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Community development : education and training for change and localization Odoch, Paschal W. 1999

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COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: EDUCATION AND TRAINING FOR CHANGE AND LOCALIZATION by PASCHAL WATHUM ODOCH M.Ed., The University of British Columbia, 1996 P.B.D., Simon Fraser University, 1994 B.A. (Hons.), Makerere University, 1990 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Educational Studies) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA July 1999 © Paschal Wathum Odoch, 1999 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l fulfilment of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis f o r scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by h i s or her representatives. It i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s thesis f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver, Canada i TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract v Acronyms used in the thesis vi List of Figures vi i List of Tables vi i i Acknowledgements ix Dedication • xi CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Problem statement 4 1.2 Purpose 6 1.3 Method 6 1.4 Research questions .-. 7 1.5 The ACORD-NEBBI community development programme 8 1.6 Significance of the study 9 1.7 Organization of thesis 11 CHAPTER H: COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT INIATTVES: A CRITICAL REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL LITERATURE 14 2.1 Community. 14 2.2 Development 17 2.3 Community development 20 2.4 The origin of community development 24 2.5 Manifestations of community development 26 2.6 Development theories underpinning community development practice 42 2.7 Alternative solutions to the limitations of development theories 64 2.8 Normative characteristics of community development , 66 CHAPTER IH: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 70 3.1 The case study design 71 3.2 The site and context of study 71 3.3 Justification for choosing the ACORD-NEBBI programme 72 3.4 Sources of data 73 3.5 Data analysis 77 3.6 Verification of data 79 3.7 On reporting study results 81 3.8 Ethical considerations 81 3.9 Limitations to the study 82 C H A P T E R TV: C O M M U N I T Y D E V E L O P M E N T E F F O R T S : E D U C A T I O N A N D T R A I N I N G IN U G A N D A A N D A C O R D ' s D E V E L O P M E N T G O A L S 84 4.1 The period during colonial administration 84 4.2 The period toward political independence 85 4.3 Developments during the independence years 90 4.4 A C O R D involvement in sub-Sahara Afr ica 94 4.5 The A C O R D - A F R I C A programme 96 4.6 The A C O R D - U G A N D A programme 100 4.7 The A C O R D - N E B B I programme 103 C H A P T E R V : A D E S C R I P T I V E A N A L Y S I S O F E D U C A T I O N A N D T R A I N I N G A C T I V I T I E S A T T H E A C O R D - N E B B I P R O G R A M M E 110 5.1 External training I l l 5.2 Internal training 113 5.3 Training to self-selecting groups 113 5.4 O n identifying training needs 114 5.5 Forms of training conducted 118 5.6 Training program planning and implementation cycles 127 5.7 Limitations to objectives-based instructional planning 136 5.8 A C O R D - N E B B I training programs and the principles o f adult learning... 138 C H A P T E R VI: T H E N O R M A T I V E C H A R A C T E R I S T I C S O F C O M M U N I T Y D E V E L O P M E N T : A N A N A L Y S I S 146 6.1 Self-reliance 147 6.2 Human capacity building 148 6.3 Community empowerment 151 6.4 Endogenous development 153 6.5 Community participation 154 6.6 Loca l community control and management 156 6.7 Diversity 158 6.8 Limi ted scope o f the known normative characteristics o f community development 160 C H A P T E R V n : A N A L Y S I S O F A C O R D - N E B B I ' S A P P R O A C H T O C O M M U N I T Y D E V E L O P M E N T 166 7.1 Supporting factors in the A C O R D - N E B B I programme 170 7.2 Hindering factors in the A C O R D - N E B B I programme 177 C H A P T E R V H I : S U M M A R Y , C O N C L U S I O N S A N D R E C O M M E N D A T I O N S 180 8.1 Methods and content o f education and training curricula at A C O R D - N E B B I 181 8.2 Normative characteristics o f community development 184 8.3 Supporting and hindering factors in the ACORD-NEBBI programme 185 8.4 Weaknesses of the ACORD-NEBBI programme.... 186 8.5 Recommendations 188 8.6 Concluding comments 192 R E F E R E N C E S 195 APPENDICES 208 A P P E N D I X A : DEFIN IT IONS T H A T H A V E G U I D E D T H E RESEARCH 208 A P P E N D I X B: A G R I C U L T U R A L T R A I N I N G NEEDS ASSESSMENT FORM 209 APPENDIX C: LEADERSHIP T R A I N I N G NEEDS ASSESSMENT FORM 210 APPENDIX D: K N O W L E D G E A N D SKILLS T R A I N I N G NEEDS ASSESSMENT FORM 210 APPENDIX E: B O O K K E E P I N G T R A I N I N G FOR C BO M E M B E R S 211 APPENDIX F: T R A I N I N G O U T L I N E ON F E A S I B I L I T Y STUDIES 211 APPENDIX G: C O M M U N I T Y W O R K E R I N I T I A L T R A I N I N G COURSE O V E R V I E W 212 A P P E N D I X H: T E A C H I N G SKILLS T R A I N I N G FOR T R A I N E R OF C O M M U N I T Y W O R K E R ( T C W ) 212 A P P E N D I X I : C H E C K L I S T FOR C O M M U N I T Y A I D S H O M E - V I S I T I N G P R O G R A M 213 A P P E N D I X J: S E M I N A R P R O G R A M M E FOR AGRO-FORESTRY A N D S U S T A I N A B L E A G R I C U L T U R E 214 ABSTRACT This thesis explores the ways in which education and training programs can contribute to the achievement o f equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable community development. A case study was conducted on an indigenous affiliate o f the Agency for Cooperation in Research and Development ( A C O R D ) in Nebbi district, Uganda. A C O R D is a broad-based international consortium o f European and Canadian non-governmental organizations. A C O R D ' s main focus in sub-Saharan Afr ica is to help establish or strengthen local, non-governmental structures with a view to promoting equitable, self-reliant, sustainable development. The A C O R D - N E B B I community development programme was chosen for the study for four reasons: First, it appeared to be consistent with the community development principles advanced in the literature. Second, it emphasizes long-term localization o f the programme through a significant skills training and education component. Third, the A C O R D - N E B B I programme is a mature (i.e. over 15 years old) community development effort with a variety o f programs under one umbrella. A n d fourth, the programme was accessible geographically and culturally to the researcher. The research methods included observation, document analysis, and forty-six semi-structured interviews. The interviewees represented community development workers, former participants o f A C O R D - N E B B I training programs, primary beneficiaries o f A C O R D - N E B B I development programme, and the programme personnel. Six factors were found to support the ability o f A C O R D - N E B B I education and training programs to contribute to the achievement o f equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable development initiatives: first, application o f a phased approach to change and localization; second, tailored training activities at the request and pace o f the beneficiaries; third, support to and promotion o f self-selecting group formation based on common interests that, in turn, allowed the functioning o f groups with less social friction; fourth, the application o f a development approach compatible with the socio-cultural traditions; fifth, the development o f a multi-faceted programme that penetrated a l l vulnerable segments o f the society; and sixth, the application o f change agents who supported emerging community groups. T w o factors were identified as hindering the ability o f A C O R D - N E B B I education and training programs to contribute to the achievement o f equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable development initiatives: a) the poor state o f development instruments (i.e. accessible roads, clean water, and we l l equipped medical centres), and b) missed target groups ~ the poorest o f the poor — who could not form groups through which training is delivered. The latter factor exists because the programme focuses on groups, and hence individuals who could not form or j o in the self-selecting groups were left out o f the development process. Thus, the lower middle class strata o f the village communities have benefited the most because they already had the basic resources — work capacity, knowledge, capital — with which to gain access, influence and the much needed savings mobilization prior to group formation. The majority o f the rural poor do not possess these important resources. ACRONYMS USED IN THE TEXT A C O R D = Agency for Cooperation in Research and Development AIDS = Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome A R N O V A = Association for Research on Nonprofit Organizations and Voluntary Association C A P = Community Action Programme CIDA = Canadian International Development Agency CO = Credit Officer C B O = Community Based Organization EDF = European Development Fund ERO = External Relations Officer G A D = Gender and Development HIV = Human Immuno-deficiency Virus IDRC = International Development Research Centre L A C = Loan Allocation Committee L C = Local Committee PAP = Poverty Alleviation Programme PC = Programme Coordinator PPC = Parish Planning Committee PRA = Participatory Rural Appraisal Q U A M M = Italian International Development Agency RDW = Rural Development Worker RRA = Rapid Rural Appraisal SACRENET = Savings and Credit Network SAP = Structural Adjustment Programme SNV = Netherlands Development Organization STD = Sexually Transmitted Diseases T C W = Trainer of Community Worker UNDP = United Nations Development Programme USAID = United States Agency in International Development UWFCT = Uganda Women' Finance and Credit Trust V C A = Voluntary Change Agents ZPO = Zonal Programme Officer L I S T O F F I G U R E S FIGURE 1: A C O R D IN AFRICA FIGURE 2: T H E A C O R D - U G A N D A P R O G R A M M E FIGURE 3: T H E ACORD-NEBBI P R O G R A M M E FIGURE 4: A S U M M A R Y OF K E Y FINDINGS viii LIST OF TABLES T A B L E 1: A S U M M A R Y O F T H E I N T E R V I E W S U B - G R O U P S A N D F O R M A T S 75 T A B L E 2: S U M M A R Y O F T H E T R A I N I N G C E N T R E ' S P R O G R A M S , 1990-93 115 T A B L E 3: S U M M A R Y O F F I E L D T R A I N I N G P R O G R A M S , 1996-97 ] 16 T A B L E 4: A S U M M A R Y O F A C O R D - N E B B I T R A I N I N G M E T H O D S 126 T A B L E 5: A S U M M A R Y O F A C O R D - N E B B I F O U R L E V E L T R A I N I N G P R O C E S S 135 T A B L E 6: A T Y P I C A L G R O U P A C T I V I T I E S C A L E N D A R 136 T A B L E 7: T H E A C O R D - N E B B I ' S A P P R O A C H T O C O M M U N I T Y D E V E L O P M E N T 170 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS It is extremely hard to successfully conduct an international study o f this scope without the support o f several personalities. In this regard, my express appreciation goes to the Research Committee Members who rigorously guided me throughout the study. Foremost, to my Research Supervisor, Dr . Thomas J . Sork whose critical guidance to what ambitiously commenced as a Uganda country study. This level o f support resulted into a more feasible, manageable research project that has finally seen the light o f day. Dr . Sork's advice was readily available, from inception o f the research topic, during the research proposal phase, after its approval, to the data analysis and preparation for the final doctoral examination. The study duly acknowledges the over ten years experience and expertise o f Professor Peter Boothroyd on community development planning, especially his contemporary international perspective and work in developing countries. Equally significant to this study are Dr . Judith Ottoson's insights on multiple influences on post-program application and especially her experience on the United States National Training Research programme. It is undoubtedly the multiple perspectives the Research Committee Members brought to the study that gave the investigation the quality and adequate preparation it required. M y appreciation goes to the International Development Research Centre ( IDRC) , Doctoral Research Award , for having funded the study. Indeed, I D R C is a development research institution with a very active presence in East Afr ica . The framework developed through this study on community development effort, w i l l not only help me create dialogue on m y experiences to other interested theorists, policy makers, and practitioners, but also provide advice about research and issues associated with equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable development initiatives in sub-Sahara Afr ica . Special appreciation is extended to the Faculty o f Education Graduate Student Research Grant. The grant helped in meeting expenses for supplies and materials in the post-fieldwork period. I must acknowledge the invaluable support o f Dr . Henry Mosley and his associates, from the Johns Hopkins School o f Hygine and Public Health, department o f International Health and Population Dynamics, during my participation at the 1996 Rockefeller Foundation Afr ica Dissertation Workshop program. Further appreciation is extended to the A C O R D London office, A C O R D Uganda country office, and A C O R D - N E B B I programme, including the beneficiaries. Not only did they display a genuine interest and commitment towards the research, but they also contributed a great deal to the success o f the research by their willingness to provide additional information that I continually required. Great thanks are extended to M r . Anthony Okech, Director, Institute o f Adul t and Continuing Education, Makerere University Kampala. M r . Okech ensured I had access to information relevant to this study. Further, I extend sincere appreciation to my colleagues at the Student Society, University o f Bri t ish Columbia, for their moral support during the early stages o f the doctoral program, as wel l as to my two field support team ~ E m i l i o Odongo and Robert Okel lo -- for facilitating the necessary arrangements and relaying messages to appropriate persons when preparing for the field work. I acknowledge the critical viewpoints o f my fellow graduate students during the period o f study: Helen Papuni, Mar i lyn Hoar, Reginald Nnazor, Pam Rogers, and Dennis Teo. Further appreciation goes to the Department o f Educational Studies whose general administrative support ensured my program o f study was an enjoyable and enriching one. Equally significant, my wife Juliet Odoch for having put up with the unique demands o f graduate study: the extended hours in the library, on the computer, writing the dissertation, and preparing for the oral examination. Finally to my parents Peter Wathum and Rejina Anyayo for believing in me and for patiently waiting for me to reach this level o f education. Paschal Odoch, University o f British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada DEDICATION This Doc tora l Disser tat ion is dedicated to m y father Peter W a t h u m , a former Headmaster o f Nyaravur P r imary S c h o o l , for his great be l i e f i n the value o f educating the people, w h i c h he pract ical ly demonstrated through me. 1 CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION C o m m u n i t y development has gained almost universal recogni t ion i n the last five decades as a substantial force i n induc ing planned change. A n d i n the last twenty years, dramatic shifts have occurred i n m o v i n g development p o l i c y to less government responsibi l i ty and more emphasis on commun i ty involvement for self-reliant development ini t iat ives. A s part o f the shifts, communi ty development w i th an emphasis on intended beneficiaries has gained greater prominence i n development po l i cy (De C o n i n c k , 1992). T h i s trend carries potential long-term benefits to both the loca l communi ty and the who le nation. It is.also documented that the more engaged people are i n their o w n communi t ies ~ be it economic , soc ia l , or po l i t i ca l -- the greater the prosperity o f the nation. Indeed, m u c h has been wri t ten about the posi t ive correlat ion between a developed loca l level communi ty hav ing a strong economy, phys ica l and moral w e l l being, to that o f the nat ion (Burkey , 1993; C h e k k i , 1979; D e C o n i n c k , 1992; Lackey and Pratuckchai , 1991; M c G u i r e , R u b i n , A g r a n o f f and Richards , 1994; Newlands , 1981; O k u k u , 1995; O l a m a , 1996; Sautoy, 1960; W i l d e n , 1970). The emphasis on communi ty involvement and development carries social and practical impl ica t ions . It focuses on equipping people at the loca l level w i t h appropriate knowledge and sk i l l s to perform tasks. The acquis i t ion o f these sk i l l s can occur through formal and informal communi ty development educat ion and t ra ining programs. G i v e n the diverse nature o f commun i ty development ini t iat ives, an understanding o f h o w communi ty development knowledge and sk i l l s are appl ied i n practice is c ruc ia l . In an effort to meet diverse development challenges, communi ty educators and organizers need 2 to develop relevant programs that incorporate knowledge about .the context, content, process, and practice issues. In the international literature, communi ty development has been regarded as both an agent for planned soc ia l change and an educational process, designed to enable disadvantaged communi t ies faced w i t h challenges to help themselves (B idd l e and B i d d l e , 1968; Campfens , 1997). Indeed, Campfens (1997, p.22) argues that "communi ty development i n recent years has related to the g r o w i n g demand for a form o f planned change that empowers margina l groups to participate i n communi ty and institutional dec i s ion-making processes." F o r most post -colonia l countries, however , A d j i b o l o s o o (1993, p.139) observes that dur ing the per iod immedia te ly f o l l o w i n g independence, "a great deal o f resources . . . was poured into national programmes . . . to [facilitate the achievement of] self-sufficiency, increase the net weal th o f their ci t izens, and to improve social welfare [development]." A n d commun i ty development has been one o f the avenues by w h i c h several programmes have been implemented to achieve these outcomes. Despite the fuzziness o f def ining it (B idd l e and B i d d l e , 1968), communi ty development continues to be used as a vehic le to perform several significant functions inc lud ing loca l economic development, agricul tural extension, health promot ion , social and welfare services, and adult educat ion ( B i d d l e and B i d d l e , 1968; Campfens , 1997; Green and Raeburn , 1988; L o t z , 1971; U n i t e d Nat ions , 1971). C o m m u n i t y development has been "discovered" by practitioners i n several other fields, w h o s imp ly use it to achieve their socia l or economic objectives. C o m m u n i t y development is also regarded as a broad "umbrel la" for a variety o f "programs, projects, act ivi t ies , and movements without a home" (Beran, 1967, p.5). H u m a n capacity bu i ld ing is regarded as a fundamental element i n communi ty development, consider ing that it a ims to strengthen the abi l i ty o f beneficiaries to make reasoned choices amidst avai lable opportunities. There are many benefits for communi t ies that pursue human capacity bu i ld ing measures. Luther and W a l l (1989) list five advantages that include: a) strategic th ink ing by communi ty leaders, b) development o f an entrepreneurial spirit , c) increased orientation and posi t ive attitude towards socio-economic and po l i t i ca l development ini t iat ives, d) systematic, planned approach to communi ty improvement , and e) thoughtful approaches to the future. A n d increasing communi ty capacity is greatly facilitated through education and training w h i c h help people learn from each other h o w to plan and progress. A c c o r d i n g to D e C o n i n c k (1992, p.5), successful communi ty development projects require a "high leve l o f part icipat ion [and] the u t i l i za t ion o f loca l resources and sk i l l s . " F r o m this perspective, it is important to first focus on knowledge and sk i l l s development as elements w i t h i n human capacity bu i ld ing , before c o m m e n c i n g communi ty development ini t iat ives geared to overcome soc io-economic problems. In this study, educat ion and training as vectors for m o v i n g toward human capacity bu i ld ing include the f o l l o w i n g four areas: a) invest ing i n human resources, b) deve lop ing sk i l l s w h i c h lead to communi ty ownership o f the ini t iat ives undertaken through self-help and mutual a id , c) t ra ining communi ty development facilitators as loca l and strategic agents to cultivate new ideas, and d) empower ing communi t ies through informat ion, t ra ining, organizat ion, and to cont inuously upgrade their ab i l i ty to k n o w , analyze and understand 4 their situations and problems (Campfens, 1997; Fr iedmann , 1992; K r o p o t k i n , 1989; M c G u i r e , R u b i n , A g r a n o f f and Richards , 1994; Newlands , 1981). C o l l e c t i v e l y , these undertakings focus on the abi l i ty o f l oca l people to solve their o w n problems w i t h the ul t imate goal o f self-reliance. Therefore, education and t ra ining efforts seek to st imulate organizat ional expertise and forge new sk i l l s w i t h i n l oca l communi t ies related to leadership, confl ic t resolution, group processes, and the ar t iculat ion and achievement o f a shared v i s i o n . That is , such education and t ra ining init iat ives include efforts that increase the ab i l i ty o f people and institutions to achieve what they co l l ec t ive ly and mutua l ly agree to pursue (Newlands , 1981). 1.1 Problem statement T h i s thesis is grounded i n the recogni t ion that as the number o f l oca l organizat ions that pursue commun i ty development ini t iat ives continues to g row, i t appears that not enough is k n o w n about the factors w h i c h support or hinder the ab i l i ty o f educat ion and t ra ining programs i n contr ibut ing to the achievement o f equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable commun i ty development. A study by M c G u i r e , R u b i n , Agranoff , and Richards (1994), for example , provides understanding o f h o w communi t ies that have engaged i n strategic p l ann ing processes enjoy higher levels o f development opportunities. The i r study explores three major factors: c i t i zen part ic ipat ion, c o m m u n i t y structure, and development instruments. W h i l e a l l these factors are related to effective translation o f c o m m u n i t y aspirations into real i ty, the study is largely anchored i n a p lann ing perspective, and does not d i rec t ly reflect the normat ive characteristics o f commun i ty development. F r o m this standpoint, 5 what needs to be explored is h o w the normative characteristics o f c o m m u n i t y development are reflected i n the knowledge and sk i l l s that are appl ied and disseminated b y c o m m u n i t y development workers i n part icular contexts. A n international study by L a c k e y and Pra tuckchai (1991) presents twenty- two capabil i t ies required by commun i ty development workers . T h e study asked members o f the C o m m u n i t y Deve lopment Socie ty - an international society o f both practit ioners and theorists ~ to identify the most important knowledge and sk i l l s required for c o m m u n i t y development work . W h i l e the study identifies the key knowledge and sk i l l s needed i n practice, it does not explore the l inks between education and t ra ining and the normat ive characteristics o f commun i ty development. B l a k e l y (1989, p.309) points out that commun i ty development workers are n o w "encountering circumstances i n w h i c h previous paradigms or h is tor ica l rev iews o f the profession w i l l not enhance the field's s k i l l or language." Bes ides , mere appl ica t ion o f the k n o w n conceptual and analyt ical tools is potent ial ly not sufficient cons ider ing that, " [communi ty development] programmes are currently be ing conducted almost exc lus ive ly b y extension agents l ack ing i n the knowledge and sk i l l s required o f competent c o m m u n i t y development educators" (Francois et a l , 1982, p . l ) . T h i s c l a i m w o u l d be interpreted as resul t ing from the increasing growth o f many fields that use c o m m u n i t y development as a means to achieve ends that are par t icular ly important to the fields, for instance, communi ty -based health care, micro-enterprises, and envi ronmenta l protect ion programmes. Sautoy (1960), one o f the pioneers i n commun i ty development, asserts that effective c o m m u n i t y development ini t iat ives promote self-reliance, empowerment , 6 human capaci ty bu i ld ing , endogenous development, commun i ty par t ic ipat ion, l o c a l cont ro l and management, and divers i ty i n programs or activit ies. I have henceforth termed them the seven normative characteristics o f commun i ty development. A l t h o u g h the seven normat ive characteristics are comparat ively easy to understand, it is their appl ica t ion to part icular contexts that poses the greatest challenge. T h i s assertion is s t i l l v a l i d , despite the existence i n the international development literature o f several theoretical formulations intended to promote effective implementa t ion o f long- term c o m m u n i t y development programmes (B lake ly , 1974; Campfens , 1997; C a r y et a l , 1989; C h e k k i , 1979; Francois , et a l , 1982; Har r i s , 1982; L a c k e y and Pra tuckchai , 1991). Despi te the exis t ing literature o n c o m m u n i t y development, l i t t le i s k n o w n about case specif ic education and t ra ining programs as components o f c o m m u n i t y development especia l ly o n factors that support or hinder their effective contr ibut ion to the achievement o f c o m m u n i t y development goals: equity, self-reliance, and sustainable development . 1.2 Purpose T h e purpose o f the thesis is to explore the role o f education and t ra in ing programs i n p romot ing c o m m u n i t y development. In particular, it seeks to identify h o w such programs can contribute to the achievement o f equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable c o m m u n i t y development. 1.3 Method T h e purpose o f the thesis was addressed through a quali tat ive case study design. T h e case chosen was an indigenous affiliate o f the A g e n c y for Coopera t ion i n Resea rch and Deve lopmen t ( A C O R D ) i n N e b b i district, Uganda . T h e organizat ion is fo rma l ly 7 cal led A C O R D - N E B B I communi ty development programme. The A C O R D - N E B B I development programme has facilitated group formation in w h i c h the major activit ies have centred o n s ix development activit ies, namely, agro-forestry, appropriate technology, fishery, micro-credi t , communi ty health, and commun i ty infrastructure development. The case study approach was deemed appropriate because there is a need to contextualize theoretical formulations in order to identify and exp la in the factors that support or hinder the abi l i ty o f education and training programs to achieve communi ty development goals. C o m m u n i t y development programmes are "so markedly varied from country to country that a special effort has to be made per iod ica l ly to describe, assess, and learn lessons from these programmes" ( C h e k k i , 1979, p . l ) . The three sources o f data used i n the study were taped semi-structured interviews, observation, and document analysis. For ty-s ix volunteer participants drawn from communi ty development workers , former participants o f A C O R D - N E B B I education and training programs, programme personnel, and pr imary beneficiary groups affil iated wi th the programme, were interviewed ind iv idua l ly or i n a group. The first f ie ldwork was conducted i n M a y - J u n e , 1998, and a second vis i t was made i n N o v e m b e r , 1998. 1.4 Research questions T o achieve the purpose o f the thesis, the case study was guided by the f o l l o w i n g two questions: a) T o what extent and i n what ways are the seven normative characteristics (see p.5-6) o f communi ty development, as advanced i n the literature, reflected i n the A C O R D - N E B B I education and t ra ining programs? T h i s question is important because little is k n o w n about 8 h o w these seven normative characteristics are reflected i n case-specific educat ion and training programs that are del ivered to communi ty-based organizations, b) What factors support or hinder the abi l i ty o f A C O R D - N E B B I education and training programs to contribute to the achievement o f equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable communi ty development ini t ia t ives? Th i s question is important because education and training as vectors in sharing knowledge and sk i l l s operate i n dynamic environments where several factors influence their effectiveness i n p romot ing development objectives. 1.5 The ACORD-NEBBI community development programme A g e n c y for Coopera t ion i n Research and Deve lopment ( A C O R D ) is a broad-based, international consort ium o f European and Canad ian non-governmental organizations w i t h headquarters i n Br i t a in . The consor t ium works under the trusteeship o f its member agencies, i n partnership w i t h field teams and loca l communi t ies in A f r i c a . A C O R D ' s m a i n role i n A f r i c a is to help establish or strengthen loca l , non-governmental structures w i t h a v i e w to promot ing self-reliant, participatory development. A C O R D has an affiliate i n N e b b i district ( A C O R D - N E B B I ) , i n northwestern U g a n d a through w h i c h it achieves its mandate ( A C O R D A n n u a l Report , 1996; 1997). A C O R D - N E B B I , an indigenous organizat ion, facilitates communi ty development through the involvement o f local people: Fundamental to ACORD-NEBBI's philosophy is . . . responding to development needs . . . to promote the self-reliance of communities concerned . . . The implication of this philosophy is that ACORD-NEBBI is not the principal protagonist of the development process in any given context, but plays an essentially ancillary role, providing encouragement, technical advice and, where necessary, material support, but not the will to develop . . . [this] presupposes that a local protagonist of the development process exists. (Roberts, 1985, p.5) The A C O R D - N E B B I communi ty development programme was chosen as the case for four reasons: Firs t , it appeared to be consistent w i th the normat ive characteristics o f 9 c o m m u n i t y development as advanced i n international literature. Second, it emphasizes long-term loca l iza t ion o f the programme through a significant sk i l l s t ra ining and educat ion component. T h i r d , A C O R D - N E B B I is a mature (i.e. over 15 years o ld) c o m m u n i t y development effort w i t h a variety o f programs under one umbre l la . A n d fourth, the programme was accessible geographical ly and cul tura l ly to the researcher. 1.6 Significance of the study T h i s research is significant i n four ways . Firs t , the thesis explains i n one case h o w knowledge and sk i l l s promoted i n contemporary international development literature are appl ied i n practice to achieve equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable c o m m u n i t y development. T h i s understanding is significant as loca l groups m a y learn, share and disseminate such informat ion amongst themselves and for cross-regional-cul tural learning w i t h other communi t ies i n s imi la r situations and contexts. Second, the thesis analyzes practice-related issues i n c o m m u n i t y development w o r k i n a specif ic case. T h i s analysis not o n l y provides new insights, but also suggests h o w c o m m u n i t y development education and t ra ining program planners m a y more effect ively contribute to efforts directed at p lanned change and loca l iza t ion . T h i r d , t ak ing the case o f U g a n d a where this study was carr ied out, the government, i n col laborat ion w i t h the U n i t e d Nat ions Deve lopment P rog ramme ( U N D P ) , has launched a U S D S 2 m i l l i o n Vision 2025 project w i t h a special focus o n long- term self-sufficiency, a central p r inc ip le o f commun i ty development practice (The M o n i t o r , A u g u s t 15, 1997). F o r this type o f ini t iat ive to have a long-term, pos i t ive impact o n communi t ies , there have to be new insights and approaches that address educat ion and 10 t raining needs o f the cont inual ly g rowing number o f loca l non-governmental organizations. Four th , f indings f rom the research may in fo rm practit ioners and theorists engaged i n or associated w i t h communi ty development education and sk i l l s t raining. Pr imary beneficiaries o f the study are organizations and institutions affi l iated wi th the A g e n c y for Coopera t ion i n Research and Deve lopment ( A C O R D ) , the International Deve lopment Research Centre ( I D R C ) , and the A s s o c i a t i o n for Research o n Nonprof i t Organizat ions and Volun ta ry A c t i o n ( A R N O V A ) . Indeed, A C O R D , I D R C , and A R N O V A a l l encourage and support l oca l and appl ied research through a variety o f programmes inc lud ing disseminat ion and integration o f results f rom field studies into their programmes and init iat ives. A C O R D , w h i c h is the focus o f this study, n o w raises i n excess o f U S D S 20 m i l l i o n annually for the benefit o f 40 development programmes i n 17 countries o f A f r i c a ( A C O R D A n n u a l Report , 1996). W i t h its far-sighted mandate — empowerment through knowledge — I D R C that funded this research can share the f indings from this study wi th a l l its networks o f research and development organizations around the w o r l d . Indeed, I D R C ' s goal is to "initiate, encourage, support and conduct research into the problems o f the deve lop ing regions o f the w o r l d " ( I D R C A c t , 1970). A R V O V A , w h i c h supported the in i t ia l sharing o f the study's results through its emerging scholar award program, is an international commun i ty o f people dedicated to fostering the creation, appl ica t ion and disseminat ion o f research about voluntary actions, non-profit organizations, and philanthropy. The associat ion supports development o f the next generation o f scholars, fosters disseminat ion o f research into practice, and enhances 11 practitioner's u t i l i za t ion o f knowledge . A d d i t i o n a l potential beneficiaries o f the study are other international development organizations, theorists, practitioners, and p o l i c y makers pursuing education and sk i l l s t raining for change and loca l i za t ion o f communi ty development ini t iat ives, s imi l a r to the A C O R D - N E B B I context. 1.7 Organization of thesis Chapter two is a cr i t ica l r ev iew o f literature relevant to the purpose o f this study. The chapter explains the terms "communi ty ," "development" and "communi ty development". Manifestat ions o f communi ty development are rev iewed i n this chapter. O v e r t ime, the term "development" has generated both understanding and debate on theoretical approaches to ini t ia t ing planned change i n less sophisticated societies. These compet ing theories o f development, i nc lud ing their inherent l imi ta t ions , are presented i n this chapter. The chapter concludes by h ighl igh t ing the seven normat ive characteristics o f communi ty development as advanced i n the international literature. Chapter three explains i n detail the case study method appl ied in this research and the rationale for choos ing it. I commence the chapter by in t roducing and p rov id ing a rationale for the research design. The chapter also describes the site and context o f the invest igat ion, i n c l u d i n g jus t i f ica t ion for select ing the A C O R D - N E B B I communi ty development programme. In addi t ion, 1 discuss the three sources o f data used in the study, fo l lowed by an explanat ion o f the data analysis procedures. Furthermore, the chapter discusses ethical considerations addressed i n the research and the protocol used to protect the rights o f research participants. The chapter concludes w i t h a d i scuss ion o f the l imi ta t ions o f the study. In chapter four I present a his tor ical summary o f adult education and communi ty development i n U g a n d a since the attainment o f po l i t i ca l independence. Th i s is important because the present struggle i n U g a n d a to preserve and improve the qual i ty o f l i fe stems from the opportunities ushered i n at independence to the present day. A l t h o u g h this study concerns i t se l f w i t h the per iod between 1983-1996, a b r i e f look at the his tor ical development o f Uganda , as presented i n this chapter, is necessary to help deepen an understanding o f the relat ionship between context, history, government p o l i c y and rhetoric w i t h regard to communi ty development efforts. A l s o presented i n chapter four is the case o f A C O R D ' s involvement in sub-Sahara A f r i c a . A t the t ime o f the study, A C O R D had over 4 0 operational programmes i n 17 countries o f sub-Sahara A f r i c a . Furthermore, I h ighl ight A C O R D ' s shifts in development emphasis dur ing the 1970s, the 1980s, and i n the 1990s. The chapter concludes by contextual iz ing the case study. A descript ive analysis o f A C O R D - N E B B I educat ion and t ra in ing act ivi t ies , and other act ivi t ies i n N e b b i district, northwestern U g a n d a is presented i n chapter f ive. B y examin ing what the methods and content o f specific A C O R D - N E B B I communi ty development cur r i cu la reveal about the pr inciples on w h i c h the programs are based, the descript ive analysis sets the stage for responding to the first research question pursued i n chapter s ix . In chapter s ix , I analyze the A C O R D - N E B B I education and t ra ining program against the seven normat ive characteristics o f communi ty development: self-reliance, human capacity b u i l d i n g , commun i ty empowerment , endogenous development, communi ty par t ic ipat ion, loca l control and management, and diversi ty. The analysis i n this chapter provides a response to the first research question: to.what extent and in what ways are the seven normative characteristics o f communi ty development, as advanced i n the literature, reflected in A C O R D - N E B B I education and training programs? A s part o f its conc lus ion , the chapter argues for the incorporat ion o f both knowledge and sk i l l s sharing, and gender sensit ivity as "new" normative characteristics o f communi ty development. Th i s is because A C O R D - N E B B I not on ly p laced increased emphasis on investment i n knowledge and sk i l l s sharing, but also made gender sensit ivi ty very central throughout its development programme. In chapter seven, I present a c r i t ica l analysis o f A C O R D - N E B B I ' s communi ty development programme. Th i s chapter responds to the second research quest ion: what factors support or hinder the abi l i ty o f A C O R D - N E B B I education and t ra ining programs to contribute to the achievement o f equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable communi ty development ini t ia t ives? Chapter eight concludes the study by summar i z ing the background and purpose o f the study, the research questions, the method appl ied, and key f indings. The chapter concludes w i t h suggestions for future research, practice, and po l i cy m a k i n g i n communi ty development. 14 CHAPTER II: COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT INITIATIVES: A CRITICAL REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL LITERATURE F o r many decades, pos t -colonia l leaders i n deve lop ing countries have tried var ious development plans based o n or thodox development thought and theory. Moreove r , the developing w o r l d has achieved l imi t ed sustained human-centred development. Thus , many o f the development plans have either fai led or been abandoned. In this chapter, a c r i t i ca l international literature r ev iew related to the not ions o f "communi ty" , "development" and "communi ty development," are presented. It is also in this chapter that I r ev iew the o r ig in o f communi ty development internationally. T h i s is fo l lowed by a rev iew o f the various manifestations o f communi ty development evident f rom the w o r k roles reflected i n contemporary literature. C o m p e t i n g theories o f development are rev iewed as a prelude to the debate on re th inking development, a phenomenon that gained prominence i n the 1970s. I conclude the chapter by h ighl igh t ing the seven normat ive characteristics o f communi ty development as advanced i n the international literature. 2.1 Community T h e term "communi ty" is often appl ied by different facets o f society to depict unique constituents; for instance, it may be used to refer to the po l i t i ca l communi ty ; economic communi ty ; environmental communi ty ; re l ig ious communi ty ; or academic communi ty . It i s a term that addresses specif ic soc io-economic , po l i t i c a l , re l ig ious , and cul tural constituencies. Because the disparit ies between such communi t i es are often greater than the elements that b i n d them together as communi t ies , it is increasingly appeal ing to assign a sectarian label to the term communi ty . 15 C o m m u n i t y as used i n this study, can be and often is defined i n geographic terms w i t h reference to an area or loca l i ty o f specif ic d imensions (Roberts, 1979). T h i s is also true o f the large forms o f communi t ies that cut across geographic boundaries (e.g., the European C o m m u n i t y or the East A f r i c a n C o m m u n i t y ) . H o w e v e r , these geographic boundaries often are unrealist ic as they are d rawn for po l i t i ca l reasons without consider ing the f l ex ib i l i t y or permeabi l i ty o f the people. Often, communi ty is identif ied as an entity w i t h shared interests, opportunities, and characteristics i n w h i c h functional definit ions, such as geography are not relevant, yet commun i ty del ineat ion based on pol i t i ca l boundaries, such as national , regional , p rov inc i a l , district , county, parish, and v i l lage readily address the issue o f local i ty . F o r this reason, the closer the term gets to the loca l l eve l , the stronger the sense o f communi ty becomes. F o r example , the people i n a smal l v i l l age often k n o w each other by names, whereas it is not so for people, i n say a whole country. A more integral concept ion o f communi ty is offered by Parsons (1960), War ren (1972), and Sanders (1966) among others, who v i e w the term as a socia l system composed o f people l i v i n g i n some spatial relat ionship to one another, w h o share c o m m o n facil i t ies and services and together frame a c o m m o n communica t ion network. Therefore, a c lass ica l , largely pastoral concept ion o f communi ty enunciated by Toennies (1963) w h o l i nks the term Gemeinschaft w i t h the smal l v i l l age o f a tradit ional society depicts the s imp l i c i t y o f c o m m u n a l societies o f pre-modern mass society and therefore lacks the conceptual r igour and contextual adequacy required i n this thesis. Deve lopmenta l theorists l ike H a l l (1984), however , regard commun i ty as a group o f peoples hav ing more input i n the process o f def in ing the communi ty . H a l l asserts that 16 the task o f getting inputs f rom everyone is achieved w i t h greater success at the l oca l l eve l . Moreove r , humanists regard commun i ty as hav ing a sense o f c o m m o n identity, a sense o f concern not on ly w i t h immediate relat ionships, but w i t h the welfare o f the w o r l d as who le (G i roux , 1983). T o humanists, geographic boundaries and the loca l i ty factor are irrelevant. A s groups form, acquire new members , lose members , and disband based on shared values and e v o l v i n g goals, a communi ty changes its characteristics (Roberts, 1979), and such factors as interests, traditions, culture, par t ic ipat ion, and shared beliefs, may dictate inc lus ion to a communi ty entity. Such a v i e w involves four factors: people, place, socia l interaction, and attachment or socia l ident i f icat ion (Christensen and Jerry, 1989). It is therefore diff icul t to perceive communi ty wi thout people for as such, it becomes an ecologica l term. The not ion o f place as part o f communi ty is m u c h the same as clans or tr ibal communi t ies w i t h a culture, socia l identity, and determination to function as a col lec t ive . The suggestion o f socia l interaction presupposes involvement and proposes that a commun i ty or group define their o w n needs, goals, and membership (Roberts, 1979). Interaction is what Chr is tenson and Jerry (1989) regard as interdependencies, norms, and customs upon w h i c h groups o f people come to depend o n to meet desired ends. At tachment or soc ia l ident i f icat ion here refers to what ind iv idua l s may understand to be the loca l i ty i n w h i c h they l i v e , yet, it is also the sense that they might have from l i v i n g i n that loca l i ty , thereby g i v i n g it a feel ing o f neighbourhoodness. C o m m u n i t y then includes a place where people are i n v o l v e d i n m a k i n g co l lec t ive decis ions, and actions are implemented to achieve group goals. At t i tudes , interdependency, cooperat ion, 17 col laborat ion, and unif ica t ion are important v iews w i t h i n this sense o f communi ty (B lake ly , 1989). B o o t h r o y d and D a v i s (1991) define communi ty as a group o f people who k n o w each other personally, and w h o plan together over t ime for their long-term c o m m o n betterment. Involvement is a key ingredient i n the def ini t ion. Furthermore, the def ini t ion excludes large interest groups, such as labour unions, metropoli tan communi t ies o f over 5,000 people, task forces, and crisis-oriented groups. In conc lus ion , the term communi ty refers to a set o f elements: people, place or territory ( inc lud ing loca l networks) , socia l interaction, and c o m m o n attachment or identity. 2.2 D e v e l o p m e n t Development refers to the acquis i t ion o f traits, characteristics, and technologies o f progressive societies, more specif ical ly , sophisticated societies. Inherent i n this attribute is the process o f a society gradually m o v i n g from very s imple , to a more sophisticated way o f l i fe . Boo th royd and D a v i s (1991, p.2) def in i t ion o f the term development embraces "any planned quantitative or quali tat ive change i n a system." W h i l e their def ini t ion recognizes more broadly the "planned adaptation to environmental pressures, or the intentional creation o f new system patterns," it c lear ly rules out development ini t iat ives w h i c h are ind iv idua l i s t i c , unplanned and a "one man-show." Economis t s define the term development to mean the exploi ta t ion o f scarce resources to provide people w i t h more goods and services (Todaro, 1981; R o s t o w , 1985). F r o m this perspective, development is not an end, but a means to achieve soc io-economic and po l i t i ca l goals. F o r instance, soc ia l ly by a way o f l i fe enr iched by both "tradit ional" and "modern" consumpt ion patterns; economica l ly , through a more equitable and a less 18 skewed income dis tr ibut ion pattern w i t h fewer vulnerable popula t ion; and, po l i t i ca l ly , by governance through democrat ical ly established structures. It is therefore important to ensure that any study o f the role and purpose o f communi ty development should first address the concept o f development w i t h i n a his tor ical f ramework. T h i s is required because the emergence o f communi ty development and planned socia l change, as they have existed i n most societies throughout history, generate conceptions o f development that can be best located i n precise his tor ical circumstances. Indeed, the concept o f development came rather late in relat ion to the emergence o f capi ta l i sm (Himmels t rand , 1994). Th i s is because, before the arr ival o f capi ta l ism, there existed ma in ly agricultural societies whose product ive forces — l imi ted by feudal property relations — changed very gradually over the years and their economic act ivi t ies were relat ively stagnant. It was capi ta l i sm that for the first t ime i n development history a l l owed product ive forces to make a spectacular advance, thus m a k i n g it possible for the idea o f material progress and development to emerge (Himmels t rand , 1994). The agent o f this process and o f the new concept o f development, is the bourgeoisie in-as-m u c h as it "cannot exist without constantly revo lu t ion iz ing the instruments o f product ion, and thereby the relations o f product ion, and w i t h them the whole relations o f society" ( M a r x and Engels , 1969, p.38). C a p i t a l i s m emerged f rom the contradict ions o f feudal society, i n part icular f rom the class struggles, w h i c h led to the breakdown o f serfdom and the undermin ing o f peasant ownership o f land ( M a m d a n i , 1983, 1985, 1994). These challenges culminated into po l i t i ca l struggles by the bourgeoisie that sought to dismantle medieva l institutions w h i c h presented such obstacles to the increase i n product iv i ty i nc lud ing restrictions on 19 free trade and on the personal freedom o f workers , the restrictive practices o f gui lds , and the prohib i t ion o f charging interest on loans. The first formulat ions o f the new concept ion o f development (or progress, as it was more usual ly ca l led then) can be found i n the work o f c lassical po l i t i ca l economists , notably, S m i t h (1776) and R i c a r d o (1891), that represented the interests o f the r i s ing bourgeoisie. It was i n the struggle o f the Br i t i sh bourgeoisie against the remnants o f feudal ism that the term development cou ld be traced. There is a connect ion between the concept ion o f development and the development o f specific social confl icts . The relat ionship between the concept o f development and his tor ical ly determined social processes, can be appl ied to the subsequent development o f po l i t i ca l economy and indeed, to the general evolut ion o f theories o f development. M a r x is the first to propound a connect ion, in the case o f po l i t i ca l economy, when he argues that, The development of political economy and of the opposition to which it gives rise, keeps pace with the real development of the social contradictions and class conflicts inherent in capitalist production . . . for as long as working-class struggles were undeveloped or latent, political economy could remain a genuine scientific enterprise (Marx, 1969, p.501). It can be deduced that M a r x saw his o w n theoretical contr ibut ion as determined by the development o f class confl ic ts . T o understand and situate the term development as v i ewed i n this study on communi ty development, I argue that this crucia l relat ionship must be extended to brief ly cover more generally, the successive development theories throughout the history o f the capitalist mode o f product ion. H o w e v e r , as capi ta l i sm becomes increasingly internat ional ized and a thoroughly integrated g loba l market is created, development theories w i l l respond not just to the class struggles and social contradictions o f isolated capitalist countries, but also to the contradict ions and confl icts emerging w i t h i n the w o r l d capitalist system. In the case o f most deve lop ing countries, the 20 contradictions and struggles concern confl icts rooted i n the de-coloniza t ion process. In other situations, it includes re-orientation and addressing the challenges posed by increasing separation between peripheral and core economies ( A m i n , 1973; Wal le rs te in , 1976). 