y was a fundamental human r i g h t , a n d that t rea ty o b l i g a t i o n s were s u f f i c i e n t to bind South A f r i c a to extend equal c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s to a l l Indians. As a. Gu je ra t i - speak ing Indian of respectab le caste background with an overseas e d u c a t i o n , Gandhi was h igh ly respected among the t r a d e r s . The sobr ie ty of h is approach to au thor i ty appealed to them and he r a p i d l y became a spokesman f o r Indian i n t e r e s t s , at that stage e s p e c i a l l y the t r a d e r s ' i n t e r e s t s ( C a l p i n , 1949; Huttenback, 1971; P a c h a i , 1971; Palmer, 1957 ) . South A f r i c a provided the context w i th in which Gandhi 's ideas of nonviolence were to develop in to a p o l i t i c a l instrument . The f i r s t passive r e s i s t a n c e campaign in 1907 was d i r e c t e d against the Transvaal Immigrants R e s t r i c t i o n A c t , which requi red res idents to submit to educat ional tes ts and r e -s t r i c t e d t h e i r movement to the Transvaal from N a t a l . In r e s i s t i n g t h i s measure ? Transvaal Indians refused to take out r e g i s t r a t i o n c e r t i f i c a t e s and l i c e n s e s f o r hawking. The success of community leaders i n o r g a n i s i n g " p r a c t i c a l l y the whole Indian populat ion" was reported by the Co lon ia l Secretary of the Transvaal at the time (Pacha i , 1971:38). Though a p p l i c a b l e to a l l Ind ians , the i n i t i a l impact of t h i s law was f e l t mostly by t r a d e r s , who supported Gandhi 's campaign s o l i d l y (Huttenback, 1971). Subsequent compromise s o l u t i o n s were sought by Gandhi through voluntary r e g i s t r a t i o n , at the -96-suggestion of General Smuts, the Transvaal Co lon ia l Secretary at the t ime. It was hoped that in c o - o p e r a t i n g , Indians would show good f a i t h in the government and the Act would be repea led . Th is was however, a f u t i l e attempt s ince the pledge was not honored by the Transvaal government (Palmer, 1957). Th is led to a demonstrative burning by Indians of 1,300 r e g i s t r a t i o n c e r t i f i c a t e s and 500 t rad ing l i c e n s e s (Pacha i , 1971:42). The second passive r e s i s t a n c e campaign, which ended in 1913, was motivated by broader i s s u e s , though s t i l l r e la ted e x c l u s i v e l y to the p o s i t i o n of the Indian. It focused on the excessive p o l l tax demanded of the indentured ?who decided to remain in South A f r i c a a f t e r terminat ion of t h e i r i n i t i a l c o n t r a c t s s a n d laws that made i l l e g a l those marriages solemnized under t r a d i t i o n a l Indian r i t e s • Since these concerns cut across the i n t e r e s t s of both the indentured and the t r a d e r s , a temporary uni ty developed between them. Women from the T r a n s v a a l , mostly Tami l - speak ing , crossed in to Natal and went from mine to mine in Northern Natal asking Indian laborers and t h e i r f a m i l i e s to cease work. The a r r e s t of such women created greater awareness both at home and abroad among Indians as well as t h e i r black and white l i b e r a l sympathizers. During the "Great March of October 1913",Gandhi accompanied by over 2,000 s t r i k e r s and t h e i r f a m i l i e s , marched d e l i b e r a t e l y in to the Transvaal to contravene the Immigrants -97-Regulat ion Act 22/1913 (Pacha i , 1971:62). Gandhi was ar res ted and imprisoned f o r nine months with hard labor (Pacha i , 1971:62). Other conf ronta t ions took place on the North Coast of N a t a l , where some 1,200 laborers went on s t r i k e . On the South Coast near Mt. Edgecombe a c l a s h between p o l i c e and laborers occurred at the same t ime. These were acccompanied by smal ler s c a l e s t r i k e s in the major towns in Natal (Pacha i , 1971:63). The campaign was success fu l i n s o f a r as i t led to. the Smuts-Gandhi agreement and the passing of the Indian R e l i e f A c t . The p o l l tax was abol ished and Indian marriages according to t r a d i t i o n a l r i t e s were formal ly recogn ized . The former indentured had p r e v i o u s l y d is tanced themselves from Gandhi 's approach, d isagree ing with h is compromising approach to a u t h o r i t y , h is p e r s i s t e n t respect f o r the s o -c a l l e d standards of the B r i t i s h Empire? and h is tendency to appeal to a "change of heart" by i n v o l v i n g them in the Anglo-Boer War . He was considered as a c o l o n i a l with a 1. When the Queen's Diamond J u b i l e e approached, Gandhi was s t i l l s u f f i c i e n t l y enamored of the B r i t i s h Empire to wr i te a warm message of f e l i c i t a t i o n : " W e are proud to th ink that we are your s u b j e c t s , the more so as we know that the peace that we enjoy in I n d i a , and the conf idence of s e c u r i t y of l i f e , and p r o s p e r i t y which enables us to venture abroad, are due to that p o s i t i o n " , (Huttenback, 1971:82). 2. Despite his d isappointments , Gandhi.urged Indians to j o i n the army and f i g h t f o r B r i t a i n during World War I. He organized an Indian ambulance corps comprising 800 f ree and 300 indentured members, who placed t h e i r s e r v i c e s at the d isposa l of the Natal government ( I b i d . , pp. 82 and 123). -98-B r i t i s h educat ion that he continued to take s e r i o u s l y . By c o n t r a s t , the former indentured had been r a d i c a l i z e d by harsh experience of d i s c r i m i n a t o r y cond i t ions and knew the extent of B r i t i s h e x p l o i t a t i o n . In 1914 Gandhi returned to I n d i a , having i n i t i a t e d a new technique of p o l i t i c a l response he c a l l e d satyagraha. His g radua l ly widening c i r c l e s of concern never qu i te succeeded in i n c l u d i n g the p l i g h t of the A f r i c a n (Gandhi, 1958:245), although he had worked with white l i b e r a l s . However, the p o l i t i c a l s t r a t e g -he formulated was to be meaningful in the e a r l y years of organized A f r i c a n r e s i s t a n c e (Meer, 1969). The post-World War I trade d e p r e s s i o n , which led to increased White unemployment, accentuated the h o s t i l i t y of Whites toward Indians. Among the complaints of Whites aga inst Indian t raders voiced in the Lange Commission of 1920^ (Huttenback, 1971:334),which enquired in to the p o s i t i o n of Indians in the Union, were: '(1) They send t h e i r money out of the country ins tead of spending i t where they earn i t . 1. The A s i a t i c Inquiry Commission appointed in 1920 under the chairmanship of S i r John Lange, recommended a program of voluntary r e p a t r i a t i o n to Ind ia . While i t condemned e x i s t i n g l o c a t i o n s as inadequate, the Commission urged the establ ishment of e x c l u s i v e segregated areas of town f o r both l i v i n g and working. (Huttenback, 1971:334) -99-(2) They are a source of danger to the pub l i c heal th owing r to t h e i r unclean h a b i t s , and requ i re constant superv is ion to make them conform to san i ta ry and other by- laws. (3) They deprec ia te the value of property in t h e i r neighborhood, as well as the premises which they occupy. (4) The i r standard of l i v i n g i s i n f e r i o r to that of Europeans. (5) The i r standard of t rad ing and methods of business are d i f f e r e n t to those of Europeans in the fo l low ing r e s p e c t s : (a) They use i n f e r i o r bu i ld ings as shop premises and pay less rent f o r them. (b) The owner of the business and his s h o p - a s s i s t a n t s a l ? usua l l y res ide on the premises. (c) They defraud t h e i r c r e d i t o r s by f raudulent inso lvency more f requent ly than Europeans. (d) They pay lower wages to t h e i r a s s i s t a n t s than Europeans. (e) They evade the laws regu la t ing hours of t r a d i n g . (f) They h a b i t u a l l y give short weight and adul te ra te food -s t u f f s . (g) They thus succeed in u n d e r s e l l i n g European t r a d e r s . (6) They carry on business which should be c a r r i e d on by Europeans, and c lose avenues of employment which should be open to Europeans. (7) They produce nothing in the T r a n s v a a l , and do not consume the produce of the count ry , but import t h e i r requirements from Ind ia . -loo-ts) They form " r ings" to keep out European compet i tors . (9) The i r presence has a bad in f luence on the n a t i v e s , who are jea lous of the r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s enjoyed by them as colored, people . (10) The i r r e l i g i o n , language, c o l o u r , mode of thought, i d e a l s , manners, and customs are e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t to those of Europeans; they cannot be a s s i m i l a t e d and t h e i r presence i s a menace to European supremacy. (11) They are genera l l y immoral and debauch the nat ives by i n c i t i n g them to t h e f t , and by r e a d i l y r e c e i v i n g the s to len proper ty . (12) They become too f a m i l i a r with Europeans, e s p e c i a l l y f e -males in the conduct of t h e i r b u s i n e s s , and thus destroy the n respect of nat ives f o r Europeans ( C a l p i n , 1949:42-3). Expressions of white animosity of ten resemble in d e t a i l ? t h e accusat ions against t rad ing m i n o r i t i e s in other parts of the wor ld . If one c a r e f u l l y examines the charges against the fo re ign in t ruders one i s st ruck by t h e i r i n t e r c h a n g e a b i l i t y with regard to Jews in pre-Nazi Germany, Syr ians and Lebanese in West A f r i c a or even O r i e n t a l s in contemporary North America. The expressions of antagonism reveal a pat tern which on the one hand i n d i c a t e s a real c o n f l i c t with more success fu l compet i to rs , due to t h e i r d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , and on the other hand the r o l e of the fo re igners as scapegoats -101-fo r both i n d i v i d u a l repress ions and as pseudo-explanat ions fo r broader under ly ing socio-economic changes. The f o r e i g n middle-man,lodged between a deprived nat ive populat ion or indigeneous p r o l e t a r i a t and a p r i v i l e g e d superordinate group, can be construed by both antagonists as the source of a l l e v i l . His weak p o s i t i o n , extreme v u l n e r a b i l i t y f o r d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , v i s i b i l i t y as a " s t r a n g e r " , and s t r a t e g i c placement e a s i l y s a t i s f y the demands fo r d e c i s i v e ac t ion to remedy the i l l s . The naivete of the accused v ic t ims l i e s in the f a l l a c i o u s b e l i e f that t h e i r behaviour can in f luence the ac t ions of t h e i r prosecutors,when they as f o r e i g n middlemen are merely the pawns in a wider c o n f l i c t . Indians in South A f r i c a opposed these accusat ions s t renuous ly . They considered i t u n f a i r to blame them f o r sending money out of the country to support t h e i r f a m i l i e s who were not al lowed to j o i n them in the country . The Transvaal Indians were pro -h i b i t e d from inves t ing f r e e l y in l a n d . There were obstac les placed on the f ree expenditure of t h e i r money, they were ex-cluded from much p u b l i c entertainment and t h e a t r e s . T h e i r i n f e r i o r mode of l i v i n g r e s u l t e d from the municipal a u t h o r i t i e s d e l i b e r a t e l y neg lec t ing Indian areas but at the same time r e f e r r i n g to t h e i r low s a n i t a r y s tandards. Furthermore, Indians were w i l l i n g to penetrate o u t l y i n g d i s t r i c t s where European farmers , they argued, were r e l u c t a n t to e s t a b l i s h -102-themselves. It was doubtful whether Indian shopkeepers were as e x p l o i t a t i v e of t h e i r customers as White t r a d e r s , s ince they catered to the poor Whites, so ld n e c e s s i t i e s of l i f e in smal ler q u a n t i t i e s and o f fe red unpara l l e led c r e d i t f a c i l i t i e s . Fol lowing the recommendations of the Lange Commission increased r e s t r i c t i o n s aga ins t Indians were suggested i n the Areas Reservat ion B i l l of 1925, whose main object was to implement r e s i d e n t i a l segregat ion . To qu ie t the t i d e of white antagonism, Ind ians , in t h e i r pa the t ic powerlessness, began to accede to var ious white maneouvers. For i n s t a n c e , whi le at t h i s stage no law ex is ted to prevent Indians from acqu i r ing or occupying property anywhere in the province of N a t a l , leaders of the NIC, at the i n s t i g a t i o n of European a u t h o r i t i e s , began v o l u n t a r i l y to dissuade Indians from acqu i r ing property i n , and thereby "penetrat ing" White a r e a s J Compliance was v i r t u a l l y forced on the grounds that otherwise compulsory segrega t ion , which Indian leaders hoped to f o r e s t a l l , would r e s u l t ( C a l p i n , 1949:128-30). The psycho log ica l impact of a s i t u a t i o n f o r c i n g such ac t ions must have been profound and wide-spread indeed, i f Indians f e l t that they should v o l u n t a r i l y w i th -draw from e x e r c i s i n g t h e i r legal r i g h t s and v i r t u a l l y make them-selves inconspicuous so as to be l e f t in peace. 1. The extent of "penetrat ion" had in f a c t been exaggerated out of a l l proport ion as evidenced in a memorandum of the Natal Indian Congress to the Durban C i t y C o u n c i l . It was pointed out that the value of property held by Indians in the o ld Borough was 4 m i l l i o n pounds, as compared with an European holding of 35 m i l l i o n pounds, Indians owned 1 ,783 s i t e s as against 12,782 owned by Europeans. (Pacha i , 1971:167) -103-P r e v i o u s l y , Indians had c o n s t i t u t e d themselves in to var ious p r o v i n c i a l a s s o c i a t i o n s ; the Cape B r i t i s h Indian C o u n c i l , the Transvaal B r i t i s h Indian A s s o c i a t i o n , and the Natal Indian Congress. Acce lera ted r e s t r i c t i o n s had the e f f e c t of temporar i ly un i fy ing these bodies in 1920 in to the South A f r i c a n Indian Congress CSAIC) (Palmer, 1957:81). Th is enabled the community to express i t s demands in the i n t e r n a t i o n a l forum with one v o i c e . The outcome was a meeting between representa t ives of India and South A f r i c a that produced the Cape Town Agreement of 1927, conta in ing many promises of change. The South A f r i c a n government agreed not to proceed with the Areas Re-serva t ion B i l l , and the Indian government o f f e r e d to a s s i s t with r e p a t r i a t i o n of those who so d e s i r e d . Th is era of Indian d i s s e n s i o n was dominated by a p a r t i c u l a r approach, motivated by what can be descr ibed as a " t rader m e n t a l i t y . " Despite the f a c t that the t raders c o n s t i t u t e d a small percentage of the Indian p o p u l a t i o n , they had the resources to draw a t ten t ion to t h e i r p l i g h t , and in so doing a lso incorporated from time to time the problems of the i n -dentured l a b o r e r s . T h e i r s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e and ambit iousness made them n o t i c e a b l e , desp i te t h e i r numerical weakness (Hutten-back, 1971:41). Meer maintains that "they provided mal leable mater ia l f o r the o rgan isa t ion of a p o l i t i c a l movement and presented the necessary middle c l a s s background fo r the e f f e c t i v e leader " (Meer, 1969:27). The i r approach was based -104-on a minimal awareness of r i g h t s and a maximal focus on methods of ga in ing and maintaining the goodwil l of those in power. Charac ter i zed by n e g o t i a t i o n s , deputa t ions , p e t i t i o n s , con-f e r e n c e s , and d i s c u s s i o n s , the under ly ing s t ra tegy was one of g radua l ism, b a r g a i n i n g , and compromise. These methods were to be abrupt ly confronted by the next generat ion of Indian leaders with a very d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l maneuvering, which was to have i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the community's increased s e l f -conf idence . 2. Confrontat ion Instead of Persuasion The Cape Town Agreement of 1927 r a i s e d some hopes among Indians. It acce le ra ted the a v a i l a b i l i t y of educat ional o p p o r t u n i t i e s , which were f u l l y u t i l i z e d . The number of schools increased from 52 in 1928 to 78 in 1931, teachers s a l a r i e s were r a i s e d , and a teacher t r a i n i n g c o l l e g e e s t a b l i s h e d (Palmer, 1957:108). At the same time Indians began to f inance t h e i r own schools and to form w e l f a r e , c u l t u r a l , and r e l i g i o u s organ iza t ions to f u l f i l l t h e i r needs in a s o c i e t y where few i f any such f a c i l i t i e s were provided fo r , them. The demands of Indians of t h i s time d i f f e r e d con-s i d e r a b l y from those of the preceding genera t ion . They were keen users of any p o s s i b l e educat ional o p p o r t u n i t y , and a l -most every young person asp i red to complete secondary educat ion . Many parents scrounged together what money they could to send -105-t h e i r c h i l d r e n to B r i t a i n f o r p ro fess iona l educa t ion , s ince they saw in i t the only s e c u r i t y f o r the f u t u r e . It was from among those who studied abroad and experienced more e q u a l i t a r i a n treatment in a d i f f e r e n t s o c i e t y ^ that the future p o l i t i c a l leaders were to emerge. Even those who had studied wi th in the country had experienced more e g a l i t a r i a n contact with Eng l ish schoolmasters , white m i s s i o n a r i e s , and other p h i l a n t h r o p i c f i g u r e s than had the former genera t ion , - The impact of these cont rac ts was an o v e r a l l p o l i t i c i z a t i o n of the younger m i d d l e - c l a s s generat ion . Simultaneously,many young workers with d i f f e r e n t needs and expectat ions found the ideas of trade unionism and s o c i a l i s m to have inc reas ing relevance to t h e i r s i t u a t i o n . The new l e a d e r s h i p , comprising young Indian p r o f e s s i o n a l s and the i n t e l l i g e n t s i a , pursued a more r a d i c a l p o l i t i c a l course than the o l d commerical and ent repreneur ia l e l i t e , seeking common cause with workers of a l l deprived groups. Numerous small s t r i k e s , though not always success fu l i n r e a l i z i n g t h e i r a ims, helped to conso l ida te morale among workers aga inst d i s c r i m i n a t i o n on the basis of c o l o r . In no other context was the meaning of worker e x p l o i t a t i o n so abundantly c l e a r as in South A f r i c a . The constant co inc idence of race and d e p r i -vat ion was more v i v i d and v i s i b l e than c l a s s s t ruggle could ever be in a r a c i a l l y homogeneous s o c i e t y . Hence Indian workers f e l t the justness of t h e i r cause spoke fo r i t s e l f . -106-Furthermore, the inequ i ty wi th in the Indian community i t s e l f became i n c r e a s i n g l y e v i d e n t , exposing the l i n k between the p o l i c i e s of Indian organ iza t ions and the c l a s s background and i n t e r e s t s of t h e i r l e a d e r s h i p . The nonconfrontat ional approaches, which had never produced e f f e c t i v e r e s u l t s , were gradua l ly replaced with candid views f o r d i r e c t r e s i s t a n c e to a u t h o r i t y . Open, c l e a r demands based on what were considered to be fundamental human r ights ,were seen as pre fe rab le to humi l ia t ing and vague pleas fo r mercy. The d i a l e c t i c a l impact of c o l o n i a l educat ion was f u r t h e r ev ident in the perspect ives of the young r a d i c a l s . Instead of be-coming "adjusted" Indian Engl ishmen, they returned more s e l f -conf ident in t h e i r Indian background. Consequent ly , they tended to be more n a t i o n a l i s t i c with regard to t h e i r Iridianness than the compromising o lder commercial e l i t e had been ( C a l p i n , 1949). Evidence of these divergent viewpoints emerged during World War II. The South A f r i c a n Indian Congress (SAIC), in i t s customary p u r s u i t of expediency, passed a r e s o l u t i o n pledging l o y a l t y to the B r i t i s h cause. By c o n t r a s t , the young n a t i o n a l i s t s refused to a s s o c i a t e themselves with a war they considered to be in the i n t e r e s t s of B r i t i s h imper ia l i sm. Sub-sequent ly , they c o n s t i t u t e d themselves as an oppos i t ion group, c a l l e d the An t i -Segrega t ion C o u n c i l , w i th in the NIC. They i n c r e a s i n g l y viewed t h e i r l o c a l s t rugg le in i n t e r n a t i o n a l -107-terms, i d e n t i f y i n g with the independence movement in Ind ia . The A n t i - S e g r e g a t i o n Counci l a l s o introduced to the p o l i t i c a l arena worker support , which p r e v i o u s l y had been ignored . More s i g n i f i c a n t l y , f o r the f i r s t time in South A f r i c a n Indian p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y the a s p i r a t i o n s of A f r i c a n s were incorporated i n t o programs, and A f r i c a n s shared the same p la t fo rm. T h e i r j o i n t demands were un iversa l suf f rage on a common non-r a c i a l r o l l , e q u a l i t y in employment and s t a t u s , freedom of movement, and removal of a l l e x i s t i n g r e s t r i c t i v e and d i s -cr iminatory l e g i s l a t i o n . Th is s t ra tegy contrasted too s t rong ly with the bargaining t a c t i c s and gradual ism of the o lder a c t i v i s t s , who s p l i t in 1947 and formed the Natal Indian Organizat ion (NIO). They c r i t i c i z e d the NIC f o r unnecessar i l y a l i e n a t i n g white suppor t , f o r being Communis t - insp i red , and f o r heading on a c o l l i s i o n course damaging to e x i s t i n g Indian economic p r o s p e c t s . For the f i r s t time the impact of a l o n g - e x i s t i n g under-current of d i f f e r i n g i n t e r e s t s , n e v e r before a r t i c u l a t e d w i th in the seemingly homogeneous community,became c l e a r l y expressed in p u b l i c p o l i c y and s t r a t e g i e s . The NIO was com-p r i s e d of a major i ty of G u j e r a t i - s p e a k i n g Musl ims, o r i g i n a l l y of passenger status with subs tan t i a l commercial i n t e r e s t s . 1 At the 1948 Conference of the Natal Indian O r g a n i z a t i o n , of 189 members 148 were Gujera t i Muslims. (Meer, 1972:441). -108-The NIC appealed fo r the most part to workers, with i t s leadership composed of sympathetic p r o f e s s i o n a l s . A r t i c u l a t i o n of d i f f e r e n t i n t e r e s t groups in o rgan iza t iona l terms a l s o served as a more a c t i v e r a l l y i n g p o i n t , thereby inc reas ing pub l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n . In March 1946 the NIC organized the t h i r d passive r e s i s t a n c e campaign, which was d i r e c t e d aga inst the Ghetto Act of 1946. Without achiev ing many demands, the NIC succeeded in m o b i l i z i n g thousands of Indians f o r a p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l r e v i v a l p e r i o d . Indian morale was e x c e p t i o n a l l y high at t h i s t ime, being l inked with optimism about Ind ia 's impending independence. The Indian d iaspora had i d e n t i f i e d i t s e l f f u l l y with the s t ruggle in India . It was a lso a high per iod of c u l t u r a l renaissance among South A f r i c a n Indians. Independence songs in var ious vernacular languages appeared. The Tamil community was e s p e c i a l l y a c t i v e as packed audiences attended the concerts of the Tamil Again. Scenes of the ea r l y pioneers working on the sugar cane f i e l d s were r e - e n a c t e d , and the beauty and v i r tues of the Tamil language were e x t o l l e d . A predominant in f luence was that of the communist-poet from Tamilnad, Amarakavi Bharathiar,who s t rong ly confronted B r i t i s h imper ia l ism in India . Rather than f e e l i n g s of powerlessness or d e p r i v a t i o n , a strong sense of moral strength and optimism preva i led Many Congress o f f i c i a l s , being Tamil speak ing, -109-assoc ia ted with and addressed these gatherings (Records of Tamil Agam 1946-9). The same crowds appeared at p o l i t i c a l r a l l i e s at "Red Square" in Durban. Formal membership was by now approximately 35,000 with many more sympathizers. (Meer, 1969). Despite the impressive community m o b i l i z a t i o n of the passive r e s i s t a n c e campaigns, Indians recognized t h e i r powerlessness as a m i n o r i t y . Greater l inkages with the recen t ly formed A f r i c a n National Congress (ANC) became the c r u c i a l i s s u e , i f change was to be e f f e c t i v e l y coerced . While the four th passive r e s i s t a n c e campaign (1952) gained motive power from the s p e c i f i c d i s c r i m i n a t i o n of the Group Areas Act of 1950, i t aimed at unjust l e g i s l a t i o n in g e n e r a l ; i t s theme was "Defiance of Unjust Laws." ' The pro tes t was m u l t i r a c i a l in c h a r a c t e r , the r e s u l t of a formal a l l i a n c e with the ANC. Indeed, s o l i d a r i t y between A f r i c a n s and Indians was evidenced two years l a t e r when 8,557 people were ar res ted f o r p a r t i c i p a t i n g in the campaign; they were mostly A f r i c a n s (Pacha i , 1971:242). The 1952 campaign aroused much i n t e r n a t i o n a l comment and once again drew a t ten t ion to the p l i g h t of the subordinate peoples of South ,' ; ; r i c a , though the focus s t j l l tended to be on the LFor det- J e d d i s c u s s i o n of the 1952 t ;npaign, see L. Kuper, (i960 ). -no-p o s i t i o n of Indians. These developments len t some strength to the domestic s t r u g g l e . In 1955 the Congress of the People , held in Johannesburg and attended by a m u l t i r a c i a l gather ing of 2,884 d e l e g a t e s , adopted the Freedom Charter ( I b i d . , p. 252). A number'of a r r e s t s f o l l o w e d , terminat ing in the t r i a l of a m u l t i r a c i a l group f o r high treason in 1956. In 1960 the ANC was banned, and subsequently the e n t i r e NIC execu t ive , though not the o r g a n i z a t i o n , shared t h i s f a t e . Th is v i r t u a l l y marked the temporary end of u n i f i e d Black p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . While i t must be conceded that the NIC at the end of the f o r t i e s and i n the e a r l y f i f t i e s made s t r i d e s from i t s t r a d i t i o n a l , e x c l u s i v i s t p redecessors , the need f o r two separate congresses on r a c i a l l i n e s has never been c l e a r . At that s t a g e , i t would seem to have s t i l l been p o s s i b l e f o r both r a c i a l groups to work together , e s p e c i a l l y s ince t h e i r p o l i t i c a l aim was an in tegrated South A f r i c a n s o c i e t y . -111-V11.The Impact of N a t i o n a l i s t L e g i s l a t i o n Since the beginning of N a t i o n a l i s t ru le in 1948, Indian l i f e has been a l t e r e d ' b y several changes in the nature of the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l e n v i r o n -ment. The Group Areas Act of 1950 was the most severe piece of l e g i s l a t i o n to a f f e c t Indians as they were the only subordinate group with subs tan t ia l property h o l d i n g s 1 at the t ime. The Act made i t l e g a l l y p o s s i b l e to def ine most of the land in South A f r i c a , p a r t i c u l a r l y in the urban a r e a s , f o r the e x c l u s i v e use and ownership of one of the four r a c i a l groups by r e - a l l o c a t i n g a l l land accord ing ly and aiming at the reset t lement of 2 people who happened to l i v e in an area otherwise " d e c l a r e d " . Three reasons were given by the government in in t roduc ing the Group Areas B i l l , namely: a) That the var ious r a c i a l groups wi th in the Union always have been and s t i l l are at widely d i f f e r i n g and c o n f l i c t i n g stages of c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l development, which make i t impossible to t rea t them a l i k e , b) That i t i s i n the i n t e r e s t of both Europeans and non-Europeans that "Western C i v i l i z a t i o n " should be maintained in South A f r i c a through n o n - i n t e g r a t i o n , c) That r a c i a l c o n f l i c t and tension are i n e v i t a b l e when d i f f e r e n t races l i v e in c l o s e proximity .The Durban 3 r i o t s of January 1949 were used as obvious r a t i o n a l e fo r t h i s 1. Meer est imates that Indians owned over a t h i r d of a l l p roper t ies they occupied which i s the highest r a t i o of a l l r a c i a l groups in South A f r i c a (Meer, 1975:131). 2. It was estimated that up to 1,763 Indians were d ispossessed of 6,638 acres of t h e i r o r i g i n a l landholdings of 10,323 acres of ra teab le land in the Durban m u n i c i p a l i t y . F igures reported by J . N . S i n g h , in an a f f i d a v i t i n Supreme Court of South A f r i c a , Transvaal P r o v i n c i a l D i v i s i o n , in the matter between P.N. Bhoola and the S t a t e , 1963. 