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UBC Theses and Dissertations

The growth of political awareness in Nigeria Webster, James Bertin 1958

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i THE GROWTH OF POLITICAL AWARENESS IK NIGERIA by JAMES BERTIN WEBSTER B. A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I95& A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE PvEQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts i n the Department of History We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITy OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , I958 i i Abstract . Prior, to I9*+5, neither the majority of B r i t i s h nor Africans were convinced that Western parliamentary forms of government could be trans ferred successfully to Nigeria. Generally i t was considered that the Nigerian society would evolve from t r a d i t i o n a l forms of organization to something t y p i c a l l y A f r i c a n which would prepare Africans f o r t h e i r event ual f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the world society. A f t e r 19^5 under the stim u l a t i o n of nationalism t h i s concept of evolvement was completely abandoned i n favour of complete adoption of Western i n s t i t u t i o n s . I t i s to be ex pected that a f t e r independence the conservative forces of A f r i c a n t r a d i t i o n  alism w i l l revive and that a p a i n f u l process of modification of Western i n s t i t u t i o n s w i l l begin. I t would seem however, that modifications are not l i k e l y to be too fundamental i f one can judge by the success with which Nigerians have handled these i n s t i t u t i o n s and by the material advantages which p o l i t i c a l leaders have been able to bring to the people through them. The thesis i s divided into three chapters. Chapter one i s a condensa t i o n of much research. I t i s intended to provide the background to the main body of the work. I t describes the t r i b a l , r e l i g i o u s and economic differences i n Nigeria which have been forces i n Nigerian p o l i t i c s since 1920. I t discusses the A f r i c a n reaction to the B r i t i s h penetration of the i n t e r i o r a f ter I885. I t b r i e f l y outlines the B r i t i s h sponsored economic development which resulted i n greater urbanization and the growth of an educated middle class which was the author and supporter of the movement to turn from t r a d i t i o n a l A f r i c a n forms to Western i n s t i t u t i o n s . With l i t  t l e d e t a i l the chapter points out the mixing of various tribes i n t h i s new class and the complications which resulted. The Ibo t r i b e has been used as an example. I t shows how t h i s educated class maintained i t s contact and i i i influence with the people of the v i l l a g e s "by means of t r i b a l associations which ultimately became the most s i g n i f i c a n t carriers and popularizers of Western p o l i t i c a l thought. The chapter ends showing the various ideas which t h i s class were absorbing and the effect which the doctrine of trus teeship, the Commonwealth, the B r i t i s h Labour Government, the United Na tions and Indian independence had on them. Chapter two traces the demand for parliamentary i n s t i t u t i o n s and attempts to show how the B r i t i s h constructively began to abdicate t h e i r power. Some of -the early expressions of t h i s demand are indicated for the period from 1885 to 1920. In the year 1920, the f i r s t p o l i t i c a l movement was organized. I t was a West Af r i c a n Movement embracing a l l four B r i t i s h West Afr i c a n colonies; Nig e r i a , Ghana, Sierra Leone and the Gambia. By 1922 t h i s movement had collapsed but successors to i t grew i n each colony. In Nigeria, from 1922 to 1938 p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y was confined to Lagos. From 1938 to 19^5 Lagos p o l i t i c i a n s were spreading t h e i r organizations and ideas throughout the hinterland. At the close of the Second World War an almost country wide ag i t a t i o n began to unite the people to press the B r i  t i s h to set up government i n s t i t u t i o n s modelled a f t e r those of the United Kingdom. By 1951 this had been done and the elective p r i n c i p l e had been widely applied. Thus the f i r s t stage of the struggle was over. By 1951 Nigerians were convinced that the B r i t i s h were determined to leave the country as soon as a workable constitution was i n force. Chapter two ends at this point where A f r i c a n energies are turned from from concentrating on persuading the B r i t i s h to leave and chapter three begins where these energies are being devoted to working out the problems of adjustment i n the government machinery to s u i t the Nigerian s i t u a t i o n . i v Chapter three deals with the d i v i s i v e forces within the country which began to show once the unified opposition to the B r i t i s h was no longer necessary. The National Congress of Nigeria and the Cameroons which had led the national front against the B r i t i s h began to decline and break up. Regional parties based l a r g e l y on l o c a l l o y a l t i e s began to emerge. The elections of 1951 indicated how f a r t h i s trend towards regionalisation had a c t u a l l y gone. Federalism appeared to hold the answer to Nigerian unity, but while i t may have been the only expedient open to the Nigerians, many saw i n regionalisation the sure break up of the country. The c o n f l i c t be tween the regionalists and closer unionists came to a climax i n the Kano Disturbances of 1953• Following t h i s , i n 195^ a constitution was drawn up i n which the federal p r i n c i p l e was f u l l y acknowledged by a l l p a r t i e s . By 195^ the broad outlines of the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l pattern had emerged. Nigeria was to be a federal state. However, the f i n a l form had not by any means been s e t t l e d . The constitution of I95U was based on the assumption that Nigeria was a land of three dominant t r i b e s ; the Ibos, the Yorubas, and the Hausas. Even before 195^ + a n d increasingly a f t e r , the minor ethnic groups began to press for separate states to free them from the p a r t l y imaginary fear of major t r i b e domination. Nigeria i s quite c e r t a i n to emerge as a major A f r i c a n power because of i t s population, area and natural resources. I t i s l i k e l y to be an i n  f l u e n t i a l power because of i t s semi-Moslem and semi-Christian character. I t straddles that l i n e i n A f r i c a which divides the Moslem North from the Christian-influenced South. Such a p o s i t i o n and character w i l l give i t influence, north as w e l l as south of the Sahara. Nigeria's constitution a l development i s unique i n that i t i s the f i r s t federal state to emerge V i n A f r i c a . Because Nigeria i s possibly the most polygot t r i b a l nation i n A f r i c a i t s solution to the t r i b a l problem w i l l make a profound im pression upon other A f r i c a n leaders. Ac t u a l l y , l i t t l e has been written on the topic of Af r i c a ' s evolution towards modern nation-states. This thesis attempts to contribute to that neglected area of study. I t i s also an attempt to see th i s process of evolution from an unbiased Nigerian point of view. This point of view w i l l be indicated by the large amount of source material which i s s t r i c t l y Nigerian i n i t s o r i g i n . A f r i c a n sources have as f a r as possible been r e l i e d upon. Much of the source material has as fa r as can be ascertained, never before been used. In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u lfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available f o r reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representative. I t i s understood that copying or publication of th i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. James B. Webster. Department of History The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. Date A p r i l , 1958. v i Table of Contents Chapter Page I Background . . . . . . . . . . I I I The Demand for Parliamentary Democracy with Constructive Abdication of Power . 20 The U n i f i c a t i o n of B r i t i s h Administration 1862-1920 . * 20 Early Expressions of the Demand for Parliamentary Ins t i t u t i o n s 1885-1920 . . 23 The Congress Movement 1920-1922 . . 35 The Lagos Sphere 1922-1938 hi The Enlarged Sphere 1939-19^5 . 5 7 The National Front: Triumph of the Elective P r i n c i p l e 19^5-1951 • . 71 I I I Old Patterns Re-emerge: Federalism. . . . . . 91 D i v i s i v e Forces Within Nigeria. . . . . . 91 Growth of Regional Parties . . . . . . 107 Decline of the N.C.N.C I I 9 Rise of the Action Group . . . . . . . 126 Rise of the Northern Peoples 1 Congress . . . . 135 The Elec t i o n of 1951 . ihO The London Regionslisation Conference . . . . lh$ Awakening of the Minor Ethnic Groups . . . . 1 5 5 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . l6h v i i Maps and I l l u s t r a t i o n s T r i b a l Divisions of Nigeria Religious Divisions of Nigeria . Government Revenue per Square Mile i n Nigeria Railways of Nigeria . . . Comrade i n War, Vassal i n Peace. Place Names of Nigeria . . . . Democracy versus Communism. . . . National Council and Nigerian Unity . Tribalism and Imperialism . Renascent A f r i c a . . . . . . following page 2 . following page 3 following page h . following page 8 following page l 6 . following page 21 following page 58 . following page 77 . following page 109 . following page 163 v i i i Ac knowledgement The writer wishes to express his sincere appreciation- to Professor A.C. Cooke of the Department of History f o r invaluable guidance which has greatly f a c i l i t a t e d the wr i t i n g of this, thesis. To the s t a f f of the Africana Department, l i b r a r y of the University College., Ibadan, I wish to express my thanks for t h e i r kind assistance at a l l times. University of B r i t i s h Columbia, A p r i l , 1958. James B. Webster. I Chapter I Background The.great expansion of European empires had ceased by I9I9« Almost a l l .the inhabited areas of the world were either d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y under the control of one or other of the Western nations. This movement of expansion was hardly over before i t came to be challenged both by l i b e r a l s i n the dominant Western countries and by the i n t e l l e c t u a l e l i t e i n the subject nations of Asia and A f r i c a . In the B r i t i s h Empire the expansion of B r i t i s h control which began af t e r l880, into new areas i n Asia and A f r i c a ran counter to the trend of more and more autonomy which was such a fi x e d feature of the h i s t o r y of the older colonies; Canada, A u s t r a l i a , Hew Zealand and South A f r i c a . By 1920 these white colonies were preparing f o r complete equality i n status with the Mother country. India and the colonies of darker skinned people became more and more restive and desirous of emulating these older white dominions. In A f r i c a the B r i t i s h colonies of the West Coast took the lead i n the movement to emulate the older dominions. B r i t i s h West A f r i c a was free of a minority European population; land and natural resources were s t i l l l a r g e ly i n A f r i c a n hands and West Coast Africans cherished tra d i t i o n s of e f f i c i e n t p o l i t i c a l organization from the p r e - B r i t i s h era. By 1920 there were p o l i t i c a l movements i n a l l B r i t i s h West A f r i c a n colonies aiming towards emancipation from the empire and an honoured place i n the emerging Commonwealth. Nigeria i s the largest B r i t i s h West A f r i c a n colony, being four times the size of the United Kingdom and the most populous black nation i n the world, having a population of thirty-two m i l l i o n . Nigeria i s located on the west coast of A f r i c a and faces south on the Gulf of Guinea. I t i s divided into 2 three regions which hold an equivalent status to the provinces of Canada. Each region i s divided into provinces which are administrative units only. The Northern region contains over h a l f of the population and area of Nigeria. The Hausa-Fulani tribes form f i f t y per cent of the population of the region. They predominate i n f i v e of the twelve provinces of the region. I n four provinces other tribes predominate; I l o r i n (Yoruba 69$), Benue (Tiv 52$), Bornu (Kanuri hlj>) and Niger (Nupe 30$). In the three provinces of Adaraawa, Plateau and Kabba, no single group forms as much as twenty per cent of the population. Of the sixteen and a half m i l l i o n people of the Northern region, eleven and a h a l f m i l l i o n are Moslems, four and a h a l f m i l l i o n are animists and a half m i l l i o n are Christians. The Hausa-Fulani are Moslems and therefore the f i v e provinces l i s t e d above are Moslem plus Kanuri-Bornu and Yoruba-Ilorin. The f i v e provinces i n which other tr i b e s predominate are most- 2 l y animist. Thus i n t r i b a l groupings and i n r e l i g i o n the Northern region i s divided between the Moslem Hausa-Fulani f a r north and the animist mixed tribes of the Middle B e l t . Economic factors have reinforced t h i s d i v i s i o n . For num erous reasons h i s t o r i c a l and geographical the Kano core i n the far north has become the richest area owing to the development of export crops, urbanization and intensive agriculture. Accumulated wealth has been able to supply such amenities as railways, roads and e l e c t r i c i t y to t h i s area i n sharp contrast to the poorer Middle B e l t provinces. The d i v i s i o n l i n e s between the 'have' and •have not' provinces are much the same as the re l i g i o u s and r a c i a l d i v i s i o n l i n e s . 1 The f i v e provinces with t h e i r Hausa-Fulani population percentages are, Kano 90$, Sokoto 8C#, Katsina 77$, Bauchi 59$ a n d Zaria 55$. 2 Nigeria, Department of S t a t i s t i c s , Population Census of the Northern  Region of Nigeria, Lagos, Government P r i n t e r , 1952. TRIBAL. DIVISIONS OF NIGERIA c+ p P H O so (ft CD KEY MAJOR TRIBES PREDOMINATE MINOR TRIBE5 PREDOMINATE NO T R I B E PREDOMINATES 3 Southern. Nigeria i s divided into two regions by the Niger River. The Western Region has a population of six. and a quarter m i l l i o n of which sev enty per cent belong to the Yoruba t r i b e . The Yorubas are concentrated i n '3 " " " ' "" " • ." s i x provinces. In the two remaining provinces a number of smaller tribes are located. In Benin, the Edo-speaking people account f o r forty-seven per cent of the people and i n Delta the Urhobos constitute forty-two per cent. The Yoruba people are almost evenly divided between the Moslem and C h r i s t i a n f a i t h s while the majority of people of Benin and Delta are anim- i s t s . The Western Region l i k e the North i s divided between a major t r i b e inhabiting the largest area with the largest population and a mixture o f - smaller tribes i n another smaller area. Again l i k e the North there i s a prosperous economic core. This core i s situated around the cocoa crop area of Ibadan and thus roughly speaking, the minor tribes inhabit 'have-not' k provinces. These provinces of Benin and Delta are termed the Mid-West provinces. Their problems are somewhat si m i l a r to those of the Middle B e l t provinces of the North. East of the Niger River l i e s the Eastern Region containing a population of seven m i l l i o n people and divided into f i v e provinces. The Ibo t r i b e con s t i t u t e s sixty-one per cent of the people of the region. The Ibos are con centrated i n Onitsha and Owerri provinces (98$). They also make up s i x t y - seven per cent of the population of Ogoja and forty-one per cent of Rivers province. The f o r t y per cent of non-Ibos are concentrated i n the Calabar, 3 The s i x provinces with t h e i r Yoruba population percentages are Ibadan 98$, Oyo 96$, Ijebu 96ft, Abeokuta 91$, Ondo 89$ and Colony 73$. h In 1955-56 the revenue of the 'have-not' Mid-West provinces was-f;, I2,l)l|-0,000 and expenditure by the regional government on behalf of t h i s area was t iU,299,000. (Reported i n the Western House of Assembly and printed i n The Daily Times, 21 Dec. 1957, p.8.) R E U 6 I 0 . U S D I V I S I O N S OF NIOERIA Ogoja and Rivers provinces, an area commonly termed the COR area. The Eastern Region i s evenly divided between the C h r i s t i a n f a i t h and animism. These r e l i g i o u s variations cut across t r i b a l groups and do not add to group s o l i d a r i t y as i n the other regions. However, l i k e both other regions the prosperous economic core l i e s i n the Onitsha-Port Harcourt Ibo area and again the minor tribes inhabit the 'have-not' COR area. A l l three regions of Nigeria exhibit a si m i l a r d u a l i t y , a major domin ant t r i b e often reinforced by r e l i g i o n and economic advantages, and a group of minor tribes who suffer from an i n f e r i o r p o s i t i o n and fear domination 5 . by the larger group. Contact between the coastal tribes and Europeans had gone back to the Portuguese era but t h i s contact had been limited to trade. I n l86l i n order to stop the slave trade along the Nigerian coast the B r i t i s h had seized the v i l l a g e of Lagos. During the height of Mid-Victorian l i t t l e Englandism numerous suggestions had been made that the B r i t i s h should withdraw from t h e i r Lagos base. During the eighteen eighties, owing to the i n d u s t r i a l challenge of Europe and the fear of markets and sources of raw materials being alienated f o r the exclusive use of other European powers, plus home expansion of pop ul a t i o n and accumulation of surplus wealth, B r i t a i n began to take a new i n  terest i n the expansion of her c o l o n i a l areas. S i r A l f r e d Moloney, governor of Lagos I886-I89I expressed the new mood of commercial England i n regard to c o l o n i a l expansion. 5 The elect i o n figures of 1956 bear out th i s f a c t . In the Western Region 8C$ of the non-Yoruba seats are held by the Opposition party. In the Eastern Region 96$ of the government seats represent Ibo areas. I n the North ern Region the Opposition parties draw t h e i r strength.almost exclusively from the non-Hausa areas. GOVERNMENT REVENUE PER SQUARE M I L E I N N I G E R I A 6XALE" I N MILE 'S K E Y O V E R ^ 9 0 B E T I A / E E N % ) & % ) UNDER ^30 d- p, H> O H H I A F T E R K.M.BUCHANANi AND J.C. PUGH", LAND/IND PEOPLE OF N I G E R I A ? UNIVERSITY OF LOMDON PRESS 5 The"Commercial world are-insatiable; they; say, 'We want t e r r i t o r i a l expansion,open roads and" i n t e r i o r markets for our wares, ... They seem no" longer s a t i s f i e d with the sandbeach p o l i c y of past years.° The attitude i n Lagos to the B r i t i s h p o l i c y of cli n g i n g to the sand- beaches along the west coast of A f r i c a and refusing to penetrate the hinterland was a mixed reaction. The educated Africans of Lagos were dependent on trade and as anxious that trade develop as were the B r i t i s h merchants. Like the B r i t i s h they feared that Lagos and the other B r i t i s h coastal towns would be economically crippled by lack of a hinterland. We are f u l l y aware that England does not wish to increase her r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n A f r i c a , but without such a course being adopted, her l i t t o r a l possessions would be l i t e r a l l y worthless, and her subjects along the whole coast l i n e re main i n perpetual suffrage through defective colonization.7 During the period from 1880 to I89O the i n t e r i o r t r i b e s i n the Lagos hinterland were engaged i n a ruinous war among themselves and with the Fulani Emir of I l o r i n . This stopped the Lagos trade. The flow of goods from the i n t e r i o r ceased and Lagos experienced a severe depression. The cry of hard times coupled with commercial depression has of late been perpetually dinning i n our ears ... Commerce upon which she (Lagos) lays her basis, i s fast declining and her progress tethered by the destructive influences of t h i s damnable and wretched warfare.8 Lagosians therefore pressed the B r i t i s h to mediate i n the i n t e r i o r t r i b a l warfare. They pointed out to the B r i t i s h that they were not carrying 6 Lagos Times, 8 August, I89I, Vol.IV, N0.IO8, p.3. 7 Lagos Observer, 19 Feb., I887, Vol.VI, No.2, p . 2 . 8 Lagos Observer, 15 & 2 2 , May, 1886, Vol.V, No.8, p . 2 . 6 out the obligations of the treaty by which Lagos had been ceded to the B r i t i s h crown. By the treaty the B r i t i s h promised to put an end to the 9 destructive i n t e r i o r wars. The Lagosians appeared to favour a system whereby the i n t e r i o r t r i b e s would govern themselves i n domestic issues but where the B r i t i s h would manage t h e i r external a f f a i r s . Another grievance of the Lagosians was the trade and administrative charter granted to the Royal Niger Company i n 1886. They attacked the 10 "absolute administrative powers" granted by the charter. They also attacked the trade monopoly of the Company, and claimed that Lagos traders were suffering as a r e s u l t of t h e i r exclusion from the Niger basin, ton George Taubman Goldie the head of the Royal Niger Company, stated that the Niger basin would prove "of immense importance to the working classes of Great B r i t a i n , " the Lagos press retorted that " i f the rights of West A f r i c - I I an are worth anything, nothing can equal t h e i r claims on the Niger." This attitude soon led the Lagosians to organize a meeting of traders which pre sented a memorial to the governor of Lagos which pointed out that Lagos was the natural entrepot of the o i l r i v e r s and that the colony's extension along the coast was " d a i l y becoming more desirable." They ended by asking the government "to take immediate steps with a view to the annexation of the 12 whole of the o i l r i v e r s . " Meanwhile the Congress of B e r l i n had gone about i t s pleasurable task of dividing up A f r i c a among the European powers. The Lagos Times commented that, 9 Lagos Observer, 12 May, 1888, Vol.VII, No.7, p.2. 10 Lagos Observer, 9 & 16 Feb., I889, Vol.VIII, No.l, p.2. 11 Loc. c i t . 12 Lagos Observer, 26 May, 1888, Vol.VIII, No.8, p.3. 7 "a f o r c i b l e possession of our land has taken the-place of a f o r c i b l e 13 possession of our persons." The Lagosians began to f e e l that t h e i r race might share the fate of the aboriginals of America and A u s t r a l i a . The B e r l i n Conference has concluded i t s pleasant labours of sharing the spoils ... the world has perhaps never seen u n t i l now such high-handed robbery on so large a scale. A f r i c a i s helpless to prevent i t , therefore i t i s i n the interest of that incomprehensible (but very convenient) thing " c i v i l i z a  t i o n " that the blackman i g a mistake on the part of the creator and must be blotted out.-*- However much Lagosians might resent what had happened at B e r l i n they had to face the unhappy fact that A f r i c a was being carved up and divided among the European empires. The French were trading i n the neighbouring town of Porto Novo and i n 1888 they concluded a trade treaty with the Egbas of Abeokuta. The object of the treaty was to divert from Lagos the large 15 trade from the i n t e r i o r . This French a c t i v i t y was not welcomed i n Lagos. The Africans, when forced to decide between the French or B r i t i s h empire, were not slow to make t h e i r choice. To the praise of the Frenchmen, be i t said, that to treat with him on B r i t i s h s o i l , a Negro can hardly f i n d a better and more courteous superior amongst the other nations on the continent of Europe. But once master of the s i t u a t i o n , the lamb i s sud denly transformed, and the incarceration of the Negro be comes the standing order. We love and respect the Frenchman, although we earnestly pray for the day to speedily a r r i v e , when both he and the Negro w i l l s e t t l e i n A f r i c a under the benign influence of B r i t i s h r u l e . 1 " 13 "The Scramble f o r A f r i c a , " Lagos Times, 20 June, I 8 9 I , Vol.U, No. 101, p . 2 . . Ik Lagos Observer, 19 Feb. I885, Vol.IV, No.2, p.U. 15 Reprint from the "Liverpool Courier" 26 J u l y , 1888, Lagos Observer, 25 August & I Sept. 1888, Vol.VII, No.Ik, p . 2 . 16 Reprint from the "Sierra Leone Times" Lagos Weekly Record, 10 June, 1893, V o l . I l l , Ho.IH, p . 2 . . 8 Thus the Africans i n Lagos although preferring less f o r c e f u l methods, f i n a l l y came to advise and push the B r i t i s h towards expansion into the i n t e r i o r . This attitude arose from t h e i r exclusion from the Niger basin by the Royal Niger Company, the stopping of the Lagos trade by the i n t e r  i o r wars and French a c t i v i t y i n Dahomey. When the B r i t i s h did begin to move into the hinterland they moved slowly and cautiously. P a c i f i c a t i o n of the whole of Nigeria was not complete u n t i l 1906 and amalgamation of the country did not take place u n t i l I91U. Joseph Chamberlain became c o l o n i a l secretary i n I895. He l i k e d to think of the colonies as the undeveloped estates of B r i t a i n . To stimulate development i n these undeveloped estates he allowed colonies to make loans which the B r i t i s h government would back. In Nigeria these loans were used mainly for railway construction and harbour improvement. The Nigerian railway was begun i n 1896 at Ebute Metta near Lagos. In 1900 i t reached Ibadan; i n 1909 Jebba; and i n I9II Kano. The Lagos bar was deepened i n 1907 and again i n 1909. The effect of t h i s l i n k i n g of the i n t e r i o r with the coast resulted i n greater exports and imports. In I89U exports t o t a l l e d £ 800,000, i n 1920 £ 17,000,000. In 1906 imports equalled £ 3,000,000 and i n 1920 £ 21,000,000. Cocoa, introduced around 1900 grew steadily i n volume from three thousand tone i n 1910 to seventeen thousand tons i n 1920. Ground nut culture was introduced i n the North about the same time and by 1920 had reached an export t o t a l of 1+5,000 tons. S i r Walter Egerton, governor of Nigeria from I90U to 1912 announced when he arrived i n Nigeria that his p o l i c y would be to make roads and more 17 roads. A r a i l r o a d feeder system of roads was begun i n 1905 and the palm 17 Lagos Standard, 8 Nov., 1905, Vol.XIII, No.8, p.U. T H E M A I N R A I L W A Y S Y S T E M OF NIGERIA 9 o i l and kernel areas were tapped. Palm o i l increased from just over a thousand tons i n 1900 to 85,000 tons i n 1920. Palm kernels increased from 8 6 , 0 0 0 tons i n 1900 to 207,000 tons i n 1920. In 1909 coal was discovered at Udi near Enugu i n the Eastern Region. In 1912 the new harbour s i t e of Port Harcourt was chosen. A r a i l l i n e . reached Enugu from Port Harcourt i n I 9 l 6 . By 19^0 the Udi mines were pro ducing 700,000 tons of coal. In 1903 t i n mining began i n the plateau re gion near Jos. In 1920 the railway reached the mines and i n 1926 the east ern and western railway systems were connected. From t h i s development i n transportation and the subsequent development of export crops and mineral production, s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and a money economy resulted. Large urban centres began to emerge as transport depots, admin i s t r a t i v e centres and i n the v i c i n i t y of mines and embryonic manufacturing. Greater opportunities, greater personal freedom and more amenities drew the r u r a l population into the c i t i e s . The new c i t i e s bred a completely new class of people. This class could afford to send i t s children to school; i t was under the influence of modern forms of propaganda, the cinema, and radio. I t kept informed of government p o l i c y and work. I t owned and read the news papers and i t came i n touch with world thought. The people of the new c i t i e s were introduced to the "boom and bust" of world economics; they began to know what unemployment and wage exploitation meant. They came into closer contact with the Europeans and they became c r i t i c a l of European behavior; they resent ed t h e i r higher l i v i n g standards; they resented t h e i r control of the economics and the government of the country; and they resented urban "aphartheid," the "sabons," ghettos and reservations. They saw i n them a correl a t i o n between 10 race and economic status. Black was associated with poverty, white with wealth. This class not only became c r i t i c a l of Europeans but also of the t r a d i t i o n a l native authorities and they began an a g i t a t i o n f o r European type municipal councils. By 1920 t h i s class was w e l l established i n Lagos and i t was here that municipal elections began, and p o l i t i c a l parties formed which looked beyond the l o c a l government to the national government. Other c i t i e s arrived at t h i s point around the early nineteen f o r t i e s under the increasing urbanization caused by the war. An important characteristic of t h i s new urban population was that i t was not drawn e n t i r e l y or even substantially from the t r i b e i n the immediate environs of the c i t y . In these new c i t i e s a l l tribes mixed and learned to get along or, as sometimes happened, learned to hate each other. Every large c i t y i n Nigeria had i t s stranger quarters where people from various tribes b u i l t homes and governed themselves. In certain c i t i e s t h i s stranger quarter has grown larger than the o r i g i n a l town and i t s economic a c t i v i t i e s have overshadowed the o r i g i n a l town. The existence of these autonomous units has naturally caused resentment among the Emirs, not only because, with few exceptions,"foreigners,"are by t h i s means excluded from the control, but because the more l i b  e r a l and e f f i c i e n t administration of these excised urban areas has attracted much of the trade away from the towns near to which they are located.-*-" Modern c i t i e s require a l i t e r a t e working force to carry on modern bus iness and administration. Thus the l i t e r a t e were the ones who flocked to the towns. The most s t r i k i n g example of t h i s fact was the mining town of I8 Joan Wheare, The Nigerian L e g i s l a t i v e Council, London, Faber and Faber, 1950, p.10. I I Jos which was eighty-five per cent l i t e r a t e . Jos i s i n Northern Nigeria which has an average l i t e r a c y rate of two per cent i n English, and f i v e per cent i n Arabic. Owing to the fact that the l i t e r a c y rate i s highest atnong the Ibos, Yorubas and I b i b i o s , these tribes have predominated i n the new towns regardless of where these towns have been located. The Ibos have fared p a r t i c u l a r l y w e l l because added to t h e i r q u a l i f i c a t i o n s i n l i t e r a c y they are p a r t i c u l a r l y ambitious; have f i r m l y grasped the aims and goals of Western c i v i l i z a t i o n and are not reluctant to leave t h e i r t r i b a l area. In 1921 there were only 2,666 Ibos i n the Northern Region. In 1952 t h i s figure had r i s e n to 186,000 or ninety per cent of the t o t a l stranger element i n the Northern Region. Lagos, a Yoruba town showed a s i m i l a r trend; i n I 9 H the Ibos formed two per cent of the t o t a l stranger element, and i n 1950 they formed forty-eight per cent. An e v i l a r i s i n g from t h i s s i t u a t i o n i s that the indigenous people have come to see these strangers as obstacles to t h e i r progress. Because the Ibo have spread the farthest they have received the greatest c r i t i c i s m . But the Yorubas and Ibibios have also had t h e i r share of c r i t i c i s m . These strang ers hold the best jobs and draw the best salaries i n government and business. ... Undoubtedly i t i s the Southerner who has the power i n the North. They have control of the railway stations; of the post o f f i c e s ; of government hospitals; of the canteens; the majority employed i n the Public Works Department are a l l Southerners,T9 The urban population has been the spearhead and propaganda vehicle of 19 " E d i t o r i a l " , Gaskiya Ta F i Kwabo, 18 Feb., 1950, p.2. 12 the national movement. As a class they were w e l l prepared for such a task. They were l i t e r a t e ; they followed the newspapers; they were mostly d i r e c t l y concerned with public a f f a i r s and government po l i c y . They had funds and. could be organized into associations. They had freed themselves from t r i b  a l authority and most of a l l they had influence i n t h e i r home v i l l a g e s . The most important aspect of these people was that regardless of how long they had been urbanized - two or three generations - they s t i l l remained 0 i n f l u e n t i a l members of t h e i r native v i l l a g e . In order to preserve t h e i r t r i b a l i d e n t i t y , to compensate for the weakening of the t r a d i t i o n a l system of s o c i a l security which was lacking i n the m u l t i - t r i b a l towns and to recover that sense of common purpose l o s t i n the new urban l i f e , the various tribes grouped themselves i n new associa tions commonly referred to as t r i b a l unions. These unions began as mutual 20 21 aid and protection s o c i e t i e s , f o o t b a l l clubs, s o c i a l or womens* clubs. They prevented d e t r i b a l i z a t i o n because they were based on t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l groupings; they provided the l i n k between these "sons-abroad" and the "sons- at-home" i n the v i l l a g e ; they eased the t r a n s i t i o n from v i l l a g e l i f e to urban l i f e and cushioned the impact of Western ideas and culture. Frequently they were led by the young educated men who gained experience i n modern forms of 22 administration. They strengthened the hands of these young men against 20 In 1950 the Ibos agitated through t h e i r t r i b a l union against i n d i g n i t i e s suffered by Ibos i n Calabar province and against excessive discriminatory taxation of Ibos i n Bornu province. See "Annual Report of the Ibo State Union," Eastern Nigerian Guardian, 25 Mar., Vol.XI, No.2221, p . 2 . 21 The Egba Womens* Union led by Mrs. Fummilayo Ransome-Kuti i n Abeokuta had a paid membership i n 19^8 of 80 ,000. The Union was i n  strumental i n the expulsion of the Alake ( t r a d i t i o n a l r u l e r ) i n 19U8. 22 In the f i r s t elected assemblies i n Nigeria i n 1951 the majority of the elected members i n both the Eastern and Western Houses had prev iously been executive o f f i c e r s of a t r i b a l union. 13 the older, t r a d i t i o n a l authority. 