2.3 Community Development M a n y authors have wri t ten about the essence and fo rm o f commun i ty development ( A m e y a w , 1992a, 1992b; B o o t h r o y d and D a v i s , 1991; B u r k e y , 1993; Campfens , 1997; Chr is tenson and Jerry, 1989; Dasgupta and F a l l i s , 1990; Draper, 1971; and L o t z , 1971). M u c h o f their w o r k has focused o n c la r i fy ing the relat ionship between communi ty development and other socia l change processes, such as communi ty organizat ion and communi ty part icipat ion. In practice, i f a change process involves publ ic part icipat ion or socia l consultat ion, it gets labeled communi ty development. Howeve r , communi ty development can be more bounded than that. Dasgupta and F a l l i s (1990) describe communi ty development as a grouping o f people w o r k i n g through a process o f communa l socia l change. They v i e w empowerment o f communi ty members , part icipat ion, reflect ion, and act ion as essential ingredients i n this process. In addi t ion, communi ty development has been described i n four m a i n ways: a) as a process through w h i c h ind iv idua ls and groups advance, b) as a process that emphasizes pub l ic part icipat ion and involvement , c) as a programme organized, coordinated, and administered by field workers , and d) as a movement that has ph i losoph ica l and theoretical foundations rooted i n popular par t ic ipat ion ( A m e y a w , 1997; Burkey , 1993; C h e k k i , 1979; Sautoy, 1960). 21 C o m m u n i t y development also refers to planned init iat ives that help people ga in control over their aspirations to b r ing about soc ia l , economic , and po l i t i c a l change and redis tr ibut ion (Chris tenson and Jerry, 1989; Fr iedmann , 1992; R o s s and Usher , 1986). T h o u g h there have been diff icult ies i n establishing one un i fy ing f ramework o f c o m m u n i t y development, its fundamental def in ing elements have been suggested b y a variety o f authors. C o m m u n i t y development, it can be asserted, is a process: a) b y w h i c h c i t izens develop the capacity and potential to contribute to and make decis ions that affect their l ives , b) where a facili tator assists i n deve lop ing sk i l l s , knowledge , and abil i t ies o f the people to further commun i ty aspirations, c) w h i c h involves inst i tut ional assistance and support o f specialist services necessary to the enhancement o f the process, d) i n w h i c h ci t izens are ac t ive ly invo lved , e) where ind iv idua l and c o m m u n i t y competence is bui l t , f) where the commun i ty exert control over programs and projects, and g) where ind iv idua l s are consc ious ly engaged i n p lanned soc ia l change ( A l l e n , 1991; A m e y a w , 1992a; B o o t h r o y d and D a v i s , 1991; Bregha , 1971; L o t z , 1971; Se lman and D a m p i e r , 1991). F r o m the foregoing conceptual izat ion, the purpose o f c o m m u n i t y development c o u l d be described as a w a y o f p romot ing p lanned socia l change. In short, it is a w a y to describe the process o f cooperation, coordinat ion, and interaction, w h i c h are so essential for the improvement o f l i v i n g condit ions for most vulnerable c o m m u n i t y members . P rogrammes o f commun i ty development have been used i n many countries, and for v a r y i n g purposes, the most c o m m o n be ing i n pover ty a l levia t ion efforts (Campfens , 1997). D u r i n g the 1950s and 1960s, commun i ty development was promoted b y governments and specia l ized agencies o f the U n i t e d Na t ions 22 through its affil iated institutions, as part o f the f o l l o w i n g : the independence and de-co lon iza t ion movements i n A f r i c a and A s i a ; attempts to modernize the largely less sophisticated agricultural societies i n developing countries, and to launch campaigns o n poverty i n the more developed nations i n the late 1960s ( A m e y a w , 1997; Campfens , 1997). In the literature, communi ty development has been regarded both as an agent for planned social change and an educational process designed to enable disadvantaged communi t ies faced w i t h soc io-economic challenges to help themselves (B idd le and B i d d l e , 1968; Campfens , 1997). Campfens (1997, p.22) argues that "communi ty development i n recent years has related to the g rowing demand for a form o f planned change that empowers marginal groups to participate i n commun i ty and insti tutional dec i s ion-making processes." Based on a process whereby members o f a communi ty w o r k together to improve their social and economic circumstances, commun i ty development requires personnel w h o facilitate the transformation o f communi ty aspirations into achievable goals. W i t h the help o f a coordinator, commun i ty groups can examine their struggles, identify goals, and then develop strategies to meet these goals. In this process, learning (not luck) , is a bridge-point for the acquis i t ion o f sk i l l s necessary to achieve ultimate goals. The learning process occurs amongst communi ty members and can include learning about group process, ident i fy ing commun i ty resources, assessing avai lable options for change, and achiev ing consensus on the desired goal (Odoch , 1997, 1996, 1990, 1989). Despi te the fuzziness o f def in ing it ( B i d d l e and B i d d l e , 1968), commun i ty development continues to be u t i l i z ed as a veh ic le to address a variety o f goals: loca l 23 economic development, agricultural extension, health promot ion , soc ia l and welfare services, adult education ( B i d d l e and B i d d l e , 1968; B u r k e y , 1993; Campfens , 1997; C h e k k i , 1979; L o t z , 1971, U n i t e d Nat ions , 1971). F o r instance, The W o r l d H e a l t h Organiza t ion endorses a commun i ty development approach to health p romot ion i n its declarat ion o n p r imary health care (Green and Raeburn , 1988). T h i s declarat ion emphasizes c o m m u n i t y part icipat ion and self-reliance, w i t h ind iv idua ls , famil ies , and communi t ies assuming more responsibi l i ty for their o w n health ( W o r l d H e a l t h Organiza t ion , 1978). In this case W H O and health practitioners promote c o m m u n i t y development to help l o c a l people achieve their o w n objectives. C o m m u n i t y development is also regarded as ve ry broad, broad as an umbre l l a for a variety o f "programs, projects, activit ies and movements without a home" (Beran, 1967, p . 5). Despi te the divergence and divers i ty i n practice, one fundamental qual i ty unifies a l l c o m m u n i t y development processes: the m o b i l i z a t i o n and implementat ion o f commun i ty development ini t ia t ives i nvo lve c o m m u n i t y members themselves. B a s e d on the international literature, the practice o f c o m m u n i t y development can be summar ized as commun i ty members and facilitators taking charge o f their o w n dec i s ion -mak ing process, p lanning , implement ing and reaping the benefits therein. T h e practice invo lves the soc io-pol i t i ca l process o f "self-help, loca l leadership and in i t ia t ive , ne twork ing , and loca l capaci ty bu i l d ing" ( D y k e m a n , 1988, p . 10). It is from this perspective that the no t ion o f communi ty development gains its complex i ty , w h i l e s t i l l bear ing the traits o f "communi ty" and "development." The next sect ion focuses o n the o r i g i n o f c o m m u n i t y development, consider ing that it has gained almost un iversa l 24 recogni t ion i n the last f ive decades as a substantial force i n i nduc ing planned change i n communi t ies . 2.4 T h e o r i g i n o f c o m m u n i t y deve lopment It is not clear as to whether communi ty development began i n A f r i c a , A s i a , or L a t i n A m e r i c a . Regardless o f its vagueness i n o r ig in , it has become w i d e l y recognized as a way o f ach iev ing planned social and economic change (Campfens, 1997). F o r many years, communi ty development has been v i ewed as sole ly directed to rural communi t ies , but gradually, there has been acceptance o f the ideas that the normat ive characteristics and techniques o f communi ty development cou ld also be appl ied to urban areas (Hodge and Quader, 1983). There are some diff icul t ies i n do ing this, one o f w h i c h is locat ing the "communi ty" i n w h i c h to anchor the urban communi ty development ini t ia t ive. The a i m o f a communi ty development programme is not just to develop an ini t iat ive, but also to develop the people w h o eventually manage it. The earliest examples o f communi ty development as a way o f ach iev ing planned socia l change are to be found i n the 1920s i n India (Nyerere, 1973). In these in i t ia l years, the techniques appl ied i n pursuit o f the loca l ini t iat ives inc luded role-plays, story te l l ing , as w e l l as t ra ining selected loca l v i l lagers to w o r k in disadvantaged communi t ies . The areas most affected were the state o f health, l i teracy, hous ing and other socia l condi t ions i n the v i l lages o f Punjab. The m o b i l i z a t i o n o f the people to address these deplorable condi t ions — k n o w n as v i l l age uplif t - was later advanced by G a n d h i w h o v i e w e d i t as a means to ach iev ing the l iberat ion o f v i l lagers f rom destitution, something that c o u l d not be a "gift" f rom the r u l i n g power . M u c h o f the same phi losophy w o u l d be observed a few decades later i n the l iberat ion theology and options for the poor that emerged i n L a t i n A m e r i c a (Gutierrez, 25 1973; Tamez , 1982). T h e ph i losophy o f commun i ty development fits w e l l w i t h these ideas as i t embraces the no t ion that, "the poor must be treated as subjects o f their o w n transformation and participate ac t ive ly i n the formulat ion and execut ion o f development ini t ia t ives" (Campfens, 1997, p.38). W i t h regard to A f r i c a , m u c h o f present day commun i ty development arose out o f experiences gained i n the B r i t i s h co lon ia l territories i n A f r i c a where the ideo logy e v o l v e d f rom the earlier concept o f mass education. A 1944 B r i t i s h government report, " M a s s Educa t ion i n A f r i c a n Socie ty" resulted i n commun i ty development b e c o m i n g part o f B r i t i s h government foreign p o l i c y . W h e n the B r i t i s h L a b o u r government came to p o w e r i n 1945, it commi t ted i t se l f to granting independence to the colonies . T h i s was not a n e w attitude for the L a b o u r Party. It had advocated such a m o v e as early as 1923 (Cla rke , 1967; U g a n d a C o m m i s s i o n for U N E S C O , 1984). In 1948, the Cambr idge Conference o n A f r i c a n A d m i n i s t r a t i o n stressed the importance o f educating people to become agents for soc ia l change i n order to improve their o w n l i v i n g condi t ions . Nevertheless, many problems faced the B r i t i s h C o l o n i a l Of f ice w h e n it decided, after W o r l d W a r II, to prepare the colonies for self-government. It was w i t h i n this context that the term "communi ty development" was invented. T h i s t e rm first appeared i n print i n the book " C o m m u n i t y Deve lopment" a handbook prepared b y a study conference o n c o m m u n i t y development i n E n g l a n d i n 1957 (Ibid.). " M a s s educat ion" as a term fe l l into disrepute because o f the p o l i t i c a l overtone o f the w o r d "mass" and the diff icul t ies o f translating it into several A f r i c a n languages. A s a result it was replaced b y the term "communi ty development." A l s o , i n 1960, the U n i t e d Na t ions Educa t iona l Scient i f ic and Cu l tu ra l Organiza t ion ( U N E S C O ) , f o l l o w i n g the 26 earlier B r i t i s h co lon ia l office diff icul t situation stated above, abandoned the term "fundamental education" and adopted i n its place the term "communi ty development." Later, the U n i t e d Na t ions agencies fo l l owed suit. 2.5 M a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f c o m m u n i t y deve lopment There i s a tendency for many communi ty development workers to regard communi ty development as a way o f creating communi ty awareness o f the need for planned change and to motivate people to take act ion to improve their soc io-economic situation. The 1971 Un i t ed Nat ions Report , "Popular Par t ic ipat ion i n Development : E m e r g i n g Trends i n C o m m u n i t y Development" identifies a broad range o f activit ies that fal l under the umbre l la term o f communi ty development. T w o elements stand out in the def ini t ion o f the term: first, efforts by the people themselves to improve their condi t ions, and second, assistance from government to make it possible for communi t i es to achieve set goals. T w o further d imensions can be deduced from the U n i t e d Nat ions ' v i e w o f communi ty development to cover both educational and organizat ional processes. It is generally recognized that a communi ty development programme w i l l have: a purpose o f ach iev ing goals set by those w h o m the programme is intended to serve; f inancia l and other assistance f rom outside the communi ty ; u t i l i za t ion o f as many loca l communi ty resources as possible ( A m e y a w , 1997; B u r k e y , 1993). A d d i t i o n a l l y , the success o f communi ty development not on ly requires communi ty part ic ipat ion, but also the po l i t i ca l commitment to the process by government (Fr iedmann, 1992). T h i s section identifies the various forms o f communi ty development as found i n international literature. 27 Community development as process A s a process, communi ty development involves a series o f changes, w i t h people w o r k i n g together for mutual benefit. T h i s includes a progress ion o f wel l -def ined steps f rom the ident i f icat ion o f problems, r ank ing o f priori t ies , ident i f icat ion o f resources avai lable and services required, program p lann ing and invo lvement i n the implementat ion o f programmes. Types o f commun i ty development as a method inc lude group development, leadership development, organizat ion and management development, and i m p r o v i n g inter-group relations ( B i d d l e and B i d d l e , 1968; B u r k e y , 1993; Ca ry , 1989; C h e k k i , 1979; Chris tensen and Jerry, 1989; C o m p t o n , 1970; L o t z , 1971; O d o c h , 1997). In labe l ing communi ty development as a process, there is an emphasis o n the humanis t ic aspect o f development. T h i s includes both the soc ia l and the psycholog ica l processes, w h i c h affect the growth o f people as ind iv idua l s and as a g r o u p . T h i s process is especial ly important i n creating change. The process is not a lways a smooth one, as in most communi t ies it is c o m m o n to find those w h o want change as w e l l as those who resist it (Burkey , 1993). The communi ty development process is also a po l i t i ca l one, as it affects some real locat ion o f power and resources i n communi t ies . T h i s often results in communi ty development workers and communi ty ini t iat ives c o m i n g into confl ic t w i t h pol i t ic ians or bureaucrats (Christensen and Jerry, 1989). T o be effective, there must be a po l i t i ca l commitment to the communi ty development process. Government must see the value o f the approach and publ ic off ic ials should value the need to be part o f the cooperative process. T h i s c o u l d take a po l i t i ca l commitment to establish a departmental organizat ion to carry out the coordinat ion and cooperative aspects o f the process. 28 Communi ty development as method A s a method, communi ty development is a w a y o f w o r k i n g , a mode o f operat ion, through w h i c h loca l organizations can achieve their set goals. It also inc lude the efforts directed at the performance o f indiv iduals , groups and organizations i n the context o f their communi ty . T h e method o f operation includes cooperat ion between ind iv idua l s and between organizations. It also requires the coordinat ion o f the efforts o f a l l those ind iv idua l s and organizations i n v o l v e d i n the objectives. A b o v e a l l , it includes c i t i zen par t ic ipat ion i n development activities that affect them. C o m m o n methods inc lude c o m m u n i t y organiz ing , group work , adult educat ion and demonstrat ion ( B i d d l e and B i d d l e , 1968; C a r y , 1989; C o m p t o n , 1970; K n o w l e s , 1982; L o t z , 1971). Communi ty development as social movement Other practitioners regard commun i ty development as a soc ia l movement . A s a movement , c o m m u n i t y development is expressed i n the form o f self-help groups, cooperatives, c o m m u n i t y associations, and commun i ty economic development. In this case, the a i m is to w o r k c lose ly w i t h marg ina l ized groups, d rawing o n id le resources and "free" labour, and to combine the resources w i t h capital investments i n order to address soc io-economic problems faced. T h e strategies appl ied here include the establishment o f communi ty -based organizations, leadership training, fund-raising and soc ia l act ion ini t iat ives. T h e organizations are so l i d ly based o n the "bottom up" p r inc ip le and where c o m m u n i t y coordinators catalyze active par t ic ipat ion o f the c o m m u n i t y members i n goa l attainment (Boo th royd , 1991; Chris tensen and Jerry, 1989; O d o c h , 1996; R o s s and Ushe r , 1986; Warner , 1989). 29 Community development as programme A s a programme, commun i ty development embodies po l i cy , clearly stated objectives, p lanning , i n c l u d i n g a l l the necessary act ivi t ies required for car ry ing out the plans, and w o r k i n g towards the achievement o f set objectives. The programme is usual ly focused upon the development o f one or more communi t ies , and the soc ia l , economic and po l i t i ca l aspects o f development are inc luded. T h e basic elements o f such a programme are o f two k inds : those internal to the communi ty , and that external to the communi ty . The internal elements include the not ion o f self-help, active par t ic ipat ion i n a group process, and actual implementa t ion o f plans by members o f the communi ty . It also includes the m a x i m u m use o f resources w i t h i n the communi ty and attention to the structural, functional , and cul tural aspects o f the communi ty ( A m e y a w , 1992a, 1992b). The external elements relate to cooperat ion between a l l pub l i c , private and international agencies p rov id ing development services to the communi ty , and the coordinat ion o f the loca l development efforts w i t h those o f an area, regional or nat ional programme as may be desirable or necessary (Ibid.). These internal and external elements may be inter- l inked through the l i a i son and coordinat ion o f both internal (communi ty) and external (other levels) efforts to achieve c o m m o n declared goals. The U n i t e d Na t ions (1971) suggests a three-type c lass i f icat ion o f communi ty development programme: integrative, adaptive, and project. A c c o r d i n g to this c lass i f icat ion, commun i ty development programmes m a y be class i f ied accord ing to their geographic scope (integrative), sectoral emphasis o n development ini t iat ives (adaptive), and nature o f commun i ty organizat ion (project). T h i s typology , however , p rovides on ly for broad categories and there may be variat ions w i t h i n each type. There may also be an 30 overlap between one type and another. The integrative type programme is useful i n situations where regular technical services are non-existent, whereas the adaptive type may be more suitable i n areas where technical services may be avai lable . The project type programme, o n the other hand, lends i t se l f to use i n v i l lages , especia l ly where a m u l t i -functional approach seems to be most appropriate. Community development as social development T o the U n i t e d Nat ions (1971), the term "social development" is synonymous w i t h communi ty development. O n the other hand", some governments, as an alternative to "social welfare" use socia l development. F o r myself , I see the term "socia l development" as representing a process, w h i c h aims at ach iev ing the o p t i m u m level o f funct ioning and quali ty o f l i fe for ind iv idua ls and communi t ies . In this way, the terms socia l development and communi ty development can be regarded as being c lose ly interrelated? Community development as social planning A t the v i l l age l eve l , especial ly i n sub-Sahara A f r i c a , there has been a cont inued need for a way to improve the qual i ty o f life ( A C O R D , 1991; A m e y a w , 1992a). T h i s is especial ly significant consider ing the majority w h o s t i l l l i ve b e l o w the poverty l ine in the increasingly complex soc io-economic setting. A n alternative approach to the search for solutions to complex problems and soc ia l development efforts can be achieved through the appl ica t ion o f socia l p lanning. S o c i a l p lann ing and c o m m u n i t y development do not mean the same th ing, a l though they are c lose ly related. They are however s imi la r based on their approach that concerns the w e l l being o f communi t ies ; invo lves intervention in the l ives o f communi t ies ; and, both require the par t ic ipat ion o f members o f the communi ty i f their objectives are to be 31 achieved (Ande r son and Boo th royd , 1989; Boo th royd , 1991). Therefore, i n practice, communi ty development may use socia l p lanning, and socia l p lanning may use communi ty development. Community development as local level participation G i v e n the inherent l imita t ions o f compet ing theories o f development to address the situation and the pos i t ion o f the v i l lage communi t ies more direct ly , it is just i f iable that the search for development alternatives became more prominent i n recent years. O v e r the last decade, a number o f communi ty-groups and academics have developed models for loca l l eve l part icipatory development . Consequent ly , f i e ld experimentat ion and research as strategies w h i c h focus and engage rural communi t ies , rather than macro-scale institutions, have emerged ( B r o w n , 1985). U s i n g "participatory" as a concept, B r o w n (1985, p.70) emphasizes "a people-centred learning process that can transform loca l patterns o f awareness, equal ize dis t r ibut ion o f power and resources, and increase part icipat ion i n development act ivi ty." The approach places the "burden" o f analysis, p lann ing and implementa t ion w i t h loca l insti tutions rather than external or national agents (Burkey , 1993). It identifies communi ty level leadership and rural organizat ions as the most effective units to undertake rehabil i tat ion o f communi t ies , and for the implementa t ion o f self-reliant, sustainable development efforts ( A m e y a w , 1992a; B r o w n , 1985; B u r k e y , 1993; H a l l , 1984; Chambers , 1992, 1994a, 1994b; O d o c h , 1996). It is this emphasis that makes the Part icipatory Rura l Appra i s a l ( P R A ) quite different f rom the tradit ional , synoptic p rob lem so lv ing techniques and the associated culture o f "development experts" ( H a l l , 1984). Freire's (1987) cr i t ica l conscient izat ion and empowerment speaks di rect ly to this approach, as it places the intended beneficiaries o f development ini t ia t ive at the forefront o f the process and f rom whose perspective the fundamental p rob lem is presented and understood. Part icipatory R u r a l A p p r a i s a l is a method that has evo lved for loca l and participatory p lann ing and employed by a number o f agencies and organizat ions i n developing countries o f A f r i c a and elsewhere ( A C O R D , 1991; Chambers , 1992, 1994a, 1994b; H a l l , 1984). Popula r ly k n o w n as P R A , the approach is buil t on the premise that ind iv idua l rural communi t ies reside i n unique settings and have accumulated sk i l l s and knowledge for sustaining themselves from generation to generation ( B r o w n , 1985; A C O R D , 1991). In short, it concerns i t se l f w i t h "an integrated act ivi ty that combines social invest igat ion, educational work and act ion . . . and the beneficiaries are the people concerned" ( H a l l , 1984, p.7). P R A approach recognizes that, al though communi ty residents have a good w o r k i n g knowledge o f ecologica l and development needs, they do not necessarily have the means to systematize this informat ion or m o b i l i z e themselves to take appropriate action. It draws mult i -sectoral teams, w h o m together w i th commun i ty members , assess communi ty needs and priori t ies and then create v iab le implementa t ion strategies to achieve the identif ied needs. The strategies become the basis for act ion i n the v i l lage communi t ies and enable loca l institutions, government units and non-governmental organizations to cooperate ( A m e y a w , 1992b; Chambers , 1992, 1994a, 1994b; H a l l , 1984). P R A draws upon knowledge and sk i l l s already i n the communi ty ; it creates a setting i n w h i c h loca l residents exchange informat ion w i t h one another and the local technical officers; it provides a structure for the expression and implementat ion o f loca l aspirations and goals; and it facilitates a ranked l i s t ing o f v i l l age project activit ies that 33 funding agencies m a y consider to support (Chambers , 1992 ,1994a) . In sum, it sets i n place a development strategy w h i c h commun i ty members and institutions can implement , sustain and p roud ly c a l l their o w n . T h e P R A functions effectively by engaging the rural c o m m u n i t y di rect ly ( A m e y a w , 1992a, 1992b; Chambers , 1992). Firs t , it serves to m o b i l i z e c o m m u n i t y institutions around issues o f sustainable commun i ty development by ra is ing awareness o f what can be accompl i shed and h o w to achieve their stated objectives. Second, it systematizes rural part icipat ion by he lp ing loca l communi t ies to define their o w n problems and identify potential solutions to them. T h i r d , it enables communi t ies to rank options, based on loca l pr iori t ies , feasibi l i ty, eco log ica l sustainabil i ty, and cost effectiveness (Chambers , 1992,1994a) . Four th , it sets out pr ior i t ies i n a c o m m u n i t y -based p l an for resource management. F i f th , it is cost effective because it uses technica l officers w h o are already assigned to the field. B r o w n (1985, p.74) points out that "participatory research offers a strategy for l oca l education, research, and organiza t ion that is consistent w i t h the assumptions o f people-centred development." T h i s , however , explicates the fact that al though part icipatory rural appraisal cannot be equated to c o m m u n i t y development (because the former focuses o n the marg ina l and powerless segment o f the communi ty , w h i l e the latter directs i t se l f at the entire c o m m u n i t y ) it is clear that c o m m u n i t y development can achieve its goals us ing techniques f rom P R A . Community development as empowerment C o m m u n i t y empowerment is not an outcome o f a s ingle event; it is a cont inuous process that enables people to understand, upgrade their capaci ty to better control and ga in p o w e r over their o w n l ives . Spec i f ica l ly , it embraces the process o f "ga in ing 34 influence over conditions that matter to people who share neighbourhoods, workplaces, experiences, or concerns" (Fawcett et al, 1995, p.679). It provides people with choices and the ability to choose, as well as to gain more control over resources they need in order to improve their conditions (Friedmann, 1992). Fawcett et al (1995, p.679) outline four community empowerment strategies that include: "enhancing experience and competence; enhancing group structure and capacity; removing social and environmental barriers; and enhancing environmental support and resources." From this perspective, it is important for a community development process to integrate the notion of empowerment. Based on the foregoing conceptualization, it could be argued that inherent within community development is the notion of empowerment. Empowerment refers to the. process of transferring authority, influence, and resources to marginalized people, thereby making more conscious of their own power (Friedmann, 1992; Searle, 1990). Empowerment with respect to community development involves identifying the source of decision-making authority, knowledge and an understanding and willingness to institute change. In the traditional view, there is a finite amount of power. And to realize and act on one's power means the other has to give up theirs. In community development, realizing empowerment involves realization of power by those less powerful and not necessarily relinquishing powers by those already in power. Viewed from this perspective, information is seen as a source of power. It becomes relatively easy to use and misuse information within the community development process. Empowerment influences and people are empowered when they feel they are competent and have influence over prevailing events. Searle (1990) suggests that central to empowerment are the components of information and trust. Implying that information is closely linked to 35 power or influence and notes that the quality, quantity and typology of information directly determine the ability of an individual or group to influence others. Thus, continuous and direct communication between community development facilitators and community members is critical in the empowerment process. Ward (1986) argues that in community development, facilitation of those with less power and/or resources guarantees the effectiveness of sustainable community development initiatives. Thus, it is possible to empower individuals for community development considering that the ultimate benefit of the development initiative and process rests with the community itself. Empowerment occurs when individuals in a community realize that their position is part of a bigger, structural setting. From this perspective, factors that inhibit or enhance the sharing of information such as time, energy, money, and politics should be identified. Furthermore, connections between the community "development facilitator, and that of local members be established, in order to ensure that information is shared in a form usable by both the groups and the facilitator. Community development as advocacy The advocacy approach in community development has three different aspects to it and can be separated according to whether it is advocacy on behalf of individuals, or a collective, or a social issue (Stockdale, 1976). Issue advocacy differs from the other two to the degree that the power structure is usually the target for action and there may be no clear ties with the community. There is a tendency for people involved in individual advocacy to move toward issue oriented or social advocacy (Ibid.). Some groups, in fact, attempt to operate on all three levels. Moreover, individual advocacy shares many attributes with social planning due to its elitist nature, yet as advocacy moves in the 36 di rec t ion o f the soc ia l advocacy mode l , it becomes more c lose ly associated w i t h the soc ia l act ion or o rgan iz ing m o d e l (Fr iedmann, 1992). T h i s is par t icular ly so w h e n attempts are made to place power i n the hands o f the people. A l l advocacy models , however , main ta in the dis t inct ive feature o f deal ing w i t h a h i g h l y bureaucratized, inhuman and unjust society. A d v o c a c y can be characterized as the commun i ty development approach that sets i n m o t i o n the dynamic process o f developing consensus and a mandate for act ion. It br ings together l i ke -minded all ies w i t h a c o m m o n goal . A d v o c a c y i n c o m m u n i t y development include: persuading pub l i c op in ion o n a pressing soc ia l p rob lem; v o i c i n g people ' s demand for access to service u t i l i za t ion such as c o m m u n i t y health; l o b b y i n g for increases i n household disposable incomes, i nc lud ing actions that create new employment opportunit ies; democra t iz ing access to credit and income generation activit ies for the disadvantaged; p romot ing a more l oca l control o f resources; s t r iv ing for more equi ty and economic jus t ice; decreasing skewedness i n the dis t r ibut ion o f income and weal th ; in f luenc ing c o m m u n i t y development-related actions b y ensuring active peoples ' par t ic ipat ion through informed dec is ion-making; and i m p r o v i n g the access o f beneficiaries and facilitators to rel iable commun i ty development-related informat ion ( A m e y a w , 1992b; Stockdale , 1976). Community development as social mobilization S o c i a l m o b i l i z a t i o n can be characterized as the c o m m u n i t y development approach that gets people ac t ive ly i n v o l v e d i n development process and addresses the more basic causes o f underdevelopment. Therefore the basic a i m is to m o b i l i z e resources, p lace 37 concrete demands, network, b u i l d coal i t ions and consolidate sustainable development and actions ( A m e y a w , 1992b). T y p i c a l l y , soc ia l mob i l i z a t i on i n commun i ty development includes: ar t iculat ing people ' s felt needs into concrete demands and c la ims so they can u l t imate ly better fight for their rights; m o b i l i z i n g people ' s o w n and other identif ied needed resources i n c l u d i n g those not p rev ious ly used; ne twork ing w i t h others, s t r iv ing for ach iev ing a c r i t i ca l mass o f concerned people ( loca l ly and externally), for coa l i t ion b u i l d i n g ; operat ing i n complete p rogram cycles , thus co l l ec t ive ly ident i fy ing problems, searching for solut ions and implement ing them and later o n assess their impacts; g i v i n g people respons ib i l i ty to make decisions, thus increasing their self-esteem and confidence (Ibid. , 1992; Shuftan, 1996). Community development as facilitation W i t h i n c o m m u n i t y development, a facil i tator 's role is to enhance learning (Se lman and Dampie r , 1991). Sometimes, a facili tator guides and manages a group through the process o f p rob lem so lv ing . B y w o r k i n g w i t h groups, a facil i tator helps broaden their perspectives and opportunities. In other words , communi t ies k n o w what they need; they might just not k n o w h o w to get those needs met. It is i n this context that a facil i tator serves as a br idge point and guides them toward appropriate sources, and assist ing w i t h the ass imi la t ion and understanding o f the condi t ions . Fac i l i t a t ing is so diverse; there is no one s ingle approach to the process (Warner , 1989). Fac i l i t a t i on includes act ing as a resource for group p rob lem s o l v i n g strategies and for coordina t ing personnel (Ibid.). Thus , a commun i ty development facili tator should be able to do m a n y things: conduct needs assessment, encourage commun i ty par t ic ipat ion, educate others, 38 present alternatives, analyze informat ion, develop loca l leadership, and assist i n the implementat ion o f strategies (Warner , 1989). D r a w i n g on the theoretical formulat ion o f the communi ty development worker as a guide and enabler, Campfens (1997, p.35) outlines the basic components o f this role to include: "awakening and focusing discontent among people at the communi ty level about social and economic condit ions; encouraging associations and organizations to assume responsibi l i ty for act ion; nour ish ing good interpersonal relations; and emphas iz ing c o m m o n objectives." It is therefore c ruc ia l that facilitators need to possess a mult i tude o f sk i l l s i n the areas o f human relations, group dynamics , socia l ac t ion processes, and leadership development. Effect ive communi ty faci l i ta t ion is the qual i ty o f relat ionship between the practit ioner and communi ty members (Warner , 1989). C o m m u n i t y development facilitators usual ly w o r k i n a w ide range o f settings and often br ing to the communi ty , knowledge that may be found or famil iar to communi ty or a style that is unfamil iar . It is i n this context that a communi ty development facil i tator introduces relevant sk i l l s and practices w h i l e r emain ing sensitive to the needs and wishes o f communi ty members . Thus , the faci l i tator 's role is to ensure that commun i ty ' s interests are fostered in the final analysis (Warner , 1989). ' The debate over whose interests are best served continues to remain at the core o f communi ty development phi losophy. A l t h o u g h this may be reduced to w o r k i n g for or w i t h a group, the ult imate a i m o f communi ty development process is to create a favourable environment i n w h i c h communi t ies are helped to help themselves. B l o d i n (1971) outl ines the role o f facili tators and describes their goal as the achievement o f self-39 determination amongst a group o f people so that the group is able to make decis ions and choices freely and to cope w i t h the resul t ing consequences. H e also describes h o w . f rom a functionalist perspective, a facil i tator works w i t h groups to reach coherent decis ions autonomously. Howeve r , i n descr ib ing a facil i tator f rom a humanis t ic perspective, B l o d i n (1971) suggests that the coordinator should seek to b u i l d cohesion and c o m m o n perceptions w i t h i n the communi ty and help develop c o m m o n act ion plans. C o m m u n i t y d e v e l o p m e n t as c a p a c i t y b u i l d i n g Capaci ty bu i ld ing can be characterized as the approach to communi ty development that raises people ' s knowledge , awareness and sk i l l s to use their o w n capacity and that f rom avai lable support systems, to resolve the more under lying causes o f mal-development (Shuftan, 1996). Capac i ty bu i ld ing helps communi ty to better understand the dec i s ion-making process; to communica te more effectively at different levels and to take decisions, eventually ins t i l l ing in them a sense o f confidence to manage their o w n destinies. In operational terms, capacity bu i ld ing i n communi ty development includes the abi l i ty to: anticipate and influence change; make informed, intell igent decis ions about po l i cy ; develop programs to implement po l i cy ; attract and absorb resources; manage resources and evaluate current activit ies to guide future act ion (Ibid. 1996). Thus , i f capacity includes the abi l i ty to anticipate and influence change, there needs to be an ongo ing assessment o f what the organizat ion is do ing . T h i s should inc lude: moni to r ing what it is currently do ing ; evaluat ing h o w w e l l it appears to be do ing it; and assessing whether the current l eve l o f effort is appropriate over t ime (Ibid.). T h i s informat ion can be used to improve future organizat ional performance (Stake, 1978). 40 Impl ic i t ly , capacity bu i ld ing i n communi ty development embraces: enabl ing indiv iduals or communi t ies [through informat ion, t ra ining and organizat ion] to cont inuously upgrade their knowledge o f loca l situations and problems; generating a shared framework o f the causes to problems faced; expos ing people to relevant informat ion, especial ly about the real under ly ing and basic causes to their problems, i n order to change their perceptions; emphas iz ing the p r o v i s i o n o f sk i l l s that lead to communi ty ownership o f the interventions taken; g i v i n g h igh pr ior i ty to l i teracy, especial ly for the disadvantaged; boost ing peoples ' (the vulnerable) negotiat ing sk i l l s , as w e l l as their confidence; emphas iz ing the t raining o f l oca l leadership, teaching them to carry out socia l and po l i t i ca l mob i l i z a t i on that point to the current structure o f control o f resources, as w e l l as to carry out dec is ion audits o f w h o makes what decis ions about what; and t ra ining communi ty animators/ validators as loca l strategic al l ies to introduce new ideas ( A m e y a w , 1997; Freire , 1972, 1987; Shuftan, 1996). In sum, then, a communi ty development f ramework w o u l d be more instrumental i f it incorporates capacity b u i l d i n g as an element. A l t h o u g h the abi l i ty to attract resources cou ld be equated w i t h organizat ional capacity, for example , it is important f rom a funding perspective to k n o w i f the recipients can absorb and manage funds effect ively and apply what they learn f rom their experiences. C o m m u n i t y d e v e l o p m e n t a s a d u l t e d u c a t i o n In commun i ty development , educat ion and t ra in ing are regarded as essential and, f rom a humanis t ic perspective, people are v i e w e d as hav ing the capacity to and the need for learning. A d u l t s are v i e w e d to learn as ind iv idua l s , as groups, and as a communi ty . L i t t l e (1980) suggests that adults learn throughout their l ives and such learning invo lves 41 behavioura l changes, ga in ing new insights, expectations and out looks, and changing then-personal capacities. A d u l t education has l ong been concerned w i t h the issue o f knowledge access and its u t i l iza t ion . Pragmat ic theorist K n o w l e s (1982) has suggested that recogni t ion o f the learner's experience is a cornerstone o f adult education. Furthermore, Fre i re (1972) highl ights the importance o f the knowledge adults b r ing w i t h them into a learning encounter. It is f rom this perspective mat c o m m u n i t y development ini t iat ives can immense ly benefit f rom the pract ical and l i v e d experiences o f people it engages i n generating pos i t ive attitudes, socia l and learning sk i l l s . A d u l t educat ion theories are more valuable i n the process o f commun i ty development because they emphasize faci l i ta t ion o f learning i n w h i c h both thought and act ion are important components (Freire, 1972). A l t h o u g h learning can happen anywhere and at anytime, it c o u l d be assumed that it is more l i k e l y to occur w h e n faci l i ta t ion processes are systematic. It can further be argued that a practi t ioner seeking solutions to commun i ty problems, before they are c lear ly understood, is counter-productive to the commun i ty development process. T h i s is not, however , intended to suggest that a commun i ty development facil i tator approaches c o m m u n i t y organizat ion, devo id o f personal values and beliefs. Rather, it is to recognize that members o f a commun i ty m a y have very different values and beliefs about their needs and goals to that o f the facili tator (Warner, 1989). L e a r n i n g and understanding w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y must be acquired before act ion occurs (Roberts, 1979). A n d this impl i e s that a facil i tator introduces the sk i l l s c ruc ia l to set goals. In c o m m u n i t y development , group format ion is a strategy that enhances organizat ion 's ab i l i ty to deal w i t h challenges o f ach iev ing their c o m m o n aspirations. T h e type o f help m a y vary , but 42 the assumption is that regardless o f the type o f help desired, a facil i tator w i l l assist i n the process o f ind iv idua ls ' and groups' learning so they might m o b i l i z e act ion plans more effect ively (Searle, 1990; Warner , 1989). The next section examines the p o l i t i c a l theories that have inf luenced the commun i ty development approaches over the years. 2.6 Development theories underpinning community development practice H a v i n g rev iewed commun i ty and development as terms w i t h w h i c h c o m m u n i t y development is c lose ly associated w i t h an examinat ion o f development theories underpinning commun i ty development practice is imperat ive for two reasons: first, to analyze their inherent l imitat ions, and second, to create an understanding o n the debate that emerged dur ing the 1970s o n re th inking the term development. T h i s study acknowledges that, for the most part, development theories advanced toward sub-Sahara A f r i c a have p roved contentious, and remained s ingular ly inappropriate to the A f r i c a n circumstance largely because they were based o n the modernist , b inary , and paternalistic thought structures o f Western culture (Alatas , 1993; C h a m b u a , 1994; H immel s t r and , 1994; M o n g u l a , 1994; Parpart, 1993). In addi t ion, the theories address the issues o f development w i t h greater generali ty that render them incapable o f g u i d i n g p o l i c y makers o n specifics for commun i ty development efforts (Kennedy , 1988). C o n s i d e r i n g that each o f the compet ing theories o f development possess inherent l imi ta t ions w h e n directed at soc io-economic development, scholars from deve lop ing countries assert that, "time has c o m e . . . to carefully study the development processes . . . after de-co loniza t ion and come out w i t h o r ig ina l theories to account for that development 43 and h o w A f r i c a [developing countries] can overcome the underdevelopment" (Chambua . 1994, p.44). T o substantiate the foregoing argument, I r ev iew i n this section the theories advanced toward development efforts: l iber tar ianism, p lu ra l i sm, moderniza t ion , s tructural ism, dependency, and unequal exchange. A l s o r ev iewed are basic needs approach, insti tutional bu i ld ing , and reinstatement o f l ibertar ianism and the consequent phenomenon dur ing the 1970s — the non-governmental approach ~ w h i c h arose from the v i e w that that the state should on ly create the conduc ive condi t ions for the loca l people to pursue their o w n path to desired development goals. Libertarianism Liber ta r ian ism, the po l i t i ca l theory that underpinned most new developing countries path to development, arose i n Eng land out o f the new midd le classes ' struggle against the aris tocracy's economic and po l i t i ca l formations. There, the new entrepreneurial class strove to th row o f f the aristocratic inf luence, w h i c h i n government, granted radical discret ion to off ic ia ls , i n favor o f aristocratic interests (Chambl i s s and Se idman, 1981; H a y et a l , 1975). L iber ta r ian ism rested on an explanat ion for the arbitrariness, secrecy, corrupt ion, and government-by-crony that supported mercant i l i sm and made entrepreneurial act ivi ty i n the market economy almost imposs ib le . T o tame aristocratic power , l iber tar ianism formulated both the normat ive basis for a po l i t i ca l system, and institutions a imed at establishing it (Chambl i s s and Se idman, 1981). Resonat ing w i t h c lass ica l economics , it assumed that the w o r l d consists o f "free" ind iv idua l s endowed w i t h natural (i.e., pre-po l i t i ca l ) rights. T h e role o f the state was seen to be one o f p r o v i d i n g a neutral f ramework 44 through w h i c h rights bearing, free ind iv idua l s interact (Ibid. 1981). Unde r the libertarian scheme, therefore, the role o f the state cou ld be summar ized i n three major functions: "the protection o f private property rights; the protect ion o f a market through w h i c h ind iv idua ls can arrange and re-arrange those rights; and, to respect i nd iv idua l preferences w h i c h manifest themselves through an exchange process" (Macpherson , 1977, p.26-27). The l ibertarian assumption that states that an ind iv idua l is free and equal before the market is problematic i n developing countries' context. Th i s is due to the fact that lack or mis-management o f resources and opportunities systematically constrain many people i n developing countries f rom act ively part icipat ing in the soc io-economic and pol i t i ca l l ife o f the country ( M a m d a n i , 1983, 1994). Further, the fact that the state may formal ly wi thdraw from some spheres o f l i fe , and that the third sector or non-governmental, organizations ( N G O ) take over some o f its functions does not necessarily mean that the state has totally wi thd rawn from the field (Ibid. 1983, 1994). In many ways, the state continues to set the parameters, often i m p l i c i t l y , w i t h i n w h i c h organizat ions continue to function. The l ibertarian concept ion o f state and the market brings unacceptable costs to developing countries. It may s i m p l y consecrate the unequal dis t r ibut ion o f resources both between the elite and the masses, and between var ious countries and trans-national entities. It is this phenomenon that has tended to remain h is tor ica l ly insensi t ive and inst i tut ional ly imperia l is t to those vulnerable to successfully compete i n the market. Thus , to most deve lop ing countries, the l ibertarian agenda is problemat ic , not because there are unacceptable levels o f state intervention i n the area o f private property, but rather to its inner premises that contradicts a country's situation, most often possessing a fractured 45 middle class, w i t h i n a pre-industrial society, and heavi ly surrounded by the lust for moderniza t ion ( M a m d a n i , 1994). Three other categories o f development theory arose to exp la in the failure o f the nation state: moderniza t ion , w i t h p lu ra l i sm as a p r inc ipa l component; various versions o f M a r x i s m ; and what other scholars prefer to c a l l "pol i t ica l cho ice" theory and the "non-governance" school . Some authors suggest that these theories burst on the scene, brief ly blazed furiously, and then decl ined (Chazan , et a l , 1988). In the next section, I present a discuss ion o f these different perspectives. Modernization theory R o s t o w ' s (1985) theory about the relat ionship between the stages o f e c o n o m i c . growth and the si tuation o f the newly deve lop ing countries exact ly fits the premises o f modern iza t ion theory. H e typ ica l ly argues that it is useful, as w e l l as roughly accurate, to regard the process o f development observed i n less sophisticated societies o f south east A s i a , sub-Sahara A f r i c a , and L a t i n A m e r i c a , as analogous to the stages o f precondit ions and take-off that more sophisticated societies went through in the late eighteenth, nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It is not that R o s t o w (1985) does not recognize the existence o f his tor ical differences between the si tuation i n these t w o types o f societies. H i s point is that al though some differences may hinder the process o f take-off, the most crucia l o f them tend to facilitate it. The biggest d i f f icul ty is p rovoked by the greatest advantage: access to modern technology, i nc lud ing medic ine , lowers mortal i ty rates and increases popula t ion thus creating problems o f chronic unemployment and poverty w h i c h require bigger investment and growth rates jus t to prevent them f rom getting worse. Ano the r dif f icul ty is 46 the C o l d W a r i n so far as deve lop ing countries were sucked into this conf l ic t and were ob l iged to distract t ime and resources f rom development tasks. S t i l l , R o s t o w (1985) argues that there are t w o major advantages w h i c h nations that took off first d i d not have: on the one hand the existence o f an already developed modern technology w h i c h is available to underdeveloped countries; and, on the other hand, international a id and technical assistance p rov ided by developed countries. M o d e r n i z a t i o n theory became especial ly popular among the first generation o f Af r i cans educated overseas ( M o n g u l a , 1994). In its normative form, the theory impl ies that to become modern , a state should adopt an admittedly modern state. In its posi t ive aspect, modern iza t ion theory holds that p lu ra l i sm explains the po l i t i ca l choices o f the state (Ibid. 1994). N o t on ly does moderniza t ion theory "over look the role o f grassroots part ic ipat ion, but it also fails miserably" because it does not recognize that "development cannot be forced on people" (Ibid. 1994, p.89). M o d e r n i z a t i o n theory argues that a deve lop ing country should copy the characteristics o f a western, industr ia l ized, capitalist nation. These academics apparently assume that "copying on paper" the institutions o f the metropol is produces modernizat ion. W h e n it does not, they ma in ly blame the deve lop ing societies i n quest ion, c l a i m i n g that they lack the necessary modern subjective values and attitudes (Ikiara, 1994; Weiner , 1966). Thus , despite several decades that modern iza t ion theory had been in place, it faced challenges, especial ly when one observes h o w some societies have remained relat ively underdeveloped. Some theorists however place this l imi ta t ion to the predatory state on the of f ic ia l s ' psyche (Himmels t rand , 1994). Bu t , whatever its powers, a 47 government has o n l y re la t ively sma l l potential for t ransforming the value sets o f its people , the greater poss ib i l i ty for development indeed rests w i t h the determinat ion o f communi t i es themselves. P l u r a l i s t t h e o r y Plura l i s t theory seeks to demonstrate that people get the government they want. It expla ins that societies general ly fa i l to f u l f i l l l iber tar ianism's democrat ic promises because, not pub l i c interest, but the parochia l c l a ims o f interest groups, m o v e governments (Carnoy , 1984). T h e elite o f socie ty ' s m a n y interest groups m o v e governments, mi l i t a ry , labour, and business. Thus , the state is an empty vessel : F o r plural is ts , the state is neutral, an empty slate, and s t i l l a servant o f the c i t i zenry ~ the electorate ~ i n practice however , the c o m m o n good is defined as a set o f empi r i ca l decis ions that do not necessari ly reflect the w i l l o f the majori ty (Ibid. 1984). T h e neutral state corresponds to the m i n i m a l value-consensus o n w h i c h p l u r a l i s m is premised. Despi te the confl icts i n society, a l l r ight - th inking people agree at least that society must continue to function effectively. The cont inuat ion requires a neutral state to contain conf l ic t and to determine w h i c h conf l ic t ing v i ews emerge as p u b l i c choices . Just as state interference i n bargaining i n the economy makes eff ic iency imposs ib le , so does bargain ing between elite that results i n outcomes that do not genuinely reflect the p o w e r balances between the var ious interest groups the elite represent ( M a m d a n i , 1994). In plural is t theory, the state no longer functions as representative o f a m y t h i c a l va lue-consensus o n substantive issues. Instead, it represents the consensus against soc ia l su ic ide (Carnoy , 1984). 