3. The Durban r i o t s are descr ibed and analysed in the Sect ion on Indian A f r i c a n R e l a t i o n s . -112-l e g i s l a t i o n to be put on s ta tu te in the form of the "Group Areas Act" (Bridgemohan, 1959:16). Among the s o c i a l and economic consequences c i t e d by the opponents of the scheme, were the drop in property values of e x i s t i n g homes together with the a r t i f i c i a l shortage of l i m i t e d land a v a i l a b l e in new areas . For the subordinates these new l o c a t i o n s were genera l l y more remote from the work p laces and consequently incur red ext ra t ranspor t c o s t s . Above a l l , there were emotional and communal bonds which were being threatened. Es tab l i shed areas with temples, mosques, schools^ were to be f o r f e i t e d f o r new ghettos and slums with minimal in some cases no c i v i c amenit ies (Bridgemohan, 1959:31). Furthermore, there was no actual evidence of i n t e r - r a c i a l h o s t i l i t y in areas where the var ious groups had l i v e d i n c l o s e proximity with each other as revealed f o r instance i n a thorough study of an i n t e r r a c i a l neighbourhood in Durban ( R u s s e l l , 1960). Considerable f i n a n c i a l l o s s was incur red by Indian property owners i n developed areas . By the end of 1974, 39,501 Indian f a m i l i e s through-out the country had become d i s q u a l i f i e d to remain in t h e i r homes. Of these only 29,969 had been r e s e t t l e d . A to ta l of 5,058 Indian t raders were declared d i s q u a l i f i e d occupants , of whom 984 had been r e s e t t l e d ( H o r r e l l , 1976:69, 73) . To make matters worse e x p r o p r i a t i o n took p lace on government-dictated terms, r e s u l t i n g in compensation fa r below market va lue . As a n in te res ted party the a l l - W h i t e Group Areas Board 1. In Cato Manor, , poorer suburb of 3,300 Indian f a m i l i e s there were 16 temples, church and mosques, 11 Indian s c h o o l s , 15 f a c t o r i e s and 115 businesses own by Indians (S ingh, 1963). -113-had a f ree hand to dec lare property f o r any group, valuate i t , fo rce s a l e s , r e ta in preemptive r i g h t s to purchase, to c o l l e c t 50 percent of the surplus on bas ic v a l u e , and subsequently r e s e l l such property on the open market (Bridgemohan, 1959) 1 . In some i n s t a n c e s , where Indians have had the resources and pat ience to contest such v a l u a t i o n s , the i m p a r t i a l i t y of the a r b i t r a t i o n cour t set up by the Board have been contested.On November 20th, 1966, a judge of the Natal Supreme Court asked two members of the three member a r b i t r a t i o n cour t to recuse them-selves (Meer, 1971:25). The discrepancy between municipal va lua t ion and actual compensation as a r e s u l t of the Group Areas Board's va lua t ion i s i l l u s t r a t e d in the fo l lowing examples. In 1964, an Indian owned property with a municipal va lua t ion of R l l , 2 0 0 was compensated with R5,000; another with a ra teable va lua t ion of R960 was compensated with R50 ( H o r r e l l , 1969:223). Two Indian p roper t i es in Durban, bought by the Board f o r R20,000 and R l l , 0 0 0 reso ld wi th in f i f t e e n months f o r R47,000 and R67,000 r e s p e c t i v e l y (Sprocas, 1972:82). In Rustenburg, the Group Areas Board re ta ined R16,000 on the sa le of an Indian property which s o l d to whites at R70,000, presumably as a p p r e c i a t i o n . Less than two years l a t e r the property s o l d f o r R453,000. In Ladysmith a property bought at R6,630 by the Board was reso ld to a white at R9,500 ( H o r r e l l , 1969:107). Chatsworth which was developed on f r u i t farming land was expropr ia ted from Indian farmers at an average p r i c e of R250 per a c r e . "Economic" 1. Various c r i t i c i s m s of the Act have been t reated elsewhere: H o r r e l l , 1956; Paton, n . d . ; Pather , 1950. -114-houses which cost not more than Rl ,000 to b u i l d , and occupy roughly an eighth of an a c r e , have seen so ld to Indians by the Department of Community Development fo r R4,000 per u n i t , and s ince the Department i s exempt from a l l housing r e g u l a t i o n s , homes are of a very poor q u a l i t y (Meer, 1975). Dispossessed homeowners had to pay i n f l a t e d p r i ces fo r accommodations in newly proclaimed Indian a r e a s , which were f a r too small fo r the demand. Th is caused i n f l a t i o n of land pr ices^ by as much as "R2,000 over the p r i c e whites would pay fo r a 900 square metre p l o t " {Sunday Ttilbunz, J u l y 14, 1974). The q u a l i t y of land is a lso genera l l y lower than that f o r Whi tes . The a r t i f i c i a l land shortage f o r Indian home development continues to be a major complaint of a r i s i n g - I n d i a n middle c l a s s . The a v a i l a b l e land fetches e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y high p r i c e s by members of an insecure group seeking to f i n d s e c u r i t y in home 3 ownership. As one property agent remarked, "People have become so desperate that when they even hear about the p o s s i b i l i t y of a new township being opened up they p r a c t i c a l l y fo rce money on us to secure a s i t e . " ( Interview 48) 1. l-our hal t acre lots in one suburb, I s i p i n g o , r e a l i s e d R106,500 in 1968. Neighbouring white suburbs adver t i se land of the same s i z e f o r roughly a t h i r d of that p r i c e . 2. The Department of Community Development has so ld r e s i d e n t i a l p l o t s of 5,000 and 10,000 s q . f t . fo r R5,000 and more. Pr iva te township dwel lers o f f e r smal ler p lo ts of land from R3,000-T12,000 in r e l a t i v e l y undeveloped areas and f o r as much as R25,000 i n ' c h o i c e ' Indian areas 3. In 1965, home ownership among Indians was estimated to be as high cs 60 percent (Meer, 1975). -115-On the bas is of t h i s a r t i f i c i a l l y created demand, Indian property has been recen t ly reevaluated according to a Natal Ordinance which designated that va luat ions had to be based on market v a l u e , namely "what a w i l l i n g buyer would pay a w i l l i n g s e l l e r i f the property to be valued was put up fo r s a l e " {Sunday TXmei, January 25, 1976). Consequently rate r i s e s of 200 to 300 percent have been reported ( i b i d ) . Tenants who have had to be ev ic ted and were unable to gain accommodation in large new monotonous housing complexes such as Chatsworth, were forced to become dwel lers of t r a n s i t camps, of ten of sub-economic 1 standards. The o f f i c i a l l y estimated shortage of housing f o r Indians in Natal at the beginning of 1975 was 13,000 dwel l ings ( H o r r e l l , 1976: 69). In a d d i t i o n , there e x i s t s severe overcrowding. For i n s t a n c e , more than h a l f the homes in the S p r i n g f i e l d sub-economic housing scheme at A s h e r v i l l e , are reported to be overcrowded by the Durban C i t y T r e a s u r e r , Mr. O.D. Gorven. "Of the 695 houses in the scheme, 403 were o v e r c r o w d e d , . . . t h r e e f a m i l i e s each l i v e in 129 homes, two f a m i l i e s each in 250 houses and one fami ly each in 316 houses." {VaULy Hmi,, 28 May, 1974). 79 percent of those l e a s i n g homes were earning l e s s than R80 a month ( i b i d ) . 1. "Sub-economic" standards r e f e r to households earning not more than R100 a month in 1975 ( H o r r e l l , 1976:72). -116-Contrary to a Natal Supreme Court d e c i s i o n o f J u l y 4 t h , 1960, s t i p u l a t i n g that the Board should cons ider the p r o v i s i o n o f a l t e r n a t e , s u i t a b l e and equ i tab le replacement before proc la iming an area ( H o r r e l l , 1960:145), most newly dec lared areas are noted f o r t h e i r poor ameni t ies . I n s u f f i c i e n t numbers o f s c h o o l s , no h o s p i t a l s , no p u b l i c te lephones, inadequate r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s and shopping f a c i l i t i e s , and "not even a p o l i c e s t a t i o n " are among the f requent c o m p l a i n t s . 1 Chatsworth's 15,000 r e s i d e n t s have been without a cemetery f o r 14 years a f t e r reset t lement . Only i n May, 1974 d i d the C i t y Counci l approve land f o r use as a cemetery {Dally Horn, 5 Ju ly ,1974 ) . However, more than the mater ia l d e p r i v a t i o n and comparative d i s -c r i m i n a t i o n aga ins t Indians by the Group Areas A c t , i t was the s o c i a l consequences o f uproot ing a s e t t l e d community which had a l a s t i n g impact. From the perspec t ive o f "community development" these changes i r o n i c a l l y enough seem to have been more e f f i c i e n t a t community d e s t r u c t i o n , eroding the t r a d i t i o n a l South A f r i c a n Indian way o f l i f e . The members o f the extended fami ly g e n e r a l l y had l i v e d e i t h e r t o -gether i n a s i n g l e household or w i th in convenient commuting d is tance from one another. Frequent v i s i t s to r e l a t i v e s were p a r t o f d a i l y l i f e . As the most s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t o f the subordinate groups, Indians 1. The few e s s e n t i a l f a c i l i t i e s which are beginning to appear a f t e r f i f t e e n years res idence i n some o f these townships, such as the R.K. Khan h o s p i t a l i n Chatsworth and the S h i f a h o s p i t a l i n A s h e r v i l l e have been b u i l t a t the community's own i n i t i a t i v e , and wi th heavy s u b s i d i s a t i o n . The R.K. Khan t r u s t p a r t l y f inanced and r a i s e d from the community R400,000 f o r b u i l d i n g the R.K. Khan h o s p i t a l f o r Indians i n Chatsworth. -117-have in the past f i n a n c e d , e i t h e r t o t a l l y or par t l y , over 80 percent of t h e i r own schools and organized a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of a s s o c i a t i o n s , u s u a l l y in the c i t y ' s cent ra l a r e a , to cope with t h e i r needs. Being an e s s e n t i a l l y urban peop le , t h e i r homes were w i th in reach o f shops and places o f enterta inment . These l i v i n g arrangements had made mater ia l d e p r i v a t i o n somewhat bearable : t ranspor t costs were r e -l a t i v e l y low; the nuclear fami ly could r e l y on the extended fami ly f o r c h i l d c a r e ; and the pauc i ty of p u b l i c conveniences in the c i t y f o r Indians was a l l e v i a t e d by cent ra l sett lement pa t te rns . Fur ther -more, telephones were u s u a l l y a v a i l a b l e and a car was not a n e c e s s i t y . In t h i s way poorer groups were compensated by geographical proximi ty and be t te r p u b l i c amenit ies f o r the p r i v a t e advantages of wea l th ier s e c t i o n s i n suburb ia . With the passage of the Group Areas A c t , f o r the f i r s t time in the h i s t o r y o f the Indian community extended f a m i l i e s had to s p l i t and r e s e t t l e according to i n d i v i d u a l f i n a n c i a l means. Thereby, c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s became g r e a t l y accentuated; k insh ip bonds could no longer hide i n d i v i d u a l poverty as well as accumulated wealth in the same f a m i l y . Th is haphazard reset t lement r e s u l t e d i n l a r g e -s c a l e s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n , h i t h e r t o unknown i n the Indian community. Though s t i l l cons iderab ly lower than other r a c i a l groups, the common i n d i c a t o r s f o r degrees of s o c i a l anomie, such as ra tes o f d i v o r c e , i l l e g i t i m a t e b i r t h s , and crime showed a marked increase wi th in the community i t s e l f . 1 r l ^ - ^ 7 ^ I ^ f c o - u n i t y d i s o r g a n i s a t i o n see Ramasar 1967, Meer 1971, Schlemmer 1967. -118-Although there are no crime s t a t i s t i c s f o r Chatsworth or the newer suburbs, and o f f i c i a l group s t a t i s t i c s do not r e f l e c t a s i g n i f i c a n t increase i n cr ime, s o c i a l workers t e l l of an over load of cases dea l ing with s o c i a l d i s r u p t i o n . Residents complain of l i v i n g in fear of gang a s s a u l t s , t h e f t , sexual a t t a c k s , and phys ica l i n j u r y . For i n s t a n c e , res iden ts in the Montford area r e l a t e i n c i d e n t s of a t tacks by the "Fisherman's Gang" which entersany home, s lashes people with kn ives , smashes windows, and takes anything i t p l e a s e s . ( In terv iews, a l s o : Leader, 27 December, 1974). Men, women and c h i l d r e n were s a i d to have been i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y a t t acked , a s s a u l t e d , and t h e i r cars stoned in the Road 702 area of Chatsworth. The p o l i c e seemed unable to do a n y t h i n g , and res iden ts say that whenever they c a l l e d they were t o l d the only pat ro l van in use was out on duty and there fore they were unable to do anything immediately. ( In terv iews, a l s o : Leader 11 October , 1974). Such in t ra -group v io lence may well be i n d i c a t i v e of the anger of a f r u s t r a t e d , oppor tun i ty less youth who have never seen the faces o f the group respons ib le f o r t h e i r f a t e . As Ramasar po ints out (Ramasar, 1967), they turn t h e i r f r u s t r a t i o n in to aggression toward members of t h e i r own group, s ince they are most v u l n e r a b l e , a f r a i d , defenceless and u n l i k e l y to take r e t a l i a t o r y a c t i o n . In t h i s r e s p e c t , the new Indian way of l i f e seems to r e f l e c t , though with a time l a g , the pat tern of the urban A f r i c a n and coloured township d w e l l e r , f o r whom the fea r o f phys ica l v io lence by t h e i r own group members ranks h ighest -119-among everyday concerns ( E d e l s t e i n 1972, Mayer 1974). The o v e r a l l system benef i ts from t h i s absorpt ion by d a i l y s u r v i v a l fears which in add i t ion demonstrate the need for" tougher law and order p o l i c i e s , now often demanded by the v ic t ims of the to ta l s t ruc tu re themselves. Th is p i c t u r e stands sharply in cont ras t to the s i t u a t i o n in o lder areas of Indian se t t lement , with t h e i r heterogeneous composit ion of res idents from var ious economic and r a c i a l groups, with t h e i r temples, mosques, and other i n t e g r a t i n g communal f a c i l i t i e s . 1 In the South A f r i c a n contex t , A f r i c a n s , C o l o r e d s , and Indians economic groups should be l i v i n g wi th in convenience d is tance from the c i t y ' s c e n t e r , instead of the contrary arrangement envis ioned by r e s i d e n t i a l segre9.Qti.0Ki. Unl ike the American trend of g h e t t o i z a t i o n of poor m i n o r i t i e s in the inner c i t y (B launer , 1972), i n South A f r i c a the opposi te pat tern has been designed f o r s t r a t e g i c reasons as f a r as the A f r i c a n s were concerned and mainly f o r quick enrichment of white commercial i n t e r e s t s as f a r as the Coloured and Indian choice proper t ies were concerned. Instead of "block bust ing" in a l e g a l l y non-d i s c r i m i n a t o r y s o c i e t y , South A f r i c a ' s absolute contro l over the d i s e n f r a n c h i s e d , al lowed her to ru le the undesi rab le m a j o r i t y . Though Whites are not forb idden to enter Coloured or Indian areas (but need a permit to v i s i t 1. The extent of the impact of t h i s s i n g l e p iece of l e g i s l a t i o n i s i l l u s t r a t e d in a p u b l i c wedding i n v i t a t i o n , a form very seldom used by Indians: "Mrs. and M r s . . . of . . . wish to extend a c o r d i a l i n v i t a t i o n to f r i ends and r e l a t i v e s with whom they have l o s t contact due to d i s -placement under the Group Areas A c t , on the occasion of the marriage o f . . . " {JhfL LdadeA, 20 J u l y 1973). Indians t r a d i t i o n a l l y d e l i v e r wedding i n v i t a t i o n s persona l ly from home to home, not r e l y i n g on an impersonal postal s e r v i c e , to ensure a good turn-out at the wedding. -120-A f r i c a n townships) few have reason to seek normal contact with what government propaganda now euphemis t ica l ly c a l l s "your non-white fe l low neighbor". The impact of r e s i d e n t i a l segrega t ion , though achieved by d i f f e r e n t means and patterns in the United States and South A f r i c a , i s qu i te s i m i l a r in heightening s o c i a l d is tance be-tween the r a c i a l groups and f u r t h e r i n g the anomie of the under-p r i v i l e g e d in t h e i r s t ruggle fo r equal o p p o r t u n i t i e s . The Group Areas Act a lso st imulated a high per iod of black p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . For a while the p o l i t i c a l concerns of a l l b lack people were merged together . On May 1 s t , 1950, the NataT Indian Congress c a l l e d fo r a "Hartal Day" as a day of pro tes t and mourning. Over 30,000 A f r i c a n s , Coloureds and Indians gathered together to express t h e i r d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the government's proposed measures, (Leader, 6 May ,1950). In J u l y , 1951 both the A f r i c a n National Congress (ANC) and the South A f r i c a n Indian Congress (SAIC) agreed to r e s o r t to mass ac t ion i f the government would not repeal the Group Areas A c t , 1 2 the Pass Laws a f f e c t i n g A f r i c a n s , Stock L i m i t a t i o n Regulat ions and 3 Separate Representat ion of Vo te rs ' A c t , Suppression of Communism 1. Th is Act requi res A f r i c a n s to car ry at a l l times a pass or reference book. F a i l u r e to produce t h i s document r e s u l t s in a f i n e not exceeding X50 and imprisonment of up to 6 months. (United Nations Commission on the Racia l S i t u a t i o n in the Union of South A f r i c a , 1953:66-8). Th is measure to contro l the i n f l u x of A f r i c a n s in to c i t i e s i s now handled more l i b e r a l l y . 2. Stock L i m i t a t i o n Regulat ions r e s t r i c t the number of c a t t l e which may be kept to prevent overgrazing ( . ib id, p. 88) . 3. Th is Act was designed to remove Coloured voters from the normal e l e c t o r a l r o l l s in the Cape Province and place them on a separate r o l l , and to al low them to vote fo r four s p e c i a l white representa t ives (Walker, 1964:817-8, 835). -121-4 5 Act and the Bantu A u t h o r i t i e s A c t . [South A f r i c a n Indian Congress, T w e n t y - f i r s t Conference Records, 1954, Report of the S e c r e t a r y : 7 ) . In A p r i l , 1952 mass demonstrations began in a l l major centres j o i n t l y organised by Indians and A f r i c a n s . Within the next two y e a r s , 8,557 i n d i v i d u a l s were ar res ted f o r p a r t i c i p a t i n g in these s t r i k e s . (SAIC records 1954:9). The June 1958 mass meeting at Cur r ies Founta in , Durban, to p ro tes t aga inst the then imminent Group Areas proclamations a t t r a c t e d an estimated 25,000 of a l l e thn ic groups. [Tkz LzadeA, 1958). A year l a t e r , at the "Freedom Day" r a l l y even greater crowds of over 40,000 A f r i c a n s , Ind ians , Coloured and a few White sympathizers gathered. (The Leader, 3 J u l y , 1959). Despite numerous deputat ions by Indian p o l i t i c a l leaders and t h e i r sympathizers i n t e r n a t i o n a l repercussions such as the c a n c e l l a t i o n of the Round Table Conference to have taken place between the Union government, India and Pakistan in May, 1950 (Thz LzadeA, 6 May 1950), and dec la ra t ions of numerous sess ions at the United Nations s ince 1946, the a l l - w h i t e p o l i t i c a l power remained unperturbed in the implementation of i t s i d e o l o g i c a l b l u e p r i n t s . The treason t r i a l of 1958 when a m u l t i r a c i a l group of 92 persons were ar res ted and charged with high treason marked the peak of n o n - r a c i a l 4. The Suppression of Communism Act of 1950 was intended "to dec lare the Communist Party of South A f r i c a n to be an unlawful o r g a n i s a t i o n , to make p r o v i s i o n f o r d e c l a r i n g other o rgan isa t ions promoting communistic a c t i v i t y to be un lawfu l" . (United Nations Commission, 1953:70). The Act had wide-ranging e f f e c t s in i t s a l l -encompassing d e f i n i t i o n of "communistic" a c t i v i t y as being anything advocating s o c i a l change. 5. The Bantu A u t h o r i t i e s Act created t r i b a l c o u n c i l s f o r A f r i c a n s under government c o n t r o l . [United Nations Commission, 1953:130). -122-u n i t y and n o n - v i o l e n t r e s i s t a n c e . By 1961 the ANC was d r i v e n u n d e r g r o u n d , and a l t h o u g h the NIC was not banned as an o r g a n i z a t i o n i t s e n t i r e e x e c u t i v e was. Th is t h w a r t e d most e f f o r t s at H a c k u n i t y , s i n c e the subsequent i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of s e p a r a t e development i n c r e a s i n g l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d t h e c o n c e r n s of each group and p a r t i c u l a r i z e d t h e i r p r o b l e m s , t h e r e b y m i l i t a t i n g a g a i n s t t h e p e r c e p t i o n of a common b l a c k u n i t e d f r o n t at t h e g r a s s - r o o t s l e v e l . -123-VI I I . POST-19fi]'GOVERNMENT INSTITUTIONS 1. The Department of Indian A f f a i r s As la te as 1961, a year a f t e r Indians had ce lebra ted the centenary of t h e i r a r r i v a l in South A f r i c a , the newly-appointed M i n i s t e r of Indian A f f a i r s made some revea l ing statements about Indians at a N a t i o n a l i s t party r a l l y . In summary, he s a i d : . (1) that the N a t i o n a l i s t P a r t y ' s o r i g i n a l r e p a t r i a t i o n idea was impract ica l and they had no other choice but to accept that the Indians had become a permanent part of the popu-l a t i o n . (2) It had to be acknowledged that the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Indians as a group and Whites as a group was in no way good, and the same app l ied to the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Indians and Af r icans . (3) He would rather have chosen a p o r t f o l i o that had to do with h is own peop le , but unpopular tasks have to be undertaken in the i n t e r e s t s o f the white man in South A f r i c a . (4) The reason f o r the c rea t ion of the Department was the n e c e s s i t y to be sober and r e a l i s -t i c about the Indian q u e s t i o n . (5) I f Indians were given equal r i g h t s i t would eventua l ly mean that the Whiteswould be overwhelmed, not by the Ind ians , but by the B l a c k s . The only s o l u t i o n was the " p a r a l l e l -stream p o l i c y of separate development", which was the c o r r e c t pat tern f o r fu ture r a c i a l f r i e n d s h i p . The cry f o r equal r i g h t s couTd only lead to s t r i f e . (6) Indians with t h e i r own municipal c o u n c i l s in t h e i r own areas would f i n d these "to have greater l a s t i n g value than the vote . (7) Nothing cou ld be done without Indian co -opera t ion and he expected there would be "great o p p o s i t i o n " . (8) He appealed to "those not -124-a l ready b l inded by a g i t a t o r s " to use t h i s opportuni ty to create a channel f o r bet ter r e l a t i o n s h i p s . (The Leader , 11 Auqust , 1961). With these not ions of l a s t i n g p a t e r n a l i s t i c tute lage and q u a l i f i e d , l i m i t e d p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the Department of Indian A f f a i r s was e s t a b l i s h e d in 1961 to serve as a cent ra l channel through which the Indian community could express i t s needs. It took over the funct ions o r i g i n a l l y performed by the D i r e c t o r a t e of Immigration and A s i a t i c A f f a i r s and subsequently by the Department of the I n t e r i o r ' s A s i a t i c D i v i s i o n . 1 The m i n i s t e r at the head of the Department of Indian A f f a i r s works in c o n s u l t a t i o n with the South A f r i c a n Indian C o u n c i l , which the government e s t a b l i s h e d in March, 1968. E x p l o i t i n g the ex is tence of more than one p o l i t i c a l party among Indians, (N. I .O. and N . I .C . ) and the impotence of one of them, namely the Natal Indian Congress though the banning of i t s leadersh ip (Meer, 1971:16), the government a r t i c u l a t e d i t s intended c e n t r a l i z i n g func t ion as f o l l o w s : "We do not know whom we could approach to speak on behal f o f the Ind ians. The Indian Organizat ion has on occasion claimed that i t i s the mouth-piece of the Indians and the Congress a l l e g e s that i t i s . . . " With respect to the Indian Congress the M i n i s t e r pointed out "that in the ranks of the Indian Community there was growing r e s i s t a n c e to the 1. This inc ludes cont ro l of wel fare s e r v i c e s , grant ing and payment of pens ions , i s s u i n g of i d e n t i t y c a r d s , t rave l documents, educat ional s e r v i c e s , and other re la ted mat ters . It s p e c i f i c a l l y e x c l u d e s , however, issues of landholding and job r e s e r v a t i o n , though i t serves as a l i n k with those departments. (South A f r i c a » Indian A f f a i r s , 1971:13) -125-reign of t e r r o r of the Congress organ iza t ion " ( S o u t h A f r i c a , Indian A f f a i r s , 1962:7). C h a r a c t e r i s t i c of such r a c i s t percept ion i s the not ion that because of the phys ica l l i keness of Ind ians , they ought to have u n i f i e d opinions as a group. Indeed, the r e l a t i v e complexity of dea l ing with var ious opinions contrasts sharply with the admin is t ra t i ve ease with which an appointed , hand-picked counci l can be r e l i a b l y expected to adhere to a p a r t i c u l a r l i n e . The a l l -encompassing bureaucracy of the Department of Indian A f f a i r s is depicted in tab le 2. The primary funct ions of the Development Branch are def ined as promoting p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l development of the Indian Community, through mutual contact with the community and other Government and pr iva te bodies (South A f r i c a , Indian A f f a i r s , 1971:8). The Education Branch is respons ib le fo r the admin is t ra t ion and contro l of primary and secondary educat ion which were p r i o r to 1966 under the p r o v i n c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , as well as higher educat ion which was taken over from the cent ra l government. There was widespread c r i t i c i s m of the newly e s t a b l i s h e d Department of Indian A f f a i r s . Dr. G.M. N a i c k e r , p res ident of the South A f r i c a n Indian Congress, in c a t e g o r i c a l l y r e j e c t i n g the move, s a i d that e t h n i c , l i n g u i s t i c and r a c i a l d i v i s i o n s were par t of the South A f r i c a n mi l i eu * ' and "under m u l t i - r a c i a l i s m . . . t h e r e would be one department, n o n - r a c i a l in c h a r a c t e r , dea l ing with a l l in te rna l problems and avoid ing f i n a n c i a l -126-Table 2 Organizat ion of Department of Indian A f f a i r s M i n i s t e r South A f r i c a n Indian Counci1 Secre tary U n i v e r s i t y of Durban, W e s t v i l l e M.L. Sul tan Technica l Col lege Parl iamentary and Personal S t a f f Development Branch (Deputy Secretary) Admin is t ra t i ve Branch Education Branch (Deputy Secretary) (D i rec tor of Indian Education) — L i a i s o n in connection with p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l deve lop-ment - - S o c i a l Serv ices i n c l u d i n g r e g i s -t r a t i o n of b i r t h s , marriages and deaths , p a s s p o r t s , c i t i z e n s h i p , n a t u r a l i s a t i o n , e tc . • -F inance •-Work Study - S t a f f Admin is t ra t ion | - - T r a i n i n g •-Departmental Admin is t ra t ion —Welfare Serv ices p r o f e s s i o n a l s e r v i c e s , i n s t i t u t i o n s , pensions, poor r e l i e f , e t c . - -Reg iona l O f f i c e s : Durban, (with branches at P ie termar i tzburg and Chatsworth) Johannesburg, (with partt ime branches at L e n a s i a , Benoni , and Cape Town) -Pr imary, secondary, s p e c i a l , vocat ional schools and schools of i n d u s t r i e s | - -Teacher T r a i n i n g •Education Planning [- P r o f e s s i o n a l Serv ices - A d m i n i s t r a t i v e Serv ices at schools and i n s t i t u t i o n s Source: (South A f r i c a , Indian A f f a i r s , 1971:7) -127-wastage " (The Natal Da i ly News ,3 August, 1961). Mr. A .M. M o o l l a , p res ident of the South A f r i c a n Indian O r g a n i s a t i o n , commented: "It i s most unfortunate that in these times of great changes in A f r i c a our Government must continue to think and act in terms of s e c t i o n a l i n t e r e s t s . . . i t seems a pure waste of time and energy to continue planning on these l i n e s " ( i b i d . ) . S i m i l a r l y , Mr. A . S . Kajee of the Natal Indian Organ i -sa t ion mainta ined, "We are a l l South A f r i c a n s , and as South A f r i c a n s there should not be d i f f e r e n t channels f o r the d i f f e r e n t r a c i a l groups. There should be one M i n i s t e r f o r us a l l " ( i b i d . ) , Mr. P.R. Pather , pres ident of the Natal Indian Organ isa t ion ,expressed d i s b e l i e f in the " p a r a l l e l stream" p o l i c y . "It can only lead to r a c i a l s t r i f e and chaos , f o r the poorer sec t ion w i l l always be submerged as each s e c t i o n w i l l be looking a f t e r i t s own r a c i a l i n t e r e s t and not the i n t e r e s t of South A f r i c a as a whole" (The Leader , 11 August, 1961.). Within a decade of the Department's e x i s t e n c e , however, Indian op in ion appears to have changed c o n s i d e r a b l y , i f one takes in to account e a r l i e r publ ished statements of pub l i c r e a c t i o n . Of those in terv iewed, 62 percent spoke favorab ly about the department, 20 percent had no strong f e e l i n g s about i t^and 18 percent s t i l l r e jec ted i t on p r i n c i p l e . Those i n favour pointed to the achievements s ince the Department's es tab l ishment , such as the u n i v e r s i t y f a c i l i t i e s , s c h o o l s , greater d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of employment, and group s t a t u s . One interviewee mentioned that h a l f a l o a f is be t te r than none. The N a t i o n a l i s t s understand u s , they appre-c i a t e our c u l t u r e and c i v i l i z a t i o n , we have only to look around to see what they have done in the time f o r our people " ( Interview 33). Another -128-TQSpohieni COWp'ZV&A how much the N a t i o n a l i s t s had accomplished with how l i t t l e the Eng l ish -speak ing p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s cont r ibuted to Indian we l l -be ing before them. Yet another interviewee (51) ta lked of the newly acquired d i g n i t y which Indians have ach ieved , and f e l t there was more to gain by c o l l a b o r a t i o n than o p p o s i t i o n . The newly acquired status of the group and d e f i n i t e channels of communication with a u t h o r i t i e s was a prevalent theme in the responses. The d i c t a t e s of an i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y with i t s expanding oppor tun i t i es and the imperat ive of incorpora t ing Blacks in to p r e v i o u s l y White-dominated p o s i t i o n s i s perceived by many as i n d i c a t i v e of the Government's good-w i l l . "You j u s t have to look around you to see how much of our people are now taking over White j o b s . These fe l lows ( N a t i o n a l i s t s ) mean w e l l , i f only our chaps w i l l work with them," remarked one interviewee (9) . Indeed, the success of the Department seems to l i e e s s e n t i a l l y i n i t s a l l -encompassing r o l e , not un l ike that of the Hindu t r i n i t y . S h i v a - l i k e i t destroyed the e s t a b l i s h e d community s t r u c t u r e s ; Brahma-l ike i t created new l e s s e r oppor tun i t ies in i t s own image to replace a vacuum i t was respons ib le fo r c rea t ing in the f i r s t p lace;and a f t e r the fashion of Vishnu i t i s the pious preserver of a l l that i s Indian in the hope that i t s own benef icent ro le may not atrophy. In actual terms, the dependence of the Indian on the Department f o r a l l bureaucrat ic s e r v i c e s ensures i t s indi .spensibi . l i . ty . In the absence of v i a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e s in a p o l i t i c a l l y r e s t r i c t i v e m i l i e u the Department with i t s resources to -129-provi.de p r e v i o u s l y non-ex is tent f a c i l i t i e s has a great advantage. Above a l l , as Fati.ina Meer points out (1971:19), "the p la t te land i n f o r m a l i t y of the A f r i k a n e r bureaucrat makes him more approachable , and the Ind ian , with his peasant r o o t s , f i nds himsel f c l o s e r to him than he did to the Eng l i sh bureaucrat who preceded him." The minor i ty who re jec ted such i n s t i t u t i o n a l segregat ion d id so along much the same l i n e s as the e a r l y o p p o s i t i o n to the Department's i n i t i -a t i o n . The very p r i n c i p l e under ly ing separate f a c i l i t i e s was un-acceptable and d i s c r i m i n a t o r y . They a lso expressed a sense of power-lessness in l i g h t of the immense resources of such government depar t -ments to r e a l i s e t h e i r w i l l . 