23 The t r i b a l unions did good work i n education by financing colleges and providing scholarships for overseas study. They were active i n en- 2k couraging s o c i a l reform i n t h e i r home v i l l a g e s ; they sett l e d disputes between members out of the courts and they kept a l i v e interest i n the t r a d i t i o n a l culture of t h e i r tribe-dances, h i s t o r y , language and moral b e l i e f s . Occasionally these urban unions promoted the organization of a parent union i n the home v i l l a g e and then acted as pressure groups for l o c a l improvement schemes and were especially i n f l u e n t i a l i n the democrat i z a t i o n of the native authority councils. Sometimes leaders of the union were sought out by the i l l i t e r a t e t r a d i t i o n a l authorities for advice as to the solution of problems peculiar to modern day society which they f e l t ill-equipped to handle. The Unions abroad were held i n high esteem by the Unions at home. The Unions abroad were educated and provided the funds for improvement i n the v i l l a g e s . N ationalist ideas flowed from the c i t i e s to the v i l l a g e s i n th i s network of interlocking unions which was the only means of communication e n t i r e l y under A f r i c a n control. While at f i r s t the B r i t i s h could say that nationalism only ran w i l d i n the larger c i t i e s and could dismiss national agitators as a disgruntled minority they soon came to hear f a m i l i a r nation a l i s t arguments i n the most remote v i l l a g e s - v i l l a g e s which had never seen 23 Both the Ib i b i o State College and the Ibo National College were set up by t r i b a l unions. 2k The Afikpo Town Welfare Association was instrumental i n the aboliti o n , of female nudity i n Afikpo d i v i s i o n . Ik a motor road, newspaper or radio. In the nineteen f o r t i e s most t r i b a l unions formed a national executive and attempted to control and direct p o l i c y from the top. This development was never too successful for the locals remained the spokesmen of the "grass roots" and the most important factors i n the union structure. These unions were the obvious nuclei of a national p o l i t i c a l organization and i t was because of th i s that the national Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons could claim s i x t y branch a f f i l i a t e s a f t e r only a few months existence. The B r i t i s h p o l i c y of providing transportation f a c i l i t i e s created an export crop and a money economy. This i n turn led to the r i s e of modern c i t i e s and a l i t e r a t e salaried middle class who adopted western ideas of national f e e l i n g and western forms of government and explained and popular ized these ideas with the common people, the farmers and traders. At the same time the middle class preserved much of the Af r i c a n way of l i f e and prevented the complete loss of s o c i a l and moral standards so common i n de- t r i b a l i z e d s o c i e t i e s . I t must not, however, be forgotten that t h i s same middle class prevented the melting of the various t r i b a l n a t i o n a l i t i e s into a Nigerian n a t i o n a l i t y and i n fact increased the barriers between t r i b e s . When the B r i t i s h f i n a l l y conceded power the middle class found i t s e l f lacking a Nigerian outlook and i n order to gain power fanned the flames of i n t e r  t r i b a l jealousy and d i s l i k e among the common people. I t i s important to take a look at some of the ideas that t h i s middle class were absorbing i n the years a f t e r 1920. The concept of trusteeship emerged from the war with i t s l o g i c a l sequence of s e l f determination. With i n the empire i t s e l f the white dominions were pressing forward t h e i r claims 15 to s e l f determination which resulted i n the Statute of Westminster.- There were s t i r r i n g s i n India which resulted i n the extension of representative government and limited f i s c a l autonomy. Young Nigerians could not long he expected to absorb from t h e i r school books the con s t i t u t i o n a l struggle of the United Kingdom and the evolutionary process of the Commonwealth without drawing l o g i c a l conclusions. They (Africans) understand what prompted the drafting of the Magna Carta, the P e t i t i o n of Right, the B i l l of Rights, and the other great documents of B r i t i s h c o n s t i t u t i o n a l history. 5 Nigerians were soon asking i f the darker races were "to assume that dominion status i s reserved exclusively for the f a i r e r races of the B r i t i s h 26 Commonwealth." The B r i t i s h attitude appeared to assume that i t was so reserved. Parliamentary government, evolved by Englishmen for t h e i r own use and to s u i t t h e i r own peculiar temperament, i s not necessar i l y the best form of government for A f r i c a n s . 2 ? Some writers f e l t that i n the years between the wars B r i t a i n l o s t much of her e a r l i e r idealism and that the B r i t i s h "began to doubt the e f f i c a c y 28 of freedom as a means of binding men and communities together." Fortunate l y f o r the B r i t i s h they did not o f f i c i a l l y say so, for world events were rap i d l y favouring the r i s i n g nationalism of the black and brown races. 25 Nnamdi Azikiwe, Renascent A f r i c a , Lagos, by the author, 1937, p.79. 26 The West A f r i c a n P i l o t , 6 A p r i l , 19^0, V o l . I l l , No.728, p.U. 27 S i r Alan Burns (Governor of the Gold Coast I9lH-I9lr7) History of Nigeria, London, A l l e n and Unwin, 19^2, p . 3 0 8 . 28 Paul Knaplund, B r i t a i n , Commonwealth and Empire I90I-I955, London, Hamish Hamilton, I956, p.63. 16 The Second World War found B r i t a i n again emphasizing the r i g h t of self-determination for small peoples and at least the Labour party applied 29 t h i s equally to the Nigerians as to the Poles and Czechs. In I^hO Clem ent A t t lee stated that i f Britons wanted a world free from i m p e r i a l i s t 30 domination they must free themselves from the t a i n t of i t . Colonial 31 peoples were not only inspired by the Colonial p o l i c y of the Labour party 32 but they had an i n s t i n c t i v e sympathy for t h e i r domestic platforms. The Labour government began i t s term of o f f i c e i n 19^5 with the almost unanim ous good-will of Nigerians. The Labour v i c t o r y spurred Nigerian national i s t s to greater efforts to win the support of the Nigerian people and the B r i t i s h government. The wartime Japanese v i c t o r i e s were not hailed i n Nigeria but these v i c t o r i e s did prove that the coloured peoples of the world could prove themselves i n the modern world. Nigerians were sorry that Japan used her new strength i n the cause which she espoused. The war had another ef f e c t . Thousands of Nigerian soldiers went Overseas, p a r t i c u l a r l y to Asia and from there after contact with Asian na t i o n a l i s t s they returned with hopes for a new world i n which they would have some concrete part. 29 Clement Attlee i n an address to the professors and students of London School of Economics, The West A f r i c a n P i l o t , 5 A p r i l , 19^0, V o l . I l l , No.727,.P.I- 30 Clement A t t l e e i n a broadcast to the B r i t i s h people, The West  Af r i c a n P i l o t , 13 March, I 9 U 0 , V o l . I l l , N 0 . 7 I O , p.I. 31 In 19^0 the Labour Party advocated the i n t e r n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of the B r i t i s h colonies as a step to s a t i s f y the 'have-not' nations and so remove one of the causes of war. This p o l i c y did not recommend i t s e l f to Nigerians. 32 "We who know penury should appreciate Labour's programme," Nnamdi Azikiwe, The West Af r i c a n P i l o t , 2 June, 19^5, Vol.VIII, No.2298, p . 2 . COMRADE m VWrJ? VASSAL JN VEAtE IT Nigeria had always been one of the most " l o y a l " colonies of the empire and i n the war i t proved this l o y a l t y once again but when the war was over, Nigerians l i k e people everywhere were enthusiastic to b u i l d a new world. With the Labour party v i c t o r y i n B r i t a i n the outlook for the future looked bright indeed. Af t e r the war events moved ra p i d l y to prove B r i t i s h willingness to apply the p r i n c i p l e of self-determination. India, Pakistan and Ceylon became independent inside the Commonweqlth. Burma and Erte severed t h e i r connections with the Commonwealth.- Indian independence was a p a r t i c u l a r l y 33 important event. India's struggle was f e l t to be the general struggle of a l l c o l o n i a l peoples. India i s the hero of the subject countries. Her struggles for self-government are keenly and sympathetically watched by the c o l o n i a l peoples. 35 Indian independence proved that the B r i t i s h were i n earnest and re affirmed Nigerian f a i t h i n B r i t i s h promises. I t showed how, by means of voting symbols, mass education, cinema vans and new broadcasting techniques, a non-reading public could handle the franchise. I t showed Nigerians the techniques that could be used to c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y rush the pace of s e l f - government such as congress movements, student a c t i v i t i e s , national fronts, s t r i k e s , boycotts and means short of violence to which the B r i t i s h would react. I t also warned the Nigerians against p a k i s t a n i s t i c tendencies i n 33 India became the model for the coloured empire just as previously Canada had been the model and pioneer of the white empire. 3k Nnamdi Azikiwe, The West A f r i c a n P i l o t , 13 Jan., 19^5, Vol.VIII, No.2183, p .2. 35 Obafemi Awolowo, Path to Nigerian Freedom, London, Faber and Faber, 191*7, P.25. 18 multiple s o c i e t i e s . Indian independence also inspired the B r i t i s h and made them more w i l l i n g to attempt nation building elsewhere. I t proved to the B r i t i s h that nations could be b u i l t without the usually accepted conditions such as common culture, language and t r a d i t i o n s , by s k i l f u l manipulation of the federal p r i n c i p l e . I t also proved to the B r i t i s h that self-government was better than good government and even that self-government could be good government. The United Nations sought to promote the progressive development towards self-government i n the colonies. Both great world powers, the United States and Russia although they disagreed on most other matters could agree on a general attack upon the c o l o n i a l system. Both nations have sought by supporting c o l o n i a l demands and posing as the champion of the c o l o n i a l peoples, to be the leaders of the states emerging from the B r i t i s h , 36 French and Dutch empires. They have found ample applause for t h e i r e f f o r t s 37 w i t h i n the United Nations. This world pressure has s t i r r e d Nigerians to accelerate the tempo of the B r i t i s h withdrawal and has s t i r r e d the B r i t i s h to keep steadfastly to t h e i r p o l i c y of withdrawal. This introductory chapter has attempted to show the general background of how the B r i t i s h came to be i n Nigeria; what kind of country Nigeria was; how the introduction of the country to the world economy l a i d the basis of 36 S i r Alan Burns, (United Kingdom permanent representative on the Trustee Council of. the United Nations), In Defence of Colonies, London, A l l e n and Unwin, 1957, p . l 6 . 37 In the United Nations (1956-57) the t o t a l membership was eighty member countries. Of these, at least fifty-seven could be considered as generally * a n t i - c o l o n i a l . 1 Burns, Colonies, p.8. 19 an expanding middle class which nurtured the ideas of nationalism and self-determination. I t shows how the middle class organized the common people to work for self-government. I t also attempts b r i e f l y to show the ideas current i n the world which t h i s middle class were absorbing. The following two chapters w i l l attempt to trace i n greater d e t a i l the i n t e r n a l p o l i t i c a l developments i n Nigeria between 1920 and I95U. 20 Chapter I I The Demand for Parliamentary Democracy with Constructive Abdication of Power The U n i f i c a t i o n of B r i t i s h Administration 1862-1920. In 1862, i n order to further t h e i r e f f o r t s to stop slave raiding along the West Coast of A f r i c a , the B r i t i s h captured Lagos. In the following year i t was brought under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the B r i t i s h Colonial o f f i c e admin istered by a Governor and a nominated Council. The Governor acted as Consul for the Bight of Benin area u n t i l 1867 when a separate Consul was appointed residing at Fernando Po who became responsible for the coast between Lagos and the Cameroons. In 1866 Lagos was included i n the West A f r i c a n s e t t l e  ments under a Governor-in-Chief residing at Sierra Leone. Lagos was d i r e c t  l y under an Administrator and an Advisory Council. In 187k i t was united with the Gold Coast under a Governor with a Lieutenant Governor at Lagos. In 1886 Lagos became a separate colony and has remained so ever since. Meanwhile to the east i n the Bights of Benin and Biafara the B r i t i s h had been busy making tre a t i e s with the coastal and r i v e r a i n chiefs as part of the general European scramble for A f r i c a going on i n t h i s period. In I885 the O i l Rivers Protectorate - a protectorate on paper only - was set up under the B r i t i s h foreign o f f i c e . In 1891 t h i s Paper Protectorate became more substantial with the appointment of a Commissioner, Consul-General at Calabar and deputy Commissioners and vice-consuls at Benin, Bonny, Brass, Forcados, Warri, and Sapele. In 1885 the Royal Niger Company was given a charter to trade and administer the middle and upper Niger regions. In 1893 the O i l Rivers Protectorate was expanded and renamed the Niger Coast Pro tectorate and i t s administration taken more seriously. In 1900 the charter of the Royal Niger Company was revoked, the company giving up i t s administration duties and continuing s o l e l y as a commercial 21 f i r m . The Colonial Office then declared a protectorate over Northern Nigeria although i t was not completely p a c i f i e d u n t i l 1906. During the eighteen nineties B r i t i s h protection had been extended inland from Lagos over the Yoruba t r i b e s . In 1900 the Niger Coast Protectorate and Yorubaland, but not Lagos colony, were united under the name of the Protect orate of Southern Nigeria; administration was handed over to the Colonial o f f i c e from the Foreign o f f i c e . Thus by 1900 both protectorates and the colony which make up Nigeria today were under the Colonial o f f i c e . In 1906, Lagos was united with the Protectorate of Southern Nigeria under a Governor, S i r Walter Egerton. A Legisl a t i v e Council nominated and I advisory, could debate issues regarding Southern Nigeria. This Council con sis t e d of s i x o f f i c i a l and four u n o f f i c i a l (two Nigerian) members. For ad ministrative purposes the country was divided into three provinces under p r o v i n c i a l commissioners; Western province with c a p i t a l at Lagos, Central province with c a p i t a l at Warri and the Eastern province with c a p i t a l at Cal abar . In 1912 Lord Lugard was appointed Governor of both the Northern and Southern protectorates to effect t h e i r amalgamation which was accomplished i n 191^. A lieutenant governor was placed over the North and South provinces. In this period Nigeria was passing through a process of u n i f i c a t i o n but i t i s w e l l to remember what kind of u n i f i c a t i o n t h i s was. I t was imposed by the B r i t i s h . I t did not arise from a desire of the people. While taking I Raymond Le s l i e B u e l l , The Native Problem i n A f r i c a , New York, Macmillan Co., 1928, Vol . 1 1 , p.7 3 ^ M A P O F P L A C E M A M E T S IN NIGERIA 22 shape the form of a federal system became apparent. Departments of govern ment which administered the entire area frequently pursued d i f f e r i n g p o l i c i e s f o r North and South. Some areas and peoples had f a r greater l o c a l autonomy than others and t h i s autonomy i n d i f f e r e n t areas took di f f e r e n t forms. Many Nigerians today look back upon pre-I9!+5 Nigeria as a unitary state but th i s i s f a r from true. Any country as diverse as Nigeria, could not but expect that powers from the central government would be transmitted to l o c a l bodies. With the awakening of the p o l i t i c a l consciousness of the people federative tendencies were bound to be accelerated. Under Lugard's amalgamation i n I91U two nominated advisory councils were established; the Nigerian council consisting of t h i r t y B r i t i s h and s i x Nigerian members, the L e g i s l a t i v e council composed of nine B r i t i s h and two Nigerian o f f i c i a l members. Of the t o t a l t h i r t y - s i x members i n the Nigerian council, twenty-four 2 were o f f i c i a l s , the Governor's executive council, a l l f i r s t class residents, p o l i t i c a l secretaries and the secretaries of the North and South provinces. The s i x u n o f f i c i a l members were representatives of commercial i n t e r e s t s . The Nigerians were made up of the most important chiefs from the North and South and representatives of the educated element of Lagos and Calabar. The Lagos Le g i s l a t i v e Council was a retrograde step because i t s sphere of a c t i v i t y was confined r i g i d l y to Lagos whereas the old L e g i s l a t i v e Council had to be consulted on matters a f f e c t i n g a l l Southern Nigeria. The Nigerian 2 Each region was divided into provinces. F i r s t class residents were the heads of the administrations of the provinces and were responsible to the lieutenant governor of the region. A province consisted of a number of l o c a l t r a d i t i o n a l a u t h o r i t i e s . The larger l o c a l authorities such as the Kano emirate (population - three m i l l i o n ) were advised by second class residents and smaller l o c a l authorities by d i v i s i o n a l o f f i c e r s , both of which were d i r e c t l y responsible to the f i r s t class residents. 23 Council was designed to express public opinion and provide p o l i c y makers an 3 opportunity to give a summary of matters of interest and explain p o l i c y , but i t bad no powers over l e g i s l a t i o n or finance. Neither government o f f i c i a l s nor council members took these bodies seriously. The Governor did not even grace the Lagos Council with his presence and the Chiefs seldom attended ses sions of the Nigerian Council. The Nigerian Council's main purpose was to debate but i t was reluctant to do even that and one B r i t i s h member f i n a l l y asked that i t should either be made a serious factor i n government or be If abolished. Early Expressions of the Demand for Parliamentary I n s t i t u t i o n s I885-I920. In these years the colony and Lagos were being ruled d i r e c t l y and the educated Nigerians f e l t that some attention or appreciation should be shown to t r a d i t i o n a l customs which the B r i t i s h tended to brand as savage. At the same time Nigerians looked forward to the gradual introduction of the p a r l  iamentary system as had been the practice elsewhere i n the Empire - nominated members on the Leg i s l a t i v e Council followed by a p a r t i a l l y elected and part i a l l y nominated Assembly; a gradual increase of the elected members and de crease of the nominated with greater and greater powers i n due time being extended to th i s body. Frequently the B r i t i s h pleaded the lack of q u a l i f i e d men to hold such positions but the Nigerian press r e p l i e d , 3 S i r Alan Burns, History of Nigeria, London, A l l e n and Unwin, 1955, p.IlU. h Nigeria, "Address of the Governor," Legi s l a t i v e Council Debates, 6 Feb., 1925, p . I I . 2k P r i o r to the amalgamation with the Gold Coast (187U) the L e g i s l a t i v e Council of th i s colony comprised Europeans and native u n o f f i c i a l mem bers. I f there could be found men i n those days s u f f i c i e n t l y q u a l i f i e d to occupy seats i n the L e g i s l a t i v e Council... how much more at the present time.5 When Lagos was set up as a separate colony i n 1886, educated Nigerians f u l l y expected that they would be represented. Among the f i r s t f r u i t s of the separation w i l l doubtless be the laying of the foundation of our Administrative Independence i n the formation of a Leg i s l a t i v e Council...so composed of Europ eans and natives that the interests of a l l classes s h a l l be f a i r l y represented... I t i s to be hoped that the appointments necessitated thereby w i l l not be confined to a coteria of European o f f i c i a l s only,but an opportunity w i l l be afforded natives of talent to stand side by side with .their more favour ed brethren." Later the same source asked, "How long w i l l we tamely submit to taxation 7 without representation?" Although the elective p r i n c i p l e had not yet been seriously mentioned, by I898 newspapers were t a l k i n g of the "peoples' choice." We cannot be i n sympathy with an administrative system which e n t i r e l y excludes and discountenances the choice of the people i n the matter of selection of t h e i r representatives i n the Legislature.8 A f t e r 1900 the press was s t i l l f i g h t i n g the charge of i n a b i l i t y of Nigerians but were now asking for a lim i t e d elective element. 5 Lagos Observer, 7 August, 1886, Vol.V, N 0 . 1 3 , p . 2 . 6 Lagos Observer, 20 March, 1886, Vol.V, No.U, p . 2 . 7 Lagos Observer, 17 and 2k J u l y , 1886, Vol.V, No.12, p . 2 . 8 Lagos Observer, 31 October, 1898, Vol . 1 , No.8, p . 2 . 25 A community that has produced native bishops, clergymen, lawyers, doctors, merchant princes and men distinguished i n almost every walk i n l i f e , cannot be considered too young to be entrusted with the rights and duties of c i t i z e n s h i p . A p a r t l y representative system, such as obtains i n some of the B r i t i s h West Indies, where the members of the Legislative Council are p a r t l y elected by the people, and p a r t l y appointed by the Governor would, while consti tuting a step i n the r i g h t d i r e c t i o n , not be beyond the capacity or deserts of the people.9 The Union of the Protectorate of Southern Nigeria to Lagos i n 1906 modified t h i s attitude but did not change i t . Obviously i t would slow down the pace of the advance envisioned by the educated elements, because of the now large population included i n the administration, who were largely untouched by western ideas and would have to be more slowly introduced to parliamentary democracy. The Bush native, "although he i s black, he i s human, and w i l l be as f u l l y sensible i n time as any Bri t o n ever was to the .110 i n v i o l a b l e r i g h t of c o n t r o l l i n g his own a f f a i r s . By the early nineteen twenties Nigerians were being assisted i n t h e i r demands for elected representation by the demands of other parts of the Colonial Empire and by the increasingly noticeable difference between t h e i r I I own p o s i t i o n and that of the self-governing white Dominions. Af t e r review ing Constitutional unrest i n Jamaica, Ceylon, West A f r i c a and East A f r i c a the Lagos Weekly Record summed up by saying, "an almost universal cry has gone up i n almost a l l subject dependencies for an increased share of p o l - n 12 i t i c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . 9 "The Crown Colony System," Lagos-Standard, 20 September, 1905, Vol.XII, No.l, p.5. 10 Lagos Weekly Record, 30 January, I90k, Vol.XV, N0 . I5, p.5. 11 "The National Congress of B r i t i s h West A f r i c a " Lagos Weekly Record, 10 J u l y , 1920, Vol.XXX, N0.6I, p.5. 12 Lagos Weekly Record, 2k A p r i l , 1920, Vol.XIX, N0.5O, p.5, quoting The A f r i c a n World, London. 26 With the s p i r i t of nationalism and the desire for a larger share of p o l i t i c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y rampant throughout the length and breadth of the whole world, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to understand...how the moder ate aspirations of i n t e l l i g e n t and progressive A f r i c a n natives for some form of representative government can be conveniently discour aged. 13 The Nigerian press f e l t that since the government contained no element possessing l o c a l t i e s and l o c a l i n t e r e s t s , i t was i t s special province to Ik "exercise watch and ward for the people" and while the press found i t neces sary to c r i t i c i z e the Administration of the government of the colony i n no 15 case could i t be shown that i t had ever "wavered i n i t s l o y a l t y to the Crown" In 1903 S i r William MacGregor, Governor of Lagos introduced an ordinance which required newspaper owners to post a bond of f i v e hundred pounds with the government i n order to guard against newspapers being unable to meet the f i n a n c i a l demands of l i b e l cases. In the Council the Governor defended the b i l l on the ground that press c r i t i c i s m s , "did a great deal of harm to young o f f i c e r s , and proved at times embarrassing to the government. The press f e l t that such c r i t i c i s m was i t s r i g h t . In these days when young and inexperienced European o f f i c e r s are being placed over large d i s t r i c t s i n the Protectorate of the Colonies on the West Coast of A f r i c a and armed with pow ers such as are calculated to turn a man's head, how neces sary that there should be a public press to expose any out-of- the-way actions of which the young and inexperienced aspirants may be g u i l t y . The very thought that there i s a v i g i l a n t press to c r i t i c i z e t h e i r actions, cannot but act as a check on them.T7 13 Lagos Weekly Record, 2k A p r i l , 1920, Vol.XIX, No.50, p.5, quoting The A f r i c a n World, London. Ik Lagos Standard, 12 August, 1903, Vol.IX, N 0 . U 8 , p.3, quoting The A f r i c a n Review, London. 15 Lagos Standard, 2k June, I903, Vol.IX, No.Ul, p.3. 16 Lagos Standard, 5 August, 1903, Vol.IX,. No.kf, p.3. 17 Lagos Standard, 15 J u l y , 1903, Vol.IX, No.1)4, p.If. 27 Two Lagos newspapers circ u l a t e d a p e t i t i o n which was sent to the Colon i a l secretary asking him to withhold his assent from the ordinance. The B r i t i s h press took a stand against the ordinance and comments from English newspapers were l i b e r a l l y quoted by the Lagos press i n defence of t h e i r stand. The Colony, I may mention, boasts of two weekly papers, very capably edited by natives, and i t i s the suppression of these journals, the Lagos Standard and the Lagos Weekly Record, which i s aimed at i n the b i l l , as they have an uncomfortable way of speaking p l a i n l y about any abuses i n the government of the Colony. 1 The European Chamber of Commerce i n Lagos, i n the absence of represent atives of some of the largest commercial firms passed a resolution, "that t h i s meeting strongly deprecates the tone adopted wi t h i n the l a s t few months, by the native press of Lagos, p a r t i c u l a r l y with regard to matters concerning • , 1 9 the government of the Colony and European government o f f i c i a l s . The newspaper ordinance however, received the Colonial secretary's assent but only after the amount of the bond to be posted was reduced to two hundred, f i f t y pounds. The effect of the ordinance was to make the Lagos press f e e l that i t was not quite as free as i t might be and that the govern ment was seeking to curb i t s a c t i v i t y . However, i t could be consoled that i t s e d i t o r i a l s were not being ignored by the government. The amalgamation of Northern and Southern Nigeria i n I9Iit- served to make the attainment of parliamentary government even more d i f f i c u l t and slow ed the gradual process to a s t a n d s t i l l . The B r i t i s h , who u n t i l I9lh appeared to favour t h i s gradual approach, although probably favouring a slower pace than the educated Nigerian, began to change t h e i r a t t i t u d e . Much of t h i s change of attitude was due to the 18 Lagos Standard, 12 August, 1903, Vol.IX, No.48, p.3, quoting Reynolds Newspaper, England. 19 Lagos Standard, 28 June, 1905, Vol.XI, No.39, P«3« 28 successful working of Lord Lugard's i n d i r e c t rule p r i n c i p l e s i n Northern Nigeria. When Lugard was sent to effect the amalgamation i t was to be ex pected that the Northern Nigerian p o l i c y of r u l i n g through native i n s t i t u  tions would be carried out i n the South. The educated Nigerians also favour ed t h i s system but expected that gradually the autocratic features of the t r a d i t i o n a l system would be c u r t a i l e d . The B r i t i s h limited t h i s c u r t a i l i n g to a b o l i t i o n of slavery and human s a c r i f i c e . This was not at a l l s u f f i c i e n t i n the eyes of the educated who f e l t that B r i t i s h j u s t i c e and parliamentary procedure were two of the great advantages of ci t i z e n s h i p i n the B r i t i s h Empire. Af t e r amalgamation Northern Nigeria remained as before and Southern Nigeria was made to bend i n the d i r e c t i o n of autocracy, the outcry from the educated knew no bounds and did not diminish with time. S i r Frederick Lugard i n mapping out his Northern Nigerian p o l i c y never made any allowance f o r the element of progress. Infected with the dangerous microbe of race prejudice which subsequently developed into an incurable mania for 'white prestige' and taking advantage of the gross mental darkness that everywhere pervaded the land, S i r Frederick thought i t best to perpetuate t h i s state of b l i s s f u l ignorance by pre serving the people i n watertight compartments of i d o l i z e d ignorance and studiously excluding a l l l i b e r a l i z i n g influences whether of external or i n t e r n a l o r i g i n ; and, to crown i t a l l he purposely introduced the rule of force as a condition pre cedent f o r maintaining the white man's prestige at a l l costs. He never f o r a moment contemplated the possible fusion of Northern and Southern Nigeria and the subsequent clash of ideals that i t would e n t a i l - the clash of the l i b e r a l p o l i c y of the Southern provinces with the m i l i t a r y rule of the North ern provinces.20 The difference i n attitude between the educated and the B r i t i s h , to indigenous i n s t i t u t i o n s seemed to be that while the educated f e l t that i n  digenous i n s t i t u t i o n s would grow, with B r i t i s h pressure, into elected l o c a l governments and parliamentary representation on the Westminster model the 20 Lagos Weekly Record, I October, 1921, Vol.XXXI, No.109, p.2. 29 B r i t i s h f i r m l y f e l t that the Westminster model was not suitable f o r A f r i c a . The Nigerian p o s i t i o n was stated i n the press. I f the advocates of i n d i r e c t rule wish to be taken seriously they must include i n t h e i r programme the introduction of l i b e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . . . and the modelling of native courts to conform to B r i t i s h standards of justice.2 1 The B r i t i s h appeared to be more anxious about present than ultimate results and t h i s d r i f t i n g led to the growth of an autocratic system for that was the general trend of the t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s when the safeguards which the B r i t i s h had branded as incompatible with human j u s t i c e , were re moved. No new safeguards, such as the elective p r i n c i p l e were put i n t h e i r place. In t h i s regard, S i r Donald Cameron said that, "he detected a tendency to d r i f t into thinking that a feudal autocracy was the b e - a l l and end-all of 22 i n d i r e c t administration." This nation cannot remain stationary under i t s ancient laws and customs though not repugnant to c i v i l i s a t i o n . This, as i s w e l l known, i s contrary to the law of progress. Not to advance i s to retrograde - a relapse into the darkness of barbarianism .23 The dangers of stagnation were i n d i r e c t l y alluded to l a t e r by the Gov ernor, S i r Donald Cameron, when he referred to the Southern provinces native administrations, "which are reactionary and repressive i n t h e i r tendency, i n some instances depending for t h e i r authority on f e t i s h and superstition f o r 2k most part," and again, 21 Lagos Weekly Record, IT J u l y , 1920, Vol.XXX, No.62, p.3. 22 Study Group of Members of the Royal I n s t i t u t e of International A f f a i r s , The Colonial Problem, London, Oxford University Press, 1937, p . 2 5 9 . 23 Times of Nigeria, Lagos, 20-27 A p r i l , I9T-5, No.67-68, p.l+. 2k Nigerian Daily Times, Lagos, 17 March, 1933, Vol.VII, No.2228, p.8. 30 I f there i s an attempt to keep the people back and the native administration i s consequently not so framed and constituted as to progress on modern lines alongside the central govern ment of which i t i s but a part... then naturally, the natives w i l l . . . eventually refuse to 'stay put' and the e d i f i c e w i l l crumble to the ground.^5 Much of the d i f f i c u l t y can be attributed to the sacredness which sur rounded the theory of i n d i r e c t r u l e . C r i t i c i s m was considered almost treas onous. Empiricism, usually considered the strong forte of B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l rule was abandoned. Probably due to the paucity of B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l theories and the stature of i t s promulgator, Lugard's theory was jealously guarded. Indirect r u l e . . . has for many years had such a halo cast over i t that i t had come to be regarded as a heresy i n o f f i c i a l c i r c l e s i n Nigeria to offer even the s l i g h t e s t c r i t i c i s m of the i n s t i t u t i o n . 2 ° At no time before and no time afterwards, u n t i l 19^9, did the Lagos press exhibit such bitterness of feelings as during Lugard's administration. A l  though Lugard quite successfully confined the "seditious influence" of the 27 " a l i e n educated" to Lagos, yet there the newspapers carried on a rigorous campaign against the "nefarious Lugardian regime," going so far as to say that Lugard's measures were so e n t i r e l y un-British l i k e , that one could hard l y conceive where to draw the l i n e of d i s t i n c t i o n "between the system of rule 28 of our Governor-General and the system of German c o l o n i a l rule i n A f r i c a , " The Legis l a t i v e Council came i n for a good share of c r i t i c i s m as a re- 29 trograde step, one which carried the country backward more than f i f t y years. I t was c r i t i c i z e d because the Governor took no part i n i t s deliberations, i t 25 Nigeria, "Address by S i r Donald Cameron," Supplement to Extraordin  ary Gazette, 6 March, 1933, p.I5« 26 Nigerian Daily Times, Lagos, 8 March, 1933, Vol.VII, No.22'20, p.6. 