48 Plural is ts c l a i m their theory at once celebrates diversi ty through neutral state structures. The result ing dynamic represents a po l i t i ca l analogue o f economic "effective demand." The fact that some people have more po l i t i ca l power than others raises no greater mora l issues than the fact that in the market, some people have more money (and hence more effective demand) than others. Consequent ly , i f some groups remain so poor and less organized that their leaders cannot make themselves heard at the bargaining table, they receive on ly their deserts (Bachrach and Baratz , 1963). E a r l y scholars i nvoked the pluralist paradigm to exp la in T h i r d W o r l d development failures (Kautsky , 1962). Superf ic ia l ly , p lu ra l i sm seemed adequate to expla in A f r i c a ' s predicament. Transnational corporations, po l i t i ca l elite and organized . ethnic groups had the most cohesive organizat ion and bargaining power and developing countries' po l ic ies tended to favour them. A t the end o f the day, however , p lu ra l i sm failed to provide a sufficient explanat ion since it v i ewed the state as a mere framework for interest group bargaining. S o c i a l forces operated through, not on , the State (Bachrach, and Baratz , 1963). W i t h regard to deve lop ing countries o f sub-Sahara A f r i c a , three fallacies underlay the foregoing concept ion. Firs t , it impl ies that the state can change neither i t se l f nor society, except i n response to exis t ing socia l power vectors (Ibid. 1963). Thus , whoever controls c i v i l society also controls the state. E i ther through economic power , or through bargaining, those w i t h the most power inevi tably come out on top. Y e t A f r i c a n "l iberat ion movements" continue to seek state power i n order to change exis t ing resource al locat ions. The plural is t explanat ion impl i e s their efforts to consc ious ly p lan socia l change cou ld be problematic because o f the restriction on choice (Ibid. 1963; M a m d a n i , 1983, 1994). Second, i n A f r i c a as elsewhere, plural is ts ' concern lay i n the po l i t i ca l process by w h i c h laws emerge rather than the content o f the laws. A state structure and process defined by inevi tably non-neutral laws cannot emerge neutral (Kau tsky , 1962). Therefore, to ignore the biases inherent i n the state machinery, or to try to neutralize them, merely opens the door for power and pr iv i lege . S igni f icant ly , pos t -colonia l A f r i c a n development demands a state that implements change i n favour o f the poor and disinheri ted, not a theoretically neutral state. F i n a l l y , p lu ra l i sm argues that on ly organized groups, l ed by identif iable elite can bargain. It does not exp la in w h y the demands o f the poor, no matter h o w numerous, fail even to reach the level o f decis ion . F o r the state to operate i n a way that truly reflects the pub l i c interest, a l l interest groups i n c i v i l society must have adequate organizat ion or at least voca l and powerful elite to represent them. In A f r i c a , this does not exist (Himmels t rand , 1994). In conc lus ion , explanations advanced by p lu ra l i sm for the failure o f A f r i c a n development possess l imita t ions w i t h regard to assisting new governments to formulate useful po l ic ies . Firs t , the assumption o f a neutral state fails to address A f r i c a ' s need for a state that represents the interests o f the poor and disinheri ted. Second, pluralists v i e w the state as merely responsive to the winds b l o w i n g i n c i v i l society. It takes ex is t ing al locations o f power as g iven , thus di rect ing attention away f rom the needed change. F i n a l l y , by fa i l ing to address the exc lus ion o f the poor from the governmental bargaining process, p lu ra l i sm ' s explanat ion can not generate measures to ensure their inc lus ion . Other theories, however , arose to exp la in libertarian and plural is t l imi ta t ions w i t h regard to A f r i c a : dependency, unequal exchange, structural and basic human needs theories. In 50 contrast, these theories advocate for a state that is capable o f taking p o l i c y posi t ions in favour o f the poor. In the next section, I examine alternative development theories that resonated w i t h these development theories. Dependency theory Dependency theorists draw i n part on the c lass ica l theory o f imper ia l i sm, but challenge some o f its assumptions by focusing more speci f ica l ly on the problems, w h i c h the w o r l d capitalist system causes i n the periphery. L i k e M a r x i s t or thodoxy, dependence theory is skeptical about the l iberating role o f national bourgeoisie and propose that the processes o f industr ia l izat ion i n the T h i r d W o r l d are the vehic le o f imper ia l i s t ic penetration and o f a new k i n d o f dependence on transnational companies . There are several versions o f dependency theory. T h e best k n o w n is the one espoused by Frank (1969). It has had a great intellectual impact , partly because it was the first to appear, and more fundamentally, because it radica l ly questions what has hitherto been a received truth o f both M a r x i s t and bourgeois theories, namely, that capi ta l i sm is essentially a mode o f product ion able to promote development everywhere. Frank (1969) rejects this idea and maintains that cap i ta l i sm is to b lame for the cont inuous underdevelopment o f developing countries. H e conceives o f capi ta l i sm as a w o r l d system, wi th in w h i c h the metropol i tan centres manage to expropriate the economic surpluses from satellite countries through the mechanisms o f the international market, thus producing s imultaneously the development o f the former and the underdevelopment o f the latter. B y impl i ca t ion , development can on ly occur when an underdeveloped country breaks out o f the system. 51 Despite its appeal and widespread impact, Frank's theory has been severely c r i t i c ized . First , because it defines capi ta l i sm in terms o f orientation to the market and not as a mode o f product ion. Second, because it over-emphasizes the exploi ta t ion o f certain countries as a whole and pays less attention to the exploi ta t ion o f the w o r k i n g classes in these countries. T h i r d , because it confuses dependency w i t h underdevelopment, whereas it can be shown that some countries for instance, Canada, is dependent o n staples exports w h i l e at the same t ime "reasonably a wealthy developed country" (Howlet t and Ramesh , 1992). A less, w e l l - k n o w n , but more sophisticated theory o f dependency is that o f Cardoso and Faletto (1972). F o r them dependency must not be used as a blanket concept to expla in a l l the evi ls o f underdevelopment everywhere. Fo r a start, they propose that even w i t h i n underdeveloped countries, the situation o f global dependency is not the same for every country and that al though the condit ions o f the international market and the strategies o f international capital may be c o m m o n , they are negotiated i n different ways by different countries depending on their internal class struggles. Th i s means that there is a specific mode o f art iculat ion between internal class structures and the mode o f incorporat ion into the w o r l d market. Thus , they conclude that i n certain countries, a path o f dependent capitalist development is possible, whereas i n others, stagnation may result i n the advantage o f this approach based on the internal arrangements o f class, economic relations and the pol i t i ca l w i l l . Critiques to dependency theory Perhaps the strongest crit ique o f dependency theory has been advanced by a group o f authors inf luenced by M a r x i s m . A l t h o u g h they differ in many respects, they tend to 52 share young M a r x ' s opt imis t ic be l i e f i n the inherently dynamic and developmental capabil i t ies o f capi ta l i sm and are therefore very suspicious o f the concepts o f underdevelopment and dependency, w h i c h they sometimes put together in the same package as underdevelopment and dependency theory ( U D T ) , (Banaj i , 1983; K i t c h i n g , 1982; M a n d l e , 1980; Warren , 1980). Cr i t i c s o f dependency theory postulate that the theory is conceptual ly loose and theoretically weak. That, "not on ly is it not M a r x i s t " (Bernstein, 1974, p.93), but also "it is not rooted i n any rigorous body o f deductive-type theory" (Boo th , 1985, p.55). Th i s is shown by its adherence to outdated economic ideas l ike the consistent deterioration o f the terms o f trade or the concept ion o f development as self-sustained growth (Ibid, 1985). The theory o f underdevelopment is contradictory and therefore problematic . O n the one hand development is defined as a process o f auto-centric accumula t ion w h i c h leads to self-sustained growth, but on the other hand this is contradicted by the proposi t ion that the underdevelopment o f the periphery is a condi t ion o f the development o f the centre. A s Bernstein (1974, p.52) postulates, Underdevelopment theory cannot have it both ways. If the field of analysis is world economy; if the centre needs the periphery for modes of exploitation that off-set the tendency of the rate of profit to fall; if the circuit of capital in general is realized on the international plane; then there is no capitalist formation whose development can be regionally autonomous, self-generating or self-perpetuating. It is thus seen that the theory o f underdevelopment provides an ideo logica l and deterministic concept ion o f underdevelopment, w h i c h replicates the errors o f moderniza t ion theory already presented. B o t h (modernizat ion and dependency) theories propose an ideal mode l o f development and assess the situation o f the periphery in relat ion to it. Just as moderniza t ion theory assures the development o f the periphery' by a 53 historical repetit ion o f the process undergone by the "model" developed countries, underdevelopment theory assures the imposs ib i l i ty o f peripheral development w i t h i n the capitalist w o r l d system (Bernstein, 1974). T h i s v i e w is reinforced by War ren (1980) who postulates that, it is not real ly an accident that these s impl i s t i c structuralism pairings: developed-underdeveloped, centre-periphery, dominant-dependent, resemble those o f bourgeois development theory (tradit ional-modern, r ich-poor , advanced-backward, etc.); they are basical ly a po lemica l invers ion o f them. F o r that matter, Berns te in (1974) argues that dependency theory may be cr i t ica l o f moderniza t ion theory but it has too remained w i t h i n the same problemat ic category. Ano the r wave o f cri t ique leveled against dependency theory is that it is static, economist ic and mechanist ic . It is static i n the sense that it takes dependency, however defined, as given, on ly its form changing; it conjures away the poss ib i l i ty that dependency may be a dec l in ing phenomenon (Warren, 1980). It is economis t ic i n the sense that social classes, the state, pol i t ics , ideology figure i n it very noticeably as derivat ives o f economic forces (Ibid. 1983), and i n fact detailed analyses o f the nature and focus o f ex is t ing class struggles are few and far between, w h i l e analyses o f the relationships between national and international capital are in abundant supply. It is mechanist ic i n the sense that processes tend to be presented as result ing f rom log ic o f mechan ism, a system o f v i c i o u s circles re inforcing each other (Ibid. 1980). Thus underdevelopment appears inevitable to a capitalist so lu t ion o f mono l i th i c structure. T h i s empi r i ca l ly and his tor ical ly incorrect contention enables dependency theorists, for example , to m i n i m i z e the w iden ing range o f options open to underdeveloped countries. 54 Dependency theorists seem to bel ieve that centrally planned economies are more desirable because capi ta l i sm can no longer produce development. The problem w i t h this premise is that dependency theorists treat central p l ann ing as a national necessity because it promises to produce the goods that capi ta l i sm fails to del iver , but dependency theory does not discuss whether central p lanning is possible nor does it d isclose the potential class forces on w h i c h a revolut ionary struggle can be based (Ibid. 1980). Thus central p lanning ceases to be a movement for the l iberat ion o f the w o r k i n g class and becomes a movement for the moderniza t ion o f underdeveloped societies (Ibid. 1980). A d d i t i o n a l l y , capitalist theory and its perception i n the promot ion o f development in developing countries has been governed by a strong ant icommunis t stance as is evidenced by R o s t o w (1985). In a context where some western scholars accepted the desirabi l i ty o f ensuring deve lop ing countries remained non-communis t , and i n do ing so, they appl ied their sk i l l s to theor iz ing the causes o f and constraints to economic growth w i t h a v i e w to ident i fying the role o f a id therein. F r o m this perspective, R o s t o w set h i m s e l f a more ambi t ious task: to provide an alternative to M a r x theory o f development (Ros tow, 1985). T h e theory o f u n e q u a l exchange In the 1970s, new theories arose to challenge the mul t ip le perspectives propounded by dependency and moderniza t ion theories. The most representative being the theories o f unequal exchange by E m m a n u e l (1972) and A m i n (1973), and w o r l d systems theory (Wal le rs te in , 1976). They both commence f rom certain strands o f Frank (1969) analyses. F o r Wal le rs te in (1976), a l l states w i t h i n the capitalist system cannot 55 develop s imultaneously by def ini t ion, because the system functions by virtue o f having unequal core and peripheral regions. In addi t ion, an interesting feature o f the theory is the not ion that the role o f being a peripheral or semi-peripheral nat ion is not defini t ive. Core countries and peripheral countries can become semi-peripheral and v ice versa. What remains is the unequal nature o f the w o r l d system. B o t h E m m a n u e l (1972) and A m i n (1973) formulate i n more r igorous M a r x i s t terms the theory o f unequal exchange. Fo r them the p rob lem is to show why and h o w in the exchange o f commodi t ies between central and peripheral economies , the former appropriate part o f the value that is produced i n the latter. Because o f these circumstances, the developed countries sel l commodi t ies to the periphery at prices that exceed their value, and buy [from the periphery] at prices b e l o w their value. S o every transaction means a transfer o f value from the underdeveloped country to the developed one, w h i c h means that the rate o f accumulat ion o f capital is reduced i n the former and enhanced i n the latter. Thus unequal exchange results i n unequal development. A major theoretical conc lus ion o f E m m a n u e l ' s (1972) and A m i n ' s (1973) approaches is that internal class antagonism has become margina l i n the industr ial centres and has been replaced in importance by the confl ic t between r ich and poor nations. In the developed w o r l d , unequal exchange theorists argue that the w o r k i n g class has been def ini t ively integrated into the system and shares in the exploi ta t ion o f the T h i r d W o r l d . Despi te this conceptual izat ion, c lassical theory o f imper i a l i sm detects a p rob lem w i t h this postulation. R e y (1978), for instance, reacts against the theory o f unequal exchange because, l ike 56 Frank ' s theory, it bases its analysis on the international market and pays no attention to the internal modes o f product ion o f the periphery. S t r u c t u r a l t heo ry In structural theory, the object o f development is the structural transformation o f underdeveloped economies i n such a way as to permit a process o f self-sustained economic growth on the path o f the industr ial ly advanced countries. W h i l e plural ists . most Marx i s t s , and dependency theorists perceive the state as "captured" by powerful groups i n c i v i l society, others perceive T h i r d W o r l d countries and their off ic ials as rapacious gangs devour ing c i v i l society (Les l ie , 1987; Reddy, 1985). These scholars tend to perceive the state as captured by the off icials w h o nomina l ly serve as its agents and servants w i t h no good intentions for the bulk o f the poor, and hence the need to search for an alternative development approach (Himmels t rand , 1994; M o n g u l a , 1994). Th i s is more clearly observed when, The managerial class monopolize^] resources for its own private use and purposefully prevents] major portions of the population from gaining access to public resources . . . [Thus, it is clear that] no effective solution can flow down to the community level, before the overthrow of the development intermediaries, especially when they control the state structures, and are not prepared to relinquish their dubious role easily (Chazan, in Chazan, Revenhill, and Rothchild, 1988, p.325). E v e n i f they re l inquished their middlemanship role, these theorists seem to offer no solutions to prevent a reoccurrence o f the phenomenon. L i k e the other theories examined, M a r x ' s theory o f the state focuses on the question: W h y do state institutions represent the interests and values o f this group and not the others? L i k e other theorists, Marx i s t s , too, disagree among themselves. Fo r instance, M a m d a n i (1983) uses class as a pr imary category for analysis, to exp la in that, in the developed capitalist w o r l d , the state and its system o f laws facilitate the systematic 57 exploi ta t ion o f workers by capitalists. Whatever its seemingly democrat ic facade, in the final analysis, the state stands w i t h the capitalists against the workers . In support o f this explanation, this vers ion o f M a r x i s m adopts a s impl i s t i c metaphor. The base -- the mode o f product ion — determines the superstructure, ideas and culture, i nc lud ing the legal order ( M a r x and Engels , 1969, p.503-4). Since the capitalist class dominates the mode o f product ion i n the capitalist system, their ideas and values dominate the cul tural and inst i tut ional structures. The state becomes the executive committee o f the r u l i n g class ( M i l l i b a n d , 1969). In a co lon ia l context, the state serves to strengthen co lon ia l capitalist modes o f product ion, and therefore the power and pr iv i lege o f the co lon ia l capitalists. Far from protecting ind iv idua l autonomy, the l iberal state protects the power o f the economic ru l ing classes, and ensures the powerlessness ~ Marx i s t s term it al ienation — o f the masses. Though not a l l Marx i s t s agree, those adopting the metaphor seem to i m p l y , l ike the plural ists . that state off icials behave entirely i n response to external demands, that is, that they have no independent motivat ions . Re la t ing to the notions o f domina t ion and dependency, Rodney (1972) draws on M a r x i s t theory to exp l a in h o w w o r l d capitalist structure remains so powerful that, whatever it subjectively desires, po l i t i ca l elite i n deve lop ing countries cannot change institutions or resist; instead they become mere henchmen for foreign interests, enacting local laws and creating po l i t i ca l institutions that foster underdevelopment. Rodney (1972) implicates external powers as the pr imary source o f deve lop ing countr ies ' poverty and powerlessness. 58 A m i n (1990) and w o r l d systems theorists (Wal le rs te in , 1976) emphasize that international capitalist penetration has undermined pre-exis t ing socia l systems, so much so that the developing countries' external dependency has been aggravated. Thus , the cris is o f the post -colonial state has to do wi th the betrayal o f the revolut ion by the neo-co lon ia l ru l ing class, on the one hand, and the failure o f revolut ionary movements to transform both the economy and state i n a radical way because o f their o w n shortcomings and the counter-revolutionary challenge by imper ia l i sm, on the other. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, the not ion o f development witnessed the coexistence o f the structural theory and the more opt imis t ic theory o f expanding capitalist theory as the dominant perspectives that w o u l d guarantee results to the poor. However , by m i d 1960s there were g rowing indicat ions o f dissatisfactions w i t h both perspectives, and by the late 1960s they were being w i d e l y challenged. Some cri t ics argued that after a decade and more o f emphasis on capital accumula t ion and import substitutions, a per iod i n w h i c h many countries had seen h igh growth o f Gross Na t iona l Product ( G D P ) , the lot o f the masses i n the T h i r d W o r l d had not improved and i n some cases worsened. T h i s argument came immedia te ly after the successful comple t ion in the late 1940s and early 1950s o f the M a r s h a l l P l an for economic reconstruction in Europe , w h i c h generated confidence i n the role o f economic aid to other situations. These opportunities to a id were to the newly independent A s i a n and A r a b countries; the de-coloniza t ion process in much o f A f r i c a ; and the opportunit ies brought by the c o l d war between the Western and Eastern blocs . A l l o f these events created the opportunity to a g r o w i n g po l i t i ca l focus on the p rov i s ion o f economic aid to underdeveloped countries (Campfens , 1997). 59 The dichotomous structural relat ionship inherent i n the te.rm development clear ly reveals an ideologica l accommodat ion: "north ~ south", "developed — underdeveloped", and " technological ly r i ch — technological ly deficient". The d icho tomy rat ionalizes a need to bridge the gap therein. A n d the efforts to bridge the gap is more prominent ly pursued by three sister institutions: the International B a n k for Reconstruct ion and Development ( I B R D ) and International Development Assoc i a t i on ( I D A ) , and the International Monetary F u n d ( I M F ) , co l lec t ive ly ca l led the W o r l d Bank . A l l three institutions are the result o f the 1944 Bret ton W o o d s process, w h i c h l a id the cornerstone for the global economic system as it stands today. (Reddy, 1985; G w i n , 1994). The B a n k mandates the s t imulat ion and promot ion o f soc io-economic progress in deve lop ing nations through increased product ivi ty o f human and material resources to a point where their development becomes self-sustaining (Lateef, 1995). W h i l e the B a n k has not endorsed any one theory o f development, its publ icat ions and methods o f operation reveal three definite perspectives embraced by structural theory: the project approach, the gap theory approach, and income dis t r ibut ion/ social welfare theory (Les l ie , 1987; Lateef, 1995). The first approach — the project approach ~ traces its or igins to the orthodox economic development theory p reva i l ing i n the 1950s. It emphasizes the correlation between underdevelopment and the lack o f infrastructure, product ive faci l i t ies , and technical expertise i n deve lop ing countries (Les l ie , 1987). The purpose o f mult i lateral a id , therefore, is to finance sound economic projects to correct these structural imbalances. T h i s impl ies foreign private investment should be attracted to lay the foundations for economic growth. 60 A second approach is based o n gap theory (Ibid. 1987). In this case, focus is placed on the discrepancy between the amount o f economic resources required by developing countries and those loca l ly available. D e v e l o p i n g countries, the approach argues, are plagued by three types o f resource gaps: a lack o f sk i l l s , an inadequate level o f savings that l imi t s the domestic investment needed for significant growth, and a foreign exchange gap (the difference between foreign exchange earnings and the foreign exchange requirements) for continued growth ( W i l l i a m s o n , 1982). Progress toward self-sustaining development is therefore constrained by one o f these resource gaps at various stages o f the growth process. Externa l sources o f finance encourage growth by compensat ing for these shortfalls, thereby faci l i tat ing more efficient use o f other resources such as labour (Les l ie , 1987). Due to l imi ted structural f l ex ib i l i ty at the international l eve l , this approach stresses lending as the preferred form o f assistance, part icularly in the latter stages o f growth, where there are savings or trade or balance o f payments gaps. T h i r d l y , income dis tr ibut ion and social welfare theory have influenced the approach. Ini t ia l ly , the theory focused on neo-classical not ion o f t r i ck le -down and whose theoretical roots l ie i n the wri t ings o f Smi th (1776). T o Smi th , the market is deemed the most effective al locator o f resources, prices, and wages. Hence government intervention to improve social welfare i n deve lop ing countries w o u l d distort income dis tr ibut ion patterns by shift ing income from the r i ch w h o saved, to the poor w h o d id not. The net effect w o u l d be a reduction i n savings and capital formation w i t h a subsequent frustration o f economic development. Economis t s such as S i m o n Kuzne t s (Les l i e , 1987; W i l l i a m s o n , 1982) be l ieved income inequalit ies as decreasing w i t h progressive 61 industr ia l izat ion. W i t h few exceptions, income has not automatical ly t r ick led d o w n to the disreputable poor, and deve lop ing countr ies ' economic growth is characterized by a g rowing economic dua l i sm, that has reinforced income inequali t ies (Les l ie , 1987). Thus, by the early 1970s (especially after M c N a m a r a ' s 1973 statement on Bas i c H u m a n Needs) , economists and the B a n k came to take a broader v i e w o f development, emphas iz ing not only economic growth, but also welfare and distr ibutive just ice (Ibid. 1995). In the 1970s, the search for a balanced "development equation" prompted the B a n k ' s preoccupat ion w i t h the basic needs approach, born out o f a real izat ion that steady reductions in inequali ty d id not necessarily improve welfare. Thus the basic needs approach to a id not on ly encompassed the question o f product ive employment but also the p rov i s ion o f publ ic services such as education, health, and nutr i t ion to the economica l ly disadvantaged groups i n any country, whether in a rural or urban setting (Lateef, 1995). F o r sub-Sahara A f r i c a , however , dur ing 1980s the neo-classical rev iva l gathered renewed v igour . 1981 witnessed a publ ica t ion by the W o r l d B a n k — Accelerated Development in sub-Saharan Africa — a w i d e l y circulated and influential report that emphasized the importance o f correct p r i c ing pol ic ies and reduced government intervention i n economic activit ies as two o f the m a i n keys to a rev iva l in A f r i c a n growth rates. The neo-classical r ev iva l was reinforced i n the early 1980s by the increase in applicat ions from deve lop ing countries to the I M F for assistance wi th s tabi l izat ion and structural adjustment programmes. The terms on w h i c h the fund provides assistance, w h i c h emphasizes not on ly control o f the money supply but also a r emova l o f price 62 distortions and the freeing o f markets f rom the pub l ic sector in tervent ionism. are underpinned by neo-classical paradigm. D u r i n g the 1990s the W o r l d B a n k embarked on its basic dogma o f unequivocal support o f "free enterprise" w i t h that o f "redistr ibution w i t h growth" (Ibid. 1995). A l t h o u g h this trend is somewhat directed at the bu lk o f the poor, the majori ty o f W o r l d Bank po l ic ies have produced l imi ted progress in terms o f poverty a l levia t ion efforts. These include insistence on complete reliance on market forces and private sector act ion; uphold ing foreign private investment; support for free trade pol ic ies ; aversion to any import restrictions or price controls; aversion o f government subsidies; support for the pr inc ip le o f ful l cost recovery for a l l projects w h i c h it finances (Les l ie , 1987; Lateef, 1995; Reddy , 1985; and W i l l i a m s o n , 1982). It is i n these conservative and unshakable laissez faire tenets that Smi th ' s and R ica rdo ' s postulations are clear ly revealed. T o conclude, i n post co lon ia l countries, development has been attributed to the acquis i t ion o f traits, characteristics, and technologies o f the developed nations. Th i s material ist ic and paternalistic v i e w carries w i th in it the not ion o f experts and the leg i t imiza t ion o f a higher and lower social order. A s such, development seeks to " c i v i l i z e " outsiders and change under-developed countries i n order to fit a predetermined po l i t i ca l , economic and soc ia l order. Development is thus ordered by agents o f more "developed" communi t ies to those "underdeveloped" communi t ies . M o r e o v e r , progress and development are equated w i t h economic growth and change (Preston, 1982). Th i s Funct ional is t perspective has been wide ly c r i t i c ized , resisted and hence prompted the continued search for development alternatives. 63 Basic human needs theory and rethinking of the term development In pr inc ip le , basic needs theory v i ews the poor as d is-empowered. T h e theory 's core rests o n the no t ion that, "any development should be first and foremost centred o n humank ind , not infrastructure" ( M o n g u l a , 1994, p.91). Some o f the a id donors f ind this perspective appeal ing, especial ly because it is speci f ica l ly directed at those w h o need the development assistance the most. T h i s theory takes centre stage i n p o l i c y w h e n there is notable emphasis o n income redistr ibution w i t h growth (Chenery, et a l , 1974). T o favour the extremely poor, however , requires a state that w o u l d devote resources to a id their efforts w i t h i n a basic market framework. T y p i c a l l y , the state w o u l d intervene i n economic processes through investment i n health, education and t raining, the supply o f c lean water and affordable hous ing ( M o n g u l a , 1994). In the real w o r l d , however , basic needs theorists see states that do not service the poor, and bureaucrats w h o are more interested i n featherbedding their o w n interests than those o f the people and hence perpetuating the l imi t ed opportunities (Ibid. 1994; M a m d a n i , 1985). T h e c a l l for re th inking development resulted f rom a g r o w i n g concern that emerged dur ing the late 1960s, w i t h respect to the apparent absence o f a t r i c k l e - d o w n effect f rom economic g rowth (Seers, 1981). It is diff icul t to a v o i d the conc lus ion that this n e w def in i t ion o f development was st imulated i n part b y the ferment o f debate i n international development. T h i s debate was largely st imulated b y the neo -Marx i s t schoo l and other sympathetic radicals, ch ief ly among the younger, rising generation o f students o f development and underdevelopment, w h o were outspoken i n their condemnat ion o f what they v i e w e d as inequity o f contemporary patterns o f change i n deve lop ing countries. 64 A m i d s t this debate, M c N a m a r a (1973, p.10-11) expresses a v i e w w h i c h supports the g r o w i n g concern about the outcome o f po l ic ies that focused ch ie f ly o n increases i n Gross N a t i o n a l Product ( G N P ) w h i l e ignor ing other indicators o f development: Despite a decade of unprecedented increase in GNP of the developing countries, the poorest segments of their population have received relatively little benefits. Nearly 800 million individuals — 40% of the a total of two billion — survive on incomes estimated (in US purchasing power) at 30 cents per day in conditions of malnutrition, illiteracy ad squalor. They are suffering poverty in the absolute sense... Among 40 developing countries for which data are available, the upper 20% of the population receives 55% of national income in the typical country, while the lowest 20% of the population receives 5%...policies aimed primarily at accelerating economic growth, in most developing countries, have benefited mainly the upper 40% of the population and the allocation of public services and investment funds has tended to strengthen rather than to offset this trend. M c N a m a r a ' s (1973) pos i t ion reflects uncondi t ional support for the basic human needs approach whose p r imary focus is investment i n health, education and t ra ining, food, water supply, sanitation and housing. Cr i t i c i sms o f the basic needs theory came from the capitalist theorists, arguing that the most dynamic sector o f the economy is the modern sector, and w i t h i n it, are the r i ch , and presumably r i c h capitalists i n part icular w h o are assumed to have the highest propensi ty to save and invest. Thus , any redis tr ibut ion o f income from the r i c h to the poor, it argued, is bound to s l o w d o w n economic growth . 2.7 Alternative solutions to the limitations of development theories A s development efforts were pursued b y the deve lop ing w o r l d , the above p o l i t i c a l theories o f development generated l imitat ions that resulted into four sets o f alternative solut ions to the development effort: reaffirmation o f l iber tar ianism, increased emphasis o n basic human needs, creating more effective non-governmental organizat ions, and inst i tut ional capaci ty bu i l d ing . 65 Libertarianism reinstated Some, inc lud ing experts i n international development organizations e.g.. Un i t ed States A g e n c y for International Deve lopment ( U S A I D ) , the W o r l d B a n k and International Monetary F u n d ( I M F ) , reintroduced l ibertar ianism a l l over again. A n A f r i c a n academic A n y a n g N y o n g ' o (1987, p. 14) observes, development theorists v i ewed the development cr is is "as that o f a state that has bitten o f f more than it c o u l d chew." Based on this analogy, he argues that the reintroduction is based on the premise that, "instead o f engaging in economic act ivi ty through parastatals, libertarians bel ieve that the state should wi thdraw and confine i t se l f to those activit ies it is most t radi t ional ly qual i f ied to undertake i n a free-market economy, those o f p r o v i d i n g and running the phys ica l and social infrastructure, mainta in ing l aw and order and guaranteeing a sound po l i cy framework for capital accumulat ion" (Ibid. p. 14-16). In other words , their proposed solut ion to the l imi ta t ion o f T h i r d W o r l d countries ' governments to move towards development seems to require them to abandon the effort. Basic human needs V i e w i n g smal l entrepreneurs i n agriculture and the informal sector as central, potential development agents i n developing countries, basic needs theorists ca l l for democratic participatory state structures that w o u l d devote resources to their a id w i th in a basic market f ramework ( M o n g u l a , 1994). The non-governmental approach Advoca te s o f this approach v i e w the state as captured by the off ic ials w h o nomina l ly serve as its agents and c i v i l servants. T h i s perspective argues for abandonment o f the state, as it is incapable o f fundamental reform. It begins to focus, instead, on the 66 non-state sector, s tudying h o w people cope i n the face o f a predatory state (Hyden , 1980, 1983; K i n y a n j u i , 1985; Kor t en , 1984 ,1987 , 1989). The approach directs its attention to the role o f the th i rd sector i n society through non-governmental organizations. I n s t i t u t i o n a l b u i l d i n g Proponents o f insti tutional bu i ld ing argue that the above po l i t i ca l theories underpinning development operate at a very h igh level o f abstraction. In effect, they only identify the dif f icul ty pol icy-makers face in their search for solutions to sustainable development. P lu ra l i sm, for example , on ly raises the issue o f w h y i n developing countries, some groups, and not others have access to the bargaining table. M a r x i s m only raises the question, h o w and w h y the ru l ing class, and not other groups, continues to control government. The above questions have been responded to through insti tutional capacity bu i ld ing . The approach holds that social behaviour results from choices people make wi th in the inst i tut ional structures o f society. F r o m this perspective, to exp la in deve lop ing countries ' struggle to develop, it is imperat ive that the insti tutional structures and patterns o f social behaviours o f publ ic off ic ials that constitute the institutions are immedia te ly developed or strengthened, hence capacity bu i ld ing and insti tutional development (Ginther , 1995). The next section highl ights the seven normative characteristics o f communi ty development as contained i n the rev iewed international literature. 2.8 Normative characteristics of community development Despi te their divers i ty i n forms and practice, communi ty development ini t iat ives share universa l normat ive characteristics. D r a w i n g from A m e y a w , 1992b; B o o t h r o y d and D a v i s , 1991; B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a W o r k i n g G r o u p on C o m m u n i t y E c o n o m i c Development , 67 1992; Burkey , 1993; Campfens , 1997; C h e k k i , 1979; N o z i c k , 1991; Sautoy, 1960, the f o l l o w i n g normative characteristics reflect a bond amongst a variety o f communi ty development ini t ia t ives: Self-reliance C o m m u n i t y development init iat ives rely on the capacity and efforts o f relevant loca l people from w i t h i n the communi ty to identify needs, define problems, p lan and execute appropriate courses o f act ion, w i th the ult imate a i m o f establishing local leadership and a reduced dependency on the outside e.g. insti tutional support. H u m a n capacity building C o m m u n i t y development init iat ives focus on deve lop ing human capacity through both material (basic human needs o f shelter, food, and c lo thing) and non-mater ial (socio-cultural values) as opposed to the sole purpose o f accumula t ion o f material wealth. Emphas i s on human development ensures that cooperative, responsible, and active communi ty o f i n v o l v e d men and w o m e n are nurtured and m o b i l i z e d for the purposes o f mutual a id , self-help, p rob lem-so lv ing , social integration, and/ or social act ion. Communi ty empowerment C o m m u n i t y development promotes empowerment o f the people in development ini t ia t ive. The essence and form o f empowerment is through self-management and local control , us ing democrat ic processes that m a x i m i z e communi ty and grassroots par t ic ipat ion. Endogenous development C o m m u n i t y development generates its momen tum from w i t h i n and is largely supported by the unique history and culture o f a communi ty . It is the his tor ical and l ived 68 experiences o f the people that propel communi ty development ini t ia t ive and accord it a truly communi ty -owned image. Community participation A t a l l levels o f society, par t ic ipat ion is enhanced and the ideal o f participator) ' democracy fostered, thereby counter ing the apathy, frustration, and resentment that often arise f rom feelings o f powerlessness and oppression i n the face o f authoritarian power structures. In their work on the ' M e a n i n g o f C o m m u n i t y E c o n o m i c Development ' B o o t h r o y d and D a v i s (1991, p.2) note that it is not sufficient i n communi ty part icipat ion i f people "merely pay fees, donate money, s ign petit ions or attend c o m m o n events." W o r k i n g together through interaction, rather than ind iv idua l ly , is instrumental to cul t ivat ing the spirit o f "communi ty" i n communi ty development ini t iat ives. Local community control and management C o m m u n i t y resources and where necessary, resources from outside the communi ty ( in the form o f partnerships w i t h governments, insti tutions and professional groups) should be m o b i l i z e d and deployed i n an appropriate manner in order to ensure balanced and eco log ica l ly sustainable forms o f development. Diversity C o m m u n i t y integration should promote social relations among diverse groups in the commun i ty as dis t inguished by socia l class or s ignif icant differences that are potential for tensions or open confl ic t , for instance economic status, ethnici ty, culture, racial identity, r e l ig ion , gender, age, or d isabi l i ty . 69 Summary T h i s chapter has rev iewed international literature on communi ty , development, and communi ty development. The or ig in o f communi ty development internationally and its various manifestations have p rov ided the context for understanding the theoretical debates o n the no t ion o f development. The chapter has also rev iewed the po l i t i ca l theories underpinning communi ty development practice, i nc lud ing their inherent l imitat ions i n practice as w e l l as explanations for the emergence o f non-governmental organizations dur ing the 1970s. The chapter has concluded by h igh l igh t ing the seven normative characteristics o f communi ty development as contained i n the reviewed international literature. The next chapter addresses the methodologica l approach that guided this study. 70 CHAPTER III: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY In this chapter, I exp la in i n detail the chosen method — the single explanatory case study -- and the rationale for choos ing it. I commence the chapter by in t roducing and p rov id ing a rationale for the research design, w h i c h is embedded i n the quali tat ive paradigm (Eisner, 1991; Franke l and W a l l e n , 1990; L i n c o l n and G u b a , 1985; M a r s h a l l and Rossman , 1989; and M e r r i a m , 1988). The chapter then describes the site and the context o f the invest igat ion and a statement jus t i fy ing select ion o f the A C O R D - N E B B I communi ty development programme. I also discuss the three sources o f data used in the study: interviews, observation and documentat ion, fo l lowed by data analysis procedures. I conclude the chapter by presenting ethical considerations i n the research, and l imitat ions to the study. Educa t iona l researchers have on ly recently adopted the quali tat ive research method w i t h its roots i n Cultural anthropology and A m e r i c a n soc io logy ( B o r g & G a l l , 1989). The purpose o f quali tat ive research is to understand a part icular socia l si tuation, event, role, group, or interaction (Locke , Spirduso, and S i lve rman , 1987). It is largely an investigative process where the researcher gradually makes sense o f a socia l phenomenon by contrasting, compar ing , repl icat ing, cataloguing and c lass i fy ing the object o f study ( M i l e s and Huberman , 1984). M a r s h a l l and R o s s m a n (1989) suggest that the process entails immers ion i n the everyday life o f the setting chosen for the study; the researchers enter the informants ' w o r l d and through ongoing interaction, seek the informants ' perspectives and meanings, 3.1 T h e case s tudy des ign T h i s study appl ied a s ingle explanatory case study method to the invest igat ion. The approach is suitable because it a l l ows a researcher to explore a single entity ( in this case, the t raining component o f A C O R D - N E B B I communi ty development programme) bounded by t ime and act ivi ty and collects detailed informat ion by us ing a variety o f data co l lec t ion procedures dur ing a specif ied per iod o f t ime ( M e r r i a m , 1988; Y i n , 1989). In addi t ion Y i n (1989) provides a technical def ini t ion o f case study method as an empi r ica l inquiry that captures three major factors that fit the study objective on the A C O R D -N E B B I programme: a) investigates a contemporary phenomenon w i t h i n its real-life context, b) when the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident, and c) i n w h i c h mul t ip le sources o f evidence are used. The communi ty development process is , by nature, a h igh ly interactive, social act ivi ty, w h i c h appropriately lends i t se l f to the case study method for this research. Shumacher and M c M i l l a n (1993, p.375) state that, "the case study, because o f its f l ex ib i l i ty and adaptabili ty to a range o f contexts, processes, people, and foc i , provides some o f the most useful methods avai lable in educational research." Th i s postulat ion is acceptable consider ing that do ing a case study in the absence o f h igh levels o f control provides an opportunity to add to a wider body o f knowledge . Thus , to the reader, the importance o f the study findings rests, i n part, on the abi l i ty to compare other situations to the case study presented. 3.2 T h e site a n d context o f s tudy The invest igat ion was carr ied out o n educat ion and t ra ining component o f the A C O R D - N E B B I commun i ty development programme i n Jonam and Padyere counties in 72 N e b b i district . The commun i ty development programme is located i n a rural r eg ion o f northwestern Uganda . T h e A C O R D - N E B B I commun i ty development programme objective has been to facilitate the emergence o f commun i ty loca l structures and self-selected groups, to achieve autonomy, as w e l l as b u i l d loca l inst i tut ional capacit ies around loca l activit ies (f ishing, crafts, cash and food crops, and m i c r o enterprises) o n w h i c h l ives and l ive l ihoods depend. Furthermore, the A C O R D - N E B B I programme emphasizes fostering loca l i za t ion o f the programme to an indigenous, communi ty-based organizat ion that w o u l d pursue c o m m u n i t y development ini t iat ives, once external support is wi thdrawn. T h e var ious manageria l and technical strategies developed and implemented b y A C O R D - N E B B I inc lude in formal t raining, formal t raining, o n the j o b t ra ining and c o m m u n i t y education. 3.3 Justification for choosing the ACORD-NEBBI programme" T h e A C O R D - N E B B I c o m m u n i t y development programme was chosen for the study for four reasons: Firs t , it appeared to embrace the normat ive characteristics o f c o m m u n i t y development as contained i n international literature. Second, it emphasizes long-term loca l iza t ion o f the programme through a significant sk i l l s t ra in ing and educat ion program. T h i r d , A C O R D - N E B B I is a mature (over 15 years o ld) c o m m u n i t y development effort w i t h a variety o f programs under one umbrel la . A n d fourth, the programme was accessible geographical ly and cul tura l ly to the researcher. G i v e n the above informat ion o n the A C O R D - N E B B I c o m m u n i t y development programme, Y i n (1989, p . 