2 i The South A f r i c a n Indian Counci l These reac t ions to the white Department of Indian A f f a i r s became more meaningful when compared with a t t i t u d e s towards the Indian l i a i s o n v e h i c l e . A key c o l l a b o r a t i n g body i s the South A f r i c a n Indian C o u n c i l , a kind o f symbolic cabinet without the execut ive powers of a government. Unl ike the Coloured Representat ive C o u n c i l , which is p a r t l y e lec ted and p a r t l y nominated, or the var ious Bantustan a u t h o r i t i e s , which have some execut ive powers as w e l l , the South A f r i c a n Indian Counci l was to be f u l l y appointed and to have no a u t h o r i t y to make d e c i s i o n s indepen-d e n t l y . Twenty- f iye members were nominated by the min is te r f o r a per iod of three years on a p r o v i n c i a l b a s i s . A chairman was e lec ted from among the members. The execut ive committee comprised f i v e members -130-of the c o u n c i l , four of whom were e lec ted by counc i l members and a f i f t h , the chairman, was appointed by the min is te r (South A f r i c a , Indian A f f a i r s , 1971:18). The c o u n c i l ' s s p e c i f i c func t ion had been o u t l i n e d at i t s f i r s t meeting in Cape Town in March 1964. It was to serve as a c o n s u l t a t i v e body to a s s i s t the re levant government bod ies , in preparat ion f o r the day when i t would be an e lec ted body to cope with such Indian a f f a i r s as might then be delegated to i t . The promise of graduat ion to e l e c t e d s t a t u s , at f i r s t as a p a r t i a l l y e lec ted body and only subsequently to be f u l l y e l e c t e d , could however only be f u l f i l l e d when Indian r e s e t t l e -ment had reached a more advanced s t a g e , making i t p o s s i b l e to e s t a b l i s h e l e c t o r a l d i s t r i c t s and a v o t e r s ' r o l l . A c c o r d i n g l y , l o c a l a f f a i r s and c o n s u l t a t i v e committees have been e s t a b l i s h e d on a p a r t i a l l y e lec ted basis and are the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the var ious p r o v i n c e s . In 1974 the counc i l was r e c o n s t i t u t e d to c o n s i s t of t h i r t y members, h a l f of whom would be nominated and h a l f e lec ted by persons who on the e l e c t i o n day were e lec ted members of Indian loca l a u t h o r i t i e s , l o c a l a f f a i r s committees, or management or c o n s u l t a t i v e committees. The government considered i t not ye t f e a s i b l e to compile a general v o t e r s ' r o l l ( H o r r e l l , 1976:22). The f i r s t e l e c t i o n was held in November 1974 and the remainder of the counc i l was nominated s h o r t l y a f terwards. An e l e c t e d member Mr. J . N . Reddy was appointed Chairman of the C o u n c i l ' s E x e c u t i v e , whi le the -131-other members were appointed , as was the Chairman of the Counci l ( H o r r e l l , 1976:22). L e g i s l a t i v e and execut ive powers were to be delegated to the Counci l with respect to matters dea l t with by the M in is t e r of Indian A f f a i r s , such as Education and Community Welfare ( i b i d . ) . The present Counci l comprises a representa t ion of a l l the l i n g u i s t i c and r e l i g i o u s groups in the Community. They are f o r the most par t a r t i c u l a t e i n d i v i d u a l s with l i t t l e formal higher educat ion - - only two have u n i v e r s i t y education - - and with few exceptions r e -present business i n t e r e s t s . The powerless nature of the contact which the Counci l has with the white a u t h o r i t i e s may best be i l l u s t r a t e d by the o f f i c i a l d e s c r i p t i o n of the C o u n c i l ' s preoccupat ions. Of the 168 "matters dea l t with" during J u l y 1971 - June 1972, the fo l low ing areas were considered most important; and the l i m i t e d power of "recommendation" i s g r a p h i c a l l y portrayed in the empty, formal ized terminology which mainly conveys r i t u a l i s t i c a c t i v i s m without s p e c i f i c content : The Future of the C o u n c i 1 . . . " i s constant ly under d i s c u s s i o n . . . " Local Government A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . . . " t h e committee on d i f f e r e n t occasions had f r u i t f u l d i s c u s s i o n s . . . " Group A r e a s . . . " t h e Counci l r e g u l a r l y made r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s . . . " H o u s i n g . . . " t h e Counci l i s in constant contact with the a u t h o r i t i e s . . . " Amenities in Indian Res ident ia l A r e a s . . . " a p a r t from making c e r t a i n p r o p o s a l s . . . t h e Counci l has had d i s c u s s i o n s with o f f i c i a l s . . . t h e matter is s t i l l being p u r s u e d . . . " Zoning of B e a c h e s . . . " t h e Counci l i s p ress ing f o r b e a c h e s . . . " "Restr ict ions on the Interprovi .ncial Movement of I n d i a n s . . . " t h e Counci l has 'renewed i t s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s ' . . . " Wage g a p . . . " t h e matter was again d i s c u s s e d . . . " Resettlement of Indian t r a d e r s . . . " i s constant ly r e c e i v i n g a t t e n t i o n and has been d i s c u s s e d . . . " -132-Indust r ia l s i t e s . . . " t h e Counci l has recommended..." E d u c a t i o n . . . " t h e Counci l had var ious d i s c u s s i o n s . . . " Indian a g r i c u l t u r e . . . " f r u i t f u l contact has been e s t a b l i s h e d . . . " Seaside Resort f o r Underpr iv i l eged C h i l d r e n . . . " t h e Counci l ' i s n e g o t i a t i n g ' " . . . (South A f r i c a , Indian A f f a i r s , 1973: 4 -5 ) . Such powerlessness is under l ined when Counci l members r e a d i l y acquiesce in o f f i c i a l d e c i s i o n s to exclude them from f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n in p o l i t i c a l l i f e . At a meeting between the Prime M i n i s t e r and the Ex-ecut ive Committee of the SAIC on 24 January 1975, Mr. Vors te r re jec ted the C o u n c i l ' s request f o r d i r e c t representa t ion in the cent ra l P a r l i a -ment. Instead he proposed an i n t e r - C a b i n e t Counci l on which Indian, Coloured and White Cabinet m in is te rs would meet together . In place o f the SAIC's request f o r 45 members on an e lec ted b a s i s , the Prime M i n i s t e r maintained that the future Indian Counci l should conta in "a minor i ty of nominated members to be f u l l y representa t ive a l s o of minor i ty groups and other i n t e r e s t s in the Indian community" ( F i a t Lux, March 1975:6). The d i f f e r e n c e in approach between the Indian Counci l and the Coloured Counci l to t h e i r respect ive communities i s n o t i c e a b l e . In the Coloured C o u n c i l ' s meeting with the M i n i s t e r of Coloured A f f a i r s , a representa t ive of the Coloured de legat ion in r e p l y i n g to the government's proposal of a Cabinet c o u n c i l , s a i d that the CRC could not at t h i s stage assoc ia te i t s e l f with the proposed Cabinet c o u n c i l . It would f i r s t have to r e -port back to the coloured community, as i t would not be r i g h t to decide on the future of 2.5 m i l l i o n people without a mandate (The S t a r , WE, -133-January 17, 1976). By c o n t r a s t , the e l e c t e d SA1C execut ive Chairman, Mr. J . N . Reddy with no qualms about the lack of c o n s u l t a t i o n with the community, announced: "The SAIC has a l ready taken i t s d e c i s i o n to go along with the i n t e r - C a b i n e t counc i l proposals fo l low ing i t s d i s c u s s i o n s with the Prime M i n i s t e r " ( i b i d . ) . " ' In opposing the i n t e r - C a b i n e t proposals the coloured Counci l took an outspoken c l e a r s tand. Sonny Leon, a member of the CRC who had been p rev ious ly dismissed by the government in h is capac i ty as Leader of the C o u n c i l ' s execut ive committee, argued, "If we are to meet, l e t us meet together with the other r a c i a l groups to work out a common dest iny f o r a l l . This separate package deal cannot be accepted because i t i s another subt le method of ge t t ing us a l l t i e d u p . . . . T h e only c o n s i d e r a t i o n that can be accepted i s the to ta l p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n of a l l people in a common s o c i e t y regard less of r a c e , co lour or creed" ( i b i d . ) . The Chairman of the co loured C o u n c i l , Rev. Alan Henrickse responded along s i m i l a r l i n e s . On the other hand, the Indian Counci l cooperates with the government in working out a formula fo r t r a n s f e r r i n g what the government cons iders "greater powers", and descr ibed the ta lks as " f rank , honest and f r u i t f u l " 1. A comparison of the responses of the SAIC wi th that of the CRC to e s s e n t i a l l y the same goyernment overtures of extended c o n s u l t a t i v e powers r a i s e s t h e o r e t i c a l quest ions f o r the behaviour of m i n o r i t i e s , and y i e l d s i n s i g h t in to the dominant group's t a c t i c of ' d i v i d e et impera'.. These w i l l be examined in greater d e t a i l in the s e c t i o n on Indian-Coloured r e l a t i o n s . -134-(F ia t Lux, March 1974:6). Hence, whereas coloured leaders press fo r f u l l c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s and representa t ion in par l iament , the Indian Council i nd ica tes a w i l l i n g n e s s to accept such l i m i t e d r i g h t s of p o l i t i c a l expression at the expense of a black a l l i a n c e . In so d o i n g , Indians who have in the past fol lowed in the wake of Coloured p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s and s t i l l have fewer powers than the Co loureds , threaten to overtake the l a t t e r . Indeed there i s . t h e p o s s i b i l i t y that such c o n s t i t u t i o n a l advancement on the part of Indians could prove a powerful weapon in the hands of the government in breaking the impasse between the government and the co loured C o u n c i l . Indian Counci l leaders however vehemently deny being " l a c k i e s of the government", a charge l e v e l l e d aga inst the community by Maurice Lewis the chairman of a branch of the Coloured Labour par ty . ( S t a r , WE, 24 January, 1976). Mr. Lewis argued that "Indians should r a l l y around the oppressed and not become too ls of the government" ( i b i d . ) . Mr. A.M. Moola, nominated member and chairman of the SAIC in denying these charges d i f f e r e n t i a t e d the p o l i c y of the Indian Counci l from those of other groups as being based on removing d i s c r i m i n a t i o n "by negot ia t ion and not by c o n f r o n t a t i o n . Negot ia t ion and c o n s u l t a t i o n w i l l get us somewhere, but conf ronta t ion w i l l breed enmity and d i s c o r d " ( i b i d . ) . Members of the SAIC are not always expected to approve government p o l i c y . Indeed they are f requent ly c r i t i c a l of the government. Th is has been v i s i b l e in several widely p u b l i c i z e d instances such as the fo l lowing - 1 3 5 -t h r e e i s s u e s , (.1) when t h e M i n i s t e r o f T r a n s p o r t acceded t o the r e q u e s t o f t h e South A f r i c a n R a i l w a y s to ban p r i v a t e bus o p e r a t o r s from C h a t s w o r t h t o c e n t r a l D u r b a n , i n t h e hope t h a t Government-owned t r a i n s would be b e t t e r p a t r o n i s e d ( G r a p h i c , 13 O c t o b e r , 1 9 7 2 ) ; (2) i n the case o f the impact o f the Group A r e a s A c t on t h e Cato Manor a r e a f r o m w h i c h some 4 0 , 0 0 0 I n d i a n s had been d i s p l a c e d . I t has a few r e v e r e d r e l i g i o u s landmarks o f the I n d i a n community and has as y e t remained unoccupied by any o t h e r g r o u p , and (3) i n the c a s e o f the l o n g - t h r e a t e n e d sword o f Damocles t o e l i m i n a t e I n d i a n t r a d i n g from the c e n t r a l Durban Grey S t r e e t Complex. On a l l t h e s e i s s u e s members o f the SAIC j o i n e d vehemently w i t h t h e i r I n d i a n p o l i t i c a l opponents i n d e c r y i n g the u n f a i r n e s s o f t h e proposed moves. Mr. A . M . R a j a b , then Chairman o f t h e SAIC e x e c u t i v e , s t r o n g l y argued t h a t t h e g o v e r n -ment had put t h e p e o p l e o f C h a t s w o r t h where t h e y w e r e , and t h e bus o p e r a t o r s h e l p e d i n t h e r e s e t t l e m e n t . I t would t h e r e f o r e be u n f a i r t o d e p r i v e the bus o p e r a t o r s o f t h e i r l i v i n g as w e l l as t h e C h a t s w o r t h r e s i d e n t s o f t h e i r v i t a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n l i n k a g e s ( G r a p h i c , 13 O c t o b e r , 1 9 7 2 ) . S i m i l a r l y Mr. J . N . Reddy urged I n d i a n s to keep a l i v e t h e i r w o r s h i p a t t h e o l d s h r i n e s o f Cato Manor t o p r e s e r v e t h e i r t r a d i t i o n s and r i g h t s . The i n e q u i t y o f t a k i n g o v e r t h e Grey S t r e e t a r e a was a l s o w e l l a r t i c u l a t e d by Mr. Reddy and M r . Rajab on b e h a l f o f t h e I n d i a n t r a d i n g community ( P o s t , 25 F e b r u a r y , 1 9 7 3 ) . Such c r i t i c i s m a p a r t from d i s p l a y i n g the o u t s p o k e n n e s s o f the SAIC members, o r the p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r " f r e e e x p r e s s i o n " o f f e r e d by such -136-government i n s t i t u t i o n s would seem to l eg i t imate both. Through c r i t i c i s m of the government on "safe" issues where governmental agreement i s l i k e l y , the SAIC members gain c r e d i b i l i t y in the eyes of t h e i r own group. The i r acceptance by the group, in t u r n , i s i n -terpreted by the government as a s ign of the Counci l members' " e f f e c t i v e n e s s " in t h e i r own community and enhances t h e i r po ten t ia l value as instruments of fu ture p o l i c y propagat ion. On the other hand the Counci l uses community oppos i t ion as a weapon to e l i c i t minor concessions from the government, such as the d e c l a r a t i o n of Grey St reet as an Indian business d i s t r i c t , in order to l eg i t imate i t s status in the eyes of the community. When a member of the Counci l exposed the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s of A p a r t h e i d , however, and pointed to the re luc tance of a u t h o r i t i e s to implement p o l i c i e s to t h e i r l o g i c a l c o n c l u s i o n s , other Counci l members have been known to s e l f - p o l i c e themselves. Refer r ing to the u n i v e r s i t y ' s h i r i n g p r a c t i c e s , fo r i n s t a n c e , Dr. M.B. Naidoo, an execut ive member in charge of Education and Cul ture ,proposed a motion that the counc i l should "deplore the f a c t that th is u n i v e r s i t y i s not f u l f i l l i n g the a s p i r a t i o n s of Indian academics" (Dai ly News, 16 February, 1973). In e l a b o r a t i n g , he explained how an i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y reknowned and h igh ly q u a l i f i e d Indian academic from the U n i v e r s i t y of Ceylon had app l ied f o r a post at the Indian U n i y e r s i t y , but the a p p l i c a t i o n was ignored and the vacancy f i l l e d by a White. A f t e r an appeal from the Chairman of the Execut ive , Mr. Rajab, the motion was withdrawn. The threshold of -137-minimal a r t i c u l a t i o n had been overstepped. The ro le of one of the "e lders" was therefore to save the face of au thor i ty by not pursuing the subject f u r t h e r . Members of the SAIC a lso engage in pseudo d ip lomat ic r o l e s . They are introduced to v i s i t i n g fo re ign d i g n i t a r i e s and can be depended on by the government to behave a p p r o p r i a t e l y . During 1971-72 they are on record as having met eleven fo re ign p o l i t i c i a n s , twelve authors and j o u r n a l i s t s and three fo re ign academics (South A f r i c a , Indian A f f a i r s , 1973:6). In having respectable Indians a v a i l a b l e to d i s p l a y to f o r e i g n e r s , the government adheres to the v i s i t o r ' s c r e d i b i l i t y need of "having met a c r o s s - s e c t i o n of the South A f r i c a n popula t ion" and at the same time demonstrates amiable , democratic race r e l a t i o n s . Furthermore, on the few occasions when white South A f r i c a n s are barred from enter ing Ind ia , counc i l members outdo themselves in attempting to ensure j u s t i c e to the ind iv iduals concerned by making approaches to the Government of India on t h e i r beha l f . One such case was that of Professor Ahrens of the U n i v e r s i t y of Cape Town who was prevented from attending a sc ience conference in India on the grounds of being a white South A f r i c a n . Mr. M.B. Naidoo, an execut ive Counci l member, appealed to the Indian government to be f a i r and "transcend emotionalism aroused by p o l i t i c a l enmit ies" in barr ing such an eminent scho la r from entry (The Natal Mercury, 20 February, 1973). S i m i l a r appeals have been made with -138-respect to i n t e r n a t i o n a l spor t when India refused to play against South A f r i c a . Such instances g ive counc i l members a sense of power in that i t i s one of the rare occasions when they can show t h e i r own "generosi ty" to Whites, and t h e i r co lour p laces them in a super ior p o s i t i o n v i s - a - v i s t h e i r dominators. It a lso creates the impression of themselves as "reasonable" men in the eyes of the Whites and gains f o r them the approval of t h e i r masters. It i s in such instances that the depth of oppression and i n t e r n a l i s e d tute lage may be de lved . The responses of Indians to the SAIC are var ied and on the whole much more c r i t i c a l than towards the Indian A f f a i r s Department. Among those in te rv iewed , 70 percent expressed to ta l oppos i t ion to the C o u n c i l . They were descr ibed as "s tooges" , "a use less body", " s e l f - c e n t r e d " , "making money out of others s u f f e r i n g " , " e x p l o i t e r s " , " l a c k i e s of the government", "a desp icab le bunch", "worse than Whi tes" , " l ack ing v i r i l i t y " , " incompetent", "uneducated", and "having l o s t touch with t h e i r own people" . Twenty percent s a i d i t d id not make much d i f f e r e n c e whether there was a counc i l or not . They expressed a sense of f u t i l i t y and powerlessness. Others d i f f e r e n t i a t e d between some members being " u s e f u l " , " h i t t i n g at the Whites" and having "some impact" , whi le 10 percent d id not know what the Counci l was . 1 1. These f i n d i n g s correspond qui te c l o s e l y wi th a more recent random survey conducted by the Sunday Times in February 1976. Two-thirds of those interviewed f e l t the SAIC d id not represent them. The remainder considered the SAIC to be meaningful . (Sunday Times, 15 February , 1976). -139-The fo l low ing comments are i n d i c a t i v e of the range of responses: "The SAIC i s only there f o r the good of the r i c h , and i t i s there fore worthwhile f o r those people who own shops i n Grey S t r e e t . " ( Interv iew, 22). "The SAIC has achieved a l o t f o r the peop le , but we must not be granted s p e c i a l concessions i f A f r i c a n s are ex-c l u d e d . " ( Interv iew, 26). "The SAIC does not represent u s , and I d o n ' t th ink we should accept c o n c e s s i o n s . " ( Interview 31). " . . . b y i t s very composit ion the SAIC i s not South A f r i c a n in charac te r . Its r e j e c t i o n by Indians and i t s inexper ience denies i t s s t a t u s . It i s pure ly an adv isory body with conspicuously l im i ted powers, and there fore incapable of p lay ing any s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e in s a t i s f y i n g the hopes and a s p i r a t i o n s of the Indian peop le . " ( Interview 32). "The SAIC can be of b e n e f i t to our people only i f i t chal lenges the compartmental izat ion and fragmentation o f our land and i t s peop le , and works towards attainment of a n o n - r a c i a l South A f r i c a with e q u a l i t y of oppor tun i ty f o r a l l . " ( Interview 37). "The SAIC creates an erroneous impression i n the minds of the people that they have a representa t ive body when, i n f a c t , they have none. Th is conc lus ion i s supported by the f a c t that they have not i n i t i a t e d anything f o r the community and t h e i r venture in to the i n t e r - C a b i n e t Committee has ta rn ished t h e i r image." ( Interview 25). "Popular e l e c t i o n s w i l l r i d the counc i l of immature p o l i t i c i a n s and replace them with true leaders who w i l l s t r i v e f o r goodwil l and harmony fo r a l l . Housing i s an important issue and the counc i l has f a i l e d to get more hous ing . " ( Interview 49). "If the SAIC thinks they have the support of most Indians then that support must be from the r i c h merchant c l a s s whose vested i n t e r e s t the counc i l seems to be guarding so w e l l . As f o r the ord inary man, they are a non-ex is tent body f u l l of i n d i v i d u a l s , blundering as they go a l o n g . " ( Interview 51). "As long as the Indian Counci l are the media between the people and the government, they w i l l always serve in an adv isory capac-i t y . T h e r e f o r e , they cannot achieve anything f o r the people . The Indian i n d i v i d u a l has not got the vote . The Counci l should -140-be e lec ted on the basis of one-man, one-vote and have d i r e c t representa t ion in Par l iament . This however cannot be done overn igh t , but the present Counci l can evolve i t s e l f to be e lec ted to Par l iament . " ( Interview 61). Typ ica l examples f o r more favourable a t t i t u d e s a r e : "The SAIC are the spokesmen f o r the Indian peop le , and as such they must be recognized as the l e a d e r s . They cannot achieve much because they serve in an adv isory c a p a c i t y , but can be-come more e f f e c t i v e and w i l l prove t h e i r worth i f given a chance and i f they can get more powers to enable them to br ing about e f f e c t i v e changes." ( Interview 82). "I th ink the SAIC do represent the major i ty views of the Indian people. They c a n ' t show much by way of achievement, but they seem to be t ry ing hard. I don ' t envy t h e i r p o s i t i o n . " ( Interview 2) . "The Counci l needs the support of the Indian peop le , and not a l l t h e i r e f f o r t s are in v a i n . It i s the system that i s to blame. They may have a bad image i n the eyes of some, but there are many who appreciate t h e i r work. They are our leaders and we should stand by them. Indians always look down upon anything I n d i a n - o r i e n t e d , and look down upon these people serv ing on these bodies as 's tooges ' and ' s e l l o u t s ' . Th is a t t i t u d e i s most u n f a i r . I ts about time we took pr ide in the people who serve us and, in s p i t e of d i f f e r e n c e s , l e t us work together toward a bet ter community. Must there always be b icker ing in anything we do?" ( Interview 4 ) . Greatest animosity to the Counci l would seem to come from Indian workers. At a memorial s e r v i c e f o r two SAIC members, Mr. A .M. Rajab a wealthy businessman and Louis Nelson a trade Union leader were present and a crowd inc lud ing 400 hotel employees stormed the stage and took over the pub l i c address system. They shouted, "Rajab was not concerned with workers" and "Nelson was never a true representa t ive of the hotel workers" (Graphic , 19 October , 1973). When another Cape Town trade u n i o n i s t and SAIC member attempted to res tore o r d e r , the crowd shouted that he too belonged to the same c l a s s , l i v e d in white hote ls when he t r a v e l l e d to -141-Durban and would c e r t a i n l y s e l l them o u t i n s o f a r as t h e i r wages were c o n c e r n e d ( i b i d . ) . S i m i l a r l y , t h e N a t a l L i q u o r and C a t e r i n g Trade Employees' Union ended i n u p r o a r a f t e r angry members c l a s h e d w i t h SAIC member M r . Munsook, who was s e c r e t a r y o f the U n i o n . The employees wanted a p r e s e n t u n i o n r a t e o f R47.50 a month i n c r e a s e d by 150 p e r c e n t , w h i c h t h e y c o n s i d e r e d would b r i n g t h e i r wage " c l o s e t o t h e p o v e r t y datum l i n e o f R120 a m o n t h " . When the s e c r e t a r y e x p r e s s e d d o u b t s , he became the immediate t a r g e t o f t h e c r o w d ' s w r a t h (The G r a p h i c , 7 December, 1973). A l t h o u g h SAIC members a r e not h e l d i n h i g h esteem i n t h e community, t h e y a r e f e a r e d . There i s an uneasy q u i e t a t s o c i a l g a t h e r i n g s where members o f t h e C o u n c i l a r e p r e s e n t . P o l i t i c a l t o p i c s a r e a v o i d e d and one i s l e f t w i t h t h e i m p r e s s i o n t h a t t h e r e i s a f i f t h column p r e s e n t . However t h e r e i s a n o t i c e a b l e d i f f e r e n c e between t h e r e l a t i v e freedom w i t h w h i c h i n d e p e n d e n t p r o f e s s i o n a l s , e s p e c i a l l y m e d i c a l d o c t o r s and l a w y e r s do i n f a c t a t t a c k such c o u n c i l members f o r c o l l a b o r a t i n g , and the w i t h d r a w a l t e n d e n c i e s o f t e a c h e r s , u n i v e r s i t y l e c t u r e r s and o t h e r dependent employees o f the Department o f I n d i a n A f f a i r s . In the l a t t e r c a s e t h e r e i s a l m o s t a p a t h e t i c d e f e r e n c e f o r f e a r o f r e t r i b u t i o n . Indeed i t i s not uncommon f o r h i g h l y q u a l i f i e d i n d i v i d u a l s s e e k i n g f a c u l t y p o s i t i o n s a t the I n d i a n u n i v e r s i t y t o "work t h r o u g h " C o u n c i l members and ask them " t o put i n a good word" w i t h t h e a u t h o r i t i e s , even though the C o u n c i l member may have no h i g h s c h o o l o r u n i v e r s i t y background h i m s e l f , and can o b v i o u s l y o n l y recommend a l o n g p o l i t i c a l l i n e s . - 1 4 2 -I t i s such power t h a t members o f the SAIC would l i k e t o c a p i t a l i s e u p o n , i n o r d e r to f o r c e the r e s p e c t o f t h e i r own group members. H e n c e , they have been demanding "a m e a n i n g f u l say" i n the p l a n n i n g o f e d u c a t i o n f o r I n d i a n c h i l d r e n , as M r . J . N . Reddy, Chairman o f trie SAIC e x e c u t i v e and f o r m e r l y salesman a t a w h o l e s a l e w a r e h o u s e , put i t (The N a t a l M e r c u r y , 25 J u l y , 1973). When Mr. Reddy t o g e t h e r w i t h M r . R a j b a n s i who j o i n t l y h o l d the p o r t f o l i o f o r e d u c a t i o n on the c o u n c i l , were u n s u c c e s s f u l i n o b t a i n i n g " e x e c u t i v e powers" from the M i n i s t e r o f I n d i a n A f f a i r s , I n d i a n t e a c h e r s a r e r e c o r d e d to have " h e a v e d . a s i g h o f r e l i e f " f o r h a v i n g been saved from the " t e r r o r o f t h e p o s s i b l e a n t i c s o f an SAIC b o s s " ( G r a p h i c , 23 J a n u a r y , 1 9 7 6 ) . I n f o r m a n t s i n t h e South A f r i c a n I n d i a n T e a c h e r s A s s o c i a t i o n (SAITA) comment i n p r i v a t e , but have n o t dared t o p u b l i c i s e t h e i r v i e w s : "Any s u g g e s t i o n t h a t the SAIC s h o u l d have any say i n t h e a p p o i n t m e n t o r d i s m i s s a l o f t e a c h e r s , p r i n c i p a l s o r s c h o o l i n s p e c t o r s i s a b s o l u t e l y d a n g e r o u s . That w i l l open t h e way f o r d i s a s t r o u s i n t e r f e r e n c e on s e c t i o n a l , l i n g u i s t i c and r e l i g i o u s l i n e s and even t o n e p o t i s m and undue f a v o r -i t i s m . " ( P r i v a t e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e , 2 9 , F e b r u a r y 4 , 1 9 7 6 ) . " I t i s no s e c r e t t h a t s e v e r a l t h r e a t s were made a g a i n s t c e r t a i n s c h o o l p r i n c i p a l s by c e r t a i n I n d i a n p o l i t i c i a n s who a l s o h e l d out p r o m i s e s o f p r o m o t i o n to o t h e r s . The day t h a t p o l i t i c i a n s a r e g i v e n a say i n a p p o i n t m e n t s w i l l r u i n I n d i a n e d u c a t i o n . " ( P r i v a t e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e , 3 0 , F e b r u a r y 8 , 1976) . An e d i t o r i a l comment i n one o f t h e I n d i a n w e e k l i e s p o i n t s t o t h e f e a r o f p u b l i c i s i n g p r i v a t e m a t t e r s : " A l r e a d y t h e r e have been ' l e a k s ' from c o n f i d e n t i a l SAIC e x e c u t i v e d i s c u s s i o n s . J u s t i m a g i n e what t a l k w i l l go on a t d i n n e r p a r t i e s and a t weddings i f I n d i a n p o l i t i c i a n s have -143-access to the personal f i l e s of teachers and p r i n c i p a l s ! These must never leave the hands of the f u l l time o f f i c i a l s " (The G r a p h i c , 23 January, 1976). Such responses lead to i n t e r e s t i n g specu la t ion about the dynamics of m inor i ty -ma jor i ty r e l a t i o n s . It might have been expected that given the d i s c r i m i n a t o r y treatment of the Indian minor i ty by the Whites, whenever a chance arose f o r Indians to wrest power or decis ion-making from the dominant group, they would s ieze such oppor tun i t i es in order to manage t h e i r own a f f a i r s more e q u i t a b l y . From the ou t l ined responses thus f a r , there would seem to be much oppos i t ion to the imminent take-over of the Education p o r t f o l i o by the C o u n c i l . Several reasons may be assumed to account for t h i s s u r p r i s i n g out look: (a) There is fear that p a r t i c u -l a r i s t i c c r i t e r i a such as r e l i g i o n , l i n g u i s t i c group, and p o l i t i c a l perspect ives may assume importance in p ro fess iona l dec is ion -mak ing , as opposed to u n i v e r s a l i s t i c c r i t e r i a such as p ro fess iona l competence and q u a l i f i c a t i o n , (b) The community i s perceived as being too int imate to maintain i n d i v i d u a l pr ivacy and anonymity. There i s anxiety about the in f luence of informal communication, g o s s i p , feuds and " i n s i d e " informat ion which could enter in to decis ion-making in the pub l i c sphere. The v i r t u e of "d is tance" and the " impersonal" aspects of Weberian type bureaucracy-models would seem to be lack ing where " in -group" members make d e c i s i o n s about each other . Ind iv idua ls are known to each other as " to ta l persons" with a l l t h e i r v i r tues and f a i l i n g s , un l ike the p a r t i a l glimpse of the bureaucrat e s p e c i a l l y one - 1 4 4 -b e l o n g i n g t o t h e r u l i n g g r o u p . 1 ( c ) D e e p l y i n t e r n a l i s e d n o t i o n s o f the g r o u p ' s o w n - i n f e r i o r i t y and the supposed " s u p e r i o r judgement" o f spokesmen o f t h e dominant group c o u l d a l s o e x p l a i n such a r t i c u l a t i o n . (d) The most o b v i o u s r e a s o n s , n a m e l y t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l l y i n a d e q u a t e 2 t r a i n i n g o f both members a p p o i n t e d t o the shadow e d u c a t i o n p o r t f o l i o and t h e p r i n c i p l e o f e n t r e n c h i n g s e g r e g a t i o n seems not to have been i m p o r t a n t i n a v a i l a b l e c r i t i c i s m . C o u n c i l members have argued i n d e f e n s e o f t h e i r p o s i t i o n s , t h a t a l t h o u g h they do not e n t i r e l y a c c e p t t h e i r a d m i t t e d l y l i m i t e d r o l e s , t h e y p a r -t i c i p a t e i n such a body i n the i n t e r e s t o f the community f o r want o f b e t t e r a l t e r n a t i v e s . One c o u n c i l member e x p r e s s e d h i s view t h u s : g i v e n the f a i l u r e o f e a r l i e r m i l i t a n t measures t h e r e i s one way o f e s t a b l i s h i n g d i a l o g u e t h r o u g h the use o f a s t r a t e g y , w h i c h can be c o n s i d e r e d a f a r more e f f e c t i v e way o f p e r s u a s i o n . Face t o f a c e c o n t a c t o r even p o l i t e c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h a u t h o r i t i e s i s f e l t more l i k e l y t o remove m i s t r u s t and s u s p i c i o n among W h i t e s . Above a l l , i t i s s a i d , o n l y such an approach can be c o n s i d e r e d r e a l i s t i c i n v i e w o f the f a c t t h a t t h e White man i s i n p o w e r , and I n d i a n s a r e a v o t e l e s s p e o p l e (The G r a p h i c , 16 J u l y , 1971, L e t t e r t o e d i t o r by M . B . N a i d o o ) . 