27 Lugard's own words. 28 Times of Nigeria, Lagos, 25 August-September 15, I 9 l U , No. 3^-37, p.!+. 29 Times of Nigeria, Lagos, 2 - l 6 February, I9I5> No.57-58, p.U. 31 could not exercise any powers of r e j e c t i o n , a l t e r a t i o n or amendment i n respect to l e g i s l a t i o n . I t was deprived of the most important of i t s func tions - the control of taxation. The r i g h t of c r i t i c i s m , of scrutiny and of 30 free discussion of the annual estimates was taken away from i t . Much l a t e r c r i t i c s have pointed out the longer term effect of the narrow r e s t r i c t i o n of t h i s council both i n respect of membership and j u r i s d i c t i o n . Had the e a r l i e r o f f i c i a l l i b e r a l i s m been consistently pursued over the i n t e r - war years there would have been i n existence i n each colony (of B r i t i s h West A f r i c a ) a formidable team of A f r i c a n executives able and experienced enough 31 to sustain the grandiose e d i f i c e of the recent m i n i s t e r i a l government. The educated i n Lagos f e l t that the r e s t r i c t e d composition of the coun c i l was intended to i s o l a t e the Lagosians. The point of t h i s arrangement i s to r e s t r a i n and confine our energies, and to neutralize the c i v i l i z i n g influence of Lagos which under the present administration, has been misrepresent ed as an administration "storm centre. "32 The educated i n Lagos were confined not only i n the sphere of p o l i t i c s but were asked to sign a declaration, before being granted any leasehold or occupancy r i g h t s , making themselves amenable to the native courts and thereby 33 p r a c t i c a l l y divesting themselves of t h e i r rights as B r i t i s h subjects. Wot only were the educated confined to Lagos physi c a l l y but also s p i r i t  u a l l y , i n the sense that the B r i t i s h usurped the p o s i t i o n of the educated as the spokesman of the aims and aspirations of the protectorate people. The B r i t i s h claimed that the educated were detribalized and had l o s t a l l touch 30 Times of Nigeria, Lagos, 2 - l 6 February, 1915, No.57-58, p.U. 31 Dr. T.O.Elias, " P o l i t i c a l Advance and the Rule of Law i n B r i t i s h West A f r i c a , " Occasional,Paper on Nigerian A f f a i r s , No.2, the Nigerian Society 1955, P.II. • 32 Times of Nigeria, Lagos, 2 - l 6 February, 1915, No.57-58, p.U. 33 Lagos Weekly Record, T.8-25 August, 1923, Vol.XXXIII, No .19, p.9. 32 with the masses of the people. The same accusation, with j u s t i f i c a t i o n , has been l a i d at the door of the B r i t i s h themselves. They have been segre gated on t h e i r reservations not knowing how the people l i v e . While the com p l a i n t against the educated element of Lagos can r i g h t l y be ca l l e d d e t r i b a l - i z a t i o n , the complaint against the B r i t i s h of t r i b a l i s m i s just as v a l i d . Although both have grounds for the accusations, the B r i t i s h knowledge might be described as s u p e r f i c i a l but more general, while the educated Nigerian's knowledge i s more concentrated but less d i f f u s e . The measure which caused the greatest and most persistent outcry was the P r o v i n c i a l Courts Ordinance of 1914 (abolished 193*0 which provided that the d i s t r i c t o f f i c e r s (those B r i t i s h o f f i c i a l s charged with administration) should become magistrates and that the Governor should review a l l appeal cases. The ordinance also forbade counsel to appear before the magistrates. Lord Lugard j u s t i f i e d the ordinance on the basis that i t was the only system which Nigerian revenues could afford. He also reported to the B r i t i s h governments that a l l residents reported that the d i s t r i c t o f f i c e r courts were popular. However, Nigerians were quick to point out that i t was B r i t i s h j u s t i c e 35 which had made B r i t i s h r u l e popular i n Nigeria. S i r K i t o y i Ajasa said that "he had the privelege of being a member of the Aba Commission and the cry of the people everywhere that commission sat was, 'give us back the courts of the 36 old days.'" S i r Ernest I k o l i said of Calabar that,"as f a r as the p r o v i n c i a l courts are concerned, they are, a f t e r almost seven years experiment, just as 34 Great B r i t a i n , Parliament, Cmd.468, S i r Frederick Lugard, Report of the Amalgamation of Northern and Southern Nigeria and Administration 1912- 1919, (hereafter referred to as Amalgamation), Appendix 4 , p.8o. 35 Nigeria, L e g i s l a t i v e Council Debates, 4 A p r i l , 1927, p.19. 36 Nigeria Daily Times, Lagos, 13 March, 1933, Vol.VII, No.2224, p.5, quoting the Legislative Council Debates, I933« 33 37 unpopular today among the people as when they were f i r s t inaugurated." While W.Ormsby-Gore, i n his report following his mission i n Nigeria 38 i n 1926, favoured the P r o v i n c i a l Courts system, Judge Stoker ( i n the Gold Coast) referred to them as, "a set back to a condition of things resembling 39 the barbarous ages." Although considerable c r i t i c i s m was directed at the union of the exec utive and j u d i c i a l functions or the dual capacity of p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e r s , and ko the inexperience of these o f f i c e r s , the greatest of a l l complaints was l e v e l  l ed at the pr o h i b i t i o n of counsel. The B r i t i s h argument against Nigerian lawyers was that they fomented l i t i g a t i o n , particularly, i n land cases, or any cases where a large fee could be exacted, and many examples of t h i s type of extortion have been cit e d as in evidence i n support of t h e i r p r o h i b i t i o n ; one such case being the Jamat Mos- que dispute i n Lagos. Lugard himself complained that the majority of the ba r r i s t e r s were native foreigners (Africans from other B r i t i s h West A f r i c a n colonies) who were i n Nigeria to make a huge amount of money to take back to ^3 t h e i r homes i n other colonies. Barristers were accused of being more con-37 E.S.Ikoli, "Three Months i n the Southern Provinces," A f r i c a n  Messenger, Lagos, I June, 1922, Vol .11, No.65, p.k. 38 Great B r i t a i n , Parliament, Cmd.27Mr, Ormsby-Gore, Report on V i s i t to  West A f r i c a , I926, p . I l 8 . 39 Lagos Daily News, 3 November, 1928, V o l . I l l , N 0 . 2 3 U , p.I. kO "The J u d i c i a l System i n West A f r i c a . We Ask for Reform," Lagos Daily  News, 22 January, 1931, Vol.VI, N 0 . I 8 , pp.1-2. Ui Burns, Nigeria, p.269, also Nigeria, Acting Lieutenant Governor of the Southern Provinces, Legis l a t i v e Council Debates, 2 November, 1933, PP» 107-108. k2 Raymond L e s l i e B u e l l , The Native Problem i n A f r i c a , New York, Macmillan, 1928, Vol . 1 , p.666. 4-3 Cmd. 467, Lugard, Amalgamation, p .80. 3h kk cerned with land cases than with murder cases which would pay f a r l e s s . However, the ordinance was not amended to allow counsel to appear i n c a p i t a l punishment cases, and the number of executions steadily rose i n Southern Nigeria; f i f t y s i x i n I9II before the ordinance, one hundred twenty s i x i n U5 I 9 l 6 and one hundred seventy three i n 1917, after the ordinance was passed. The prohibition of counsel from appearing on behalf of accused i s inexplicable when we take into consideration the fact that innocent natives, ignorant of the law may thus be convicted simply because they are denied the r i g h t of defence.^6 The B r i t i s h defended t h e i r p o s i t i o n by pointing out that i n the j u d i c i a l agreement between the Egba and the Oyo kingdom and the B r i t i s h government i n I9C4, both the native kings declared, "that i t i s t h e i r strong desire that b a r r i s t e r s and s o l i c i t o r s should not be allowed to practice" i n courts author- ized i n the agreements. Also the Yoruba kings again during World War I de- i+8 nounced i n no uncertain terms the idea of lawyers p r a c t i c i n g i n the courts. I t may be quite true that t h i s ordinance struck at the vested interest of a large number of p o l i t i c a l l y voluable people. But i t must be remembered that because educated Nigerians (holding overseas university degrees) were either unable to f i n d employment i n the C i v i l Service, or, i f they did, were placed on a low salary scale and deprived of hope of advancement, those who did go overseas chose the only profession open to them - law. Thus many of the educated leaders were barr i s t e r s and the P r o v i n c i a l Courts Ordinance kk B u e l l , op. c i t . p. 65I . 1+5 S i r N e v i l l M. Geary, "Justice i n Nigeria," Lagos Weekly Times, 3 A p r i l , 1920, Vol.XXX, No. kl, p.6. k6 Times of Nigeria, Lagos, 29 December, I91U, No.52, p.3. 1+7 B u e l l , The Native Problem i n A f r i c a , p . 6 5 1 . U8 Loc. c i t . 35 which deprived l i t i g a n t s of counsel struck at the very base of t h e i r l i v e l i  hood and at the sole remaining decently remunerative occupation open to pro fessionally-trained people. This complete barring of counsel made i t appear that i t was a crime to become a b a r r i s t e r i n Nigeria, and that the B r i t i s h government feared to place lawyers i n courts presided over by an inexperienced d i s t r i c t o f f i c e r . Why does the P r o v i n c i a l Court, which boasts i t s e l f also as a B r i t i s h Court of J u s t i c e . . . l i v e i n such eternal dread of the barrister ? 5 0 To the charge that the d i s t r i c t o f f i c e r s were inexperienced Lord Lugard 51 said that the best t r a i n i n g was on the bench. However, the Nigerian press never gave up the f i g h t against the P r o v i n c i a l Courts Ordinance u n t i l i t was abolished i n 193^ and never before had i t been so b i t t e r i n i t s denunciations of any act of the government. The Congress Movement 1920-1922 U n t i l the end of the F i r s t World War there had been no movements which could r i g h t l y be ca l l e d p o l i t i c a l . In some crises a group of men would band together to persuade the government to act i n a certain manner but as soon as the crises passed the "party" formed, would disintegrate. However, a f t e r the session of h o s t i l i t i e s 1918 a group of men did band together and draw up a p o l i t i c a l platform, and although t h i s movement died i n a few years i t s p o l i t i c a l programme became the platform of genuine p o l i t i c a l parties which arose i n a l l the B r i t i s h West A f r i c a n colonies. Because sea transportation k-9 Nigeria, Le g i s l a t i v e Council Debates, 29 November, 1938, p.79. 50 Lagos Weekly Record, 20 January, 1923, Vol.XXXIII, No.2, p . I I . 51 Cmd. 467, Lugard, Amalgamation, p . 8 0 . 36 was so much more developed and rapid than land transportation and because the educated Africans were concentrated i n the coastal c i t i e s i t i s not sur p r i s i n g that the f i r s t such organization found i t s members i n Lagos, Accra, Freetown and Bathurst rather than i n the coastal and inland c i t i e s of any one colony. The immediate issue which brought these men together was the fate of the former German colonies i n A f r i c a . In t h e i r f i r s t conference they con demned the p a r t i t i o n i n g of Togoland and the handing over to the French gov ernment of the Cameroons without consulting the people, and they desired an assurance from the B r i t i s h government, "that under no circumstance w i l l i t be a consenting party to the i n t e g r i t y of any of the four B r i t i s h West A f r i c - 52 an colonies being disturbed." Correspondence on t h i s topic passed between Mr. Casely Hayford of the Gold Coast and Dr. A. Savage of Lagos. In 1919 a Lagos committee of the B r i t i s h West Af r i c a n Conference was organized with Dr. J . Handle, Dr. A. Savage, Patriarch Campbell and Korimu Kotun as the executive. Branches were formed i n Ebute Metta, Ibadan, Calabar, Buguma and Lokoja. These branches were never very active. Representatives from Nigeria, Gold Coast, Sierra Leone and Gambia met at Accra i n 1920 and drew up an extensive programme. The aim of the Confer ence was to aid development of p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s so that B r i t i s h West A f r i c a could take her place beside the s i s t e r nations i n the Empire, while 53 maintaining i n v i o l a t e t h e i r connection with the B r i t i s h Crown. 52 "Resolutions of the Conference of Africans of B r i t i s h West A f r i c a , " Lagos Weekly Record, 17 July, 1920, Vol.XXX, No.62, p.7. 53 "National Congress of B r i t i s h West A f r i c a , " A f r i c a n Messenger, Lagos, 29.October, 1925, Vol.IV, No.2*f0, p.U. 37 In regard to the L e g i s l a t i v e "branch of the various governments they asked that the Executive Council remain as at present but the L e g i s l a t i v e Council be one h a l f nominated by the Crown and the other h a l f by the people, "through l o c a l groups as may be found convenient" by an electorate of pro- 54 perty and educational q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . The House of Assembly should contain the members of the L e g i s l a t i v e Council plus other elected representatives and should have control over the levying of taxation. In regard to education they asked that i t be given "as f a r as p r a c t i c a l a more national tone," and that a university be established, "to preserve i n 55 the students a sense of A f r i c a n n a t i o n a l i t y . " In regard to c i t i z e n s h i p they stated that the inhabitants of B r i t i s h West A f r i c a are not foreign one to another - t h i s was i n reference to the native foreigners - and that discriminatory ordinances against these people be removed. Also that the Colonial o f f i c e should be approached with a view to considering whether the Syrians were not undesirable and a menace to the good government of the land and consequently should not be repatriated from 56 the West A f r i c a n colonies. The Conference asked that municipal councils be established f o r major c i t i e s , four f i f t h s elected and one f i f t h nominated and that c i v i l service 57 appointments be by merit not colour. The Conference sent a delegation to London i n 1920 to present t h e i r 54 Weekly Record, op. c i t . , p.6. 55 Loc. c i t . 56 Loc. c i t . 57 Loc. c i t . 38 requests to the Colonial o f f i c e . While there they discussed West A f r i c a n a f f a i r s with the B r i t i s h League of Nations Union. Although the requests of the Conference appear mild today they cer t a i n  l y did not appear so i n 1920. The Governor S i r Hugh C l i f f o r d attacked the composition of the Conference. The people of the B r i t i s h West A f r i c a n colonies and protectorates have no more pretensions to a common n a t i o n a l i t y than have, for example, the peoples of Europe. 58 The Conference d e f i n i t e l y neglected the i n d i r e c t rule system and decid edly came out i n favour of parliamentary democracy, although the native ad ministration system was not openly challenged. S i r Hugh reiterated the B r i t  i s h p o l i c y stand i n t h i s regard and referred to these delegates as gentlemen, "whose eyes are f i x e d , not upon Af r i c a n native h i s t o r y or t r a d i t i o n or p o l i c y nor upon t h e i r own t r i b a l obligations and the duties to t h e i r natural rulers ... but upon p o l i t i c a l theories evolved by Europeans to f i t a wholly d i f f e r - 59 ent set of circumstances." To back t h i s statement Governor C l i f f o r d quoted a l e t t e r to himself from a Nigerian chief. The chiefs as a whole (my friend i s w r i t i n g of the chiefs of a group of tribes which occupy a p a r t i c u l a r area and speak si m i l a r dialects) are watching to see to what extent our gov ernment intends to recognize t h i s monstrous i n s t i t u t i o n . " " Regarding the reception which the delegation received i n London he said; "Certain w e l l meaning and p h i l a n t h r o p i c a l l y disposed, though obviously i l l - informed persons i n Great B r i t a i n " have shown a d i s p o s i t i o n to treat "the 58 Nigeria, "Address by the Governor S i r Hugh C l i f f o r d , " Nigerian  Council Debates, 29 December, 1920, p . l 8 . 59 I b i d . , p. 2 0 . 60 I b i d . , p. 2 0 . 39 so-called 'movement' as though i t were i n a measure representative of Niger- 61 i a n interests and aspirations." He then went on to say that the National Conference of B r i t i s h West A f r i c a had been "formally repudiated by the wiser 62 and more cultivated representatives of A f r i c a n opinion i n Lagos." The Lagos press asked, "who are the so-called wiser and more cultivated represent- 63 atives?" S i r Hugh ended by stating B r i t i s h p o l i c y emphatically, National government by Natural Rulers through indigenous i n  s t i t u t i o n s and i n accordance with l o c a l laws and customs.°^ Because of disputes between Dr. Randle and Dr. Savage the Congress was l e f t to Gold Coastians and i t never did l a s t long as a serious factor i n Lagos p o l i t i c s . Whether Governor C l i f f o r d approved of the conference or not, the Con s t i t u t i o n which he i n s t i t u t e d for Nigeria i n 1922 gave at least some quarter to the requests f o r parliamentary government. In the C l i f f o r d Constitution the Legi s l a t i v e Council consisted of f o r t y - s i x members, four elected, three from Lagos and one from Calabar; f i v e nominated Africans, which by 1938 had been increased to ten, to represent various areas and commercial members rep resenting the Chamber of Commerce, Chamber of Mines, banking and shipping i n  terests ( a l l white) and thirty-two o f f i c i a l white members. While a l l l e g i s  l a t i o n had to be passed by t h i s body the overwhelming government o f f i c i a l vote ensured that the Council was powerless for the government could, i f i t so desired, compel the o f f i c i a l members to vote for i t s l e g i s l a t i o n . 61 Nigeria, "Address by the Governor S i r Hugh C l i f f o r d , " Nigerian  Council Debates, 29 December, 1920, p.19. 62 Loc. c i t . 63 B u e l l , Native Problem I , p.832. 6k Nigeria, Nigerian Council Debates, 29 December, 1920, p.23. ko Although the new constitution f e l l f a r short of the Conference requests nevertheless i t was the f i r s t to acknowledge the elective p r i n c i p l e i n B r i t - 65 i s h t r o p i c a l A f r i c a . Criticisms of the new constitution were many. While doling out the franchise gingerly, the government was extending the native administration system rap i d l y i n the Eastern Provinces where the government could f i n d few indigenous i n s t i t u t i o n s which would s u i t modern conditions. Here i n the East was an opportunity to experiment with a limited franchise. Instead, so-called indigenous i n s t i t u t i o n s which were not indigenous, were introduced which resulted i n the Aha Riots i n 1929. Indirect rule had t r u l y "become a 66 f e t i s h , even though Governor C l i f f o r d warned against making i t one. The representation was c r i t i c i z e d . The Northern Region was not rep resented except by chiefs, and the Council was heavily weighted i n favour of 67 the Western Region against the Eastern. The elective p r i n c i p l e was not ex tended to other cosmopolitan c i t i e s such as Ibadan, Onitsha, Port Harcourt, Jos, Kano and Abeokuta. Thus p o l i t i c a l parties did not develop outside La gos and Calabar. There were other anomalies such as the nomination of S.B. Rhodes, a Yoruba f o r the Rivers d i v i s i o n , a non-Yoruba d i v i s i o n . The most s t u l l i f y i n g factor of a l l was the overwhelming government bloc vote and i t s constant use, which w i l l be discussed i n d e t a i l further on. There were however, advantages to the new constitution. The franchise, no matter how l i m i t e d , had been introduced. Some experience was gained by a 65 French Africans (Senegalese) received the franchise i n the seven teen nineties as a r e s u l t of the French Revolution. In I9lk, 8200 Senegal ese possessed the r i g h t to vote. 66 Nigeria, "The Address of the Governor, S i r Hugh C l i f f o r d , " L e g i s l a t i v e Council,Debates, 6 February, 1925, pp. 33-34. 67 Nigeria, Le g i s l a t i v e Council Debates, 7 March, 1939, p.l49. 1 Ifl few Africans and p o l i t i c a l parties were formed. There were some signs of l i b e r a l i z i n g tendencies i n the Governor's appointments. The Onitsha native administration nominated the Ibo member and the Ib i b i o League, the I b i b i o member af t e r 1938. The Governor chose the Egba member a f t e r consultation with the Alake of Abeokuta and the Oyo member af t e r consultation with the 68 A l a f i n of Oyo. Governor Bourdillon claimed i n 19^3, that only once had he 69 refused the nomination of a native administration. But at best, with the exception of the Ibib i o League, these nominations i f not B r i t i s h were con t r o l l e d by the chiefs. The Executive Council remained B r i t i s h . Wot u n t i l I91+2 was an Af r i c a n allowed into the "charmed c i r c l e " of the Governor's Executive Council. The Lagos Sphere 1922-1938 The C l i f f o r d Constitution provided for three elected members to rep resent Lagos i n the Legisl a t i v e Council. P o l i t i c a l parties began to form representing different.opinions and to put for t h candidates to contest these seats. Although a number of par t i e s , the Reform Club, the Peoples' Union, Young Wigerians and the Committee of Democracy were formed, i t was the Niger- ian National Democratic Party (W.W.D.P.) that dominated Lagos p o l i t i c s from 1923 to 1938. The executive of the W.N.D.P. consisted of J.Egerton-Shyngle, 70 H.Macaulay, Bagan Benjamin, the white cap chi e f s , the Moslem leaders and 68 B u e l l , Native Problem I , p. 7^1• 69 Joan Wheare, The Nigerian L e g i s l a t i v e Council, London, published under the auspices of the N u f f i e l d College by Faber and Faber, 1950, p.72. 70 The white cap chiefs t o t a l thirty-two. There were twelve f i r s t class chiefs who came to Lagos from Benin with the o r i g i n a l House of Docemo (the founder of Lagos), eleven second class chiefs who represented the o r i g  i n a l landowners of Lagos, f i v e t h i r d class chiefs (the I f a p r i e s t s ) who were the r e l i g i o u s heads and four, f i f t h class c h i e f s , the kingmakers. k2 the native d i s t r i c t heads. The party was a f f i l i a t e d with the National Con ference of B r i t i s h West A f r i c a and, although t h i s a f f i l i a t i o n was more i l  lusory than r e a l , the party manifesto followed c l o s e l y that of the National Congress with the addition of purely l o c a l aspects. The manifesto promised that the N.N.D.P. would he "constitutional to the l e t t e r " and that i t appreciated and endorsed whole heartedly the goal of the B r i t i s h Empire as a "Commonwealth of free nations linked by the com- 71 mon sentiment of l o y a l t y to the King-Emperor." Whilst paying a glowing t r i b u t e to the success of B r i t i s h Imperialism i n A f r i c a , i t had not the s l i g h t e s t patience with "'prestige p o l i t i e s ' . . . or the foolhardy p o l i c y of 72 'trusting to the man on the spot'" In regard to the C i v i l Service the manifesto stated that, There i s no such thing as race superiority... equality of opportunity i s the acid test of fitness for s o c i a l expansion. Higher plums of the Service should, on the pr i n c i p l e of equality of opportunity be made available 73 to a l l without any d i s t i n c t i o n of race, creed or colour. The party promised to begin a crusade for the "downfall and o b l i t e r  a t ion of the p r o v i n c i a l courts system," appointment of experienced and w e l l q u a l i f i e d native b a r r i s t e r s to junior posts on the bench and for the setting up of a court of appeal i n c i v i l and criminal cases for the whole of B r i t i s h West A f r i c a . I t promised to campaign for a "full-blown municipality" where municipal revenue and expenditure were under the d e f i n i t e and entire control of the ratepayers. 71 "Egbe Ibu Agbajo to Nigeria" (the National Democratic Party), Lagos  Weekly Record, 2 June, 1923, Vol.XXXIII, No.10, p.9. 72 Loc. c i t . 73 Loc. c i t . h3 The f i r s t candidates for the N.N.D.P. were J.Egerton-Shyngle, CC. Adenyi-Jones and E r i c O.Moore, two ba r r i s t e r s and one medical p r a c t i t i o n e r , a l l native foreigners. No other p o l i t i c a l party stated i t s views as capably, possessed the support of so many of the educated Lagosians, nor had as powerful a press support. The most consistent opposition came from a body of opinion led by S i r K i t o y i Ajasa and his newspaper the Nigerian Pioneer. S i r K i t o y i Ajasa was f i r s t nominated to the Legisl a t i v e Council i n 1908 then was nominated to the Nigerian Council i n I 9 l 4 and sat as a member of the new Legislative Council i n 1923 u n t i l 1933 as representative f o r the colony. He was awarded the O.B.E. i n 1924. He was described by an independ- ent source as "strongly conservative and very adverse to change." S i r K i t o y i disapproved of the franchise. The N.N.D.P. accused him of having a vested interest i n the old system. We quite understood the anxiety of the editor of the Pioneer (Ajasa) who having got into the habit of regarding seats i n the Leg i s l a t i v e or Nigerian Council as s p e c i a l l y and peren n i a l l y reserved f o r himself, his friends, s a t e l l i t e s and ad herents, now finds his l i t t l e nest i n danger.75 S i r K i t o y i , i n reference to the franchise r e p l i e d that "we are not ripe fo r i t . We are going too f a s t . . . at the f i r s t e l e c t i o n to t h i s Council... 76 not a single native of the country put up for e l e c t i o n . " At the Anglican synod attended by delegates from Lagos, Abeokuta, Ibadan and Ijebu-ode, Mr. Ajasa seconded a motion put by the bishop of Lagos "con demnatory to the granting of the p a r t i a l franchise." The motion was greet ed by groans. I t f a i l e d i n the vote. 71* A f r i c a n Messenger, Lagos, 12 June, I 9 2 U , Vol.IV, No .171, p.7. 75 A f r i c a n Messenger, Lagos, 2 March, 1922, V o l . 1 , No.52, p.4. 76 Nigeria, S i r K i t o y i Ajasa, L e g i s l a t i v e Council Debates, 23 August, 1927, P-54. kk Next to the issue of the franchise the most hotly debated question was that of l o y a l t y . The Nigerian Pioneer accused the N.N.D.P. of sedition. Under the guise of p o l i t i c s they pursue a campaign of scarcely v e i l e d sedition f o r which performance an ignorant populace acclaims them as fighters of the people's cause and as nation a l heroes.77 The N.N.D.P. r e p l i e d , There has sprung up of lat e i n t h i s country a most reactionary oligarchy with the Nigerian Pioneer as i t s guardian angel, who see nothing but harm, d i s l o y a l t y and law breaking i n any e f f o r t at advancement by the people.7° Parliamentary democracy versus development of indigenous i n s t i t u t i o n s was also fought out among the groups. B r i t i s h West A f r i c a i n her h i s t o r y has never been a n t i - i m p e r i a l i s t . . . but i n t h i s or that colony there are those whose words b e l i e t h e i r actions, who inspired or rather deceived by new fangled ideas and theories from across the seas, f a l l headlong into a veritable new heaven and new earth c l e v e r l y conjured up.79 The N.N.D.P. accused Mr. Ajasa of being the white man's friend and one 80 whose p o l i c y was always to support the government i n everything. They also claimed that he had a formidable hold upon European opinion and that he was regarded by bureaucracy as "the one straight negro i n Nigeria - always on 81 the side of the government." The N.N.D.P. won handily a l l three seats i n the 1923 e l e c t i o n , won a by-election and three seats i n the municipal e l e c t i o n of 1926 and a l l three 77 A f r i c a n Messenger, Lagos, 30 A p r i l , 1925, Vol.IV, No.214, p.6. 78 A f r i c a n Messenger, Lagos, 12 May, 1921, Vol.1, No.10, p.3. 79 Nigerian Pioneer, Lagos, 5 June, 1925, p.8. 80 Nigerian D a i l y Times, Lagos, 10 March, 1933, Vol.VII, No.2222, p.I. 81 A f r i c a n Messenger, Lagos, 2k November, 1921, Vol.1, No.38, p.5. 5^ seats i n the Legi s l a t i v e Council elections of 1928 and I933« In 1938 i t was completely thrown from power as a resul t of having l o s t i t s own dynam ism and because i t was for the f i r s t time facing a coherent and unified opposition. The reason behind the long domination of Lagos p o l i t i c s by the N.N.D.P. i s probably not so much because of i t s popular programme, because t h i s i t f a i l e d to implement, and i n the I928 elections t h i s programme was almost l a i d aside, but rather because of the lack of organized opposition, and most of a l l because of the outstanding career of i t s leader a f t e r 1926, Herbert Macaulay. Herbert Macaulay was already w e l l known by the time of the f i r s t e l e c t  ion because of his involvement i n the Eleko question and the Apapa Land case. The Eleko question a c t u a l l y began i n l86l when the B r i t i s h captured Lagos and i t was not settle d u n t i l the Privy Council decision of I93I ' I t i s one of the anomalies of Nigerian hist o r y that the B r i t i s h who r e l i e d upon native instruments to maintain t h e i r rule i n the protectorate of Nigeria and were so f i e r c e l y attacked because of this.by the educated of Lagos, should so stubbornly refuse to have anything to do with native administration i n Lagos and that the educated should here reverse themselves and a l l y with the chiefs to embarrass the government. In the protectorate the B r i t i s h nurtured the most highly developed native governments i n A f r i c a , while i n Lagos they ignored them. The treaty with Lagos i n l86l stated that Docemo, the king of Lagos, be permitted the use of the t i t l e king i n i t s usual A f r i c a n significance and would be allowed to decide disputes between natives of Lagos, with t h e i r k6 82 consent, subject to appeal to B r i t i s h laws. In I90k a Native Central Coun c i l , composed of the White Cap Chiefs and the Eleko (king) met to discuss native a f f a i r s with the government. A f t e r 1912 t h i s council met only i r  r e gularly. In 1915 the government imposed s e m i - p o l i t i c a l obligations on the Eleko by requiring him to give his support to the government i n the water- rate a g i t a t i o n . The Eleko also had the power to appoint chiefs and headmen on government approval. In 1919 the Eleko appointed certain moslem headmen without n o t i f y i n g the Acting-Governor. Upon the advice of thir t e e n prominent Africans, the Governor suspended the Eleko for his action. A general meeting of Lagosians protested t h i s action and informed the Governor that he had been improperly advised by the thirteen Africans. The Governor re-instated the Eleko on condition that the moslem appointments be cancelled. The government then issued a statement that the treaty of l 8 6 l granted Docemo the t i t l e of king and certain j u d i c i a l powers, but only personal to Docemo and not to his sue- 83 cessors. This meant that the present Eleko had no power, no duties, no r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and very l i t t l e prestige. In 1920 Herbert Macaulay and the White Cap Chief, Oluwa, went to B r i t  a i n to appeal to the Privy Council against the remuneration offered by the Lagos government for land i n Apapa. Herbert Macaulay, unknown to the Niger i a n government had i n his possession the Eleko's s t a f f of o f f i c e , which un der A f r i c a n law made him the o f f i c i a l spokesman for the Eleko. 82 Burns, Nigeria, p . 3 0 5 . 83 Nigeria, Gazette Extraordinary, 8 December, 1920, p.22. 47 While i n B r i t a i n Macaulay spoke i n favour of a more kingly p o s i t i o n for the Eleko and referred to .Eshugbayi (the Eleko) as "King of Lagos, acc- 84 laimed as such by the seventeen m i l l i o n people of Nigeria. The Governor either purposely or mistakenly interpreted t h i s i n the Nigerian Council as "the Eleko was acclaimed by a l l Nigeria and by sixteen m i l l i o n Africans as 8 5 t h e i r king." The Governor persisted i n t h i s misinterpretation a f t e r i t had been pointed out to him. He asked the Eleko to repudiate Macaulay p u b l i c l y and telegraph for the return of his s t a f f of o f f i c e . This Eshugbayi refused to do. This episode suddenly made Macaulay famous and he became even more so when the Privy Council ruled i n his favour i n the Apapa Land case. Upon the Eleko's r e f u s a l to repudiate Herbert Macaulay as his spokes man i n London, the government ceased to recognize Eshugbayi and deported him 86 to the i n t e r i o r . The press pointed out that t h i s ceasing to recognize the Eleko was shallow, as the government had consistently ignored him anyway. Afte r a mass meeting a p e t i t i o n was circulated signed by seventeen thousand Nigerians requesting that Eshugbayi be re-instated. The Governor 87 referred to i t as "an u t t e r l y worthless document," and refused to consider re-instatement. I t was i n t h i s atmosphere that the f i r s t elections were held i n Lagos with the N.N.D.P. (Herbert Macaulay an executive member) supporting the de- 84 Daily M a i l , London, 8 J u l y , 1920, quoted i n B u e l l , Native Problem I p.663. 85 Nigeria, Address by the Governor, S i r Hugh C l i f f o r d , Nigerian Coun  c i l Debates, 29 December, 1920, p.48. 86 Nigeria, Gazette, 8 December, 1920, p.21. 