14) points out that the "dist inct ive need for case studies arises 73 out o f a desire to understand complex socia l phenomena . . . the case study a l lows an investigation to retain the hol is t ic and meaningful characteristics o f real l ife events." In this context, un l ike many non-governmental organizations that have "mushroomed" a l l over U g a n d a i n the last ten years, the A C O R D - N E B B I programme is unique w i t h its deliberate three-phase approach to loca l iza t ion o f communi ty development programme (establishment, development, and local iza t ion) , and one i n w h i c h education and training is prominent. 3.4 Sources of data People associated w i t h A C O R D - N E B B I and documents related to the programme were the pr imary sources o f data. In addi t ion, two field vis i ts , in terviews, observation, and documentat ion enriched the research wi th valuable informat ion. F i e l d v i s i t s T w o trips to the research site were made dur ing the study per iod. In the first trip — May / June 1998 — i nd iv idua l participants and groups were in terviewed on items presented o n a semi-structured in terv iew checkl is t , a l igned to the study's research questions, and based on three specific areas: a) part icipants ' background informat ion, b) the knowledge and sk i l l s practiced at the A C O R D - N E B B I education and training programs, and c) the learning activit ies i n education and training programs. The goal o f the second tr ip (November-December , 1998) was to present m y tentative findings and conclus ions as w e l l as to test out ideas I generated from the analysis. D u r i n g this tr ip, I sought "independent" v iews on the A C O R D - N E B B I communi ty development programme from "other" development agencies, and people w h o were either fami l ia r w i t h activit ies o f A C O R D - N E B B I programme or engaged i n paral lel 74 development efforts i n the region o f study. Independent v i e w s here referred to their understanding on whether they regarded the activit ies o f A C O R D - N E B B I was effective i n addressing the challenges o f communi ty development i n this part icular region o f the district. Th i s category includes the Canadian Consulate office i n K a m p a l a that had donated funds to communi ty groups that emerged through the A C O R D - N E B B I programme, the private sector development programme i n N e b b i , the Coopera t ive B a n k A g e n c y engaged i n the V i l l a g e B a n k programme i n the region, W o r l d V i s i o n N e b b i , Poverty A l l e v i a t i o n Programme, N e b b i , businesses carrying agricultural equipment (tractors, m i l l s ) to the region, loca l government off ic ia ls , and heads o f tertiary schools in the region o f study. The major objective o f this elaborate approach was to enable a comprehensive ver i f ica t ion and c lar i f ica t ion o f any contradict ions that may have been featured i n the analysis o f data col lected dur ing the study per iod. In t e rv i ews Standardized open-ended interviews were appl ied to the study participants. Schumacher and M c M i l l a n (1993, p.426) define it as an in terview format where "participants are asked the same questions i n the same order, thus reducing interviewer effects and bias." A total o f 46 volunteer participants were in terviewed and every session was s imultaneously recorded on tape. In addi t ion, notes were taken on issues that i nvo lved further probes on the interviewee. Participants were drawn from four sub-groups. Firs t , the five communi ty development workers were selected because they had planned, implemented and moni tored the A C O R D - N E B B I educat ion and t ra ining programs; met and l istened to the v i ews o f communi ty members; and served as a l ink between the v i l l age communi t ies and the A C O R D - N E B B I programme. A l l five 75 participants were in terviewed ind iv idua l ly . Second , twenty-one members o f communi ty development organizat ions w h o had attended A C O R D - N E B B I educat ion and t ra ining programs and were n o w w o r k i n g i n a loca l commun i ty development organizat ion were interviewed; ten were in te rv iewed ind iv idua l l y and the other e leven were in terviewed i n two groups o f five and s ix participants each. T h i r d , eighteen members o f communi ty organizations w h o were regarded as pr imary beneficiaries o f the A C O R D - N E B B I development programme were interviewed; eight were in terv iewed ind iv idua l ly , and the other ten were in terviewed i n two groups o f five each. Four th , the A C O R D - N E B B I programme coordinators were in terviewed because the administrat ive posi t ion entitles the personnel to coordinate and oversee the development programme activit ies, inc lud ing the planning, implementat ion, and moni tor ing o f education and training programs. A summary o f the in terview sub-groups and formats is presented i n Table 1. Table 1: A SUMMARY OF THE INTERVIEW SUB-GROUPS AND FORMATS The Core Interview sub-groups Community Development Workers Members of Community Development Organizations Programme beneficiaries Number 21 Programme coordinators Total interviewed The Other Contacts approached Canadian Consulate, Kampala Cooperative Bank Agency - The Village Bank programme, Nyaravur division Poverty Alleviation Programme (PAP) Nebbi district Agricultural equipment suppliers in Nebbi district Local government officials Heads of tertiary schools in Padyere and Jonam Counties, Nebbi district World Vision, Nebbi Interview format 5 interviewed individually 46 Total of other contacts 14 10 interviewed individually 5 in first group 6 in second group 8 interviewed individually 5 interviewed in first group 5 interviewed in second group 2 interviewed individually 1 informal discussion 1 group discussion group discussion 2 individual discussions 3 individual discussions 2 individual discussions individual discussion 76 Observation Observat ion is a data co l l ec t ion process i n w h i c h "the researcher direct ly observes, v i sua l ly and audi tor ia l ly , some phenomenon and then systematical ly records the result ing observations" (Shumacher and M c M i l l a n , 1993, p.42). In the study, observations o f participants focussed o n the experiences and actions o f their w o r k (i.e., A C O R D -N E B B I coordinator, commun i ty development workers , the educat ion and t ra ining participants, and the programme beneficiaries). Spec i f i ca l ly , I t ravel led w i t h participants to where they carr ied out their work , and i n the case o f the t ra ining officers, I attended their p lanning meetings. In both cases, I recorded what the subjects d i d when they set out to do communi ty development or educat ion and t ra in ing w o r k i n c l u d i n g h o w the participants planned for the day, w h o m they interacted w i t h , what was discussed and h o w the events o f the day related to the normat ive characteristics and practice o f communi ty development. D o c u m e n t a t i o n Documenta t ion , a term used to refer to "records o f past events that are wri t ten or printed [letters, diaries, tax records and receipts, maps, journals , newspapers, court records, o f f i c ia l minutes, regulations, and l a w s ] . . . the researcher interprets these facts to provide explanat ions o f the past and clarifies the co l lec t ive educational meanings that may be under ly ing current practices and issues" (Shumacher and M c M i l l a n , 1993, p.43). I gained greater understanding o f education and training practices and broader issues at A C O R D - N E B B I through the twenty-five relevant secondary documents I obtained from A C O R D L o n d o n office. In addi t ion, I accessed pr imary documents from the A C O R D -N E B B I l ibrary and office files, as w e l l as notes kept by the commun i ty development 77 organizations affil iated w i t h A C O R D - N E B B I i n both J o n a m and Padyere counties. S u c h organizations inc luded the credit and savings cooperatives, fisheries, crafts and agricultural organizations. 3.5 Data analysis M e r r i a m (1988) and M a r s h a l l and Rossman (1989) contend that data co l lec t ion and data analysis must be a simultaneous process i n quali tat ive research. Schumacher and M c M i l l a n (1993) assert that quali tat ive data analysis p r imar i ly entails c lass i fy ing things, persons, events and the properties that characterize them. D u r i n g the analysis, data col lected were organized a long the activit ies that emerged i n the field namely agro-forestry, appropriate technology, fishery, m i c r o credit, communi ty health and communi ty infrastructure and this a ided the analysis on h o w A C O R D - N E B B I reflected the normative characteristics o f communi ty development. T h e taped in terviews were transcribed, and later used at the analysis stage o f the research. F i e l d notes and discussions were r ev iewed and later used dur ing the analysis. U s i n g data col lected through documentat ion, interviews, and observation, I provide i n chapter five a descriptive analysis to the A C O R D - N E B B I education and training programs. The descript ive analysis sets the stage and context for the first research question pursued i n chapter s ix . B y ana lyz ing the methods and content o f specific A C O R D - N E B B I education and training communi ty development cur r icu la , chapter five contextualizes the methods and contents o f specific act ivi t ies , thereby creating the opportunity for analysis i n chapter s ix . In answering the first research question, participants' responses were categorized to in form the development act ivi t ies that were carr ied out at the A C O R D - N E B B I 78 programme. T h e relevant data col lec ted further enhanced the analysis on h o w the education and training component o f the programme reflects the seven normative characteristics o f communi ty development o f self-reliance, human capacity bu i ld ing , communi ty empowerment , endogenous development , c o m m u n i t y part ic ipat ion, loca l communi ty control and management, and diversi ty. A l t h o u g h this is not a v i e w totally shared by some qualitative theorists, notably, M i l e s and Hube rman (1984, p.57) who argue that "themes should emerge from the data rather than predetermined mater ial" , the use o f normat ive characteristics i n this study created the "themes" that responded to the first research question about to what extent and i n what ways are the normative characteristics o f communi ty development as advanced i n the literature, reflected in A C O R D - N E B B I educat ion and t ra in ing programs? T h i s first research quest ion is analyzed i n chapter s ix . The second research question is analyzed i n chapter seven. A summary o f the three development phases and specific activit ies i n each phase presented i n Table 7 is based o n informat ion obtained f rom both secondary data ( A C O R D L o n d o n ) and pr imary data from A C O R D - N E B B I office files, interviews, observation, and l ibrary documents. The A C O R D - N E B B I programme approach that features the establishment, development and loca l i za t ion phases highl ights the specif ic act ivi t ies that inf luenced the effectiveness o f the education and t ra ining i n ach iev ing the overa l l goals o f the development programme. Thus , data i n this chapter have helped analyze the second research question: what factors support or hinder the abi l i ty o f A C O R D - N E B B I educat ion and t ra in ing programs to contribute to the achievement o f equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable communi ty development ini t ia t ives? 79 3.6 Verification of data Ver i f i ca t i on o f m y conclus ions and the analysis o f data gathered dur ing f ie ldwork were achieved through internal and external mechanisms, a) Internal val id i ty T o ensure internal va l id i ty w h i c h is defined as "the extent to w h i c h extraneous variables have been control led or accounted for" (Shumacher and M c M i l l a n , 1993, p. 158), the f o l l o w i n g five strategies were appl ied to m i n i m i z e threats f rom possible sources o f error: First , I used tr iangulat ion w h i c h i n v o l v e d "cross-val idat ion among data sources, data co l l ec t ion strategies, t ime strategies, and theoretical themes" (Shumacher and M c M i l l a n , 1993, p.498). T h i s inc luded cross-val idat ion o f the informat ion i n interviews, observations, programme documents, member checking , and independent opin ions and v i e w s f rom representatives o f other development agencies engaged i n communi ty development efforts at the study site. T h e tr iangulat ion rect if ied any contradictions that surfaced i n the analysis o f data col lected dur ing the study per iod. Second , the same study participants were consistently consulted, thereby, c la r i fy ing any potential contradictions that surfaced dur ing the analysis. A n ongoing dialogue w i t h the study participants regarding m y interpretations o f the informants ' reality and meaning dur ing the two vis i ts ensured the truth-value o f the data, as w e l l as their conf i rmat ion . T h i r d , in i t i a l and repeated observations o f communi ty-based organizations ' group act ivi t ies i n the programme area occurred dur ing the two field vis i ts . Four th , participatory approach in the research i n w h i c h the informants were i n v o l v e d i n most phases o f the study, i nc lud ing data analysis o f the research to check ing interpretations and conclus ions . 80 Fif th , I c lar i f ied m y role, bias, and pos i t ion i n the study as the pr imary researcher. Indeed, m y professional experience i n communi ty development, self-help experience, employment i n the Uganda pub l ic service, management o f a communi ty educational insti tution, consultat ion and involvement w i t h international development agencies ( C I D A , 1993; O d o c h , 1990), a l l culminated into a bias. M o r e o v e r , I commenced this study w i t h a commi tment to the propos i t ion that through educat ion and t ra ining, effective communi ty p lanning processes as w e l l as sk i l l s i n p lann ing and dec i s ion-making capabil i t ies can be enhanced or learned by communi ty members . Furthermore, I entered the study w i t h the be l i e f that, w i t h loca l communi t ies ac t ive ly engaged in ini t ia t ing development programs, the not ion o f people-centred development shifts f rom an ideal to a reality as communi t ies pursue initiatives by themselves for themselves. b) Ex te rna l va l id i ty T o address the study's external va l id i ty , w h i c h Shumacher and M c M i l l a n , 1993, p. 158) define as "general izabi l i ty o f the results, the extent to w h i c h the results and conclus ions can be general ized to other people and settings," this study made it clear that as a case study, general izat ion is not the focus, rather, the u t i l i za t ion o f the study f indings to s imi la r situations or contexts is the strength o f the study. Th i s is especial ly so because the case study a ims to extend understanding rather than generalize results. Indeed, Schumacher and M c M i l l a n (1993, p .577) point out that f indings from "the case study are not generalizeable, but wi thout a case study design, other research purposes c o u l d not be achieved." The strategy appl ied was the p rov i s ion o f comprehensive and detailed descriptions o f phenomena so that anyone interested i n translatabili ty can have a so l id f ramework for their related w o r k ( M e r r i a m , 1988). 81 T o enhance the comparabi l i ty o f the f indings o f the study, the data co l lec t ion and analysis strategies were reported i n detail i n order to p rov ide a clear and accurate picture o f the methods appl ied as w e l l as the potential discrepancies that were avoided. T h i s ul t imately enables future researchers to extend the f indings o f this study to other studies, aware o f the specific circumstances o f the case, for instance, the context, the types o f participants studied, and the nature o f invest igat ion. 3.7 On reporting study results L o f l a n d (1984) suggests that al though data co l lec t ion and analysis strategies are s imi la r across quali tat ive methods, f indings be reported i n diverse ways. M i l e s and Hube rman (1984) address the importance o f creating a data display and suggest that narrative text has been the most frequent fo rm o f display for quali tat ive data. U s i n g the case study approach, the results o f this study are presented i n descript ive, narrative form and not as a scientif ic report. The thesis is thus a construct ion o f participants' experience and the meaning they attach to their communi ty development work . 3.8 Ethical considerations Authors who discuss research designs address the importance o f ethical considerations (Mar sha l l and Rossman , 1989; M e r r i a m , 1988; Y i n , 1989). A p p l i e d research has an obl iga t ion to respect the rights, needs, values, and desires o f the participants. Seven safeguards were appl ied to protect the participants ' rights a) the research objectives were articulated i n wr i t i ng so that they were clear ly understood by the participants' i nc lud ing h o w data col lected w o u l d be u t i l i zed b) wri t ten permiss ion to proceed w i t h the study was received f rom A C O R D - N E B B I authority, and the selected forty-six participants vo luntar i ly s igned consent forms for par t ic ipat ion i n the study c) a 82 formal certificate o f approval was issued by the Behav io ra l Research Eth ics B o a r d at the Unive r s i ty o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a d) the participants were informed o f a l l data co l lec t ion devices and activit ies pr ior to the field w o r k e) verbat im transcriptions and wri t ten interpretations, through a research summary, were made avai lable to the participants f) the participants' rights, interests and wishes were considered when reporting the f indings i n the study, and g) enforcing participants' anonymity and identity protection were the researcher's (my) responsibi l i ty. 3.9 L i m i t a t i o n s to t h e s t u d y Participants' responses A l t h o u g h the participants i n the study were fami l ia r w i t h other researchers invest igat ing A C O R D - N E B B I , this study is the first-ever doctoral research conducted on the programme. B e i n g a student f rom a universi ty outside U g a n d a may have inf luenced participants on ly to emphasize the posi t ive aspects o f the programme. Duration of the study A longi tudinal study may have brought a more detailed account and analysis o f the education and training component o f the A C O R D - N E B B I development programme than was possible i n the relat ively short duration o f this study. Sampling of participants I had no opportunity to in terv iew former communi ty development workers , who w o u l d have p rov ided their reflections and perspectives on experiences and encounters i n communi ty development activit ies that A C O R D - N E B B I engaged in . 83 The case study method W h i l e the L a c k e y and Pratuckchai (1991) study provides an understanding o f the knowledge and sk i l l s needed i n practice, an invest igative explanat ion o f w h y particular [knowledge and sk i l l s ] techniques are ineffective or effective. in specific contexts, as was the mot ive i n this study, cannot be exhaustive. T h i s is because a case study can not provide sufficient understanding o f a l l situations on what works and what does not work It can, however , p rov ide further understanding about commun i ty development i n a part icular context and factors associated w i t h its effectiveness that can be useful i n s imi la r settings. S u m m a r y T h i s chapter has presented an explanat ion o f the research method that has guided the study, i nc lud ing the reasons for choos ing the case study method. I have-also discussed the quali tat ive parad igm that in formed the research design. T h e chapter has also contextual ized the research site and p rov ided a jus t i f ica t ion for the selection o f the education and t ra ining component o f the A C O R D - N E B B I commun i ty development programme. I also discussed the research pro tocol that was observed. T h e sources o f data used in the study, data analysis procedures, and strategies for ensuring both internal and external va l id i ty have also been discussed. The next chapter provides a b r i e f profi le o f communi ty development educat ion and t ra in ing i n Uganda , i n c l u d i n g A C O R D ' s history, and later, the involvement i n N e b b i , northwestern Uganda . 84 CHAPTER IV: COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT EFFORTS: EDUCATION AND TRAINING IN UGANDA AND ACORD's DEVELOPMENT GOALS In this chapter I present the evolu t ion o f commun i ty development educat ion and training i n U g a n d a dating f rom the co lon ia l era. A l t h o u g h the study concerns i t se l f w i t h the per iod between 1983-1996, a broader look at the his tor ical development o f U g a n d a is p rov ided to help deepen an understanding o f the context i n w h i c h the study was conducted. It is also i n this chapter that I present a b r i e f history o f A C O R D , its focus and involvement i n A f r i c a , and the context o f the A C O R D - N E B B I commun i ty development programme. 4.1 The period during colonial administration In Uganda , the evolu t ion o f communi ty development over the years has been synonymous w i t h that o f adult education. T h i s is so because, at the beginning o f the format ion o f modern Uganda , there was pub l i c recogni t ion that to have a more progressive country, there needed to be a funct ional ly literate adult popula t ion (Af r i can Educa t ion in Uganda , 1953; U g a n d a Protectorate A n n u a l Report o f the Educa t ion Department, 1951). Consequent ly , the preparation o f adults, through mass education in i t i a l ly , and later adult education and t raining, for both their socia l and commun i ty development, w i t h the ult imate goal o f the nat ion 's betterment, became a deliberate government p lan ( A f r i c a n Educa t ion i n Uganda , 1953; Educa t i on i n Uganda , 1963). A d u l t educat ion had an indirect connect ion w i t h the co lon ia l economy dur ing this per iod. W i t h regard to the co lon ia l economy, by 1904, experiments had been carried out on cotton as a possible crop to g r o w i n Uganda . A second crop — coffee — was introduced on a plantat ion basis. T h e immediate interest o f the c o l o n i a l state was to establish an 85 economy that w o u l d generate revenue to main ta in i t se l f ( U g a n d a C o m m i s s i o n , U N E S C O , 1984). T o do this i t had to encourage product ion o f cash crops, w h i c h c o u l d be so ld o n the open market. In this wa y the co lon ia l state c o u l d co l lec t taxes to main ta in itself. A l t h o u g h the pre-colonia l economy o f the tribes that came under the Ugandan protectorate was self-sufficient (i.e., consistent w i t h their l eve l o f organizat ion and development), the emergence o f the cash economy, through cash crop product ion, was not o f direct necessity to the indigenous people (Ke r i cho , 1998, U g a n d a Protectorate A n n u a l Report , 1951). A l l the same, at this t ime there was a perceived insti tutional need to train people [adults] on cash crop farming. D u r i n g this per iod , adult education was defined i n relat ion to h o w it helped train the peasants to g r o w major cash crops ~ cotton and coffee ~ w h i c h were currency at the t ime. Thus, dur ing co lon ia l administrat ion (1894-1939) very litt le was done to develop a broader adult educat ion programme. Indeed, the first relevant effort was the condi t ion ing o f the Ugandan natives to serve, accept and sustain the co lon ia l administrat ion. Secondly , when the government introduced cash crops, adults were taught h o w to g row them. The beneficiaries o f adult education programmes dur ing this per iod were clear ly the administrat ive chiefs and peasants. M o r e o v e r , dur ing this per iod no government inst i tut ion was established to speci f ica l ly initiate and accord ing ly develop adult educat ion-communi ty development programmes (Uganda Protectorate A n n u a l Report , 1951; U g a n d a C o m m i s s i o n , U N E S C O , 1984). 4.2 The period toward political independence The mutual co-existence o f communi ty development practice that was supported by adult education can be traced back to the late 1 9 t h Century when Ugandan society's 86 contact w i t h the wide r w o r l d commenced w i t h the c o m i n g o f A r a b traders, f o l l owed thereafter by European explorers, missionaries , merchants, and colonia l i s t s . B u t insti tutional development o f commun i ty development and [mass] adult education commenced from the co lon ia l era that began w i t h the establishment o f re l ig ious mi s s ion centres and the declaration o f Uganda as a B r i t i s h protectorate i n 1894. It was dur ing this per iod that organized specia l ized agencies capable o f p lann ing programmes and de l iver ing them to communi t ies took root ( M u l i r o , 1975; U g a n d a C o m m i s s i o n for U N E S C O , 1984). The early part o f the co lon ia l per iod witnessed the establishment o f non-governmental organizations ( N G O s ) that continue to be active i n Uganda , even today. No tab ly , the church p layed a leading role i n the education and soc ia l sector development, w e l l before the state m o v e d into these pr imary areas. Thus , i n a l l regions o f t h e country, church- l inked N G O s continue to pursue communi ty development related work in col laborat ion w i t h loca l people. Fundamental ly , the breakthrough i n adult education came through the third sector at the t ime (i.e., voluntary organizations). P r i m a r i l y church operated, their adult education programs were directed at their immediate target groups. Thus , the re l ig ious converts benefited from the programs that covered li teracy, numeracy, agriculture, b u i l d i n g , carpentry and w o o d w o r k . T o support their teaching work , the churches produced vernacular translations o f selected reading materials. F o r instance, the C h u r c h M i s s i o n a r y Society had their first publ ica t ion , Mengo Notes, i n 1900 and the Ca tho l i c M i s s i o n a r y W h i t e Fathers began pub l i sh ing Munno i n 1911. A l t h o u g h both these church activit ies in i t i a l ly commenced i n what i s today U g a n d a ' s capital ci ty, K a m p a l a , they eventually 87 expanded throughout the country, again, the beneficiaries exc lus ive ly be ing new converts (Uganda C o m m i s s i o n for U N E S C O , 1984). Vo lun t a ry organizations w h i c h conducted adult educat ion-communi ty development w o r k dur ing this per iod inc luded: The Chr i s t i an Churches , Is lamic Organizat ions, U g a n d a Scouts A s s o c i a t i o n [formed i n 1915], U g a n d a G i r l G u i d e s ' Assoc i a t i on [founded i n 1922], St. John ' s A m b u l a n c e Br igade [started i n 1942], Uganda R e d Cross Socie ty [started i n 1942], U g a n d a Y o u n g W o m e n ' s A s s o c i a t i o n [founded i n 1952], and U g a n d a Y o u n g M e n ' s Chr i s t i an A s s o c i a t i o n [founded i n 1957] (Directory o f A d u l t Educa t ion Agenc ie s i n Uganda , 1984). In Uganda , government involvement i n adult education-supported communi ty -development programmes was clear ly prominent i n the post W o r l d W a r II per iod. Be tween 1945 and 1962, many adult education institutions and programmes were init iated and developed. The establishment o f the P u b l i c Rela t ions and Soc ia l Welfare Department i n 1946 marked the beginning o f adult education and commun i ty development as deliberately government recognized and supported functions. Staffed by resettled e x - W o r l d W a r II servicemen, the department had two units: a) Information and Broadcas t ing, and b) C o m m u n i t y Deve lopment that had rural and urban branches. W i t h funding f rom the Pr ice Ass is tance F u n d , the department supported commun i ty leaders and loca l government workers . In addi t ion, the department was equipped w i t h out-reach facil i t ies such as mob i l e c inema vans and demonstrat ion teams, w h o toured the who le country and taught the pub l i c o n socia l welfare issues and the no t ion o f self-help. It also trained the W o r l d W a r II ex-soldiers i n knowledge and s k i l l s such as b r i c k - m a k i n g , musical- instrument p lay ing and communi ty extension techniques. The department also 88 organized act ivi t ies for w o m e n , w h i c h later led to the founding i n 1947 o f the U g a n d a C o u n c i l for W o m e n . The major goal o f the C o u n c i l was to co-ordinate organizat ion o f communi ty clubs, l i teracy work , home improvement and p romot ion o f the status o f w o m e n i n society (Uganda C o m m i s s i o n for U N E S C O , 1984). In M a y 1954, the government opened its first centre, a mult i -purpose, L o c a l Government and C o m m u n i t y Deve lopment T r a i n i n g Centre at N s a m i z i near Entebbe [note: Entebbe was the capital c i ty o f U g a n d a unt i l Independence i n 1962 when the capital c i ty became K a m p a l a ] . The purpose o f the centre was to train administrat ive personnel i n soc ia l , economic and po l i t i ca l fields. Its first courses inc luded ci t izenship, current affairs and home economics . The c i t izenship course also inc luded induct ion courses for government off ic ia ls and the instructors came f rom overseas. T o encourage increased part icipat ion, loca l administrat ion chiefs were a l l ow ed to come a long w i t h their wives and chi ldren up to five years o f age. A m o n g other courses, the w o m e n learnt ta i lor ing and needlework, w i t h the expectation that they w o u l d lead w o m e n ' s groups in their o w n communi t ies upon return (Handbook for C D Worker s , 1968; Tacch i & Swart, 1967). O v e r a l l , a l l the courses were short, las t ing one and a h a l f to t w o months, and were targeted at communi ty development and welfare officers; agricul tural extension workers ; cooperative officers; loca l administrat ion chiefs, magistrates, and po l ice officers. In addi t ion to lectures, there were film shows and study-field tours (Uganda C o m m i s s i o n for U N E S C O , 1984). D u r i n g 1945-1962, several parastatals and semi-autonomous nat ional insti tutions also began to run adult education programmes. Included were the then Department o f E x t r a - M u r a l Studies at Makere re Co l l ege (now Makere re Un ive r s i ty ) , and the C o -89 operative U n i o n s . In addi t ion to evening classes, there were series o f pub l i c lectures and short residential courses. Other programmes were organized i n co l labora t ion w i t h government departments — w h i c h inc luded the then R a d i o U g a n d a (started i n 1953), C o m m u n i t y Development , C o m m e r c e , Co-operat ives and the U g a n d a P o l i c e ~ as w e l l as w i t h c i v i c organizations such as the Uganda C l u b . The establishment and existence o f t raining institutions i n most regions o f U g a n d a facilitated the p rov i s ion o f knowledge and sk i l l s t ra ining to adults, especial ly i n the practice o f better farming techniques and the fundamental communi ty development pr inc ip le o f self-reliance. The above his tor ical analysis is evidence that, even dur ing the co lon ia l per iod, a significant effort had been made on the development o f adult education and t ra ining practice and this intensif ied as the country m o v e d toward po l i t i ca l independence. H o w e v e r , to commi t ted adult educators and academicians, the achievements were not comprehensive, not coordinated, and d i d not penetrate the 9 0 % o f Uganda ' s adult popula t ion w h o are predominant ly rural residents. Furthermore, there were great restrictions to access as far as the greater popula t ion was concerned. Indeed, the beneficiaries were pre-selected (i.e., new Chr i s t i an and M o s l e m converts, members o f designated groups and associations, the loca l administrat ive chiefs and their w ives , and W o r l d W a r II ex-soldiers) . M o r e o v e r , educational materials were foreign and needed translation into native languages. Thus , thousands o f people were left unreached by the programs. It is f rom these perspectives that C l a r k e concludes , "the attitudes o f the co lon ia l [administration] government was half-hearted towards A d u l t Educa t ion" (Cla rke , i n A d u l t Educa t ion Pamphle t N o . l , 1967, p . 12). M o r e o v e r , the co lon ia l adminis t ra t ion 90 proved reluctant to implement many o f the recommendat ions o f the conference o n " A d u l t Educa t ion i n the C o l o n i e s " w h i c h took place i n 1951 (Ibid.). 4.3 Deve lopments d u r i n g the Independence Y e a r s A t the t ime o f independence, U g a n d a was ha i led as a showpiece o f B r i t i s h administrat ion, far ahead o f K e n y a and Tanzania , i n as far as economic , educational and socia l po l ic ies were concerned. T h i s pos i t ion is attributed m a i n l y to the pr iv i leged status accorded to U g a n d a as that o f a protectorate rather than a colony. A s a protectorate, settlers were not encouraged to "establish" themselves i n the country, as was the case i n neighbouring K e n y a . W h e n U g a n d a attained po l i t i ca l independence o n October 9 t h 1962, the accelerated government support to and involvement i n commun i ty development w o r k was more prominent . T h i s prominence is attributed to the urgent need to prepare people for self-reliance and loca l governance (Uganda C o m m i s s i o n for U N E S C O , 1984). In addi t ion, the efforts o f the innumerable pol i t ic ians , c i v i l servants, churches, and tradit ional loca l leaders a l l contributed — through their knowledge and sk i l l s — to the col laborat ive roles i n the field o f communi ty development. The immedia te years f o l l o w i n g independence, surrounded by the promise o f better quali ty o f l i fe for the people, prompted the state to allocate its pub l i c revenue toward the management o f economic development and socia l services del ivery. N o t only d id the state assume control over the church established schools , but also relegated the role o f the church to that o f charitable cause, such as re l i e f services, and the p r o v i s i o n o f health services. A l t h o u g h short - l ived (1962-1971), this was the per iod dur ing w h i c h most government programs were directed toward commun i ty development , notably adult 91 l i teracy programs, youth development programs, self-help communi ty development programs, and cooperative societies development (Educa t ion i n Uganda , 1963; W a n d i r a Report , 1972; U g a n d a C o m m i s s i o n for U N E S C O , 1984). A v a i l a b l e documentat ion reveals that 1962-1971 was a per iod o f real g rowth in the development o f adult education and communi ty development i n Uganda ; the greatest increase i n the number o f institutions, programmes, personnel , and number o f learners reached, a l l occurred dur ing this per iod (Uganda C o m m i s s i o n for U N E S C O , 1984; W a n d i r a Report , 1972). B y 1972, the Dis t r ic t F a r m Institutes (DFI ) and Rura l T ra in ing Centres ( R T C ) had spread from five districts to 15 o f the 18 districts. T h e N s a m i z i T r a i n i n g Centre evo lved f rom be ing a mult i -purpose t ra ining centre to spec ia l i z ing i n the del ivery o f courses in C o m m u n i t y Deve lopment and Welfare . Indeed, i n the early 1960s, the dual objectives o f the Centre reflected the inter twined relat ionship between adult education and communi ty development: i) to develop the Centre as the m a i n A d u l t Educa t ion Centre i n U g a n d a c lose ly t ied to the Rura l T ra in ing Centres, and i i ) to cater to needs connected w i t h the achievement o f po l i t i ca l independence i n c l u d i n g t ra ining suitable personnel to take over relevant posi t ions i n the post-independence per iod ( M u g a l a , 1976; U g a n d a C o m m i s s i o n for U N E S C O , 1984; W a n d i r a Report , 1972). It was also dur ing this per iod that more new government institutions were established: (i) Community Centres - the government at the time made a commitment in 1964 that each of the then 615 sub-counties be provided with a community centre by 1971. Each centre was meant to serve as a focal point for educational, social and recreational activities of the local residents. Radio and television receivers were to be provided to each centre for the delivery of both educational and entertainment programs. Unfortunately, by the time of the military takeover in 1971, only 300 community centres were completed, ii) Institute of Public Administration - to conduct training and prepare teaching materials in basic administration skills to meet the urgent "Africanization," human resource requirements of the Civi l Service, iii) Lav,' Development Centre - for provision of legal education at various levels to both the civil service and the public, iv) Fisheries Training Institute - established at Entebbe, the institute aimed at activities to up-grade in-service, middle-level staff and to train fishers, fish-breeders, fishmongers and boat-92 builders from all districts of Uganda, v) Reformatory Young Offenders - vocational training in agriculture, carpentry, tailoring and handicraft, vi) Management Training and Advisory Centre -for management consultancy and advisory services to industrial, commercial and public [government] concerns, vii) Mwana-Mugimu Nutrition Rehabilitation Unit - established near the largest government run Mulago Hospital, the unit aimed at mothers and their infants in the provision of preventative health measures, and practical demonstration in the treatment and rehabilitation of Kwashiorkor patients, and vii) Public Libraries - 10 existing and 7 planned public libraries and 18 branches all over the country. (Uganda Commission.for UNESCO, 1984) The achievements dur ing this per iod were reinforced by U N E S C O Genera l Conference on the Development o f A d u l t Educa t ion i n 1976, N a i r o b i , K e n y a , at w h i c h it was formal ly established that the general purpose o f A d u l t Educa t ion is to enable people regarded as adults by the society (to w h i c h they belong) to develop their abi l i t ies , enr ich their knowledge , improve their technical or professional qual i f icat ions or turn them i n a new direct ion and to b r ing about changes i n their attitudes or behaviour i n the two- fo ld perspectives o f fu l l personal development and par t ic ipat ion i n balanced and independent soc ia l , economic , and cultural development ( U N E S C O Genera l Conference, 1976, N a i r o b i ) . Correspondingly , the term adult education became broadly defined to incorporate any organized, non-formal , out-of-school educat ion for people o f w o r k i n g age, w h o no longer attend [ed] the formal school system or who have never attended school as w e l l as extra-curricular education for school -going adult-youth o f w o r k i n g age. A c c o r d i n g to the U g a n d a C o m m i s s i o n for U N E S C O (1984), dur ing independence, U g a n d a government pol ic ies and pronouncements supported education both generally and specif ical ly . A d u l t educat ion programs were manifested through the f o l l o w i n g : Basic or fundamental education (i.e., functional reading and writing, numeracy, preparatory courses); Life-long, continuing education (i.e., up grading, updating and adapting knowledge and skills to a changing world); Vocational education (basic art and craft courses as well as up grading and updating of technical skills); Education for social and civic responsibility (social skills, current affairs, awareness and development of positive attitudes and character); Education for leisure and relaxation (games, sports, creative spare time activities); Preparing non-school-93 going youths for productive living through youth development programs; and Extra-curricular activities for adult youths who are no longer in the formal school system. A s is presented above, it is clear that the developments dur ing 1962-72 marked the c l i m a x for both commun i ty development and adult educat ion i n Uganda . A s both l o n g established and new organizations expanded their programmes, adult educators in these diverse settings reached out to the majori ty o f people. It is also clear that this was the per iod dur ing w h i c h n e w approaches — m o b i l e f i lm-shows , informal sessions, debates, concerts, festivals, and exhibi t ions ~ were appl ied i n the de l ivery o f programs. M a n y publ icat ions were produced by the agencies to further the course o f adult educat ion and communi ty development. D u r i n g this per iod, adult education practice was an integral part o f communi ty development programmes. A s a first step, the programme captured the enthusiasm o f the vi l lagers and persuaded them to become communi ty development volunteers. T h i s was the per iod when every sub-county had a communi ty development centre at w h i c h adults cou ld meet for l i teracy programs that covered reading, wr i t i ng , and math. T h i s was also the place where volunteers were trained for communi ty development work us ing a variety o f teaching methods. T h e intensif icat ion o f the l i teracy programme was based o n the functional l i teracy concept. Coordina ted centrally by the M i n i s t r y o f Cul ture , Y o u t h and Sports, it entailed the creation o f l i teracy teams i n each administrat ive region consis t ing o f the officers responsible for education, agricul tural extension, and rural development w i t h i n each district . Efforts have also been made toward the reconstruct ion and rehabi l i ta t ion o f educational infrastructure i n col laborat ion w i t h both international and loca l agencies. Th i s is reflected i n the government successive recovery programmes and educat ional p o l i c y 94 documents. A l t h o u g h avai lable documentat ion (such as U g a n d a . C o m m i s s i o n for U N E S C O , 1984) does not make specific reference to adult education provis ions , stipulations that are l i nked to adult education practice inc lude: rehabil i tat ion o f radio broadcasting through the repair and maintenance o f key transmitters and the refurbishing o f a number o f studios; rehabi l i ta t ion o f commun i ty development centres a imed at rural t ra ining; rehabi l i ta t ion o f the phys ica l ly and mental ly challenged and for the support o f youth and w o m e n ' s movements ; and rehabil i tat ion, recovery and development o f adult education institutions. The next section presents a b r i e f history o f A C O R D , its in i t i a l objectives, and later successive involvement i n A f r i c a . The A C O R D - U G A N D A programme is also discussed a long w i t h the A C O R D - N E B B I programme, i n c l u d i n g the context i n w h i c h it has operated through the years i n both Jonam and Padyere counties o f N e b b i district. Information o n this section is based on the 25 research documents I obtained from the research and p o l i c y programme ( R A P P ) d i v i s i o n o f A C O R D i n L o n d o n and the pr imary documents I accessed from A C O R D - N E B B I l ibrary and office files. 4.4 ACORD involvement in sub-Sahara Africa The history o f A C O R D dates back to 1972 w h e n a group o f European non-governmental organizat ions ( N G O s ) established a consor t ium to respond to the challenges faced by the people o f southern Sudan, after over ten years o f c i v i l strife. T w o years later, another N G O grouping came together i n the wake o f devastation caused by the drought and famine i n the Sahel region, west A f r i c a . Later , the two organizat ions j o i n e d i n 1976 to form a consor t ium, w h i c h is k n o w n today as A g e n c y for Coopera t ion in Research and Deve lopmen t ( A C O R D ) . A s a g rouping o f twenty Canad ian and European 95 non-governmental organizations, A C O R D developed the capacity to marshal diverse resources, experiences and expertise toward commun i ty development programmes i n sub-Sahara A f r i c a (Research and P o l i c y Programme, Paper N o . 4 , 1 9 9 2 ) . W h e n its m i s s ion statement and geographic areas o f the programmes are examined, it remains clear that A C O R D is ma in ly concerned w i t h communi t ies in parts o f A f r i c a whose loca l communi ty organizat ion structures are either weak or non-existent. A s rev iewed i n chapter two, i n recent years, po l i cy makers at the loca l level have indeed cal led for the strengthening o f communi ty development capacity that w o u l d in turn enhance effectiveness i n communi ty p lanning and implementa t ion o f development init iat ives. Moreove r , this ca l l requires an approach that departs f rom present-day th ink ing w h e n one real izes that loca l development cannot be sole ly left to market forces consider ing that the market i s incapable o f p r o v i d i n g the requisite guidance. G i v e n its international composure , A C O R D is i n a pos i t ion to benefit f rom the co l lec t ive experience and fundraising infrastructure o f its twenty members , as w e l l as bilateral and mult i lateral support f rom the European U n i o n , the U n i t e d Nat ions and its specia l ized agencies, and international agencies o f the governments o f the N G O s that constituted the consor t ium. Thus , the creation and reinforcement o f loca l insti tutions has a lways been at the heart o f A C O R D programmes i n A f r i c a . Indeed, by w o r k i n g direct ly w i t h beneficiary organizations i n the front-lines o f development challenges, A C O R D has been i n a better pos i t ion to facilitate dialogue o n a l l aspects o f development issues, as w e l l as champion ing the international course o f thinking globally and acting locally. The next section contextualises the A C O R D programmes i n A f r i c a . 96 4.5 The ACORD-AFRICA programme A s the literature reveals, efforts pursued by A C O R D between 1972-85 can be d iv ided into two m a i n phases. The first phase, w h i c h covers most o f the early years (i.e., the 1970s) has been characterized by inst i tut ion bu i ld ing at the regional or district level and i nvo lved close l inks to respective A f r i c a n governments. The second phase ~ doing development by itself — commenced dur ing the 1980s and witnessed A C O R D ' s direct invo lvement i n development ini t iat ives i n chosen communi t ies . A n examinat ion o f A C O R D ' s w o r k i n other regions o f 17 countries i n A f r i c a (Refer to F i g . 1, o n the next page) is significant i n shedding light on A C O R D ' s efforts to address loca l development. The next section highl ights A C O R D ' s shift i n emphasis and approach over the years. The early years (1972-1980) Three programmes that illustrate A C O R D ' s focus dur ing the 1970s include the K i u development centre i n N g a r a district, Tanzania , the A M A D I institute i n southern Sudan, and the Coopera t ive M o v e m e n t development i n M a l i . A l l three programmes were based o n close col laborat ion w i t h l oca l authorities, and were planned to either provide services that were needed by the rural poor or, as i n the case o f M a l i , be representative o f the rural poor interests. A l l were expected to have an impact at a meso level (i.e., at the regional or sub-regional level) ( A C O R D - R A P P , 1992). Thus , the purpose was to offer service beyond the tradit ional non-governmental organizat ion m i c r o -project approach that was a c o m m o n phenomenon i n the 1970s. The rationale for this focus was that the government was perceived to be more than a "monol i th ic b lock" w i t h ind iv idua ls and departments commit ted and capable o f complement ing A C O R D ' s work . 97 FIGURE 1: ACORD IN AFRICA (Source: Adapted from A C O R D Annual Report, 1997, p.9) A MAURITANIA MAURITANIA Souhena MAII MALI •MA Pmgranvrw dsns la zone Ou tteut*. regnn de Gao torn ZoncProgrimnw, Gao • t f / i Appu au* Onoupes 'cbrarnunautams. 2one •v* pastorale deKidai Support to Community Groups in Pastoral Zone. K id* Region •MS) Appu aux communautes ruraies. rtgen de fembouctou I CommuTKOev. , J RWANDA RWANDA >* " PfogrammeO'apCJi pour ia '**megration aes 'aoatries <?: oestrtoumes u^-jtara Reintegration Programme f a Repatriates and Returnees n Umutara I Programme oe -eriaouitabon pour remmes seuies. tOgad Rehabtaoon Pngmmm for SmgteVttmenn Kigali I Programme o> dewtopperneni rurai. Nyak«iama Rural Devrtopment ftuu.am.ie in Nyobnama Commune, Ruhengeri • Programme o> dt wtouutmeni et de rttubriQauon. Bugesera P m g ^ o ^ g ^ SUDAN SOUDAN • * n Programme d'appm aux oewes entrepnsft. Port Soudan Port Sudan Smal Safe £ merpnse Programme Praoramme rntthiseaonel d'arde d'uropnee. iuba Juba Emergency Murti-SeaarAJ • nogrammtpourlaitabrlrsatcn * la pooutanon. Moms de la Mer Rouge Red Sea Hite Population t Programme tfaptxj am petnes entrepnses. Kaoala •Jaala Smal Stale brterpn* ERITREA ERYTHREE WU\ Programme de 'fMaorftiaton pour res rapatr<es e i <es anciens comfaattams Rctubriaauon Piogramme for Returnee* and Ex-f^hters aW* Ptojet depargne ei de credit. Sud Southern Zone Credit and Sawngs Scheme • J j Programme d appui aux rrstrtuiKXtt locales Support Programme to Local Institutions Reintegration oes combattanti demoWrses Reintegration of Demobirnsed ,1M>^A^anvT»f dedeve<ooeiiieiit, J / d s t n a d e S a b U a l e Sahl»ate faam [>e»wopmeni Programme Progranwilerehab-iaatjon. dstnet de Heawa. Mogadoao tmgmmm. Mogadishu Programme tfappu. a JI •nst/tutwns de Soma.« Support tc Soma* imtauterts ANGOLA ANGOLA mUi RehafatoationpaftiapaiNeei dewioppemerit, Luanda PtriXapatory RetMbirtatDn and tevefcaprnent n Luanda mJi, iVrub-rtataon pan*3patM> et deMtoppement, Lubango PanXtpawryPe.>4eflpmtrit in P»K**an 0mm o* Lubango M l | Appu. aw oammunauies agro-pastorates. Oambos Supporl 10 Agro-Pasttwafrst Convnurwes in Oambos TANZANIA TANZANIE Piugianmie de devtioouwiient rural. MtMauJO . B^amutoDrstiy D^wtapnunt Pnj^nrnme o> dewKJOoemeni cmwnunautaajp, Umagm K a r a g ^ ionjfixruty NAMIIIE •MM Formarjon des ONG locals en paruopalif traawxg m Partmpatory • tor local NGO, WWAMBQUf MOZAMNOUf •W* Apou aux otmrrruraute! de u «9«<i Ou lac. dowel de lago Support lo latewe ConnuBUe, n Lago DWrrcl Piuuiainireoedeonjei imn penurtxarr a Maputo i tmtmmmmm Amount* an oeHuma C^pac^r**4ng tor local 98 M o r e important ly, a l l were seen to be the log ica l partners to w h i c h m u c h o f the programme activit ies w o u l d be loca l i zed . Te rmed institutional building and based on the pluralist theory rev iewed i n chapter two, the approach holds that socia l behavior results from choices people make w i t h i n the inst i tut ional structures o f society. F r o m this perspective, to enhance developing countries ' ab i l i ty to develop, it is imperat ive that insti tutional and loca l structures, as w e l l as the attitudes o f publ ic off ic ials that constitute the institutions and loca l structures, are immedia te ly developed or strengthened (Ginther , 1995). In the 1980s it became increasingly clear that due to external pressures (from the I M F , the W o r l d B a n k and development theorists i n particular) the capacity o f loca l government structures to p lay the role o r ig ina l ly envisaged by A C O R D was progressively compromised . Furthermore, it also became clear that the accountabil i ty o f these intermediary loca l structures (such as the Cooperat ives i n M a l i ) as w e l l as those o f loca l government, towards the rural poor, was questionable. These shortcomings faced by A C O R D dur ing its early years are direct ly related to the per iod dur ing w h i c h l ibertar ianism was reintroduced a l l over again i n most countries i n sub-Sahara A f r i c a . Development theorists attributed the development cr is is dur ing the per iod as that o f "a state that has bitten o f f more than it c o u l d chew" ( A n y a n g N y o n g ' o , 1987, p. 14). Based on this analogy, the pressure exerted i n favour o f re- introduction o f l ibertar ianism was on the premise that, Instead of engaging in economic activity through parastatals, libertarians believed that the state should withdraw and confine itself to those activities it is most traditionally qualified to do in a free market economy, such as the provision of social infrastructure, maintaining law and order and guaranteeing a sound policy framework for development (Ibid. p. 14-16). 