1. A s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n e x i s t e d up t o t h e f i f t i e s when I n d i a n s , e s p e c i a l l y m i d d l e and upper income g r o u p s , would seldom go t o an I n d i a n d o c t o r . They c o n s i d e r e d v i s i t s to a White d o c t o r , d e s p i t e s e g r e g a t e d w a i t i n g rooms i n many i n s t a n c e s , more p r e s t i g i o u s and were c o n v i n c e d o f t h e i r g r e a t e r competence. T h i s s t i l l a p p l i e d t o a v e r y s m a l l s e c t o r o f t h e e l i t e t o d a y . 2. N e i t h e r have a u n i v e r s i t y degree o r p r o f e s s i o n a l q u a l i f i c a t i o n . -145-The l a te chairman of the execut ive c o u n c i l , A .M. Rajab, argued, on the other hand, that though he be l ieved in a democra t ica l l y e lec ted c o u n c i l such a counci l was not n e c e s s a r i l y bet ter than or as e f f e c t i v e as a " c a r e f u l l y se lec ted hand-picked one". He considered his counc i l to be a more e f f e c t i v e , r e s p o n s i b l e , f o r c e f u l , and o b j e c t i v e body than any previous o r g a n i z a t i o n . Furthermore, in defense of the government, he s t ressed the need f o r p a t i e n c e , s ince "the area of race r e l a t i o n s i s u s u a l l y slow of improvement" and i t was "not the government per s e , but the white e l e c t o r a t e that r e s i s t s c h a n g e . " 1 Along these l i n e s , un l ike the Coloured Representat ive C o u n c i l , i t s Indian equiva lent condoned and j u s t i f i e d the government's p o l i c y in c r i s i s s i t u a t i o n s . While f o r instance Colored students rece ived the support of the Coloured Representat ive Counci l in t h e i r s t r i k e aga inst t h e i r un ive r -s i t y a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , a year e a l i e r in the summer of 1973 in a s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n the Indian Counci l v i r t u a l l y acknowledged White generos i ty in prov id ing Indians with a u n i v e r s i t y (Joosub, 1973:433). This syndrome of behav ior , which d i s t i n g u i s h e s the s t y l e and c a l i b r e of the Indian Counci l from that of B u t h e l e z i , or the Colored Representat ive C o u n c i l , may perhaps only be expla ined in terms of the Indian commu-n i t y ' s p o s i t i o n as the most powerless of a l l the subordinate South A f r i c a n groups, with ne i ther the numerical bas is and h i s t o r i c a l h e r i -tage of A f r i c a n s t r e n g t h , nor the c la im to p a r t i a l A f r i k a n e r ancestry 1. Pub l ic address in L e n a s i a , 25 March 1972 by A.M. Rajab. -146-of the Co loreds . The Indian Counci l i s h igh ly u n l i k e l y to abo l i sh i t -s e l f or openly to chal lenge the basic tenets of government p o l i c y , as the Colored Representat ive Counci l d id so s p e c t a c u l a r l y in 1974 and 1976. 3. Local A f f a i r s Committees Supplementing the SAIC are Local A f f a i r s Committees (LAC), designed to s a t i s f y Indian a s p i r a t i o n s foi* loca l government. They have been o f f i c i a l l y descr ibed as "the f i r s t stage of l o c a l government", and have been es tab l i shed in 19 Indian r e s i d e n t i a l areas in N a t a l . Of t h e s e , ten are f u l l y e lec ted committees, four are p a r t l y elected^and f i v e are nominated (South A f r i c a , Indian A f f a i r s , 1973: 9-10) . In the Transvaal three s o - c a l l e d Management Committees have been set up. (One with e lec ted members, and the other two nominated.) In a d d i t i o n , there are 27 nominated Consu l ta t ive Committees. In the Cape Province s ix nominated Management Committees are in operat ion ( H o r r e l l , 1976:79). The LAC's owe t h e i r o r i g i n to the P r o v i n c i a l Ordinance of 1963 and u l t imate ly to the Group Areas Act (South A f r i c a , Indian A f f a i r s , 1973:8). The Ordinance give no powers of any kind to these Committees which are expected to "promote the i n t e r e s t s and welfare of the inhab i tan ts" ( i b i d . ) , and to br ing any matter r e l a t i n g to Indians to the not ice of the "Supreme" White loca l a u t h o r i t y . Opposi t ion to LAC's has been widely expressed. Mr. D.K. S i n g h , Chairman of the Federat ion of C i v i c A s s o c i a t i o n s , descr ibed them as " tooth less -147-and p o w e r l e s s and p o s s e s s i n g t h e c h a r a c t e r o f s e p a r a t i o n " (The L e a d e r , 23 M a r c h , 1 9 7 3 ) . The Chairman o f a p r e s t i g e suburb a s s o c i a t i o n , The R e s e r v o i r H i l l s R a t e p a y e r s ' A s s o c i a t i o n , d e s c r i b e d L A C ' s as "Committees whose main a c t i v i t i e s were t o g e t p o t h o l e s r e p a i r e d and g u t t e r s f i t t e d . We have b i g g e r t h i n g s t o w o r r y a b o u t , " he s a i d , a d d i n g t h a t what I n d i a n s s h o u l d do was make a c o n c e r t e d e f f o r t t o b r i n g p r e s s u r e on t h e Durban C i t y C o u n c i l t o do away w i t h p e t t y A p a r t h e i d (The N a t a l M e r c u r y , 20 J u l y , 1 9 7 4 ) . The R e s e r v o i r H i l l s R a t e p a y e r s ' A s s o c i a t i o n p a s s e d a r e s o l u t i o n the L A C ' s were " n o t i n t h e b e s t i n t e r e s t s ' o f t h e I n d i a n p e o p l e ' " ( i b i d . ) . The P r e s i d e n t o f t h e S o u t h e r n Durban C i v i c F e d e r a t i o n who had s e r v e d on t h e l o c a l R a t e p a y e r s ' a s s o c i a t i o n f o r o v e r 35 y e a r s , d e s c r i b e d L A C ' s as " h a v i n g no e x e c u t i v e p o w e r , b e i n g u n a b l e t o have c o e r c i v e f o r c e and p r o v i d i n g a mere d e b a t i n g chamber" ( I n t e r v i e w , a l s o The R a t e p a y e r , 5 June 1971). Even t h o s e who a g r e e d t o use t h e L A C ' s as a p l a t f o r m on the grounds o f e x p e d i e n c y , such as S . P i H a y Pooval i n g h a m , V i c e Chairman o f t h e S o u t h e r n Durban I n d i a n LAC, appear t o have changed t h e i r p e r s p e c t i v e s . In March 1973, P o o v a l i n g h a m defended L A C ' s as p o t e n t i a l l y e x p e d i e n t i n s t i t u t i o n s (The L e a d e r , 30 M a r c h , 1 9 7 3 ) . W i t h i n s i x months o f s e r v i n g on such a Committee he c a l l e d f o r " t h e s c r a p p i n g o f L A C ' s because t h e y s e r v e d no u s e f u l purpose a t no t i m e were our recommendations t o the c o u n c i l a c c e p t e d and a c t e d upon A l l we do here i s d e b a t e and pass r e s o l u t i o n s " ( D a i l y News, 5 November, 1973). - 1 4 8 -From the i n c e p t i o n , p u b l i c apathy to t h e s e i n s t i t u t i o n s was n o t i c e a b l e . In the 1973 e l e c t i o n s i n Merebank, a l a r g e l y w o r k i n g c l a s s s u b u r b , o n l y 8 , 0 6 2 out o f 2 3 , 0 6 8 v o t e r s who had r e g i s t e r e d , went t o the p o l l s 1 ( G r a p h i c , 19 O c t o b e r , 1973). S i m i l a r l y the R a t e p a y e r s ' A s s o c i a t i o n o f A s h e r v i l l e , a community w i t h a heavy c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f p r o f e s s i o n a l as w e l l as w o r k i n g - c l a s s p e o p l e , b o y -c o t t e d t h e N o r t h e r n Durban I n d i a n LAC e l e c t i o n s , condemning such com-m i t t e e s as " m e a n i n g l e s s b o d i e s " h a v i n g "no r e a l p o w e r " . Others o b j e c t e d to them because t h e y were f o r I n d i a n s o n l y . "We want d i r e c t r e p r e s e n t a -t i o n and want t o v o t e as r e s i d e n t s , not as I n d i a n s " (The G r a p h i c , 26 J a n u a r y , 1 9 7 3 ) . Between 1973 and the p r e s e n t t i m e t h e r e have been r e g u l a r c o n f r o n t a t i o n s 1. I t s h o u l d be mentioned t h a t t h i s was a l s o an a r e a i n w h i c h t h e r e was a c o n c e r t e d d r i v e by a l o c a l o r g a n i z e d group t o d i s c o u r a g e v o t e r s . P l a c a r d s b e a r i n g s l o g a n s denounced t h e LAC system as a f r a u d and c a l l e d f o r d i r e c t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s f o r a l l on t h e e x c l u s i v e l y w h i t e C i t y C o u n c i l . L e a f l e t s d i s t r i b u t e d t h r o u g h o u t Merebank, p l e a d e d w i t h v o t e r s t o c o n s i d e r b e f o r e v o t i n g , t h e r o l e o f t h e LAC; what i t had a c h i e v e d f o r I n d i a n s t o -d a t e , and the chances o f i t e v e r s u c c e e d i n g i n f i g h t i n g on b e h a l f o f t h e p e o p l e f o r improvements: "The L o c a l A f f a i r s C o m m i t t e e s , t h e South A f r i c a n I n d i a n C o u n c i l and B a n t u s t a n governments and the C o l o u r e d Re-p r e s e n t a t i v e C o u n c i l a r e a l l p a r t o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' s m a s t e r A p a r t h e i d p l a n . They have been c r e a t e d not t o p r o t e c t y o u r i n t e r e s t s but to s o f t e n and d i v e r t y o u r o p p o s i t i o n . " " I t i s c l e a r as c r y s t a l t h a t the LAC i s not f i g h t i n g f o r us t h e s e b o d i e s are a t the mercy o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t , and t h e y r e l y on handouts f r o m t h e Durban C o r p o r a t i o n and t h e government. I t i s c l e a r t h a t t h e s e b o d i e s a r e b e i n g used as t o o l s . " (The G r a p h i c , 19 O c t o b e r , 1973) - 1 4 9 -between LAC members, both e l e c t e d and n o m i n a t e d , and the Durban C i t y C o u n c i l . V a r i o u s w a l k - o u t s were s t a g e d i n d i s g u s t , by both t h e N o r t h e r n Durban I n d i a n LAC as w e l l as the S o u t h e r n Durban I n d i a n LAC, o v e r the r e f u s a l o f the C i t y C o u n c i l t o i n c r e a s e the amount to be s p e n t on I n d i a n a r e a s i n the C o u n c i l ' s 1974 d r a f t e s t i m a t e s . The w h i t e Mayor t y p i c a l l y r e t a l i a t e d by r e f e r r i n g t o the LAC members as " s t i l l immature" (The G r a p h i c , 14 September 1973). Indeed t h e r e i s b l a t a n t d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a t t h e m u n i c i p a l l e v e l by l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s , e l e c t e d by and r e s p o n s i b l e t o a w h i t e c o n s t i t u e n c y , i n s p i t e o f t h e e q u a l i f not h i g h e r t a x a t i o n o f n o n - W h i t e s . In Durban i n 1976 the C i t y C o u n c i l had a l l o c a t e d R73-mi11ion f o r the development o f m u n i c i p a l f a c i l i t i e s . Of t h i s amount o n l y R 8 - m i l l i o n was s e t a s i d e f o r the C o l o u r e d and I n d i a n a r e a s , i n s p i t e o f the f a c t t h a t t h e y o u t -number Whites two t o one ( a c c o r d i n g t o S e n a t o r E r i c W i n c h e s t e r , PRP, The S t a r , WE, 3 March 1 9 7 6 : 6 ) . In a t y p i c a l i n c i d e n t more than 500 angry r e s i d e n t s from P o r t S h e p s t a r e and Marburg p r o t e s t e d a g a i n s t t h e " a p p a l l i n g n e g l e c t " o f I n d i a n h o u s i n g by White l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s i n t h e a r e a . The f r u s t r a t i o n o f r e s i d e n t s e x p r e s s e d i t s e l f , as i s f r e q u e n t i n South A f r i c a , not on the r e a l t a r g e t s but on group members. Hence LAC members and I n d i a n l a n d l o r d s became t h e o b j e c t s o f w r a t h . One r e s i d e n t d e p l o r e d "The inhuman and a v a r i c i o u s b e h a v i o r o f some l a n d l o r d s i n t h e a r e a who e x p l o i t e d t e n a n t s , many o f whom e a r n e d l e s s than R l 0 0 a month" (Sunday T i m e s , 7 J u l y 1 9 7 4 ) . A n o t h e r r e s i d e n t s a i d " e x p l o i t a t i o n by l a n d l o r d s had reached ' s h a m e l e s s - 1 5 0 -d e p t h s ' . I t was not uncommon t o f i n d a man e a r n i n g R60 a m o n t h , p a y i n g R30 t o R40 f o r r e n t f o r one room and a k i t c h e n " ( i b i d . ) . A p r o m i n e n t d o c t o r and r e s i d e n t i n t h e a r e a s a i d "Vie have had enough o f p e o p l e who p u r p o r t t o be w o r k i n g i n our i n t e r e s t s and y e t a r e e x p l o i t i n g us as l a n d l o r d s " ( i b i d . ) . In d e f e n c e o f the L A C ' s Mr. J . N . Reddy, C h a i r -man o f t h e SAIC e x e c u t i v e , s a i d i t was no use b l a m i n g t h e L A C ' s " b e -cause t h e y were o n l y a d v i s o r y b o d i e s w i t h no e x e c u t i v e power" ( i b i d . ) . In r e s p o n s e t o c r i t i c i s m o f t h e White l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s ' f a i l u r e to c o n c e r n t h e m s e l v e s w i t h the accommodation needs o f I n d i a n r e s i d e n t s , t h e Mayor d e n i e d t h a t t h i s was s o , and s w i t c h e d the f o c u s o f the crowd o n t o the f a c t t h a t he was aware o f t h e e x p l o i t a t i v e b e h a v i o u r o f I n d i a n l a n d l o r d s , and commended a l l e f f o r t s t o c o n t r o l them. The e x i s t e n c e o f an i n i q u i t o u s s i t u a t i o n w h i c h a l l o w e d room f o r e x p l o i t a t i o n was e n t i r e l y b y p a s s e d , as was t h e p r i v e l e g e d p o s i t i o n o f t h e w h i t e r e s i d e n t s i n t h e t o w n . T a b l e 3 shows e x t r a c t s f r o m t h e Durban C i t y C o u n c i l ' s e x t i m a t e s f o r 1975-76 i n e x p e n d i t u r e a c c o r d i n g , t o r a c i a l g r o u p . As a r e s u l t of the a l l - w h i t e C i t y C o u n c i l ' s f a i l u r e t o heed 75 p e r c e n t o f LAC r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s , t h e S o u t h e r n Durban LAC d e c l a r e d a b o y c o t t on any f u r t h e r m e e t i n g s w i t h t h e w h i t e body u n t i l a m e e t i n g was h e l d w i t h t h e Mayor (The N a t a l M e r c u r y , 28 J a n u a r y , 1976) . Quite t y p i c a l l y the Durban C i t y C o u n c i l a t t e m p t e d to d e f l a t e t h e impasse t h r o u g h f u r t h e r b u r e a u c r a t i z a t i o n . I t s u g g e s t e d t h a t t h e S o u t h e r n Durban LAC work t h r o u g h a s u p e r - l i a i s o n committee c o m p r i s i n g r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from a l l - 1 5 1 -T a b l e 3 Durban C i t y C o u n c i l E x p e n d i t u r e ( E s t i m a t e s ) f o r 1975-76 A c c o r d i n g t o R a c i a l Group i n Rand White N o r t h South C o l o u r e d A r e a s I n d i a n I n d i a n A r e a s G r a n t s 3 6 8 , 8 5 0 1 9 , 0 0 0 1 9 , 0 0 0 8 , 0 0 0 M u s i c 541,170 - -P o o l s 3 7 3 , 6 3 0 5 6 , 5 6 0 6 2 , 1 0 0 4 3 , 1 0 0 S p o r t s 2 , 8 3 7 , 4 2 0 Roads 3 , 4 1 8 , 5 9 0 3 8 6 , 9 8 0 3 5 2 , 1 5 0 4 8 , 3 5 0 S o u r c e : The G r a p h i c , 14 F e b r u a r y , 1976. N o t e : The I n d i a n and s m a l l c o l o u r e d p o p u l a t i o n l i v i n g under t h e j u r i s d i c t i o n o f t h e Durban C i t y C o u n c i l number a p p r o x i m a t e l y 30 p e r c e n t more than the Whites and t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e d e s i g n a t e d a r e a s c o m p r i s e a p p r o x i m a t e l y 35 p e r c e n t o f t h e m u n i c i p a l i t y . (See map.) I n d i a n s and C o l o u r e d s a r e n o t a l l o w e d t o use t h e c e n t r a l w h i t e r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l -i t i e s ( P o o l s , S p o r t ) e x c e p t p a r k s and t o a l i m i t e d e x t e n t now C i t y H a l l . They do have t h e i r own beach on the o u t s k i r t s o f t h e White d i s t r i c t , and o f c o u r s e make use o f o t h e r m u n i c i p a l l y m a i n t a i n e d s e r v i c e s i n t h e White a r e a s u c h as r o a d s . - 1 5 2 -the I n d i a n L A C ' s i n c l u d i n g t h e C o l o u r e d LAC and the C i t y C o u n c i l (The Sunday T i m e s , 8 F e b r u a r y , :976). Contrary to e x p e c t a t i o n t h a t , i n view o f a d i s c r i m i n a t o r y budget a g a i n s t the g r o u p , a l l I n d i a n L A C ' s would g a t h e r , t o g e t h e r i n o p p o s i t i o n to t h e C i t y C o u n c i l , t h e N o r t h e r n Durban LAC and t h e C o l o u r e d LAC have a c q u i e s c e d i n t h e s u g g e s t i o n o f t h e s u p e r - l i a i s o n committee ( i b i d . ) . T h i s i s f u r t h e r e v i d e n c e o f t h e r o l e o f d i f f e r e n t i a l p r i v i l e g e s and f a c i l i t i e s i n d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g the i n t e r e s t s o f a w e a l t h i e r c e n t r a l suburb from a p o o r e r o u t l y i n g i l l - d e v e l o p e d o n e , d e s p i t e the i d e n t i c a l p o l i t i c a l i n e q u a l i t i e s d i r e c t e d a g a i n s t b o t h . The N o r t h e r n Durban LAC has p r o b a b l y much more to g a i n from t h e C i t y C o u n c i l t h r o u g h c o l l a b o r a t i o n . In an a p p a r e n t l y p r o g r e s s i v e move, t h e Durban C i t y C o u n c i l announced t h a t i t i n t e n d e d t o o b t a i n p e r m i s s i o n from t h e P r o v i n c i a l C o u n c i l t o o f f e r f u l l l o c a l a u t h o r i t y and autonomy t o I n d i a n s i n C h a t s w o r t h ( H o r r e l l , 1 9 7 6 : 7 9 ) . Indeed as t h e n e w e s t , most p o o r l y d e v e l o p e d a r e a i n need o f e s s e n t i a l f a c i l i t i e s , t h i s would r e l e a s e the C i t y C o u n c i l o f c o n s i d e r a b l e e x p e n d i t u r e , w h i l e i t c o u l d b e n e f i t from t h e d i s p r o -p o r t i o n a t e i n c r e a s e s i n t a x e s o f w e a l t h i e r d e v e l o p e d I n d i a n s u b u r b s i n need o f l e s s m a i n t e n a n c e . F u r t h e r m o r e , t h e C i t y C o u n c i l i s u n l i k e l y to p r o v i d e C h a t s w o r t h l o c a l government w i t h a s u b s t a n t i a l p o r t i o n o f the a c c u m u l a t e d revenue from the c e n t r a l m u n i c i p a l t r e a s u r y t o which I n d i a n s c o n t r i b u t e c o n s i d e r a b l e amounts. A s i m i l a r o f f e r t e n t a t i v e l y made to the I n d i a n s of L e n a s i a i n Johannesburg was r e j e c t e d by the ( e l e c t e d ) management c o m m i t t e e , whose spokesman m a i n t a i n e d t h a t suburban -1 5 3 -autonomy was i m p o s s i b l e w i t h o u t i n d u s t r i a l autonomy. I n d i a n and C o l o u r e d l e a d e r s have c a l l e d , i n s t e a d , f o r d i r e c t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n on t h e c i t y c o u n c i l ( i b i d . : 8 0 ) . 4 . Autonomous I n d i a n Town Boards In s t a r k c o n t r a s t to the LACs t h e t h r e e towns o f V e r u l a m , I s i p i n g o and Umzinto w i t h autonomous a l l - I n d i a n Town Boards have g a i n e d v e r y p o s i t i v e s u p p o r t from t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e c o m m u n i t i e s . The most e s t a b l i s h e d o f t h e s e i s Verulam on t h e N o r t h C o a s t o f N a t a l , w h i c h has a f u l l y e l e c t e d u n i r a c i a l Town Board o f t e n members and has a l l the e f f e c t i v e powers v e s t e d i n w h i t e l o c a l g o v e r n m e n t s . I t i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r i t s own r a t e c o l l e c t i o n , has i t s l i c e n s i n g b o a r d , I n d i a n m e d i c a l o f f i c e r s o f H e a l t h , t r a f f i c and o t h e r r e l a t e d a r e a s . There i s a h i g h l y e f f i c i e n t Town C l e r k a c c o u n t a b l e t o the most c i v i c c o n s c i o u s v o t e r s i n t h e p r o v i n c e . 1 Whereas p r i o r to 1924 I n d i a n women had been e x c l u d e d from e x e r c i s i n g the v o t e , V e r u l a m c r e a t e d a p r e c e d e n t by i n c l u d i n g women ( I n t e r v i e w s , a l s o Views and News, November, 1 9 7 2 ) . Though a p r e d o m i n a n t l y . I n d i a n t o w n , Verulam has been dominated f o r a c e n t u r y by a w h i t e l o c a l a u t h o r i t y . When t h e f i r s t I n d i a n town board came i n t o e x i s t e n c e i n 1967, t h e w h i t e l o c a l a u t h o r i t y had l e f t an o v e r d r a f t o f 2 RIO,000 and an annual income o f R 2 3 , 0 0 0 . Throughout t h e p e r i o d o f 1. 76 p e r c e n t i n one ward went t o t h e p o l l s r e c e n t l y , compared to D u r b a n ' s w h i t e p o l l o f between 26 t o 46 p e r c e n t (Views and News, November, 1 9 7 2 ) . 2 . S i x months b e f o r e the I n d i a n l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s assumed c o n t r o l , s a l a r i e s o f i t s a l r e a d y w e l l - p a i d w h i t e employees had been r a i s e d by 100 p e r c e n t ( I n t e r v i e w s , a l s o Views and News, November, 1 9 7 2 ) . -154-White domination not a s i n g l e m u n i c i p a l l y owned house had been erected f o r e i t h e r Indians or A f r i c a n s , although. R l l0 ,000 had been accumulated in p r o f i t s from the A f r i c a n beer ha l l ( In terv iews) . In a short p e r i o d , the Verulam Town Board e l iminated the i n i t i a l over -d r a f t , and achieved a present annual income of R150,000. F a c i l i t i e s p r e v i o u s l y neglected by a white counc i l have been given p r i o r i t y . Among these are roads , water-borne sewage d i s p o s a l , a housing scheme f o r Indians and the a l l o c a t i o n of R25,000 f o r the reset t lement of A f r i c a n s in Dalmenie. I t i s economic v i a b i l i t y that d i s t i n g u i s h e s the achievements o f autono-mous Town Boards, such as Verulam, from the impotence of the LAC's which are e n t i r e l y dependent on the a l l - w h i t e C i t y C o u n c i l . The l a t t e r instance has a p t l y been l ikened to the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n , where imper ia l power i s concentrated in white hands. LAC members are in much the same p o s i t i o n as Nawabs and Maharajas in India under B r i t i s h r u l e , although they enjoy ne i ther the l i m i t e d power nor the p r e s t i g e of such feudal f i gures (Views and News, 1972:31). In the case of I s i p i n g o , Indians were t r a i n e d i n the neighbor ing white Town Counci l o f Amanzimtoti and appointed to posts of Town C le rk and Town Treasurer when i t became autonomous on August 1, 1972 (South A f r i c a , Indian A f f a i r s , 1972:9). Newly emancipated o f f i c i a l s such as the Indian Chairman of the Is ip ingo Town Board f requent ly serve as a p o l o g i s t s f o r the previous white parent body by acknowledging the problems which -155-Whites must have had in dea l ing with Indian demands in the p a s t , now that they are in a s i m i l a r p o s i t i o n . 1 Contrary to the impression created by o f f i c i a l accounts of new-found channels i n l o c a l government f o r Ind ians , t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n in t h i s sphere p r i o r to t h i s time i s of ten over looked. The nominated Tongaat Town Board has had three Indian members on i t s ince 1944 but was dominated both numer ica l ly and otherwise by whi tes . Th is was one of the few " in tegra ted" l o c a l governments i n South A f r i c a . The move to e s t a b l i s h LAC's was to end such mixed ga ther ings . Another North Coast Natal -.town' c a l l e d Stanger, has a l s o had an i n t e r e s t i n g h i s t o r y of Indian involvement in l o c a l government. In 1944 twenty years a f t e r Natal had deprived Indians of municipal f r a n c h i s e , E.M. Moola, who had been on the v o t e r s ' r o l l before 1924,was e l e c t e d to the m u n i c i p a l i t y by a predominantly white e l e c t o r a t e . He was the f i r s t Indian in Natal to hold such a post u n t i l h is death. A f t e r that Stanger once again became a White l o c a l a u t h o r i t y . A nominated a l l -Indian LAC was replaced in October 1972 by an e l e c t e d one. The campaign which was e f f e c t i v e l y organised heav i ly de fea ted , with a 70 percent p o l l , the formerly nominated LAC chairman. The d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t 1. This occurs r e g u l a r l y at Ratepayers meetings when such newly appointed Chairmen of Indian Town Boards are i n v i t e d as guest speakers and choose to educate the Indian p u b l i c on the i n t r i c a c i e s of l o c a l government. One such instance was at the Par lock Ratepayers Meeting in August 1973, when Mr. Keerath, of the Is ip ingo Town Board ou t l ined to Par lock ratepayers in the most p a t e r n a l i s t i c manner, that the funct ion of l o c a l autonomy to Indians was to prove to the loca l a u t h o r i t i e s that we Indians were "capable" and " r e s p o n s i b l e " . He c a l l e d f o r a "mature" approach and f o r "cons t ruc t ive" instead of "des t ruc t i ve" c r i t i c i s m . -156-of these e lec ted bodies and t h e i r represen ta t i ves ,however , i s that t h e i r new members are j u s t as powerless as the previous nominated o f f i c i a l s (Views and News, November, 1972). Th is was a lso r e f l e c t e d in the apathy of voters in the 1974 Stanger e l e c t i o n s , where less than h a l f the number of r e g i s t e r e d voters (45.4 percent of 3,000) went to the p o l l s (Leader, 11 October , 1974). In summary,it can be concluded that Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n in p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g , whether by nominated or e lec ted represen ta t i ves ,has not been the c r u c i a l issue in the eyes of the community. Whether community representa t ives have real power to a f f e c t changes in the d a i l y l i f e or whether they serve merely as symbolic o u t l e t s f o r gr ievances and a s p i r a t i o n s , would seem to d i s t i n g u i s h t h e i r r ecogn i t ion from t ' .^ i r r e j e c t i o n . In the t o t a l South A f r i c a n context four d i s t i n c t p o s i t i o n s have emerged among Indians towards the post-1961 government p o l i c y of l i m i t e d s e l f -government. At the one extreme i s that o f t o t a l acceptance, as epitomized by the South A f r i c a n Indian C o u n c i l , which not only accepts but c o l l a b o r a t e s with the government, b e l i e v i n g in the s i n c e r i t y of i t s in ten t ions and the values of i t s programs of separate and equal development. Many representa t ives of t h i s a t t i t u d e fear an A f r i c a n takeover , which they cons ider as t o t a l l y detr imental to Indian i n t e r e s t s . They p r e f e r to view themselves as a l l i e s o f the Whites in a common s t rugg le to keep "unpredic tab le" A f r i c a n demands under c o n t r o l . Second, there are those who accept government p o l i c y and government--157-appointed bodies on the bas is of expediency and use these channels d i s c r i m i n a t e l y . They argue that such p o l i c y contains the seeds of i t s own des t ruc t ion and should be e x p l o i t e d f o r t h i s p o t e n t i a l . T h i r d , there is a s i z a b l e group who have l i t t l e f a i t h in e i t h e r the govern-ment or i t s Indian c o l l a b o r a t o r s . They see themselves as being power-less and d o n ' t want to "become involved in p o l i t i c s " . They point to the i n f i l t r a t i o n of the Secur i t y P o l i c e i n a l l aspects o f o r g a n i z a -t iona l l i f e and are in t imidated to the extent of apathy by the govern-ment's p o l i c e machinery. F i n a l l y , there are those who fee l cons iderab le antagonism toward the South A f r i c a n Indian Counci l as an e x p l o i t a t i v e body, accompl ishing nothing and having no au thor i t y from the community to act as i t s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . Any changes that do occur they a t t r i b u t e to the government,not i t s stooges in the C o u n c i l . They r e j e c t on p r i n c i p l e e t h n i c a l l y e x c l u s i v e p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y in government-created i n s t i t u t i o n s aimed at s p l i t t i n g a p o t e n t i a l l y un i ted Black f r o n t . Th is i s the p o s i t i o n of the Indian members of the South A f r i c a n Students Organizat ion (SASO) and the Black Peoples Convention (BPC) as well as of a subs tan t ia l sec t ion of former p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i s t s , now forced in to the r o l e of r e l u c t a n t s p e c t a t o r s . In b r i e f , whi le government-appointed bodies such as the South A f r i c a n Indian Counci l and Local A f f a i r s Committees are t o l e r a t e d by some, they are ne i ther respected nor supported by most Indians. In f a c t they are more hated than the government and f requent ly are scapegoats f o r i t . -158-IX ETHNIC HIGHER EDUCATION 1. The Indian U n i v e r s i t y A v i t a l point of contact between members of the superordinate group and the Indian community i s the U n i v e r s i t y of Durban-Westvi1le. As the newest, most modern u n i v e r s i t y in Durban, b u i l t at an estimated cost of Rl7-mi11i on ( F i a t Lux, V o l . 7 , No .5 :30 ) , over look ing the c i t y from one of the most e x c l u s i v e Indian suburbs, i t i s the showpiece of Apartheid in terms of f a c i l i t i e s and conspicuous p u b l i c r e l a t i o n s va lue . The Indian u n i v e r s i t y has now been in ex is tence f o r f i f t e e n y e a r s . It would seem an appropr ia te time to review the o r i g i n a l fears of the community about segregated u n i v e r s i t i e s , and examine the extent to which these have been r e i n f o r c e d or e l i m i n a t e d . The N a t i o n a l i s t Party government made c l e a r i t s i n t e n t i o n of apply ing the p r i n c i p l e of r a c i a l separat ion to t e r t i a r y education in 1957 through the Separate U n i v e r s i t y Educat ion B i l l . Despite much o p p o s i t i o n from var ious s e c t o r s 1 , i t was passed in 1959 as the Extension of U n i v e r s i t y Act 45 of 1959. P r i o r to that t ime, the U n i v e r s i t i e s of N a t a l , Cape Town and Witwatersrand had admitted students of a l l r a c i a l groups, even though the U n i v e r s i t y of Natal had always operated a separate "Non-ft 1. For a d e t a i l e d account of the c r i t i c i s m of t h i s B i l l , see: Academic Freedom Committees, 1974. 2. An account of the p r o v i s i o n s of t h i s B i l l and reac t ions to i t i s to be found in H o r r e l l , 1956-57:196ff. -159-European S e c t i o n " . 