87 Nigeria, L e g i s l a t i v e Council Debates, 1923, p.32, quoted i n B u e l l , Native Problem I , p.664. k8 ported Eleko. The largest percentage of the Lagos electorate ever to ex ercise the franchise turned out to sweep the N.N.D.P. into o f f i c e . The government decided that the p o s i t i o n of Eleko i n Lagos could not be ignored by leaving i t vacant. The authorities persuaded the Docemo family to concur i n the deposition of Eshugbayi and elect a new man to the p o s i t i o n of Eleko. This, the Docemo family did. The action received prompt government sanction and the new encumbent was given an annual pension of three hundred pounds. Part of the House of Docemo refused to recognize the new Eleko. The majority of Lagos appeared to support t h i s stand. Only one White Cap Chief of the t o t a l forty-nine attended the ceremonial leave-taking of S i r Hugh C l i f f o r d i n 1925 and the new Eleko was hissed and booed when he went to meet the succeeding Governor, S i r Graeme Thomson. The N.N.D.P. now asked the Supreme Court to set aside the deportation order but t h i s they refused to do. The Lagos Weekly Record accused the judges of being dominated by the executive. For t h i s , editor Jackson was j a i l e d for two months. The N.N.D.P. then carried the case to the P r i v y Coun c i l which decided i n favour of the Eleko, and c l e a r l y supported the charge 88 that the Supreme Court judges had been dominated by the Executive Council. S i r Donald Cameron, the new Governor, allowed the Eleko to return to Lagos with a pension of two hundred and f o r t y pounds, but c l e a r l y stated that the administration would be d i r e c t . While preparations were going f o r  ward to receive the Eleko from Oyo The Lagos Daily News published a report that plans were afoot to assassinate Eshugbayi. Macaulay was j a i l e d and Caulerick fined (co-editors of The News) for publishing news l i a b l e to i n c i t e 88 Nigeria, Law Journal, 1928. 49 89 r i o t s . This l i t t l e episode was known as the Gunpowder P l o t . The long drawn out dispute from 1919 to 1931 over The Eleko Question, Apapa Lands Case, Gunpowder Plot and Moslem troubles kept Herbert Macaulay's name constantly before the public as the man of the masses, f i g h t i n g again st the government. His success i n the Eleko question and the Apapa Lands 90 case raised his prestige and i n the moslem troubles he gained the support of the majority party while the government was l e f t supporting the minority 91 and even his term i n j a i l contributed a b i t of martyrdom to his p o s i t i o n . He became the Wizard of Kirsten H a l l , the Doyen of Nigerian p o l i t i c s , and l a t e r the Father of Nigerian Nationalism i n the minds of the people. He became a great force i n the country and could claim a respectable following among the educated elements of Lagos and the masses of the people i n South- 92 era Nigeria. Today his p o r t r a i t i s the symbol of nationalism i n many Niger- 93 i a n homes. As the guiding l i g h t of the Nigerian National Democratic Party (N.N.D.P.) the party shared the fame and success of Herbert Macaulay. Herbert Macaulay's paternal grandfather had been born i n Oyo, enslaved and l a t e r freed i n S i e r r a Leone. His maternal grandfather was Samuel Crow- ther, also enslaved and freed i n Sierra Leone, who l a t e r became the f i r s t Black Bishop of West A f r i c a . His father, Reverend T.B. Macaulay, had been the founder and p r i n c i p a l of the Lagos Church Missionary Society (C.M.S.) 89 Lagos Daily News, 8 August, 1928, V o l . I l l , No.164, p.3. 90 Ten thousand turned out at Lagos docks to see Macaulay and the White Cap Chief Oluwa on t h e i r return from B r i t a i n a f t e r the Apapa Lands case. 91 Akand Tugbiyele, The Emergence of Nationalism and Federalism, Techno L i t e r a r y Works, Lagos, 1954,' p.15» 92 A f r i c a n Messenger, Lagos, 22 September, 1921, V o l . 1 , No.29, p.4. 93 Lagos Daily News, 5 March, 1929, Vol.TV, No.54, p.I. 50 Grammar School i n Lagos. Herbert Macaulay was born i n Lagos i n 1864, educated at the Parish School of St. Paul's Breadfruit, the C.M.S. F a j i day school and grammar school. In l 8 8 l he obtained a "European post" i n the C i v i l Service Lands Di v i s i o n . From 1890 to I893 he spent i n Great B r i t a i n i n the Plymouth Engineering Department on Nigerian government scholarship. He was a man of wide int e r e s t s . He was an associate member of the In s t i t u t e of C i v i l Engineers, a fellow of the Royal Geographical Society, a member of the London A r c h i t e c t u r a l Association, a member of the Society of A r t s , and a fellow of the Royal Colonial I n s t i t u t e . From I893-I898 he worked as a surveyor of crown lands for Lagos colony and i n 1898 he went into private business. Macaulay was a controversial figure, and his enemies hated him as much as his friends loved him. He was accused by government agents of being a 94 trouble maker, and by Nigerian conservatives of "swindling poor market 95 women of t h e i r pennies" to finance his p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s . The A f r i c a n  Messenger an independent organ refused correspondence from Macaulay on the grounds that he was using the paper for personal grudges. In the p o l i t i c a l arena his past was raked up, on more than one occasion; he had been fined f o r perjury and imprisoned f o r unlawful conversion and appropriation of 96 money. Macaulay however, was a man of broad v i s i o n , the Last of the Black 9k Thomas, Isaac B., L i f e History of Herbert Macaulay C.E. Lagos, Akede Eko, Third e d i t i o n , 1947, ? p.93. 95 Lagos Daily News, 13 September, 1928, V o l . I l l , N0.I95, R.I. 96 Nigeria, Gazette, I I June, 1913, p . 7 I 0-II also Gazette, 17 Sept ember, 1913, PP. 1422-23. 51 V i c t o r i a n s , a man who struggled for the u p l i f t i n g and recognition of his race, devoted to the imperial federation p r i n c i p l e s of the nineteenth cen tu r y but caught i n a century where Commonwealth nationalism seemed the only way to achieve what he passionately desired f o r his people. He i s one of the few Nigerians to r i s e above his t r i b e and achieve the true Nigerian f e e l i n g . Macaulay was content to remain the mind behind the party, "the 97 whispering member." He was content to s i t behind doors and direct p o l i c y . A f t e r 1931 he dropped from view, and Dr. Azikiwe, who may be c a l l e d his d i s c i p l e , said he was shocked at the people's neglect of Macaulay on 98 his eightieth birthday. Dr. Azikiwe revived Macaulay*s reputation i n the nineteen f o r t i e s by persuading him to j o i n i n the National Movement. Mac aulay proved his old magic. Throngs of Nigerians of a l l t r i b e s , paid Mac aulay high t r i b u t e : "E k i Macaulay 0, Oyinbo - Alawo, dudu," (We salute Macaulay, the Black whiteman). Before his death, Macaulay p u b l i c l y drop ped his mantle on Azikiwe's shoulders. He referred to Azikiwe as "my son 99 Zik" and t o l d him to keep "the f l a g (of Nationalism) f l y i n g . " The apparent lack of interest i n the franchise i n Lagos was used as an argument against i t s extention. Of the three thousand e l i g i b l e voters i n I923, thirteen hundred cast b a l l o t s f o r the winning candidates. This had dropped to f i v e hundred i n 1938. Government o f f i c i a l s were prone to say that the franchise was "of foreign manufacture and interest i n i t soon waned." The Governor complained that the franchise was not used advantag- 97 Frank Gray, My Two A f r i c a n Journeys, London, Methuen, 1928, p.l6. 98 Nnamdi Azikiwe, " P o l i t i c a l Reminiscences (3)" appearing i n Southern  Nigeria Defender, Ibadan, l6 J u l y , 1948, Vol.V, No.12,129, p.2. 99 Thomas, Macaulay, p.63. 52 100 101 eously and that a false leadership had developed over the Eleko question. This reference to a fa l s e leadership was i n regard to Macaulay's leadership i n the Eleko question. Certainly the fact that Macaulay r e t i r e d from act ive p o l i t i c s a f t e r 1931 helped to explain why the f i r e and v i t a l i t y had been removed from Lagos p o l i t i c s . No one else, appeared able to catch the people's imagination and inspire them as Macaulay had been able to do. However, supporters point out that the personal r e g i s t r a t i o n system might have had something to do with i t . In French Senegal i n 1920, three years before the three thousand Lagosians were enfranchised, sixteen thou sand black Frenchmen had the vote and nine thousand used i t . In the Sen egal, r e g i s t r a t i o n was automatic. Af t e r the f i r s t e l e c t i o n i n Lagos and Calabar the Govermor, S i r Hugh C l i f f o r d , claimed that the more extreme and less trustworthy had been e l e c t - 102 ed to o f f i c e and that personally he was "not enamoured of the people's 103 choice." Nevertheless the elected members were extremely sedulous i n t h e i r 10k l e g i s l a t i v e duties, but these duties and t h e i r results were not of a spec tacular nature and un l i k e l y to a t t r a c t people to the p o l l s . The elected members were unable to implement even one objective of the programmes they drew up before the elections. This tended to make the people f e e l that nothing could be gained by the franchise and that t h e i r elected represent- 100 Nigeria, "Address of the Governor," Le g i s l a t i v e Council Debates, 16 March, 1942, p.58. 101 B u e l l , Native Problem I , p . 7 4 l . 102 I b i d . , p.742. 103 Herbert Macaulay, "Swing of the Nigerian Pendulum," i n Lagos Week  l y Record, 2 May, I 9 2 5 , Vol.XXXV, No.10, p . 1 3 . 104 B u e l l , Native Problem I , p.742. 53 105 atives were merely "figure-heads, vainglorious show-men or stooges." The government took a patronizing attitude towards the elected members. On one occasion when they were asking innumerable questions on the budget, the f i n a n c i a l secretary retorted that he and his colleagues had been i n the 106 business for a long time and that "you r e a l l y must trus t us." The overwhelming o f f i c i a l vote was the elected members' worst enemy. The government attitude on compelling an o f f i c i a l vote was that when the 107 government had decided on a p o l i c y i t should present a.united front; the 108 function of a government was to govern, and i f i t was a government b i l l 109 o f f i c i a l s must support i t . Between the years I926-I93I, under the Govern orship of S i r Graeme Thomson, four free votes were allowed out of twenty f i v e d i v i s i o n s . S i r Hugh C l i f f o r d and S i r Donald Cameron said that under the pressure of a s o l i d u n o f f i c i a l opposition a b i l l would be withdrawn and reconsidered. Only twice however, between 1924 and 1943, was the gov ernment induced to change i t s p o l i c y by a s o l i d u n o f f i c i a l vote, the Income Tax Ordinance of 1932 and 1942. Other reasons might be suggested for t h i s withdrawal i n view of the fact that the government had more than once faced r i o t s over direct taxation measures. An analysis of the voting of the period 1924-1943 reveals that the government was keeping a heavy hand on i t s o f f i c i a l members. One t h i r d of the resolutions came to a formal d i v i s i o n . There were f i f t y - f i v e d i v i s i o n s , 105 E l i a s , Occasional Paper Mo.I, Nigeria Society, Oct., 1954, p.9. 106 Nigeria, Chief Secretary, Council Debates, 19 Feb., 1926, p.II9. 107 Nigeria, Sessional Paper, No . l 4 , 1933, P-35* 108 Nigeria, Chief Secretary, Council Debates, 5 February, 1927, p.I08. 109 Nigeria, S i r Alan Burns, Acting Governor, Council Debates, 24 March 1942, p.174. 5h i n f o r t y of which the majority of the u n o f f i c i a l Nigerian vote was defeated by government bloc voting. In fourteen of these, u n o f f i c i a l Nigerian votes were unanimous. In ten of these fourteen, the commercial unofficials(White) were unanimous with the Nigerians. Only two of these, as mentioned above, were withdrawn. Twenty-one of the f i f t y - f i v e resolutions were moved by u n o f f i c i a l Nigerian members, twenty of which met defeat by government vote, i n eighteen of which the government voted s o l i d l y . In view of the above -record i t i s l i t t l e wonder that the elected mem bers were unable toitnuster support from the electorate and that often they n o f e l t , "drowned i n o f f i c i a l noes." We have heard from the d a i l y press that the eyes of Nigeria are on the U n o f f i c i a l Members but we have just had an instance of how p e r f e c t l y hopeless U n o f f i c i a l Members are, when i t i s a question of our coming up against the o f f i c i a l v o t e . m One writer has summed up t h i s L e g i s l a t i v e Council most adequately, About t h i s Council there was a certain unchanging s t a b i l i t y , which some might c a l l s t o l i d i t y , and a moderation strangely out of tune with the impression of Nigerian p o l i t i c s , which, 112 at least i n recent years, has been reaching the outside world. The Nigerian press began to attack more frequently the moderation of the elected representatives. P o l i t i c a l l y conscious people began to look around for other means to achieve t h e i r ends. The Lagos Daily News ran for several weeks, a one-third page notice headed i n large dark p r i n t , "We want a Commission of Inquiry." Listed beneath were nine points recommended for the Commission to investigate. Of these, the P r o v i n c i a l Courts Ordinance, Nigerian Criminal Code and union of the j u d i c i a r y and executive, held prora- 110 Lagos Daily News, l 6 October, 1928, V o l . I l l , No.219, p.I. 111 Nigeria, Council Debates, 2 February, 1931, p.89. 112 Wheare, Nigerian L e g i s l a t i v e Council, p . 167 . 55 inent places. Also included were such issues as the Gunpowder Pl o t and the 113 expulsion of Herbert Macaulay from Oyo designed to clear Macaulay*s name. The Governor's reply to t h i s demand was discouraging. I, as i t s president, s h a l l strenuously r e s i s t any attempt that may be made to encroach upon i t s (Legislative Council) functions i n the manner which the appointment of such a commission would involve. Reasons other than the government bloc vote held back the Legi s l a t i v e Council. The question, whether progress was to be on B r i t i s h parliamentary or Nigerian i n s t i t u t i o n a l l i n e s was not yet solved. The majority of ques tions i n the Council were concerned with the Native administration, and dis'cussion on these questions showed the dilemma both B r i t i s h and Nigerians faced. Some Nigerians favoured the system, and some f e l t that i t had been invented for backward people but was not intended to perpetuate t h e i r back- 115 wardness. Even Henry Carr. long considered the white man's fr i e n d was out- 116 spoken on a r t i f i c i a l l y bolstering up the p o s i t i o n of the chiefs. 113 Herbert Macaulay, while surveying land i n the Ibadan d i s t r i c t , had been expelled from Oyo province because as the government said, he was at tempting to s t i r up trouble. The N.N.D.P. wanted the government to prove or withdraw t h i s charge. 114 Nigeria, "Address by the Governor S i r Hugh C l i f f o r d , " Council De bates, I I February, 0 1924, p.4. 115 Henry Carr was one of the f i n e s t examples of the V i c t o r i a n A f r i c a n who f e l t that the hope of A f r i c a lay i n t o t a l acceptance of westernization. Mr. Carr's p o l i c y became more d i f f i c u l t to implement as whitemen i n the twentieth century began to relegate blacks to an i n f e r i o r p o s i t i o n . He died during the nineteen f o r t i e s when the blacks were beginning to reciprocate by an attitude of h o s t i l i t y towards the whites. His---position at his death had become almost in t o l e r a b l e . He died rejected(almost as a quisling) by his own people. During his l i f e t i m e he rose higher i n the Nigerian C i v i l Service than had any-'Nigerian p r i o r , to 194-5. He served as assistant and director of education i n the early years of t h i s century. Between 1918 and 1924 he f i l l e d the high European post of f i r s t class resident of Lagos Colony and between 1934 and I94l he sat as nominated member i n the Governor's coun c i l representing the r u r a l areas of Lagos Colony. His papers provide a f r u i t f u l source of information on the B r i t i s h administration. Possibly f u t  ure generations of Nigerians may give him c r e d i t for the able manner i n which he attempted to influence B r i t i s h p o l i c y towards the betterment of his own people. 116 Nigeria, Council Debates, 8 March, 1939, p.I73« 56 Then there were the differences of background of the various Nigerian u n o f f i c i a l members. The nominated members came from a p o l i t i c a l climate d i f f e r e n t than Lagos and the nominated members representing the Native Administrative Councils came from the upper not the lower class and r e f l e c t - 117 ed t h e i r views. What leadership there was came from the European u n o f f i c i a l members. The European u n o f f i c i a l members representing the commercial interests did not take a vigorous part, not being anxious to mix i n p o l i t i c s . They did not appear to push b i g business in t e r e s t s . But suspicion by Nigerians of these vested interests prevented united action. Nigerians i n the Council accused the government of being so interested i n b i g combines that they had 118 forgotten the Nigerian traders. Henry Carr claimed that the b i g companies 119 would soon be g u i l t y of the exploitation of native labour. Nigerian minds remembered that the merchants had been the empire builders, and formidable 120 factors i n government p o l i c y . This was not so i n Senegal where the French white commercial members and black u n o f f i c i a l s usually united against the government which was sup ported by the chiefs . The agi t a t i o n i n the years 1922-25 sponsored by white and black u n o f f i c i a l s forced the government to decrease the strength of the chiefs and increase that of the u n o f f i c i a l s . In Nigeria there was certain appreciation of the commercial members as 121 not representing interests but as advisors, and when the Nigerians were 117 Nigeria, J i b r i l Martin, Council Debates, 22 March, 1945, p.527. 118 Nigeria, H.S.A.Thomas, Council Debates, 6 March, p.129, also see the El e c t i o n Manifesto of.T.A.Doherty, Lagos Dai l y News, 20 September, 1928, V o l . I l l , No.201, p.3. 119 Nigeria, Council Debates, 7 March, 1940, p . 191 . 120 Nigerian Daily Telegraph, Lagos, 6 June, I93I> Vol.IV, No .153, p.4. 121 Nigeria, E . I k o l i , Council Debates, 22 March, 1945, P«505» 57 drawing up t h e i r own constitution i n 1950 i t was pointed out that as the 122 commercial firms were the largest taxpayers, they should be represented. Occasionally commercial members came out strong for Nigerian interests such as at the time of the Imperial preferences set up by the Ottawa Conference. We are going to ask the native of Nigeria to continue his standard of l i v i n g on the scale which we have encouraged and buy goods from Lancashire, without i n s i s t i n g that Lan cashire s h a l l take Nigerian products at a price which w i l l enable the Nigerian to pay for such goods. I 2 3 The purpose of the Council was not to set p o l i c y but to a i r grievances, and to c r i t i c i z e . This the Nigerians did extremely w e l l , but t h i s alone was not s u f f i c i e n t to keep a l i v e a dynamic p o l i t i c a l party. Once the c r i s  es of the Eleko question and a l l i t s attendant issues calmed, the N.N.D.P. tended to stagnate i n the hands of a small oligarchy. The Enlarged Sphere 1938-1945 The place of student and student organizations i n i l l i t e r a t e areas i s very prominent, and the university students overseas have an influence out of a l l proportion to t h e i r numbers. The p o s i t i o n of the overseas student was related to the nation i n much the same fashion as the sons abroad were related to the bush v i l l a g e . Both provided that outside contact and stim ulus f o r change, both held the respect of the people at home. The West A f r i c a n Students Union (W.A.S.U.) formed i n London i n 1925 was modelled along the same lin e s as the Indian Student Union. This organ i z a t i o n kept i n close touch with problems of West A f r i c a , watched c o l o n i a l p o l i c y c a r e f u l l y , approached B r i t i s h leaders i n regard to p o l i c y , provided 122 Nigeria, Proceedings of the General Conference on Review of the  Constitution, January I95°> London, Government P r i n t e r , 1950, p.130 and P.195- 123 Nigeria, Council Debates, 12 June, 1934, p.66. 58 t r a i n i n g and experience for young Africans, many of whom l a t e r entered p o l  i t i c s i n West A f r i c a , and probably most important e# a i i , provided a place where Af r i c a n p o l i t i c i a n s could speak i n London and place t h e i r problems and p o l i c i e s before the people of England. Frequently W.A.S.U. had i t s own p o l i c i e s and pressed them i n London. They urged B r i t i s h p o l i t i c i a n s to extend the A t l a n t i c Charter to West A f r i c a and i n 1942 issued a statement c a l l i n g f o r immediate i n t e r n a l self-govern ment and complete self-government i n f i v e years for the West Af r i c a n c o l - 124 onies. During and immediately a f t e r the war most West Af r i c a n students i n the 125 United Kingdom and United States were engaged i n n a t i o n a l i s t a c t i v i t y , and there i s no doubt about t h e i r contributions to nationalism i n t h e i r respect ive countries. When Af r i c a n leaders, many of whom had been members of W.A. S.U. at some time, were emerging on the spot i n West A f r i c a , the overseas students c r i t i c i s e d them for t h e i r p o l i c y . Local leaders could brand them as i d e a l i s t s f a r from the l o c a l circumstances. This, coupled with the fact that more and more p o l i c y was being decided i n Lagos, Accra and Freetown rather than London, also helped to lessen W.A.S.U. influence after 1954. Hov/ever, as leaders of public opinion the overseas students are s t i l l power f u l and most Nigerian and Ghanaian leaders t r y to win t h e i r support f o r t h e i r p o l i c i e s . 124 Tugbiyele, Emergence, p.21. 125 I t i s interesting to note i n t h i s regard that the Graduates General Conference i n the Sudan act u a l l y turned i t s e l f into a p o l i t i c a l party. For t h i s reason, u n t i l I95& the Belgians made a p o l i c y not to send Congolese overseas f o r education. Not one Congolese had entered a Belgian university u n t i l I95&. ^ pmocRACf v e r s u s * COMMUNIS^ , vltst Mr*** ?,U} n 5~u!y> ml 59 Returning to the Nigerian scene, we have seen that the N.N.D.P. after 1933 seemed to lose i t s dynamism. F i r s t , i t had become insular giving the 126 impression that i t existed for ele c t i o n purposes only. Between elections 127 i t became more an exclusive club for professional people. Second, i t had never branched out from Lagos. "Lagos was Nigeria for a l l p r a c t i c a l 128 purposes." I t was however, d i f f i c u l t to extend into the i n t e r i o r as the N.N.D.P. i n Lagos was f i r m l y a l l i e d with the chiefs, and t h i s was impossible i n the i n t e r i o r where the B r i t i s h had the firm support of the chiefs because they guaranteed t h e i r positions. I t was also highly u n l i k e l y that as an ant i - c h i e f party they would have received much support, for although the B r i t i s h are now blamed f o r bolstering up the chiefs' p o s i t i o n , there i s no Nigerian p o l i t i c i a n today who w i l l come openly into c o n f l i c t with the chie f s . 129 Third, the leaders of the party had l o s t t h e i r reforming zeal and had become respectable conservatives. Men who were rebels i n the nineteen twenties had 130 become government friends i n the nineteen t h i r t i e s . 1 3 1 Later writers have accused the N.N.D.P. of t r i b a l i s m , of being a Yoruba party, but th i s i s hardly f a i r , as Lagos i n the nineteen twenties was d i s  t i n c t l y a Yoruba town, and a l l parties were dominated i n leadership and mem- 126 Nnamdi Azikiwe, "Contemporary Nigerian P o l i t i c s ( 2 ) , " The West  A f r i c a n P i l o t , Lagos, 2 December, 1 9 ^ 7 , No'.3021, p.3. . . 127 Thomas Hodgkin, Nationalism i n Colonial A f r i c a , London, Frederick Muller, 1 9 5 6 , p.IJK). 128 Azikiwe, op.cit., p.3. 129 During the Ethiopian crises Macaulay, Adeniyi-Jones and Doherty, the leader of the N.N.D.P. were prominent by t h e i r absence. 130 In 1920 the Governor refused to attend any function at which a member of the Macaulay family would be present. In 1935 the Governor was himself entertaining Herbert Macaulay. 1 3 1 Tugbiyele, Emergence, p. 2 1 . 6o bership by Yorubas. The great i n f l u x of Ibos and other tribes to Lagos had scarcely begun. In the early nineteen t h i r t i e s other organizations, p o l i t i c a l and non- p o l i t i c a l were established. The Nigerian Youth League was founded i n 1932 by Professor Eyo I t a who had just returned from the United States. The Youth League established the Calabar National I n s t i t u t e , l a t e r the West Af r i c a n Peoples' I n s t i t u t e , to prepare A f r i c a n youths to be employable and self-supporting. The Youth League was charged with E f i k parochialism and found l i t t l e support among the Yorubas of Lagos. In 1934 a group of Nigerian c i v i l servants met to draw up a memorandum to present to the government expressing disapproval of the Yaba Higher Col lege Scheme. The intention of the College proposals was that the government would set up a college of post-high school c a l i b r e but not of university standards which would issue diplomas tenable only i n Nigeria. The group of c i v i l servants f e l t that this was setting up standards for Africans different from those f o r Europeans, and that i f higher t r a i n i n g was to be offered i t should be on the university l e v e l . 132 The N.N.D.P. with the exception of E r i c Moore favoured the Yaba Scheme, and so the new group came into opposition to the N.N.D.P. and soon converted i t s e l f into a p o l i t i c a l party, the Lagos Youth Movement, and published i t s platform - the Youth Charter. The N.N.D.P. although i t placed obstacles i n the way of the Youth Movement did not take i t seriously as a p o l i t i c a l op ponent. The smugness of the N.N.D.P. and i t s p r a c t i c a l certainty of the 132 Eric O.Moore was a Sierra Leonian b a r r i s t e r . He sat as a nomin ated member of the Governor's council I917-I923, and between I923-I938 he was elected to the Legi s l a t i v e Council. He was one of the old guard of the N.N.D.P.but not one of i t s foundation members. Aft e r the N.Y.M. threw the N.N.D.P. from power Mr. Moore became a nominated member of the Legi s l a t i v e Council, I9i+2-I9lA. 6 i elected seats i n the council and municipality was evident i n i t s comment on the formation of the Lagos Youth Movement. "The N.N.D.P. was watching with 133 humorous smile, the youthful p o l i t i c a l impetuousity" of the new organization. 134 The p o l i t i c a l aims of the Youth Movement were embodied i n t h e i r Charter. Complete autonomy within the B r i t i s h Empire and economic opportunity for Nigerians equal to those enjoyed by foreigners. These aims diff e r e d l i t t l e from those expressed e a r l i e r by the N.N.D.P. with one notable exception. Some of the problems of unity were becoming more apparent i n 1932 than they had been i n 1922, and the Charter stressed the Movement's aim to create a sense of common n a t i o n a l i t y , the development of a united nation out of the conglom eration of people who inhabit Nigeria and a pledge to combat a l l tendencies that would jeopardise t h i s unifying process. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe has ca l l e d the formation of the movement a "revolt of 135 the youthful i n mind against conservatism." The personalities i n the new movement from t h e i r family backgrounds and previous a f f i l i a t i o n s appeared to represent an even more conservative element than the N.N.D.P.: J.C. Vaughan, f i r s t president; S. Akinsanya, f i r s t secretary; Dr. K. Abayomi, f i r s t vice- president; J i b r i l Martins, vice-president of the Ahraadiyya Society; S.B. Rhodes, nominated member for Rivers D i v i s i o n 1939-4-3; Ernest I k o l i and Dr. Maja, both l a t e r presidents; C A l a k i j a , H.S.A. Thomas and D. Mohamed A l i . These men appeared to be i n revolt more against the stagnation of the N.N.D.P. 133 Lagos Daily News, 1 May, 1934, Vol.IX, N 0 . I O 6 , p.T. 134 Nnamdi Azikiwe, "Contemporary Nigerian P o l i t i c s ( 4 ) , " (hereafter referred to as C,N,P.) West A f r i c a n P i l o t , Lagos, 4 December, 1947, Vol.XI, No .3023, p.2. 135 Nnamdi Azikiwe, " P o l i t i c a l Reminiscences (.10)" (hereafter referred to as P.R.), Southern Nigerian Defender, Ibadan, 26 J u l y , 1948, Vol.V, No. I2I37, P^2. 62 than against i t s conservation. Only one year a f t e r i t s formation the Lagos Youth Movement took a new and s i g n i f i c a n t step. To protect the national railways from increasing l o r  r y transport competition the government decided to raise transport licenses f o r a l l trucks using roads competitive to the railways. The Youth Movement ca l l e d a meeting of transport owners to discuss the intended b i l l . Represent atives of Nigerians and Syrians attended from Ilesha, Ijebu-ode, Abeokuta as w e l l as Lagos. The meeting passed a unanimous resolution to be sent to the government against the intended r e s t r i c t i o n of the motor transport industry. This action of the Lagos Youth Movement was important for three reasons; F i r s t , i t got away from the charge that a l l parties had to face, that i t s p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s were motivated by the personal ambitions of i t s members - not a single member of the Movement was a l o r r y owner. Second, i t proved how a p o l i t i c a l party could benefit the people i n a p r a c t i c a l manner. Third, i t was the beginning of the getting away from the parish pump of Lagos p o l i - 136 t i c s and the tapping of the i n t e r i o r c i t i e s . In the following year the Move ment s i g n i f i e d i t s new intentions by changing i t s name to Nigerian Youth 137 Movement (N.Y.M.) and by setting up branches throughout Nigeria. I t s strength was greatly augmented by the a f f i l i a t i o n of the Yoruba P a t r i o t i c Union. Ern est I k o l i , who became president of the party i n 1942 helped to maintain the party's Nigerian outlook and refute the "Lagos only" charge, by his wide travels and contacts. By 1938, when the N.Y.M. made i t s f i r s t bid f o r the 136 Nigerian Daily Telegraph, Lagos, 19 August, 1935, No.248, p.4. 137 The Northern Region was represented by Southerners l i v i n g i n the North. 63 seats i n the L e g i s l a t i v e Council, i t had ten thousand members. The N.Y.M. had moved into the p o l i t i c a l arena cautiously, not even c a l l i n g i t s e l f a party, but i t became more p o l i t i c a l and so dynamic that 138 many consider 1934 the year of the b i r t h of nationalism i n Nigeria. Soon the N.Y.M. began to discuss government scholarships and A f r i c a n i z a t i o n of the C i v i l Service. The demand for c o n s t i t u t i o n a l change was becoming i n s i s t e n t , but even with N.Y.M. branch nuclei i n the larger c i t i e s , the government could s t i l l 139 denounce t h i s demand as the machinations of a vocal minority. In 1937 Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe returned to Nigeria from Accra where he had been editor of a n a t i o n a l i s t morning paper. This was an important event, for he was the man who was ultimately so to organize t h i s vocal minority that i t captured the imagination of the people. Dr. Azikiwe's major con t r i b u t i o n was that he made nationalism a v i t a l force among the majority of the people rather than the f e e l i n g of a small educated group. Dr. Azikiwe was born of Onitsha-Ibo parents, i n 1904 at Zungeru Nigeria. His early education was received i n the Hope Wadell Training I n s t i t u t e , Cal abar, and the Wesleyan Boys' High School, Lagos. In 1925 he went to the United States for further t r a i n i n g and took his f i r s t degree from Lincoln University i n p o l i t i c a l science i n I93I' He received his Master of Arts from Lincoln i n 1932 and Master of Science (government and anthropology) from University of Pennsylvannia i n 1933• In 1934 he returned to West A f r i c a and became the editor of the A f r i c a n Morning Post, a n a t i o n a l i s t paper i n Accra. In 1937 he returned to Nigeria and set up the West A f r i c a n P i l o t which he edited u n t i l 1947. 138 Tugbiyele, Emergence, p.21. 139 Biobaku, Dr. Saburi, Occasional Paper No.l, Nigeria Society, Oct., 1954, p.33. 64 The f i r s t p o l i t i c a l act of the P i l o t was a series of attacks on Herbert Macaulay and the N.N.D.P. Through the P i l o t ' s support i n 1938 the N.Y.M. defeated the Democratic party which had hitherto dominated Lagos p o l i t i c s 140 f o r f i f t e e n years. Although the P i l o t supported the N.Y.M. i n the e l e c t i o n , Azikiwe pub li s h e d campaign speeches of both parties and as a re s u l t the vice-president of the N.N.D.P. withdrew his bond from the P i l o t and the N.Y.M. decided that i t should have i t s own o f f i c i a l organ and converted the Service, a quarterly into the Daily Service a f t e r the e l e c t i o n i n 1938• This action embittered Azikiwe and was the beginning of a press dispute between the P i l o t and Ser  vice and was one of the reasons why Azikiwe deserted the N.Y.M. shortly after the 1938 e l e c t i o n . This placed him i n a neutral po s i t i o n during most of the war years. The war years and the increased tempo of wartime economic development increased a l l those conditions which favoured greater p o l i t i c a l consciousness among the people. Development of transport and communication permitted more widespread d i f f u s i o n of propaganda, closer communication between branches of p o l i t i c a l parties and opportunities for p o l i t i c a l leaders to meet the people more frequently. Outside factors such as the a n t i - i m p e r i a l i s t propaganda of the A l l i e s directed at the subject peoples of the German, I t a l i a n and Japanese Empires, the weakening of imperial authority i n Asia and that by a coloured race, and the indoctrination consciously or unconsciously of Nigerian servicemen, a l l tended towards the new type of thinking and favoured the n a t i o n a l i s t cause. 140 F. Chidozie Ogbalu, Dr. Zik of A f r i c a , P a c i f i c P r i n t i n g , Lagos, 1953, P-76. 