99 T h e m i d d l e yea rs (1980-1986) D u r i n g the per iod between 1980 and 1986, and as an apparent response to the pressures from development theorists, A C O R D began to engage i n what it c o u l d do best: to do development work by itself ( A C O R D - R A P P , 1992). Hence , a rapid growth in expatriate staff was accompanied by an increased emphasis on product ive activit ies, for example, i r r igat ion, market gardening, agricul tural and l ives tock projects and a d imin i sh ing level o f support to efforts directed at inst i tut ion bu i ld ing . A C O R D i n essence m o v e d away from col laborat ion w i t h state technical services, because o f the problems it had faced, and replaced this input w i t h its o w n staff. A C O R D ' s perceived lack o f confidence i n the state's capacity to enhance the achievement o f its goals was mir rored by its lack o f confidence and awareness o f the sk i l l s , resources and knowledge , o f not on ly loca l cadres, but also o f the loca l communi t ies it had a imed to support. The results o f the approach were that programmes became m u c h more expensive, tensions w i t h government departments increased, par t icular ly among organizations that were previous ly supported by A C O R D , and management became more diff icul t . The accelerated do it alone approach tended to increase overhead costs as w e l l as stifle ini t ia t ive and f l ex ib i l i ty . In addi t ion, the need to cover relat ively large budgets pushed A C O R D into fund-raising f rom bilateral and mult i lateral donors, and on the verge o f becoming sub-contractors for them i n certain cases. The threat to the organizat ion 's independence and to its mandate, i n terms o f support ing the emergence o f loca l structures i n areas where they were weak, became evident as there became increased emphasis on economic-or iented development efforts ( A C O R D - R A P P , 1992). 100 Change of emphasis in the later years (1986-1990s) After successive challenges i n appropriate responses to communi ty aspirations, the late 1980s and the 1990s witnessed A C O R D ' s fundamental shift i n focus to informal grass-roots organizations. Examples include the engagement o f v i l l age groups and pastoral associations i n Nor the rn M a l i , w o r k i n g w i t h v i l l age organizat ions and w o m e n ' s groups i n B u r k i n a Faso, the formation o f mutual savings groups i n Uganda , and mic ro -business development i n Port Sudan. The shift in a l l these programmes emphasized the establishment o f al l iances and col laborat ion w i t h the loca l groups formed. Thus , the focus dur ing this per iod was placed o n soc io-economic act ivi t ies determined by the ind iv idua l groups rather than by A C O R D , as had earlier been the case. Based on the be l i e f that communi ty members "knew what they really wanted", A C O R D ' s role dur ing this per iod was more o f a facilitator, rather than doing development itself. ( A C O R D - R A P P , 1992). 4.6 The A C O R D - U G A N D A programme A C O R D involvement i n U g a n d a came fair ly late compared to other parts o f A f r i c a where it had both the early and midd le years ' experience. It commenced operation i n G u l u (northern Uganda) and N e b b i (northwestern Uganda) i n 1979 and 1983 respectively, and i n the Oruch inga va l ley (southwestern Uganda) , i n 1987. T o date, there are a total o f seven A C O R D programmes i n U g a n d a (See Figure 2 on the next page). The early years o f A C O R D ' s w o r k i n northern U g a n d a has been characterized by efforts to rehabilitate product ive act ivi t ies , especial ly fisheries and agriculture, and on social programs, ma in ly the p rov i s ion o f health services. H o w e v e r , act ivi t ies i n both the N e b b i and G u l u programmes have through the years been punctuated by waves o f . insecurity. FIGURE 2: THE ACORD-UGANDA PROGRAMME Legend: UGA/02 Gulu Rural Development Programme UGA/04 ACORD-NEBBI Rural Development Programme UGA/06 Mbarara Rural Development Programme UGA/10 Programme Assistance to Southern Sudanese UGA/11 Oruchinga Valley Water Development Programme UGA/14 Moyo District Programme Assistance to Southern Sudanese Source: Adapted from ACORD Annual Report, 1997, p_3l 102 A C O R D ' s involvement i n U g a n d a has been guided by its o r ig ina l ph i losophy that is , Development... of the analytical skills and conceptual tools required for development planning and . . . management so that, when the programme [localized] and technical support is withdrawn, essential skills to enable the groups to continue development action will remain. (ACORD Programme Direction, 1985, p.4) Establ ished from 1983 i n the Ugandan northwestern region o f N e b b i district, A C O R D - N E B B I loca l ly recruited 19 R u r a l Deve lopment Worke r s and seven technical specialists who w o r k e d w i t h over 207 producer groups dur ing the early years o f the establishment phase. The A C O R D programme i n Mbara ra district, southwestern Uganda , c losely w o r k e d w i t h 357 groups whose total assets by 1991 amounted to over U S D S 106,807. A s for the A C O R D - G U L U programme i n G u l u district, northern Uganda , programme activit ies increased signif icant ly dur ing the per iod o f stabili ty o f the 1980s. The relative stabil i ty dur ing this per iod enabled field -staff to take up residence as m u c h as 30 k m from G u l u T o w n radius. Here the number o f groups rose to over 193 and group assets increased by 2 0 % . It was dur ing this per iod that producer associations i n G u l u successfully sought funds f rom an A C O R D member to b u i l d their o w n rice-hulling plant. P rogramme activit ies dur ing the 1990s were greatly restricted due to the mi l i ta ry insurgency and the requirement that v i l l age communi t ies be conf ined to designate protected villages established by government. W h i l e this move restricted the vi l lagers ' ab i l i ty to undertake var ious soc io-economic act ivi t ies , the government be l ieved that conf in ing the people i n protected v i l lages w o u l d deter the rebels. In the late 1980s and early 90s, A I D S clearly became a rival to c i v i l war as a major impediment to Uganda ' s efforts to promote self-reliant communi t i es . In regard to the three programmes (i.e., G u l u , Oruch inga , and N e b b i ) , A C O R D supported commun i ty 103 education and the t ra ining o f communi ty-based counselors for communi ty cop ing mechanisms such as i n support ing communi ty groups dur ing loss o f l oved ones. A particular concern has been to foster the development o f income generating act ivi t ies that are accessible to people and famil ies affected by A I D S and for w h o m a shortage o f labour is a major p rob lem. A programme that was established i n some o f the areas worst hit by the A I D S ep idemic enabled fishers to process f ish for export markets through a K a m p a l a -based fish house ( A C O R D A n n u a l Report , 1992, p.20). 4.7 T h e A C O R D - N E B B I P r o g r a m m e L o c a t i o n N e b b i district is one o f four districts i n Wes t N i l e province i n northwestern Uganda , hav ing a total area o f 2917 sq. k m and a popula t ion o f 315,815 (1991 Census) . L i k e other districts o f Uganda , N e b b i is endowed w i t h varieties o f natural resources namely, water, air, arable land, f lora and f lora. The A C O R D - N E B B I programme is located on the western flank o f the East A f r i c a n rift va l ley . L i k e most parts o f the rift va l ley , this area is fair ly flat w i t h h igh r o l l i n g h i l l s r i s ing i n steps as y o u move away f rom the lake/ r ivers toward the interior. It is flatter a long the A lbe r t N i l e , running from the north toward southern Sudan. There is another flat piece o f land about 8 k m wide i n the interior running from Parombo in the south, to K u c w i n y i n the north. The programme area covers the who le o f Jonam county, and s ix parishes in Padyere county, and stretches f rom Pany imur and Parombo i n the south, to K u c w i n y and W a d e l a i i n the north. The total geographic area covered by the programme is 2,600 sq. k m . It is bordered by A k w o r o sub-county and Democra t i c R e p u b l i c o f C o n g o (formerly 104 Zaire) i n the south; M a s i n d i and G u l u districts are separated by.the r iver N i l e and L a k e Albe r t i n the east; A r u a district i n the north; and Eruss i and N e b b i sub-counties i n the west. A l l i n a l l it covers two counties, seven sub-counties, twenty-seven parishes and a [Pakwach] t own board. The inhabitants of the programme area The A l u r people, a L u o speaking group o f the Western N i l o t i c , inhabit N e b b i district as a whole . There is however a smal l trace o f L e n d u and O k e b u tribes i n the western part o f O k o r o county. E v e n though the people speak the dialect ( A l u r ) , the people i n the programme area belong to two different societies. The Jonam do not consider themselves o f the A l u r decent. A n d not a l l the people l i v i n g w i t h i n Jonam county are considered Jonam. The people f rom Pany imur and Padyere are the ones who are c o m m o n l y referred to as the A l u r . These dist inctions are sometimes a source o f social tension. N o t a l l the people i n the programme area are A l u r or Jonam. There has been a great in f lux o f people f rom G u l u district (the A c h o l i ) , M a s i n d i (Bugungu) , A r u a (the Lugbara) , and people f rom tribes border ing the N i l e and L a k e A l b e r t . O n the northern fringe o f the programme area are people o f M a d i o r ig in w h o settled i n and around Wade la i and K u c w i n y areas. There has been an inf lux o f refugees from the ne ighbour ing Democra t ic R e p u b l i c o f C o n g o (formerly Zai re) dur ing the po l i t i ca l strife o f the early sixties, and more recently, i n the rebe l l ion that led to the over throw o f M o b u t u Sese Seko. The majority o f the people i n the areas a long the c o m m o n borders (i.e. i n A k w o r o , Parombo, and P a n y i m u r d iv i s ions) are o f A l u r o f C o n g o o r ig in . 1 0 5 The total popula t ion and household figure for the entire N e b b i district according to the 1991 popula t ion and hous ing census is 59,591 households conta in ing 315,815 people. O f these 164,277 (52%) are females and 151,538 (48%) are males. The populat ion o f the programme area is 120,262 (38%) out o f w h i c h 57,740 are males and 62,522 are females. The number o f households i n the programme area is 20,748, that is 3 5 % o f the district populat ion. Socio-economic and geo-political setting of the programme area The programme area (see Figure 3 on the next page) covers Jonam and Padyere counties i n N e b b i district i n Wes t N i l e province. W h i l e A r u a is the p rov inc ia l capi tal , N e b b i is the district headquarters and P a k w a c h , the site o f the programme office, is the capital o f Jonam county. P a k w a c h is at the terminus o f the T o r o r o - G u l u ra i lway l ine, but dur ing the per iod o f this study, the trains were not operational due to po l i t i ca l instabil i ty i n the north and northeastern Uganda . K a m p a l a , Uganda ' s capi ta l , is 400 k m and 6 hours dr ive by road from P a k w a c h i n a l ight passenger vehic le . There is a b i tumen road from K a m p a l a to K a r u m a B r i d g e , w h i c h is rap id ly deteriorating due to increased c i v i l i a n and mi l i t a ry traffic, compounded by irregular maintenance. The southern region o f West N i l e is connected to other parts o f U g a n d a by the on ly bridge located at P a k w a c h , a narrow point at w h i c h L a k e A l b e r t turns into A lbe r t N i l e . A n unsurfaced road runs f rom K a r u m a Br idge , through P a k w a c h . T rucks , smal l buses and commerc i a l vehic les are the l ink to produce markets i n Pa idha and A r u a but can meet neither the private nor the commerc i a l demands for transport i n the region. 106 FIGURE 3: THE ACORD-NEBBI PROGRAMME Gulu district ACORD-NEBBI OFFICE Masindi district Repub l i c of Congo Source: Panyimur sub-county 1998-2000 development plan, July 1998, NEBBI. Legend: ACORD-NEBBI covers the dotted region 107 A t the t ime o f this study, N e b b i district was undergoing.phenomenal infrastructure development: instal lat ion o f a telephone network was i n progress, an F M radio station had just been commiss ioned and electr if icat ion o f the district w i t h power generated from N y a g a k water falls i n O k o r o county had commenced . U n l i k e the southern and western parts o f U g a n d a w h i c h boast over 7 commerc ia l banks, N e b b i district has only two commerc ia l banks (Cooperat ive B a n k and U g a n d a C o m m e r c i a l B a n k ) w i t h several branches i n the counties o f O k o r o , Jonam and Padyere. M o s t bank branches i n N e b b i district have l iqu id i ty problems o w i n g to the unstable security si tuation and l o w level o f economic act ivi ty. Thus , it is normal practice to m o v e w i t h large sums o f cash for fear o f not getting to it readily when it is deposited at the loca l bank. There is a district medica l officer stationed i n N e b b i , a l though stations such as P a k w a c h and Nyaravur dispensaries have m i d w i v e s as heads o f med ica l units. There is a cotton ginnery at P a k w a c h — Southwest N i l e Coopera t ive U n i o n — w h i c h buys and gins cotton f rom the district, after w h i c h the bales are shipped to K a m p a l a . There are no other large scale operations, except for the boat construct ion and carpentry w o r k ( A b i r a W o o d W o r k s ) and the P a k w a c h T o o l s Produc t ion Centre that manufactures furniture, w o o d and metal fabricat ion for agricultural implements , ox-tract ion and appropriate v i l l age technology undertakings. B o t h establishments w o r k c lose ly w i t h A C O R D - N E B B I and have gained immense ly from their associat ion w i t h programme technicians and trainers. A t the loca l l eve l , a tradit ional c lan o f smiths produces kn ives and metal implements . C o m m e r c e is cont ro l led by smal l businesses at the retail l eve l , and over 8 0 % o f their merchandise l ines are non-perishable products. F o o d is either g r o w n ind iv idua l l y for personal consumpt ion or purchased at markets i n the region. There is currently hardly any 108 market ing structure at regional and sub-regional levels . The economic backbone o f N e b b i district is agriculture, f o l l owed by fishery. A g r i c u l t u r a l produce has t radi t ional ly, even today, been for the grower ' s o w n sustenance and the surplus marketed for cash income. Agr i cu l t u r a l product ion is based on cassava, sorghum, mi l le t , maize , c o o k i n g bananas, Irish and sweet potatoes. C o w peas, beans, and soy provide the people w i t h most o f the plant protein, w i t h f ish as a supplement. O i l seeds (o i l p a l m and sesame seeds) are produced both for the market and the grower ' s o w n consumpt ion . N o t many varieties o f vegetables are g rown (the c o m m o n l y found ones include cabbage, tomatoes, aubergine) and some leafy plants (e.g., guinandropsis , w h i c h is t radi t ional ly gathered and prepared as "spinach"). Bananas, citrus fruit, mangoes, avocados, jackfrui t and cashew nuts are produced for households ' o w n consumpt ion and a smal l por t ion so ld i n the market for cash income. Summary In this chapter I have summar ized his tor ical and po l i t i ca l developments w h i c h confronted the emergence o f non-governmental organizations engaged i n adult education-supported communi ty development, w h i l e at the same t ime expl ica t ing h o w successive governments shifted their priori t ies that ranged from focusing on commun i ty development-adult education and training programmes, to pol ic ies geared to sustaining economic prosperity o f the country and loca l communi t ies . A l s o revealed i n this chapter is h o w successive Ugandan governments recognized the role w h i c h adult educat ion plays i n comprehensive human development . T h i s recogni t ion has been expressed i n the pronouncements and speeches o f various government minis t r ies and off ic ia ls . V a r i o u s government development plans also contain 109 statements o n the role o f adult education, especia l ly i n connect ion w i t h c o m m u n i t y development ini t iat ives. Howeve r , as can be observed i n this his tor ical development, there is no specif ic , comprehensive legis la t ion i n U g a n d a that recognizes adult education as a crucia l and specific component o f the country 's educat ion system and as a permanent element i n the country 's soc ia l , cul tural , po l i t i ca l and economic development po l i cy . The chapter has revealed that the government has yet to articulate plans, programmes and structures w h i c h meet the needs and aspirations o f a l l categories o f communi ty development practice ~ the third sector — and especial ly ones that reflect modern concepts and practices. Furthermore, I have presented i n this chapter, A C O R D ' s history, development objectives, and later successive involvement i n sub-Sahara A f r i c a . I have also highl ighted A C O R D ' s shifts i n development objectives i n the 1970s, dur ing the 1980s, and i n the 1990s. The shift i n emphasis f rom cooperative programmes, to insti tutional bu i ld ing , and later, to communi ty development and development o f loca l structures, indeed co inc ided w i t h debates o n po l i t i ca l theories o f development , their l imi ta t ions , and alternative options advanced to loca l development rev iewed i n chapter two. The chapter has concluded by contextual iz ing the case study. The next chapter presents a descript ive analysis o f A C O R D - N E B B I education and training programs i n N e b b i district, northwestern Uganda . 110 CHAPTER V: A DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS OF EDUCATION AND TRAINING ACTIVITIES AT THE ACORD-NEBBI PROGRAMME In this chapter I present a descript ive analysis o f the educat ion and t ra in ing component o f A C O R D - N E B B I development programme, i nc lud ing its l inkages w i t h communi ty-based organizations ( C B O s ) i n N e b b i district. Da ta used to prepare this chapter were obtained f rom A C O R D - N E B B I programme reports (quarterly, half-year ly , and annual reports, 1990-1997); A C O R D annual reports (1992; 1996; 1997); gender and development documents i n the field (Hadjipateras, 1994; 1995; 1996); notes from the c o m m u n i t y development workers w h o are also referred to as t ra ining officers; l o c a l l y developed t ra in ing manuals ( M a f i i m b o , 1998); agro-forestry technicians; and in terviews w i t h study participants. B y examin ing what the methods and content o f specif ic A C O R D -N E B B I c o m m u n i t y development cur r icu la reveal about the pr inc ip les o n w h i c h the programs are based, the descriptive analysis hereby sets the stage for responding to the first research question pursued i n chapter s ix that fo l lows . In i t ia l ly , most o f the knowledge and sk i l l s t ra ining was de l ivered b y A C O R D -N E B B I i n the respective parishes, at the request o f the C B O s . In the beg inn ing , the scope o f the t ra in ing centre was very l imi ted . T h e t ra ining centre that began as an accommoda t ion fac i l i ty for field staff dur ing their regular mon th ly t ra in ing workshops and seminars later underwent a review. O v e r t ime, the activit ies o f the C B O s and ind iv idua l s affi l iated w i t h A C O R D - N E B B I increased i n complex i ty , and the type o f support required became more intricate, ranging from exposure to w i d e r investment poss ib i l i t ies to broadening o f knowledge and sk i l l s to perform co l lec t ive tasks effect ively. I l l Pr io r to the t ra ining centre construction, A C O R D - N E B B I conducted programme area-wide consultat ion i n the parishes. The general consensus found was that the t ime participants took i n preparing to attend t ra ining programs was excessive and the t ime taken for sharing some o f the practical experiences at t ra ining were not adequate for comprehensive, complete t raining. T h i s was attributed to the fact that participants w o u l d travel long distances to the t ra ining locations, on ly to arrive late and leave early to attend to other domestic responsibi l i t ies . T h i s suggested the need for a residential place for participants to stay dur ing t raining, instead o f merely catering to A C O R D - N E B B I staff, as was in i t i a l ly the case. Later, the centre p rov ided office and accommodat ion for A C O R D - N E B B I workers , served as a site for workshops and seminars, and was a resource centre for small-scale enterprises i n the area. M o s t o f the centre's educat ion and training activit ies were planned i n close consultat ion w i t h the groups that kept emerging. The education and t ra ining beneficiaries were helped to identify their specif ic needs and pr ior i t ize them. A t the same t ime A C O R D - N E B B I publ i shed and circulated its plans for the centre in both native ( A l u r ) and E n g l i s h languages. Af ter a series o f consultations, both A C O R D -N E B B I and communi t i e s ' v i ews were incorporated into the centre's education and training programs. 5.1 External training T w o A C O R D - N E B B I personnel attended a course o n development management for development officers i n government and N G O s he ld i n Lusaka , Z a m b i a . The course took place f rom 29th A p r i l to 24th M a y 1991. The course covered the strategies to enhance sk i l l s o f development workers i n ident i fying c r i t i ca l gender and development 112 issues that constrain development processes at the communi ty l eve l ; impar t ing important p lanning and management sk i l l s required to promote gender sensit ivi ty for effective, efficient and sustainable ini t iat ives; and strategies that create opportunities for development workers to share their experiences on factors that constrain development init iat ives. It can be deduced that the foundation o f the compulsory gender sensitive programme i n A C O R D - N E B B I originated f rom this course, and when the communi ty consultat ion was conducted i n 1987, it s imply reinforced the need to emphasize gender as a crucia l factor i n communi ty development cur r icu la and practice. M o r e specif ical ly , the course contributed toward the development o f act ion plans for gender sensitive analysis o f men's and women's w o r k roles at the communi ty l eve l , as w e l l as i n br ing ing to light the special pl ight o f w o m e n i n tradit ional development p rogramming . It is also evident that the part icipat ion at the course created the required impetus and commitment to women's par t ic ipat ion i n the A C O R D - N E B B I programmes, development processes and the result has been evident through groups formed and managed by w o m e n . A second significant external t raining occurred i n the area o f appropriate v i l l age technology. The appropriate technologist o f A C O R D - N E B B I underwent a study exchange v is i t through the Na t iona l Service Secretariat i n Ghana , for a per iod o f two months i n 1991. The course covered knowledge and sk i l l s i n bee keeping, texti le dyeing, food processing, soap and b r ick m a k i n g . M o r e s ignif icant ly , this external t ra ining la id the cornerstone for t ra ining cur r i cu la i n income generating act ivi t ies that were later pursued by the C B O s . 113 5.2 Internal training T h e R u r a l Deve lopment Worke r s received two sets o f residential t ra in ing, dur ing 1989-1991, at the centre i n self-identified areas that inc luded the concept o f change agent, roles, and their characteristics; programme methodology; pover ty and its causes; c o m m u n i t y mob i l i z a t i on ; and role o f the facili tator ( A C O R D - N E B B I 1989 ,1991) . T h e R u r a l Deve lopment Worke r s have backgrounds i n teaching, agriculture and forestry, account ing, and soc ia l w o r k professions. T h e most important aspect o f the internal t ra ining was the need to create a sense o f what Stan B u r k e y (1993) w h o w o r k e d at the A C O R D - N E B B I programme summarizes as the goal o f a change agent, one that has impl ica t ions to the des ign and de l ive ry o f sk i l l s t ra ining programs: Go to the people; Live with them; Work with them; Start with what they have; Build on what they know; And in the end; When the work is done; The people will rejoice; We have done it ourselves! 5.3 Training to self-selecting groups S i m i l a r activit ies on t ra ining have been extended to members o f the C B O s i n order to improve their organizat ional and managerial sk i l l s . T h e self- identif ied needs that developed into modular courses are group dynamics and leadership; c o m m u n i t y m o b i l i z a t i o n and part ic ipat ion; commerce; book keeping; strategic p lann ing ; and financial management. A n d when I asked the beneficiaries o f t ra ining o n manure m a k i n g about what they do w i t h the t raining, a response was . . . We return home and begin to practice the knowledge or skills gained . . . Those who do not attend the training or are non-members of our group still get the knowledge from us . . . To some, we share the knowledge, and to others, they see physically what activities we are doing in our own homes. . . But we keep encouraging them to start making their own too. And the resources for making manure are available in every village in this county (Extract from programme beneficiaries group interview). 114 O v e r the years A C O R D - N E B B I expanded its t ra ining prpgram to cover the change agent role, book-keeping , appropriate technology, artisan fishery, agro-forestry, gender sensitive p lanning , strategic p lanning, b lacksmi th ing , evaluat ion, s imple data co l lec t ion for moni to r ing and auto-evaluation, f inancia l management, fund ra is ing, organizat ional and leadership sk i l l s . The A C O R D - N E B B I t raining officers acknowledge that bu i ld ing management capabi l i ty is an important tool for the success o f a group ini t ia t ive. It is as important as capital . Management t raining has covered such topics as: basic book-keeping for smal l business ventures, conduct ing feasibi l i ty studies, market ing o f f inished products, cont ro l l ing quali ty o f what is produced, keeping adequate records o f informat ion, and p lanning o f activit ies. O f equal s ignif icance is the t raining to improve the leve l o f technology i n use. Technologies that save t ime, labour, and cost; are adaptable to loca l condit ions; use loca l ly avai lable inputs, and are user envi ronmenta l ly fr iendly, are promoted by the programme. In l o o k i n g at the consultative discussions that A C O R D - N E B B I conducted i n 1987 w i t h communi ty and group representatives about the objectives o f the t ra ining centre, most v i ews were i n favour o f deve lop ing the centre to meet i nd iv idua l groups' requirements through three strategies. Firs t , by p rov id ing pract ical sk i l l s t ra ining. The training program was later conducted both w i t h i n the programme and outside the programme area. F i e l d vis i ts by A C O R D - N E B B I staff and beneficiaries to other parts o f the country and outside the country occurred. Second, by encouraging the u t i l i za t ion o f avai lable informat ion and resources as m u c h as possible , and to divers i fy the product ion base o f the groups. T h i s entailed encouraging and promot ing different income generating 115 act ivi t ies i n v i l l age communi t ies . T h i r d , by p romot ing l inkages among the people through the creation o f informat ion and ne twork ing systems, i nc lud ing faci l i ta t ing seminars and workshops; faci l i ta t ing exchange vis i ts among groups and ind iv idua l s ; demonstrat ing new ideas and innovat ions; and encouraging l inkages w i t h institutions l ike the Uganda S m a l l Scale Industrialists Assoc i a t i on . T o date, the t ra ining centre conducts a variety o f act ivi t ies , both proactive and at the request o f the communi ty-based organizations. F r o m the summary o f the rural t raining centre programs that occurred dur ing the per iod between 1990-1993, as presented i n Table 2, it can be observed that the objectives and nature o f participants influence the content at every step o f the t ra ining program design and locat ion o f the t ra ining del ivery T A B L E 2: A S U M M A R Y O F T H E T R A I N I N G C E N T R E ' S P R O G R A M S . 1990-93 P U R P O S E P A R T I C I P A N T S C O N T E N T - To provide all ACORD-NEBBI staff with basic knowledge of credit management. - To gain knowledge and skills in; leadership; community mobilization; resource mobilization; financial management. All ACORD-NEBBI staff Parish Planning Committees - Credit management - Feasibility analysis - Leadership skills - Resources mobilization - Financial management - To enable the participants to improve their work with the community Loan Allocation Committees - Feasibility analysis - Book-keeping - To acquire additional knowledge and skills in management; environment; resource mobilization; leadership skills. Landing officials - Management - Environment - Resource mobilization - Leadership - To prepare the trainees for TASO training of trainers AIDS volunteers - Understanding the Community - Personality awareness - Peoples' roles in the community - What is AIDS? - Evaluation To enable trainees to train others in helping community to respond to AIDS epidemic AIDS volunteers trainees - Basic facts on AIDS/ HIV - Prevalence and extent - Community Action Plan To enable staff acquire additional knowledge in working with partners ACORD-NEBBI staff - Feasibility analysis Reporting - Gender Facilitation skills Credit review Loan allocation committees Review of credit policies and roles Sharing ACORD-NEBBl's experiences in credit schemes Program managers and technical staff - Targeting of credit - Credit policy/ management - Leadership/ group dynamics - Feasibility studies Source: Rural Development Promotion Programme, UGA/04 Quarterly Report, 1993. p. 12-13. O f part icular importance is the emphasis A C O R D - N E B B I place on ensuring that i nd iv idua l t ra ining programs meet particular needs o f the targeted beneficiary groups. Fo r 116 instance, the programme emphasizes the training o f volunteers to del iver commun i ty health education programs, the sharing o f experiences between groups carrying s imi la r activit ies, and on workshops geared to gender sensit ivi ty as w e l l as faci l i ta t ion and leadership sk i l l s . Thus , it can be concluded that A C O R D - N E B B I ensures the foundational t raining concerns for communi ty development are addressed as they are valuable to communi ty groups i n both their self-selection group process format ion and col lec t ive activit ies that the groups identify. Table 3 shows a sample o f t raining programs that were conducted between 1996-1997. The community-or iented nature o f the participants' types and the frequency at w h i c h the beneficiaries attended the specific programs further illustrates the increased emphasis p laced on gender as a cr i t ica l factor i n part icipat ion at the t ra ining programs. The total figure o f 4433 females compared w i t h 6482 m e n reveals a trend i n the elevat ion o f the status o f w o m e n i n tradit ionally male dominated N e b b i [Alu r ] society. T A B L E 3: S U M M A R Y O F F I E L D T R A I N I N G P R O G R A M S , 1996-97 PARTICIPANTS # of Times TRAINING CONTENT M F Community representatives 10 Nutrition; Food production; Types of foods; Food preservation, Serving; Family planning; Gender awareness. 81 165 Community representatives (Farmers) 7 General crop management 92 43 Local Allocation Committees (LACs) and Group representatives 27 Credit policy; Review of the scheme. Review of the LACs, 232 . 163 Community representatives Parish and Zonal Planning Committees 75 Definition of community; Identification of problems; Alternative solutions; Priority setting; Planning; Implementation; Community mobilization/ resources; Monitoring; Evaluation; Roles of committees. 294 831 Community and group representatives 55 Bee-keeping/ apiary management. Ceramics; Storage; Blacksmithing - heat treatment; VIP latrines; Energy serving devices. 390 175 AIDS Volunteers and community representatives 78 Facts about AIDS; Modes of Transmission; Behavioural change; Counseling skills; Protection/ prevention; Training techniques. 5039 2,757 Groups/ Association's representatives 47 Planning; Business management 354 210 TOTAL 299 6482 4344 Source: compiled from the field training documents, ACORD Library, 1998. 117 5.4 O n identifying training needs Based on document data and informat ion p rov ided by A C O R D - N E B B I t ra ining officers in terviewed, there is evidence that, i n most cases, t ra ining takes place after they have conducted needs assessments w i t h the part icular group or commun i ty concerned. The f o l l o w i n g excerpts f rom ind iv idua l interviews point to the var ious ways that t raining needs are identif ied: We visit groups, attend their meetings, carry out group analysis, conduct needs assessments, and at end o f the day come up with different training needs from each o f them . . . As a programme, we carry out a problem analysis in the community. And on the findings o f that analysis, where there is a need for training, we then organize wi th the community the areas o f training. And then we draw up a plan to train with specific objectives, the activities, inputs, outputs, and possible assumptions about that particular training program (Extract from community development workers individual interview). The cassava crop, a root tuber, is a staple food i n the region. U s i n g the cassava crop as an i l lustrat ion, the agro-forestry technicians attest to this fact: When the community realize a decline in yield on a crop they have grown for many years, and their yields have reduced considerably, there grows a need to introduce a new crop variety . . . And through interaction with Namulonge Agricultural Research Station in Kampala, we later conducted an introduction o f a new crop variety — Tropical Mornihort Series — and to this new crop variety, one area o f training has been to train the farmers in the skills o f mult iplying the stocks . . . Because we would bring in l imited stock, we provided the beneficiaries with skills and techniques for mult ip ly ing the stocks so that in subsequent years, they would keep on mult ip ly ing the stock while we would keep on monitoring (Extract from community development workers individual interviews). There are other ways o f ident i fying ind iv idua l groups' t ra ining needs. A p p e n d i x e s B , C , and D illustrate the approach appl ied to determine the needs o f i nd iv idua l groups. A p p e n d i x A illustrates a needs assessment on the cassava crop. B y participants check ing on the score sheet h o w m u c h they k n o w o f the m a i n activit ies f rom 1-10 subject areas, the agro-forestry technicians are i n a m u c h more informed pos i t ion to develop a t ra ining program that meets the specif ic level o f the learners i n a part icular communi ty . Thus , the popular program o n rapid cassava stock mul t ip l i ca t ion was based on a t ra ining needs 118 assessment, der ived through farmers' self-assessment o f knowledge about cassava g rowing and harvest. A p p e n d i x C concerns the leadership assessment form used by t ra ining officers to establish the leve l o f leadership sk i l l s t raining required by the beneficiaries. B y the applicants indica t ing their level o f involvement i n their self-selected groups, the t raining participants help t raining officers identify the elements required i n the leadership sk i l l s t raining cur r i cu lum. T h i s is further important to po in t ing at what w o u l d be the performance expectations on their respective communi ty-based organizations ' work , upon comple t ion o f the leadership training. T o a id the p lanning process, the t ime o f participants' ava i lab i l i ty helps to establish i f the program should run cont inuously without breaks or as one that is spread over several weeks. The point here is to enhance participants' f l ex ib i l i ty so that the t raining does not interfere w i t h i nd iv idua l group work . A p p e n d i x D illustrates the t raining needs assessment fo rm for deve lop ing relevant training materials for the various courses at A C O R D - N E B B I . They include appropriate v i l lage technology t raining, l ivestock management, group credit management, moni to r ing and evaluat ion, gender sensitive program planning , and book keeping. 5 . 5 Forms of training conducted Gender sensitive training A C O R D - N E B B I bel ieves that interpersonal relations, staffing structures, and po l ic ies are important ingredients to change and loca l iza t ion . Therefore, the implementa t ion o f a successful gender strategy invo lves understanding and deal ing w i t h internal constraints and workers ' sensit ivit ies about gender issues at both organizat ional and p rogramming levels . 119 A C O R D - N E B B I development programme is a imed at ach iev ing a better and sustainable standard o f l i v i n g for the people covered b y the programme. A n d the means to achieve this objective have been through the p r o v i s i o n o f knowledge and sk i l l s to the groups w i t h the goal o f increasing opportunities for c o m m u n i t y residents. T h e t ra in ing participants have consisted o f w o m e n ' s groups, men ' s groups, and m i x e d groups. T h e t ra ining has been appl ied to the var ious areas o f act ivi ty , at the request and pace o f the groups, namely , agriculture, fisheries, appropriate technology, bee-keeping, pottery, batik, agro-forestry, credit scheme, water^ nutr i t ion, commun i ty health, t ra in ing, ne twork ing , net-braiding. One o f the t ra ining officers had this to say: We work according to group requests and plans . . . Recently we traveled and delivered bookkeeping, and later, leadership skills. Next week we will facilitate gender analysis workshops . . . And we continue to be asked by the groups, when are you coming to us? So we are moving at groups' pace (Extract from community development workers individual interviews). Gender sensi t ivi ty i n program activit ies has been an indirect approach to sens i t iz ing communi t ies i n the programme area. The data col lected suggest that the approaches include a) the p rov i s ion o f appropriate information, knowledge and sk i l l s w h i c h used to be directed exc lus ive ly at m e n to women's groups, b) less stringent access to f inancia l credit, thereby increasing w o m e n ' s capi tal for large e c o n o m i c a l l y p roduc t ive ventures, c) encouragement o f w o m e n to undertake activit ies w h i c h used to be m a i n l y for m e n (i.e. wood- lo t management, bee-keeping, smal l business ventures), d) confidence b u i l d i n g , encouraging w o m e n to acquire leadership confidence and abil i t ies through t ra in ing i n leadership sk i l l s and encouraging their par t ic ipat ion i n dec i s ion m a k i n g w i t h i n l o c a l c o m m u n i t y structures, e) h a v i n g m i x e d seminars o n ownership and cont ro l o f resources, and f) gender sensit ization seminars at the field l eve l . 120 Training of trainers The t ra ining o f trainers program is p r imar i ly a imed at p rov id ing communi ty development workers and members o f groups and associations affil iated w i t h A C O R D -N E B B I , the knowledge and sk i l l s for effective communi ty development practice. T h i s is part icularly essential i n the case o f continued group format ion processes based on the multiplier concept and one that draws on the experiences o f other groups. N o t on ly has it been cost effective [as trainers are locals] but also that the trainers are k n o w n to the soc io-po l i t i ca l and loca l development challenges i n the programme area. In an in terview w i t h the agro-forestry technicians, it appears the t ra ining o f trainers' approach is effective, as i n their v i e w . . . This is appropriate for community members, whom we want to become trainers in their respective local communities. For example, we found a group that we trained in agriculture on rapid cassava stem multiplication. That is an income generating activity, and at the same time, a form of human capacity building. So, we use those members to train others on how to multiply cassava stock. So, as these beneficiaries, whom we train locally, learn all relevant knowledge and skills associated with their respective group activities; we at the A C O R D - N E B B I programme begin to feel that our capacity building initiative is working (extract from the community development workers individual interview). Benefic iar ies o f t raining o f trainers have inc luded communi ty health educators, communi ty development workers , and v i l l age change agents w h o are engaged i n the p rov i s ion o f t ra ining at the grass-roots l eve l . On-the-job training T h i s program focuses o n ind iv idua l i zed t raining, i n w h i c h trainees w o r k a long w i t h an experienced person and learn procedures w h i l e watch ing , t a lk ing w i t h , and he lp ing the experienced person. T o A C O R D - N E B B I beneficiaries, on-the-job t ra ining has been effective because it addresses the trainee's specif ic i nd iv idua l needs and situations. S ince it is conducted i n the actual w o r k place, on-the-job t ra ining provides 121 m a x i m u m rea l i sm. Moreove r , the learner receives immediate feedback to redress what has just been tackled. A n d being adult learners, when they are pos i t ive ly reinforced, they gain incentive to continue performing more effectively. Benef ic iar ies o f on-the-job training have been participants at oxen p lough t raining, and the tools product ion centre. Organizational strengthening and institutional development of CBOs F r o m the A C O R D - N E B B I t raining officers' manuals , the term organizat ional strengthening and insti tutional development for C B O s embraces the f o l l o w i n g : t raining in book-keeping and credit management; gender sensi t ivi ty to promote gender balance development ini t iat ives; participatory moni to r ing vis i ts to C B O s to observe and find out progress on C B O s performance; and jo in t meetings o f A C O R D - N E B B I and C B O s to discuss cost-sharing and loca l N G O formation. Training in field research methodologies The t raining i n field methodologies program began because many groups and associations lacked the confidence to carry out their o w n research without some training i n this area. T ra in ing i n this category has inc luded workshops o n participatory rural appraisal techniques, supported by fieldwork act ivi t ies. Append ices E , F , G , and H illustrate the types o f t ra ining that are conducted after t raining needs are identif ied i n the groups. A p p e n d i x E ~ B o o k keeping t ra ining — is a c o m m o n t ra ining act ivi ty because a l l communi ty based organizat ions are engaged i n income generating activit ies and therefore handl ing large vo lumes o f cash is a c o m m o n practice. D u r i n g m y group interviews, one prominent fact that featured was that most o f the adults were elected as treasurers o f their groups p r imar i ly due to their trustworthiness, and not based on any account ing background. T h i s lack o f basic book keeping can be 122 observed i n the wa y cr i t ica l distort ion o f revenues and expenses,, or interest on loans lent to members, are entered i n the books o f accounts. A l t h o u g h it is the group treasurer who needs the t ra ining the most, other executive members also must understand the f inancial summaries that are discussed at various meetings. Tra in ing i n conduct ing feasibi l i ty studies has also been accessed by a majority o f the groups because every group needs to identify and assess the social and economic v iab i l i ty o f their income generating activit ies. A C O R D - N E B B I believes that equipping executive members o f the groups w i t h basic knowledge for assessing v iab i l i ty o f income generating undertakings is an important component o f the capacity b u i l d i n g strategy. Appendices G , H , and I are t ra ining elements for the Trainer o f C o m m u n i t y W o r k e r program. The three Appendices illustrate the contents, behaviour and attitudes, as w e l l as teaching sk i l l s that the trainer should learn for t raining further volunteers. The three checklis ts are u t i l i zed i n the trainer o f communi ty workers ' program for communi ty health education outreach. T h i s also demonstrates that A C O R D - N E B B I programme is not only preoccupied w i t h d ivers i f ica t ion o f income generating activit ies but also communi ty health education. The efforts to raise communi ty awareness by A C O R D - N E B B I programme on certain pressing loca l issues that are beyond the control o f communi ty-based organizations are better addressed by the par t ic ipat ion o f a l l stakeholders at a gathering such as seminars. A p p e n d i x J illustrates the approach, w h i c h has been pursued to effectively deal w i t h environmental protection, education and awareness ra is ing in the programme area. 123 A p p e n d i x J shows h o w some learning activit ies can be shared by a w ide spectrum o f people. In this case us ing the seminar as a method, the key people i n the programme area met for one day to engage participants i n cr i t ica l t h ink ing and consciousness ra is ing about the need for environmental protection and required act ion necessary to ensure the preservation and resource conservat ion at the communi ty l eve l . Identifying communi ty loca l by laws on environmental protection (especially bush burning) and d rawing up act ion plans for the implementat ion o f the loca l by laws o n bush burn ing i n the communi ty were the priori t ies i n this part icular seminar. Thus f rom the group act ivi t ies , in terviews, and documentat ion rev iewed, A C O R D - N E B B I preoccupat ion w i t h knowledge and sk i l l s essential to the predominant forms o f economic act ivi ty has been at the fore front o f the programme. T h i s is evident i n the organizat ional strengthening and insti tutional development o f groups that emerged. O f specific importance has been the del ivery o f t ra ining and book keeping, gender sensitive p lanning and evaluat ion and moni to r ing t raining as a foundation to strengthening groups. A summary of the forms of education and training programs A C O R D - N E B B I education and t ra ining programs consists o f three major forms: informat ional , instruct ional , and participatory. Informational t ra ining refers to the transfer o f informat ion from a source, such as an ind iv idua l or a resource l i ke a film, to the trainee. They include b r i e f lectures for convey ing new informat ion to groups as i n participatory rural appraisal techniques; reading materials prepared for the participants for use dur ing and after t ra ining programs; and field visits dur ing w h i c h participants are exposed to different ways o f do ing things by 124 more experienced, effective groups. The f o l l o w i n g responses from training officers is i l lustrative: There are different situations to which we use different learning methods. For example. Lectures when we are tackling a topic not every person is familiar with . . . Group discussions to involve learners into providing their views, especially in sharing experiences on a subject . . . Brain storming to tackle often sensitive issues, for example, impotence . . . Through exchange and field visits, groups are exposed to different ways of doing things and the achievements of more experienced and confident individuals or groups (extract from community development workers individual interviews). Instructional t raining concerns the appl ica t ion o f sk i l l s , and i n A C O R D - N E B B I case, it takes the form o f on-the-job training. A p p l i c a t i o n s i n this category include demonstrations and practices where groups w h o have comprehensive knowledge on the subject demonstrate their sk i l l s to others that observe what is being done. The procedure is reinforced by experienced groups w h o then coach the trainees i n correct procedures throughout the practice, unt i l it is perfected and the learner has mastered the procedure. In a group in terv iew w i t h programme beneficiaries, typical activit ies cited were: Popular oxen training, and training in appropriate technology hand-tools production at the tools production centre (extract from program beneficiaries group interviews). Part icipatory t raining, w h i c h is at the heart o f experience-based learning, draws on the problem so lv ing resources o f a number o f people. A t the A C O R D - N E B B I programme, participatory t raining includes group discuss ion techniques — at w h i c h several members and organizat ions affi l iated to the A C O R D - N E B B I programme come together to share informat ion and opinions , analyze problems and f ind appropriate solutions to c o m m o n problems — and role plays, assist learners i n integrating content, by acting out the situation under d iscuss ion. Further explanations by the t ra ining officers validate the s ignif icance o f participatory t raining, in this case, role-play: Role play is especially effective in leadership skills training because the participants become aware of the issue considering most of the beneficiaries never attended formal education . . . Yet it is these types of individuals who have great opportunities for leadership positions in both 125 group and public situations . . . With Role play, participants get more involved as they easily follow the topic (Extract from community development workers individual interview). R o l e plays is a preferred method w i t h groups because the study participants revealed that it helps learners make use o f real-l ife experiences, provides immediate feedback, a l lows them and the others to rehearse and share their feelings on the newly gained sk i l l s i n a safe and control led environment. A l s o , games and s imulat ions are the other preferred techniques because they are "next best" to real-l ife experiences for the learners. B y a l l o w i n g the learners to generate solutions to a scenario, valuable lessons about issues get the fu l l and und iv ided attention o f the learner. A u d i o - v i s u a l aids combined wi th part icipat ion is also popular ly appl ied because, to the trainers, the more their senses that are i nvo lved i n the learning experience, the more q u i c k l y such informat ion gets integrated by the learner. Based on the presentation above and successive interviews conducted w i t h the t raining officers, Table 4 presents a summary o f the t ra ining methods used inc lud ing w h y training officers use the method and associated potential weaknesses. A rev iew o f the var ious knowledge and sk i l l s t ra ining manuals at the A C O R D -N E B B I programme indicate that the t raining officers have adopted many o f the elements o f program p lann ing consistent w i t h western literature (Bea l et a l , 1966; B o o n e , 1985; B o y l e , 1981; Freire , 1972; H o u l e , 1980, 1996; K n o w l e s , 1982; Nad le r , 1982; Sork & Caffarel la , 1989). F o r example , there are steps for des igning t ra ining programs, learning objectives have to be clear ly stated, t ra ining objectives should address certain key pointers, and behavioural outcomes need to consider certain specific condi t ions . The t ra ining officers had this to say: 126 Training has got its steps . . . First, we identify the true picture of a situation through a needs assessment to confirm what knowledge and skills gaps require addressing . . . It is from this identification that we proceed with the approach on how to do the training (Extract from community development workers individual interviews). Indeed, i n the above program planning literature, the steps used i n designing training programs include: dec id ing on the purpose o f program, setting objectives, TABLE 4: A SUMMARY OF ACORD-NEBBI TRAINING METHODS Method Overview of procedures Why Training Officers use the method Potential Weaknesses Lecture One person does most of the talking, may use handouts, visual aids, questions/ answers to supplement lecture less time required for the trainer preparation than other methods; provides more information quickly when retention of details is not important Does not actively involve trainees in training process; trainees forget much information when it is only presented orally. Demonstration Effective for basic skills training. Trainer shows trainees how to perform a task or conduct a procedure; can include opportunity for trainee to perform the task (s) being demonstrated Emphasizes trainee involvement; several senses can be involved. Requires more preparation time, planning, and attention to detail. Seminar Effective for experienced trainees; offers possibility to use several group methods (lectures, discussions, workshops) which require group participation. Group members are involved in the training; can use many group methods (role-playing, case study) as part of the seminar activity. Planning is time consuming; trainer(s) must have skill in conducting a seminar; much time is required for training experience. Workshops Effective problem solving approaches; group approach to.considering a specific problem or issue and to reaching a solution to a problem. Much trainee participation; obtains trainee consensus; allow the use of several methods (lecture, seminars) to keep sessions interesting. Group may be hard to control; group opinions generated at the conference may differ from the other stakeholders of the issue being confronted. Role Plays Effective for interpersonal communications and relations. Trainees pretend to be selected people in specific situations and have an opportunity to experiment with different approaches to dealing with the situation. Trainees can leam of certain possible behaviours/procedures/ reactions during the learning process; skills in dealing with people can be practiced; alternative approaches can be analyzed and considered. Much time is spent getting points across; trainers must be skillful and creative in helping the participants learn or draw lessons from the situation. Simulations Effective for skill development. Trainees imitate actions required on the task. Training becomes "real," trainees are actively involved in the learning process; training has direct applicability to tasks that would be performed in the post-training period. Simulations are time-consuming; require a skillful and creative trainer. Field work/projects Effective for teaching situational analysis. The work is a description of a real pr imagined situation, which contains information that trainees can use to analyze what has occurred and why. Can present a real-life situation, which enables trainees to consider what they would do; can be used to teach a wide variety of skills in which application of information is important. Field work is difficult to write and time consuming to discuss; the trainer must be creative and skillful in leading discussions, making points, and keeping trainees on the track. Source: ACORD-NEBBI Community Development Workers, individual interviews and notes (1998). col lec t ing the content o f the program, grouping the content, w h i c h relate to each other into mode l , p l ac ing the models into log ica l sequence, dec id ing on appropriate learning methods, and dec id ing o n h o w the program w i l l be implemented . 