1 Antagonism to in tegrated u n i v e r s i t y educat ion had been a r t i c u l a t e d as e a r l y as 1948 when the newly e lec ted National Party Prime M i n i s t e r made the fo l low ing statement: "An i n t o l e r a b l e s ta te of a f f a i r s has a r i s e n here in the past few years in our u n i v e r s i t y i n s t i t u t i o n s , a s ta te of a f f a i r s which gives r i s e to f r i c t i o n to an unpleasant r e l a t i o n s h i p between European and non-European. . . .we do not want to wi thhold higher educat ion from the non-Euro-pean and we w i l l take every p o s s i b l e step to give both the nat ives and the coloured peoples u n i v e r s i t y t r a i n i n g as soon as we c a n , but in t h e i r own sphere , in other words in separate i n s t i t u t i o n s . " (House of Assembly Debates, Hansard 64, 1948, co l 219.) Along s i m i l a r l i n e s , the next N a t i o n a l i s t Prime M i n i s t e r Verwoerd s t ressed the importance of recogn is ing the impact of higher educat ion in heightening f r u s t r a t i o n s of the subordinate groups through i n -c reas ing expec ta t ions . It was there fore e s s e n t i a l , he contended, to devise an educat ional program which would focus on adjustment and narrow the gap between expectat ions and r e a l i t y . With these a ims, the p r o v i s i o n of U n i v e r s i t y f a c i l i t i e s f o r a l l Black students proceeded with cons iderab le momentum. Since the s o - c a l l e d "open" u n i v e r s i t i e s had p r e v i o u s l y r e s t r i c t e d c e r t a i n s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s and spor t ing events to white s t u d e n t s , the government saw i t s e l f i r o n - ' i c a l l y as the prov ider of f a c i l i t i e s f o r formerly deprived s tuden ts , 1. At the time of the passing of the Extension o f U n i v e r s i t y Educat ion Act in 1959, there were 633 C o l o u r e d , Indian and A f r i c a n students at the s o - c a l l e d "open" Engl ish- language U n i v e r s i t y of Cape Town, and 297 at the U n i v e r s i t y of Witwatersrand. The respec t ive white enrolment f i g u r e s fo r both i n s t i t u t i o n s were 4,471 and 4,813. (Academic Freedom Committee*, 1974:13) 2. For more extensive treatment of t h i s subject see K. Adam, 1971. -160-who i t argued had been denied a. f u l l educat ion on the bas is of t h e i r p o l i c y of academic i n t e g r a t i o n and s o c i a l separat ion (Academic Freedom Committees, 1974:15). In 1961, the U n i v e r s i t y Col lege f o r Indians was e s t a b l i s h e d i n tempor-ary quarters in former m i l i t a r y bar racks . There was much i n i t i a l ob-j e c t i o n by the Indian community to such segregated f a c i l i t i e s i n the h i ther to sacrosanct sphere of u n i v e r s i t y educat ion . More than the actual s e g r e g a t i o n , the Indian community's opin ion leaders expressed fears about:(1) the i s o l a t i o n of var ious e thn ic groups from one another which would lead to ignorance of other groups. Despite i t s segregated f a c i l i t i e s , they argued, the U n i v e r s i t y of Natal had provided a m i l i e u fo r black a l l i a n c e s , where the future A f r i c a n , Indian and Coloured l e a d e r s , together with a minor i ty of sympathetic Whites could nurture greater understanding of one another . (2) The p o s s i b l e lowering of educat ional standards and t h e i r non- recogn i t ion elsewhere. Even the promise of f i n e b u i l d i n g s , gleaming laboratory equipment and l i b r a r i e s were considered inadequate, i f the p r i n c i p l e of " r a c i a l membership" and government contro l was to be entrenched. (3) Object ions were ra ised to " I n d i a n i z a t i o n " , and courses in Indian languages, Eastern r e l i g i o n s and Or ien ta l S t u d i e s . These emphases, they f e l t , would not only exclude Indians from the mainstream of South A f r i c a n and Western compet i t ion , but would heighten intra-communal d i f f e r e n c e s along r e l i g i o u s and l i n g u i s t i c l i n e s . -161-When probed deeper , part of the r e j e c t i o n of separate u n i v e r s i t i e s lay in the lack of conf idence which Indians had of members of t h e i r own group as " u n i v e r s i t y l e c t u r e r s " , as well as the i n t e r n a l i s e d Natal E n g l i s h pre judices towards "Af r ikaners" as i l l - e d u c a t e d and rura l f o l k not endemic to " u n i v e r s i t y c u l t u r e " as co lon ized Indians had come to know of i t . 1 (4) The new u n i v e r s i t i e s , i t was argued, would not enjoy the autonomy that the open u n i v e r s i t i e s d i d . The M i n i s t e r of Indian , A f f a i r s re ta ined extensive powers, and appointed both the Rector as well as the V ice Chance l lo r . A l l appointments, promotions, sa la ry sca les and cond i t ions of s e r v i c e would be subject to the M i n i s t e r ' s approva l . In a d d i t i o n , in cases where the a l l - W h i t e Counci l ( to -gether with i t s purely advisory Indian counterpart ) had f a i l e d to take appropr ia te ac t ions aga inst a s t a f f member, the M i n i s t e r was empowered to do s o . The Counci l was to c o n s i s t of not l e s s than e igh t persons appointed by the State P r e s i d e n t , two members of the Senate e lec ted by the Senate, and an Advisory Counci l c o n s i s t i n g of not l ess than e ight Ind ians , appointed by the State Pres ident (Academic Freedom Committees,1974:20-1). Such admin is t ra t i ve segregat ion and c o n t r o l , many Indians f e l t , was a ser ious danger to c r i t i c a l thought and in general to academic freedom. Widespread oppos i t ion to the U n i v e r s i t y Co l lege f o r Indians was r e -1. These f e e l i n g s were exacerbated by numerous a r t i c u l a t i o n s of a n t i -Indianism by Af r ikaans-speak ing p o l i t i c i a n s , i n c l u d i n g the f i r s t M i n i s t e r of Indian A f f a i r s . -162-f l e c t e d in the terms used at that time to r e f e r to i t : " t r i b a l c o l l e g e " , "bush c o l l e g e " , "concentrat ion camp", "no-choice u n i v e r s i t y " . In 1961 the student enrolment was only 114, and of the f o r t y f a c u l t y members only s i x were Indians ( H o r r e l l , 1962) who were heav i l y o s t r a c i s e d by the community. Many Indians who could a f f o r d i t , sent t n e i r c h i l d r e n abroad or in f luenced t h e i r choice of courses to be among those not ye t o f fe red by the U n i v e r s i t y Co l lege therefore making t h e i r c h i l d r e n s t i l l e l i g i b l fo enrolment at the open u n i v e r s i t i e s . During 1960-1973 4,618 Indians were admitted to the "open" u n i v e r s i t i e s by comparison with 81 A f r i c a n s and 1 ,077 Coloureds (Academic Freedom Committees, 1974:44). In a d d i t i o n , var ious attempts to e s t a b l i s h a l t e r n a t i v e p r iva te u n i v e r s i t y f a c i l i t i e s through the U n i v e r s i t y of London and World U n i v e r s i t y Serv ice were made. L i b e r a l white f a c u l t y members at the "open" u n i v e r s i t i e s who were opposed to separate educat ion gave t h e i r s e r v i c e s i n s u p e r v i s i n g correspondence s tudents . However, the i s o l a t i o n of such students from each other and the lack of v i a b i l i t y of such q u a l i f i c a t i o n s f o r obta in ing fu ture employment in South A f r i c a , led to the r e l u c t a n t and gradual acceptance of the segregated f a c i l i t i e s that were o f f e r e d . In 1971 the U n i v e r s i t y Co l lege which had up to then been a f f i l i a t e d to the U n i v e r s i t y of South A f r i c a was granted f u l l u n i v e r s i t y s t a t u s . The U n i v e r s i t y of Durban-Westv i l ie (UDW) came in to b e i n g , again not without fear from some Indian e d u c a t i o n a l i s t s who saw the break with the r e -putable U n i v e r s i t y of South A f r i c a as the f i n a l death knel l f o r standards -163-of the community's u n i v e r s i t y educat ion . UDW by 1974 had f i v e f a c u l t i e s , over f i f t y departments,and a student enrolment of 2,342 ( H o r r e l l , 1976:369). I ts new campus and higher per c a p i t a expenditure 2 on Indian students than on white counterpar ts makes f o r incongru i ty in the South A f r i c a n contex t , but i s a noteworthy stopping po int f o r the o f f i c i a l f o r e i g n guest to note the e f f o r t s of the government in educating i t s subordinate people "along t h e i r own l i n e s " . Indeed, much of the e a r l i e r oppos i t ion to the i n s t i t u t i o n by the community would seem to have d isappeared. The scene has changed from n o n - p a r t i c i p a t i o n and withdrawal to one o f a high degree o f involvement on the part of the o lder generat ion but not the s tudents . Most Indian educators and community leaders see the U n i v e r s i t y of Durban-Westv i l le not only as an educat ional c e n t r e , but as a c u l t u r a l centre f o r the community, and the p a t e r n a l i s t i c Rector ensures that "unique oppor tun i -t i e s w i l l be provided f o r Or ien ta l Studies and research as well as o r i g i n a l Indian c o n t r i b u t i o n s to C u l t u r e , A r t and Phi losophy" ( I r e l a n d , 1975:15). 1. A r t s , S c i e n c e , Commerce, Admin is t ra t ion and Law F a c u l t i e s . In November 1974, i t was announced that the Government had decided in p r i n c i p l e to e s t a b l i s h a medical f a c u l t y as wel l ( H o r r e l l , 1976:262). 2. R644 per Indian s tudent , R577 per White , R976 per Coloured and at one A f r i c a n C o l l e g e , Rl ,490 per A f r i c a n student ( H o r r e l l , 1969:211). The d u p l i c a t i o n of f a c i l i t i e s expla ins these i n c o n g r u i t i e s . Indeed the 1971-2 f i g u r e s f o r Indians i s even h i g h e r , (Rl ,064) and was caused mainly by the t r a n s f e r of the U n i v e r s i t y to i t s new campus(South A f r i c a , Indian A f f a i r s , 1973:107). -164-From empty h a l l s and boycotted graduat ion ceremonies of the e a r l y s i x t i e s , UDW i s now f o r the most par t wel l pa t ron i zed . Indeed i t a f fo rds one of the c l o s e s t contact po ints between the White r u l i n g group and Ind ians , and i s in some ways a microcosm of South A f r i c a n s o c i e t y , a l b e i t one i n which A f r i c a n s do not e x i s t . 1 The cent ra l importance of t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n f o r present day Indian a s p i r a t i o n s j u s t i f i e s c lose s c r u t i n y of the e a r l i e r apprehensions in l i g h t of the experience of the l a s t decade. (1) Contrary to the i n i t i a l assurance that t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n would eventua l ly be s t a f f e d by Indians themselves, the evidence i s that i t has become an expedient channel f o r launching not Indians but A f r i kaner graduates in to the academic realm. A s i z e a b l e number of these appointments c o n s t i t u t e promotions f o r former c i v i l se rvan ts . Only 30 percent o f the f a c u l t y p o s i t i o n s , mostly at the j u n i o r l e v e l , are held by Ind ians , although there are more than enough q u a l i f i e d 2 Indians who can f i l l most of these p o s i t i o n s . 1. A l l l e v e l s of work on campus inc lud ing j a n i t o r i a l s e r v i c e s are performed by Ind ians , contrary to the usual South A f r i c a n s t y l e in which A f r i c a n s r e t a i n the prerogat ive of " d i r t y work". 2. Four such instances of h igh ly q u a l i f i e d Indians who app l ied f o r p o s i t i o n s and were re jec ted are known to the w r i t e r . Two e d u c a t i o n a l i s t s , one of whom i s now p u b l i c p rosecutor , and the other Head of the De-partment of Educat ional Psychology at a Teacher T r a i n i n g C o l l e g e . A h igh ly reputed Professor of Geo-physics from the U n i v e r s i t y of S r i Lanka was not even given the courtesy of a r e p l y , which i s i n c i d e n t a l l y the usual way in which "unpleasant" matters are dea l t with by the u n i v e r s i t y a u t h o r i t i e s . The four th instance was that of a h i s t o r i a n with s i x books to his c r e d i t , two of them on South A f r i c a n h i s t o r y and a cons iderab le amount of teaching and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e experience at other A f r i c a n u n i v e r s i t i e s . This a p p l i c a t i o n was turned down on the grounds of " i n s u f f i c i e n t enrolment", whi le a l e s s e r q u a l i f i e d White continued to hold the p o s i t i o n (Correspondence 5) . -165-The idea of " I n d i a n i z a t i o n " , once reputable in r u l i n g eyes , f o r . d i s -t i n g u i s h i n g those in favour of separate educat ion from those who i n -s i s t e d on r a c i a l l y in tegra ted educat ion ! B S beer1 r e d e f i n a d . Ind ian i za t ion i s n v i r t u a l l y synonymous with " a g i t a t i o n " , s ince i t threatens the pos i t ions presen held by Whites, and is symptomatic of the ant i -Whi te ant ipa th ies of the more p o l i t i c i z e d . An i n d i c a t i o n of the " c o r r e c t l i n e " was a r t i c u l a t e d by a wel l entrenched Indian p ro fessor and Head o f the Department of Psychology at UDW, Pro fessor Ramfol , who c a l l e d f o r Ind ian i za t ion to take i t s normal course on meri t (Graduation Ceremony, May 1974). It was obv ious ly in accordance with o f f i c i a l p o l i c y s ince Pro fessor Ramfol was appointed A c t i n g Deputy Rector s h o r t l y a f terwards. On the other hand,the Counci l o f UDW i s now an in tegra ted body, with four Indians and eleven Whi tes; and the Senate , a p r e v i o u s l y a l l - W h i t e body, now has 44 Whites and four Indians serv ing on i t (Mbanjwa, 1975:168). (2) The quest ion of whether standards of educat ion have dropped as feared by Indians, i s more d i f f i c u l t to answer D r e c i s e l y . In terms of actual content of course m a t e r i a l , standards of examinations wr i t ten ,and actual e x p e r t i s e ga ined , i t i s widely f e l t by Indian f a c u l t y members in a l l d i s c i p l i n e s i n which they are represented that the standards 1. The w r i t e r ' s percept ion of standards i s based on two years on the f a c u l t y at the then U n i v e r s i t y C o l l e g e , subsequent care fu l o b s e r v a t i o n , informal in terv iews with White and Indian f a c u l t y , and many s tudents , as wel l as a sample of fu ture autobiographies wr i t ten by s tudents . -166-compare very favorab ly with the s o - c a l l e d "open" u n i v e r s i t i e s . Y e t , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to draw the boundary between course content and the broader aspects o f u n i v e r s i t y educat ion . The segregated u n i v e r s i t y , the lack of choice by cont ras t to White s tuden ts , the i n t e r n a l i s e d subord ina te -super -ord ina te nature of s t u d e n t - f a c u l t y contact e s p e c i a l l y i n the case of white f a c u l t y , the fear o f t h i n k i n g c r i t i c a l l y and of a r t i c u l a t i n g acceptable thoughts , a l l s t rong ly in f luence the a t t i t u d e s students develop in such s i t u a t i o n s . The fear of s e c u r i t y p o l i c e " informants" i s i n h i b i t i n g to s tuden ts 1 as well as to f a c u l t y . Indeed the p a s s i v i t y of students in l e c t u r e h a l l s i s poor ly expla ined away by severa l White f a c u l t y as being based on "the Indian nature" or "the pass ive temperament of Ind ians" . Nor i s such " p a s s i v i t y " a l l e v i a t e d by the h u m i l i a t i o n which students f e e l when the type of dress they should wear i s d i c t a t e d to them, e s p e c i a l l y when rumour has i t that some White a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t a f f are supposed to have s a i d "Indians s m e l l , and must there fore keep jacke ts on a t a l l t imes!" Even Indian f a c u l t y have been humi l ia ted i n s i m i l a r ways. On one such o c c a s i o n , the w r i t e r was c a l l e d i n t o an o f f i c e by a white secre ta ry and t o l d to keep out o f a s p e c i f i c t o i l e t as i t was f o r "Whites o n l y " . 1. When t h i s was d iscussed i n f o r m a l l y with Pro fessor O l i v i e r , the Rec tor , he commented c u r s o r i l y that i t was l i k e educat ion in t o t a l i -t a r i a n s o c i e t i e s . 2. In 1967 men were requi red to wear jackets at a l l times and women were not al lowed to wear m i n i - s k i r t s or fancy s t o c k i n g s . While i t i s recognized that these standards p r e v a i l in some p r iva te schools in other c o u n t r i e s , the informal r a t i o n a l e f o r these r u l e s , together with the s o c i e t a l context adds to the h u m i l i a t i o n . -167-On the whole, teaching i s very f o r m a l , and students complain about u n i n s p i r i n g l e c t u r e r s who, probably due to d i f f i c u l t i e s with Eng l i sh as a second language, d i c t a t e lec ture notes from the prepared Un iver -s i t y of South A f r i c a correspondence l e c t u r e s . Indeed formal s t r u c t u r e s are the only p r o t e c t i o n in an otherwise uncer ta in s i t u a t i o n . Even Indian l e c t u r e r s seldom transcend the wel l - t rodden t r a d i t i o n a l exp lana-t i o n s , fo r fear of being l a b e l l e d d i s r u p t i v e or r e v o l u t i o n a r y . For i n s t a n c e , i t i s impossible f o r a course such as "Women's L i b e r a t i o n " or "Revolut ionary Ideologies" to be given in that context . Th is i s protected by a formal s y l l a b u s with t o p i c s that have to be covered and the sources or textbooks to be used are o f f i c i a l l y p r e s c r i b e d . As pointed out elsewhere t h e o r e t i c a l e x p l o r a t i o n and s o c i a l c r i t i c i s m are re jec ted in favour of "doing something f o r the community". Though these are by no means mutual ly e x c l u s i v e , the focus on m i c r o - l e v e l p r o j e c t s , important and immediate though they may be, d i v e r t a t ten t ion from per t inent quest ions r e l a t i n g to fundamental cond i t ions of ex is tence i n that s o c i e t y and hamper a perspect ive which can see a l t e r n a t i v e s to the one-d imensiona l i ty of community concerns. Paternal ism i s another e f f e c t i v e means of mainta in ing cont ro l in such s i t u a t i o n s , and has the e f f e c t of s p l i t t i n g a l l i a n c e s in the sub-ordinate group, s ince there are always subordinates who are convinced of the "well-meant i n t e n t i o n s " of the white paternal f i g u r e s . Ex-p l o i t i n g t r a d i t i o n a l p a r e n t - c h i l d r e l a t i o n s h i p s in the Indian community -168-i s one way th is i s done. Se lec ted parents from the t r a d i t i o n a l e l i t e are f requent ly c a l l e d upon to serve in a c o n s u l t a t i v e capac i ty and, f o r the most p a r t , never having had the opportuni ty fo r higher educat ion themselves, they cons ider the present generat ion for tunate f o r the f a c i l i t i e s they have. Hence they tend to be l e s s c r i t i c a l of the estab l ishment . The fo l low ing statement by the Rector i s i l l u s t r a t i v e o f t h i s po in t : "Many parents have expressed t h e i r p leasure that we look a f t e r the academic i n t e r e s t s of students and do not a l low them to get involved in p o l i t i c s " (The Leader , 13 June , 1969). / \ The o f f i c i a l perspect ive on student p a r t i c i p a t i o n was a r t i c u l a t e d by Pro fessor van der Wal t , who was appointed by the State Pres ident as the f i r s t Chairman of the U n i v e r s i t y Co l lege Counci l in 1961: "I am convinced that to t r a n s f e r a p o l i t i c a l concept of "democracy" to a u n i v e r s i t y i s nonsensical and a ' c o n t r a d i c t i o in t e r m i n i s ' apart from when i t might be a p p l i e d to students e l e c t i n g fe l low students f o r student a f f a i r s o n l y : - a n d even then not where a s p i r i t of antagonism might p reva i l by sheer i n t i m i d a t i o n , and where the d e s i r e i s not to p a r t i c i p a t e in e r e c t i n g a humane i n s t i t u t i o n but a revo lu t ionary one. Student Counc i ls a r e , under such c i rcumstances , completely i n e f f e c t i v e , and c o u n t e r - p r o d u c t i v e . " ( F i a t Lux, May, 1972:4). That students r e j e c t t h i s type of cont ro l would seem evident in t h e i r v i r t u a l l y non-ex is ten t o r g a n i s a t i o n a l l i f e . Even the s o l i t a r y Debating Soc ie ty decided to disband "on p r i n c i p l e " in 1969, a f t e r i t had been denied permission to i n v i t e representa t ives of the L i b e r a l and Pro-g ress ive Party to address s tudents . The reason given by the Act ing Rector in support of the d e c i s i o n was, 'At t h i s stage we don ' t fee l i t i s appropr ia te f o r students to be subjected to these i n f l u e n c e s ' -169-' I t i s the p o l i c y of the Col lege not to al low people who take an a c t i v e part in p o l i t i c s to address students on the campus.' (The Leader , 13 June, 1969). They were t o l d to e i t h e r l e t the u n i v e r s i t y a u t h o r i t i e s suggest speakers or to s e l e c t some f a c u l t y members to address them i n -stead ( i b i d . ) . S i m i l a r l y , students have cons tan t ly r e s i s t e d the forma-t ion of Student R e p r e s e n t a t i v e ' C o u n c i l s , s ince the U n i v e r s i t y a u t h o r i t i e s i n s i s t e d on p a r t i c i p a t i o n in d r a f t i n g i t s c o n s t i t u t i o n , a s well as having f a c u l t y r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . Furthermore, l i k e t h e i r A f r i c a n f e l l o w students at the U n i v e r s i t y Co l lege o f For t Hare, they f e l t that they would lay themselves open to p o l i c e i n t e r f e r e n c e (K. Adam,1971:202). In 1972 the students at UDW organized a boycott o f food and a p a r t i a l boycott of l ec tu res on 7th and 8th May (Post , 7 May, 1972, Natal Mercury, 8 May, 1972; both c i t e d . i n Hor re l l ,1973:389). Student attempts to d r a f t an SRC c o n s t i t u t i o n were re jec ted by the U n i v e r s i t y C o u n c i l , which a r b i t r a r i l y s u b s t i t u t e d i t s own v e r s i o n . The " r e v i s e d " document 1 2 barred a f f i l i a t i o n with SASO, and NUSAS and p r o h i b i t e d student p u b l i -cat ions and press statements ( i b i d . ) . Th is was fo l lowed by a two day boycott of l ec tures which the Rector in h is Graduation Ceremony speech a t t r i b u t e d to "the Marx is t and Maoist fo rces of negat ive and d i s r u p t i v e 1. SASO, the South A f r i c a n Students O r g a n i s a t i o n , i s an a l l - B l a c k m i l i t a n t student o r g a n i s a t i o n , espousing Black u n i t y , and the concept o f "Black Consc iousness" . I t i s d iscussed at greater length l a t e r . 2. NUSAS, the Nat ional Union of South A f r i c a n S tudents , i s the a n t i -Apartheid o f f i c i a l student o r g a n i s a t i o n at Eng l ish- language u n i v e r s i t i e s . -170-ideology" which were at work in i n f l u e n c i n g Indian students ( Interview with Secretary of Ad Hoc Committee, a lso Leader , 12 May, 1972; P o s t , 14 May, 1972). In a subsequent student c h a r t e r , the gr ievances l i s t e d were that there was a vast d iscrepancy in standards between e thn ic u n i v e r s i t i e s and the "open" u n i v e r s i t i e s , due to s e c u r i t y p o l i c e a c t i v i t y , in formers , the powers of white s t a f f , "dehumanizing" r e g u l a -t i o n s , the terms of bursary cont rac ts and r e s t r i c t i o n s on student p u b l i c a t i o n s and organ iza t ion" (Natal Mercury, 31 May, 1972; as quoted in H o r r e l l , 1973:390). These complaints were r e i t e r a t e d in March 1974 when res iden t students at UDW under c e r t a i n t y of anonymity p u b l i c i s e d charges that t h e i r hostel was "more l i k e a concentra t ion camp than a u n i v e r s i t y res idence" (Sunday T r i b u n e , 31 March, 1974). They sa id there were unnecessar i l y s t r ingen t ru les governing t h e i r l i v e s in the h o s t e l . Several students sa id that they were persona l ly in ter rogated by the academic r e g i s t r a r 1 about pro tes t meetings in the res idence . They were required to s ign a document conf i rming that they recognized the au thor i ty of the house committee and would not engage in content ious matters . Of the 150 students e l i g i b l e to vote f o r the house committee, 109 placed blank sheets in the b a l l o t box, but nevertheless the house committee was e lec ted ( i b i d . ) . In 1975, students renewed t h e i r stance to press fo r an acceptable SRC c o n s t i t u t i o n . They threatened a boycott of 1. The academic r e g i s t r a r i s a lso known to have in ter rogated Indian f a c u l t y members about "undesi rab le" contacts they might have. -171-a l l f a c i l i t i e s unless these demands were met (Sunday T r i b u n e , 2 February , 1975). As in the past the rec to r renewed his o f f e r to meet with students to form an SRC. In response to t h i s a white law p r o f e s s o r , subsequently d i s m i s s e d , i s reported to have s a i d , " S e l f - r e s p e c t i n g students at Durban-W e s t v i l l e U n i v e r s i t y would regard a Student 's Representat ive Counci l whose c o n s t i t u t i o n was drawn up by the u n i v e r s i t y a u t h o r i t i e s as puppet representa t ion" (Mbanjwa, 1975:181). In such s i t u a t i o n s , un l ike the A f r i c a n u n i v e r s i t i e s where A f r i c a n f a c u l t y a l l y with t h e i r students aga inst white a u t h o r i t i e s 1 Indian f a c u l t y have responded by e i t h e r being non-committal or by p r i v a t e l y support ing the a u t h o r i t i e s through s e l f - p o l i c i n g . At no time has there been outspoken support f o r the student cause. Indeed,as in the case of the March 1974 hostel i n c i d e n t r e f e r r e d to e a r l i e r , a student who c r i t i c i s e d the presence at the meeting , of the Indian warden, Professor Ranchod, was subsequently expe l led from res idence (Mbanjwa, 1975:182). Such a behaviour syndrome i s only p a r t i a l l y expla ined by the prevalent white stereotypes of Indians in South A f r i c a , as being " o p p o r t u n i s t i c " 1. As evidenced in the repor t of a Senior Lecturer from the U n i v e r s i t y of the North at Tur f loop (Rand D a i l y M a i l , March, 1975) and a statement by the p r i n c i p a l of the U n i v e r s i t y of the North , Pro fessor Boshoff to the p r e s s , in which he s a i d , "the ant i -Whi te sentiments of students were encouraged by some members of the Black academic s t a f f " . ( H o r r e l l , 1975;373) 2. The w r i t e r i s p e r s o n a l l y aware of a s i t u a t i o n where two Indian f a c u l t y questioned an i n v i t a t i o n to a prominent and outspoken Indian doctor to address s tudents , on the grounds that the guest had made derogatory s t a t e -ments about the U n i v e r s i t y . Furthermore, students say that the Rector main-ta ins cont ro l over who the " a g i t a t o r s " are through c e r t a i n known Indian f a c u l t y , who they descr ibe as having a " d i r e c t l i n e to the Rec tor . " Indeed, in an address to the students at the beginning of the academic y e a r , the Rector i s reported in the Indian press to have p u b l i c l y o f fe red "p ro tec t ion" to "any student who furn ished informat ion about those students who were opposed to e x t r a - c u r r i c u l a r a c t i v i t i e s at the U n i v e r s i t y " . (Leader , 20 February , 1976). -172-and " lack ing backbone". Two f a c t o r s seem cent ra l f o r such a phenom-enon, (a) the s t r u c t u r a l context which makes "opportunism" and "non-committal" behaviour worthwhile. Simply pu t , p a s s i v i t y and n o n - i n t e r -ference are p o s i t i v e l y r e i n f o r c e d by the establ ishment and wel l rewarded by the r u l e r s , (b) The cohesiveness of the subordinate group and the pressures created on i t s group members to "ach ieve" . F a i l u r e to achieve and be upwardly mobile are considered to be the shortcoming of the i n d i v i -dual , and not due to the s i t u a t i o n . 1 In such instances , ins tead of welding together group members i n the face of a common r u l i n g group, they are atomised through the demand to be success fu l at a l l c o s t s . The p res t ige and r e c o g n i t i o n awarded success i s extremely high in the Indian community, (c) The r e l a t i v e l y p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n of Indian f a c u l t y v i s - a - v i s other members of t h e i r group separates t h e i r i n t e r e s t s from that of s tudents . In the case of A f r i c a n l e c t u r e r s at the geo-g r a p h i c a l l y i s o l a t e d i n s t i t u t i o n s both f a c u l t y and students together l i v e outs ide t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l community, and the status d i f f e r e n c e be-tween f a c u l t y and student i s there fore much lower and not permanently r e i n f o r c e d by the l a r g e r group. In order to answer the quest ion about whether standards have dec l ined at the e thn ic u n i v e r s i t i e s a l l these f a c t o r s have to be considered in 1. Th is i s corroborated by the way "banned" p o l i t i c a l leaders c la im they are shunned by most Ind ians , as well as random comments by many about such leaders having underestimated the ru th lessness of the Whites. -173-r e l a t i o n to each o ther . (3) A t h i r d major concern of those opposed to separate u n i v e r s i t i e s was the i s o l a t i o n of the group, e s p e c i a l l y from other subord inates . In 1971, the wr i t e r suggested t h a t , "despite the d ivergent c u l t u r a l l i n e s on which segregated educat ion i s being conducted, a newer convergence w i l l emerge among people who have shared a common exposure to t h i s c o l o n i a l type educat ional exper ience , and more fundamental ly ,share in i t s r e j e c t i o n " (K. Adam, 1971:212). Th is p r e d i c t i o n would c e r t a i n l y seem to have m a t e r i a l i z e d i f the impact of c r u c i a l events at a l l the A f r i c a n U n i v e r s i t i e s s ince the r i o t s in Soweto, i s c o n s i d e r e d . At the graduat ion ceremony of the U n i v e r s i t y Co l lege of the North in A p r i l 1972, Mr. O.R. T i r o , an ex-mine worker and past pres ident of the Tur f loop Student Representat ive C o u n c i l , whom students e lec ted to represent them, s t rong ly c r i t i c i s e d the predominantly white cont ro l of black u n i v e r s i t i e s , d i s c r i m i n a t i o n aga inst b lack people by the a u t h o r i t i e s , and the system of Bantu Education in genera l . He was subsequently expe l led by the U n i v e r s i t y ' s d i s c i p l i n a r y committee on May 2,1972, and when a student p e t i t i o n f o r h is reinstatement was r e f u s e d , a mass s i t - i n fo l lowed . The Student Representat ive Counci l was suspended, a l l meetings banned, and the p o l i c e occupied the campus (Horre l l ,1973:387, see a l s o South A f r i c a n Out look, J u n e / J u l y 1972, and Black Community Programmes,1972:174 - 180). -174-These events were fol lowed by demonstrations of s o l i d a r i t y by students throughout the country . A meeting of f o r t y Black student leaders on 13 May led to a c a l l by SASO f o r a nat ional boycott by Black students on June 1 (World, 14 May, Sunday Express , 14 May c i t e d : H o r r e l l , 1973: 388). On May 9 , coloured students at the U n i v e r s i t y of the Western Cape began a boycott of l ec tu res in support of the students at Tur f loop (Cape Times, 9 May, 1972), fol lowed by a two-week boycott by Indian s tudents . Fee l ings of s o l i d a r i t y were expressed by Indian student leaders who had only s h o r t l y p r i o r to t h i s been in conf ronta t ion with t h e i r own a u t h o r i t i e s over s i m i l a r i s s u e s . A speaker proposed the boycott motion to a meeting of 1,000 s tudents : "We are not vot ing as Indians but as B l a c k s . We need s o l i d a r i t y to e rad ica te t h i s repugnant system" (Dai ly D i s p a t c h , 29 May, c i t e d : H o r r e l l , 1973:390). S i m i l a r boycotts of l e c t u r e s by Indian students took place at the S p r i n g f i e l d Teachers ' T r a i n i n g 1 2 Co l lege and the M.L. Sul tan Technica l Co l lege and on other A f r i c a n campuses in support of the Tur f loop s tudents . Whereas some 2,000 res idents of Soweto, the A f r i c a n township of Johannes-burg , appointed a de legat ion to negot iate on behal f of the expe l led s tudents , and f i f t y parents in P r e t o r i a expressed condemnation of the 1. A l l students on s t r i k e were suspended and 13 of them prevented from w r i t i n g mid-year examinations (Leader , 23 June , 1972). 