65 However, th i s i s not to say that Nigerians did not react as the rest of the Empire i n the dark days of 1940 when the Empire and Commonwealth stood alone against Naziism. Protests^of l o y a l t y poured from a l l Nigerian sources including the n a t i o n a l i s t press. I4l Let us put our shoulder to the wheel. Our Empire i s i n need. 142 Nigerians cheerfully shouldered the white man's burden, claiming that 143 differences must be forgotten so that Nigeria could f e e l at one with B r i t a i n . The press expressed d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the limited use of Nigerian manpower and c a l l i n g for recruitment of Nigerians asked the world to "watch us do our 144 s t u f f and put fear into the Huns." S i r Bernard Bourdillon, Governor 1935-1943, appointed Azikiwe to an advisory committee on students proceeding to the United Kingdom for higher studies and l a t e r he served on a Wartime P u b l i c i t y Committee which recommend ed the setting up of a Public Relations Department. The government could never have employed a better man to head such a department had they vaguely re a l i z e d Dr. Azikiwe's p o t e n t i a l i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n . The A t l a n t i c Charter i n I94l raised the hopes of the n a t i o n a l i s t s . The West A f r i c a n Students Union asked i f i t applied to West A f r i c a . C h u r c h i l l said,"No." A t t l e e said,"Yes." I t was l i t t l e wonder that Nigerians morally supported the Labour party, and, while they warmly appreciated Churchill's part i n the war, could agree with Dr. Azikiwe that "when i t comes to handling 141 The West A f r i c a n P i l o t (hereafter referred to as The P i l o t ) , 10 A p r i l , 1940, V o l . I l l , No. 731, p.4. 142 Nnamdi Azikiwe, "inside Stuff - H i t l e r ' s War Aims for the Return of the Colonies," The P i l o t , 3 A p r i l , 1940, V o l . I l l , No.725, P . 4 . 143 The P i l o t , 3 January, 1940, V o l . I l l , No. 651 , p.4. 144 The P i l o t , 7 March, 1940, V o l . I l l , N 0 . 7 0 5 , p.4. 66 other races and nations he (Churchill) i s woefully behind the times." Demands for c o n s t i t u t i o n a l advance were parried by the B r i t i s h by r a l l y  ing the t r a d i t i o n a l rulers i n regional conferences and by the admittance of Africans to the Executive Council. I t was undesirable both for Nigerians and B r i t i s h that c o n s t i t u t i o n a l changes be made during the war, and discussion of them i n the Nigerian press appeared academic and with the i m p l i c i t under standing that l i t t l e could be done u n t i l a f t e r the war. I t was with t h i s kind of f e e l i n g that Dr. Azikiwe published his P o l i t i c  l y a l Blueprint for Nigeria i n March 1943, which c a l l e d f o r a ten year period during which there should be a conscious process of Nigerianization i n a l l aspects of p o l i t i c a l and administrative l i f e , followed by a f i v e year period fo r non-Nigerians to be gradually transferred to an advisory capacity, ending with a three year 'handing over' period, the handing over to be done volun- Ik-T t a r i l y not r e l u c t a n t l y . I t was d i s t i n c t l y f e l t that an organization containing most of the p o l i t i c a l l y important pe r s o n a l i t i e s , should be formed, cutting across or even o b l i t e r a t i n g the party l i n e s , to present a united request f o r c o n s t i t u t i o n a l change. The Nigerian Students Union founded i n 1939 i n Abeokuta included i n i t s members, I.O.Ransome-Kuti, Macaulay, Maja, I k o l i and Azikiwe. In 1942 Dr. Azikiwe organized the Nigerian Reconstruction Group to do research into Nigeria's problems. I t i s interesting to note that of t h i s organization's 145 Oden Meeker, Report on A f r i c a , London, Chatto and Windus, 1955, p.124. 146 A series of eighteen a r t i c l e s i n the West A f r i c a n P i l o t which began on 25 March, and ended on 15 A p r i l , 1943• 147 I f Nigeria receives Commonwealth status i n i 9 6 0 Azikiwe*s P o l i t i c a l  Blueprint w i l l have been completed almost to the year. 67 sixteen foundation members, s i x were Ibos; the f i r s t Ibos other than Azikiwe to figure i n p o l i t i c a l organizations. Another such organization was the Nigerian Youth C i r c l e led by H.O. Davies. At the Ajukoro Youth R a l l y i n November I9^ 3> members from a l l the above organizations plus the N.Y.M. took a prominent part, and, following speeches by A.O. Thomas, Rotimi Williams, Davies and Azikiwe, the r a l l y resolved to form a national front with the N.Y.M. as the p o l i t i c a l spearhead. This at tempt f a i l e d due to jealousy between the leadership of the N.Y.M. and N.N.D. P.; the N.Y.M. claiming that the i n v i t a t i o n to t h e i r president Dr. Maja was purposely withdrawn. I t appears quite certain that the front collapsed over the struggle f o r leadership. As the object of a l l parties was b a s i c a l l y the same party p o l i t i c s i n t h i s case and often l a t e r degenerated into personal lU8 r i v a l r i e s and petty bickerings. Dr. Azikiwe's p o s i t i o n during these years was that of a neutral t r y i n g to jockey the two p o l i t i c a l parties into a united front. I t i s not exactly clear just what were his immediate reasons for his r e c o n c i l i a t i o n with Herbert Macaulay. He claimed that i t was over the issue of t r i b a l i s m i n the N.Y.M. which arose over the appointment of S.Akinsanya as the Odema of Ishara. However, his feud with H.O.Davies who was l a t e r to become the leader of the N.Y.M. may have had something to do with i t . The r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of Azikiwe with Macaulay led to the formation of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (N.C.N.C.) i n Lagos' h i s t o r i c a l Glover Memorial H a l l on August 26, igkk. I t s three main o f f i c e r s were Macaulay as president, Azikiwe as general secretary, and Dr. Abubakar Olorun- Nimbe as treasurer. The r e c o n c i l i a t i o n and the choosing of Macaulay as pres- Ih8 Biobaku, Occasional Paper, p.38. 68 ident for the new organization was a master stroke. Macaulay was the most popular Nigerian l i v i n g , and although he had almost dropped from the p o l i t i c  a l scene his old fame as the symbol of opposition to the government could be revived and i n t e n s i f i e d . With Azikiwe's growing popularity and his strong following among the Ibos, who had followed him into the N.Y.M. and then out of i t again, he was a force to be reckoned with. This Yoruba-Ibo (Macaulay- Azikiwe) combination would c e r t a i n l y have a wide appeal. What was even more important, i t would silence any t a l k of t r i b a l i s m , an ever-ready c r i t i c i s m quickly to be l e v e l l e d at any p o l i t i c a l party. Furthermore Macaulay was old and the leadership and his great prestige would soon pass on to the advantage of Dr. Azikiwe or Dr. Olorun-Nimbe. The N.C.N.C. at i t s organizational meeting set i t s aim as "the mainten ance by Nigeria, s t r i c t l y and i n v i o l a t e , " of the connection with the B r i t i s h Empire, while the c i t i z e n s of Nigeria enjoy unreservedly every r i g h t of free 150 c i t i z e n s h i p of the Empire and adopted as i t s programme Dr. Azikiwe's P o l i t i c  a l Blueprint. Almost from the moment of i t s inception, the N.C.N.C. took the leadership away from the N.Y.M. who had held i t from 193k to 1944. The N.C.N.C. was not a p o l i t i c a l party as such an organization i s generally thought of, but a con gress which did not outline p o l i c i e s of government but set a goal and program i n order to gain a wide acceptance and prove to the B r i t i s h that i t had the power and mandate to speak for the people. As a congress i t was not open to ind i v i d u a l membership but to organizations. Ik-9 N.C.N.C. members s t i l l point to the leadership of Herbert Macaulay as proof that the party i s not t r i b a l i s t i c . 150 Nnamdi Azikiwe, "Contemporary Nigerian P o l i t i c s ( 6 ) , " The P i l o t , 6 December, 1947, Vol.XI, No.3025, p.2. 69 In one year from i t s inception the N.C.N.C. could claim eighty-seven a f f i l i a t e d organizations including the N.N.D.P. and the young wing of that party, the Union of Young Democrats of Nigeria. At the height of i t s power i n 19^7 i t had one hundred ninety eight a f f i l i a t e d organizations; t h i r t y - 151 seven Ibo, and forty-three Yoruba. I t had no Hausa membership, the North being s t i l l represented by Southerners l i v i n g i n the Northern Region. The congress type of movement was widespread i n West A f r i c a i n the nineteen f o r t i e s . Following the formation of the N.C.N.C. i n Nigeria i n I 9 M f , the Rassemblement Democratique A f r i c a i n was founded i n French West A f r i c a i n I9I+6 and the United Gold Coast Convention i n Ghana i n I9U7. The Graduates' General Conference had been formed i n the Sudan as early as 19I+2. The aim of the Congress Movement organization was to gain wide support to counteract charges that the n a t i o n a l i s t element was a vocal minority. I t also aimed to organize public opinion by means of press campaigning, extra- parliamentary techniques, such as petitions and delegations to the Imperial c a p i t a l , demonstrations, boycotts, s t r i k e s , and appeals to the United Na tions Assembly. I t aimed to co-ordinate protest a c t i v i t i e s and give them di r e c t i o n and a p o l i t i c a l colour and to exploit a l l situations and make them 152 appear as a demand for self-government. Thus i n both Nigeria and Ghana, str i k e s which began as demands for wages were supported by the congresses and i n so doing lent p o l i t i c a l implications to the s t r i k e s . The congresses have been described as "a loosely k n i t , even amorphous amalgam of l o c a l and functional organizations, grouped around a nucleur 151 The P i l o t , 17 December, 19^7, Vol.XI, No.3031*, p.I. 152 Hodgkin, Nationalism, p.Il+6. 70 153 executive or working committee." Many problems arose out of t h i s type of organization. The Congress tended to have support more on paper than i n - r e a l i t y . I t could speak for the whole nation only i n times of c r i s e s . During periods of quiescience the sheer breadth of the organizations, as regards both the geographical areas which i t attempted to cover and the various sections of opinion which i t attempted to include, was often a source of embarrassment. Yet t h i s was also the Congresses' greatest 154 strength, p a r t i c u l a r l y among urban populations and the evolue class whose 155 interests too were wide and national. When the metropolitan nation began to devolve power to national p o l i t i  cians, these Congresses had to form d e f i n i t e p o l i c i e s , rather than t h e i r previous programmes which consisted of a demand for self-government. They found that any p o l i c y was apt to run counter to some section of t h e i r Con- r gress. Because the Congress was simply a body of independent a f f i l i a t e d organizations with no sense of d i s c i p l i n e , each one f e l t i t had a r i g h t as w e l l as a duty to express i t s opinion on each and every issue. There was a tendency for the leadership of the Congress to become a junta. As there was no d e f i n i t e scheme whereby p o l i c y was brought up from below, p o l i c y was formed at the top with l i t t l e reference to the member organizations who c r i t i c i z e d the p o l i c y a f t e r i t was enunciated. This des troyed the unity of the Congress. 153 Hodgkin, Nationalism, p . l 4 4 . 154 In Nigeria, the Ibos s t i l l almost e n t i r e l y supporters of the N.C. N.C. have more to lose i n terms of t h e i r emigrant communities i n the North, West, Cameroons and Lagos by the r i s e of sectional parties with t h e i r de mands for regionalization, than any other t r i b e . 155 New Era Bureau, The London "Regionalization" Conference, Before  and A f t e r , Lagos, Techno L i t e r a r y Works, 1953, P«I2. . 71 Congresses suffered from lack of funds having to depend upon a few wealthy backers. There i s evidence to show that there was a close con nection between the N.C.N.C. and the transport owners of Eastern Nigeria and the Syrians. In the Congress organization the leader became of paramount import ance, a unifying symbol, the personality which held together the diverse elements. Because of t h i s influence he dominated party p o l i c y . A suc- I56 c e s s f u l leader had to be a dual personality, highly sophisticated and cosmopolitan, who could combine the A f r i c a n and European successfully. These leaders had the advantage of being at home i n both worlds - the world of the ancestors, the dance and the market, and the world of parliamentary debate and the struggle for state power.^"57 The Congresses of West A f r i c a differed mainly i n "National militancy with p a r t i c u l a r reference to t h e i r p o s i t i o n taken on various questions 158 r e l a t i n g to the European connection.". The National Front : Triumph of the Elective P r i n c i p l e I9U5-I951 The general s t r i k e of 19^5 began because of wartime price i n f l a t i o n and wage d e f l a t i o n , the same conditions as prevailed over most of the world, was probably inspired by national f e e l i n g but was c e r t a i n l y not i t s main i n s p i r a t i o n . The National Congress of Nigeria and the Cameroons alone of the p o l i t i c a l and s e m i - p o l i t i c a l organizations of Nigeria supported the s t r i k e r s . 156 Examples of such leaders i n West A f r i c a include such men as Kwame Nkrumah i n Ghana, Nnamdi Azikiwe of Nigeria, Leopold Sedar-Senghor of Sen egal, F e l i x Houphonet-Boigny of the Ivory Coast, Bartelemy Boganda of Ubangui-Shari and Isma i l Al-Azhari of the Sudan. Obafemi Awolowo i s both chief and premier. A l h a j i Ahmadu i s both Sardauna and premier. 157 Hodgkin, Nationalism, p . l 4 . 158 James S. Coleman, "The Emergence of A f r i c a n P o l i t i c a l P arties," i n C. Grove Haines, ed., A f r i c a To-day, Baltimore, John Hopkins Press, 1955, p.250. 72 As a result,(N.C.N.C.) prestige gained considerably while that of the 159 older p a r t i e s , which refused to support the s t r i k e , f e l l proportionately. An unfortunate re s u l t was that i t s p l i t the trade union movement - r i v a l 160 organizations and leaders creating r i f t s and s p l i t s . I 6 l The Z i k i s t press had taken a large part i n maintaining the morale of the s t r i k e r s . On J u l y 8 , 1945, the government banned the West A f r i c a n P i l o t and Daily Comet on the grounds of " i n c i t i n g the people against the govern- ~I62 ment." This was exactly the type of p u b l i c i t y the N.C.N.C. needed to swell 163 i t s number of members. Even the Daily Service, b i t t e r enemy of the N.C.N.C. and Z i k i s t press found i t necessary to appeal to the Governor. We humbly appeal to His Excellency the Governor to reconsider the matter... Their fate i s our fate; and i n t h i s matter they have our whole hearted support and sympathy.T-64 The ban was l i f t e d August l 6 , 1945. Only a matter of hours a f t e r the l i f t i n g of the ban, the Z i k i s t press announced an assassination attempt on Dr. Azikiwe's l i f e . I t i s not known yet whether the report was true or f a l s e , but at the time most people believed i t , and "Nigerians were t h r i l l e d to 159 E l i a s , Occasional Paper, p.99. 160 Nigeria, Colonial Report 1946, London, His Majesty's Stationery O f f i c e , p.7. 161 Dr. Azikiwe controls a chain of s i x newspapers commonly c a l l e d the Z i k i s t press. The chain began with the West A f r i c a n P i l o t which Azikiwe opened i n Lagos i n 1937 • He personally edited i t u n t i l 194-7. The P i l o t has a large c i r c u l a t i o n and could be ca l l e d a national paper. The other papers of the chain are more regional papers. The Eastern Nigerian Guardian was begun i n Port Harcourt i n I9U0 and the Southern Nigeria Defender i n Ibadan i n 1943. In 1956 three others were added: The Daily Comet,Kaduna; The East  ern Sentinel,Enugu; and the Nigerian Spokesman,Onitsha, Dates taken from the Nigeria Year Book I957» 162 Under regulation No.19, 1945, Emergency Powers Defence Act, 1939/40. 163 The P i l o t , 20 August, 1945, Vol.VIII, No.2331, p.I. 164 Daily Service, 10 J u l y , 1945, Vol.V, No.35, p.2. 73 165 learn that the news of i t went round the world." Headlines such as "Safe t y of Zik i s now on World's Conscience," "People of A f r i c a n descent a l l over B r i t a i n are Rallying to the Cause" and "Africans i n the U.S. Should Be 166 Kept Constantly i n Touch with What i s Happening i n Nigeria" were bringing the N.C.N.C. and i t s leader, Dr. Azikiwe, to the attention of the world. This was extremely h e l p f u l as a means of embarrassing the United Kingdom and providing p u b l i c i t y f o r the N a t i o n a l i s t Movement. Many ardent Z i k i s t s s t i l l believe the story and the implication, a l  though not openly stated, that the assassination was attempted at the i n  s t i g a t i o n of the B r i t i s h . Not a l l i n Nigeria however, believed the story. Zik insulted the i n t e l l i g e n c e of the people. We demand an apology. True martyrdom i s not faked. No man becomes a martyr by inventing for himself suffering and privations which ex i s t nowhere outside his own imagination.-^°7 Dr. Azikiwe was at Lagos at the time of the assassination report. He immediately sent a telegram to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, ask ing for protection. He then f l e d to Onitsha where the B r i t i s h resident offered him the protection of his home. The Governor asked that the evidence be put i n his hands. This was not done and the matter dropped, probably i n  dicating that the report was a fake or that i t was a planned assassination 168 by one of Dr. Azikiwe's own t r i b e . I t would appear that a National Movement needs a martyr. Gandhi spent long terms i n j a i l . Dr. Nkrumah and some of his cabinet colleagues were j a i l e d and l a t e r made great c a p i t a l of t h e i r "prison graduate" status, wear ing caps enscribed P.G. to p o l i t i c a l campaign meetings. Nigeria missed a l l 165 Tugbiyele, Emergence, p.27. 166 P i l o t , 20 Aug., 19U5, Vol.VIII, No.2331, p.I. 167 "Nigeria Demands an Apology," Daily Service, 27 December, I 9 V 7 , Vol.XI, No.3032, p . 2 . 168 An attempt was made on the l i f e of Azikiwe by an Ibo i n 1957* Ik t h i s and the propaganda value which went with i t , and so attempts to create martyrs, when the B r i t i s h f a i l e d to provide them ready made, have been com- I69 mon. Occasional statements r e f l e c t i n g this martyr complex have come from prominent people i n the N.C.N.C. And i f i t should be our l o t to pay the supreme s a c r i f i c e i n the struggle for freedom, l e t us not be discouraged. We s h a l l not be the f i r s t , and we s h a l l not be the l a s t , to pay such a price for freedom. 1' 0 I t should inspire us immensely that we belong to the same order as Oliver Cromwell, Abraham Lincoln, Thomas Jefferson, Lenin, Gandhi, Nehru and others of the shining band who have gone forth on the creative f r o n t i e r of human evolution... But they are a l l dangerous people, very dangerous people, capable of dangerous l i v i n g , witbpower potent enough to l i f t the world from i t s B.C. to i t s A.D.1^1 At a reception given for Dr. Azikiwe and the editors of his various newspapers, which was sponsored by the Z i k i s t movement and presided over by Herbert Macaulay the t i t l e s of the various addresses and the tone of the speeches indicate this martyr complex. "Exile Can Have No Sting," "The F i r i n g Squad Cannot Crush Man's Ideals," "Concentration Camps Cannot Cramp Man's Conscience," "The G u i l l o t i n e Cannot Destroy Man's Ideas," "Stone Walls Do Not a Prison Make," "The Warm Embrace of the Criminal Code," "Martyrdom 172 de Lux." I t i s hardly necessary to add that no one during the period was e x i l e d or j a i l e d , that there were no f i r i n g squads, concentration camps, g u i l  l o t i n e s or martyrdoms. This martyr-complex however, did alienate a section 169 This attitude appears more pronounced i n Dr. Azikiwe and the N.C.N. C. than i n other p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s ; i t i s almost non-existant i n the North ern Region. 170 Nnamdi Azikiwe, "C.N.P .(l2) M The P i l o t , 15 December, I 9 V 7 , Vol.XI, No.3032, p . 2 . 171 Eyo I t a , "Basic Changes i n Nigeria ( 2 ) " The P i l o t , 7 September, 19^9, Vol.XII, No.3552, p . 2 . 172 Thomas, Macaulay, p.63. 75 of the educated and most of the conservatives. On the other hand i t r a l l i e d the masses who l i k e d colour i n t h e i r p o l i t i c s . The most important aim of the N.C.N.C. after" i t s formation was to win a mandate from the people and recognition from the B r i t i s h government, as the spokesman of the Nigerian people. The number of a f f i l i a t e d organizations was one proof which the B r i t i s h government, badly mistaken, swept aside. The support of the general s t r i k e had won more sympathy but now the N.C.N.C. was to go after a d e f i n i t e mandate from the people. The B r i t i s h government i n 194-5 had just introduced a new constitution (The Richards' Constitution) which, while i t gave representative government, did not enlarge the franchise or give responsible government. The N.C.N.C. found that t h i s Constitution f e l l f a r short of t h e i r expectancy. So i t was t h i s constitution and four ordinances before the L e g i s l a t i v e Council at t h i s time, that became the target of attack. The four ordinances; Public Lands Amendment Ordinance, Appointment and Deposition of Chiefs Amendment Ordinance, Crown Lands Amendment Ordinance, Minerals Ordinance, were a l l w e l l chosen so as, by a subtle play on words, to rouse the greatest number of persons again st them. By a careful play on the word 'Crown1 they made i t appear that lands were to be owned by the B r i t i s h rather than the Nigerian government. Any strengthening of the government's power to depose chiefs could touch a re sponsive chord i n most of Nigeria. I t i s worthy of note at t h i s point that, as i n Ghana where Dr. Nkrumah based his attack against the B r i t i s h p o l i c y on the cutting out of cocoa trees due to swollen shoot, then came to power and carried out even more vigorously the cutting out p o l i c y , so i n Nigeria, while gaining support by defending the c h i e f s , the parties which formed governments a f t e r elections were i n t r o  duced, s t e a d i l y whittled away at the power of the chiefs. 76 In March 1946 the N.C.N.C. drew up a l e t t e r which was sent to the Natural Rulers (chiefs and emirs) and various organisations. One hundred f i f t y three communities widely scattered over the North, West, East, of Nigeria, the Cameroons and Colony, signed t h i s l e t t e r which expressed d i s  approval of the Richards Constitution and the "four obnoxious Ordinances." I t further stated the r i g h t of the N.C.N.C. to discuss with the B r i t i s h " a l l such other matters as s h a l l be relevant to the welfare and progress of Nigeria." Certainly beyond doubt the N.C.N.C. had won a mandate - the best poss i b l e , short of elections which they could not hold. Few Nigerians question ed that the mandate was v a l i d but some did question the interpretation which the N.C.N.C. placed on the " a l l such other matters" clause. The N.C.N.C. claimed that they had won a mandate from the people to press fo r self-govern ment. A delegation including Macaulay, Azikiwe and Olorun-Nirabe toured the country s o l i c i t i n g moral and f i n a n c i a l aid to send a delegation to the United Kingdom to press t h e i r claims on the Colonial o f f i c e . They raised over thirteen hundred pounds. The tour was interrupted at Kano by the i l l  ness of Macaulay, now over seventy years of age. Macaulay was taken back to Lagos where he died. 173 His funeral was probably the biggest event i n Lagos history. The event was turned into a subtle d i g n i f i e d p o l i t i c a l occasion.climaxed by Dr. A z i k i - 174 we's graveside oration. 173 Thomas, Macaulay, p.63. 174 I b i d . , p.69. 77 Azikiwe, having so associated himself i n the minds of the masses with Macaulay, was without doubt the obvious choice f o r the new leader of the N.C.N.C. This i s not to say that his own popularity was not considerable, but with the added prestige of Macaulay there could be l i t t l e dispute over his leadership. However, there were those especially among the Yoruba i n t e l l i g e n t s i a who f e l t uncomfortable with the new leadership because Azikiwe came from a tr i b e long considered backward. They appeared unable or at least unwilling to be led by th i s "upstart Ibo." There were minor leadership troubles be tween the remaining b i g three of the N.C.N.C. - president, treasurer and general secretary; Azikiwe, Olorun-Nimbe and Prince Adedoyin. Olorun-Nimbe leader of the old guard of the N.N.D.P. disputed the leadership of the N.C. N.C. with Azikiwe and also that of the Democratic party with Adedoyin who had led the young wing of that party. In 19^7 the A.N.A. machine (Azikiwe, Nimbe and Adedoyin) contested the Legi s l a t i v e Council elections. Azikiwe led the p o l l i n g with 3,573 votes. A f t e r nine years out of o f f i c e , the N.N.D.P. came back under the dynamism of the N.C.N.C. The three members refused to take t h e i r seats i n the new Council, and by so doing aimed to avoid the p i t f a l l of the corrosive influence of o f f i c e . Instead they began to organize a delegation to go to London to meet the Colonial Secretary. The delegation was representative of the three major t r i b e s ; Yorubas, Ibos, and Hausas. Other delegates represented the Cameroons and the E f i k t r i b e . One member was a woman and one a chief. The delegation asked f o r the a b o l i t i o n of the Richards Constitution and the four obnoxious Ordin ances and immediate steps to implement self-government. 78 175 Outwardly the delegation appeared to achieve nothing. The Colonial Secretary advised the delegates to go back to Nigeria and co-operate with the government. This apparent f a i l u r e was a testing point. Rent by j e a l  ousy among the executive f o r the leadership and returning to Nigeria after having spent the people's money with nothing concrete to of f e r , the N.C.N.C. faced one of i t s f i r s t c r i s e s . That i t survived was due almost e n t i r e l y to the personality and correct timing of i t s leader, Dr. Azikiwe. The N.C.N.C. almost disappeared i n the next few years and only revived a f t e r the publica t i o n of the Macpherson Constitution i n I95I' In 19^9 a go-slow s t r i k e i n the Enugu coal mines resulted i n some d i s  turbances which the police stopped by opening f i r e . The order was given by a B r i t i s h o f f i c e r . The result..was seventeen miners dead at the Iva mine. 176 Nigerians refer to t h i s as the Enugu Shooting, Iva Mine Tragedy or Massacre. Like the general s t r i k e of 19^5 the s t r i k e began as an agitation f o r higher wages but f e l l afoul of p o l i t i c a l agitators both B r i t i s h and Nigerian. The Fitzger a l d Commission which inquired into the tragedy condemmed both the 177 opening of f i r e and the p o l i t i c a l use made of "the tragedy. Sympathy disturbances broke out at Aba, Onitsha, Port Harcourt and Cal abar. Again the police had to open f i r e , but with no loss of l i f e . A cur few was placed on Calabar. The Governor proclaimed a state of emergency and 175 Biobaker, Occasional Paper, p^36. 176 Nigeria, "Proceedings of the General Conference on Review of the  Constitution January, I95O" (Hereafter referred to as Ibadan Conference) London, Government P r i n t e r , 1950, p . ^ 5 . 177 I t i s d i f f i c u l t to see how i n any parliamentary democracy i n the world i n t h i s day and age, the k i l l i n g of seventeen men s t r i k i n g for higher wages would not bring on a p o l i t i c a l c r i s i s and possible upset of the gov ernment . 79 imposed censorship on the Eastern Region newspapers, claiming that they were aggravating the s i t u a t i o n . The N.C.N.C. was almost defunct and as an organization appeared to take l i t t l e or no part i n the events which followed. However, important members of that party spearheaded the attempt to unite the people of both p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , the N.N.D.P. and N.Y.M., i n a s o l i d national front against the government. The N.Y.M. o f f i c i a l l y remained aloof but many of i t s most prom inent members, Maja, Davies and Bode Thomas became members of a National Emergency Committee alonside Mbonu Ojike, Mazi Ozuomba and Ozuomba Mbadiwe of the N.C.N.C. The National Emergency.Committee (N.E.C.) sent two represen t a t i v e s , Davies and Mbadiwe to Enugu to investigate. They sought to bring pressure on the government to have the o f f i c e r who ordered the shooting brought before a court of law. The N.E.C. dissolved as soon as the c r i s i s had passed and no united front emerged as many had hoped. However, i t had proven that the Yorubas and 178 Ibos would co-operate i n the face of a serious c r i s i s . I t i s natural that Nigerians should f e e l that a united front was v i t a l to press for self-government, but i t i s d i f f i c u l t to see how th i s could be achieved i n any society except under extreme oppression and then the front would l a s t only as long as the oppression. I t would appear more natural and b e n e f i c i a l i f two groups presented t h e i r ideas regarding a constitution and argued them i n the press i n order that the electorate might be made aware of the problems and have a chance to form an opinion. This was d i f f i c u l t to do. F i r s t , because the formation, organization and d i s c i p l i n e of a party i s d i f f  i c u l t i f there i s as yet no p o s s i b i l i t y of i t f i g h t i n g an elec t i o n and coming 178 Nigeria, Ibadan Conference, p.57. 80 to power. Second, because under B r i t i s h administration the authorities take the attitude; "when you decide what you want, we w i l l give i t to you." This attitude inv i t e s attempts at a united front and what i s probably more obnoxious, i t has a patronizing aspect which i s quite d i s t a s t e f u l to any group of people groping towards a national awareness. The Richards'Constitu t i o n introduced i n 19 -^6 was attacked most strongly on t h i s aspect. The purpose of the Richards Constitution was to promote the unity of Nigeria and at the same time to provide f o r the country's diverse elements and to provide opportunity for greater p a r t i c i p a t i o n by Nigerians i n t h e i r 179 government. "The Unity of Nigeria must f i n d i t s basis i n d i v e r s i t y . " The p r i n c i p a l defect of the C l i f f o r d Constitution of 1922 i n B r i t i s h eyes had been the gap which i t l e f t between the Legislative Council or Cen t r a l Government and the Native Administration. The new constitution was to bridge t h i s gap by creating effective l i n k s between the Native Administration 180 the Regional Councils and Legi s l a t i v e Council. I t was a compromise of the N.A. system with parliamentary democracy, formed with a desire to integrate I8l the N.A. into the system of national government. Houses of Assembly were created i n each of the three regions. There were no elected members i n these Assemblies. The approximately one t h i r d , selected by the Native Administration, came the closest to an elected group. A House of Chiefs was created i n the North, consisting of a l l f i r s t class chiefs and no less than ten second class chie f s . In the West, three head 179 Nigeria, " P o l i t i c a l and Constitutional Future of Nigeria," Session  a l Paper No.tr, 5 March, 19U5, p . 2 . 180 Wheare, Nigerian Legi s l a t i v e Council, p.5. 181 Biobaku, Occasional Paper, p .35« 8 i chiefs were nominated to the Assembly while i n the East, chiefs were ignored. These new i n s t i t u t i o n s , the Assemblies with t h e i r N.A. representation and the ch i e f s , were designed to be the l i n k s between the two systems of government. The duty of the Assembly was "to consider and advise by resolution, 182 matters placed before i t by the Governor or introduced by members." Thus while the Assemblies, there being three of them, were to r e f l e c t Nigerian d i v e r s i t y , they had very l i t t l e r e a l power and the unitary system of govern ment was preserved by the concentration of power i n the one Legisl a t i v e Council at the centre. Act u a l l y , what was being created was the nucleus of regional governments. The Richards' Constitution (1946) made possible larger p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n government by Nigerians. Nigerians formed the majority of members i n a l l the Assemblies: twenty-three Nigerians to nineteen B r i t i s h i n the North, nineteen to fourteen i n the West and eighteen to fourteen i n the East. The Legi s l a t i v e Council was formed with a majority of Nigerians; twenty-eight to seventeen B r i t i s h , the over a l l majority being u n o f f i c i a l . The most widespread c r i t i c i s m of the new constitution was regarding i t s paternal aspects. S i r Arthur Richards the Governor was c a l l e d a benevolent 183 despot and the Constitution described as the "doings of one man r a t i f i e d by 184 a l e g i s l a t u r e unrepresentative of the people." I t was decried and discred i t e d before i t saw l i g h t on t h i s basis. The Opposition was violent and consistent. 182 Nigeria, Nigeria's Constitutional Story 1862-1954, Lagos, Federal Information Service, 1955, p.10. 183 Biobaku, Occasional Paper, p.35. I8U Daily Times, "A H i s t o r i c Year," Nigerian Year Book 1955, Nigerian P r i n t i n g and Publishing Co., 1955, p . 8 . 82 C r i t i c i s m of the Constitution i t s e l f rather than the method of drawing i t up, centred on i t s regional aspects. There was no precedent for any type of regionalism i n West A f r i c a . At t h i s point Nigeria diverged from the path I85 on which Ghana was setting f o r t h and continued to follow. Nigeria alone of the West A f r i c a n colonies had the size and d i v e r s i t y to seriously consider a federal system. The idea was new to Nigerians and i t was opposed from a l  most a l l sides. Many people saw i t , as one writer says, as "Divide et impera, 186 t r a d i t i o n a l B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l policy." For a l l the voluble c r i t i c i s m l e v e l l e d at t h i s aspect of the cons t i t u t i o n , devolution of more and more power from the centre has been the main aim of leading Nigerian p o l i t i c i a n s ever since, at Ibadan i n 1950, and i n London i n both 195!