1 2 7 F r o m both the interviews and documentat ion, A C O R D - N E B B I t ra ining officers consider set learning objectives useful because they bel ieve trainees learn better when they k n o w i n advance what it is that they are expected to learn; faci l i ta t ion o f feedback is enhanced since trainees find it easier to assess their o w n progress; they provide trainees w i t h greater control over their o w n progress; trainers "teach" better when they are "forced" to th ink out i n advance what it is they are t ry ing to achieve; they create a better "fit" and "match" between course content and course methods; and they promote better u t i l i za t ion o f teaching t ime, as the trainer k n o w s exact ly what he or she is t ry ing to do/ achieve dur ing the process. In wr i t i ng the t raining objectives, A C O R D - N E B B I t ra ining manual emphasizes identif icat ion o f expected behaviour by name and specifying the k i n d o f behaviour accepted as evidence that the learner has met the objectives. A l s o spelt out is the need to define desired behaviour further, by descr ibing the important condi t ions under w h i c h the behaviour is to occur. A l s o , established i n the p lan are descriptions o f specif ic cr i ter ia for acceptable performance (i.e., h o w w e l l the participant should perform i n order to be considered effective). A n d f ina l ly , i n the t ra ining manual , the process o f w r i t i n g behavioural learning objectives invo lves considerat ion o f the behaviour desired, a descr ipt ion o f the situation i n w h i c h the behaviour is to be observed, and the content to w h i c h the behaviour is to be exhibi ted (The A C O R D - N E B B I T ra in ing M a n u a l , 1992). 5.6 Training program planning and implementation cycles Based o n the documentat ion, A C O R D - N E B B I educat ion and t ra ining program applies a four- level t ra ining approach: preparing for the training; conducting the training; coaching trial performances; and following through. T h i s approach is 128 consistent w i t h exis t ing works found i n the international literature on mult i -purpose and generic educational program planning models . In this section I discuss the four-level t raining approach. O n p r e p a r i n g f o r the t r a i n i n g A l t h o u g h the communi ty development workers and change agents k n o w that they have done the same training over and over, A C O R D - N E B B I programme insists that instructors develop writ ten formats to guide t raining del ivery. T h i s insistence cou ld be attributed to creating a consistent, structured and focused t ra ining process. F r o m the A C O R D - N E B B I instructors ' perspectives, the requirement covers the f o l l o w i n g s ix major areas. The first part concerns writing the training objective (s). T ra in ing objectives help describe what learners should k n o w or be able to do upon comple t ion o f the program. A t the end o f the t ra ining session, the learners should be able to demonstrate each task, w h i c h should be l isted i n the expectations o f the part icular subject being taught. In this regard, an example o f one t ra ining objective for a program whose participants were members o f newly established credit groups reads: At the end of the training, participants will be able to state the importance of feasibility studies, mention all the components of feasibility studies, and define and discuss each component of feasibility studies. The second part focuses on developing program plans. A wri t ten step-by-step session p lan ou t l in ing tasks w h i c h participants w i l l learn, helps guide the t ra ining f rom extreme deviat ions f rom the or ig ina l objectives. The program plan draws heavi ly from the performance standards expected o f the tasks that are undertaken i n the field, as w e l l as the abi l i ty o f the learners to draw o n their personal experiences. 129 The third part invo lves deciding on the relevant training, methods. A t this stage, particular attention is p laced on methods, w h i c h are appropriate i n meet ing and enhancing a t raining objective. Where possible, opportunities that a l l o w a demonstrat ion o f the tasks and provide step-by-step v i sua l aids are considered at this stage. T h i s is i n part based o n the fact that the more y o u invo lve a learner's five senses — hearing, sight, touch, taste, and smel l — the more effective the understanding and long-last ing memory o f the knowledge , sk i l l s and experiences that w o u l d have been gained. The fourth part covers establishing a timetable for the training. De te rmin ing h o w long each training session w i l l take is crucia l because a l l associations and groups affiliated to A C O R D - N E B B I are engaged i n different soc io-economic activit ies that have var ied peak periods. F o r example , the peak season for f i sh ing act ivi ty is Augus t , and the busiest season for groups engaged i n produce market ing is dur ing the harvests o f cash crops (cotton) and food crops (mil le t , sorghum, and corn) between N o v e m b e r to January. Therefore, schedul ing t ra ining sessions for a t ime that does not interfere w i t h personal engagements o f both the instructor and the t ra ining beneficiaries is important. Fo r this reason, t raining sessions are usual ly scheduled to co inc ide w i t h periods o f l o w act ivi ty amongst associations and groups. The fifth issue concerns selection of the training site. A very effective way is to conduct the t ra ining at the w o r k station (s) i n order that every learner gains pract ical experience and understands the procedure be ing learnt. Fortunately, A C O R D - N E B B I has managed to develop a t ra ining centre at w h i c h a l l its t ra ining programs are conducted. The on ly t ra ining events that are conducted outside the centre include the oxen transporter t raining and on-the-job t ra ining at the hand-tools product ion centre. 130 The s ix th factor relates to assembly of training materials and equipment. Sett ing up a l l materials and necessary equipment that w o u l d be required i n the training, as w e l l as those that may be required, i n case plans change, before beginning the session, is c ruc ia l . In conc lus ion , to the communi ty development workers and the change agents, it is the preparation stage o f the t ra ining process that requires a clear and commit ted focus on w h i c h the rest o f the remain ing three levels are bui l t . The next section deals w i t h h o w A C O R D - N E B B I instructors conduct their t ra in ing programs. O n c o n d u c t i n g the t r a i n i n g T h i s stage concerns preparing the participants. E x p l a i n i n g the session's t raining objectives is crucia l because it focuses both the learners and the process that fo l lows . The explanat ion is significant for the fact that, at t imes, adult learners examine what is in it for them, before ever mot iva t ing themselves to engage i n the learning process. Therefore, it is important to exp la in w h y the t raining is important, h o w it relates to what they are do ing i n their l ives , and to the associat ion or group, and h o w the learners w i l l benefit f rom it. Thus , spending as m u c h t ime on the "why" as on the "how" is important. Furthermore, it is important to a lways indicate to the learners exact ly what to expect o f an instructor. T h i s helps to exp la in the degree to w h i c h the instructor is more o f a facilitator, rather than a director, hence ach iev ing the point o f learner-driven t raining. Rela ted to the issue o f conduct ing t raining is demonstrating the procedures that depend on the task at hand. T h e t ra in ing participants in te rv iewed revealed that it i s very useful for the instructors to not on ly exp la in issues theoretically, but also to demonstrate them i n actual field situations. Benefic iar ies o f A C O R D - N E B B I t ra ining programs indicated that they understand and remember more i f they can v i e w the procedures that 131 are accompanied by the sharing o f experiences related to the suhject. Thus , encouragement o f learners to ask questions, whenever they require c lar i f ica t ion, and to share some o f their experiences relating to the subject at hand, proves useful to the entire group. Ano the r fact that features i n this section is the need to minimize the use ofjargon. F r o m the participants w h o attended A C O R D - N E B B I t ra ining programs before, and w h o were interviewed, the use o f words that learners w h o k n o w what they do i n the field without k n o w i n g what their technical names are, tend to undermine their learning curiosi ty. The study participants argue that they can p i ck up ja rgon and terminology later as they become more famil iar w i th the new knowledge and sk i l l s . Thus , i f dur ing the training process an instructor uses words or terms that are less famil iar to learners, it is useful, the study participants argue, to have a list o f such words a long w i t h their defini t ions i n lay person's terms. T o the participants i n this study, this is the most important part o f the learning process. M o s t past beneficiaries o f A C O R D - N E B B I t ra ining indicated that the use o f ja rgon and unfami l ia r te rminology is in t imidat ing . T ra in ing should assume the role o f demyst i fy ing learning, w h i c h is t radi t ional ly associated w i t h the brightest and the young . A c o m m o n example ci ted i n this respect was the most mot iva t iona l t ra ining program on participatory rural appraisal techniques and the appl ica t ion to loca l N e b b i situations. The communi ty associations and groups formed have as their p r imary goal the betterment o f their qual i ty o f l i fe through increased choices. In an effort to achieve this goal , the training process should enhance, rather than inhibi t adult learning process, and i f less j a rgon and terminology can do it, so m u c h the better. 132 One c o m m o n l y over looked issue i n the t raining programme is the effort for instructors to take adequate time. Participants i n the study revealed that it is important to keep i n m i n d that learners may be hearing or seeing certain things for the first t ime. Therefore, go ing through the t ra ining s l o w l y and carefully is helpful . In addi t ion, exp la in ing and demonstrating each aspect o f every step enhances understanding and memory. B e i n g patient when learners do not understand each step immedia te ly and want repetit ion is equal ly important i n the learning process. In a nutshel l , gear the t ra ining to the learners' pace. Las t ly , it is important to repeat the sequence of any procedure that is covered dur ing the t ra ining session. G o i n g over the entire procedure or step two or more t imes as may be required enhances a thorough understanding o f the process. W h e n demonstrating a procedure the next t ime around, it is valuable to ask learners questions and invi te their involvement to check their comprehension. O n c o a c h i n g t r i a l p e r f o r m a n c e W h e n learners understand the subject w e l l enough to perform the procedure(s) effectively, ask ing them to demonstrate and exp la in the subject or procedure is the next appropriate and important step. T h i s practice a l lows the instructor to check the trainees' comprehension. It also helps the learners develop the right procedure. Through coaching , instructors help learners focus on a procedure and task to a j o b w i t h knowledge , sk i l l s and confidence. T h i s is the c o m m o n l y appl ied procedure i n the on-the-job t ra ining at A C O R D - N E B B I oxen and hand-tools product ion t raining. M o r e o v e r , to praise learners immedia te ly w h e n they perform properly, and correct them when they do not perform 133 effectively by r ev iewing the proper procedures, a l l help reinforce, the effectiveness o f the knowledge and sk i l l s being introduced. O n f o l l o w - t h r o u g h Af ter the in i t ia l t ra ining per iod is completed, it is important to f o l l o w through to make sure that employees perform effectively. It is not A C O R D - N E B B I ' s practice to do performance evaluat ion unt i l the learners have pract iced i n the field for an extended per iod o f t ime. They do this through communi ty development workers , who undertake field vis i ts to communi t ies , to observe h o w former t ra ining participants perform i n conduct ing the affairs o f their associations or groups. F r o m the field vis i ts and activit ies o f communi ty development workers , it is clear that the t ra ining participants are accountable for translating their acquired knowledge and sk i l l s to the communi ty . A C O R D - N E B B I ' s activit ies, w h i c h relate to fo l low-through, consist o f coaching , reinforcement and feedback. One o f the fo l low-through approaches appl ied is the coach a few tasks each day technique. T h i s i s c o m m o n i n the oxeniza t ion and hand-tools product ion t raining, and the knowledge and sk i l l s relating to associat ion and group process management techniques. The approach is based on the reality o f the v i l l age learner 's si tuation. Spec i f i ca l ly , it is diff icul t for learners to absorb more than a specific amount o f n e w informat ion at each t ra ining session. Therefore, l i m i t i n g informat ion to what learners can reasonably understand and remember i n a single session is very signif icant . It is important to a l l o w enough t ime for practice. A s w e l l , cover ing addi t ional informat ion i n subsequent sessions unt i l learners have learned a l l o f the procedures or responsibi l i t ies is c ruc ia l . 134 Anothe r approach, w h i c h is c o m m o n l y app l ied i n A C O R D - N E B B I f o l l o w -through process, is the continued positive reinforcement technique. The p rov i s ion o f learners w i t h posi t ive reinforcement, when they perform w e l l , dur ing and after t raining for the most part helps them retain what they have learned. It is par t icular ly useful i n the oxeniza t ion and hand-tools product ion training. W h e n learners do not meet the set expectations, for various reasons, a favourable correct ion attitude to redress the issue is more effective. It is more important i f the correct ion process invo lves explanations o f w h y the participant should have done it the other way. T h i s has a last ing effect on the less preferred performances or procedures, and leads to a retention o f the preferred way. Thus , the feel good posi t ive approach helps improve the learners ' performances inc lud ing the enhancement o f their retention o f posi t ive attitudes. The next c o m m o n l y appl ied method i s provision of constant feedback. T h i s is made possible at both the residential and f ie ld t ra ining programs by the fo l low- through approach. Firs t , A C O R D - N E B B I communi ty development workers l ive , and are located i n the respective communi t ies i n w h i c h they work . The i r ready ava i lab i l i ty ensures no problems take long to identify and solve. The i r presence i n the communi ty makes it possible to moni to r the performance o f beneficiaries o f the var ious t raining programs. The close p r o x i m i t y factor encourages learners to ask questions or seek c lar i f ica t ion about tasks they are learning to do inc lud ing a face-to-face d iscuss ion o f ways the learners can implement to improve their performance. Ano the r c o m m o n l y appl ied approach is that o f obtaining participants' feedback. T h i s c o u l d be described as the process o f evaluat ing the learners' progress l ong after attending the t ra ining program. A C O R D - N E B B I per iod ica l ly seeks 135 opinions f rom former participants o f its t raining programs i n order to identify and establish any element that requires improvement . T h i s approach is realist ic because most often, the feedback w h i c h participants provide immedia te ly f o l l o w i n g the comple t ion o f t raining bears litt le s ignif icance to their pract ical experience. H o w e v e r , to a l l o w past participants to assess the knowledge and sk i l l s gained dur ing the training, long after they have gained opportunities, is a pract ical w ay to meaningful ly evaluate the move toward loca l iza t ion and change. In this respect, the questions c o m m o n l y asked by t ra ining officers inc lude: Do you believe the training was beneficial to your current work? what part was most helpful?; how could we improve the program?; who were your instructors?; how were they helpful?; how could they have been more helpful?; what is your opinion of the training program?; on a scale of 1 (low) to 10 (high), how would you rate the training program you attended?; do you have any additional comments to make about your training? (ACORD-NEBBI Training Manual, 1997. p.23) Table 5 summarizes the key pointers considered i n the t ra ining del ivery process: T A B L E 5: A S u m m a r y of A C O R D - N E B B I F o u r Level T r a i n i n g Process L E V E L 1: P R E P A R E T O T R A I N WRITE D E V E L O P DECIDE ESTABLISH SELECT A S S E M B L E SET-UP training objectives lesson plans on training methods a timetable for instruction the training location training materials/equipment the training location or site L E V E L 2: C O N D U C T T H E T R A I N I N G PREPARE BEGIN D E M O N S T R A T E AVOID T A K E REPEAT the trainee the training session the procedures jargon adequate time the sequence L E V E L 3: C O A C H T R I A L P E R F O R M A N C E S A L L O W C O A C H the trainee to practice the trainee L E V E L 4: F O L L O W T H R O U G H C O A C H CONTINUE PROVIDE E V A L U A T E OBTAIN a few tasks each day positive reinforcement constant feedback the trainee's progress participant feedback 136 5.7 Limitations to objectives-based instructional planning T h e previous section has elaborated o n A C O R D - N E B B I ' s four- level approach appl ied i n preparing to train, conduct ing the training, coaching the t r ia l performance, and f o l l o w through. These t ra ining levels are consistent w i t h objectives-based instruct ional p lann ing . A l t h o u g h the A C O R D - N E B B I t ra ining R u r a l Deve lopment W o r k e r s in te rv iewed do not quest ion the l imi ta t ion o f objectives-based instruct ional p l ann ing to c u r r i c u l u m development, the activit ies o f the groups as out l ined i n Tab le 6 b e l o w poin t to the pract ical problems associated w i t h this approach. TABLE 6: 1998 TYPICAL GROUP ACTIVITIES CALENDAR ACTIVITIES J F M A M J A s 0 N D Responsibilities 1.1. Following their rules and regulations set x X X X X X X X X X X X members 1.2 Training workshops on Participatory Monitoring and Evaluation. X members & ACORD-NEBBI 2.1 Organizing seminars on positive living, care and support to AIDS affected people. X members and ACORD-NEBBI 3.1 (a) Training on identification of local tree species. (b) Training on the preparation and application of identified tree species. X members and ACORD-NEBBI 4.1. Training workshops on credit management. X members and ACORD-NEBBI 4.2 Training workshops on business mgt. X members and ACORD-NEBBI 4.3 Contribution of monthly deposits. X X X X X X X X X X X X members & ACORD-NEBBI 4.4 Giving loans to members X X X X X X X X X X X X members and ACORD-NEBBI 5.1. Training workshop in leadership skills X members and ACORD-NEBBI 6.1 Exchange visits with selected CBOs. X X X X X X members and ACORD-NEBBI 6.2 Networking with relevant development actors. X X X X X X members and ACORD-NEBBI 6.3 Training workshop on project planning X X X X X X members and ACORD-NEBBI 7.1 Training workshop on the agronomy of selected crops. X X X X X X members and ACORD-NEBBI 7.2 Training workshop on tree planting X X X X X X members and ACORD-NEBBI 8.1 Workshop on gender responsive planning X X X X members and ACORD-NEBBI 8.2 Workshop on legal education X X X X members and ACORD-NEBBI 9.1 Collection of building materials X X X X X X X X X X X X members and ACORD-NEBBI 9.2 Construction of the storage house X X X X X X X members and ACORD-NEBBI 137 The issue o f representation o f beneficiary's interests i n instruct ional p lann ing practice has received great attention recently. It is generally he ld that where an educational program is causal ly connected to the interests o f the targeted beneficiaries then w h o designs such programs as w e l l as w h o are i n v o l v e d i n the process real ly matter. Table 6 highlights the activit ies that the A C O R D - N E B B I beneficiary group set to accompl i sh and where the Rura l Deve lopment Worke r s assist the group to develop a m u c h clearer calendar o f activit ies. W h i l e the intention o f the R u r a l Deve lopment W o r k e r s (who are mandated by A C O R D - N E B B I ) are to help groups achieve their goals, it is c ruc ia l that the beneficiary groups are i nvo l ve d i n both the planning for planning and the actual planning process o f the t ra ining that is required. F r o m informat ion gathered dur ing the f i e ldwork T it is clear that the t ra ining beneficiaries are engaged at the needs assessment l eve l , and thereafter, the R u r a l Deve lopment Worke r s des ign the programs required, based o n the literature o n learning wi thout direct ly engaging the groups i n the entire process. Indeed, the beneficiaries also agree that they attend the various t ra ining programs when they realize they need them and that they make sure it direct ly assists them in better performance o f their tasks. The most prominent being participatory approaches to communi ty development. Howeve r , Rura l Deve lopment Worke r s s t i l l take a greater por t ion o f the instruct ional roles i nc lud ing dec id ing on what is included and excluded in the actual t ra ining process (See Table 4). W h i l e this poses a challenge to the outcome o f the learning process, that fact is that most beneficiary groups are less educated and hence not able to make sense o f any substantive p lann ing that can achieve such pos i t ive outcomes for themselves. Thus the R u r a l Deve lopment W o r k e r s have to perform three 138 duties: serve as program planners, facilitators, and assume the pps i t ion o f beneficiaries. It is f rom this perspective that Cervero and W i l s o n (1994, p .144) h ighl ight three concerns: Three central issues that are continually decided in planning are who actually represents the learner, when they are to be involved, and in what judgements they are involved . . . [The three issues] are continually played out in relation to each other as a program is constructed. First, the various potential representative sample of actual learners . . . Second, learners could be involved in planning from the earliest stages . . . [including] planning that occurs before the program [in addition to the one] which occurs during the program . . . Finally, learners could also be involved in all the judgements from which a program is constructed . . . Grouped into four areas-purpose, audience, content, and format. 5.8 ACORD-NEBBI training programs and the principles of adult learning T h i s section analyzes the ways adults learn. Cons ide r ing that A C O R D - N E B B I t raining participants are adults, i n order to in form the effectiveness o f educational program p lanning directed at adults, a c r i t ica l understanding o f the fundamentals o f adult learning is imperat ive. A s reviewed i n chapter two, w i t h its roots i n social action and resistance to oppressive authority, adult education has contributed immense ly to development processes through consciousness-raising. The appl ica t ion o f the work by Freire (1972) i n Tanzania , Gu inea -Bi s sau , and B r a z i l attest to this contr ibut ion. O v e r t ime, the tradit ional v i e w o f education for development and domestication has shifted fundamentally toward a perspective that embraces education for social change, and one that involves reflection o f people's o w n experiences w i t h i n the changing po l i t i ca l , economic , and social structures (Bonson , 1990). A C O R D ' s approach to communi ty development for change and loca l iza t ion is evidence o f this fundamental shift i n development th ink ing . A n d from a t ra ining officer w h o was a respondent in this study: When training, we know that we are not training primary pupils that 2+2 = 4 (Extract from the program coordinator individual interview) 139 A d u l t learning can be defined by its unique characteristics that are inherent i n its approach. T h i s study has p rov ided the opportunity to in form theory and practice us ing the field data. H a v i n g observed the adult nature o f t raining at A C O R D - N E B B I programme and based on the rev iew o f literature o n the pr inc ip les o f adult learning, the f o l l o w i n g is a synthesis o f seven c o m m o n l y he ld and articulated assumptions regarding the practice (Cross , 1982; Freire, 1972; H o u l e , 1996; Jarvis , 1987; K i d d , 1977; K n o w l e s , 1982; Lovet t , 1980); L y n c h , 1977; Ottoson, 1994; 1995; Thompson , 1980). Fi rs t the desire to learn. A d u l t s learn effectively w h e n they are strongly motivated to do so, when they want to acquire addi t ional knowledge or new sk i l l s . T h i s means that they must be ready and w i l l i n g to learn. T h i s is a v i e w shared by a t ra ining officer who was a respondent i n this study: As time passes-by, there are new techniques that come around, for example what they call Rapid Cassava Stem Multiplication (RCSM). So there was a need that we train, in order to transfer the knowledge and skills to local farmers more effectively (Extract from community development workers individual interviews). Second, the immediacy o f app ly ing new knowledge . A d u l t s learn q u i c k l y when they need to learn. In addi t ion, they learn best when they think they w i l l gain immediate benefits and make prompt use o f newly acquired knowledge or sk i l l s . A d u l t learners prefer direct, b r i e f explanat ion without unnecessary background or unusable information. They want the instructor to te l l them precisely what to do, h o w and w h y it should be done, and what makes the issue work . I f adults think that t ra ining is not appl icable or does not meet their needs, they w i l l most probably tune out, i f they do not drop out entirely. T o a learner, the above v i e w can be interpreted as what is in it for me? A C O R D -140 N E B B I t raining program addresses this issue by offering o n demand training at the request and pace o f the learners. T h i r d , learning by do ing . A d u l t s learn best when they act ively participate i n learning. A d u l t s retain more knowledge and informat ion w h e n they practice and use new sk i l l s immediate ly . They learn best by pract ic ing the sk i l l s themselves, rather than watching a demonstration or s imply l is tening to a series o f lectures. The A C O R D - N E B B I programme applies this pr inc ip le to oxen t raining, hand-tools product ion apprenticeship, and i n ceramics sk i l l s t ra ining. Four th , a realistic focus. A d u l t learning is enhanced w h e n it is based o n real problems, not imagined ones. The importance o f rea l ism i n adult learning is very significant. M a n y adults resist w o r k i n g on a p rob lem, w h i c h is obv ious ly developed solely for t raining purposes. I f a p rob lem seems unrealist ic, adult learners might assume that the trainer invented it, and that it w o u l d not occur i n the real w o r l d . T h i s is a v i e w shared by a t ra ining officer w h o was a respondent i n this study: We visit the CBOs . . . attend their group meetings, carry group analysis, even needs assessment, and at the end of the day develop different training needs for each of them (Extract from community development workers individual interviews). Indeed, A C O R D - N E B B I tai lored t raining approach (i.e., the p rov i s ion o f t ra ining at the pace and request o f the communi ty-based organizations) provides the rea l ism to both the t raining and the beneficiaries. F i f th , relat ing learning to l i v e d experience. A d u l t learning must be related to, and integrated w i t h , knowledge and sk i l l s gained through a l i fet ime o f learning. A d u l t s w i l l probably reject informat ion that does not fit i n w i t h what they already k n o w or think they k n o w . In fact, adults ' past experiences may prevent them from absorbing new informat ion 141 or even from perce iv ing it accurately. One o f the t ra ining officers i n the study had this to say: I have been a teacher for a long time . . . You see, as a person grows up there are certain things one goes through - challenges, achievements, painful experiences, missed or untapped opportunities . . . We the development workers have to make ways to bring these experiences to light. . . And we do so by brainstorming, questioning, discussions with village communities . . . Through these approaches we can find out what skills we need to share with them . . . So they tell you where their strengths, opportunities, challenges are. You don't impose anything on them because that won't work (Extract from community development workers individual interview). T h i s means that trainers must g ive participants every opportunity to become act ively i nvo lved , to interrupt, ask questions, share their experiences or concerns, or even disagreements. T h i s way, the trainer may g r o w to understand the trainees' experiences and attitudes. T h i s may help the trainer to present new informat ion i n a way that acknowledges the adults ' experience, thus m a k i n g them more receptive to t raining. S ix th , an informal environment. A d u l t s learn best i f the t ra ining environment is relaxed and informal . It is best to present the material i n a conversat ional way, w h i l e frequently ask ing for reactions from the participants. G r o u p i n g the participants i n clusters o f three to five instead o f the tradit ional classroom-seating pattern adds to informal i ty and encourages interaction. A d u l t s w i l l resist t ra ining, i f the trainer treats them l ike ch i ldren or tries to "manage" the c lassroom. The A C O R D - N E B B I experience indicates that both residential (at the t ra ining centre) and field t ra ining (at the parishes, and locations o f the groups requesting the training) were conducted. M o r e important ly, A C O R D - N E B B I t ra ining beneficiaries are key i n the process o f p lann ing and de l iver ing the t ra ining sessions. Indeed, t raining organizers can have a more effective, pleasant t ra ining experience i f they approach 142 t ra ining participants as learners w i t h r i c h and valuable experience o n w h i c h to b u i l d further knowledge . Seventh, guidance not grades. Because they are often out o f school for some t ime, adults may be unsure about their learning abil i t ies . I f their efforts are evaluated w i t h tests and grades, adults may retreat f rom the learning experience rather than risk being humil ia ted w i t h a poor grade. Howeve r , adult learners want to k n o w h o w they are progressing and whether they are learning and per forming correctly. A d u l t s demand a lot o f themselves; they lose patience and become discouraged when they make mistakes. S u m m a r y This chapter has presented an analysis o f the var ious t ra in ing act ivi t ies managed by the A C O R D - N E B B I communi ty development programme where the case study occurred. A l s o presented is the approach to ident i fying t ra ining needs w h i c h t raining officers achieve by both attending group meetings and adminis ter ing needs assessment forms. The chapter also highl ights residential and field-training act ivi t ies , i nc lud ing on-the-job t raining, gender-sensitive-training, as w e l l as organizat ional strengthening and insti tutional development training-related programs. Cove red i n depth in this chapter is the four-level t raining process that is consistent w i t h western literature on preparing to train, conduct ing the t raining, coach tr ial performances, and f o l l o w through. L imi ta t ions to the objectives-based instructional p lann ing is also presented as a caution to ensuring that program planners consider such shortcomings when p lann ing for the less educated, marg ina l ized segments i n a communi ty . T h i s chapter has p rov ided a descriptive analysis to the A C O R D - N E B B I education and training programs. B y examin ing what the methods and content o f specific A C O R D -143 N E B B I communi ty development cur r icu la reveal about the pr inc ip les on w h i c h the programs are based, the descriptive analysis sets the stage for responding to the first research question pursued i n chapter s ix that fo l lows . Spec i f ica l ly , the descript ive analysis o f A C O R D - N E B B I ' s methods and content o f specif ic communi ty development cur r icu la reveals the f o l l o w i n g eight conclus ions: Firs t , t raining is part icularly important to organizat ions and people w h o are in situations that are very dynamic , and for people w h o have l imi t ed t ime to spend i n a learning environment. In the A C O R D - N E B B I case, change agents are at the "front-line" o f facil i tat ing change. T o the participants, the variety o f t ra ining approaches, not on ly enhances the learning experience, but also, demystifies the cul t o f an expert, w h i c h is perpetuated through lectures and studies by academic authorities. T r a i n i n g teaches people to ask important questions, get pertinent informat ion, and make responsible, immediate decisions. Second, education and training are two separate act ivi t ies , w i t h very different methods and results. W h i l e education has as its p r imary goal w i s d o m or ult imate knowledge , and that w i s d o m or knowledge is for its o w n sake and not for what it enables its owner to do, be, or become, t raining w h i c h is the dominant mode at A C O R D - N E B B I programme, is speci f ica l ly related to what a person can do from a practical perspective. T h i r d , t ra ining, not education, is essential to the k inds o f immediate behaviour changes necessary to make a group functional w i t h determined organizat ional w o r k objectives. The change agents and communi ty development workers , as facilitators o f the programme for change and loca l iza t ion , have to facilitate the creation o f group formation, introduce techniques and procedures to ensure their effective funct ioning, so as to sustain 144 themselves i n the long run. Indeed, the v i l lage communi t ies need immediate development to improve their l ives , both as a col lec t ive and ind iv idua l s . Four th , t ra ining is best when it is experiential , participatory, and adapted to trainees' previous experience, learning style, and a favourable language as a m e d i u m o f instruction. A s past participants o f the t raining program attested, not on ly d id the t raining ut i l ize their o w n communi t i es ' situations as a method to introduce the concepts, knowledge , and analyt ical sk i l l s , but also used their co l lec t ive personal experience to reflect on the root causes o f the problems being faced, and f rom w h i c h options for change evolved . F i f th , t ra ining is most effective and long-last ing when it is related direct ly to the tasks to be performed, and t imed so that these tasks are the direct result o f the training and can be seen as immedia te successful performances by those be ing trained. Lea rn ing is enhanced when the behaviours and sk i l l s be ing learned are appl ied and reinforced. S i x t h , t raining is most effective when trainees help to shape the t ra ining agenda and format, negotiate objectives and methods w i t h the trainer, g ive the trainer permiss ion to carry out a learning engagement, constantly check their learning against the objectives, identify what they have learned as they go, negotiate t ra ining methods as the t ra ining proceeds, and evaluate both their o w n participants and the trainer 's performance. The A C O R D - N E B B I experience indicates that the t ra ining was del ivered at the request and pace o f the ind iv idua l groups and associations. Seventh, learning is effective when the learning situation best approximates the situation i n w h i c h the learning w i l l be used. Trainees learn to be effective practit ioners by successfully go ing through those processes, w h i c h are identif ied w i t h effectiveness, and 145 by go ing through them i n the course o f real, not s imulated learning. Practi t ioners do not learn to be effective participants by l is tening to lectures on dec is ion m a k i n g or po l i cy mak ing . E igh th , every t raining encounter is a learning experience. The nature and the quali ty o f the learning both depend upon h o w that experience is integrated w i t h i n what the learner had identif ied as useful. The next chapter addresses the first research question: to what extent and i n what ways are the seven normative characteristics o f communi ty development , as found i n the literature, reflected i n A C O R D - N E B B I education and t ra ining programs? T h i s question concerns h o w the education and training component o f the A C O R D - N E B B I programme reflects the seven normative characteristics o f communi ty development (i.e., self-reliance, human capacity bu i ld ing , communi ty empowerment , endogenous development, communi ty part icipat ion, loca l control and management, and diversi ty) . 146 CHAPTER VI: THE NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: AN ANALYSIS In this chapter I p rovide a response to the first research quest ion by presenting an analysis o f to what extent and i n what ways are the normat ive characteristics o f communi ty development, as advanced i n the literature, reflected i n A C O R D - N E B B I education and t ra ining programs? The seven normat ive characteristics are self-reliance, capacity bu i ld ing , communi ty empowerment , endogenous development , commun i ty part icipat ion, loca l communi ty control and management, and diversi ty. T h i s analysis is significant because, in i t i a l ly , A C O R D - N E B B I programme . . . Aimed at development... of the analytical skills and conceptual tools required for development planning and . . . management so that, when the programme localized and technical support is withdrawn, essential skills to enable the groups to continue development action will remain. (ACORD Programme Direction, 1985, p.4) In his book, Developing your community-based organization, M i c o (1980) asserts that there are different ways o f ana lyz ing an organizat ion. T h a t . . . Some look at the way it is organized; some look at its work and its goals; some look at its problems; psychologists tend to look at relationships between people; sociologists at structures and rules that govern group behaviour; political scientists, at issues of power, (p.34) In this part icular case, the analysis is on h o w the A C O R D - N E B B I education and training programs prepare the communi ty groups that have emerged to reflect the normative characteristics o f commun i ty development i n their efforts to achieve equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable development. Th i s section presents the analysis i n the f o l l o w i n g format: a b r i e f descr ipt ion o f each o f the seven normat ive characteristics o f communi ty development , as identif ied through the literature r ev iew i n chapter two , is first presented, f o l l owed by ident if icat ion 147 o f specific ways by w h i c h both the A C O R D - N E B B I education and t ra ining programs and the beneficiary groups have reflected each normative characteristic. 6.1 S e l f - r e l i a n c e C o m m u n i t y development ini t iat ives rely o n the capacity and efforts o f relevant loca l people from w i t h i n the commun i ty to identify needs, define problems, p lan and execute appropriate course o f act ion, w i t h the ult imate a i m o f establishing local leadership and a reduced dependency on the outside e.g. inst i tut ional support. T h i s is a v i e w is reflected by A C O R D . . . We had progressed from a comparatively comfortable routine of promoting group formation and savings mobilization to attempting to respond to a broad range of needs and the more practical demands of promoting income generation in a resource-starved, skills-starved and information-starved society. (Extract from A C O R D London, annual report, 1990, p.3). The A C O R D - N E B B I programme coordinator also emphasizes self-reliance: We should always co-operate and make use of each other to build this programme with local communities into a truly local organization . . . Capable of carrying out their own development activities towards their desired destiny. (Extract from program coordinator, speech, December 30*, 1994, p.l) The strive for self-reliance is further emphasized by the gender officer: Our initial methodology has been to make a person self-reliant . . . Organizations run by missionaries in this area, gave a lot of things to the local people here . . . For us in A C O R D -NEBBI , we stood firm and said NO. Later on NGOs that operated on the missionary approach realized that there was a need to eliminate the element of dependency. And that is what A C O R D -NEBBI has focused on all along (Extract from programme coordinator individual interview). Self-rel iance i s evident i n the fishery program, notably, i n the presence o f f i sh ing C B O s p rov id ing f i shing gear for their members and communi ty at affordable prices; increase i n the number o f improved [Al tona] s m o k i n g k i l n s that has resulted into improved qual i ty and l ife span o f processed f ish; and improved dry ing racks and hygiene at the landing centres as opposed to the d ry ing o f f ish on thatched grass. In the micro-credi t program, the creation o f credit and business mindedness i n the C B O s and w i t h i n the communi ty , evident through the existence o f strong savings and credit C B O s managing their o w n savings m o b i l i z a t i o n and credit schemes for their members has reinforced the fundamental p r inc ip le o f self-reliance. T h e presence o f C B O s undertaking agro-forestry and sustainable agricul tural practices is evident through knowledge and sk i l l s i n i m p r o v e d agriculture and woodlo t management practices w i t h i n the C B O s and ind iv idua ls . F o r instance, part icular C B O s are engaged i n diverse activit ies that inc lude animal husbandry, manure and compost mak ing . There is presence o f propagated improved plant ing materials (rapid cassava mul t ip l ica t ion) and other improved seeds by the farmers for the rapid mul t ip l i ca t ion and improvement o f yields for food security. Manifes ta t ion o f a move to self-reliance is observed through the t ra ining officers' remarks: In 1991, ACORD-NEBBI covered all expenses for the 20 CBOs to participate in skills training. But during localization phase, the groups have agreed to share costs related to organizing and attending any ACORD-NEBBI training programs (Extract from community development workers individual interviews). 6.2 H u m a n capac i ty b u i l d i n g C o m m u n i t y development ini t iat ives focus on deve lop ing human resources through knowledge and sk i l l s t ra ining inc lud ing sensit ivi ty to soc ia l , cul tural and environmental values, as opposed to the sole purpose o f accumula t ion o f f inancia l weal th . Emphas i s on human development ensures that cooperative, responsible, and active communi ty o f i n v o l v e d m e n and w o m e n are nurtured and m o b i l i z e d for the purposes o f mutual a id , self-help, p rob lem-so lv ing , soc ia l integration, and/ or socia l act ion. The A C O R D - N E B B I programme has evidence o f approaches that address the not ion o f capacity bu i ld ing . In the appropriate v i l l age- leve l technology program, several 149 special ized activit ies were pursued and A C O R D - N E B B I p rov ided the relevant knowledge and sk i l l s t ra ining thereby meeting the specific needs o f the var ious groups. F r o m the C B O s records, four m a i n sectors benefited f rom specia l ized t ra ining: first, presence o f trained technicians i n the construct ion o f K e n y a T o p B a r ( K T B ) Beeh ives i n the communi ty and improved bee-keeping, honey and w a x processing practices; second, knowledge and sk i l l s i n the product ion o f h igh qual i ty pottery, ceramic and c lay br ick products for outside markets; third, presence o f a sustainable tools product ion unit p roducing energy saving devices i nc lud ing loca l fjiko] stoves, grass stoves, and solar cookers, as w e l l as agricul tural implements (i.e., machetes, axes, kn ives , and ox-ploughs) and; fourth, the presence o f food processing technologies speci f ica l ly i n mushroom and fruit solar d ry ing practices. A n examinat ion o f 10 A C O R D - N E B B I t ra ining manuals (i.e., strategic p lanning, book-keeping, leadership sk i l l s , gender sensitive p lanning, resource mob i l i z a t i on , market ing, business identif icat ion, f inancial management, ne twork ing , and commun i ty health) reveals an emphasis on b u i l d i n g competency i n the participants to perform relevant tasks i n the loca l iza t ion per iod and the per iod after. In the area o f communi ty health, the trainer o f communi ty worke r program promotes the disseminat ion o f communi ty health issues, for instance awareness on H I V / A I D S and other k i l l e r diseases to the communi ty , t radit ional healers, and birth attendants. T h i s has resulted i n the use o f non-infectious surgical methods o f treatment and safe de l ivery ki ts ; reduced risky cul tural / tradit ional practices, i m p r o v e d attitudes and behaviour that promote understanding o f sexual ly transmitted diseases i n the communi ty , 150 inc lud ing pub l ic d iscuss ion o n the more sensitive issue o f the N e b b i [Alu r ] t radit ion o f mandatory w i d o w inheritance. In the micro-credi t program, capacity b u i l d i n g is achieved through knowledge and sk i l l s i n small-scale enterprise development and credit management. A s a result documentat ion avai lable revealed groups' aggregate credit recovery rate o f 8 5 % i n the loca l iza t ion phase. In addi t ion, there is the practice o f extending interest free loans by groups to the famil ies o f members i n the groups w h o have been v i c t ims f rom i l lness or other factors. F r o m the documentat ion, A l a m g i r (1996) outl ines the broad objectives o f A C O R D capacity b u i l d i n g w h i c h ranges from b u i l d i n g o f t ra ining capacity, to enhancement o f human capacity directed at communi ty c i v i c leaders, i nc lud ing parish p lanning counc i l s , change agents, and group members . Spec i f i ca l ly , the 7"key objectives identif ied as areas that foster capacity b u i l d i n g include t ra ining efforts and strategies directed at the: a) Creation of a credit mindedness, b) enlargement of technological base, c) promotion of institutional development, d) protection of the environment, e) promotion of community participation, f) encouragement of gender sensitivity in development planning and throughout program activities, and g) the improvement in the quality of life in the community. (Alamgir, 1996, p.7) M o r e o v e r , the v i e w he ld by one o f the t ra ining officers, w h o participated i n the study that reflects capacity bu i ld ing , There are a range of group training programs which ACORD-NEBBI considers part of capacity building . . . In capacity building we cover leadership skills, financial management, strategic planning, record keeping, public accountability, resource mobilization, gender analysis . . . What we emphasize when doing these programs, especially the knowledge and skills, for example, in agro-forestry, is that it should remain and be sustainable by the beneficiary of the training (Extract from community development workers individual interview). 