2. 300 students were suspended (Leader , 9 June,1972) . 120 o f them had t h e i r bursar ies withdraw, and wr i t ten apologies were e l i c i t e d from a l l of them (Natal Mercury, 22 June , 1972). -175-student e x p u l s i o n s , the approach of the Indian parents at UDW was seen qu i te d i f f e r e n t l y by the s tudents . Student leaders complain that the parent body " s o l d them out" by making counter -dea ls with the Rector . "Some members of the parent body who had been p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e in the p a s t , t r i e d to i n f a n t a l i z e us by f l a u n t i n g t h e i r ' exper ience ' at us" ( Interview 29). "While they t o l d some of us to go on with the s t r i k e , they encouraged t h e i r own c h i l d r e n to return to l e c t u r e s " ( Interview 26). F i n a l l y , the Rector promised the parents ' body that no d i s c i p l i n a r y ac t ion would be taken i f the s t r i k e ended, but a month l a t e r four students were suspended f o r the r e s t of the y e a r , among them the P r e s i -dent of the newly formed counci l of Pres idents of Black SRC's ( H o r r e l l , 1973:390). S i m i l a r l y , the pro -Fre l imo gather ing c e l e b r a t i n g Mozambique's indepen-dence, which was held at the U n i v e r s i t y of the Nor th , was d ispersed by armed p o l i c e with dogs under the R io t ious Assemblies A c t . According to the informat ion obtained from students the fo l lowing account emerged: "As the men went past the p o l i c e , the l a t t e r baton-charged them and the students r e t a l i a t e d by throwing small a v a i l a b l e stones at the p o l i c e . The women then came back and a n g r i l y shouted a t the p o l i c e to stop molest ing the men. The p o l i c e then turned on the women and one was knocked down with a baton blow. The men came to the women's rescue and the p o l i c e se t the dogs on the men, some of whom were now i n p h y s i c a l s c u f f l e s with the p o l i c e . " (Mbanjwa, 1974-5:78-9) . In the aftermath of the Frel imo episode a t Tur f loop a r a c i a l f l a r e up " led to open d e c l a r a t i o n of s ides between some white f a c u l t y and s t u d e n t s , with some black s t a f f members i n d i c a t i n g remote suppor t" . Th is led to -176-student stoning of cars owned by white f a c u l t y ( i b i d : ! 7 0 ) . Such i n -stances p o l i t i c i s e students on a l l the u n i v e r s i t y campuses in South A f r i c a , and Indian students are no except ion . 2. STUDENT PERCEPTIONS1 (1973) An i n d i c a t i o n of student percept ions of themselves, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s with the superordinate group and other subordinate s e c t i o n s , as well as the future of South A f r i c a were probed more ex tens ive ly through future autobiographies of 65 Indian students at both UDW (n=39) and the U n i v e r s i t y of Natal (n=26). The impact of e t h n i c a l l y e x c l u s i v e educat ion"at UDW might , i t was thought, reveal cont ras ts with Indian students educated in r a c i a l l y in tegrated c l a s s e s , together with A f r i c a n and Coloured 2 students at the Medical School of Natal U n i v e r s i t y . As d iscussed e a r l i e r , i t was thought that the range and s t ruc tu re of opinions rather than t h e i r d i s t r i b u t i o n would shed f u r t h e r l i g h t on the o f f i c i a l l y expressed a t t i t u d e s . The s c r u t i n y of the essays probes u n o f f i c i a l o o i n i o n s , which students are f requent ly too a f r a i d to ex-press under cond i t ions of extreme conformity pressure . In t h i s respect the fo l lowing s i x c l u s t e r s of over lapping themes are a u t h e n t i c , though hot .necessar i ly representa t ive expressions of a s p i r a t i o n s and a n x i e t i e s . 1. For a d i s c u s s i o n of the methodology see the chapter on "Research Procedures." 2. This i s the only place in the count ry , apart from a few small theo-l o g i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s with a se lec ted membership, where several hundred A f r i c a n , Indian and Coloured students are t ra ined and housed together . -177-1. V i s i o n s of Revolut ionary Change More than h a l f of the s i x t y - f i v e essays r e f e r to.what can be de-s c r i b e d as ' v i s i o n s of revo lu t ionary change ' . "If race r e l a t i o n s go on the way they d o , there are l i k e l y to be open c lashes and in te rna l war fare ." (14) "There w i l l be v i o l e n t r e a c t i o n s , and the Whites are to blame i f they don ' t take Black demands in to account . " (59) "The masses w i l l r e v o l t to feed t h e i r stomachs and w i l l be easy prey to outs ide i n f l u e n c e . " (32) State c o u n t e r - a c t i o n i s always taken in to account , but r e v o l u t i o n i s seen as an h i s t o r i c a l n e c e s s i t y , which i s the "only a l t e r n a t i v e l e f t " . "The government w i l l curb any e f f o r t s Blacks make to take over power But , the seeds of r e v o l u t i o n have been planted " (19) " A n n i h i l a t i o n of Whites by Blacks i s a very d i s t i n c t p o s s i b i l i t y . South A f r i c a w i l l crumble at the onslaught o f Black power the eventual u n i f i c a t i o n of a l l Bantustans w i l l overthrow t h i s domineering unjust government." (17) "The suppression of fe l low South A f r i c a n s , the sons and daughters of South A f r i c a w i l l not l a s t long . Although fo rce and bloodshed are not the only proper means to achieve ends, i n our 'un ique ' South A f r i c a , i t seems the only p o s s i b l e way." (28) In reversa l of the deroga t ive ly perceived term non-White, some black power advocates r e f e r to the r u l i n g minor i ty as non-Black: -178-"Within the next f i v e to ten years there w i l l be a war against the non-B lacks . The Nat ional Party w i l l lose ground due to outs ide in f luence and the r i s e of Black power which has had a small but conscious f o l l o w i n g The Black man remained s i l e n t f o r years but the time has come and he i s going to prepare f o r r e v o l t s the steam which i s b u i l d i n g up w i th in him i s going to exp lode ." (12) However, there i s a conspicuous vagueness as to how the holocaust w i l l occur . The analogies of accumulating steam in an o v e r b o i l i n g pot r e -veal uncer ta in ty as to how the anger can be t r a n s l a t e d in to f i r e . R is ing f r u s t r a t i o n s alone are considered s u f f i c i e n t to "turn the c l o c k around" in much the same way as Blacks have asser ted f o r the past h a l f century s ince the founding of the A f r i c a n National Congress in 1912 (Walshe, 1974). The few students who attempt to be more concrete in t h e i r expression r e f e r mostly to Th i rd Party i n t e r f e r e n c e from outs ide and stagnat ing economic cond i t ions i n s i d e South A f r i c a . "To e s t a b l i s h peace and harmony f o r the f u t u r e , I see v i o l e n t r e v o l u t i o n as a means to a t t a i n peaceful ends. I can foresee bloodshed in the f u t u r e . There may be d i s a s t e r which w i l l u l t i m a t e l y fo rce major powers to South A f r i c a and p o s s i b l y spark o f f another World War." (48) "Blacks w i l l not be as t o l e r a n t as they have been in the past . I f t h e i r earning c a p a c i t y , housing and general treatment does not improve wi th in the next ten years South A f r i c a w i l l be in a dangerous s i t u a t i o n of r e -v o l u t i o n . " (8) "The f i r s t 10 years saw t e n s i o n e d , s u p p r e s s i v e , pseudo-democracy with freedom f i g h t e r s , l a b e l l e d then as t e r r o r i s t s , b a t t l i n g the odds aga ins t the white r u l e r s l a b e l l e d then as 'p ro tec to rs of the indigeneous people ' These freedom f i g h t e r s were given r e c o g n i t i o n at the UNO and South A f r i c a was e x p e l l e d , thus becoming an unlawful government s u f f e r i n g complete i s o l a t i o n from the outs ide w o r l d . " (2) -179-In l i g h t of the 1973 labor unrest in South A f r i c a i t i s s u r p r i s i n g that s t r i k e s are only mentioned by very few as the present ly most e f f e c t i v e weapon to force concess ions . S t r i k e s are always assoc ia ted with r i o t s and v i o l e n c e , though very few instances of conf ronta t ion with the p o l i c e d id in f a c t occur during the year and no i n j u r i e s were reported to j u s t i f y the a s s o c i a t i o n with bloodshed. Because of the i l l e g a l i t y of s t r i k e s and past exper ience , an i n d u s t r i a l c o n f l i c t in South A f r i c a i s automat-i c a l l y viewed as a p o l i t i c a l conf ronta t ion in which the r u l e r s w i l l use f o r c e . "H is tory has shown us that d iscontent by workers aga inst poor l i v i n g condi t ions and subsis tence l e v e l s i s the f i r s t weakness in the c h a i n . Increased inc idence of s t r i k e s occured , and v io lence e rupted ." (41) " . . . o n e can expect a few outbursts on the part of Blacks - - r i o t s , s t r i k e s , e t c . , s ince we are now learn ing to demand what i s r i g h t f u l l y ours . I f , however, the government does not continue s lackening and a b o l i s h i n g a l l petty a p a r t h e i d , we can expect a major outburst with a l o t of b loodshed." (63) Some rather wi ld p r e d i c t i o n s in 1973 are v i v i d reminders of how q u i c k l y dreams can turn in to r e a l i t y . "By 1991 Portugal withdrew from Southern A f r i c a . Freedom f i g h t e r s from A f r i c a n Black states with Chinese and Russian a i d , gained the f r i e n d s h i p o f Angola and Mozambique. F i e r c e f i g h t i n g broke out in Rhodesia in which South A f r i c a n and Rhodesian troops and a i r c r a f t were engaged aga inst the f o r e i g n e r s . Th is was a c r u c i a l moment. Many attempts were made to re lax t h e i r oppressive a t t i t u d e s but the A f r i kaners were pigheaded. Eventua l ly on 26th J u l y 1993, Black South A f r i c a n s rose semi-armed against the Whites. Since the Blacks were well separated from the Whites the l a t t e r were bombed with ease. However, a l a rger number of Blacks were a l s o wiped out . With the help of the fo re ign R u s s i a n , Ch inese , Indian and A f r i c a n troops the White regime was overthrown." (15) -180-y While there are hardly any d i f f e r e n c e s between the responses of both sets of s tudents , a few from the "open" u n i v e r s i t y students are d i s -t ingu ishab le in t h e i r reference to "freedom f i g h t e r s " and the awareness of t h e i r counter re ference as " t e r r o r i s t s " . While t h i s was the common term used by UDW students another such feature i s the open a l l i a n c e of Indians with A f r i c a n s by r e f e r r i n g to "what i s r i g h t f u l l y o u r s " , and s i m i l a r express ions . Furthermore, un l ike the percept ions of the e thnic u n i v e r s i t y students of whites as a homogeneous group, more students at the "open" u n i v e r s i t y seem to reveal awareness of s p l i t s w i th in the white group. 2. V i s i o n s of Gradual Evo lu t ionary Change Some v iewpoin ts , envisaging gradual change, represented more o p t i m i s t i c perspect ives of the groups p o s i t i o n as well as f o r the fu ture of the country . In general a more p o s i t i v e approach was taken toward govern-ment i n s t i t u t i o n s . Roughly a t h i r d of the UDW students hold these views by comparison with very few students in the sample from the medical s c h o o l . However, there i s a lso cons iderab le over lap and incons is tency i n the p r e d i c t i o n s o f f e r e d . "The r a c i a l p o l i c i e s of the government w i l l change f o r the b e t t e r . Already there are i n d i c a t i o n s in t h i s r e s p e c t , such as the scrapping of job r e s e r v a t i o n , i n d i c a t i n g that the Black man would come to gain more r e c o g n i t i o n . Kwazulu i s an important f a c t o r in recogn i t ion f o r B l a c k s . " (16) "It i s encouraging to note that some power i s now being vested in the non-Whites. Separate Development i s a t r a i n i n g ground fo r our f u t u r e . The SAIC and LAC's have been able to change c e r t a i n long standing ideas in white minds." (24) -181-"Local government o f f e r s p r a c t i c e in se l f -government . With good incomes and s e t t l e d jobs workers l i v e in w e l l -e s t a b l i s h e d r e s i d e n t i a l suburbs and urban f r i n g e s . The standards of l i v i n g as compared with other s ta tes of A f r i c a are s u p e r i o r . " (51) Real or imagined achievements are asser ted as proof of progress and e q u a l i t y . These students probably r e f l e c t to a la rge extent op in ions expressed in t h e i r homes, and can be assumed to come from f a m i l i e s of success fu l businessmen and p r o f e s s i o n s , f o r the most part sympathetic t o , or assoc ia ted w i t h , the apar the id i n s t i t u t i o n s of l i m i t e d communal se l f -admi ni s t r a t i on. "The general standard of educat ion i s of a higher l e v e l . The non-White community i s able to provide i t s own pro fess iona l and s k i l l e d workers and are on a par with t h e i r white counte rpar ts . " (24) "The appointment of LAC's and grant ing of l o c a l govern-ment to Indians i s a c l e a r i n d i c a t i o n that the govern-ment o f today has come to r e a l i s e that the only way to contro l i t s m u l t i - n a t i o n a l populace i s to recognise the i d e n t i t y of the d i f f e r e n t race groups. There would be mul t i -minor governments, and one large over lo rd govern-ment. The government apart from serv ing i t s own race would act as an o v e r s e e r , c o n t r o l l i n g a l l f o r e i g n a f f a i r s and p o r t s . Th is w i l l be a precaut ionary measure to s a f e -guard South A f r i c a as a whole." (6) On the other hand, there were those who while recogniz ing there would be gradual change, were p e s s i m i s t i c about how much or when t h i s would take p l a c e . "There w i l l be a general change in government p o l i c y , such as the rate f o r the job on m e r i t , not c o l o u r , but not enough " (15) "Gradual changes are p o s s i b l e - - each group w i l l however be separate but never e q u a l . " (3) -182-"It i s true there are increases i n centres of l e a r n i n g , but greater f a c i l i t i e s must be provided f o r Indians. Wi l l job reserva t ion ever be removed?" (23) Most medical students were fa r more p e s s i m i s t i c about gradual improve-ment and c y n i c a l about the proclaimed achievement. A pessimism permeates these answers in which h i s t o r y is portrayed as almost having come to a s t a n d s t i l l . "In twenty - f ive years time a few changes w i l l occur . There w i l l be complete m u l t i - r a c i a l s p o r t . There could be an improvement in the educat ional system f o r non-Whites, but I doubt that there w i l l be m u l t i -r a c i a l e d u c a t i o n . " (64) "There may be gradual change, but the areas set as ide f o r d i f f e r e n t race groups w i l l s t i l l not be f u l l y d e v e l o p e d . . . . there w i l l not be a s i n g l e area where mixed groups w i l l be l i v i n g together . There w i l l be complete segregat ion in South A f r i c a . I suppose the Orange Free State w i l l s t i l l not be open to Indians. The reference book system f o r A f r i c a n s w i l l s t i l l cont inue . I doubt very much whether non-Whites w i l l be a l lowed , by then , the r i g h t to v o t e . " (17) "For many years the black man has been t r y i n g to make the white man think of them as human beings l i k e them-s e l v e s . The success however i s extremely s m a l l . As a r e s u l t of t h i s the Black man has taken to black consciousness and Black power and t h i s i s d e f i n i t e l y going to a f f e c t the future of South A f r i c a i f not immediately, s lowly . Within the next 30 years more people l i k e Mrs. Suzman w i l l get in to the white parl iament where t h e i r voices w i l l be heard. I a lso foresee more student demonstrations and s t r i k e s a l -though, with the present system of government, t h i s does not hold much water." (53) Unl ike the UDW responses, most medical students r e f l e c t a wider concern with p o l i t i c a l i n e q u a l i t i e s experienced by A f r i c a n s , and a s ta ted p r e f e r -ence fo r m u l t i - r a c i a l educat ion,wi th the i m p l i c a t i o n that improvements in black educat ion are not enough. Furthermore there seems to be a -183-wider f a m i l i a r i t y with broader p o l i t i c a l issues on .the part of the U n i v e r s i t y of Natal students than t h e i r counterpar ts . 3. Fee l ings of Powerlessness and Low Se l f -Concept ions Contrary to e a r l i e r years in the h i s t o r y of the Indian community when, as Fatima Meer expresses i t , "Indians have never at any point in t h e i r South A f r i c a n h i s t o r y considered themselves untrained or unprepared to handle the a f f a i r s of government at a l l l e v e l s " (1971:18), the responses of the UDW students reveal a s u b s t a n t i a l number of those with very low conf idence about themselves. A f r i c a n s in p a r t i c u l a r , and Blacks in g e n e r a l , are portrayed as inexper ienced and in need of f u r t h e r educat ion "It i s doubtful whether Black men w i l l have the know-how to run the country . They have no experience in par l iamentary o r g a n i s a t i o n and w i l l there fore need outs ide a i d . " (44) "South A f r i c a w i l l have a happier fu ture i f f ree s o c i a l i n t e r -course i s permi t ted , f o r example, i n mixed s p o r t . The Black man w i l l f i n d h imsel f p lay ing s ide by s ide with the White and t h i s sor t of r a i s e s his s p i r i t , g ives him a f e e l i n g of e q u a l i t y and hence greater conf idence i n h i m s e l f . " (34) The e s s e n t i a l need fo r the un i fy ing and s t a b i l i s i n g force of the Whites i s a lso re fe r red t o . Typ ica l of t h i s view are the fo l low ing examples: "If a l l the races are given equal p o l i t i c a l power then there may r e s u l t a chaot ic c o n d i t i o n and in te rna l s t r i f e w i th in the count ry . " (6) "This is the only country in the world that i s able to preserve the p u r i t y o f i t s races and un i fy them p o l i t i c a l l y in the face of a world wide and in te rna l d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n . The White leaders being fo re igners themselves s h a l l always be revered and respected f o r t h e i r s u c c e s s . " (17) S i m i l a r l y , the deep sense of powerlessness of minor i ty group members i s f requent ly i m p l i c i t : -184-"It i s d i f f i c u l t f o r one m i l l i o n v o i c e l e s s people to give t h e i r views aga inst a few i n f l u e n t i a l Whites; any change f o r good or bet ter i s beyond the cont ro l of the masses." (31) There i s of ten a cons iderab le ambiguity and incons is tency in the same essay, when on the one hand the c e r t a i n t y of revo lu t ionary change i s asser ted ,and at the same time the i n f e r i o r i t y and powerlessness of the subordinates i s admitted. Such ambivalence i n d i c a t e s a high degree o f i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n of r u l i n g group d e f i n i t i o n s of r e a l i t y and the r e b e l l i o n against the imposs ib le . 4. I n t e r n a l i z a t i o n of Ideologies of Domination Several students p r e d i c t i n g outbursts and b loodbaths , e x p e c i a l l y from the UDW sample, ce lebra ted South A f r i c a ' s power and achievements, and the sound economic basis of the country . Contrary to e x p e c t a t i o n , they seemed to gain st rength from the power of the c o l o n i z e r s . I t i s sympto-matic of t h e i r low s e l f - e s t i m a t i o n r e i n f o r c e d by so many i n s t i t u t i o n s , not l e a s t , s e p a r a t e educat ion . "South A f r i c a i s a h igh ly i n d u s t r i a l i s e d major expor t ing count ry . " (45) "The government i s as ' s o l i d as g r a n i t e ' and w i l l stay f o r a long time to come." (27) "The d iscovery of o i l w i l l increase South A f r i c a ' s a b i l i t y to withstand outs ide p r e s s u r e . " (17) One student even o f f e r s apar the id as a s o l u t i o n to the race problem in the world which unanimously condemns i t as the most heinous d e v i c e : -185-"Tru ly speak ing , South A f r i c a i s doing a tremendous job of f i n d i n g a place in the sun f o r a l l i t s races . The e n t i r e world i s looking toward South A f r i c a to f i n d a race p o l i c y . For example, the U.S. and England could borrow the race p r i n c i p l e s and modify them to s u i t t h e i r c o u n t r i e s . " (64) "Poverty i s today v i r t u a l l y unknown, mixture of race groups i s something unheard of and the high standard of l i v i n g cannot be matched by any other country in the w o r l d . " (31) These types of responses however were seldom in the U n i v e r s i t y of Natal student sample. More than any s t a t i s t i c s could perhaps r e v e a l , such outlooks i n d i c a t e the success of Apartheid educat ion . " I d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the aggressor" as psychoanalysts have termed t h i s syndrome, has been l e f t as the only opt ion fo r s e l f - a s s e r t i o n under cond i t ions of u t ter powerlessness. It i s aga inst t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y that "Black consciousness" redef ines symbols and strengthens morale by prov id ing hope, even i f i t may be a f a l s e one. 5. Ind icat ions of Wider Awareness Despite the potent ia l fo r absorpt ion of the r u l i n g i d e o l o g i e s there i s a lso the p o s s i b i l i t y fo r a c r i t i c a l awareness to be heightened desp i te and through i s o l a t i o n . Almost h a l f of the essays reveal t races of t h i s type of consc iousness , which attempts to i n t e r p r e t the microcosm in the l a rger context . These students reveal a high degree of informat ion about the p o l i t i c s of other groups in South A f r i c a as well as the global scene. Above a l l , they reveal a sense of considered p r i o r i t i e s , r e -f u t i n g the o f f i c i a l propaganda. / -186-"The 'Communist th rea t ' i s l ess of a problem with Blacks than economic and p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y . S a t i s f a c t i o n of the l a t t e r would a l l e v i a t e the problem." (15) "Recently one heard of the many students from P r e t o r i a U n i v e r s i t y j o i n i n g the United P a r t y ' s 'Young T u r k s ' . Th is points to a change of heart and i d e a l s of young A f r i k a n e r s . They have r e a l i s e d that they would have to br ing about reforms to save South A f r i c a from being dominated." (35) Many s t r e s s , in the l i b e r a l t r a d i t i o n , the c o n t i n u i t i e s of s t ruc tu re and c u l t u r e by po in t ing to economic interdependence and the ex is tan t "goodwi11". "Looking at the present day s i t u a t i o n the p o l i c y of Separate Development i s not working. Any race cannot be kept in water t ight compartments because one i s de-pendent on the o ther . The government cannot do without non-White labour Thus non-Whites are an asset in the White a r e a s . " (2) "People w i l l become more e n l i g h t e n e d . . . . T h e r e w i l l be regard f o r one another between r a c e s . More avenues w i l l be opened fo r the non-Whites. A person w i l l be chosen on meri t i r r e s p e c t i v e of which race he or she belongs R e f l e c t i n g on t h e i r personal humi l i a t ion in the process of e d u c a t i o n , many respondents reveal r e a l i s t i c i n s i g h t s in to s p e c i a l consequences of South A f r i c a n c o n d i t i o n s : "There i s a breakdown of c i v i l i z e d standards - - even educat ion i s no guarantee of r e c o g n i t i o n . There are no o u t l e t s f o r o p p o s i t i o n . " (18) "The psycho log ica l i m p l i c a t i o n s that continued denia l has on the whole p e r s o n a l i t y of people has been ignored by the es tab l ishment . " (9) -187-6. A t t i t u d e s Toward A f r i c a n s This i s an area which r e f l e c t s most the e f f e c t s of group i s o l a t i o n and the formation of stereotypes of the "out -group" . About h a l f of the UDW students and fa r fewer of the other group made e x p l i c i t and i m p l i c i t a n t i - A f r i c a n statements ranging i n v a r i e t y from paterna l ism to o u t r i g h t r a c i s m , with var ious aspects of rea l ism in te r tw ined: "I would not l i k e to l i v e in a South A f r i c a ru led by B l a c k s . Let the Whites r u l e , but give us equal r i g h t s as l a i d down by the U.N. d e c l a r a t i o n of Human R i g h t s . " (12) "In the event of a Black takeover , Indians w i l l have the same fa te as Kenya and Uganda. My plans are to leave South A f r i c a . " (13) "I am sure Indians w i l l s u f f e r most because un l ike our ancestors we are very pass ive and w i l l not r e t a l i a t e p h y s i c a l l y . Our areas a l s o act as bu f fe r zones between Whites and A f r i c a n s . " (62) Even those c e l e b r a t i n g Black power, and c i t i n g Ch ie f Buthelez i as a backbone to Blacks in t h e i r demands f o r higher s a l a r i e s , made s t a t e -ments such as : "But i t w i l l be a 'Uganda' f o r Indians 1 i n b e t w e e n 1 . " (40) and "White ru le i s s a f e r . " (24) Reminiscent of e a r l y a n t i - A f r i c a n propaganda by rura l A f r i k a n e r s are the s t rongest a n t i - A f r i c a n sent iments: "South A f r i c a w i l l change f o r the worse in the event of an A f r i c a n takeover ." " the cond i t ions may be the same as that in other A f r i c a n count r ies such as Tanzania or Kenya. There may be broad day-l i g h t murders, other races being thrown out of the country and the A f r i c a n doing j u s t as he p l e a s e s . He would not h e s i -tate to get r i d of h is opponents." (5) -188-"Our morals would be c o r r u p t . We would have to adapt ourselves to the A f r i c a n way of l i f e . Probably South A f r i c a w i l l go back to the days before the white man d iscovered i t and again t r i b a l warfare w i l l take p l a c e . " (55) Only a minor i ty of the respondents from UDW mentioned: "The r i s i n g s o l i d a r i t y of a l l B l a c k s . " (11) These s u r p r i s i n g a n t i - A f r i c a n sentiments impl ied in almost h a l f of the e s s a y s , caut ion against an exaggerated i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the widely p u b l i c i z e d boycotts and pro tes t marches in support of the Tur f loop s tudents , and other conspicuous s i g n a l s of Black s o l i d a r i t y . It could well be that the Tur f loop events served as a convenient v e h i c l e to express f r u s t r a t i o n s at home, rather than the s ta ted purpose. While the expuls ion of Asians from Uganda has been exp lo i ted to the f u l l e s t by the S . A . government and undoubtedly has had i t s impact on Indian South A f r i c a n s at the time of the survey there i s , at the same t ime, the shared experience of subordinate s t a t u s , p a r t i c u l a r l y when he ight -ened in d a i l y c lose c o n t a c t s . It i s t h i s d i f f e r e n c e between the i s o l a UDW students and the medical students at Natal U n i v e r s i t y which would seem a d e c i s i v e f a c t o r in t h e i r d i f f e r e n t percept ions of A f r i c a n s . Many of the l a t t e r had developed personal c o l l e g i a l bonds, revealed d i f f e r e n t concerns about A f r i c a n s , asp i red to work as doctors among them, and f o r the most part a l l i e d themselves p o l i t i c a l l y . Hence the fo l lowing responses: "The economic p o s i t i o n of Black South A f r i c a n s , e s p e c i a l l y the A f r i c a n s , i s so bad that the young A f r i c a n s j u s t can-not a f fo rd to educate themselves the cost of White, -189-A f r i c a n and Indian to attend school i s remarkable the White South A f r i c a n paid the l e a s t in r e l a t i o n to the Indian or A f r i c a n . " (19) "I would l i k e to work among A f r i c a n s and do my b i t , but I doubt whether the government w i l l a l low i t . " (22) Express ive of hope in Black government, some responses a r e : "Contrary to the expectat ions of many h i s t o r i a n s who be l ieved that Black power would lead to another Apartheid f i l l e d South A f r i c a , today we have complete e q u a l i t y . " (53) "Black South A f r i c a n s should be given tremendous p ra ise f o r being so humane in t h e i r ac t ions when they were r i g h t f u l l y given t h e i r share of a u t h o r i t y . Despite the oppression placed on t h e i r heads, and the f r u s t r a t i o n s they underwent, the expected ' revenge' d id not take p l a c e . We should be proud of t h i s . " (30) So great i s the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of a small minor i ty that they are even openly s e l f - c r i t i c a l of t h e i r own group members: " A l l the Indian leaders are i n t e r e s t e d i n i s business and agreeing to what the White govern-ment s a y s , so that they r e t a i n t h e i r p o s i t i o n in the l i m e l i g h t . " (46) What emerges from t h i s comparison i s the d i s t i n c t impression of d i f f e r e n c e between the percept ions of those educated e x c l u s i v e l y with t h e i r own group members, and those in an in tegra ted educat ional s e t t i n g . In the former 's view of fe l low subordinate group members a s u r p r i s i n g l y high number had i n t e r n a l i s e d r u l i n g p e r s p e c t i v e s . By cont ras t Indian students who had s tud ied in in tegrated c l a s s e s with A f r i c a n s perceived them more f requent ly on equal terms and were sympathetic to the problems of -190-A f r i c a n s J Ethnocentrism seemed much more prevalent in the UDW students in contrast to greater s e l f - c r i t i c i s m by the Univers i ty of Natal students. If these hypotheses about the impact of separate and integrated higher education are correct , then the government i s only consequential with i t s recent decis ion ( H o r r e l l , 1976:261-2) to phase out the non-White medical school at Natal Univers i ty and es tab l i sh ins tead, at considerable extra cos t , medical t ra in ing f a c i l i t i e s at the respect ive ethnic u n i v e r s i t i e s . Expressions of Af r ican nat ional ism at the three Af r i can un i ve rs i t i es have at the same time led to an o f f i c i a l review of the s i tua t ion of ethnic higher education as evinced in the report of the Snyman Commission (The S ta r , WE, 14 February, 1976). Among the recommendations made by the Snyman Commission were (1) as long as the un ivers i t y was not accepted by i t s people i t could not play a f r u i t f u l ro le in the community. There-fo re , i t was suggested that control of the un ivers i t y be t ransferred to Blacks as soon as possib le without wai t ing for A f r i can i sa t i on of the s ta f f . (2) I f the White population in general would adopt a more 1. These f indings are re i te ra ted by an act ive A f r i can organiser of SASO, S. B iko, who contrasts his experiences with Indian and Coloured students at the Univers i ty of Nata l ' s Medical School , the only place where A f r i c a n s , Indians and Coloureds are t ra ined and housed together. He found that there were many non-Afr ican students who shared his p o l i t i c a l perspect ives. By cont ras t , his experiences at Turf loop and Ngoye, two Af r ican ethnic u n i v e r s i t i e s , made him aware of a great deal of a n t i -Indian b iases , which he was able to counteract on the basis of his experiences at the Medical School . (Gerhart, 1975). -191-c o n c i l i a t o r y a t t i t u d e toward the B l a c k s , e s p e c i a l l y the s o p h i s t i c a t e d B l a c k s , a much bet ter s p i r i t and a greater co -opera t ion would r e s u l t , ( i b i d . ) Shor t ly a f t e r the p u b l i c a t i o n of the Snyman Report , the Rector of UDW acknowledged that the observat ions of the Commission apply with equal fo rce to UDW (Graphic , 20 February, 1976). Unl ike the impact of n a t i o n a l i s t i c a t t i t u d e s among A f r i c a n s tudents , however, equiva lent a t t i tudes among Indian students are l i k e l y to have much more l i m i t e d p o l i t i c a l impact. Furthermore, the extent of humi l i a t ion which Indians experience in t h e i r d a i l y l i v e s i s not qu i te as severe as that of A f r i c a n s . P o l i t i c a l e f f e c t i v e n e s s on the part of Indian students would seem to depend on the point at which t h e i r e thnocentr ism, as fos te red by the e thn ic u n i v e r s i t i e s , can be converted in to a wider a l l - B l a c k consciousness. -192-X. REVIVAL OF POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS 1. The New Natal Indian Congress A f t e r the success ive bannings of i t s e n t i r e execut ive in 1960 and a decade of resigned adjustment to s t ronger f o r c e s , the Natal Indian -Congress (NIC) emerged p u b l i c l y again in October 1971. Its f i r s t meeting was well attended by students and young p r o f e s s i o n a l s of d i v -ergent v iewpoin ts , seeking to devise an a l t e r n a t i v e forum of p o l i t i c a l expression to that of government-appointed bod ies . A new generat ion was prepared to give i t another t ry by t e s t i n g the government's i d e -o logy . In a d d i t i o n , changed p o l i t i c a l c o n s t e l l a t i o n s of the previous decade c a l l e d f o r a re th ink ing of accepted p o l i c y . Among these three main issues came to the f o r e : the a t t i t u d e to Black Consc iousness; open membership of the NIC to a l l r a c i a l groups; and the NIC's p o l i c y on the Indian counc i1 . Black Consciousness was summed up by the NIC as being "a reac t ion to White oppress ion" seeking "to redef ine the Black man in f resh terms" and r e j e c t i n g " a l l e s t a b l i s h e d White v a l u e s " . The NIC re jec ted Black educat ion in favor of a "broad, u n i v e r s a l , enl ightened and o b j e c t i v e educat ion" . A f t e r an intense debate a s l i g h t major i ty perceived in Black Consciousness a genuine danger of po ten t ia l black rac ism. Further?