+ and 1957. A t h i r d c r i t i c i s m , weak immediately a f t e r the introduction of the Rich ards Constitution but growing more and more i n s i s t e n t with each passing year I87 was that minority groups or tribes were not adequately represented, i f at a l l . S i r Arthur when he chose to ignore a l l but three main tribes l a i d the foundation of everlasting confusion - Yoruba s o l i d a r i t y became the best slogan of the Action Group; Preservation of Ibos was not d i s t a s t e f u l to the N.C.N.C; One North, One People, the banner of the Northern Peoples Party.^"o In I9lf6 the minor tribes were not p o l i t i c a l l y aware and by the Richards' Constitution the country was represented on a t r i - r e g i o n a l basis. Later 185 In Ghana, the National Liberation Movement, the Opposition Party fought f o r a federal constitution as a check on the absolute power of the central government. Ghana has now a quasi-federal system. 186 Tugbiyele, Emergence, p.26. 187 Nigeria, Ibadan Conference, p.73. 188 Daily Times, Abiodun Aloba (Ebenezer Williams) "1956 - A Date With Destiny," Nigeria Year Book, Nigerian P r i n t i n g and Publishing Co., 1957, p. Ik. 83 p o l i t i c a l parties appeared each to f i n d i t s support i n one of the three main t r i b e s , causing fear among the minor t r i b e s . The minor tribes make-up f i f t y - f i v e per cent of the t o t a l population. However, the minor tribes were without powerful spokesmen, the danger of major t r i b e domination had not yet emerged, and t h i s c r i t i c i s m was drown ed i n the main agitation which centred around regionalism. The Richards' Constitution was c r i t i c i z e d for i t s f a i l u r e to extend the elect i v e p r i n c i p l e , for the power which i t l e f t untouched i n B r i t i s h hands, and for the fact that the Legisl a t i v e Council s t i l l stood i n i t s frustrated p o s i t i o n i n relationship to the Governor. I t had no r e a l power to control hi s p o l i c y . There were advantages to the Richards Constitution a l b e i t they were hard to f i n d . I t was an advance towards representative i n s t i t u t i o n s i n that although members were selected by the N.A. they were by and large, brought up from below and not nominated from above. I t did bring many more Nigerians into the government machinery, even the Leg i s l a t i v e Council having a majority of Africans f o r the f i r s t time. The door to future advance was l e f t open. I89 I t was expected to l a s t nine years. This, indicated that the B r i t i s h did not consider i t f i n a l . Probably i t s greatest advantage was the effect i t had on the p o l i t i c i a n s and people. Because the N.A. was the prominent factor i n the selection of representatives, i t forced the n a t i o n a l i s t democrat to defend and propagand iz e his doctrines i n the N.A. system i t s e l f . The Western educated had to go to the conservative t r a d i t i o n a l i s t and win his support. This forged a l i n k between the N.A. system and parliamentary democracy which S i r Arthur Richards did not envision. I89 I t lasted about hal f the expected time. Oh This forcing of the n a t i o n a l i s t p o l i t i c i a n into the centre of conserva tism, plus the fact that a co n s t i t u t i o n a l change could he anticipated i n nine years, plus the "blast of c r i t i c i s m which followed the Constitution's introduction, brought the issues before the people as they had never been brought before. The effect then of the Richards Constitution was to arouse the p o l i t i c a l consciousness of the people as no other single factor had 190 done. Because opposition to the Richards Constitution had centred around the fac t that the people had not been consulted, the B r i t i s h did not make the same mistake again. When a co n s t i t u t i o n a l change was announced i n 19^9, S i r John Macpherson stated that, "before any change i s made, i t i s of the utmost 191 importance to allow adequate time for the expression of public opinion. One writer said that while Governor Richards had not consulted the people, the B r i t i s h government through Governor Macpherson swung to the other 192 extreme and "gave us ropes to hang ourselves and we did so." Public opinion was most thoroughly and conscientiously sounded. The B r i t i s h had d e f i n i t e l y seized the lead from the p o l i t i c a l leaders and at the same time relieved the pressure of c r i t i c i s m on i t s e l f . Few c r i t i c i z e d the B r i t i s h government. "By t h i s Act of our government, i t has i n the language of C h u r c h i l l , made th i s 193 i t s f i n e s t hour." C r i t i c i s m was now more and more directed at Nigerian p o l  i c y makers rather than at the B r i t i s h . 190 Timothy Moka Uzo, The Pathfinder, Port Harcourt, Niger press, 1953, p . 2 . 191 Nigeria, Constitutional Story, p.12. 192 Uzo, The Pathfinder, p.12. 193 Nigeria, Ibadan Conference, p . l 8 6 . 85 The L e g i s l a t i v e Council set up a select committee to consider how the public mind was to be sounded and decided on a series of conferences; v i l l  age, d i v i s i o n a l , p r o v i n c i a l and national. The results of the p r o v i n c i a l conferences showed that regardless of the c r i t i c i s m of regionalism the gen- 194 e r a l trend was for greater regional autonomy. In the Northern Region a desire was expressed i n every province except Bauchi for a House of Chiefs. I n the West the majority requested a House of Chiefs and i n the East i t was voted down. In l a t e r years i n the North where the power of the chiefs became an issue, i t i s interesting to note that I l o r i n , the province with most South ern connections, f e l t that the House of Chiefs should act i n an advisory capacity; others would give i t the powers of the B r i t i s h House of Lords, while Sokoto, most northerly province, said i t s w i l l should p r e v a i l i n any dispute with the House of Assembly. Ethnic groupings were favoured by f i v e southern provinces; Calabar, Owerri, Rivers, Benin and Onitsha. S i g n i f i c a n t l y enough the Ibadan Nation a l Conference paid no heed to these ethnic f e e l i n g s . The e l e c t o r a l college system of voting was requested by every province i n the North and by the majority i n the Southern Regions. The National Conference was held at Ibadan i n 1950. I t decided upon increased autonomy, the regional Houses of Assembly to have l e g i s l a t i v e power over a wide range of subjects and be able to raise revenues of t h e i r own. A House of Chiefs was to be created i n the West, and a federal House of Representatives was to be created i n Lagos. A l l adult taxpayers who were B r i t i s h subjects or B r i t i s h protected persons were to have the franchise, and the system of e l e c t i o n , although 19!+ Great B r i t a i n , Colonial Report, London, The Government P r i n t e r , 1949, P.h. 86 varying from region to region was to "be b a s i c a l l y the e l e c t o r a l college. While the new legislatures were to be almost e n t i r e l y elected, ;the special i n t e r e s t s , banking, shipping, mines, chambers of commerce, were to have a place. The most controversial issue to come before the Ibadan Conference was that of regional representation i n the federal House of Representatives. East and West favoured equal representation for the three regions, fearing domination by the North. With more than ha l f the t o t a l population of Niger i a the North stood staunchly for representation by population, l e s t on major issues the East and West combine to out vote i t . The Northern delegation, 195 ably led by Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, employed the arguments of democracy and parliamentary government which the Southerners had used so eloquently again st the B r i t i s h . The North won i t s point over heated debate and a v e i l e d threat of session by the Western Region. The Macpherson Constitution came into force i n I95I« In Nigeria, f o r the f i r s t time the elective p r i n c i p l e was widely applied, through a series of e l e c t o r a l colleges. The mass of the people voted i n the constituencies which consisted of the Native Administrative units. The small unit ensured that the people were acquainted with the men who s o l i c i t e d t h e i r votes. The elected members voted for members from among themselves to represent the d i v i s i o n s . The men so elected then voted f o r members to the p r o v i n c i a l 196 college who i n turn voted f o r members to s i t i n the Regional House of Assem bl y . 195 Balewa became the f i r s t Prime Minister of the Federation of Nigeria i n August, 1957. 196 The p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t o r a l college was dispensed with i n the Eastern region. 87 The Regional Assembly then voted to elect from t h e i r own numbers, members to the Federal House of Representatives. The Houses of Assembly were composed almost e n t i r e l y of Nigerians: i n the North, ten B r i t i s h to ninety-five Nigerians; i n the West, four to eighty and i n the East, f i v e to eighty. The Houses of Chiefs i n both North and West had f i f t y - f o u r seats, four of which were held by the B r i t i s h . Most of the B r i t i s h represented s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t s . Although the appointment of these members was by nomination, t h e i r numbers were few; but because of t h e i r special knowl edge, t h e i r contribution to l e g i s l a t i o n was of considerable value.197 The regional executives consisted of f i f t e e n ministers; nine Nigerians and s i x B r i t i s h . The Nigerians were nominated by the Lieutenant Governor and approved by the House. The Houses of Assembly, curiously enough, acted as e l e c t o r a l colleges to the House of Representatives. Each constituency was to have representation i n the federal House. Therefore from Lagos, for example, f i v e members were elected to the Western House of Assembly, two of whom were to be elected by that body to the House of Representatives. The Central House had one hundred t h i r t y s i x elected members, t h i r t y - f o u r each from West and East, sixty-eight from North and s i x nominated to represent special i n  terests . The Council of Ministers or Central Executive consisted of eighteen; twelve Nigerians and s i x B r i t i s h . The Nigerian ministers, four to be chosen from each region's representation, were to be approved by the regional houses and were therefore l i k e the regional ministers responsible to the Houses of Assembly. The Lieutenant Governor submitted a l i s t of recommendations, the 197 Nigeria, Constitutional Story, p.12. 88 Governor selected his candidates, and then the Lieutenant Governor submitted these to j o i n t Houses of Assembly and Chiefs i n the North and West or to the Assembly i n the East for t h e i r approval. The Council of Ministers f e l l i n t o three groups: ministers responsible exclusively, for central matters such as transport; ministers responsible fo r regional subjects such as education; and the e x - o f f i c i o B r i t i s h members responsible for defence, law and finance. The House of Representatives could pass l e g i s l a t i o n on regional subjects but i n case of c o n f l i c t the l a s t enactment prevailed. The attitude to the Macpherson Constitution was mixed. The Z i k i s t press set the slogan f o r the attitude adopted by the N.C.N.C. "Beware of the Greeks 198 when they come with g i f t s . " Dr. Azikiwe who ca l l e d i t "an imposition of the Imperialists," stated that the N.C.N.C. i f they won the e l e c t i o n would "change 199 the Constitution and expose the fraud i n the Macpherson Constitution." The N.C.N.C. Kano convention charged the Colonial Office with bad f a i t h and c a l l e d the Macpherson Constitution a "bogus document" but, however, decided to give 200 i t a t r i a l . Obafemi Awolowo, newly emerged leader of the recently formed Action Group Party, took a dif f e r e n t view. He claimed that the Macpherson Constitu t i o n gave Nigerians an opportunity to expand s o c i a l services, learn parliamen- 201 tary government and demonstrate t h e i r a b i l i t y . 198 Eastern Nigeria Guardian, Port Harcourt, 6 January, 1950, Vol.IX, No.20,I5lf,~p7IT: 199 Uzo, The Pathfinder, p.13. 200 National Congress of Nigeria and the Cameroons, London Delegation  Leaflet No.3 Yaba, Zik Enterprises, 1953, P ' 2 . 201 Obafemi Awolowo, Charter of Freedom, Ibadan, Public Relations O f f i c e , 1952, p.3. 8 9 The N.C.N.C. at i t s Kano Convention altered i t s eighteen year tutelage plan and departed from i t s gradualism, a course so w e l l summed up by Dr. Azikiwe i n 1944. The only safe and wise course i n A f r i c a n native d i s t r i c t s i s to hand over power gradually and continuously so that native r e s p o n s i b i l i t y increases at,about equal speed with economic and p o l i t i c a l development.^02 In 1951 the N.C.N.C. substituted for t h i s gradualism i t s "Freedom Chart er" which cal l e d for immediate self-government. The greatest disadvantage of the Macpherson Constitution was i t s com p l e x i t y . The election began at the end of J u l y and finished the f i r s t week i n December. Even i n the East where there was only one college system the 203 e l e c t i o n took two and one half months. P o l i t i c a l leaders complained that the e l e c t o r a l college system defeated the people's choice. Because the centre was weak, being responsible to the Houses of Assembly and being ruled i n d e f i n i t e l y by a c o a l i t i o n , many f e l t that c e n t r i f u g a l forces i n the country endangered national unity. The Macpherson Constitution proved unworkable. Only a small proportion 204 of those who framed the Constitution were elected, and those elected did not give i t a f a i r t r i a l , but made use of i t s defects as a weapon of propaganda. The Constitution did not provide for p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . At the time the Constitution was drawn up an established and w e l l - t r i e d party system, did not i n fact exist.^ 0 5 202 Nnamdi Azikiwe, "Africanization of the C i v i l Service," Southern  Nigeria Defender, Ibadan, May 1944, V o l . 1 , No.232, p.4. 203 The Primaries were staggered, due to d i f f i c u l t t e r r a i n and poor communications, to permit closer supervision. 204 Dr. Azikiwe went on a tour of Europe and America while the Constitu tion-building process was i n progress. 205 James S. Coleman, "The Emergence of Af r i c a n P o l i t i c a l Parties," i n C.Grove Haines, ed., A f r i c a To-day, Baltimore, John Hopkins Press, 1955,p.239. 90 This was an understatement. The defunct N.C.N.C. was revived by Azikiwe before the e l e c t i o n . The Action Group (A.G.) Party was founded a few months before the e l e c t i o n and the Northern Peoples Party, one month af t e r the elec t i o n had been i n progress. Had these parties been i n existence before 19^9 t h e i r ideals and objectives could have been reflected i n the Constitution. Great numbers of men were elected owing no allegiance to any p o l i t i c a l party. The f l u i d i t y of the party system was evident i n two events: f i r s t , when the election results i n the West were announced both the N.C.N.C. and A.G. claimed the v i c t o r y ; second, when the House opened, s i x supposedly N.C. N.C. members, crossed the f l o o r to the A.G. In addition to the great advance made i n the general application of the elect i v e p r i n c i p l e , the mobilization of public opinion through the e l e c t o r a l colleges was greater than under the Richards' Constitution. The e l e c t o r a l colleges, "forced party p o l i t i c i a n s of urban centres to carry t h e i r appeals to the N.A. councils of remote v i l l a g e s . The re s u l t was an unprecedented 206 p o l i t i c a l awakening, a mobilization of groups previously untouched and i n e r t . " The old dilemma between parliamentary democracy and t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u  tions was being ra p i d l y overcome by a de f i n i t e swing to the former. Moreover the "channeling of the corrosive dynamism of nationalism through the t r a d i t i o n  a l structure" and the l a t e r use by the parties of t h e i r power "to democratize the structure and undermine or reduce what remained of the power of the t r a d i  t i o n a l i s t s . . . has been a s o c i o l o g i c a l development indispensable for the devel- 207 opment of a modern party system." 206 James S. Coleman, "The Emergence of A f r i c a n P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s " i n C.Grove Haines, ed., A f r i c a To-day, Baltimore, John Hopkins Press, 1955, P« 2Ul. 207 I b i d . , pp. 2lfl-2lr2. 91 Chapter I I I Old Patterns Re-Emerge : Federalism D i v i s i v e Forces Within Nigeria The most acute problem facing the Nigerian n a t i o n a l i s t government i s that of the jealousy and suspicion between t r i b e s . This suspicion l i m i t s the functioning of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . Parliamentary democracy however, rests f i r m l y upon a stable and secure party system. In any parliamentary democracy i t has been found extremely d i f f i c u l t to pass laws for one section of the country by a majority of votes wholly founded i n another section. Parties should therefore attempt to base themselves upon what could almost be ca l l e d universal p r i n c i p l e s , such as conservatism, l i b e r a l i s m or socialism. In Nigeria these underlying p r i n c i p l e s or p h i l  osophies are i n only the most embryonic form of development. The Action Group i s considered conservative, possibly because i t places emphasis upon the t r a d i t i o n a l i n Yoruba l i f e and possibly because i t encourages free enterprise and foreign c a p i t a l investment. The N.C.N.C. on the other hand i s known to favour the s o c i a l i s t i c approach to the problems of national society. I f th i s were the entire story the co n s t i t u t i o n a l future might be bright indeed. Parties i n Nigeria however, do not r i s e or f a l l , nor are they c r i t i c i z e d for t h e i r l e g i s l a t i v e approach to the problems of society. The question of p o l i t i c s i s e n t i r e l y enmeshed i n the question of t r i b e . The hope of many Nigerians i s that a federal structure w i l l disentangle the two questions by placing the majority of emotional issues on the p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l and allow t r u l y n a t i o n a l l y based parties to emerge at the centre. As th i s federal structure emerged, many people opposed i t because they thought that they could see the old pattern of A f r i c a re-emerging, each t r i b e i n i t s own area with i t s own administration, pursuing p o l i c i e s h o s t i l e to i t s neighbours and so destroying the nation state. The following chapter w i l l trace the resurgence of t r i b a l i s m i n Nigeria and attempt to show how i t 92 contributed to the growth of the demand for a federal constitution. In discussing the creation of a Nigerian nation, i f one must think i n terms of comparison, i t would be more r e a l i s t i c to compare the Nigerian federation with the proposed United States of Europe rather than federa tions such as the United States and Canada. Europeans as yet have been unable to create the kind of union contemplated and at the present time being created i n Nigeria. The Austro-Hungarian Empire f a i l e d . Even India i s a poor comparison, for Nigeria has many of the problems of d i v e r s i t y which faced that country and more, peculiar to herself. The various tribes of Nigeria may be large units numbering eight to ten m i l l i o n people or small groups claiming under a m i l l i o n members. To those with a Canadian background the word t r i b e may be misleading. I t would be easier and more comprehensible i f the word n a t i o n a l i t y could be substituted for the word ' t r i b e * . The tribes are as d i f f e r e n t one from the other as the English are from the Russians. Their languages are com p l e t e l y d i s s i m i l a r , not dialects one of the other. Yoruba and Hausa com pare e a s i l y with Chinese and English. P o l i t i c a l t r a d i t i o n s range from forms as unlike as Czarist Russia to democratic Switzerland. In customs and t r a d i t i o n s , marriage laws and r e l i g i o n , these tribes are more unlike than the various European states. A writer must be f u l l y - aware of the dangerous area he has entered, as a white man, when he launches a discussion on Nigerian d i v e r s i t y . Quite r i g h t l y Nigerians become h o s t i l e and suspicious the moment an outsider be gins to t a l k about innumerable divisions i n the country. Erroneous ideas about our differences i n customs, habits, language, t r a d i t i o n and way of l i f e have been widely disseminated, but i t i s our supreme duty to prove that that which unites Nigerians i s stronger than that which disunites them.* I Daily Times Lagos, No.14,158, 24 May, 1957, p.8. 93 Too often writers discussing d i v i s s i v e forces have come to the con clusion that Nigeria cannot at t h i s stage achieve national independence and therefore B r i t i s h tutelage i s necessary for a long time. Divisions i n the country are made the j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r continued c o l o n i a l status. This i s far from the intention of t h i s thesis which i s devoted to tracing the growth of p o l i t i c a l consciousness and ends where the framework of the p o l i t i c a l structure of the country has "been l a i d and i s functioning, - functioning as creditably as most other federal states. The background of th i s chapter i s intended to indicate the d i f f i c u l t i e s through which t h i s movement has passed and how i t has triumphed i n spite of the d i v e r s i t y i n the country. I f anything, this background enhances the stature of Nigerian leaders and public rather than detracts from i t . V i s i b l e forces tending for unity i n Nigeria are few, yet unity i s triumphing. Unity springs p r i n c i p a l l y from a desire for cohesion. This desire has been strong. I t was the main theme of the Ibadan Conference and 2 both London Conferences, even though the federal p r i n c i p l e being evolved was mistaken for disunity. I f we are paying l i p service to unity when we mean disunity, l e t us have a federal system of government and say goodbye to Nigerian unity and s o l i d a r i t y . 3 The p a r t i t i o n of Nigeria i s complete and the regional boundary lin e s have been drawn so t h i c k l y that the i d e a l of one Nigeria which many of us cherish has been completely destroyed.^ 2 See below p. 86 3 Nigeria, Federal Government, Proceedings of the General Conference  on Review of the Constitution Jan. 1950, (hereafter referred to as Ibadan  Conference) Lagos, Government P r i n t e r , 1950, p . l 6 8 . h New Era Bureau, The London Regionalisation Conference, Before and  A f t e r , Lagos, Techno L i t e r a r y Works, 1953, p.29. 9h Factors of disunity were headlined i n the press. But even t h i s press emphasis of d i v i s i v e factors has helped to awaken more Nigerians to the dangers of disunity and inspire them to s t r i v e f o r a common basis of na t i o n a l i t y . Although t r i b a l i s m i s one of the most discussed aspects of Nigerian national l i f e few know what i t i s , analyze i t or separate i t s d i f f e r e n t factors. Generally i t can be described as a d i s t r u s t and d i s l i k e of one group of people t i e d by l i n g u i s t i c or c u l t u r a l t i e s f o r another. Most people agree that i t has to be minimized and played down i n national p o l i t i c s . Although t r i b a l i s m i s usually connected with the feelings of one t r i b e towards another i t i s w e l l to remember that there are i n t e r n a l differences between s i m i l a r ethnic groups. Some of these differences are so sharp that one segment may prefer to side with an outside t r i b e rather than with the other segments of t h e i r own l i n g u i s t i c group. The Ijebu-Ode men among the Yorubas and the Aros among the Ibos stand i n the same relationship to t h e i r ethnic groups as the Jews do i n Western society. They are accused of sharp practices i n business. In Yorubaland there i s s t i l l the feelings engendered by the h i s t o r i c a l r i v a l r y between Ibadan and Ijebu-Ode. There i s the resentment of the attitude of superior i t y of the Onitsha Ibo i n Iboland of the Sokoto Hausa i n Hausaland. In a l l sections there are fables and stories prevalent about the women of other areas, t h e i r unfaithfulness etc. which help to prevent intermarriage. In the Middle B e l t c e r t a i n d i s t i n c t i o n s occur between the l a s t century slave raiders and slave ridden t r i b e s . Among the Ibos, the Osu (slaves) are not yet allowed equal s o c i a l d i g nity and r a r e l y intermarry with the other Ibos. 95 Some steps have been taken especially by youth organizations, to correct 5 t h i s l a t t e r s i t u a t i o n . Similar conditions p r e v a i l i n the minor ethnic groups. These d i f f e r  ences have not received the attention i n the press and elsewhere because they do not have as great effect on national p o l i t i c s as t h e i r counterparts i n the major t r i b e s . Yet i n the l o c a l constituencies the p o l i t i c a l parties must cater to these prejudices. Then too i n the face of the predonderance of the major tribes many minor tribes have been submerging t h e i r i n t e r n a l differences as w e l l as t h e i r differences with other minor tribes i n order to achieve recognition for the minor t r i b e s . I f these moves are success f u l and more states are created consisting of a number of small t r i b e s , i t i s to be expected that these differences w i l l re-emerge i n the p o l i t i c a l situations of the new states. The Ibos, centred mainly i n the Eastern Region have been termed " i n - 6 dividuals with a touch of anarchy i n t h e i r hearts." The individualism of the Ibo has been an asset i n his adaptation of the democratic system to his society. The lack of chiefs with the same status as i n the other regions has made i t easier for the East to adopt parliamentary government. The elective p r i n c i p l e and representation f i t t e d more naturally into the t r a d i t i o n a l Ibo v i l l a g e council system. On the other hand, Ibo i n d i v i d u a l  ism has resulted i n lack of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and d i s c i p l i n e both i n the p o l  i t i c a l parties and i n government. 5 "Ibo State Union to Note," Eastern Nigerian Guardian, Vol.XI, No. 2 0 , 1 9 1 , 18 Feb. 1950, p.3. 6 Meeker, Oden, Report on A f r i c a , London, Chatto and Windus, 1955, p.110. 96 The people of the Eastern provinces must learn i f t h e i r p o l i t i c a l progress i s to be assured; each man cannot, as many would desire, be his own representative, nor i f he i s chosen as a representative of many, can he represent his own views alone regardless of those he represents.? At the Ibadan Conference i t was noted that there was "quite often more disagreement between Eastern members than between West and East or 8 West and North. I t i s quite possible that the t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n of t i t l e s which were based on wealth rather than b i r t h as i n the other regions has helped to develop individuals by fostering ambition and creating healthy r i v a l r y w i t h i n the v i l l a g e s . This emphasis upon wealth has f i t t e d the Ibo f o r competition i n modern society and has led other tribes to look upon the 9 Ibo as unduly mercenary. "The Ibo so often described as an i n d i v i d u a l , has nevertheless a high- 10 l y developed sense of his r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s to his countrymen or townsmen." This has resulted i n the formation of various family, town, clan and t r i b a l unions among the Ibos wherever they l i v e . I t would seem that these unions ar i s e from the Ibos' basic f e e l i n g of insecurity which i n turn arises from I I his individualism. He i s extremely conscious of the lack of cohesion i n his own t r i b e when he faces tribes which appear to speak with one voice through t h e i r chief or p o l i t i c i a n s . This consciousness i s more pronounced i n the Ibos abroad and i t i s here i n areas predominantly non-Ibo where he unites to protect himself. Other tribes are conscious of the strong t i e 7 Nigeria, L e g i s l a t i v e Council Debates, 1945, p.538. 8 Nigeria, Ibadan Conference, p.54. 9 H. Kaney Offonry, "The Strength of the Ibo Clan Feeling," West  A f r i c a , N0.I787, 26 May, 1951, p.489. 10 Lord Hailey, Native Administration i n B r i t i s h A f r i c a n T e r r i t o r i e s , Part I I I , London, His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1951, p . I 9 . 11 Offonry, West A f r i c a , N0.I787 , 26 May, I95I, p.467. 97 of the Ibos and his apparent cohesion i n economic and s o c i a l matters. He appears to them as a strong u n a s s i m i l i a b l e core i n t h e i r society. Regard less of his individualism the Ibo i s the most community minded,and co operative construction of schools, clearing of land and building of roads i s more pronounced among the Ibo than among the other t r i b e s . Frequently these a c t i v i t i e s are the cause of secret and sometimes open admiration by members of other t r i b e s . The combination of economic and s o c i a l cohesion plus the charge of Ibo mercenary tendencies often antagonizes both Hausas and Yorubas i n the Northern Region. There i s l i t t l e doubt that the Ibo has been the most successful of the major tribes i n his adaptation to the modern world. One writer has said the Ibos are "the most hard working and violent and progressive t r i b e 12 i n Nigeria." "Progressive" may be given various interpretations but i t i s most often used i n Nigeria i n connection with the Ibo and his adaptation to the Western World's type of government and economics. The Ibos, l i k e the Ghanaians, have less of a " c u l t u r a l drag" to contend with, than the other tribes of Nigeria. So f a r they have acted on the precept that the Western World's system i s superior to t h e i r own t r a d i t i o n . They have aband oned t h e i r own t r a d i t i o n a l system and thrown themselves into changing t h e i r country into a r e p l i c a of a modern European or American state. As yet there i s l i t t l e discussion among the Ibo i n t e l l e c t u a l s of the fusion of European and Af r i c a n ways of l i f e or of preserving the best i n "our t r a d i t i o n . " This matter has caused almost a stalemate i n other regions i n certain aspects of p o l i t i c a l l i f e and i n others i t i s building up to a climax. Some writers have deplored t h i s attitude of the Ibos and c a l l e d t h e i r present progress a 12 Meeker, A f r i c a , p.HO 98 " s u p e r f i c i a l success at the cost of losing a l l native culture," and accused them of forgetting t h e i r own culture because they f e e l "European 13 knowledge gets them a l l the jobs." Regardless of one's fe e l i n g i n t h i s respect one cannot but be impressed with the progress of large areas of the Ibo regions of Nigeria. Much stress i s placed upon what i s c a l l e d "contact" meaning contact with the European. The coastal tribes came f i r s t i n contact with the Europeans during the time of the Portuguese but intimate contact with a European nation came f i r s t to the Yorubas i n l 8 6 l when the B r i t i s h annexed Lagos. From here B r i t i s h education, trade and culture spread to the Yor ubas. Ibo "contact" began around the turn of the century. A f t e r World War I the Ibos slowly became aware of the lead which the Yoruba people had over them i n such f i e l d s as education. Quite consciously they began then to "catch up" to the Yoruba. In 19^9 Obafemi Owolowo said: The Ibos are p a r t i c u l a r l y keen and ambitious and doing a l l they can to overtake the Yorubas.^ 15 By 1957 the Ibos had caught up and had possibly overtaken the Yorubas. This rapid r i s e of the Ibos has led to two d i s t i n c t phenomena. F i r s t , the f e e l i n g of pride i n t h e i r achievement and the prospect of future domination and second, the f e e l i n g of resentment against other tribes who have f a i l e d to recognize t h e i r new status. Stated otherwise, the Ibos have a f e e l i n g of t h e i r manifest destiny and at the same time a persecution complex. 13 Onye-Ocha, "Down with Everything Ibo,"Nigeria No.23, the Nigeria Society, Lagos, 19^6, p.98. •Ik Obafemi Awolowo, Path to Nigerian Freedom, London, Faber & Faber, 19^7, p.1*9. 15 In 1956 the Ibos became the dominant t r i b e i n the student body of Ibadan University. 99 The larger section of the Ibo t r i b a l i s t s are genuine untravelled stay-at-homes... They are steeped i n Ibo f o l k l o r e . . . They are fed by t h e i r d a i l y press on the romance of Ibo scholastic prowess. In a decade they have produced i n t e l l e c t u a l giants to match and surpass the degenerate Yorubas, with t h e i r s t a r t of over h a l f a century. They are a chosen people. Destiny has marked them out for leadership. l 6 The best statement from the Ibos on t h e i r f e e l i n g of manifest destiny i s one by the greatest l i v i n g Ibo - Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe: A Mighty Nation s h a l l resurrect i n the west of the Sudan, with the love of freedom i n i t s sinews; and i t s h a l l come to pass that the Ibo nation s h a l l emerge to suffer wrong no more, and to re-write the h i s t o r y written by Ethiopia and Songhay. I t i s the voice of destiny and we must answer t h i s c a l l for free dom i n our l i f e time. The God of A f r i c a has w i l l e d i t . I t i s the handwriting on the w a l l . I t i s our manifest destiny. In contrast to t h i s f e e l i n g of manifest destiny the Ibo t r i b e s t i l l may f e e l i n f e r i o r to the Yoruba, a f e e l i n g encouraged by the Yoruba a t t i t - 18 ude of superiority. Especially when regionalisation began, which was, directed against the Ibo, the t r i b e f e l t persecuted. The Ibo attitude of manifest destiny was not the least of the factors which made the other tr i b e s f e e l uneasy and look for a method whereby i t could be checked. The t a l k of Ibo domination i n the press and elsewhere placed the Ibos abroad i n the po s i t i o n of a persecuted race. 16 Adegbke Adelabu, A f r i c a i n E b u l l i t i o n , Ibadan, Union P r i n t i n g Press, 1952, pp. 7 2 - 3 . 