151 6.3 C o m m u n i t y e m p o w e r m e n t C o m m u n i t y development promotes empowerment o f the people i n development init iat ives. The essence and form o f empowerment is through self-management and local control , us ing democratic processes that m a x i m i z e commun i ty and grassroots part icipation. A C O R D programme activit ies indicate a m o v e toward empower ing vulnerable segments i n communi t ies . Efforts directed at the achievement o f empowerment at a communi ty level include elements and strategies that fit under the p rov i s ion o f t ra ining and organizat ional strengthening. The 1997 A C O R D A n n u a l Report lists them as fo l lows : Training in technical skills and in assertiveness through organizational strengthening has continued to be at the centre of the A C O R D strategy. In 1996/97, A C O R D trained 25,000 poor people in organizational development, with men and women in equal number, as well as close to 500 leaders of community based organizations (CBO). Over 1,300 people were trained in gender awareness, as well as 97 C B O leaders, of whom 47% were men. Training was also provided to 1,000 vulnerable people in literacy and to 71 literacy trainers. (ACORD annual report, 1997, p.5) F r o m the field documentat ion avai lable , efforts that create empowerment also create opportunities that encourage part icipat ion o f marg ina l ized segments o f the communi ty i n soc ia l , po l i t i ca l and economic spheres. In this regard, material poverty seems to be a potential barrier to accessing these opportunities. The A C O R D P lan defines poverty as the ult imate result o f po l i t i ca l and socia l injustice ( A C O R D Introduction to Strategic P l a n , 1997-2001). The 1997 A C O R D A n n u a l Report alludes to a strategy for ach iev ing communi ty empowerment to cover . . . Efforts directed at the most obvious victims of all forms of poverty. Starting with one at the very core of individual marginalization and societal breakdown: the lack of social capital. In all arenas, A C O R D endeavours to promote this ability to take an active part in one's community. (ACORD annual report, 1997, p.2.) A n examina t ion o f the achievement o f and emphasis on empowerment f rom 1997 to 1998 is a cont inuat ion o f what A C O R D - N E B B I had articulated i n 1987, after a 152 thorough consultat ion process w i t h v i l l age communi t ies . The consul tat ion identif ied three major empowerment related themes, namely, a) reduction o f poverty and vulnerabi l i ty , b) help to marg ina l ized segments o f the communi ty to w i n their basic rights, and c) assistance to disadvantaged communi ty members to cope w i t h conf l ic t and peace bu i ld ing ( A C O R D A n n u a l Report , 1996, p.9). Further, the 1996 A C O R D A n n u a l Report states that i n order to ascertain the factors w h i c h cause poverty, an understanding o f h o w communi t ies w o r k and h o w they are d iv ided into class, gender, re l ig ion , and ethnicity at the level o f household, communi ty , and loca l government ju r i sd ic t ion is significant. Indeed, the participants i n this study, w h o recal led hav ing been recruited i n 1987 as f ie ld workers , agree to the importance o f this identif icat ion because it makes it easier to direct or ta i lor communi ty empowerment efforts through the categorization. O n e o f the remain ing Rura l Development Worke r s , n o w cal led Tra in ing Off icers , characterized an approach to empowerment through poverty reduction as fo l lows : Al l of us who were recruited as Rural Development Workers underwent training in animation skills . . . Later we were posted to various areas — the parishes — to go and research into the causes of poverty. By then A C O R D was not fully established in the programme area (Extract from programme coordinator individual interview). Indeed, for change and loca l iza t ion in communi t ies to take root, equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable development strategies become the vectors to the majority o f the people that need to j o i n the mainstream ways o f sustaining l ive l ihoods . A n d it appears the development strategy is effective when research into the causes o f poverty are undertaken, vulnerable segments i n a communi ty are identif ied and encouraged to form their o w n formal groups, to enable informat ion f l o w and resource assistance to strengthen them as an aggregate. 153 6.4 Endogenous deve lopment Cornmuni ty development generates its m o m e n t u m f rom w i t h i n and is largely supported by the unique history, experience, and culture o f a communi ty . It is the his tor ical and l i v e d experiences o f the people over t ime that propels commun i ty development ini t ia t ive and gives it a truly communi ty -owned image. In its 1996 A n n u a l Report , A C O R D emphasizes that: Any rights-based approach can only be legitimate if developed in conjunction with the individuals and groups most directly affected, (p. 11 -12) The study participants pointed out that sustainable communi ty development efforts are effectively achieved i f the issues, challenges, and opportunit ies confronting a communi ty are identif ied entirely by the communi ty residents w i t h outside development agencies l ike A C O R D acting i n the capacity o f facilitators. In other words , i n the long term, it is the endogenous, not exogenous development ini t ia t ive that is effective and sustainable. The f o l l o w i n g is a summary o f the responses g iven by one o f the agro-forestry technicians, when I asked h i m about h o w communi ty-based the programmes are: I have been a teacher for a long time . . . You see, as a person grows up there are certain things one goes through: challenges, achievements, painful experiences, missed or untapped opportunities . . . We the development workers have to make ways to bring these experiences to light . . . And we do so by brainstorming, questioning, discussing with village communities . . . Through these approaches we can find out what skills we need to share with them . . . So they tell you where their strengths, opportunities, and challenges are. You don't impose anything on them because that won't work (Extract from community development worker individual interview). F i n a l l y , it can be conc luded that A C O R D ' s activit ies, as expressed i n the 1996 A n n u a l Report , are consistent w i t h the not ion o f endogenous communi ty development. Indeed, as rev iewed i n chapter two, there is a need to: Ask questions about who within these groups makes decisions or has access to the decision-makers and who does not and why . . . There will be historical, cultural, and political reasons for these differences. (ACORD annual report, 1996, p. 10-11) 154 The be l i e f i n an endogenous communi ty development p r inc ip le is further elaborated i n the 1997 A C O R D A n n u a l Report that states: Poverty is the lack of access to, or of control over, knowledge and resources. It affects poor women even more than men. A C O R D has therefore based its programmes on an analysis of the constraints poor people face, especially in [their own] areas. (ACORD annual report, 1997, p.5) 6.5 Community participation A t a l l levels o f society part icipat ion is enhanced, and the ideal o f participatory democracy fostered, thereby countering the apathy, frustration, and resentment that often arise from feelings o f powerfulness and oppression i n the face o f oppressive power structures. In their w o r k on the Meaning of Community Economic Development, Booth royd and D a v i s (1991, p.2) note that it is not sufficient i n communi ty part icipat ion i f people "merely pay fees, donate money, s ign petit ions or attend c o m m o n events. C o m m u n i t y part icipat ion is evident i n the A C O R D - N E B B I programme through the rehabil i tat ion and construct ion o f pr imary schools i n Padyere and Jonam counties, a l l completed through communi ty efforts. In this case, the communi t ies concerned contributed by co l lec t ing stones, sand, and m a k i n g the br icks , w h i l e A C O R D - N E B B I contributed the i ron sheets, cement, and t imber. The same level o f communi ty part icipat ion has been achieved i n the three health units rehabilitated i n four parishes, and in one case, the centre, received a complete construct ion f in ish ing , bedding, and medica l supplies. W o r k i n g together through interaction rather than i nd iv idua l l y is instrumental to cul t iva t ing the spiri t o f community i n communi ty development ini t ia t ives. In regard to communi ty par t ic ipat ion, A C O R D ' s record o f act ivi t ies directed at change and loca l iza t ion indicates the recogni t ion that: 155 Poverty is not only the result of material deprivation; it also includes the lack of participation in decision making at household level and beyond [to] the absence of representation. (ACORD annual report, 1996, p. 10) A n i l lustrat ion o f A C O R D - N E B B F s approach to the pr inc ip le o f communi ty part icipat ion is best indicated i n its gender awareness and sensit ivi ty program that became a major preoccupat ion i n phase two , the development per iod. A C O R D ' s recogni t ion o f communi ty part icipat ion i n development efforts is reflected i n its goal o f eventual "wi thdrawal f rom programmes by ensuring that loca l institutions are prepared to continue chal lenging and i m p r o v i n g their society" ( A C O R D A n n u a l Report , 1996, p.7). F o r that matter, A C O R D - N E B B I organizes seminars and t ra ining workshops for w o m e n counc i l leaders, secretaries for w o m e n ' s affairs, loca l c o u n c i l off ic ia ls , C o m m u n i t y Based Organizat ions ( C B O s ) members, parish chiefs, and re l igious leaders. Participants-at these seminars and t ra ining workshops come out w i t h strategies to improve on ways o f w o r k i n g together. D r a w i n g f rom the t raining officers and programme beneficiaries, w h o participated i n the study, it is clear that part icipat ion can be achieved effectively when access to the programme is broadened, rather than restricted. In the gender t ra ining officer's o w n words : At the end of workshops, some men later realized the need to work with their wives and could involve their wives in planning the day-to-day affairs of the family . . . Encouraging women to earn independent incomes rather than rely on the man . . . Broad participation at such sensitization or awareness raising workshops has a positive impact to the learner participants in the post workshop periods . . . Participants have ended up playing active roles in particular parishes, through their CBOs, in areas such as problem identification, mobilizing group resources, as well as organizing gender seminars and workshops for their parishes (Extract from programme coordinator individual interview). In agro-forestry program, consciousness-raising is a focus o f the C B O s engaged i n sustainable forestry practices. T h i s has been achieved through the C B O s undertaking campaigns i n communi ty environmental protection. The outcome has 156 been more awareness on w h y there is a need to enforce environmental protection by local communi ty leaders and groups. Fo r instance, the C B O s whose m a i n activit ies are agriculture and agro-forestry are act ively engaged i n a communi ty m o b i l i z a t i o n and awareness campaign against bush burning i n several parishes. Indeed, the fundamental communi ty development pr inc ip le o f commun i ty part icipat ion is crucia l i n ach iev ing sustainabili ty and equity consider ing that the vulnerable "must be treated as subjects o f their o w n transformation and participate act ively i n the formulat ion and execut ion o f development ini t iat ives" (Campfens, 1997, p.38). Ano the r evidence o f communi ty part icipat ion is i n the area o f communi ty health. The women's and youth groups are engaged i n communi ty health education activit ies through meetings, seminars, dramas, and youth camps. A l s o the trainer o f communi ty worker ( T C W ) program has led to increased number o f communi ty health educators i n sensi t iz ing, for instance, re l igious leaders, tradit ional healers, and school teachers on the crucia l importance o f enforcing communi ty health. 6.6 Local community control and management C o m m u n i t y resources and where necessary, resources f rom outside the communi ty (i.e., i n the form o f partnerships w i t h governments, insti tutions and professional groups) should be m o b i l i z e d and deployed i n an appropriate manner i n order to ensure balanced and eco log ica l ly sustainable forms o f development. Indeed A C O R D : Has always wanted to be a development agency rather than a funding agency, and has reached out to the margins, where indigenous structures were weak or under threat. (ACORD annual report, 1996, p.2) 157 A l s o , A C O R D - N E B B I has championed the communi ty development p r inc ip le o f loca l control and management through loca l people involvement . T h i s approach is summed up i n A C O R D ' s under ly ing ph i losophy for its involvement i n sub-Sahara A f r i c a , that is . Responding to development needs . . . to promote the self-reliance of communities concerned . . . The implication of this philosophy is that A C O R D is not the principal protagonist of the development process in any given context, but plays an essentially ancillary role, providing encouragement, technical advice and, where necessary, material support, but not the will to develop . . . [this] presupposes that local protagonist of the development process exists. (Roberts, 1985, p.5) The above gu id ing development ph i losophy is further elaborated i n the approach A C O R D employed to achieve loca l control and management. One such effort has been: Support to income-generating activities . . . extended to 40,000 poor people, of whom 54% were women in the 17 countries of Africa . . . Ten major development programmes included micro-finance schemes as key components, and A C O R D funds allocated to micro-finance initiatives increased substantially, moving closer towards the strategic plan target of 10% of overall expenditure. Credit and savings schemes taking an integrated approach and including input supply, extension, marketing and group formation in their activities benefited . . . (ACORD annual report, 1997, p.5-6) The A C O R D - N E B B I programme's or ig ina l objective dur ing the loca l iza t ion phase is to leave behind indigenous loca l non-governmental organizations ( L N G O ) formed f rom among the 20 mature C B O s that have emerged. Thus , the programme has been assisting the C B O s to get registered w i t h the N G O N a t i o n a l B o a r d o f Registry. A C O R D - N E B B I has agreed to pay 7 5 % o f the total registration and the other 2 5 % met by the C B O s concerned. A t the t ime o f conduct ing the study, three C B O s had already submitted their draft constitutions w i t h their lawyers and had made part payment for their registration, w h i l e three others were i n the process o f comple t ing wr i t i ng up o f their consti tution. A s some C B O s are n o w registered and others are i n the process o f getting registered, the A C O R D - N E B B I programme continues to organize consultat ive meetings 158 wi th the stakeholders w i t h i n and outside the district. The participants have inc luded the C B O s , tradit ional chiefs, L o c a l Commi t tee off ic ia ls , women's counc i l s , re l igious leaders, youth counci l s , district authorities, and N G O s i n the district. These forums cover issues pertaining to membership o f N G O s , registration process, management structure, responsibil i t ies for the various posts, and pr ior i ty development act ivi t ies that need attention i n the district. 6.7 Diversity C o m m u n i t y integration should promote socia l relations among diverse groups i n the communi ty as dist inguished by social class or other differences (e.g. economic status, ethnicity, culture, racial identity, re l ig ion , gender, age, or d isabi l i ty) that create the potential for tensions or open confl ic t . T h e p romot ion o f the p r inc ip le o f divers i ty i n A C O R D programmes can be traced to the appreciat ion that: In order to understand the factors that determine the non-material elements [ o f poverty] . . . There is a need to understand how the communities work and how they are divided into class, caste, gender, rel igion, ethnicity, etc. at the level o f household, community, and state. ( A C O R D annual report, 1996, p. 10) The above reference indicates h o w social stratification featured as a significant factor after the 1987 A C O R D - N E B B I program evaluat ion, w h i c h recommended a phase approach. In this regard, the p romot ion o f divers i ty has most effectively been achieved by A C O R D ' s support for and the encouragement o f self-selecting groups. T h e group process formation promotes effective funct ioning o f groups w i t h less socia l confl ic t . A n d socia l tension or conf l ic t can be effectively m i n i m i z e d by emphas iz ing a group format ion process carefully established by people i n the same soc ia l , or economic , re l ig ious , ethnic, category as a starting point . A n d through the trust, history and comfort o f being w i t h one 159 another, the groups can then co l lec t ive ly agree on group socio-eponomic ventures o f their choice. It is f rom the encouragement o f divers i ty that A C O R D - N E B B I has been effective i n p romot ing a mult i-faceted programme that penetrates different segments o f communi t ies i n the programme area, i nc lud ing the vulnerable. G r o u p activit ies have inc luded fishery, trade i n agricultural produce, group d igg ing , bee-keeping, c lay and ceramic work , b lacksmi th ing , shop-keeping, agro-forestry, hort iculture, and r evo lv ing f inancial credit. A C O R D ' s ini t iat ive on diversi ty has been i n ident i fying communi ty members based on "class, ethnicity, gender, re l ig ion , and ethnicity, at the level o f household, communi ty . . . " ( A C O R D A n n u a l Report , 1997, p. 10). T h i s proved helpful i n the identif icat ion, matching, and l i n k i n g the self-selected groups that emerged to various development agencies w o r k i n g i n the programme area. F o r example , through this process the A r u a Ca tho l i c Diocese provided material and f inancial support toward the construction o f a produce warehouse for a group whose members are p r imar i ly Ca tho l ics . The l inkage resulted i n the comple t ion o f a bu i ld ing that is u t i l i zed as an office, retail shop, and store for agricultural produce. Later, the cont inued good relat ionship that existed between the group and the C h u r c h led to a new level o f support. T h i s t ime the assistance was extended to group member t ra ining at the O c o k o V o c a t i o n a l Resident ia l Centre. The t ra ining extended to this group was i n carpentry and b lacksmi th ing . Ano the r support extended was toward the construct ion o f a carpentry workshop and supply o f carpentry tools. N o w , the workshop undertakes a variety o f carpentry and jo inery work . 160 Furthermore, due to their hard w o r k i n the agricul tural sector, one group managed to sel l at a profit the stocks o f a mosaic-resistant cassava variety to the A C O R D - N E B B I programme for further dis t r ibut ion to other groups and interested farmers, a l l over the programme area. These activit ies have made this part icular group one o f the most popular and successful groups i n the region. 6.8 Limited scope of the known normative characteristics of community development. A s presented i n the above analysis, it is evident that A C O R D - N E B B I ' s contr ibut ion to loca l iza t ion o f development ini t iat ives i n N e b b i district is largely attributed to the importance and signif icance it attaches to continuous investment i n learning and commitment to gender sensit ivi ty i n the programme. First , a l l program activit ies benefited f rom the tai lored knowledge and sk i l l s t ra ining. T o A C O R D - N E B B I , investment i n learning is an integral component o f its programme because it understands that such an undertaking gives return i n terms o f an augmented human capacity. A second factor that helped the achievement o f the development goals, a l though not a normative characteristic o f commun i ty development, has been the emphasis on gender sensi t ivi ty in a l l programme activi t ies. In this section I elaborate on the two factors and propose their incorporat ion to the list o f normative characteristics o f communi ty development. Knowledge and skills sharing amongst the self-selected groups K n o w l e d g e and sk i l l s sharing has been at the heart o f the A C O R D - N E B B I programme. There is a c lose relat ionship between knowledge and sk i l l s sharing and the achievement o f equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable commun i ty development . A n d , A C O R D - N E B B I emphasis o n tai lored t ra ining i n the loca l i za t ion phase attests to this. 161 A n examinat ion o f the A C O R D - N E B B I programme and affiliates i n N e b b i distr ict reveals that the l oca l structures and institutions i n i t i a l l y possessed weaknesses that arose m a i n l y f rom two major factors: first, over-dependency o n A C O R D - N E B B I because o f their l ack o f knowledge o n harnessing loca l resources, and second, their i nab i l i t y to identify investment opportunities i n the region. In response, A C O R D - N E B B I programme developed its approach largely anchored i n investment i n human capacity. In strengthening the Par i sh P l a n n i n g Commit tees ( P P C s ) and groups, A C O R D - N E B B I pursued the f o l l o w i n g : a) t ra in ing programs that covered knowledge i n project management, resource m o b i l i z a t i o n , and project proposal wr i t ing , i nc lud ing the encouragement o f P P C s and groups to forge their o w n l inkages w i t h other development actors i n the region, b) encouraging and support ing v iab le projects, faci l i ta t ing meetings at forums where P P C s , groups, and loca l authorities c o u l d share their experiences on development issues, i nc lud ing their respective roles i n the process, l o b b y i n g for the co-opt ion o f P P C s and groups i n the current government decentral izat ion process, for instance, through their contr ibut ion to development p l a n n i n g committees at the sub-county leve l , and c) strengthening loca l structures' accountabi l i ty to their membership through the p r o v i s i o n o f t ra ining i n leadership and organiza t ional sk i l l s , and record keeping. Gender sensitivity in development efforts A l t h o u g h gender awareness was in i t i a l ly carried out extensively i n communi t i e s and parishes, and integrated i n a l l programme activit ies, it was the 1987 programme r ev i ew w h i c h revealed the need for a better approach and research technique to carry out the w o r k plans o f C B O s . A C O R D - N E B B I later employed Par t ic ipatory R u r a l A p p r a i s a l 162 ( P R A ) tools i n communi ty needs assessment to identify key gender issues associated w i t h communi ty development, a focus that became mandatory i n development p rogramming . A c c e s s to formal education for gir ls and w o m e n , mari ta l issues, communi ty health, inheritance rights, ownership/ control o f resources, succession issues, w o m e n ' s w o r k load, were ci ted as the key issues by many communi t ies dur ing the 1987 programme evaluation. A s the gender officer, pointed out: After conducting PRA with the people, they start saying, is this really how we are living? . . . Immediately, there is a general feeling that something must be done about this or that . . . It brings all issues associated to their poverty and its depth very quickly and directly to the person . . . It no longer becomes poverty is my fate (Extract from programme coordinator individual interview) C o m m u n i t y consciousness-raising on gender issues has been conducted through seminars and workshops held, first w i t h w o m e n alone, and later, w o m e n combined w i t h men, loca l op in ion leaders, and local counci l s f rom a l l parishes covered by the programme. The analysis o f the problems and nature o f gender relationships i n communi t ies later led l oca l authorities to ensure that ex is t ing laws, w h i c h serve the interests o f w o m e n , are enforced. In the parishes, the needs assessments w h i c h A C O R D - N E B B I conducted revealed a lack o f legal awareness among both w o m e n and men. Consequent ly , legal awareness seminars were held, i n each parish for the w o m e n , men, loca l counc i l s and loca l authority court members. The N e b b i district magistrate office col laborated w i t h A C O R D - N E B B I i n de l iver ing legal education to communi ty groups on topics ranging f rom legal rights o f w o m e n , d ivorce , inheritance o f property, w i d o w s inheritance, and domest ic v io lence . Furthermore, A C O R D - N E B B I sponsored gender sensi t ivi ty seminars i n schools for the youth o f a l l ages, on gender and development, and h o w current gender relat ionships i n 163 N e b b i [Alur ] society impact their condi t ions and posi t ions as soon-to-be adults. Integration o f gender sensit ivity i n a l l group program activi t ies required moni to r ing , as i n the words o f the gender officer: We have to monitor the gender aspect of the community development programme . . . That is the concern of the women, girl child, and men who are disadvantaged . . . It is not only women . . . Some men are more vulnerable than women . . . The growth of small-scale enterprises where women fit best throughout the programme area . . . Women can grind maize, pound cassava, millet, etc. using their own hands, which a man cannot do. So a woman has more access to those incomes than some men . . . So women are feeding men and the children, paying their taxes, so don't you see that with all that traditional power men have in the area, without this income, coming from him would make the man feel very uncomfortable? . . . So this economic power shifting to women hands needs a lot of discussions (Extract from community development worker individual interview) B u t earlier experience w i t h exc lus ive support to women's ' groups achieved l imi ted success, consider ing that some w o m e n took the opportunity to margina l ize their male counterparts. In the words o f the gender officer, It is better to create gender awareness to both the husbands and wives . . . It is now gender and development. . . When it was women and development, women tended to be exclusive, that was in 1988/89 up to 1990. So women thought they had the power to exclude men from all that they were doing. But we found it would never work (Extract from programme coordinator individual interview). T h e rationale for integrating gender sensi t ivi ty i n a l l p rogramme areas appears to stem from the argument that gender as a factor impacts a l l facets o f the soc io-economic-po l i t i ca l landscape i n the communi t ies covered by A C O R D - N E B B I . T h i s is a v i e w shared by the study participants, and i n this particular case, the gender officer that: The circumstances which make a woman not have land . . . What are the impacts of a woman not owning land . . . So you have gender and agriculture . . . Then you analyze the work done by women on the field crop that is very common in this area — cotton, millet, maize — . . . And who controls the proceeds of these harvests? (Extract from programme coordinator individual interview) The t ra ining component o f the development programme ensured that w o m e n are g iven the necessary knowledge and sk i l l s to enable them to improve their business 164 activit ies. Exposure and f ie ld vis i ts have been a favourite approach for women's groups to share their experiences across parish, district, and regions. F a m i l y p lanning and health education that are related to gender issues were conducted i n each parish, based on the part icular parish situations as reflected in the needs assessment that the programme carried out, pr ior to engaging the communi t ies . A g a i n , the needs assessments revealed that in i t i a l ly , l i t t le was k n o w n by the households i n the programme area about the fami ly p lanning concept. A l s o , there has been a lack o f understanding and awareness on the l ink between fami ly size, nutr i t ion and health, education costs for the chi ldren , and fami ly disposable income. In response, A C O R D -N E B B I conducted the health education and fami ly p lanning programs, i n close col laborat ion w i t h a fami ly p lanning officer f rom N e b b i Dis t r ic t M e d i c a l Off ice . D u r i n g each session, a careful analysis o f fami ly situation i n relat ion to causes and manifestations o f poverty, and other associated fami ly problems, were carefully discussed together w i t h the households. Cons ide r ing that the majority o f the rural poor are w o m e n , it is rational to incorporate gender sensit ivi ty as a normative characteristic o f commun i ty development, because through it, the goal o f a l lev ia t ing poverty at the communi ty level is greatly enhanced. S u m m a r y T h i s chapter has prov ided a response to the first research question: to what extent and i n what ways are the seven normative characteristics o f commun i ty development, as advanced i n the literature, reflected i n A C O R D - N E B B I educat ion and t ra ining programs? The A C O R D - N E B B I development programme's reflect ion o f the seven normative characteristics o f commun i ty development (i.e., self-reliance, empowerment , human 165 capacity bu i ld ing , endogenous development, communi ty part ic ipat ion, loca l control and management, and diversi ty) is attributed to three m a i n appl ica t ion factors. Firs t , the gu id ing objective o f A C O R D ' s involvement i n rural communi t ies where loca l structures are either weak or non-existent. Second, a commitment to carry out research w i t h communi t ies to address both the causes and manifestations o f poverty. A n d third, the abi l i ty and dedicat ion o f change agents to examine their o w n w o r k more cr i t ica l ly , w i t h ful l involvement o f the v i l l age communi t ies and groups that emerged. I have conc luded the chapter by expl ica t ing the advantage that accrued f rom A C O R D - N E B B I ' s emphasis on investment i n human capacity through knowledge and sk i l l s sharing and a more deliberate effort toward gender sensit ivi ty throughout its programmes. Thus , I have suggested that due to their unique contr ibut ion to the effectiveness o f the development ini t iat ive i n this case, and because they are not direct ly acknowledged i n the literature reviewed as normative characteristics, both the knowledge and skills sharing and gender sensitivity should be incorporated as "new" normat ive characteristics o f communi ty development. In the next chapter I p rovide focus on the second research question: what factors support or hinder the abi l i ty o f A C O R D - N E B B I education and t ra ining programs to contribute to the achievement o f equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable communi ty development ini t ia t ives? 1 6 6 CHAPTER VII: ANALYSIS OF ACORD-NEBBI's APPROACH TO COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT In this chapter I focus on the second research question: what factors support or hinder the abi l i ty o f A C O R D - N E B B I educat ion and t ra in ing programs to contribute to the achievement o f equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable commun i ty development ini t ia t ives? The answer to this quest ion is der ived from the act ivi t ies embedded i n A C O R D - N E B B I ' s three phases to communi ty development efforts: the establishment phase (1987-1990), the development phase (1991-1993), and the loca l iza t ion phase (1994-1996+). T h i s method is effective because the phase approach has been a corner stone o f A C O R D - N E B B I development programme. In 1987 the A C O R D - N E B B I programme evaluat ion revealed that pr ior to the establishment phase (1987-1990), the programme had m i n i m a l interaction w i t h the fishers. Three major activit ies dur ing this per iod were the fish gear dis t r ibut ion, communi ty health education program, and the boat construct ion centre at P a k w a c h town . A s a result, A C O R D - N E B B I tended to interpret the v i ews o f the people rather than make decisions on the basis o f equal part icipat ion o f the people it targeted as beneficiaries. The gender officer w h o participated i n the study expla ined t h a t . . . The ACORD-NEBBI programme objective initially was that since the majority of the people were fishers, it needed to target assistance to them first . . . That fishers would get support to alleviate their poverty in turn . . . After 2 years it was found out that the fishery programme was not the most effective way to eradicate poverty . . . In 1987 the programme changed its strategy and launched a rural development promotion programme and engaged in research on communities to establish the causes of rural poverty (Extract from programme coordinator individual interview). A n d in another case, the agro-forestry technician indicated that: The 1987 programme evaluation indicated that the village communities were not only fishers, but also agricultural and livestock farmers. So ACORD-NEBBI realized there was a need to get people with professional backgrounds in other disciplines, not only fishery, as was the case (Extract from community development workers individual interview). 167 A n examinat ion o f the evaluat ion report on the pre-phase approach per iod suggests a dependency trend. F o r instance, the fishery equipment was distributed by A C O R D - N E B B I i n such a way that it reinforced dependency o n imported products and on A C O R D - N E B B I itself. Thus , v i l l age communi t ies perceived A C O R D - N E B B I as an organizat ion that had taken over the responsibi l i t ies o f government organs that tradi t ionally looked after the dis tr ibut ion o f essential goods. A n d this was the per iod just after Idi A m i n was removed f rom power, and everything one c o u l d imagine was i n short supply. The A C O R D - N E B B I boat bu i ld ing project was not on ly isolated from local builders, but also used materials that were not easi ly avai lable loca l ly (i.e., expensive imported machinery and equipment). A s a result the projects were unsustainable and diff icul t to replicate to communi t ies . The communi ty health education programme d id not create the necessary condi t ions for loca l communi ty interaction and part icipat ion. The communi ty advisory c o u n c i l that was established was an A C O R D - N E B B I creation, headed by an A C O R D - N E B B I employee. It was composed o f the relat ively weal thy and influential ind iv idua l s f rom the f ish landing organizations, and therefore a classic example building pyramids from the top down and of the rich getting richer. The development method dur ing the pre-phase approach never focused direct ly on self-reliance. Indeed, self-reliance requires b u i l d i n g close col labora t ion w i t h groups o f w o m e n and men engaged i n co l lec t ive act ion, i n this case, the f i sh ing communi t ies engaged i n fishery. A l s o , the need for technical assistance should have emerged f rom direct discussions w i t h the f i sh ing communi t i es and groups. 168 In v i e w o f the shortcomings encountered pr ior to the establishment phase, both the establishment and development phases emphasized i n their p rogramming the focus that, " A C O R D - N E B B I a ims to promote processes that foster self-reliance for the underprivi leged and oppressed people" ( A C O R D - N E B B I Programme Commi t t ee Document , 1991, p.3). The argument i n this case being that the process o f fostering self-reliance is best anchored i n participatory development. That, format ion o f groups should be based on a c o m m o n interest and where possible by people o f a s imi la r soc ia l - income status. Impl ic i t ly , self-reliance enables groups and ind iv idua l s to m o b i l i z e resources, poo l together and invest as m u c h o f their o w n sk i l l s and resources as possible , w i t h the ultimate goal o f ga in ing access to larger resources. The imp l i ca t i on suggests that where necessary, groups should be l i nked to external resources, sk i l l s and informat ion in order for them to supplement, not replace what they have. A n d care must be taken not to create dependency relationships. D u r i n g the development phase, loca l research became an indispensable part o f A C O R D - N E B B I p rogramming . B y research, the A C O R D - N E B B I meant participatory act ion research, based on l i v i n g and w o r k i n g together w i t h loca l v i l l age communi t ies , and engaging them i n a continuous process o f observation, reflect ion, analysis and the generation o f feasible solutions to problems. In the development programme, the l i nchp in o f the "self-reliant, part icipatory" process has been the change agent. The change agent is supposed to come from and l ive w i t h the loca l people. H i s / her responsibi l i t ies are to sensitize the people into ident i fying c o m m o n problems, together analyze the problems identif ied, and to co l lec t ive ly generate effective solutions. The change agents were in i t i a l ly ca l led R u r a l Deve lopment Worke r s ( R D W s ) . The cri ter ia for their recruitment 169 were positive personality type, dedication, and the ability to work with groups of the rural poor as opposed to total reliance on technical sk i l l s or the level o f formal education. D u r i n g the development phase, technical support was expanded beyond the fishery to include agro-forestry and woodlo t management, appropriate v i l l age technology, savings mob i l i za t ion , and environmental protection. Furthermore, technical assistance was guided by cri ter ia that focused on loca l self-reliance, namely, m a x i m i z i n g the use o f loca l ly avai lable materials, avo id ing imports where possible , m i n i m i z i n g costs, demonstrating short-term repl icat ion as w e l l as favour to technologies and practices that ensured greater effectiveness when compared to tradit ional practices. In examin ing the focus, experiences, and act ivi t ies dur ing the development phase, the f o l l o w i n g four inputs gained prominence: a) assistance to people i n f ishing vi l lages to gain awareness o f their o w n potential capabil i t ies and c o m m o n interests, b)-promotion o f self-selecting and directed groups o f men and w o m e n , hav ing c o m m o n interests, to improve their organizat ional , and managerial sk i l l s , so as to better p lan and implement their o w n economic and socia l development act ivi t ies , c) creation o f opportunit ies for the groups to establishing l inkages w i t h ex is t ing governmental extension services, so as to gain access to technical assistance and other forms o f support, and d) encouragement o f an independent, self-governing, non-governmental development agency to formed i n N e b b i district, and whose objective w o u l d be the p romot ion o f cont inued, self-reliant participatory development , and to assist such an agency develop the capabi l i ty to attract and mainta in the necessary external funding for future act ivi t ies. 170 7.1 Supporting factors in the ACORD-NEBBI programme The goals and activit ies o f communi ty development efforts at the A C O R D -N E B B I programme can be clear ly identif ied i n the three phases. U s i n g goals, inputs, outcomes, and inf luencing factors i n each phase as summar ized i n Table 7,1 identify and T A B L E 7: ACORD-NEBBI'S A P P R O A C H T O C O M M U N I T Y D E V E L O P M E N T Beginning (1983-86) ACORD doing it alone Phase I (1987-1990) Establishment Phase 11 (1991-1993) Development Phase III (1994-1998) Localization GOALS •Improve living conditions. •Initiate local development. •Revitalize fishery sector. •Alleviate poverty. •Improve living conditions. •Pursue skills training. •Support group formation. •Improve living conditions. •Promote gender sensitivity. •Focus on human capacity building. •Arms-length type contact to CBOs. •Tailored support to CBOs. •Encourage self-reliant CBOs. •CBOs to network + exchange ideas. INPUTS •No training conducted. •Distribute fish gear. •Carry health education •Activities pursued by ACORD itself. •Carry program evaluation. •Recruit CD workers. •Train CD workers. •Research on poverty. •Facilitate group formation. •Conduct needs assessment. •Extend training to groups. •Establish a training centre. •Expand training curriculum. •Extend training to both groups and community leaders. •Conduct field and residential training. •Continue training at CBOs' request. •Develop training manuals. •Test training manuals. •Scale down no. of CD workers. •Knowledge diffusion via visits. •Discuss NGO structures. OUTCOME •Confined to municipality. •Training not a focus. •Expensive expatriates. •Few local personnel. •No community ownership. •Less community involvement. •Expanded to new parishes. •Supported group activities. •Strengthened village structures. •CD workers deployed in the field. •Smaller groups consolidated. •Expanded to new parishes. •Diversified CD activities. •Cultural troupe, dramas emerged. •Community education pursued. •CBOs at various NGO status. •More active women's groups. •Non-group members left out. INFLUENCING FACTORS •Emphasized "E" in CED. •Dependency culture created in communities. •Few local personnel. •Non-fishery sectors left out. •Addressed evaluation findings in programme. •Fishery scaled down. •Expatriates scaled down. •More locals recruited. •Supported local structures. •Supported new groups. •Redefined poverty. •Carried needs assessment. •Emphasized "C" and "D". •Political instability deterred programme expansion. •Linked groups to other dev't agencies. •Programme emphasized "C", "E", and "D". •Groups established based on trust and their own set eligibility criteria. •3-phase approach applied. •Tailored training pursued. •Focus on self-selecting CBOs. •Local proverbs reinforced CD philosophy. •Diversity through multi-faceted programs. •Compulsory gender program. •Training made central focus. •Developed local structure aided localization. •Emphasized all "C", "E", and D" in CED. exp la in the s ix m a i n factors that have contributed to the effective achievement o f equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable communi ty development efforts. 171 The 3-Phase Approach The development programme approach dates back to a p lan that was developed i n 1987. The p lan contained three phases, o f three years each. The establishment phase (1987-1990) focused on the p romot ion o f self-selected groups and research on the causes o f poverty i n the region. The development phase (1991-1993) emphasized gender sensi t ivi ty, knowledge and sk i l l s t ra ining, and divers i f ied commun i ty economic development activit ies by groups. The loca l iza t ion phase (1994-1998) pursued gender sensitive p rogramming , tai lored t raining, and an "arms-length" approach to the groups that emerged. The comple t ion o f each phase a l lowed the programme personnel to reflect and learn f rom their earlier experiences, and accordingly made appropriate changes based on what they had learned. Tailored training The support to groups and associations w h i c h emerged has been accompl i shed through: a) p r o v i s i o n o f t ra ining i n relevant knowledge and sk i l l s , b) p romot ion o f groups' and associations' autonomy through t ra ining i n savings m o b i l i z a t i o n , searching for new investment opportunit ies and markets, as w e l l as knowledge i n moni to r ing and evaluat ion o f their performance, and c) offering workshops on the functions o f non-governmental organizations. The research reveals that i n strengthening these groups, A C O R D - N E B B I pursued an "on-demand" education and t ra ining program w h i c h featured eleven m a i n knowledge and sk i l l s t ra ining themes: part icipatory moni to r ing and evaluat ion, strategic p lanning , gender sensitive p lanning , communi ty health, appropriate v i l l age technology, business management, credit management, leadership s k i l l s , project p lanning , counse l ing , and participatory rural appraisal . The most significant factor i n the development process 172 has been the nature o f ta i lored education and t ra ining act ivi t ies i n knowledge and sk i l l s at the request and pace o f the cornmunity based organizations. Promotion of self-seiecting group formation The fact that, in i t i a l ly , the development programme covered a l l parishes o f Jonam county i n 1990, and later expanded to 6 more parishes o f Padyere county, cou ld be attributed to the effectiveness o f the group format ion concept. In areas where A C O R D -N E B B I had w o r k e d for over three years, a rel iance was placed o n selected, experienced members o f the C B O s to assist the few remain ing R D W s for field vis i ts and advice to newly emerging groups. It was out o f this experience that the programme expansion into Padyere county became possible wi thout any increased personnel budget. The effectiveness o f the self-selecting group process format ion can be summed up i n the confidence echoed by one o f the agro-forestry technicians w h o participated i n this study: There are 20 CBOs that are fully operating in the A C O R D - N E B B I Programme . . . Others are in the process to gain registration with the National Board of N G O . . . Others are already linked with other development agencies coming to the area . . . Some groups are working on their own plans and we just visit them to say, hello? (Extract from community development workers individual interview) It can therefore be deduced that the encouragement o f divers i ty i n group act ivi t ies , savings mob i l i z a t i on , and emphasis on the not ion o f mutual a id , have a l l led to the creation o f economica l ly v iab le units thus enabl ing equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable development efforts i n the programme area. Thus , the C B O s need not be cooperatives as such, because w i t h their group capital and C B O status, they can s t i l l undertake savings m o b i l i z a t i o n amongst themselves w i t h the goal o f p r o v i d i n g r e v o l v i n g credit to group members , as w e l l as for group investments. 