-more, i t was considered i n s u f f i c i e n t as a p o l i t i c a l program (Meer, 1972:5). With regard to membership, the major i ty in the NIC maintained i t s p o s i t i o n of 1894, v i z . , to keep membership e x c l u s i v e l y Indian on -193-the grounds that there were too many lega l and t a c t i c a l obs tac les to the c r e a t i o n of a m u l t i r a c i a l body. The e x c l u s i v e group appeal would al low fo r more e f f e c t i v e m o b i l i z i n g of Indians toward the goal of a common s o c i e t y . Fear of being unsuccessful in ach iev ing m u l t i r a c i a l membership and of l o s i n g Indian support seemed to d i c t a t e the NIC's "temporary" r a c i a l charac te r . On the quest ion of c o l l a b o r a t i o n with the Indian c o u n c i l , i t was argued that a d e c i s i o n endorsing c o l l a b o r a -t i o n should be postponed u n t i l 1974, when counc i l e l e c t i o n s were due; in the meantime as a c r e a t i o n of apar the id f o r the entrenchment of economic and p o l i t i c a l power of the r u l i n g c l a s s i t should be re jec ted in p r i n c i p l e ( i b i d : 6 ) . The NIC annual conference of 1973, by cont ras t with the 1971 r e v i v a l g a t h e r i n g , was poor ly at tended. A strong minor i ty s t i l l favored abandon-ing the o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s e x c l u s i v e character in favor of a common a s s o c i -a t ion of apar the id opponents. A second controversy concerned a proposal to encourage members to seek p o s i t i o n s on the Local A f f a i r s Committees and i n the Indian counc i l to subvert these bodies from w i t h i n . Sub-sequent d i s c u s s i o n l e f t the former i s s u e i n abeyance and accepted the l a t t e r perspect ive as a p o t e n t i a l l y e f f e c t i v e p o l i t i c a l move. The not iceab le d i f f e r e n c e s in enthusiasm between the 1971 and 1973 c o n f e r -ences may well be expla ined in terms of the p o l i t i c a l crossroads at which Indians found themselves, and the ensuing i n d e c i s i o n of o r g a n i -za t ions faced with the choice between pragmatism and. p r i n c i p l e , or an innovat ive combination of both. -194-At the 1974 conference of the NIC, i t s p o l i c y toward the SAIC was more c l e a r l y s ta ted . The pres ident communicated the d e c i s i o n of the execut ive to p a r t i c i p a t e in SAIC e lect ions,when the whole Indian e l e c t o r a t e was e l i g i b l e to vote . This d e c i s i o n was not meant to i n d i c a t e that Congress accepted the SAIC but that the SAIC was " in the acceptable stage in the evo lu t ion of p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s f o r the people" ( P r e s i d e n t i a l A d d r e s s ) . Typ ica l of the deadlock in which the NIC f inds i t s e l f were the c o n t r a -d i c t o r y statements about the SAIC, denouncing i t as a use less body on the one hand, and admitt ing i t s capac i ty to re lay demands to the govern-ment on the o ther . Hence, the fo l lowing statements from the p res iden t : "The Grey St reet compromise i s a monument to the u t te r uselessness of the Counci l as a negot ia t ing instrument with any prospects of ach ieve-ment" ( i b i d . ) . And l a t e r , at the same conference , the pres ident s a i d , "Congress needs t o , and w i l l have to use , the South A f r i c a n Indian Counci l as a protected plat form to make i t s demands f o r f u l l democratic r i g h t s . It needs the p lat form to reach the people on the one hand and to make the Government hear i t s demands on the o ther . If i t were not f o r the protected plat form the SAIC would have nothing to o f f e r us" ( i b i d . ) . C r i t i c i s m of the SAIC s t ressed (1) i t s powerless to do anything but p lacate a small s e c t i o n of the Indian people ; (2) i t s d i v i s i v e n e s s as a body fragmenting Indians in to those who were in favour of i t and those opposed to i t , and ( 3 ) i t s h igh ly q u a l i f i e d nature . " E l e c t i o n s " meant that f i f t e e n members would be e lec ted by an e l e c t o r a l c o l l e g e c o n s i s t i n g only of Local A f f a i r s Committees and Town Boards. Th is would amount to -195-an e l e c t o r a l c o l l e g e of 100 people who would vote in to o f f i c e the 15 "e lec ted" members (Mbanjwa:115). One of the most revea l ing aspects of the 1974 NIC conference was the extent to which p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y was i n t r o v e r t e d . Instead of an at tack on the white superordinates who were respons ib le f o r t h i s i n i q u i t o u s s i t u a t i o n , c o l l a b o r a t i n g e l i t e s wi th in the group were made, the prime targets fo r c a s t i q a t i o n . C r i t i c a l of the NIC p o s i t i o n , Ch ie f Gatsha B u t h e l e z i , head of the Zulu "homeland" Kwazulu, s a i d : "This business of spending a l l energies and time showing to what extent one's hands have been kept ' c l e a n ' by' not doing anything in an attempt to advance the cause of our peop le , because one cannot operate in the muck of separate development t a c t i c s , has i t s advantages of c o u r s e , the grea tes t of them being s e l f - g r a t i f i c a -t i o n and s e l f - e d i f i c a t i o n " (The G r a p h i c , 27 September 1974). Instead he c a l l e d f o r a programme of j o i n t a c t i o n . H in t ing at Indian oppor-tunism in p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y he c a l l e d f o r "dec is ions born out of c o n v i c t i o n , than out of convenience" ( i b i d . ) . In a s i m i l a r v e i n , a White law professor, Barend van Niekerk,accused Indians of being p o l i t i c -a l l y the most i n a c t i v e group ( i b i d . ) . In dramatic cont ras t to the e a r l i e r r a c i a l l y e x c l u s i v e d e f i n i t i o n of the o r g a n i s a t i o n , the 1974 conference decided to open i t s membership to a l l groups and to remove the word "Indian" from i t s c o n s t i t u t i o n . Th is marks the f i r s t i n i t i a t i v e f o r a new n o n - r a c i a l p a r t y , the e f f e c --196-t iveness of which w i l l depend not on the character of i t s membership, but on i t s a b i l i t y to introduce workable p o l i c y to d i f f e r e n t i a l l y incorporated groups. 2. Black Consciousness A body that appears to be ga in ing i n c r e a s i n g though not s u b s t a n t i a l support among Indian students and young p r o f e s s i o n a l s in the South A f r i c a n Students Organ iza t ion . It was the prime mover in in t roduc ing the term "Black" to replace "non-White" to r e f e r to A f r i c a n s , C o l o r e d s , and Indians in South A f r i c a . " N o n - W h i t e " i s now used by SASO sympathizers as a derogatory labe l f o r Blacks who a l i g n themselves with Whites s o c i a l l y and p o l i t i c a l l y . Black people are def ined as "those who are by law or t r a d i t i o n , p o l i t i c a l l y , economical ly and s o c i a l l y d i s c r i m -inated against as a group in South A f r i c a n s o c i e t y , i d e n t i f y i n g them-se lves as a un i t in the s t rugg le toward the r e a l i z a t i o n of t h e i r a s p i r a t i o n s " . 1 Central to t h i s th ink ing is the idea of Black Consc ious-n e s s , an American import , which i s descr ibed as a way of l i f e through which a s e l f - d e f i n i t i o n of e s s e n t i a l l y black values takes p l a c e . It i s viewed as a s ign of awareness on the par t of Blacks of t h e i r poten-t i a l economic and p o l i t i c a l power, g i v i n g r i s e to group s o l i d a r i t y . Th is invo lves the e x c l u s i o n of Whites, as the SASO b e l i e v e s that "a t r u l y open s o c i e t y can only be achieved by B lacks" (Khoapa, 1973:41-2). 1. P o l i c y Manifesto of SASO 2nd General Students C o u n c i l , Durban, J u l y 1971. -197-Although Indians are p roh ib i ted by o f f i c i a l u n i v e r s i t y regu la t ions from being members of the SASO, some work in fo rma l l y in conjunct ion with i t ; 1 others are the prominent members in the leadersh ip of the SASO and the subsequent Black Peoples Convent ion. Such Indian members represent f o r the f i r s t time a fundamental e f f o r t to e l iminate b a r r i e r s of cu l tu re between themselves and A f r i c a n s and forge a b lack i d e n t i t y based on mutual i n t e r e s t . One example of th is i s the use of A f r i c a n instead of Indian names f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n . Another example i s the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Indians in black educat ional advancement programmes, to promote the s e l f - r e l i a n c e of Blacks through home education schemes, loan bursary funds, and an attempt to counteract m a l n u t r i t i o n through the establ ishment of a heal th and preventat ive medicine pro jec t (The Leader , 30 March, 1973). The involvement of young Indians with A f r i c a n s at t h i s l eve l i s new in the h i s t o r y of Indians, and d i f f e r s from c o -operat ion of the Indian and A f r i c a n bourgeoise p r i o r to t h i s . It cont ras ts r a d i c a l l y with the hurr ied attempts at f u n d - r a i s i n g by o p p o r t u n i s t i c Indian businessmen and other leaders f o r the b u i l d i n g of s c h o o l s ' f o r A f r i c a n s in Kwazulu. The token support o f the l a t t e r group cont rasts with what many A f r i c a n s perceive of as pa t ron iz ing behaviour on the par t of the Indian "Nkosan" (boss) . Never the less , the SASO's f a i l u r e to a t t r a c t much Indian support so f a r 1. The ro le of SASO in the student r a l l y at Tur f loop was s t rong ly con-demned i n the Snyman Commission's r e p o r t . Of the 12 people brought to t r i a l f o r organ is ing the Cur r ies Fountain r a l l y , 4 were Indians. (Mbanjwa, 1975:81). -198-has been a t t r i b u t e d to var ious f a c t o r s , t y p i c a l l y h i g h l i g h t i n g Indian i n d e c i s i o n : (a) The m i l i t a n t r h e t o r i c of SASO exponents i s sa id to undermine conf idence in the o rgan iza t ion as a v e h i c l e to f i g h t f o r a n o n r a c i s t s o c i e t y , (b) An overemphasis on black domination at the expense of Black Consciousness r a i s e s Indian fears of being dominated by a new set of masters. Most Ind ians , t h e r e f o r e , see t h e i r u l t imate s e c u r i t y in a r a c i a l l y i n t e g r a t e d , l i b e r a l - b o u r g e o i s South A f r i c a (Meer, 1972:455). (c) Whereas in the United States, Black Consciousness created among Blacks a search fo r t h e i r h i s t o r y and a return to t h e i r c u l t u r a l r o o t s , i n South A f r i c a , g iven the d i v e r s i t y o f the subordinated groups, an Afr ican-dominated c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l un i ty could e a s i l y amount to a denia l of s p e c i f i c Indian h i s t o r y and t r a d i t i o n . While th is may be temporar i ly necessary to c lose the ranks of subordinates ,and to counteract the white p o l i c y o f fragmentat ion by c rea t ing Black Conscious-n e s s , i t s shortcoming l i e s in i t s tendency to glaze over instead of to accept e s s e n t i a l l y d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c o - h i s t o r i c a l i d e n t i t i e s . These f a c t o r s , coupled with the t r a d i t i o n a l Indian e x c l u s i v e n e s s , not only v i s - a - v i s non-Indians but w i th in the group i t s e l f , do not make the ideas of Black Consciousness very appeal ing to most Indians. 3. Fr inge Groups Marginal attempts at forming p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s were launched by several i n d i v i d u a l s . It i s worthwhile b r i e f l y to inves t iga te these s p l i n t e r groups of a p o l i t i c a l subcul ture not because of t h e i r impact or s u c c e s s , -199-which is n e g l i g i b l e , but because they s igna l d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with e x i s t i n g c o n s t i t u t i o n s . L ike sects s p l i t t i n g o f f from r e l i g i o u s de-nominat ions, marginal p o l i t i c a l expressions could i n d i c a t e p o t e n t i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t trends and, at the l e a s t , h i g h l i g h t nonconformist ideo -l o g i c a l p e r c e p t i o n s , of ten too r a p i d l y d ismissed as p a t h o l o g i c a l . In October 1971 G.M. Singh announced i n t e r e s t in forming a party f o r the working man, which, not to antagonize white employers, would be less m i l i t a n t than the Congress. It was to have an e x c l u s i v e l y Indian membership and would ne i ther in tegra te with Coloreds and A f r i c a n s nor work with them, s ince the government would be i n t o l e r a n t of a m i l i t a n t and in tegrated body. The "Peoples Democratic party" as i t was c a l l e d , would be nonvio lent and would put up candidates when the Indian c o u n c i l became an e l e c t e d body. However, three months l a t e r the plan was shelved u n t i l the c o u n c i l ' s future became known (The G r a p h i c , 15 September, 1971). S i m i l a r l y , prepar ing f o r the promised fu ture e l e c t i o n s of the c o u n c i l , and working w i th in the government framework, a Chatsworth r e s i d e n t and member of the Southern Durban Indian Local A f f a i r s Committee named Rajbansi i n i t i a t e d the People 's Par ty . It endorsed the counc i l and separate development as the only workable p o l i c y f o r South A f r i c a , c a l l e d f o r "Indostans" (Separate geographical areas under Indian c o n t r o l , equ iva lent to Bantustans) , and an equ i tab le a p p l i c a t i o n of government p o l i c y . While cooperat ion with leaders of other races was -200-f a v o r e d , r a c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n was r e j e c t e d . Cooperation with the govern-ment was to be on a t o t a l l y e q u a l i t a r i a n b a s i s . It was intended to be a workers' p a r t y , f i g h t i n g fo r improved c o n d i t i o n s , opposing group a r e a s , the mass removal of people , and petty apartheid (The G r a p h i c , 4 Febru-a r y , 1972). A year l a t e r , i n J u l y 1973, these ideas reemerged i n a very d i f f e r e n t form. The Indian press revealed that an underground group based on the concept of the A f r i k a n e r Broederbond had been formed, that aimed at taking cont ro l of Indian p o l i t i c a l and c i v i c a f f a i r s and c o n t r o l l i n g the seats in the counc i l i f e l e c t i o n s were h e l d . The organ iza t ion was sa id to have a c l o s e l y kn i t membership of twenty-seven, i n c l u d i n g businessmen, a former trade u n i o n i s t , f ac to ry workers, an a t t o r n e y , and a d o c t o r ; i t s f i n a n c i a l s t rength was descr ibed as "c lose to a quarter m i l l i o n rand" . The mot ivat ion f o r i t s formation seemed to be that c e r t a i n Indian organ iza t ions were under the cont ro l of a few, who had "vested i n t e r e s t s " and "had to be replaced by others who had the man- in - the -s t ree t at heart" (The Graph ic , 27 J u l y , 1973). Though many of these statements were based on rumors and probably r e -su l ted from the imagination of j o u r n a l i s t s , they were d iscussed s e r i o u s l y and ra ised cons iderab le concern . A member of the counc i l reported that the Indobond "excluded Moslems and Gujera t i -H indus from i t s secre t order we fee l i t i s a h igh ly dangerous s ta te of a f f a i r s and w i l l ask the government to crush i t" (Rand Da i ly M a i l , 31 J u l y , 1973). The leader of the Bond however denied sectar ian ism but re tor ted that -201-"the only people a f r a i d of the Bond are the Indian e x p l o i t e r s , who we are determined to destroy" (The G r a p h i c , 10 August , 1973). At the end of 1974, s t i l l in a n t i c i p a t i o n of a f u l l sca le SAIC e l e c t i o n , Mr. Y . S . Chinsamy a member of the SAIC announced h is i n t e n t i o n to launch a party ea r l y in 1975, but sought p u b l i c approval before such e f f o r t s were made. Ind ica t ive of the lack of conf idence which Indians have come to have in t h e i r own a b i l i t i e s and of the i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n of the s i t u a t i o n o f t u t e l a g e , he s a i d he had approached the N a t i o n a l i s t s , the United Par ty , the Progress ive Party and the Coloured Labour party f o r copies of t h e i r c o n s t i t u t i o n s . These would form a bas is to work out the proposed p a r t y ' s c o n s t i t u t i o n . P a r a d o x i c a l l y , the party would be "completely opposed to apar theid and a l l forms of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n " (Graph ic , 13 December, 1974). "The Party would a l s o work toward e rad -i c a t i n g the dangerous cancer of s e c t i o n a l i s m which i s s lowly creeping in to the a f f a i r s of our community" ( i b i d . ) . The formation of o r g a n i -sa t ions along p o l i t i c a l l i n e s was viewed as an e f f e c t i v e means to "stop people f i g h t i n g each other on s e c t i o n a l l i n e s , and w i l l a lso help to ensure that fu ture SAIC members are chosen on meri t" ( i b i d . ) . Although there are no over t ins tances of c o n f l i c t based e x p l i c i t l y on l i n g u i s t i c or r e l i g i o u s c r i t e r i a , such utterances reveal the percept ions of p o l i t i c a l behaviour by p u b l i c f i g u r e s . In th is respect i t i n d i c a t e s the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of government p o l i c y i n lending re levance to e thn ic c r i t e r i a in the nomination of a " f u l l y representa t ive" c o u n c i l . E thnic c r i t e r i a are brought to the fo re , superceding meri t and " r e t r i b a l i s i n g " -202-Indian p o l i t i c a l behaviour . As a r a d i c a l opponent to such party forma-t i o n s a i d , "It w i l l only lead to us f i g h t i n g among ourse lves instead of f i g h t i n g against the real enemy" ( i b i d . ) . Away from e thn ic l i n e s was the emphasis of another manoevre to form ye t another party by Dr. M.H.G. Mayet in June 1975. I ts appeal was i n -tended to be mainly to a "middle c l a s s " , c o n s i s t i n g e s s e n t i a l l y of p r o f e s s i o n a l s . The NIC pres ident however s a i d that a l l NIC o f f i c i a l s d i s s o c i a t e d themselves from th is proposed party (The G r a p h i c , 7 June , 1975). These s p l i n t e r groups as well as the major Indian p o l i t i c a l o rgan iza t ions of the sevent ies reveal i n c r e a s i n g l y the widening c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s among Indians. The c l o s i n g of the chasm between the counc i l and the NIC as r e f l e c t e d in the most recent NIC p o l i c y statement i s symptomatic of t h i s . On the other hand, the formation of a workers' party and de-monstrated i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the enemy as Indian e x p l o i t e r s suggest a high degree of p o l i t i c a l i n t r o v e r s i o n . 4. Voluntary A s s o c i a t i o n s The r o l e of var ious, vo luntary a s s o c i a t i o n s stands in cont ras t to the approach of the p o l i t i c a l organizat ions.Though e s t a b l i s h e d on the bas is of s p e c i f i c homogeneous i n t e r e s t s , voluntary o rgan isa t ions have changed from the i r previous s o c i a l i z i n g ro le to a more d i r e c t , c o n f r o n t a -t i o n a l , and instrumental a c t i v i t y , i n the p u r s u i t of t h e i r members' i n t e r e s t s . No longer i s a id f o r adjustment in a strange or h o s t i l e -203-environment the prime purpose of these a s s o c i a t i o n s , but representa -t ion and s t ruggle fo r s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t s . In th is sense voluntary a s s o c i a t i o n s form an in tegra l part of Indian p o l i t i c a l behaviour , although members do not cons ider them to be p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a -t i o n s . However, in the extremely regulated and p o l i t i c i z e d South A f r i c a n context even the most a p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s , such as sport c l u b s , are bound to encounter p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t s in which they have to take a s t a n d , of ten against t h e i r e x p l i c i t i n t e n t i o n s . Sport ing a s s o c i a t i o n s have assumed some p o l i t i c a l importance in South A f r i c a . The r o l e of Indians in the admin is t ra t ion of m u l t i - r a c i a l sports a s s o c i a t i o n s has been n o t i c e a b l e . Hassan Howa, the pres ident of the m u l t i r a c i a l South A f r i c a n C r i c k e t Board of C o n t r o l , f o r i n s t a n c e , has been instrumental in exposing and e x p l o i t i n g the d iscrepancy be-tween the legal s i t u a t i o n and government p o l i c y on the quest ion of m u l t i r a c i a l s p o r t s . Despite warnings by the m i n i s t e r o f spor t that the government would not t o l e r a t e a f l o u t i n g of i t s p o l i c i e s through the establ ishment of a m u l t i r a c i a l c r i c k e t c l u b , the Aurora C r i c k e t Club in P ietermar i tzburg went ahead with the e l e c t i o n of an Indian capta in and chairman and a White v ice c a p t a i n , thereby f o r c i n g upon the government a conf ronta t ion that i t would have p re fe r red to avoid (The Natal Mercury, 30 June 1973). S i m i l a r l y , the South A f r i c a n Soccer Federat ion was successfu l in i n f l u e n c i n g the Federat ion of In ternat ional Footba l l A s s o c i a t i o n s to withdraw i t s previous s p e c i a l d ispensat ion to stage in te rna t iona l soccer tournaments in South A f r i c a -204-(Sunday T imes, 11 February , 1973). These instances have demonstrated the power of subordinate groups to in f luence the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the dominant group in i n t e r n a t i o n a l s p o r t s . That many black sports admin-i s t r a t o r s , among them Hassan Howa and Morgan Naidoo, have been refused passports to attend spor t ing events abroad i s a measure of the impact of t h e i r p o l i c i e s . A voluntary o rgan iza t ion with a subs tan t i a l backing i s the Southern Durban C i v i c F e d e r a t i o n , which represents the var ious ra tepayers ' a s s o c i a t i o n s in the c i t y ' s southern sector - - an area housing the Indian lower economic s t r a t a . The f i r s t conference of t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n , in 1971, used as i t s major theme the r e l a t i o n s h i p between p o l i t i c s and Indian c i v i c l i f e . It was a marked change in approach from previous ra tepayers ' a s s o c i a t i o n s , which viewed p o l i t i c s as being somehow out -s ide t h e i r realm. The conference s t ressed that ratepayers could no longer funct ion in i s o l a t i o n i f t h e i r complaints were to be heard and t h e i r i n t e r e s t s were to be met. I t pointed out that the q u a l i t y of t h e i r l i v e s - - where and how they l i v e d and t h e i r p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s - -were dependent on the p o l i t i c a l pressure they as a group could ex-e r c i s e (The Ratepayer, 5 June , 1971). Despite the i n i q u i t o u s experience of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n and u n s a t i s f a c t o r y f a c i l i t i e s , there i s l i t t l e p u b l i c involvement of res idents in any form of p o l i t i c a l a r t i c u l a t i o n of g r i e v a n c e s , which seems to end with t h e i r express ion by the l e a d e r s . In view of the f a c t that Indians genera l l y have a t r a d i t i o n of p a r t i c i p a t i o n in voluntary a s s o c i a t i o n s , , -205-t h i s r e l a t i v e l y low involvement r.right seem a s t o n i s h i n g . It can,however, be exola ined thus: ( a ) The haphazard reset t lement of people with no regard fo r l i v a b l e heterogeneous groupings and no amenit ies to br ing them t o -gether atomized and a l i ena ted former community members from each o ther . Susp ic ion of one another, non-involvement in community a f f a i r s , and general withdrawal behavior r e s u l t e d from the d e s t r u c t i o n of e s t a b l i s h e d sett lement pa t te rns , (b) Abs t rac t a l t e r n a t i v e p o s s i b i l i t i e s have l i t t l e c r e d i b i l i t y in a s i t u a t i o n without expectat ions that l i f e can become p r o g r e s s i v e l y b e t t e r , (c) Fear of' p o l i c e r e p r i s a l s and repercuss ions on fami ly and job s e c u r i t y are very rea l indeed , despi te assurances by the Ratepayers A s s o c i a t i o n that p o l i t i c a l involvement i s "our r i g h t our d u t y . . . . a n d i t i s l e g a l " ( i b i d . ) . The reset t lement of communities along r e l i g i o u s , e thn ic and economical ly homogeneous l i n e s have been eschewed as product ive of tens ion and h o s t i l i t y . Instead, some well known urban planners extol the meri ts of incorpora t ing a c r o s s - s e c t i o n of heterogeneous age, s e x , r e l i g i o u s , e thnic and economic groups. Such heterogenei ty i s s a i d to enr ich the q u a l i t y of l i f e through, above a l l , a v a r i e t y of choices to enable leadersh ip from wi th in (Gans, 1961). C r i t i c s of apartheid r a i s e s i m i l a r ob jec t ions to the government's large s c a l e uproot ing of the Indian community, and i t s attempts to r e s e t t l e them along de fac to economic l i n e s . Commenting on the r e l o c a t i o n o f Indians i n Chatsworth and the f a i l u r e of such communities to develop a s i g n i f i c a n t a s s o c i a t i o n a l l i f e , Fatima Meer (1975:370) mainta ins: "Probably the l a r g e s t f a c t o r i n h i b i t i n g -206-the growth of a s s o c i a t i o n s in Chatsworth i s the f a c t o r of poverty and time. A s s o c i a t i o n s requi re leadersh ip and leadersh ip in a l l s o c i e t i e s i s usua l ly provided by the upper and middle c l a s s e s " . L i t t l e attention^however has been accorded the u t ter f u t i l i t y fo r worki c l a s s e s of a s s o c i a t i o n a l l i f e as i t i s commonly maintained in middle c l a s s communities. A r e j e c t i o n of such r i t u a l i s e d forms of a s s o c i a t i o n with i t s s o c i a l parapherna l ia would seem to b e l i e a d i s -s o c i a t i o n of i n t e r e s t s between the more a f f l u e n t sect ions and the working c l a s s Indians l i v i n g under sub-economic standards. It would seem inaccurate to exp la in away such withdrawal tendencies as an i n d i c a t i o n of apathy a lone . Chatsworth and Merebank Indians have presented themselves 'en masse' to p ro tes t aga ins t s p e c i f i c issues a f f e c t i n g them. On one such occasion d i s g r u n t l e d bus commuters, who were unsuccessful in t h e i r negot ia t ions with Indian bus owners f o r a reduct ion in f a r e s , planned a n o n - p r o f i t making community t ranspor t s e r v i c e to chal lenge the monopoly o f the bus owners. Another such ad hoc meeting of Chatsworth res idents was in oppos i t ion to the a u t h o r i t i e s ' proposal to stop bus s e r v i c e s to the area i n favour of making t r a i n se rv ices more economical ly v i a b l e fo r the South A f r i c a n Rai lways. At the September 1972 meet ing, attended by some 12,000-13,000 Chatsworth res iden ts , some h o s t i l i t y to Indians from the wea l th ie r s e c t i o n s of the community was expressed. -207-A member of the NIC (whom most Chatsworth res idents in terv iewed, descr ibed as the " L l a n i s " or r i c h people) attempted to speak, s a y i n g , "We are a l l B l a c k . " The crowd countered him by shouting o u t , "We_ are B l a c k , not y o u . We d o n ' t want to hear you. Go home, you have la rge c a r s , we d o n ' t . " S i m i l a r l y , when a Coloured Representat ive Counci l member attempted to speak, an a r t i c u l a t e spokesman from the crowd grabbed the p u b l i c address system, s a y i n g , "You are white and we are b lack . You are from Johannesburg, d o n ' t come here to Chatsworth and t e l l us what to do. You are the problem- White man,go home!"