17 Nnamdi Azikiwe, "Self-Determination f o r the Ibo People of Nigeria," West Af r i c a n P i l o t , Vol.XII, No.3502, 8 J u l y , 194-9, p . 2 . 18 Regionalisation began i n the constitution of 1951 when power was devolved from the central government to the newly created regional govern ments. The Yorubas and Hausas led the regionalisation movement because of the fear of the Ibos who appeared to be gradually dominating the econ omic and administrative machinery of the country. IOO We are so ostracised s o c i a l l y , that we have become extraneous i n the p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of Nigeria... I t i s needless for me to. t e l l you that today, both i n England and West A f r i c a , the expression "Ibo" has become a target of opprobium... As a nation with a glorious t r a d i t i o n and h i s t o r i c past, the Ibo nation demands from the protecting power, freedom from persecu t i o n , freedom from ostracisation, freedom from v i c t i m i s a t i o n , and freedom from discrimination.19 As has been intimated above, part of the f r u s t r a t i o n of the Ibos has 20 been the attitude of c u l t u r a l superiority of the Yorubas who at least i n t h e i r moments of l e v i t y , l i k e to ignore recent progress and refer to the 21 Ibos as "bush men, naked and savage," and even as "cannibals." The Yorubas constantly bolster t h e i r weakening po s i t i o n by pointing to t h e i r superior t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and t h e i r long record of Western educa t i o n . Their attitude has been summed up best by Adegoke Adelabu, leader of the opposition of the Western House of Assembly. The Action Group (representing the Yorubas) sees i n the Ibo t r i b e , a comparative late comer i n the race for the acquirements of the outward veneer of culture and the external paraphernalia of c i v i l  i z a t i o n , a dangerous r i v a l and a harmful competitor. Under the shallow pretext of preserving Oduduwan culture, safeguarding Yoruba superiority (which i s no more than accidental advantage) and pro tecting the Yoruba way of l i f e , i t (the Action Group) sets up a standard of r e v o l t . . . i t s r e a l aim the consolidation and preser vation of Yoruba hegemony, supremacy and paramountcy i n the West. I t sees i n everything the National phantasmagorial Ibo domination scare. The Action Group began as an anti-Ibo organization and did not attempt to conceal the f a c t . I t advocated a federal system i n order to preserve the Yoruba c u l t u r a l i n i t i a l advantage. 19 Nnamdi Azikiwe, "Self-Determination f o r the Ibo People of Nigeria," West A f r i c a n P i l o t , Vol.XII, No.3500, 6 J u l y , I9U9, p .2 . and Vol.XII, No. 3502, 0 J u l y , 19^9, P .2. 20 Olorun-Nimbe (Yoruba) re-Nnamdi Azikiwe (ibo) "Ten barbarians of his kind are not my equal c u l t u r a l l y speaking." Reported by Azikiwe i n his " P o l i t i c a l Reminiscences" Southern Nigeria Defender, Vol.V, No.12,130, 17 J u l y , 19^9, P .2. . 21 The term "cannibals" was used by a Yoruba p o l i t i c i a n i n reference to Ibos i n a speech i n I956 i n Lagos. 22 Awolowo, Path to Nigerian Freedom, p.1+9. 101 I s t i l l f e e l , that the Yoruba people are more advanced p o l i t i c a l l y and c u l t u r a l l y , than the other ethnical groups, and that owing to the anomalous system of our government, they have been held back to mark time while the other peoples make haste to develop and ca tch up.23 In the t r i b a l i s t i c disputes and controversy the Hausas generally stand apart. The Southerner looks upon the Hausa and the North i n general as backward and pr i m i t i v e . In the course of his occupation, i f a South erner i s required to go North, frequently he feels as i f he i s becoming a pioneer, and once there tends to long for the bright l i g h t s of c i v i l  i z a t i o n . The Hausa on the other hand, i s so cer t a i n of his superior c u l  ture and his own superiority as a man and as a soldier proven by pre- B r i t i s h period history that he ra r e l y feels i t necessary to assert himself. In his walk and bearing he indicates his feelings of p i t y towards the Southerner. Adelabu describes the Hausa attitude as exemplified by the Northern Peoples Party. I t i s irapregnably entrenched behind centuries of Islamic culture and Mohammedan conservative way of l i f e . I t thrives luxuriously i n the North where, unlike the South, r e l i g i o n i s not treated as one of the a c t i v i t i e s of l i f e but as the l i f e . . . I t seems i n the bumptious South, East or West, a satanic c i v i l i z a t i o n , a mob of i n f i d e l s , a gawdy crowd of Europeanized apes, a people gone fran t i c a l l y chaotic and org i a s t i c over the scramble for imported ideas, r e l i g i o n and wares... His m i l i t a r y i n s t i n c t i s aroused. But f o r the all-powerful White Man he would overrun these de generate feminine pagans and dip his Koran i n the sea.24 The Northern Region has been described as conservative, a term which appears to mean that they refuse f i r s t to accept Western imported ideas i f these ideas clash or destroy t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l system. This, the Southern ers see as a p o l i c y to exclude a l l l i b e r a l influences emanating from South- 23 Obafemi Awolowo, "An Open Letter to S i r Arthur Richards," Daily  Service, Vol.VI, No.274, I May, 1945, p.2. 24 Adelabu, e b b u l l i t i o n , p.73. 102 em Nigeria. The Southerners accused the Northerners of encouraging the 25 "closed door p o l i c y of the government as regards the North." The res pect and a f f e c t i o n which Northerners show for t h e i r chiefs i s another cha r a c t e r i s t i c which i s quite incomprehensible to the Southerner. The Southerner shows p a r t i c u l a r surprise and unbelief when these attitudes appear strongest i n the western-educated Hausas. We i n the North are rather cautious of sudden changes. We do not want to be made to follow the changes which are foreign to our desires, manners and customs when we become a federal state i n the s e l f governing Nigerian Union.^° In comparing the North with the East the Chief Commissioner of the Eastern Provinces, F.B. Carr had t h i s to say: The individualism and the craving to paddle t h e i r own canoes, which distinguishes the people of the Eastern Provinces, finds no counterpart i n the d i s c i p l i n e d and conservative North where respect and a f f e c t i o n f o r t h e i r chiefs i s a very r e a l factor. 2'' 7 Among the minor tri b e s s i m i l a r attitudes p r e v a i l towards the major trib e s and towards each other. In the proposed Calabar-Ogoja-Rivers State (C.O.R.) the Efiks f e e l superior to the Ibibios and Ogojans because of t h e i r longer "contact", and i n the Delta province the I s t e k i r i s hold a s i m i l a r attitude to the Urhobos and both are contemptuous of the Ijaws. On the national scene the minor tribes may yet prove of great assistance to Nigerian unity. I f the Yorubas w i l l not follow an Ibo and vice versa, both may i n time be persuaded to be led by a Benis, Urhobo, Ijaw or E f i k . 25 Arthur E. Prest, Nigeria, Ibadan Conference, p.73. 26 Nigeria, Honourable Sulemanu, Emir of Abuja, Ibadan Conference, p.172. 27 Nigeria, " P o l i t i c a l and Constitutional Future of Nigeria," Sessional Paper, NoA, 5 March, 19^5, p.8. 103 Most Nigerians f e e l that t r i b a l i s m i s a curse of the early nineteen f i f t i e s but th i s i s not quite true although i t probably reached i t s high est i n t e n s i t y at that time. I n t e r - t r i b a l wars l e f t a legacy and t r a d i t i o n of t r i b a l animosity. The slave trade period of nearly four hundred years l e f t behind the t r a d i t i o n of slave and slaver. The Fulani conquest creat ed an aristocracy, and peasant class divided l a r g e l y upon race. The B r i t  i s h maintained many of the differences p a r t i c u l a r l y between North and South by t h e i r separate systems of administration interrupted by the attempt to bring i n the native administration system i n the South. Their p o l i c y of developing indigenous i n s t i t u t i o n s did not foresee an ultimate unified country of Nigeria. During the eighteen eighties, when the B r i t i s h were administering Lagos and the Yoruba kingdoms were at war both among themselves and with the Fulani Emir of I l o r i n , representatives of the various tr i b e s i n Lagos were sending arms to t h e i r respective kingdoms i n the i n t e r i o r . An i n t e r  i o r chief said to a representative seeking peace, " I f you want peace here, 28 you must s t a r t i n Lagos." 29 In 1924, the slogan was raised i n Benin, "Benin for the Benis" and there are other examples of t h i s kind of t r i b a l i s m . In 1925, at the Durbar held for the Prince of Wales i t was the f i r s t time the crowned heads of Yorubaland had seen each other face to face; and i n the North the Sultan of Sokoto saw for the f i r s t time his old r i v a l the Shehu of Bornu. 28 Lagos Observer, Vol.IV, No.7, 7 May, 1885, p.2. 29 A f r i c a n Messenger, Lagos, V o l . I l l , No.150, 17 Jan., 1924, p.3. 10k One writer i n commenting-on t r i b a l i s m says.Nigerians ought to be able to understand the whiteman's colour prejudice f o r i n Nigeria the 30 more advanced tri b e s make the less progressive, the butt of r i d i c u l e . One of the excuses which the B r i t i s h used against Nigerianisation, and i t was a v a l i d one, was the reluctance of one t r i b e to accept an o f f i c e r or c i v i l servant from another t r i b e . The blackman i s his own enemy, even i n our midst today i n Nigeria, we have no other enemy but ourselves. I t i s the blackman against the blackman a l l the time. And, what 31 fools do we look i n the eyes of the few whitemen among us. I t was to be expected that t r i b a l , regional and sectional differences would be uncovered and sharpened with the devolution of power from the 32 B r i t i s h to l o c a l statesmen. In I9I+5 Azikiwe could re f e r to the imaginary 33 differences between North and South, but by 195^  he was r e f e r r i n g to a permanent breach between North and South. So long as the B r i t i s h umbrella gave both parties protection, so long they appeared to be able to l i v e together. Now, on the eve of B r i t i s h departure, certain forces are at work to create a permanent breach i n the relations of North and South.^ Obafemi Awolowo i n 19^ 5 saw more c l e a r l y into the s i t u a t i o n , and i t was on the basis of t h i s t r i b a l difference that he c a l l e d f o r a federal system. He was one of the few to praise S i r Arthur Richards on the feder a l aspects of the Constitution of 19^ 5. 30 Nigerian Daily Telegraph, Lagos, Vol.IV, N0.I36, 7 May, 1931, p.I+. 31 Nigerian Pioneer, Lagos, 23 A p r i l , 1926, p.7. 32 James S. Coleman, "The Emergence of A f r i c a n P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s " i n C.Grove Haines, ed., A f r i c a Today, Baltimore, John Hopkins Press, 1955, p.236. 33 P i l o t , Vol.VIII, No.2184, 15 Jan., 19^5, p . 2 . 3h Nnamdi Azikiwe, a speech to an N.C.N.C. R a l l y , Lagos, If D e c , 195^, "Come Let Us B u i l d One Nation," reproduced i n F. Chidozie Ogbalu, Dr. Zik  of A f r i c a , p.25. 105 The Yorubas, Hausas and Ibos have nothing i n common. The only- common factor to a l l of them i s B r i t i s h overlordship. The ven eer of Western learning and c i v i l i z a t i o n and the common i n t e r  est, i n demanding p o l i t i c a l freedom have tended to make i t appear that there i s some unity among the educated Yorubas and the ed ucated Ibos. However much the average educated Yorubas and Ibos may pretend to the contrary that they, are Nigerians f i r s t and Yorubas and. Ibos next, i n t h e i r heart of hearts they remain f i r s t and l a s t Yoruba and Ibo... By now setting us on the road to a federal state of Nigeria, you have made i t possible for each ethnical group to develop t h e i r native souls, i n f u l l r e a l i z a t i o n that i t i s i n the common interest to do so.35 At the Ibadan Constitution-Building Conference i n 1950 t h i s fear of domination centred around two issues; that of representation and that of revenue d i s t r i b u t i o n . The Northern Region, with over f i f t y per cent of the population, demanded representation on a population basis. We have begun to learn the idea of democracy from Europeans. I t s most important p r i n c i p l e we learn i s the importance of majority.. Nigeria as a whole i s now running fast towards self-government and nobody w i l l expect us to keep quiet and allow other regions to develop at the expense of the Northern Region.-^ In t h i s proposal the South could see i t s eternal domination by the North and gave a veil e d threat that i t might consider breaking the feder ati o n . In a Legi s l a t i v e Council of one hundred whatever the North desires would become law... The West and East w i l l have to accept every l e g i s l a t i v e proposal from the North... But i f the worst comes to the worst the West w i l l decide to stand on i t s own feet.37 The Southern Regions proposed equal representation for each region which would give the South double representation for i t s population. In t h i s proposal the North could see nothing but i t s enslavement. 35 Awolowo, "An Open Letter," Daily Service, Vol.VI, No.274, I May, 1945, p.2. 36 Nigeria, Ibadan Conference, p.T.67. 37 Nigeria, Ibadan Conference, p.24. 38 Nigeria, Ibadan Conference, p.46. io6 I f equal representation i s given to each region, i t seems that the South i s to dictate to the North.38 We s h a l l escape from the domination of the whiteraan only to be enslaved by the blackman.39 When the Southern parties l o s t t h e i r bid for equal representation fo r each region i n the constitution of 1951 they began to formulate a p o l i c y to divide the North by supporting the demands of the Middle Belt f o r a separate state at the London Regionalization Conference i n 1954. The Southern parties* press had b u i l t up a f i c t i t i o n a l strength to the separatist movements i n the North and blamed the e l e c t i o n system and coercion f o r t h e i r poor showing at the p o l l s . The Southern p a r t i e s ' fear of the North increased even more as separ a t i s t movements grew i n t h e i r own regions i n the South. Both Southern governing parties have stated they w i l l not see t h e i r own regions broken up unless the Northern Region i s s p l i t . On the issue of tax allotment, the North desired taxes to be disbursed with some attention to need or roughly even d i s t r i b u t i o n to each region which on a per capita basis would give the North h a l f as much as each South ern Region. Remember, you Southerners, you say you want unity with us, and we agree but, i f i t were r e a l l y f r i e n d l y unity you want, you would not object to sharing things equally with us.^I 39 Gaskiya Ta F i Kwabo, 8 Feb., 1950, quoted i n Report of the Kano  Disturbances, by the Northern Nigerian Government Secretariat, Kaduna, Government P r i n t e r , 1953, p . 4 l . ho New Era Bureau, The London Regionalization Conference Before &  A f t e r , Lagos, Techno Literary.Works, 1953, P'30« hi Nigeria, A l h a j i Abdulmaliki I g b i r r a , Ibadan Conference, p.96. 107 However, the West did not look favourably upon any scheme which i n - 1+2 v i t e d d i l u t i o n of i t s higher per capita income. The p o s i t i o n of the East had not been too c l e a r l y defined. S i x months before the Ibadan Con ference Dr. Azikiwe said that, "Any practice which encourages the disburse ment of taxes f o r the improvement of other areas, to the detriment of the ^3 Ibo nation, must be vigorously opposed." However, when i t gradually became known that the Eastern Region would benefit under a p o l i c y of d i s  bursement according to need the N.C.N.C, the governing party i n Eastern Nigeria, adopted t h i s p o l i c y . Apparently Dr. Azikiwe was not averse to spending Yoruba tax money i n the Ibo areas. Growth of Regional Par t i e s . In a l l West A f r i c a , both French and B r i t i s h areas, upon the devolution of power to l o c a l bodies, the broad loosely k n i t N a t i o n a l i s t Coalitions began to disintegrate into r e l i g i o u s , t r i b a l and socio-economic part i e s . kk Fear has played a dominant role i n t h i s development. I n Republique de Togo, the Cameroons and Dahomey the basis of the s p l i t has been the same as i n Nigeria, "namely the sharp c u l t u r a l cleavage between the more con servative Moslems of the North and the more adaptable and modernist South- 1+6 erners." 1+2 James S. Coleman, "The Emergence of A f r i c a n P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s " i n C. Grove Haines, ed., A f r i c a Today, Baltimore, John Hopkins Press, 1955, p . 2 3 7 . 1+3 Nnamdi Azikiwe, "Farewell Message at the F i r s t Assembly df the Ibo State Union," P i l o t , Vol.XII, No.3502 , 8 J u l y , 191+9, p . 2 . 1+1+ In Sierra Leone the Peoples Party formed due to fear of the h i s t o r  i c a l l y dominant Freetonians or Creoles. In Haute Volta the Union Voltaique formed because of fear of the t r a d i t i o n a l l y dominant Mossi people of East Haute Volta. 1+5 Dahomey - The P a r t i Republicain Dahoraeen represents the people of the South and The Groupement Etnnique du Nord the people of the North. 1+6 James S. Coleman, "The Emergence of A f r i c a n P o l i t i c a l Parties" i n C. Grove Haines, ed., A f r i c a Today, Baltimore, John Hopkins Press, 1955, P« 108 In Nigeria the Northern Peoples* Congress (N.P.C.) has found a com mon bond i n the Moslem r e l i g i o n , Islamic Hausa culture and the fear of the more advanced Southerners. The Action Group (A.G.) found i t s unity i n the Ibo domination scare, and the N.C.N.C. has tended more and more to cater to Ibo self-consciousness r a l l y i n g around the personality of Azikiwe. In Nigeria disintegration and fragmentation has continued with hi the "progressive awakening of ethnic and r e l i g i o u s communities." The three major parties vary i n t h e i r attitude to the B r i t i s h from extreme pr o - B r i t i s h f e e l i n g i n the N.P.C. to extreme a n t i - B r i t i s h f e e l i n g i n the N.C.N.C. In the North the B r i t i s h are praised for saving Islamic Hausa culture from disinte g r a t i o n and are clung to, as a defence against the encroaching Southerner. We were conquered by the whiteman but he did not enslave us, and now those who did not conquer us (Southerners) w i l l en slave us. ^ 8 In the West the attitude i s the same only somewhat more moderate. Chief Awolowo i s sometimes accused by his opponents of f l a t t e r i n g the Br i t i s h into granting self-government. He could make the following statement without r i s k i n g c r i t i c i s m from his party. To many of us, B r i t a i n i s a second home. Coming here (London) therefore i s not l i k e being i n the midst of strangers. Indeed we are here among people with whom we have had long and close c u l t u r a l , p o l i t i c a l and business a s s o c i a t i o n s . . . ( i t w i l l be) the pride and happiness of the people of Nigeria to continue th i s association.^9 hi James S. Coleman, "The Emergence of A f r i c a n P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s , " i n C.Grove Haines, ed., A f r i c a Today, Baltimore, John Hopkins Press, 1955, P ' 237 hB Gaskiya Ta F i Kwabo, 8 Feb., 1950, p.2. h9 Awolowo to the I956 London Conference, Daily Times, No.l4,I58, 2h May, 1957, p.3-109 Dr. Azikiwe the spokesman of the N.C.N.C. came the closest to p r a i s  ing the B r i t i s h when he returned from the London Regionalisation Confer ence i n I95k and remarked that self-government was being handed to Nigeria on a p l a t t e r of gold. However, the N.C.N.C. i s the only party which have threatened to lead Nigeria out of the Commonwealth, and the Party's gener a l attitude i s better summed up by Dr. Azikiwe's quote from Bernard Shaw: There i s nothing so bad or so good that you w i l l not f i n d Englishmen doing i t ; but you w i l l never f i n d an Englishman i n the wrong. He does everything on p r i n c i p l e . He fights you on p a t r i o t i c p r i n c i p l e s ; he robs you on business p r i n  c i p l e s ; he enslaves you on imperial principles.5 0 Ever since S i r Arthur Richards introduced the 19^5 Constitution which attempted to express the d i v e r s i t y of Nigeria i n a Unitary state, the N.C. N.C. have accused B r i t a i n of attempting to pakistanise the country as she 51 i s accused of doing i n the case of India, I s r a e l and Ireland. So l e t Nigeria be pakistanised i f that i s the wish of the B r i t i s h government and i f Northerners choose to allow themselves to be misled by such gas bags as Balewa and Makaman Bida.-* 2 The N.C.N.C. constantly fought the federal p r i n c i p l e , c a l l i n g i t pakistanisation and maintained that the B r i t i s h were supporting and even instrumental i n the creation of the N.P.C. and A.G. who supported federal ism and claiming that only Dr. Azikiwe and the N.C.N.C. "stood between 53 B r i t i s h pakistanisation of Nigeria and Nigerian unity." 50 Nigeria, Eastern Region, Constitutional Dispute, Statement made i n the Eastern House of Assembly by Dr. the Hon. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Premier of the Eastern Region, 19 A p r i l , 1955, Enugu, Gov't P r i n t e r , p.5. 51 Nnamdi Azikiwe, " B r i t i s h Pakistanisation of Nigerian T e r r i t o r y , " P i l o t , Vol.XII, No.35^0, 2k Aug., I9I+9, p.2. 52 N. Azikiwe, " B r i t i s h Pakistanisation of Nigeria," P i l o t , Vol.XII, No.350ir, I I J u l y , I9k9, p .2. 53 Adelabu, e b u l l i t i o n , p.23. THM*. yen, GOOD OLD tmn\ Gom ram t> t mi ie> vem, so r can feep PAT OM f«e^ OVRC/ISSK n o The Worth's attitude was not to deny that they were r e l y i n g on the B r i t i s h for advice but to defend that p o l i c y . This Southern newspaper ( P i l o t ) says that we i n the North have no independent judgment, have no views of our own but those put i n our mouths by Europeans... Because of that as we are Africans i f we take our advice from a European are we to be reproached? Should we take i t from an A f r i c a n even though we r. - : see i t s obvious u n r e l i a b i l i t y ? ^ While attacking B r i t i s h pakistanisation of Nigeria the N.C.N.C. along with the f e d e r a l i s t parties A.G. and N.P.C. were rushing towards a federal ism with more and more powers centred i n the regions. A former N.C.N.C. member commented s a r c a s t i c a l l y on the N.C.N.C. attitude at the London Regionalisation Conference. To s i t back and watch those who formerly c r i t i c i s e d him (Lyttleton) when he suggested a loose centre now asking him to give them an even looser centre than he probably had i n mind must have t i c k l e d him immensely... And so Awolowo can keep the West, Sardauna the North, Azikiwe the East, Ly t t l e t o n the centre.55 However, Dr. Azikiwe as early as 1 9 ^ 9 bad d e f i n i t e l y set the pattern for a federal state and i t would appear that the N.C.N.C. found i t p o l i t  i c a l l y expedient to t a l k about the unity of Nigeria while at the same time a c t u a l l y working for a federal system. We (ibo nation) should e x i s t as an i n t e r n a l l y autonomous state within the framework of a federated Commonwealth of Nigeria and the Cameroons.5° 54 " E d i t o r i a l " Gaskiya Ta F i Kwabo, 3 Oct., 1951, P , 2 . quoted i n the Report of the Kano Disturbances, p.hk. 55 New Era Bureau, The London 'Regionalisation' Conference Before &  A f t e r , Lagos, Techno L i t e r a r y Works, 1953, P«29. 56 N. Azikiwe, "Self-Determination for the Ibo People of Nigeria," P i l o t , Vol.XII, No.3501, 7 J u l y , 19^9, p.2. I l l The B r i t i s h countered the charge of pakistanisation with a number of quite d e f i n i t e statements. S i r Arthur Richards said, " B r i t a i n i s not 57 going to repeat i n Nigeria the mistakes she has committed i n India." The B r i t i s h government i n a statement to Azikiwe said, "His Majesty's 58 Government's p o l i c y was to maintain the unity of Nigeria." Again i n 1947 the Acting Governor, George Beresford Stooke said i n his New Years message: We cannot afford to dissipate our energies i n i n t e r - t r i b a l , inter-communal or i n t e r - r a c i a l quarrels and least of a l l can we afford such a mis-direction of efforts at the pres ent time.59 During 1948 i n what i s known as the "Press war" the government threatened that "should the controversy be continued i n a form l i k e l y to exacerbate i n t e r - t r i b a l f e e l i n g s , government may be compelled to seek 60 powers to exercise a measure of control over the press." And again i n 1953 after the Kano Riots Governor Macpherson said, "the measure of the blow that has been dealt to the unity of Nigeria i s s t i l l to be assessed. I t could be argued that through the period 1948 to 1954 the unity which Nigeria had, was preserved by the B r i t i s h . 57 Timothy Moka Uzo, The Pathfinder, Port Harcourt, Niger Press, 1953, P-3. 58 Loc. c i t . 59 Nigeria, Federal Information Service, Nigeria's Constitutional  Story I867-I954, Lagos, the Service, 1955, P« l 8 . 60 Nigerian C i t i z e n , V o l . 1 , No.6, 15 Oct., 1948, p.2. 61 Charles U. Uwanaka, New Nigeria, Lagos, P a c i f i c P r i n t i n g and Publishing, 1953, P . 2 5 . 112 The gap between the Worth and South widened with each passing year u n t i l i t resulted i n the Kano Disturbances i n 1953' One of the factors contributing to this widening breach was the desire of the South to move too f a s t i n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l changes. Honestly speaking, gentlemen, the Worth i s a f r a i d of making th i s rapid, and i f I may c a l l i t , a r t i f i c i a l advance at t h i s stage... We l i k e to have power, but only when we have come to the stage where we can hold that power. Another factor contributing to d i s t r u s t between Worth and South was the general Southern attack upon the Worth led by the Southern press. This attack was centred on four points, f i r s t that the W.P.G., the governing party i n the Worth, did not represent the people. The thing which surprises me most i s that a l l the newspapers which are owned by Southerners say the same thing. They contain nothing but abuse for the Worthern representatives. I f they continue to m i s c a l l the Worth because i t does not subscribe to t h e i r views,they are promoting the disunity of Wigeria. We the spokesmen of the Worth are f u l l y behind our representatives i n just the same way as the Southerners are behind t h e i r s . 3 Secondly, the Southern press accorded the Worthern Elements Progress ive Union (W.E.P.U.) an importance which i t did not possess. Thirdly,the press supported any i n d i v i d u a l or group of Worthern o r i g i n whose p o l i c y was to undermine the established administration. Fourthly, the South maintained that the Wortherners echoed the B r i t i s h voice. An e d i t o r i a l e n t i t l e d "His Masters Voice" appeared i n the West Af r i c a n P i l o t . The Sultan of Sokoto who has apparently been s i l e n t on the issue of self-government, has been credited with a statement on Mau Mau terrorism. The Sultan has every r i g h t to admonish his c o - r e l i g i o n i s t s but i t i s necessary to ask whether the fears expressed i n the release are a l l his or whether they are mixed up^-with the fears of B r i t i s h administrative o f f i c e r s as w e l l 0 4 62 Wigeria, Tafawa Balewa, Ibadan Conference, p.63 and 6 8 . 63 Gaskiya Ta F i Gwabo, I I Feb., 1950, p.2. 6k "His Masters Voice," West A f r i c a n P i l o t , 15 A p r i l , 1953 i n Worthern Wigeria, Kano Disturbances, p.5. 113 Probably the strongest statement of a Southerner was by Chief Bode Thomas who said, "We refuse to associate ourselves with Africans who have 65 not the guts to speak t h e i r mind." In 1953 when the Northern representatives to the Federal parliament refused to approve a resolution asking f o r self-government i n 1956 they were mobbed outside the buildings by hooligans heckling them with such slogans as, "His Masters Voice," "Government party thieves," "Kolanut ch i e f s , " "No minds of t h e i r own," "Slaves of whitemen," and "Stupid Hausa." A most unpleasant feature of our l a s t three days i n Lagos was the band of hooligans who were organized by unscrup ulous p o l i t i c i a n s to abuse anyone seen to be wearing Northern dress. ° I t would appear that the influence of the Southern press was behind the Lagos mobs and that Dr. Azikiwe and Chief Awolowo had also been deluded by t h e i r own press for they immediately set out on a missionary journey to the North to rouse the people against the N.P.C. They f u l l y expected to be received by cheering multitudes for t h e i r respective newspapers apparently p r i n t i n g t h e i r stories ahead of time were already headlining t h e i r triumph ant reception. "The North regarded these self-imposed missionary a c t i v i t  ies as being nothing more or less than an attempt to secure, by organising confusion i n the North, i t s domination by the South." Resentment rose f a s t i n the North as a res u l t of the i n s u l t s to North ern leaders i n Lagos and the non-stop h o s t i l e press campaign. The pro posed tour of the North was too much. 65 Charles U. Uwanaka, New Nigeria, Lagos, P a c i f i c Publishing, 1953, p.25. 66 The Sardauna of Sokoto, Northern Nigeria, Kano Disturbances, p.k. 67 Loc. c i t . Ilk Having abused us i n the South these very Southerners have de cided to come over to the North to abuse us, but we have de termined to r e t a l i a t e the treatment given us i n the South.68 Rioting broke out, directed against the Southerners l i v i n g i n the 69 Sabon Gari, when Chief Awolowo arrived at Kano. Turbulence reigned f o r three days. Fourteen Northerners and twenty-one Southerners were k i l l e d and a t o t a l of 2kl injured. The police refrained from using guns. There was serious danger of r i o t s i n other Northern centres such as Jos, Kaduna, and other towns with substantial Southern populations. In the report published by the Northern government the blame was placed i n the f i r s t instance on the lawless elements of Kano, and i n the second, on the Southern press. The blame for s t a r t i n g the disorders, therefore, c l e a r l y l i e s with the lawless elements of Kano, and no amount of provocation, short term or long term, can i n any sense, j u s t i f y t h e i r behaviour.70 The r i o t s i n Kano increased the tendencies towards pakistanisation and now for the f i r s t time the North began to discuss seriously the set t i n g up of a separate state. At the moment, a l l the people I have spoken to say, "divide the country," I explain the hardships, but they s t i l l say, "divide the country."71 We, on r e f l e c t i o n , consider that a mistake was made i n 191^ when the North and South were joined together. Now a f t e r t h i r t y - s i x years, i f i t i s decided to divide Nigeria, both the North and South w i l l suffer.7 2 68 Northern Nigeria, Kano Disturbances, P . U 6 . 69 The l i t e r a l t r a n s l a t i o n i s stranger's town. The majority of Southerners l i v i n g i n the North reside i n these towns where they are allowed municipal i n s t i t u t i o n s and where they l i v e much as they would i n Southern Nigeria. 70 Northern Nigeria, Kano Disturbances, p.38. 71 A l h a j i Ahmandu, Sardauna of Sokoto, Premier of the Northern Region, reported i n Nigerian C i t i z e n , V o l . 1 , No.77, 17 Feb., 1950, p.I. 72 " E d i t o r i a l , " Gaskiya Ta F i Kwabo, I I Feb., 1950. 115 The Northerners, always conscious of t h e i r dependence on the South for an outlet to the sea "began to t a l k recKlessly of co-operating with the French for a railway to the ocean or any scheme which would loosen the hold the South held over them by i t s possession of a l l the Nigerian ports. We do not want Nigeria to be partitioned, but i f i n a unified Nigeria we see falsehood, harm, enslavement and oppression, then l e t us i n s i s t upon separation. Look at Pakistan, although experiencing d i f f i c u l t y , she i s r e j o i c i n g i n her freedom.73 The ultimate r e s u l t of the Kano Disturbances was a new p o l i c y state ment by the N.P.C. drawn up i n May, 1953, commonly ca l l e d the North's Eight Point Plan which demanded for the North complete l e g i s l a t i v e and executive autonomy except external a f f a i r s , defence, customs and research which would be placed under a n o n - p o l i t i c a l central agency. There was to be no central l e g i s l a t u r e or executive f o r the whole of Nigeria. Railways, airways, posts and telegraphs, e l e c t r i c i t y and coal mining would be placed under public corporations. Customs revenue should be decided according to the imports region of destination. Upon the publication of the Eight Point Plan, the break between North and South was complete. At t h i s point i t might be w e l l to look at the Nigerian press. In the years between 1885 and 19^0 the press took as i t s duty that of "watch dog on the government and o f f i c i a l s . " This task i t performed moderately and w e l l . I t was scholarly and catered to an e l i t e . From 19^5 to 1951 the larger section of the Nigerian press led by the Z i k i s t group of f i v e , changed i t s sights and aimed at the mass c i r c u l a t i o n - the semi-literate. By so doing i t s standards went down i n terms of language and unfortunately 73 Gaskiya Ta F i Kwabo, I I Feb., 1950, p.2. 