173 The A C O R D - N E B B I ' s be l i e f i n faci l i ta t ing the format ion o f self-selected C B O s suggests that there are many advantages o f undertaking mutual ly beneficial co l lec t ive act ion or product ion. Indeed, the members i n the C B O s w h o select themselves based on mutual trust establish a m i n i m u m month ly contr ibut ion for their savings m o b i l i z a t i o n that they ut i l ize as group capital to conduct profitable economic act ivi t ies o f their choice . Effectiveness o f this savings m o b i l i z a t i o n approach is shared by a communi ty-based organizat ion that engages i n sustainable agriculture through one o f its executives: We did much better in the repayment of loans from the loan scheme, because we followed what we agreed upon as a collective and the result has been large payouts to members in form of dividends. Moreover, we operate a much greater amount of group capital than the rest of the other CBOs (Extract from programme beneficiaries group interviews) The A C O R D - N E B B I ' s participatory development approach is consistent w i t h the cri teria for group formation because it is the communi ty-based organizat ions members themselves w h o determine the intensity and type o f group activi t ies. The Rura l Development Worke r s ( R D W s ) support the groups' organizat ion, provide administrat ive assistance, and create l inks between the groups and external extension technicians. A n d a l l these functions are performed without any interference i n any part icular C B O ' s dec is ion m a k i n g process. A s a result, member part icipat ion has r isen i n most C B O s due to this arms length approach adopted by A C O R D - N E B B I . Thus the long-term objective o f hav ing a loca l Non-governmenta l Organiza t ion ( L N G O ) from the mature 20 C B O s , is s t i l l a poss ib i l i ty . The i nd iv idua l C B O s administer themselves by means o f a board, consis t ing o f a chairperson, vice-chairperson, a treasurer and a secretary. Dec i s ions i n the group w i t h respect to act ivi t ies or loan disbursements are voted on . The R u r a l Deve lopment Worke r s ( R D W s ) advise and support the groups on matters relat ing to bookkeep ing , credit 174 management and i n p lanning ini t iat ives o f the C B O s . I f there is a need for technical assistance, the extension service is contacted. D u r i n g the f i e ldwork most C B O s have indicated goals that require major investment capital . The ideas range f rom purchase o f vehicles for commerc ia l haulage business, to m e d i u m scale commerc i a l enterprises, improvement o f health c l in i c s , cereal m i l l s , and f i sh ing boat construct ion ventures. It is also evident that the groups make a f inancia l commitment toward activit ies, w h i c h they also pursue privately. F o r instance fishers fo rm fisher 's groups, women's groups carry out col lec t ive w o r k i n agriculture. H o w e v e r , there are exceptions to these situations. In the case o f a few, especial ly commit ted groups, there are w o r k activit ies i n newer fields w i t h great commerc ia l v iab i l i ty , w h i c h include texti le [tie and dye] processing, pottery, and bee-keeping. In these newer areas, A C O R D - N E B B I t raining centre provides the knowledge and sk i l l s required for the act ivi t ies. Some groups w o r k i n areas that are t radi t ional ly less c o m m o n , such as boat bu i ld ing and metal w o r k for tools product ion and ox ploughs manufacture. In these cases, A C O R D - N E B B I initiates and supports the activit ies through p rov i s ion o f relevant knowledge and sk i l l s t ra ining. M o r e o v e r , after ga in ing the knowledge and sk i l l s f rom A C O R D - N E B B I , some C B O s are i n a strong pos i t ion to offer the instruct ion to members o f other groups, for a profit. The p romot ion and establishment o f self-selected groups o f men and w o m e n , hav ing c o m m o n interests, achieved two major goals. Firs t , it p rov ided the groups wi th a secure environment and mutual trust where they improved upon their organizat ional and managerial sk i l l s that i n turn increased their capacity to p lan and implement economic and socia l development act ivi t ies . Second, it created increased exposure to the groups 175 through l inkages that A C O R D - N E B B I facili tated w i t h other development agencies undertaking development efforts i n the district. Integration of socio-cultural traditions in development approach Since the start o f the establishment phase i n 1987, it has been A C O R D - N E B B I ' s a i m to foster self-reliant, part icipatory development. The effectiveness o f the approach has largely been due to a coincidental match between the programme's self-reliant participatory method and the N e b b i [Alu r ] socio-cul tural traditions. It is doubtless to remark that the emphasis o f the development programme approach i n a language the A l u r have used for years has enhanced its effectiveness. The N e b b i [Alu r ] society is t radi t ionally based o n a group cohesion phi losophy i n tradit ional celebrations, savings, deaths, hunting, f i shing, and col lec t ive d igg ing w h i c h a l l operate on the same fundamental — Koya — a native w o r d meaning jo in t group work . The f o l l o w i n g proverb o f the A l u r , its contextual explanat ion, and translation attest to this conc lus ion : Proverb: No one can catch a guinea fowl alone. Context: A guinea fowl is a delicacy. It is wild, does not run terribly, but cuts so many corners and this tempts the person chasing it to think that he or she is about to catch the guinea fowl. This can go on for a long time, and at the end of it, if it wants, it simply flies off! Message: The message is that collective action is advantageous for all that participates in it. Thus, it is wise to minimize or cut losses by working in a team environment. That, it is useless to be greedy and try to get any proceeds [bird] by yourself [alone] in order to enjoy it alone. It however makes sense to join hands with others and at the end of it all, share the proceeds together, however small (Extract from programme beneficiaries individual interview) Thus it was the emphasis o n jo in t group w o r k i n the development ini t ia t ive that played a cr i t ica l role i n the self-selected group formation process. Implementation of multi-faceted programme The f o l l o w i n g s ix program areas h ighl ight the broad, mult i-faceted development programme that benefited f rom the knowledge and sk i l l s t ra ining and penetrated a l l segments o f the society, especial ly the vulnerable: agriculture and agro-forestry, 176 appropriate v i l l age leve l technology, fishery, micro-credi t l end ing and savings mob i l i za t ion , communi ty health, and communi ty infrastructure development. A l l s ix programs benefited f rom the educat ion and t ra in ing programs that implemented var ious levels o f knowledge and sk i l l s t ra ining. Included i n the mult i-faceted approach has been the gender-sensitive focus throughout the programme. T h i s gained prominence i n phase two ~ the development phase, 1991/1993 ~ where gender sensi t ivi ty became mandatory i n a l l group activit ies. Ut i l iza t ion o f change agents The role and pos i t ion o f change agents i n the development ini t ia t ive has been crucia l . In 1987, the development programme evaluat ion recommended a change i n approach and the result was a broadened act ivi ty ho r i zon that shifted support from the fishery to the p romot ion o f rural development. The new approach emphasized the use o f "change agents" charged w i t h the responsibi l i ty o f sensi t iz ing "participatory" act ion through self-selecting groups. The process o f m o b i l i z i n g and u t i l i z i n g loca l ly avai lable resources created communi ty commitment and the necessary impetus for ach iev ing long-term, self-reliant development. The role o f the change agents has been to facilitate, sensitize, catalyze and m o b i l i z e the commun i ty toward co l lec t ive act ion. W h i l e they are expected to reach out into the communi ty as frequently as they can, it is recognized that they have specific roles to p lay i n relat ion to the communi ty . M o r e o v e r , it is the insert ion o f change agents w h o are suitably trained to encourage par t ic ipat ion by a communi ty , w h i c h then leads to self-reliance. H o w e v e r , i n terms o f the relat ionship between change agents and the communi ty , there is the trust factor that enhances their ab i l i ty to foster change through 177 communi ty ini t iat ives. T h i s is ma in ly because change agents areselected based on their dedicat ion, qual if icat ions, and as people w h o were born and raised i n the v i l l age where they work . 7.2 Hindering factors in the ACORD-NEBBI programme The f o l l o w i n g factors hindered the achievement o f equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable communi ty development i n the A C O R D - N E B B I case. Less emphasis on other development instruments The pre-occupation w i t h groups and group private investments meant that the A C O R D - N E B B I programme had neither the resources nor an effective way to respond to communi ty -wide needs that include soc io-economic infrastructure development and meeting communi ty basic human needs. Indeed, development instruments such as clean water, sound health infrastructure, accessible roads, and bridges play a greater role i n the product ivi ty and v iab i l i ty o f private investments i n a communi ty . T h i s point is highl ighted by one o f the programme beneficiaries, a vegetable farmer: For us who live along the river Nile, we direct most of our energy toward activities related to water. And the problem is that at times the river floods and submerges all our horticultural crops when we are about to harvest... Last season, I lost harvest worth USDS300 through these floods (Extract from community development organization group interview). W i t h current A C O R D - N E B B I resource inputs, the programme's over r id ing objective o f " improv ing the l i v i n g condi t ions o f the popula t ion [of N e b b i ] " cannot be effectively achieved. T h i s is i n part due to the lack o f other cr i t ica l development instruments that are not w e l l developed or are poor ly maintained: c lean water supply; rehabil i tat ion o f the health faci l i t ies , especial ly for ch i ldren ; and significant infrastructure development, i nc lud ing w e l l maintained bridges and feeder roads to improve dis tr ibut ion and haulage o f commun i ty produce to markets. 1 7 8 Missed target groups: the poorest of the poor In A C O R D - N E B B I , there are no speci f ica l ly established cri teria for selecting target groups. The programme broadly defines its target group as consis t ing o f those persons i n N e b b i , and preferentially the "poorest o f the poor", w h o are prepared to form groups and p o o l some o f their resources (work capacity, knowledge , capital) . In practice however , it is the lower midd le class, w h i c h is be ing reached. The programme recognizes this, but argues that the poorest o f the poor segment i n the popula t ion w i l l i n the long-run 'catch u p ' w i t h what is apparently a lower -midd le class type o f target. The outcome o f the two surveys A C O R D - N E B B I conducted i n 1989 and again i n 1990 to assess soc io-economic strata o f the people w o r k i n g w i t h A C O R D - N E B B I at the t ime, suggests that most o f the group members cou ld not be labeled the poorest o f the poor. The i r asset ho ld ing posi t ions indicates that the beneficiaries were ma in ly i n the lower midd le class strata i n the N e b b i soc io-economic context. T o A C O R D - N E B B I , the real izat ion that they are w o r k i n g w i t h the lower midd le income strata and not the poorest o f the poor, does not resolve the debate as to the appropriateness o f the approach for p romot ion o f sustainable improvements o f l i v i n g standards i n a non-dependent way . B u t then, as one t ra ining officer indicated: If poverty in this context is defined in terms of vulnerability, then virtually all women in the region, irrespective of their current status could be described as poor, given that the traditional customs of the Nebbi [Alur] people governing inheritance and property ownership skews heavily against women (Extract from programme coordinator individual interview). B u t the v i e w he ld by the agro-forestry technician is that i n A C O R D - N E B B I programme, no one is left o u t . . . We have now limited ourselves to 20 CBOs, but there are a number of individuals we work with too . . . Now we don't confine ourselves to groups . . . We have contacts with individual cooperative farmers also (Extract from community development workers individual interview). 179 Summary In this chapter, I have p rov ided a response to the second research question: what factors support or hinder the abi l i ty o f A C O R D - N E B B I educat ion and training programs to contribute to the achievement o f equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable communi ty development ini t ia t ives? D r a w i n g the inf luencing factors from the act ivi t ies that occurred i n A C O R D -N E B B I ' s three-phases identif ied i n Table 7, the f o l l o w i n g s ix factors have supported the education and t ra ining programs i n an effort to achieve equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable communi ty development: Firs t , appl ica t ion o f the phased approach to change and loca l iza t ion . Second, del ivery o f tai lored t ra ining programs at the request and pace o f the beneficiaries. T h i r d , support to, and promot ion o f self-selecting group format ion based o n c o m m o n interest that a l l owed the funct ioning o f groups w i t h less social f r ic t ion. Four th , appl ica t ion o f a development approach that is compat ib le w i t h the socio-cul tural traditions. F i f th , the pursuit o f multi-faceted programme that targeted the vulnerable i n communi t ies . A n d s ix th , the use o f change agents that supported emerging communi ty groups. The factors w h i c h hindered the A C O R D - N E B B I education and t ra ining programs i n ach iev ing equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable communi ty development ini t iat ives are: less emphasis o n other c ruc ia l development instruments, and missed target groups — the poorest o f the poor ~ w h o c o u l d not form groups through w h i c h t ra ining is del ivered. The next chapter draws the study to a conc lus ion . A summary o f the study, the research questions, conclus ions related to each question, and recommendat ions for further study, are presented. 180 CHAPTER VIII: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS This chapter presents a summary o f the study, conclus ions i n respect to the two research questions, as w e l l as recommendations related to research, practice, and po l i cy mak ing . The A g e n c y for Coopera t ion i n Research and Deve lopment ( A C O R D ) , an international consor t ium o f European and Canad ian non-governmental organizations wi th headquarters i n Br i t a in , was established i n 1972 to implement long-term development programmes i n parts o f A f r i c a where there are weak or non-existent loca l structures. A C O R D - N E B B I , an indigenous organizat ion, has facili tated communi ty development through the involvement o f loca l people: Fundamental to ACORD-NEBBI ' s philosophy is . . . responding to development needs . . . to promote the self-reliance of communities concerned . . . The implication of this philosophy is that A C O R D is not the principal protagonist of the development process in any given context, but plays an essentially ancillary role, providing encouragement, technical advice and, where necessary, material support, but not the will to develop . . [this] presupposes that a local protagonist of the development process exists. (Roberts, 1985, p.5) The purpose o f the study was to explore the role o f educat ion and t ra ining programs i n p romot ing communi ty development. In particular, it sought to identify h o w such programs can contribute to the achievement o f equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable communi ty development. T w o research questions guided the study. Firs t , to what extent and i n what ways are the seven normat ive characteristics o f commun i ty development , as advanced i n the literature, reflected i n A C O R D - N E B B I education and t ra ining programs? T h i s question is important because it appears that litt le is k n o w n h o w these seven normative characteristics are reflected i n case-specific educat ion and t ra ining programs del ivered to communi ty-based organizations. Second, what factors support or hinder the abi l i ty o f A C O R D - N E B B I education and t ra ining programs to contribute to the 181 achievement o f equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable communi ty development ini t iat ives? T h i s question is important because education and t ra ining, as vectors in sharing knowledge and sk i l l s , operate i n dynamic environments where several factors influence their effectiveness i n p romot ing development objectives. The study was conducted us ing a case study design. The three sources o f data used were taped semi-structured interviews, observation, and document analysis. For ty-s ix volunteer participants d rawn from communi ty development workers , former participants o f A C O R D - N E B B I education and training programs, the development programme personnel, and pr imary beneficiary groups affil iated w i t h the programme, were interviewed. The first f i e ldwork was conducted i n M a y / J u n e 1998, and a second vis i t was carried out i n N o v e m b e r , 1998. In the f o l l o w i n g section, I present a d iscuss ion o f the study's key f indings as summar ized i n Figure 4. 8.1 Methods and content of education and training curricula at ACORD-NEBBI B y examin ing what the methods and content o f specific A C O R D - N E B B I communi ty development cur r icu la reveal about the pr inciples on w h i c h the programs are based, the descript ive analysis pursued in chapter f ive established the context for responding to the first research question pursued i n chapter s ix . Spec i f ica l ly , the descript ive analysis o f A C O R D - N E B B I ' s educat ion and t ra ining activit ies undertaken i n chapter five reveals eight specif ic conclus ions . Firs t , t ra ining is par t icular ly important to organizat ions and people w h o are i n situations that are very dynamic , and for people w h o have l imi ted t ime to spend i n a learning environment . Second, education and t ra ining are two separate act ivi t ies , w i t h very different methods 182 and results. The pr imary goal o f education is w i s d o m or ult imate knowledge , and that w i s d o m or knowledge is for its o w n sake and not for what it enables its owner to do, be. FIGURE 4: A SUMMARY OF KEY FINDINGS CD Normative Characteristics -self-reliance -human capacity building -community empowerment -endogenous development -community participation -local community control and management -diversity -knowledge and skills sharing -gender sensitivity CD Training and Education -dynamic environment -practice-theory linkage -behavioural changes -experiential, participatory -applied and reinforced -learner involvement -real life, not simulated -life encounters = learning experience Application factors: -guiding organizational objective -research with communities -dedicated change agents Supporting factors: -phased approach -tailored training -self-selecting groups -socio-cultural traditions -multi-faceted programme -change agents Hindering factors: -poor state of development instruments -focus on groups, individuals left out 183 or become. Tra in ing , the dominant approach at A C O R D - N E B B I programme, is specif ical ly related to what a person can do from a pract ical perspective. T h i r d , t raining, not education, is essential to the k inds o f immediate behaviour changes necessary to make a group functional w i t h determined organizat ional w o r k objectives. The v i l l age communi t ies needed immediate development to improve their l ives , both as a col lec t ive , and as ind iv idua ls . Four th , t raining is best when it is experient ial , participatory, and adapted to trainees' previous experience, learning style, and a favourable language as a m e d i u m o f instruction. T ra in ing beneficiaries attested that not on ly d i d the t ra ining u t i l ize their o w n communi t i e s ' situations as a method to introduce the concepts, knowledge , and analyt ical sk i l l s , but also used their col lec t ive personal experiences to reflect on the root causes o f the problems faced, and from w h i c h options for change evo lved . F i f th , t ra ining is most effective and long lasting when it is related direct ly to the tasks to be performed, and t imed so that these tasks are the direct result o f the t raining and can be v i e w e d through effective performances by those be ing trained. Lea rn ing is enhanced when the behaviours and sk i l l s be ing learned are appl ied and reinforced. S i x t h , t raining is most effective when trainees invo lve themselves i n shaping the t ra ining agenda, format, objectives, and methods, negotiate the t ra ining methods as the t ra ining proceeds, and evaluate both their o w n and the trainer 's performance. Seventh, learning is effective when the learning situation best approximates the situation i n w h i c h the learning w i l l be used. Trainees learn to be effective practit ioners by successfully go ing through those processes, w h i c h are identif ied w i t h effectiveness, and by go ing through them in the course o f real , not s imulated learning. Practi t ioners do not learn to be effective participants by l is tening to lectures on dec is ion m a k i n g or p o l i c y m a k i n g . A n d eighth, 184 every t ra in ing encounter is a learning experience. The nature and the qua l i ty o f the learning both depend upon h o w that experience is integrated w i t h i n what the learner had identif ied as useful. 8.2. Normative characteristics of community development The first research question was: T o what extent and i n what ways are the seven normat ive characteristics o f commun i ty development, as advanced i n the literature, reflected i n A C O R D - N E B B I education and training programs? Response to this research quest ion is p rov ided i n chapter s ix . T h e study reveals that A C O R D - N E B B I development programme reflects the seven normative characteristics o f commun i ty development (i.e., self-reliance, empowerment, human capacity bu i ld ing , endogenous development, c o m m u n i t y part ic ipat ion, loca l control and management, and divers i ty) because o f three m a i n appl ica t ion factors: a) the gu id ing objective o f A C O R D ' s involvement i n rural communi t i es where loca l structures are either weak or non-existent, b) the programme's commi tment to carry out research together w i t h communi t ies to address both the causes and manifestations o f pover ty and, c) the ab i l i ty and dedicat ion o f change agents w h o examine their o w n w o r k more cr i t ica l ly , w i t h fu l l involvement o f the v i l l age communi t i e s and groups that emerged. A l t h o u g h the seven normat ive characteristics o f c o m m u n i t y development are reflected i n the programme, the relative effectiveness i n this case is attributed to A C O R D - N E B B I ' s commitment to investment i n knowledge and sk i l l s shar ing and o n gender sensi t ivi ty appl icat ion. I have therefore argued that because the two factors are not effect ively embraced b y the seven normat ive characteristics r ev iewed 185 i n the international literature, both knowledge and skills sharing and gender sensitivity should be incorporated as "new" normative characteristics o f communi ty development. 8.3 Supporting and hindering factors in the ACORD-NEBBI programme The second research question was what factors support or hinder the abi l i ty o f A C O R D - N E B B I education and training programs to contribute to the achievement o f equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable communi ty development ini t ia t ives? Response to this question is p rov ided i n chapter seven. T h i s study identif ied s ix factors that support the abi l i ty o f education and training programs to contribute to the achievement o f equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable communi ty development: a) the appl icat ion o f a phased approach to change and loca l iza t ion that a l l owed the programme personnel to reflect and learn from their experiences, and accordingly made appropriate changes based on what they had learned; b) del ivery o f tai lored t raining programs at the request and pace o f the beneficiaries; c) support to, and promot ion o f self-selecting group formation based on c o m m o n interests that i n turn a l l owed the funct ioning o f groups w i t h less socia l f r ic t ion; d) appl ica t ion o f a development approach that is compat ib le w i t h the soc io -cul tural traditions; e) the pursuit o f multi-faceted programme that penetrated the v i l lage communi t ies ; and f) the use o f change agents that supported emerging communi ty groups. T w o factors were identif ied as h inder ing the abi l i ty o f A C O R D - N E B B I education and t raining programs to contribute to the achievement o f equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable communi ty development: a) the poor state o f development instruments, and b) missed target groups ~ the poorest o f the poor — w h o c o u l d not form groups through w h i c h t ra ining is del ivered. The latter factor exists because the programme focuses o n groups, and hence ind iv idua l s who cou ld not fo rm or j o i n the self-selecting groups were 186 left out o f the development process. Thus , the lower m i d d l e class strata o f the v i l l age communi t ies have benefited the most because they already had the basic resources — w o r k capacity, knowledge , and capital — w i t h w h i c h to ga in access, influence and the most needed savings m o b i l i z a t i o n pr ior to group format ion. The majori ty o f the rural poor do not possess these important resources. 8.4 W e a k n e s s e s o f the A C O R D - N E B B I p r o g r a m m e Women and Nebbi culture Despi te the achievements made through tai lored education and training programs, there is evidence that many challenges s t i l l remain. A l t h o u g h there has been evidence o f both assuming active dec i s ion-making posi t ions i n loca l government affairs, and the presence o f women- run associations and groups, the empowerment o f w o m e n remains a dream for the majori ty o f the w o m e n w h o st i l l l i ve under oppressive patriarchal relations, and where their par t ic ipat ion remains restricted. Th i s is compounded by the reluctance by some members o f these communi t ies w h o for var ious reasons do not participate in any o f the A C O R D - N E B B I sponsored t ra ining programs. Limited benefits to the poorest segments of the population The programme encourages the formation o f groups through w h i c h support is extended. A l t h o u g h the self-selecting group approach has proven effective, its major weakness has been the exc lus ion o f poor ind iv idua l s from the same v i l l age communi t ies where the groups operate. Thus , i f an i nd iv idua l has a history o f not getting a long w i t h anyone i n the v i l l age , he or she faces the poss ib i l i ty o f being left out i n the self-selecting group process, i n c l u d i n g the support A C O R D - N E B B I extends to the people i n the groups. The reali ty is that ind iv idua l s w h o are non-group members have not benefited 187 from the active presence o f A C O R D - N E B B I . In addi t ion, this has compounded the problems o f loca l people i n these societies, as they are predominant ly f rom the poorer segments o f the area popula t ion. F o r example , a l l groups and associations are engaged i n some form o f income generating activit ies through the p o o l i n g o f their o w n resources. Hence, bu i ld ing up cash savings has become a predominant act ivi ty o f group members, wh i l e the non-group members — the poorest — inc lud ing most w o m e n , often do not have the cash to meet their famil ies ' basic needs. It w o u l d be significant i f the A C O R D - N E B B I programme develops strategies that target this "forgotten" lot o f the N e b b i people and provide them w i t h a more specific and tai lored program for their empowerment . The need to promote group activities beyond income generation A l t h o u g h the education and t ra ining programs have incorporated most o f the issues related to change and loca l iza t ion i n communi t ies , it serves to note that the programme over-emphasized income generation activit ies and focused less on bu i ld ing the "communi ty" and the "development" aspects i n the programme area. The associations and groups are very act ively engaged i n income generating activit ies and are less active in inter-group cooperat ion beyond sharing experiences through field vis i ts . Promotion of local development partners rather than beneficiaries A significant development lesson gained from this study is that organizations w i t h external bases l ike A C O R D - N E B B I can attain greater relevance by pay ing more attention to posi t ive ini t iat ives that emerge from w i t h i n loca l communi t ies . Indeed, the majority o f the people w h o survive, for instance, the drought, famine, and c i v i l wars, and thereafter undertake development ini t iat ives, usual ly do so o n their o w n . The N e b b i people have, l ike other Ugandans, gone through disruptions i n government services every t ime 188 successive governments have been over thrown. Thus , the w o r k w h i c h organizat ions l ike A C O R D - N E B B I engage i n needs to focus o n faci l i ta t ing the process o f an ini t iat ive i n w h i c h peoples ' determination already exists. A n d i t is important for development agencies to have open minds and l isten to communi ty aspirations i n order to achieve the people's w i l l to develop. 8.5 R e c o m m e n d a t i o n s For future research on community development The thesis analyzed to what extent and i n what ways the normative characteristics o f communi ty development, as advanced i n contemporary international literature are reflected i n A C O R D - N E B B I education and t ra ining programs. Furthermore, the thesis identif ied factors that support or hinder the abi l i ty o f educat ion and training programs to contribute to the achievement o f equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable communi ty development ini t iat ives. Therefore, key findings o f the thesis are related to the achievement o f equity, self-reliance, and sustainable communi ty development ini t iat ives. However , first, the research d i d not explore education and training issues i n the post-loca l iza t ion per iod and this area is wor th researching in the future. A second suggested area for future research is to pursue a comparat ive study o n the normative characteristics o f commun i ty development, especial ly o n h o w they are reflected i n educat ion and t ra ining ini t iat ives, against other commun i ty development ini t iat ives i n s imi la r contexts. The appl icabi l i ty o f the normative characteristics o f communi ty development and their integration i n education and t ra ining programs to different communi ty development efforts, hav ing s imi la r general circumstances, cou ld then be determined. T h i s w o u l d be the basis for a compar i son between communi t ies 189 regarding the causal relat ionship between inputs (education and training) and outcomes (the effectiveness o f communi ty development practice) i n effecting planned change and loca l iza t ion . A third area for future invest igat ion relates to the nature o f p lann ing education and training programs, rather than o n their del ivery. Identifying the opportunit ies and constraints encountered i n the process o f program p lann ing may provide more insights into the human dynamics o f educational p lanning w i t h i n the communi ty development context. A fourth recommendat ion for future research is to carry out a longi tudinal study that addresses the implementat ion and outcomes o f education and t ra ining programs, w h i c h are embedded i n communi ty development projects. S u c h a study w o u l d help highl ight the inf luencing factors associated w i t h internal izat ion o f knowledge and sk i l l s , their appl ica t ion through implementa t ion o f group act ivi t ies , and their result ing outcomes w h i c h a l l occur l ong after participants have attended relevant educat ion and t ra ining programs. For practice on community development In the area o f col laborat ion, A C O R D - N E B B I ' s experience suggests that close col laborat ion between development agencies, government institutions, and communi t ies is possible , especia l ly i f it bu i lds upon a communi ty ' s determination, interests, and needs. T o attempt to initiate any form o f development from outside the commun i ty and one that is pre-determined is u n l i k e l y to trigger increased commun i ty par t ic ipat ion. Thus , N G O s need to identify h o w they might best support what already exists i n the communi ty . T h i s impl ies that N G O s need to w o r k on their comparat ive advantage over the government, in 190 regard to their unique relationship w i t h intended communi ty beneficiaries, and their capacity to supplement, rather than compete w i t h government ini t iat ives. Indeed, recogniz ing the role government continues to p lay i n the p romot ion or regulat ion o f the third sector w i l l be equal ly important to the successful col laborat ion between development agencies, government institutions, and communi ty groups i n an effort to achieve equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable communi ty development. In the area o f communi ty health education, a challenge that A C O R D - N E B B I education and training experience reveals is the need to develop a more v igorous communi ty-col labora t ion health education program. Current ly A C O R D - N E B B I is engaged i n the t raining o f communi ty workers ( T C W ) program. The study revealed a general sentiment from the loca l workers that they felt powerless i n the face o f epidemics such as cholera. It w o u l d therefore be useful for development agencies s imi la r to A C O R D - N E B B I to develop a col laborat ive communi ty education and training program that enhances communi ty -cop ing mechanisms i n the wake o f such epidemics , or better s t i l l , h o w to prevent them from occurr ing. Th i s is important because a country's national weal th or prosperity is direct ly dependent on the health o f its people and communi t ies . For policy making on community development O n the issue o f support to loca l structures, this study found that it is diff icul t to achieve the right balance o f support to different levels (parish, county, district , and region) w i t h that extended to the v i l lage communi ty leve l . T h i s is evident in A C O R D ' s shift in greater emphasis o n insti tutional b u i l d i n g to the p romot ion o f the self-selecting group format ion i n the 1990s, It is also a challenge to ensure that the least influential or unheard voices (women , the poor groups) are factored into the loca l iza t ion process. A n d 191 this is w h y A C O R D - N E B B I placed a deliberate emphasis o n gender sensitive p lanning across a l l programme activi t ies , and ensured a set propor t ion o f its resources were directed specif ical ly to the vulnerable segments o f the communi ty . W h i l e deve lop ing countries continue to seek partners that w i l l support them to create the condi t ions w h i c h foster loca l development, it is the immediate support extended to loca l communi ty associations and groups, as found i n the A C O R D - N E B B I case, that w i l l undoubtedly enhance communi ty efforts i n ach iev ing self-reliance. T h i s indeed is the measurable result o f a loca l iza t ion programme. In regard to poverty a l levia t ion , the A C O R D - N E B B I experience reveals that efforts that empower also create more opportunities and encourage active part icipat ion o f margina l ized segments o f the communi ty i n soc ia l , po l i t i ca l and economic spheres. A n d i n this regard, material poverty is a potential barrier to accessing avai lable opportunities. A C O R D ' s communi ty consultat ion process defines poverty as the ult imate result o f po l i t i ca l and socia l injustice ( A C O R D Introduction to Strategic P lan , 1997-2001). In the poverty def ini t ion, a strategy for ach iev ing communi ty empowerment concerns "efforts directed at the most obvious v i c t ims o f a l l forms o f poverty . . . Starting w i t h one at the very core o f i nd iv idua l marg ina l iza t ion and societal b reakdown: the lack o f socia l capi tal . In a l l arenas, A C O R D endeavours to promote this abi l i ty i n each ind iv idua l in order to take an active part i n the communi ty" ( A C O R D A n n u a l Report , 1997, p.2). F o l l o w i n g the changing priori t ies o f A C O R D - N E B B I , as ident i f ied i n its 3-phase approach, one m a i n lesson it provides is that insti tutional b u i l d i n g has l imita t ions when the development effort is targeted at loca l iza t ion , especial ly i n poverty a l lev ia t ion . Accoun tab i l i t y remains, almost exc lus ive ly , to inst i tut ional authorities that are 192 accountable to their o w n superiors. A s has been observed i n the case o f self-selecting groups, it is reasonable to conclude that an approach that emphasizes strengthening local structures appears to be a m u c h more sustainable and equitable opt ion, because the executives o f groups are accountable to the group members w h o are personal ly k n o w n to each other. T h i s study has also highl ighted the issue o f communi ty part icipat ion i n development ini t iat ives. In recent years, var ious attempts have been made to overcome some o f the problems associated w i t h the lack o f par t ic ipat ion or invo lvement o f targeted beneficiaries. One such attempt has been the decentral izat ion o f functions and a l imi ted amount o f power to vi l lagers , as was the case i n the A C O R D - N E B B I loan a l locat ion committees. Howeve r , one o f the major diff icul t ies o f this ini t ia t ive is the question o f loca l accountabil i ty. H o w can objective accountabi l i ty systems be created i n a situation where those w h o are meant to serve the beneficiaries may have some ulterior mot ive? Despite a l l these challenges, the study reveals the fact that a decentral ized structure w i t h semi-autonomous, self-managed, federated units coupled w i t h accessible informat ion and cooperat ive learning i s perhaps the most appropriate organizat ional design for support ing communi ty development. 8.6 Concluding comments T h i s thesis has explored the role o f education and t ra ining programs in p romot ing communi ty development. U s i n g A C O R D - N E B B I as a case and two research questions, the thesis first analyzed the extent, as w e l l as, the specif ic ways i n w h i c h the seven normat ive characteristics o f communi ty development, as advanced i n the literature, are reflected i n A C O R D - N E B B I education and t ra ining programs. Secondly , the thesis 193 ident i f ied the factors that support or hinder the abi l i ty o f education and t ra in ing programs to contribute to the achievement o f equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable c o m m u n i t y development ini t iat ives. The research suggests that rural commun i ty development efforts can be i m p r o v e d b y first devot ing resources to creating functional l oca l structures, and second, b y support ing group formation. A c h i e v i n g these objectives help ensure that c o m m u n i t y development-oriented education and t ra ining programs are accessible, equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable. T h e current trend toward g lobal iza t ion o f trade and economies and the resul t ing outcome — pover ty str icken communi t ies — impl ies that the next century w i l l undoubtedly require greater attention to vulnerable groups affected by both l oca l and international forces o f market l iberal izat ion. T h i s study has conf i rmed that c o m m u n i t y development programmes that first focus o n the establishment o f loca l structures i n rural communi t i es where they are either weak or non-existent is an appropriate approach to foster long-term, improved qual i ty o f l i fe for the "v ic t ims" o f market forces. A l s o revealed is the fact that the no t ion o f p lanned change i n addressing basic needs o f the people i n rural communi t ies s t i l l is a v iab le alternative to the convent ional approach to income re-distr ibut ion. T h i s thesis has also conf i rmed that pover ty is m u c h more than insufficient income. Pover ty encompasses a lack o f soc io-economic and p o l i t i c a l securi ty as w e l l as the knowledge and sk i l l s necessary to empower the vulnerable . It is pover ty that breeds a lack o f hope, l imi t s choices, and erodes soc ia l values w h i c h i n turn leads to a sense that l i fe is wi thout meaning. 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N e w Y o r k : B a s i c B o o k s . W i l l i a m s o n , J . (Ed) . (1982). I M F Condi t iona l i ty . Institute o f International E c o n o m i c s . M I T Press. Y i n , R . K . (1989). Case study research: D e s i g n and methods. N e w b u r y Park, C A : Sage. 208 APPENDICES APPENDIX A: DEFINITIONS OF TERMS THAT GUIDED THE RESEARCH Communi ty is term that refers to the local village or region as a physical, economic, social, and political unit. Here the concern is on improving the quality of life and general wellbeing of the people, their active involvement and participation in organizational processes or collective actions in initiatives that impinge on their individual lives, in a specific locality, e.g., construction of a community water well. It also refers to a group of people who know each other, mutually aid each other, and are connected to each other through common socio-cultural. historical, political, or economic circumstances. Communi ty development refers to planned initiatives through which a) citizens develop the capacity and potential to contribute to, and make decisions that affect their livelihoods, b) a facilitator assists in developing knowledge, skills, and abilities to advance collective interests, c) assistance and support of specialist services necessary to the initiatives that are provided, d) individual capabilities and or competency is developed, e) members exert greater influence over the programs, policies, and projects in their locality, and f) members are consciously engaged in visible, tangible, political, and socio-economic change. Education and training refer to strategies that enhance community abilities and competencies. They encompass formal training, informal training, on-the-job training, seminars, workshops, networking visits, community education, and fieldwork. The expectation of the educational strategy is to promote a learning culture in a community with the goal of fostering progress at all levels of society while at the same time reducing their individual vulnerability. Change refers to outcomes of planned community development initiatives that reduce community vulnerability to socib-cultural, economic, and political vagaries. Examples include: reduction of poverty through financial micro credit based on character-worthiness other than collateral; help to marginalized segments of the community through provision of knowledge and skills about crucial issues that affect their immediate lives e.g. on agro-forestry and woodlots management; and material assistance to disadvantaged members of the community thereby promoting equitable, self-reliant, and sustainable development. Localization refers to the process of promoting and supporting the growth of local structures in communities by development actors or agencies. The goal of establishing local structures is to enable the flow of knowledge, skills, and information as well as other services to indigenous groups, and the outcome being local communities managing their own development initiatives. Localization is best expressed by Stan Burkey, a former worker at ACORD-NEBBI, that it is when people committed to community development Go to the People; Live with them; Love them; Learn from them; Work with them; Start with what they have; Build on what they know; And in the end; When the work is done; The people will rejoice; We have done it ourselves! APPENDIX B: AGRICULTURAL (CASSAVA) TRAINING NEEDS ASSESSMENT FORM Name of C B O SUBJECT A R E A SCORE 5 4 3 2 1 0 1. Importance of Cassava 2. Cassava Varieties 3. Uses of Cassava 4. Growth Requirements 5. Field preparation 6. (a) Planting (b) Selection of planting material (c) Sizing stems for transplanting (d) Rapid Cassava stem multiplication (e) Cassava stem preservation 7. Weeding 8. Harvesting 9. Yields per acre 10. (a) Pest control (b) Diseases control Source: Agro-forestry technicians work-plans , 1992. APPENDIX C: LEADERSHIP TRAINING NEEDS ASSESSMENT FORM CBO VILLAGE PARISH I. Name of Member 2. Sex 3. Age 4. Marital Status 5. Educational Level 6. Current Occupation 7. Roles/ Responsibilities played in the CBO Roles Responsibilities What are encountered in those roles? What is/ are the root cause (s)? How can the above be addressed? What topics would you like to be covered? What would be your expectations? How do you intend to utilize skills and knowledge offered? 8. Previous Knowledge and Experiences Was there any training given on the above subject matter before? If yes, what areas were covered? How helpful was the training? If not, why not? 9. Time/ Duration When would be the best time for the workshop/ seminar? What duration? Where (venue) 10. How can you contribute towards the training costs? (feeding, facilitation) I I . Monitoring and Evaluation What will show that training has been effective (Indicators)? Means of verification When? How? _ Source: Training Officer Notes, 1997. APPENDIX D: KNOWLEDGE AND SKILLS TRAINING NEEDS ASSESSMENT FORM Name of the CBO: Location: (Parish, Sub-county) Type of the CBO: (Mixed, specialized) Number of members: Gender classification: (Males/ Females) Age (e.g. Lowest 25, and Highest 70) Level of Education: Activities of the CBO: (e.g. farming, bee-keeping, goat keeping, savings and loan schemes) Activities of the Individual (e.g., farming, livestock keeping, saving and loaning) Current Problems encountered (e.g., petty trade, savings and loans, bee-keeping, fanning) Priority Problems (e.g., planning, evaluation, loan management, bee-keeping, farming practices) Current Knowledge and Skills (e.g. book-keeping, leadership skills, loan management) When Training should take place (e.g. end of May) Duration (e.g. 2 days, 1 week) Preferred location for training (e.g. Community, ACORD-NEBBI Training Centre) Source: Training Officer, Notes, 1996. 211 APPENDIX E : B O O K K E E P I N G T R A I N I N G F O R C B O M E M B E R S Course description The one-day course in record keeping is intended for the executive members of CBOs to improve their performance. Aim Increased knowledge in record keeping to executive members so as to improve group or association work as well as their individual work. Specific Objectives Define bookkeeping; identify and list some of the records kept; state the importance of record keeping considerations in record keeping; utilize the knowledge gained to improve practice. Content Definitions; types of records kept; importance of record keeping; things to consider in record keeping; Methods Lecture, Brainstorming, Group discussion, Story telling. Materials Manila paper, Pins, Cards, Markers. Monitoring/ Evaluation During - Use of questions and answers; review exercise; observation; At the end of the training: Assignments; After the training: review at meetings; discussions with members; report from the books. Source: Adap ted from Tra in ing Officers Notes , 1996. A P P E N D I X F: T R A I N I N G O U T L I N E O N FEASIBILITY STUDIES ' Aim: Improved C B O capacity in loan management Objectives: At the end of the training, participants will be able to: State the importance of feasibility studies Mention all the components of feasibility studies. Define and discuss each component of feasibility study Range of Topics: Feasibility studies definition; importance of feasibility studies; components of Feasibility studies; planning; pricing; promotion; marketing. Materials: Manila paper; markers Methods: brainstorming, discussions, lectures Evaluation: Collect feedback for improving the training. Adapted from Training Officer Notes, A C O R D - N E B B I , Pakwach, 1997. APPENDIX G : C O M M U N I T Y W O R K E R INITIAL T R A I N I N G C O U R S E O V E R V I E W TIME: 5 Days, 9:00 am to 5:00 p.m. V E N U E : in the community PARTICIPANTS: 25 volunteer community workers selected by the community must attend all 5 days COURSE CONTENT: Teaching HIV/AIDS Facts; Basic Home Care; Attitudes; Skills; Behavioural Change; Referrals for community workers. AIMS: To prepare TASO Community Workers for their work. OBJECTIVES: By the end of the course, participants will be able to: 1. State the facts on HIV/AIDS and teach others 2. Demonstrate positive attitudes and basic communication skills. 3. Perform various aspects of HIV home care. 4. Identify strategies for promoting behavioural change. 5. Identify TASO services and other AIDS Services for referrals. 6. Discuss TCW role in the community and plan for work. Adapted from Training Officer Notes, 1997 APPENDIX H: TEACHING SKILLS TRAINING FOR TRAINER OF COMMUNITY WORKERS (TCWs, OBJECTIVE: Participants will be able to outline the teaching skills needed in their work. TIME: 30mins M A T E R I A L S : Newsprint, markers Step 1: Trainer asks the group: In what situations will you as TCWs be teaching others about AIDS? To which groups of people? Where will you be teaching? Trainer can list responses from group (i.e., women, youth, etc.) and discuss with the group. Step 2: Trainer can ask group: What methods of teaching would be best for these groups and situations? How would they best receive the message? Trainer can list responses from group (i.e., drama, songs, stories, home visiting, pictures, etc.) and discuss the importance of using alternative teaching methods. Step 3: Trainer asks group: What points do you think are important to remember when teaching others? Trainer makes a list of what the group already knows (i.e., being audible, being practical, being presentable having a positive attitude, being confident, and being punctual). Adapted from Training Officer Notes, 1997 ~ ' APPENDIX 1: C H E C K L I S T F O R C O M M U N I T Y AIDS H O M E VISITING P R O G R A M N A M E OF TCW: C O M M U N I T Y -TRAINER: D A T E : . 1) G E N E R A L Did the TCW properly introduce him/herself with an explanation of the TCW's role i the community? Did the T C W demonstrate positive attitudes? Confidentiality Caring Empathy Accepting (non-judgmental) Did the TCW demonstrate communication skills? Asking questions Answering questions Listening Checking understanding 2) EDUCATION Did the TCW provide accurate, understandable facts about AIDS? Were prevention strategies discussed? 3) H O M E C A R E Did the TCW correctly demonstrate home care activities? Did the T C W teach family members? What home care information was shared? Was it correct? 4) R E F E R R A L Was a referral made appropriately and clearly? To where? 5) FOLLOW-UP Did the T C W plan a follow-up visit or contact? Trainer's comments on TCW's performance. Source: TASO Community Initiatives Training Manual, May 1997 214 APPENDIX J : S E M I N A R P R O G R A M M E F O R A G R O - F O R E S T R Y A N D S U S T A I N A B L E A G R I C U L T U R E -O B J E C T I V E S - To raise community critical thinking and consciousness about their environmental protection and take action for their natural resources conservation, and set up community village Environmental Protection Committee. - To identify community local by-laws on environmental protection (bush burning) and draw up action plan for the implementation (reinforcement) of the agreed local bylaws on bush burning in T I M E A C T I V I T I E S F A C I L I T A T O R 9:00 a.m. arrival. Arrival of participants and district officials. 9:00 - 9:30 a.m. Self Introduction Each participant 9:30- 10:00 a.m. Opening of the seminar by the RDC/DFO Resident District Commissioner/ District Forestry Officer 10:00- 10:45 a.m. What are the causes of bush burning in Nebbi District? Outside Instructor 10:45 -11:00 a.m. Tea/ Coffee break 11:00- 12:15 a.m. What are the effects of bush burning on our life and surroundings. Outside Instructor 12:15 - 1:15 p.m. What are the possible solutions to stop bush burning? Outside Instructor l:15-2:15p.m. Lunch Break 2:15-3:15p.m. What local by-laws exist that can help to protect our environment District Forest Officer 3:15-3:45 p.m. Drawing up an action plan to implement and reinforce the bylaws. A C O R D Instructor 3:45 - 4:00 p.m. Evaluation 2 A C O R D Instructors 4:00-4:15 p.m. Tea/ Coffee break 4:15-4:30 p.m. Closure of the Seminar Resident District Commissioner, Nebbi Source: Agro-forestry Technician Notes, 1997. 

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