( Interviews). Indeed, the above examples are somewhat sporadic i n n a t u r e , and only l i m i t e d s i g n i f i c a n c e may be attached to such o u t b u r s t s . Y e t , in the absence of a l t e r n a t i v e a r t i c u l a t i o n from other r e s i d e n t s , they serve to i n d i c a t e the p r e v a i l i n g mood of a community. Other no t iceab le forms of informal community o rgan isa t ions which have emerged from t h i s underpr iv i l eged sec tor of the community in response to the government's to ta l f a i l u r e to provide amenit ies are d i s t i n c t i v e . Several attempts have been made to m i l i t a t e aga inst the prevalent ten-dency f o r expensive weddings which have been part of the Indian way of l i f e . The o rgan isa t ion of mass weddings by a c u l t u r a l l e a d e r , Mr. Manikkum Moodley, who heads the c u l t u r a l and r e l i g i o u s o rgan isa t ion "Thamizah Isai Kazhagam".which operates mainly in Merebank and Chats-wor th , i s one such e f f o r t . He maintains that s p i r a l l i n g costs and compet i t ion among people to organise e laborate weddings i n v a r i a b l y -208-meant economic and s o c i a l s t r e s s , e s p e c i a l l y f o r the lower income groups as almost a l l the weddings were performed on a ' h i r e purchase' and 'easy payment' b a s i s . Mass weddings were there fore seen to cut cos ts con-s i d e r a b l y ( Interview, a l s o : Leader , 6 J u l y , 1973). Moodley c la ims cons iderab le support f o r the i d e a , which he had learned from h is stay i n Ind ia . Another even more " revo lu t ionary" informal ye t widely known group in th is area i s that organised by T a m i l - s p e a k i n g , Mrs. K. D ixon, who chal lenged the t r a d i t i o n a l prerogat ive of men to perform wedding ceremonies. She was a lso respons ib le fo r "sys temat is ing" low-cost weddings which would be t o t a l l y catered f o r and conducted by members of her group, o r i g i n a l l y ' c a l l e d the "Clairwood MatharSangham" (Women's C lub) , before they were moved by the Group Areas A c t . The same group organises on a n o n - p r o f i t b a s i s , low cost t r i p s to Ind ia . They reduce t ra costs by rent ing several houses in major c e n t r e s , e s p e c i a l l y in Madras, provide t h e i r own meals and use cheap l o c a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n to see the country . Such arrangements make p o s s i b l e v i s i t s abroad f o r low-income groups,which were the previous prerogat ive of the wealthy on ly . Furthermore, there are numerous n o n - p r o f i t t h r i f t c lubs in the area which operate on a communal b a s i s , with a given number of c o n t r i -butors . Each c o n t r i b u t o r makes a f i x e d payment per week or month, and each in turn c o l l e c t s the t o t a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s f o r that week or month, in r o t a t i o n . Despite the f a c t that no i n t e r e s t accrues in such a system -209-as i t might in a commercial bank, such informal c o l l e c t i v e s serve to r a i s e morale and un i fy people. Whereas in the p a s t , p r i o r to implementation of the Group Areas A c t , vernacular languages and cu l tu re were e s s e n t i a l l y fos te red under the patronage o f merchant c l a s s Ind ians , the trend over the past decade has been a s h i f t toward vernacular language r e v i v a l and c u l t u r a l r e -naissance by the lower-income groups. Higher-income groups focus on a p ro fess iona l educat ion f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n , adopt e s s e n t i a l l y Western l i f e s t y l e s and s tandards , and at the most engage in e x t o l l i n g the v i r t u e s of t h e i r ancient cu l tu re as par lour c o n v e r s a t i o n . S k i l l e d and amateur Indian musicians are of ten i n v i t e d to give r e c i t a l s in e l i t e Indian homes, and are at times sponsored by the e l i t e to f u r t h e r t h e i r musical s tudies in Ind ia . An organ isa t ion which has been instrumental in r e v i v i n g i n t e r e s t in cu l tu re maintenance, independently of the government's p o l i c y , i s the South A f r i c a n Tamil Federa t ion . I t i s respons ib le f o r the o rgan isa t ion of vernacular schools in the Southern Durban a r e a , and has taken over the p o s i t i o n of the once e l i te -dominated Natal Tamil Vedic Soc ie ty i n the centre of Durban. These attempts at c u l t u r a l r e v i v a l are n o t e n t i r e l y a p o l i t i c a l in nature. Tamil t h e a t r e , f o r i n s t a n c e , focuses on more p o l i t i c a l themes in cont ras t to e a r l i e r re-enactments of c u l t u r a l e p i c s . The "Tamil Advancement S o c i e t y " , a drama group a f f i l i a t e d to the South A f r i c a n Tamil Federa t ion , -210-presented in 1974, a play c a l l e d "The Gal lows" . This play depicted the s t ruggle of a m i l i t a n t South Indian p o l i t i c a l p a r t y , the Dravida Munetra Kazhagam (DMK), to pave the way f o r the Tamil language to take i t s r i g h t f u l p lace in the arena of world languages, from where i t was a l -most ousted by the i n f i l t r a t i o n of f o r e i g n languages and c u l t u r e in to Tamil Nad. These attempts at o r g a n i s a t i o n , even though they lack the d i s c i p l i n e d pers is tence i m p l i c i t in the formation of a s s o c i a t i o n s , as are known to the ent repreneur ia l and profess iona l -dominated sectors of the Indian commnuity, never the less, serve the i n t e r e s t s of working c l a s s Indian commu-n i t i e s in many ways f a r more adequately than the p rev ious ly upper and middle c l a s s dominated groups. The informal o rgan isa t ions are i s s u e -o r i e n t e d , i n s t r u m e n t a l , as wel l as express ive of the needs o f under-p r i v i l e g e d groups. Moreover, given the f a c t that a leadersh ip emerges from the ranks of people who experience the misery of unplanned r e -gimentat ion in these a r e a s , they are much bet te r able to a r t i c u l a t e t h e i r s p e c i f i c needs. By c o n t r a s t ; a non-working c l a s s leadersh ip has f requent ly tended to act as an intermediary between "the people" and "the government". Hence the supposed v i r t u e s o f heterogeneous composi-t i o n may indeed be overs ta ted . It may well be argued that the more homogeneous the group, the more e f f e c t i v e l y i t can organise f o r p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n . As Abner Cohen (1969) suggests , economic homogeneity may c o n s t i t u t e an informal i n t e r e s t group, which has the advantage of possessing some of the most e s s e n t i a l requirements o f p o l i t i c a l -211-organ isa t ion in much the same way as e thnic homogeneity. 5. Covert C o l l e c t i v e Organisat ion While the p r e v i o u s l y d iscussed c o l l e c t i v e a c t i v i t y in vo luntary a s s o c i a t i o n s took place wi th in the framework of oub l ic o r g a n i s a t i o n s , e i t h e r as e x p l i c i t p o l i t i c a l grouoings or with i m p l i c i t p o l i t i c a l i m p l i c a -t i o n s , a t h i r d form of organised c o l l e c t i v e behaviour must be added. This category encompasses the organised non-pub l ic or cover t defence of group i n t e r e s t s . Covert c o l l e c t i v e o rgan isa t ion does not mean i l l e g a l , underground a c t i v i t y - - which is not considered here because of lack of evidence and i t s confinement to more i n d i v i d u a l def iance so f a r — but legal or at l e a s t s e m i - l e g a l , u n o u b l i c i s e d , e x c l u s i v e l y Indian c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n . Ethnic a p D e a l i s used to defend or expand e t h n i c a l l y def ined i n t e r e s t s on the bas is of a common i d e n t i t y . Covert c o l l e c t i v e o r g a n i s a t i o n d i f f e r s from i t s overt expression by i t s usual ad hoc character and the c l e a r con-sensus about s p e c i f i c methods and g o a l s . These purposes would be defeated by the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d p u b l i c i t y of over t a s s o c i a t i o n s . Some examples can best i l l u s t r a t e t h i s method. In the aftermath o f the Group Areas A c t , var ious m u n i c i p a l i t i e s have from time to time o f fe red to Indians a few p l o t s of land f o r sa le by pub-l i c a u c t i o n . Given the a r t i f i c i a l land shortage f o r Ind ians , d i s p r o -p o r t i o n a t e l y high p r i ces are u s u a l l y paid f o r such p l o t s . There have been instances, however, when spontaneous o rgan isa t ion among a hetero-geneous crowd of prospect ive buyers have thwarted t h i s . At one such - 2 1 2 -p u b l i c auct ion in Natal i t was decided among the prospect ive buyers present that they should al low only three low o f f e r s and the t h i r d b idder was to secure the land from the m u n i c i p a l i t y . Subsequently they would go o f f and o f f e r the land j u s t purchased, again at an auct ion to be conducted by themselves, at which the real b idding would take p l a c e . The d iscrepancy between the low p r i c e paid to the white c o n t r o l l e d m u n i c i p a l i t y and the p r i c e o f fe red by the h ighest bidder at the p r i va te sa le would then be donated to a non-sect iona l c h a r i t a b l e Indian o rgan isa t ion instead of going in to the municipal budget. Another l ess dramatic show of community s o l i d a r i t y continues to take place in the Durban Grey S t ree t a rea . Given the value and importance of t h i s area as the major Indian business center i n the heart of Durban i t was always considered e s s e n t i a l to keep i t Indian. Whenever . a property in the area comes up f o r sa le syndicates of Indian bus iness -men there fore r a l l y together to ensure that the property remains in the hands of Ind ians , instead of going to Whi tes . Th is was done mostly by persuasion of the s e l l e r to keep the p r i c e reasonable in the future i n t e r e s t s of the community. Where t h i s f a i l e d , the money would be r a i s e d somehow by i n f l u e n t i a l Indian b u s i n e s s , almost as an insurance aga ins t white "pene t ra t ion" . Indian businessmen have a l s o been known to c o l l e c t i v e l y i n v i t e white leaders to s p e c i a l banquets in an attempt to develop a "working r e -l a t i o n s h i p " between both groups and engage in "heart to heart" d i s -c u s s i o n s . Though t h i s s t ra tegy i s by no means conf ined to Ind ians , i t -213-i s f requent ly viewed by ou ts iders as another devious Indian ploy to seek favours . On the other hand, leading N a t i o n a l i s t p o l i t i c i a n s have been known to welcome such a p la t form to t ry out secre t deals and f o r having the oppor tuni ty of "get t ing to know" Indians. One well-known venue i s the Or ient c l u b , a conservat ive a l l - m a l e , e x c l u s i v e l y Muslim hideaway. It was recen t ly the meeting point where the former M i n i s t e r of I n t e r i o r , Theo Gerdener, proposed h is "two-stream p o l i c y " , 1 and planned to r a i s e money f o r i t from Indian c o f f e r s . It has been argued e a r l i e r that the concept "community" is no longer e n t i r e l y appropr ia te to descr ibe the s o c i a l o rgan isa t ion of the Ind ians , in view of t h e i r e thnic d i v e r s i t y , numerical s i z e and i n c r e a s i n g l y secondary character o f t h e i r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , a l l of which have been acce lera ted by d isrupted sett lement, pa t terns-The examples of covert c o l l e c t i v e o r g a n i s a t i o n , nevertheless, show evidence of community s u r v i v a l in s p e c i f i c s i t u a t i o n s . When confronted by the d i s c r i m i n a t o r y treatment of a superordinate group, middle groups are rendered a community, in terms of the strong u n i f y i n g i n t e r e s t s they come to share . Although these i n t e r e s t s may vary wi th in the group and are d iv ided on the bas is of economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , these d i v i s i o n s do become l e s s dominant when faced by the superordinate power s t r u c t u r e . T .The plan involved a "gradual extension" of a l l bas ic r i g h t s at present enjoyed by whites to the Indian and Coloured people . Th is in e f f e c t meant that they would form one s ta te in which a l l c i t i z e n s would enjoy equal r i g h t s . Though a few Indians o f f e r e d some f i n a n c i a l suppor t , the scheme was f o r the most par t re jec ted on the grounds that i t could have ca tac lysmic e f f e c t s , i n view of i t s e x c l u s i o n of the urban A f r i c a n . -214-XI. INDIAN-AFRICAN RELATIONS 1. C u l t u r a l D i s c o n t i n u i t i e s Indians are genera l l y more d i s l i k e d than Whites bv A f r i c a n s because 0 f t h e i r " i s o l a t i o n i s t a r r o g a n c e " . 1 Evidence f o r the e x c l u s i v i s m , that i s genera l l y a t t r i b u t e d to the group, f o r whatever reason , be i t the impact of segregatory l e g i s l a t i o n en forc ing separate development, or not , i s indeed ample. There i s l i t t l e i n c l u s i o n of A f r i c a n s at equal s tatus leve l at Indian c e l e b r a t i o n s , weddings and the l i k e , be-yond the token appearance o f A f r i c a n leaders such as the l a t e Ch ie f Luthu l i and more recent ly Chie f Gatsha B u t h e l e z i . Indeed, the same may be sa id of V , !hi te- Indian c o n t a c t , although i t i s c e r t a i n l y more frequent and considered more p r e s t i g i o u s than contact with A f r i c a n s . Furthermore, in nine out of ten cases where Whites are i n v i t e d , r e -gardless o f t h e i r achieved status they would be ushered in to the f r o n t row of the h a l l , o s t e n s i b l y because "they are ou ts ide rs and are i n -terested in our customs". Yet the same c r i t e r i a do not au tomat ica l ly apply to a l l A f r i c a n guests . To achieve " f ront row s t a t u s " , A f r i c a n s have to be e s p e c i a l l y well q u a l i f i e d and be e i t h e r a Buthelez i or a L u t h u l i , or have p ro fess iona l s t a t u s . In the 50's and ea r ly 60 1 s the in f luence of the Indian Congress e l i t e was not iceab le in incorpora t ing A f r i c a n s , Coloureds and Whites as 1. A term D. Rothchi ld (1973:173) uses to descr ibe A f r i c a n - N o n - A f r i c a n r e l a t i o n s in Kenya. -215-fash ionab le i n c l u s i o n s at Indian c e l e b r a t i o n s . Since then , the tendency e s p e c i a l l y among the e l i t e is f o r greater e x c l u s i y i s m . In the case of the more conservat ive e l i t e , exc lus iv ism had a long t r a d i t i o n , s ince the focus was on the sacredness of the r i t u a l s being performed and on ly group members were r e l e v a n t . The more p o l i t i c i s e d e l i t e , however, tends to use e x c l u s i v i s m now as a way of expressing group pr ide and of r e -t a l i a t i n g aga inst white n o n - r e c i p r o c a t i o n . At a symbolic l eve l i t i s a form of r e j e c t i n g white p o l i t i c a l dominat ion, and a l l contact with Whi tes , regard less of whether they may be government supporters or opponents, i s viewed as contaminat ing. Levels of e x c l u s i v i s m among the p o l i t i c i s e d e l i t e seem to have undergone cons iderab le refinement and r e d e f i n i t i o n . Whereas in the 50 1 s and 6 0 ' s , concomitant with greater in te r -g roup contacts - - a l b e i t a t the formal l eve l - - there was a tendency toward a l l - I n d i a n i n c l u s i v e n e s s , c u t t i n g across intragroup r e l i g i o u s and l i n g u i s t i c d i f f e r e n c e s , there now seems to be a greater intragroup d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n along l i n g u i s t i c and r e l i g -ious l i n e s . Ethnic o r i g i n s are delved in to and t h e i r r e v i v a l sought. It i s indeed revea l ing that a formerly banned leader of the Natal Indian Congress d ivu lged in passing the importance of g i v i n g h is grandchi ldren "Tami l" names as d i s t i n c t i v e from North Indian names. (Interview)., A marked cont ras t i s represented by the younger Indian members of the Black Peoples Congress. They underplay and even debunk c u l t u r a l o r i g i n s , engage in a wider range of contact with other Blacks, and embrace aspects of A f r i c a n c u l t u r e as -216-evidence o f t h e i r bona f i d e i n t e n t i o n s o f becoming one with the major i ty of the oppressed who are A f r i c a n . Grass root contact with A f r i c a n s and other Blacks d i f f e r s sharply from the e l i t e based contact of the Indian Congress, which was more formal and d id not inc lude the embracing of A f r i c a n c u l t u r a l symbols. 1 Among the o lder generat ion and the vast major i ty of the u n p o l i t i c i z e d , however, the obsession with mainta in ing the "pur i ty" of the group i s n o t i c e a b l e . Hence a l l types of in te rmar r iage , ranging from i n t r a -l i n g u i s t i c , i n t e r - r e l i g i o u s to i n t e r - r a c i a l are considered undes i rab le . The degree of dev ia t ion d i f f e r s r e s p e c t i v e l y . The s t rongest taboo would seem to be on Ind ian -Af r ican marriages which hardly occur . Hence the fo l lowing s tory i s f requent ly t o l d with varying emphases and has v i r t u a l l y become part of the f o l k l o r e . A wealthy merchant in E. A f r i c a answered h is door one evening to f i n d two young A f r i c a n s . Upon enqui r ing the purpose of t h e i r v i s i t , i t turned out that one of them had come to ask f o r the hand of the merchant's daughter in marr iage. With due decorum, and considered c o o l n e s s , the merchant c a l l e d the v i s i t o r s in to the l i v i n g r o o m , o f fe red them a d r i n k , and c a l l e d in h is daughter. The p r o p o s i t i o n was then put to her . Respect-f u l l y she r e p l i e d that she had nothing aga inst i t i f the g e n t l e -man would take care o f her and i f she were to have her parents ' permiss ion . The merchant then t o l d the young men t h a t , in accordance with t r a d i t i o n , i t would only be c o r r e c t f o r them to br ing t h e i r parents to formal ly approach him. That n i g h t , a f t e r the guests had l e f t , the fami ly packed i t s belongings and f l e d the country f o r Ind ia . 1. Even when Indian Congress leaders d id come in to contact with rank and f i l e A f r i c a n s to whom they f requent ly gave f ree medical or legal s e r v i c e s , there was s t i l l the status gap, which makes f o r q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s from those which BPC seems to f o s t e r . 2.Only intermarr iages between Whites and Non-Whites, not among the three Non-White groups, are i l l e g a l . -217-This s t o r y , in i t s numerous v a r i a t i o n s , i s used to under l ine the need f o r "presence of mind" and " tact" in dea l ing with such s i t u a t i o n s , as well as to emphasize the chances that t h i s could occur c l o s e r to home. The supposed d e s i r e of A f r i c a n s to marry Indian women i s , as in the white r a c i s t f o l k l o r e , a prevalent theme which recurs when d i s c u s s i n g prospects fo r the f u t u r e . In s u b j e c t i v e importance i t supercedes concern f o r the other prospects of the group's economic w e l l - b e i n g and p o l i t i c a l freedom. "Wi l l we be able to maintain our i d e n t i t y ? " becomes the c r u c i a l f o c u s . 2. Encounters o f C o n f l i c t : The Durban Riots Underlying Ind ian -Af r ican r e l a t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y among the o lder genera-t i o n of Ind ians , i s the trauma of the 1949 Durban communal r i o t . The Durban r i o t s , began on Jan . 13, 1949, near a crowded bus depot frequented by Indians and A f r i c a n s . The Commission that reported on the happenings descr ibed i t as fo l lows in the terminology of the t ime: "The spark which caused t h i s t r a g i c exp los ion was almost lud ic rous in i t s i n s i g n i f i c a n c e . If one s i f t s the obv ious ly perjured ev idence , the probable f a c t s appear to be these . A Native boy, 14 years of age, had words with an Indian shop a s s i s t a n t , 16 years of age , and slapped the l a t t e r ' s f a c e . The Indian youth lodged a complaint with h is employer, a lso an Indian, who came out of the Indian Market in to V i c t o r i a S t reet and assaul ted the Native boy. In the t u s s l e the Na t i ve 's head a c c i d e n t a l l y crashed through the g lass of a shop window, and in withdrawing i t the boy rece ived cuts be-hind the e a r s , , which caused the blood t o . f l o w . Unfortunate ly t h i s happened at a time when a mass of Natives and Indians had congregated in quest of conveyance to t h e i r homes. The Natives saw an adul t Indian a s s a u l t i n g a Native c h i l d and they saw b lood. That was enough. They went berserk and attacked every Indian wi th in s i g h t . " (Webb and Kirkwood, -218-On the other hand, the reputed h i s t o r i a n E r i c Walker r e f e r s to r e t a l i a t o r y ac t ion from another p e r s p e c t i v e : " . . . s o m e of the wea l th ie r Ind ians . . . .whose arrogance had offended many of t h e i r humbler c o - r e l i g i o n i s t s f i r e d at Zulus from the windows of t h e i r s w i f t l y moving c a r s . " (Walker, 1964:783). In r e p o r t i n g the occurance the next morning, the newspapers devoted l e s s space to the r i o t than to a storm at Mossel Bay. But the r a c i a l tens ion f l a r e d up again in v i o l e n c e and over the next two days there were widespread at tacks in the Durban area on Indians and t h e i r p ro -p e r t y . The D i s t r i c t Commandant of P o l i c e reported to the Commission: "Houses were now being burned by the s c o r e , a l l in the v i c i n t y of Booth Road. Almost a l l the Indians not evacu-ated from t h i s area were e i t h e r k i l l e d , burned to death or l e f t dy ing . While the men were clubbed to death , Indian women and young g i r l s were raped by the i n f u r i a t e d Na t i ves . Th is s ta te of arson and l o o t i n g continued through-out the night and when f u r t h e r m i l i t a r y and naval r e i n f o r c e -ments a r r i v e d many instances occurred where the forces had to r e s o r t to the use of f i rearms to pro tec t l i f e and pro -p e r t y . " (Webb and Kirkwood, 1949:3). It should be pointed out that the poorest sec tors of the Indian Community whose economic p o s i t i o n was not much bet te r than most A f r i c a n s were worst h i t by the upheaval , due to t h e i r greater v u l n e r a b i l i t y in out -l y i n g slum a r e a s , tha,t are more a c c e s s i b l e and l e s s protected than the c i t y core . This suggests that l o o t i n g f i g u r e d lower in the m o t i -va t ion o f many p a r t i c i p a n t s than the o u t l e t of long accummulated animosi ty aga inst Indians. No a n a l y s i s of the r o l e of rumor in sparking and preceding the d is turbances has been made. -219-Never the less , in s p i t e of what s t i l l f i g u r e s in the contemporary myth-ology of Indians as proof of the A f r i c a n "savage c h a r a c t e r " , i t was never a c l e a r - c u t r a c i a l c o n f l i c t . The w r i t e r ' s own memory of the r i o t br ings to the fore the a s s i s t a n c e many A f r i c a n s , at r i s k to themselves, gave to Indians by s h i e l d i n g them from a c t i v i s t s . O f f i c i a l est imates of the d e s t r u c t i o n were 142 deaths (1 European, 50 Ind ians , 87 A f r i c a n s , caused mainly by p o l i c e a c t i o n , and 4 o f undetermined r a c i a l o r i g i n ) . Those in ju red numbered 1,087 (32 Whites, 11 Co loureds , 541 A f r i c a n s and 503 I n d i a n s ) . One f a c t o r y , 58 s tores , and 247 dwel l ings owned by Indians were destroyed and 2 f a c t o r i e s , 652 s tores , and 1 ,285 dwel l ings were damaged. Thousands of Indians be-came refugees overn ight . E ight months a f t e r the r i o t s , 770 refugees were s t i l l in camps ( i b i d : 4 ) . The a t t i tudes of the pub l i c to the events d i f f e r e d according to r a c i a l groups. Indians complained about the behaviour o f the p o l i c e , a l l e g i n g that stronger and prompter ac t ion would have minimized and a r res ted the r i o t . Many considered the o f f i c i a l est imates as being too low. L i t t l e regret was expressed by A f r i c a n p u b l i c spokesmen. Whites are r e -ported to have commonly reacted with statements such a s : "Indians had i t coming to them" or "The t roub le was that they got the wrong Indians" ( i b i d : 5 ) . Kirkwood and Webb comment on the no t i ceab le absence of any r a l l y i n g together of a l l groups to the defence of law and o r d e r , f o r whatever group, i n the i n t e r e s t o f upholding the Rule of Law ( i b i d . ) . -220-Although the r i o t was spontaneous, i t may be argued that i t was c l e a r l y s t r u c t u r a l l y predetermined by the nature of South A f r i c a n s o c i e t y . The d i f f e r e n t i a l i ncorpora t ion of the var ious r a c i a l groups, enjoying d i f -ferent, l e v e l s o f rewards, set the stage f o r a scapegoat and revenge f o r long suf fe red misery . Indians were perceived by A f r i c a n s as most ob-v i o u s l y b e n e f i t t i n g from t h i s s i t u a t i o n p r e c i s l y because they occupied in the common percept ion a "middleman" r o l e . These stereotypes acted as a f o c a l po in t f o r quick m o b i l i z a t i o n of A f r i c a n s . The s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r contemporary race r e l a t i o n s of the Durban r i o t s some 30 years ago, p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r Indian a t t i t u d e s towards A f r i c a n s , r e s u l t s from the c u l t i v a t e d imagery of A f r i c a n s as brutal barbar ians . By the exaggerated t r a n s f e r r a l of the s t o r i e s of rape and l o o t i n g , common in the f o l k h i s t o r y of Indians and endowed with the legendary a u t h e n t i c i t y of personal exper ience , the dominant view of A f r i c a n s creates a c l imate f o r fear and apprehension. Th is i s almost weekly endorsed by fac tua l and widely reported break- ins of A f r i c a n s , u s u a l l y former s e r v a n t s , in to Indian homes, and by s t o r i e s of t e r r o r i z a t i o n of the weal th ier Indians by the extremely poor A f r i c a n s . Th is s i t u a t i o n , however, has not l ed to a reduct ion of A f r i c a n servants i n Indian middle -c l a s s homes, but rather to a s h i f t from male servants to females and younger boys, who are considered more c o n t r o l l a b l e . Since most of these i servants work i l l e g a l l y in the Indian households'and are subject to f r e -quent p o l i c e ra ids , t h e i r dependency and consequent e x p l o i t a t i o n has a l s o inc reased . On the other hand, many Indian households func t ion as p r i v a t e 1. A f r i c a n s are not allowed to l i v e in Indian a r e a s , unless they are r e g i s t e r e d with the Bantu A f f a i r s Department. Furthermore, only one servant per household i s l e g a l l y permissable . Since the r e g i s t r a t i o n procedure i s a time-consuming and tedious one, and so"ie Indian households use more than one servant , i t i s not uncommon to succumb to the temptation to h i re those who o f f e r themselves f o r employment without the necessary papers. -221-s o c i a l wel fare s t a t i o n s and minimal s h e l t e r f o r border cases (orphans, unemployed, handicapped, a l c o h o l i c s ) who would otherwise face even grea ter misery in t h e i r own a r e a s . That I n d i a n - A f r i c a n r e l a t i o n s in 1974 s t i l l d i s p l a y cons iderab le mis -t r u s t i s evidenced by an impending race r i o t which threatened the pre -dominantly Indian North Coast town of Stanger in 1974, a f t e r a twelve year o l d A f r i c a n employee in an Indian green-grocery s to re d ied suddenly. Al though post-mortem r e s u l t s revealed that he had died of "natural c a u s e s " , the A f r i c a n s present in te rpre ted the s i t u a t i o n in r a c i a l terms. The s tereotype o f the Indian e x p l o i t e r who t rea ts h is employee p o o r l y , overworks and underfeeds him, was evoked, and r i o t i n g spread to the neighbouring areas where Indians were at tacked at random by angry A f r i c a n s (The Leader , 11 October , 1974). As in the case of the 1949 r i o t s , an improvement in Ind ian -Af r ican r e -l a t i o n s h i p s at the important l eve l of personal contacts i s v i r t u a l l y imposs ib le as long as the gross s t r u c t u r a l i n e q u a l i t i e s p e r s i s t . 1 1. The precar iousness o f I n d i a n - A f r i c a n r e l a t i o n s i s ev ident when even respected A f r i c a n p o l i t i c i a n s , such as Chie f B u t h e l e z i , f requent ly ex-p l o i t A f r i c a n - I n d i a n enmit ies to gain the support of t h e i r own group. One such instance arose out o f Indian pop-manufacturer 's extension o f c r e d i t f a c i l i t i e s f o r t h i r t y days to A f r i c a n storekeepers in A f r i c a n a r e a s . The Indian manufacturer expla ined t h i s as an act of goodwil l s ince A f r i c a n s are excluded from r a i s i n g loans from b u i l d i n g s o c i e t i e s , insurance agencies, or banks. A f r i c a n t raders used such extended c r e d i t f a c i l i t i e s among.other th ings to improve t h e i r premises, he mainta ined. In one i n s t a n c e , the m u n i c i p a l i t y withdrew the A f r i c a n t r a d e r ' s l i c e n s e on the grounds that h is business was " in f a c t owned by an Indian" . These f a c t s were then used by Buthelez i to threaten Indians p u b l i c l y that they should d e s i s t from "using A f r i c a n businessmen as f ront -men". Responses such as these increase the uncer ta in ty of Indians working in the A f r i c a n "homelands", where some 310 Indians are involved in manufactur ing. Of these 22.6 percent are in food product ion and 58 percent in c l o t h i n g manu-f a c t u r i n g (South A f r i c a , Indian A f f a i r s , 1 9 7 3 : 3 5 ) . -222-3. In terest -based A l l i a n c e s When the impact of s t r u c t u r a l i n e q u a l i t y i s experienced across r a c i a l l i n e s , c e r t a i n c r o s s - c u t t i n g a l l i a n c e s may be formed, on the basis of economic i n t e r e s t s , regard less of r a c e . In the d ispute about increases in bus fa res by Indian bus owners i n Chats -worth, evidence of Ind ian -A f r i can working c l a s s uni ty was n o t i c e a b l e . The (Af r ican) Black A l l i e d Workers' Union supported the ( Indian) Southern Durban C i v i c Federat ion in r e j e c t i n g the planned i n c r e a s e s . The secre tary o f the u n i o n , Mr. Menziwe Mbeo, s a i d , "Bus owners do not seem to r e a l i s e that the major i ty of Indian and A f r i c a n workers in Durban earn f a r l e s s than