116 lh i n terms of veracity. The i n s u l t s to the English during t h i s period are scarcely believable. The r a c i a l antagonism engendered deteriorated race relations as the press exploited every point of discontent. Both 75 i n the general s t r i k e of I9*+5 and the Enugu Shooting i t attempted to 76 rouse the people to greater resistance. The press roused the demand for self-government, and on t h i s i t has j u s t i f i e d i t s disregard for tr u t h . The B r i t i s h would withdraw many thou sands of miles away af t e r independence and l i t t l e permanent harm would be done. From 1951 on, when the press f e l t f a i r l y c e r t a i n that the B r i t i s h were going, they turned t h e i r attacks upon t h e i r fellow Nigerians. In so doing they were creating deep r i f t s and b i t t e r memories which only years of patient labour would undo. Since a section of the Nigerian people have taken upon themselves to advocate f o r immediate self-government, and condemned and p i l  l o r i e d every sane leader who thinks otherwise, what monstrosities i n the name of patriotism have been committed, what chaos has en sued, what moral and s p i r i t u a l losses have been sustained, you yourselves are my witness.77 In the l i g h t of t h i s i t appeared almost comic-opera that Dr. Azikiwe and his newspapers should press unceasing attacks upon The Times and The Economist. The most blatant example was when Dr. Azikiwe (who was then charging the B r i t i s h with pakistanisation p o l i c i e s i n Nigeria and at the Jh Northern Nigeria, Kano Disturbances, Appendix C, pp. If7-49. 75 In I9*+9, twenty-nine s t r i k i n g miners were shot at the Iva mine near Enugu on the orders of a B r i t i s h o f f i c e r . 76 The Fitzg e r a l d Commission accused the press of turning the Enugu Shooting, an i n d u s t r i a l dispute, into a p o l i t i c a l dispute, and I might add, a r a c i a l dispute. 77 Rev. 0. Efiong, Nigeria, Ibadan Conference, p.8l. 117 same time describing the Eastern Region of Nigeria as the Ibo nation) attacked The Times for an e d i t o r i a l i n which i t warned of the dangers of pakistanisation. One writer has said, " I t i s l i k e l y . . . that the people w i l l learn that 78 sturdy disrespect f o r journalism that older states know." I t i s prob ably t h i s learning which i s turning many people to The Daily Times, a p o l i t i c a l l y independent, London controlled newspaper, so that now i t has a larger subscription than The Daily Service and The West A f r i c a n P i l o t combined. In the past, too much emphasis i n Nigeria has been placed on press freedom by the newspapers and not enough on press r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Many Nigerian leaders have been strongly impressed with the need f o r transcending t r i b a l i s m and regionalism. In 19^7 Mbonu Ojike asked every- 79 one to boycott the use of the word "tribe'.' Dr. Azikiwe has over and over again eschewed t r i b a l i s m . As the chosen leader of the representatives of a great majority of fourteen m i l l i o n inhabitants of the South, I appeal to the Premier of the Northern Region to have f a i t h that i t i s not the intention of Southerners to dominate the North or to desecrate t h e i r r e l i g  ious traditions.8 0 Both the executive leaders and executive committee of the N.C.N.C. 81 are quite representative of Southern Nigeria. The A.G. committee i s not as representative as the N.C.N.C. but for a so-called, a l l Yoruba 78 Oden Meeker, Report on A f r i c a , London, Chatto & Windus, 1955, p.112. 79 Mbonu Ojike, "Weekend Catechism," P i l o t , Vol.X, No.2920, 2 Aug., 19^7, p . 2 . 80 N. Azikiwe, "Come Let Us Bu i l d One Nation," F. Chidozie Ogbalu, Dr. Zik of A f r i c a , p.91. 81 Executive Leaders(195^),four Yorubas,one Ibo,one Istekiri,one Ghanaian,one Sierra Leonian. Executive committee ( l 9 5 6 ) ,thirteen Yorubas, ten Ibos,two Efiks,two Ibibios,four Cameroonians,one Middle Belter,one F u l a n i . 118 party, i t has a f a i r number of non-Yoruba members, although they were 82 u n t i l 1957 a l l westerners. The A.G. began as a Yoruba organisation but although i t i s not very old i t has been making conscious e f f o r t s to undo the apparent parochialism with which i t was associated at i t s i n i t i a l 83 stage. Rotimi Williams once declared i n the press, "we are only begin- 84 ning from the West," and t h i s statement has l a t e r been proven true as the A.G. has extended i t s e l f into both the Northern and Eastern Regions. Chief Awolowo was statesman enough to c a l l upon the Yorubas to emulate the Ibos 1 85 example of self-help and s e l f - s a c r i f i c e . In the North there are p o s i t i v e signs that the N.P.C. has moved away from i t s Eight Point Program and has surrendered to Southern demands for self-government i n i 9 6 0 . The Northern newspaper Gaskiya Ta F i Kwabo during the Press war began a self-imposed censorship and refused to publish or 86 write inflammatory material which would set one group against the other. A large body of opinion i n Nigeria would agree with A l v i n Ikoku,lead er of the opposition i n the Eastern House of Assembly, i n probably the f i n e s t speech on Nigerian unity. Just as I believe i t would be a poor Nigeria i f we l o s t the sense of d i s c i p l i n e and s o l i d a r i t y of the North, i t would be a poor Nigeria i f we l o s t the grandeur and respect f o r other peoples' f e e l i n g of the West and the frankness and respect 82 Executive Leaders ( l 9 5 6 ) ,nine Yorubas,one Benis,one Ibo. Execu t i v e Committee(1956),eleven Yorubas,one Benis,one Istekiri,one Ibo,one Urhobo. 83 New Era Bureau, The London "Regionalisation" Conference, Before  & A f t e r , Lagos, Techno L i t e r a r y Works, 1953, p.I3« 81* Loc. c i t . 85 Obafemi Awolowo, The Price of Progress, Ibadan, Public Relations Department, 1953, p.20. 86 Northern Nigeria, Kano Disturbances, p.39. 119 for the rights of the i n d i v i d u a l of the East, so i t would he a poor Nigeria i f we l o s t the specialised knowledge of people who are not of our colour, but who are happily of our school of thought.87 Decline of the N.C.N.C. The N.C.N.C. at the height of i t s power was able to hold together many diverse elements by vir t u e of the one bond of common aim - opposition to the B r i t i s h . When the B r i t i s h began to relinquish power under the Macpherson constitution, the N.C.N.C. had d i f f i c u l t y i n seizing that power and at the same time keeping i t s e l f free to c r i t i c i s e the government of which i t was now a part. Dr. Azikiwe l e f t the country just before the Ibadan Conference, one of the most important conferences i n Nigerian h i  story, and went on a tour of Europe and America. The Ibadan Conference lar g e l y shaped the Macpherson constitution and c r i t i c i s m of the constitu t i o n must therefore be directed at Nigerians, often N.C.N.C. supporters, and not at the B r i t i s h . By going to Europe and so remaining aloof from the proceedings Dr. Azikiwe was able to c r i t i c i s e the decisions upon his return. The d i f f i c u l t y of seizing power and c r i t i c i s i n g at the same time was one of the reasons for the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l c r i s i s i n Eastern Nigeria i n 1953, the break i n the ranks of the N.C.N.C. and the emergence of a new party. The N.C.N.C. party executive, important elements of which f a i l e d to gain e l e c t i o n , wished to break the constitution while the parliamentary wing, who were enjoying power wished to make the constitution work. For t h i s reason unity within the N.C.N.C. decreased i n proportion to the withdrawal of B r i t i s h r u l e . The party did not have a set of pr i n c i p l e s to distinguish i t as a party. Each a f f i l i a t e d organisation f e l t free to 87 A l v i n Ikoku, Nigeria, Ibadan Conference, p.56. 120 88 c r i t i c i s e i t s p o l i c y and the strength of i t s united front began to wane. In the early period, the N.C.N.C. had shown tendencies towards marx ism, socialism, racism, messianism, violence and independence outside the Commonwealth. These were only tendencies, not p o l i c i e s , but the lack of d i s c i p l i n e made i t possible for a l l kinds and conditions of small men to make speeches indicating these tendencies. Conservative opinion began to fear the party, judging i t upon many of these lesser men. The Nigerian Youth Movement (N.Y.M.) s t i l l continued i n existence, i t s strength almost n i l as the people showed l i t t l e enthusiasm for conservative opinion i n the years from 1945 to 1950. When i t became p l a i n that c o l o n i a l rule was de parting, the emphasis shif t e d from opposition to colonialism to p o l i c i e s of governing. Here conservative opinion could b i d f o r recognition. Opposition to the N.C.N.C. extremist t a c t i c s and tendencies came from the North and from the Yorubas. The N.C.N.C. following i n the North had never been large, confined mainly to the Southerners l i v i n g i n the North. However, a section of North ern opinion had looked favourably upon the p o l i c i e s of the N.C.N.C. The extremist t a c t i c s set heavy conservative opinion i n action i n the North and alienated the majority of favourable opinion away from the N.C.N.C. Nobody l i k e s changes more than we do... changes are the law of nature, but we want natural changes and not r a d i c a l ones which w i l l r e s u l t i n nothing else but f a i l u r e . 89 Many Yoruba leaders f e l t that the N.C.N.C. was going too f a s t . At the same time they f e l t the B r i t i s h were moving too slowly. 88 Dr. Azikiwe i n announcing a dramatic purge of the party used these words,"I am convinced that a drastic control of the N.C.N.C, even i n a to t a l i t a r i a n manner, has become necessary." Daily Times, 29 Oct., 1957, p.8. 89 Makaman Bida quoted i n Ogbalu, Dr. Azik of A f r i c a , p.58. 121 As f a r as I know, no r i g h t thinking Nigerian has ever seriously doubted the s i n c e r i t y of B r i t i s h protestations that the ultimate goal for c o l o n i a l dependencies i s self-government. The a l l im portant question i s : when? The B r i t i s h government moves a l l too slowly i n the d i r e c t i o n of t h i s goal, so slowly i n f a c t , that when they say they are i n motion, they make no perceptible pro gress. In the r e s u l t the c o l o n i a l peoples impatient of indef i n i t e subjugation often react v i o l e n t l y and demand to be 'rock eted* to the goal of immediate self-government, reckless of the fact that they may be blown to b i t s when the rocket crashes at the other end.90 Others f e l t that the a n t i - B r i t i s h attitude of the N.C.N.C. was caus ing the B r i t i s h to be stubborn and attributed the party's f a i l u r e to that 91 cause. S t i l l others attacked the N.C.N.C. for exceeding the mandate given to i t by the people. The l e t t e r to the Natural leaders which asked them to endorse the N.C.N.C. as t h e i r spokesman over the four obnoxious ordinances had not s p e c i f i c a l l y mentioned self-government but only mention ed "other matters relevant to the welfare and progress of Nigeria." C r i t i c s accused the party of doing what S i r Arthur Richards had done; drawing up a constitution without consulting the people. Dr. Azikiwe defended his party's action: Certainly, the demand for self-government and the drafting of a constitution by the N.C.N.C. delegates are other matters.... relevant to the welfare and progress of Nigeria.9 2 Because the object of a l l groups and parties was the same, p o l i c i e s often degenerated into personal r i v a l r i e s and petty bickerings. The loose organization of the N.C.N.C. meant that much d i r t y l i n e n was washed i n public with resultant disillusionment and loss of idealism of many people. 90 Awolowo, "An Open Letter," Daily Service, V o l . 1 , No.274, I May, 1945, p . 2 . 91 Azikiwe, " P o l i t i c a l Reminiscences(7)" Southern Nigeria Defender, Vol.V, No.12,134, 22 J u l y , 1947, p . 2 . 92 Loc. c i t . 122 As previously mentioned the po s i t i o n of the leader i n t h i s loose organization was important. The over-exalted and near d e i f i e d p o s i t i o n of Dr. Azikiwe i n the party alienated many who f e l t that he was a great man but at the same time human with human weaknesses. C r i t i c i s m of Dr. Azikiwe almost led to expulsion from the party. Both inside and outside the N.C.N.C. anybody who appeared to be a threat to Azikiwe*s sole reign was mowed down l i k e grass.93 The opposition c r i t i c i s e d the ways i n which the thirte e n thousand pounds collected by the N.C.N.C. on t h e i r tour of the country, was spent. Voices were raised asking f o r an accounting. Dr. Azikiwe subtly blamed t h i s on Herbert Macaulay who was dead, by saying that "pr o v i d e n t i a l l y the 94 'grand old man' died and I did not have to question him." In the mad scramble for wealth and power many people saw the less p a t r i o t i c side of the n a t i o n a l i s t movement and wished for a more i d e a l i s t i c approach to s e l f - government . 95 "The N.C.N.C. foundered on the rock of t r i b a l i s m . " This i s a large statement with at least some truth i n i t . A f t e r Macaulay*s death the dual leadership, Yoruba-Ibo, Macaulay-Azikiwe, disappeared. No Yoruba leader grew up under Azikiwe who could hold the Yorubas i n the party, the most b r i l l i a n t and col o u r f u l Yorubas having broken from the party. However, there were s u f f i c i e n t Yorubas i n the party i n 1957 that the N.C.N.C. had consider able Yoruba following. 93 Action Group, Forward to Freedom, Ibadan, Bureau of Information, 1954, p . 2 . 94 Azikiwe, " P o l i t i c a l Reminiscences(3) ," Southern Nigeria Defender, Vol.V, No.12,129, 16 J u l y , 1948, p.4. 95 Thomas Hodgkins, Nationalism i n Colonial A f r i c a , London, Freder i c k Muller, 1956, p.151. 123 Very early a number of professional men of Yoruba o r i g i n who held important positions i n the N.C.N.C. had been attacking i t as an Ibo organisation and complaining that Dr. Azikiwe was favouring fellow Ibos 96 with the most important posts i n the party. Olorun-Nimbe accused Dr. 97 Azikiwe of turning the Northern Tour into an Ibo a f f a i r . As the years passed the N.C.N.C. became more and more an Ibo party, largely because of the r i s e of other parties on a t r i b a l basis but also due to the over emphasis upon the Ibo i n the N.C.N.C. Dr. Azikiwe as leader of the party must share i n the f a i l u r e s as w e l l as the successes of the N.C.N.C. There i s no doubt that Dr. Azikiwe was larg e l y the f o c a l point and embodiment of the new Nigerian pride, s e l f - 98 confidence and hope which characterized Nigeria i n the immediate post war years. He was the f i r s t to "awaken the public into national awareness and 99 the desperate desire for freedom." He was one of the f i r s t to arouse r a c i a l consciousness i n the Nigerian. I believe that l i k e Nkrumah his early preaching of racialism and his p o l i c y of creating r a c i a l antagonism "was merely a technique for coalescing the nationalism of his people i n readiness 100 f o r the overthrow of colonialism." B a s i c a l l y he was not a n t i - B r i t i s h . So long as Great B r i t a i n sympathises with our p o l i t i c a l aspirations and encourages our growth towards an independent national existence as a state, so long s h a l l we seek to bind ourselves closer to the t i e s of allegiance to the Crown.101 96 Desmond Buckle, "Nigeria's Road to Independence" A f r i c a South, V o l . 1 , No.l, Oct.-Dec. T.956, p.99. 97 Azikiwe, " P o l i t i c a l Reminiscences^)" Southern Nigeria Defender, Vol.V, No.12,130, 17 J u l y , 1948, p.I. 98 W.T. Fox, Zik As I See Him, Lagos, by the w r i t e r , 1947, p.9. 99 Akande Tugbiyele, The Emergence of Nationalism and Federalism, p.23. 100 S i r Alan Burns, History of Nigeria, London, A l l e n & Unwin, 1955, p.296. 101 Azikiwe, "Address on the Occasion of the Revision of the Macpherson Constitution 1953," quoted i n Ogbalu, Dr. Zik of A f r i c a , p.47. 121+ However, he has never understood how to handle the B r i t i s h and f r e  quently has clashed with them. He has preferred to blame his own mistak es on the B r i t i s h government and t h i s has not helped to convince the B r i t i s h of his a b i l i t y to govern. There are more statements of his which are a n t i - B r i t i s h than otherwise, and i n t h i s i t would appear as i f he were catering more to the Eastern people who tend to be more c r i t i c a l of the B r i t i s h than the Western or Northern people. 102 Ibo writers have i d o l i z e d him. "God made him without blemish." An Ibo-dominated national church has conferred sainthood on him. Azikiwe's acceptance of these honours has made many non-Ibos f e e l he i s vain and car r i e d away with his own importance. This may be the explanation of Dr. Azikiwe's martyr complex. Certainly his influence has thrived on the sus p i c i o n that he i s being persecuted, that the B r i t i s h are out to r u i n him. Thus i n any d i f f i c u l t y with the B r i t i s h regardless of the rights or the wrongs of the case the suggestion has always been that i t i s another move of the B r i t i s h Government to d i s c r e d i t him. Even non-Ibos were convinced of Azikiwe's s i n c e r i t y and his personal 103 i n t e g r i t y . One C i v i l servant w r i t i n g of him says, "every man i n the provinces who was questioned confirmed without any hesitation that he and his people had complete and almost b l i n d confidence i n Zik's personal hon- esty and i n t e g r i t y . " Dr. Azikiwe more than any other Nigerian has at tempted to transcend the boundaries of t r i b a l i s m . 102 Ogbalu, Dr. Zik of A f r i c a , p.25. 103 This conviction has been shaken by the Foster-Sutton Commission investigating the a f f a i r s of the Continental Bank. Azikiwe was found g u i l  t y of using government money to prevent the bankruptcy of a bank i n which he and his family held c o n t r o l l i n g shares. IOU Fox, Zik As I See Him, p . I I . 125 He regards himself and behaves as a Nigerian knowing nothing of t r i b a l boundary.105 Herbert Macaulay was c e r t a i n he was a Nigerian f i r s t and l a s t and attempted to s t i l l the mounting c r i t i c i s m of Zik as an Ibo. Some people say he hates Yorubas. I don't believe them... He i s a Nigerian, an Ibo, a Yoruba, an Hausa, a Kroo, anything.IC-6 Besides these statements should be placed his Ibo State Union Address 107 of 19^9 from which excerpts have been quoted. This address i s probably the most straight forward and undisguised statement supporting t r i b a l i s m ever recorded i n Nigeria with i t s l u s t y references to the Ibo nation and i t s manifest destiny to recreate the empires of the past. Dr. Azikiwe's main popularity and support come through his writings. His book, Renascent A f r i c a , has been termed the Bible of A f r i c a n n a t i o n a l i s t movements. I t was i n the f i e l d of journalism, however, where the r e a l power of his pen became apparent. His readers and admirers were " t h i r s t i n g f o r reading matter of almost any kind" but especially f o r any w r i t i n g which appealed to t h e i r newly awakened p o l i t i c a l consciousness and supported t h e i r 108 "growing self-confidence and r a c i a l pride." Copies of The West A f r i c a n P i l o t between 19^7 and 19^9 were often sold and resold; some e d i t o r i a l s being committed to memory. Zik's journalism caused much indignation i n certain quarters, p a r t i c  u l a r l y i n government c i r c l e s and among the conservative'Nigerians because he was "trained i n the American school which i s regarded as shockingly 105 Ogbalu, Dr. Zik of A f r i c a , p.25. 106 Isaac B. Thomas, L i f e History of Herbert Macaulay C.E., Lagos, Ahede Eko, 19^7, p . 6 l . 107 See below p. 9 9 . 108 Fox, Zik As I See Him, p.3. 126 109 d i r e c t , offensive and crude" by B r i t i s h and B r i t i s h educated readers. The Rise of the Action Group Under the chairmanship of S i r Adeyemo Alakiya an all-Yoruba national movement known as the Egbe Omo Oduduwa (Association of the children of Oduduwa) was inaugurated i n November, 19^7. The idea of a Yoruba c u l t u r a l association had f i r s t been suggested by Obafemi Awolowo i n London a couple of years e a r l i e r . The members included S i r Adeyemo and Dr. K. Abayomi, both known for conservative p r o - B r i t i s h views, Dr. Maja, president of the Nigerian Youth Movement and for a number of years elected member for Lagos i n the House of Assembly. Awolowo was then a r e l a t i v e l y unknown personality. The new organization emphasised the differences rather than the sim- 110 i l a r i t i e s of the various tribes i n Nigeria. I t aimed to foster a s p i r i t of unity among Yorubas by discouraging i n t e r - t r i b a l prejudice and aimed at the creation of a single nationalism throughout Yorubaland. I t s second aim was to co-ordinate educational and c u l t u r a l programmes among the Yorubas which i t c a l l e d a heterogenous people. I t implied a c u l  t u r a l superiority for the Yoruba people. I t whipped up Yoruba nationalism by e x t o l l i n g the ancient glory that once belonged to the Yorubas and the superiority of Yoruba adaptation to western l i v i n g and thinking. I t s em phasis on education may have been an attempt to maintain the Yoruba lead over the Ibos i n t h i s f i e l d . The t h i r d aim of the Egbe Omo Odudwa was to preserve the monarchial form of government i n Western Nigeria by acknowledging the leadership of I I I the obas and plan for t h e i r enlightenment and democratisation. 109 Fox, Zik As I See Him, p.3- 110 The aims of the Egbe Omo Oduduwa were stated by Dr. K. Abayomi, P i l o t , Vol.XI, No.3022, 3 Dec. 19^7, p . 2 . 111 The Yoruba word for "chief." 127 I t r a p i d l y gained ground. I t attracted the obas, because of i t s monarchial tendencies especially since under the Richards Constitution, although a House of Chiefs had been created i n the North, there had been no such provision for the Yoruba West. The Egbe Omo Oduduwa was p l a i n l y determined to work towards such o f f i c i a l recognition. I should have thought that these Western potentates of ours are sagacious and worthy enough to be entrusted with the functions of a separate House of Chief The new society by i t s n o n - p o l i t i c a l nature and moderate approach 113 won over the obas as a l l i e s . They became very valuable a l l i e s when the Eghe Omo Oduduwa turned p o l i t i c a l . Besides the obas, conservative Yoruba groups, the educated, business and the professional classes found the new society congenial. U n t i l 1951, the Egbe Omo Oduduwa remained a reply to the Ibo State Union, catering f o r the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l progress of the Yoruba. I t was however, unlike the Ibo State Union i n that i t was created as a central organization which intended to set up l o c a l branches while the Ibo State Union was created to unite and direct the many l o c a l Ibo unions which had formed l o c a l l y for a great v a r i e t y of reasons. In 1951, the Egbe Omo Oduduwa formed an Action Committee, l a t e r c a l l e d the Action Group (A.G.) as i t s p o l i t i c a l wing. This committee was under the chairmanship of Obafemi Awolowo. The Action Group immediately began to establish l o c a l branches. Shortly a f t e r i t s formation the A.G. r e a l i s i n g the p o l i t i c a l disadvantage of i t s parental organisation attempted unsuccess f u l l y to dissociate i t s e l f from the Egbe Omo Oduduwa. Nevertheless Yoruba energy was chanelled i n t o the A.G. The parent organisation had ceased to e x i s t by 1956. 112 Awolowo, "An Open L e t t e r ( l r ) , " Daily Service, Vol.VI, No.276, k May, 19^5, p . 2 . . 113 Bamishe 0 . Agunbiade, The Case for the Action Group - Party of  the Masses, Ibadan, A f r i c a n Press, I951*-, p.I2. 128 The A.G. appeared as a r e v i t a l i s e d and national version of the N.Y.M. Many N.Y.M. members became A.G. supporters. The Daily Service press, the creation of the N.Y.M., became the o f f i c i a l organ of the A.G. The N.Y.M. remained a Lagos municipal party now i n a l l i a n c e with the A.G. Although the Egbe Omo Oduduwa had ceased to e x i s t , the A.G. continued to represent the sentiments of i t s parent body. I t s p o l i c y was a p o l i t i c  a l expression of the c u l t u r a l attitudes of the Egbe Omo Oduduwa, and as such directed and fed on Yoruba nationalism. I t confined i t s operation to the Western Region preaching the " s o l i d a r i t y of the parts and the unity I l l f of a l l . " Owing to t h i s p o l i c y i t f i r m l y believed i n a federal system and from i t s inception quite d e f i n i t e l y and precisely stated i t s p o l i c y on federalism, a suggested ten states organised with a view to c u l t u r a l and ethni c a l differences, regionalisation of the j u d i c i a r y and c i v i l service, and r e s i d u a l powers l y i n g i n the regions. Such a p o l i c y l a i d the foundation of a p r o v i n c i a l rights party of the future. In outlook i t r e f l e c t e d those who largely supported i t , the conserva t i v e s . I t eschewed r a d i c a l socialism, racialism, and a l l forms of violence. I t set out to b u i l d a system modelled on B r i t i s h parliamentary procedure and Canadian and A u s t r a l i a n federalism. I t s aim was to prove to the B r i t  i s h Nigerians' a b i l i t y to rule and rule w e l l , and when i t had to employ pressure i t did so by "gentlemanly means." By so doing i t won the hearty support and l o y a l t y of i t s B r i t i s h c i v i l servants who p r i v a t e l y became i t s strongest supporters. This led to the Opposition's complaint that i t was a creation of the B r i t i s h and that i t was p r i v a t e l y encouraged by the B r i t i s h government. More credence has been given to t h i s theory by the Action Group's success at conferences where, because of i t s clear-cut p o l i c y and Ilk " P o l i t i c a l Parties i n Nigeria," Nigeria Year Book 1956, Lagos, Nigerian P r i n t i n g and Publishing Co., 1956, p.I05. 129 v e i l thought out arguments, i t has been able more than any other party to express i t s w i l l i n evolving the Nigerian Constitution. While the N.C.N.C. has been busy opposing most measures, and then f i n a l l y backing down and accepting them, the A.G. has been able to follow a positive con str u c t i v e p o l i c y . The N.C.N.C. plan for Nigeria had o r i g i n a l l y been a unitary state and thus the regional pattern introduced by the Richards Constitution was b i t t e r l y attacked. The A.G. arose to support and even further t h i s system. Bitterness between the parties mounted rap i d l y . When i t was admitted that a unitary state was impossible, due to the attitude of both the North and West, the N.C.N.C. changed to favour a federal system with a strong centre. To accomplish t h i s they recommended a number of states, eight or nine i n order that no state could possibly dominate the central government. For the same reason they opposed the regionalisation of the j u d i c i a r y and 115 c i v i l service. The determining factors i n creating such states were to be l i n g u i s t i c , c u l t u r a l , geographic and f i n a n c i a l . The proposed states i n t h i s semi-federal plan were, Benin-Delta, Calabar, Ibo (Ogoja, a dual t r i b e province, to de cide where i t wished to be placed), Rivers State (East and West Ijaws), Il6 Bornu, Cameroons, Hausa State, and the Middle Belt (one or two states). As early as the Ibadan Conference 1950 which decided against l i n g u i s  t i c d i v i s i o n s , Mbonu Ojike and Eyo I t a both N.C.N.C. members submitted a minority report i n which they supported the "grouping of Nigeria along 115 N.C.N.C. Bat t l e for Unity and Freedom, Yaba, Zik Enterprise, 1954, pp.Ul -42. 116 Ogbalu, Dr. Zik of A f r i c a , p.78. 130 ethnic and l i n g u i s t i c units" which would seem to remove the "problem of boundaries, minority and p a k i s t a n i s t i c dangers now threatening the unity 117 of Nigeria." The Action Group began as a party devoted to the federal p r i n c i p l e . They maintained that federations were held together by a backbone of na t i o n a l f e e l i n g and not necessarily by a constitution with a strong central government. On the other hand too much stress on the central element had 118 caused federations to f a l l apart. The argument of the A.G. which carried the heaviest p o l i t i c a l weight was that under a unitary system the Yorubas would be held back. This they were determined was not to happen. The Yoruba c u l t u r a l lead was to be maintained. While I believe, and s t i l l believe that the Ibo people can be r e l i e d upon to run very f a s t , as i n fact they are doing already, and catch up with the Yorubas without considerable loss of time and subsequent f r u s t r a t i o n to the p o l i t i c a l aspirations of the Yorubas, I was con vinced that the Hausas under the ex i s t i n g system might be a perpet ual drag.119 The Northern Region agreed with these sentiments: The North, gentlemen, would very much l i k e to march with the rest of Nigeria, but at a reasonable speed, not at an impossible speed for the North, and i t i s with t h i s i n mind that the Northern Region has recommended a federal system of government i n t h i s country... 117 Nigeria, Ibadan Conference, p.244. 118 Nigeria, Fed. Gov't, Report on the Commission on Revenue A l l o c a   t i o n , Investigation by J.R. Hisks, Lagos, Gov't P r i n t e r , 1951, p.47. 119 Awolowo, "An Open L e t t e r ( l ) Daily Service, Vol.VI, No.274, I May, 1945, p . 2 . 131 The North does not wish, and has never had the intention of retarding the p o l i t i c a l advance of any Region.120 I t was because of the Northern support of the West for a federal sys tem that i t was guaranteed that i t would emerge, with or without the con sent of the N.C.N.C. The A.G. favoured the regionalisation of the j u d i c i a r y , c i v i l service and police because they feared that the Ibos were gradually coming to dom inate these features of the government and they saw i n the N.C.N.C. p o l i c y 121 of non-regionalisation an attempt to perpetuate t h i s Ibo dominance. The c o n f l i c t between the N.C.N.C. and A.G. over a strong versus a loose federation focused on the question of where the residual powers should l i e ; the N.C.N.C. favouring r e s i d u a l powers at the centre, the A.G. i n the regions. The A.G. marked a new departure i n p o l i t i c a l organisation. I t main tained an e f f i c i e n t party machine, l o c a l branches leading up to the na t i o n a l executive, r u l e s , dues, f u l l time organisers and a technique of gaining and maintaining popular support. I t was an example of a clo s e l y k n i t , w e l l d i s c i p l i n e d party modelled on B r i t i s h parties i n contrast to the loose, amorphous N.C.N.C. The future l i e s with t h i s new model organ- 122 i s a t i o n rather than the N.C.N.C. older congress type. The A.G. con centrated i t s action i n the west. I t " b i t o f f just enough chunk of p o l i t - 120 Ogbalu, Dr. Zik of A f r i c a , pp. 8 8 - 9 . 121 Ibos constitute over s i x t y per cent of the Nigerian police force. 122 F. Gros Clark, Henry C o l l i n s , Thomas Hodgkins, Amanke Okafor, The New West A f r i c a , London, A l l e n & Unwin, 1953, p.66. 132 i c a l sphere as i t could conveniently chew and digest," while the N.C.N.C. 123 was handicapped by i t s i n i t i a l attempt at country-wide ramifications. The p o s i t i o n of the leader i n the A.G. showed a marked change from the N.C.N.C. Chief Obafemi Awolowo had been the chief architect and guid ing l i g h t of the A.G. His doctrine of federalism as set down i n his book, Path to Nigerian Freedom, and his Open Letter to S i r Arthur Richards, l a i d down the principles which the A.G. consistently followed. Awolowo has been extremely important to the party but he does not hold the near-sacred po s i t i o n of Dr. Azikiwe. Awolowo i s not considered irreplacable, and the party need not necessarily break up when his services are no longer needed. The N.C.N.C. can hardly expect to avoid a disastrous leadership struggle following the demise of Azikiwe. Obafemi Awolowo was born of Ijebu-Ode Yoruba parents i n 1909. He was educated mainly i n Anglican and Methodist schools. He was the f i r s t Nigerian to complete the Bachelor of Commerce degree externally from London Univer s i t y . He was call e d to the bar from. Inner Temple, London. He was the f i r s t general secretary of the Egbe Omo Oduduwa i n 19^8. He stood and was elected to represent Ijebu-Remo d i v i s i o n i n the f i r s t general e l e c t i o n i n 1951• Formerly Awolowo had been active i n union work and was a co-founder of the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria. He has had a number of honourary t r a d i t i o n a l Nigerian t i t l e s conferred on him by Ijeun, Ikenne, Ijebu-Remo, Oshogbo, Ado-Ekiti and I l e - I f e . Chief Awolowo has never been able to woo the Ibadan Yorubas because of his Ijebu-Ode background. The Ibadans are s t i l l influenced by t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l d i s l i k e and suspicion of the people of Ijebu-Ode. 123 New Era Bureau, London "Regionalisation" Conference, p.12. 133 The most serious charge made against the A.G. i s that i t "began on a wave of t r i b a l i s t i c sentiment, and although i t l a t e r modified i t s policy- i t had the effect of inte n s i f y i n g t r i b a l i s t i c feelings i n other t r i b e s . There i s no question that the Action Group was the f i r s t to openly pro claim the doctrine of t r i b a l i s m . This doctrine was presented to the people i n the form of arousing fear of Ibo domination. The N.C.N.C. was charged as being an Ibo organisation. The creeping Ibo menace i n the p o l i c e , the professions and business was pointed out with t e l l i n g e f f e c t . This attack upon the Ibos and the N.C.N.C. was vigorously countered by Dr. Azikiwe. Henceforth, the cry must be one of b a t t l e against the Egbe Omo Oduduwa, i t s leaders at home and abroad, up h i l l and down dale i n the streets of Nigeria and i n the residences of i t s advocates . . . i t i s the enemy of Nigeria; i t must be crushed to the earth ...there i s no going back, u n t i l the Fascist organisation of S i r Adeyemo has been dismembered. Because i t was the same party which originated i n a wave of t r i b a l i s m and at the same time advocated a federal system, the two ideas became a l  most i d e n t i c a l i n the minds of the people. Many people f e l t that the Action Group was aiming at the secession of the Western Region from the Federation. The t h i r d charge against the Action Group was that i t was p r o - B r i t i s h . Sometimes i t has been hinted that the B r i t i s h even assisted i n i t s form- 125 a t i o n . These charges were based on a number of circumstances. The s p l i t  t i n g of the sub-continent of India into two nations had c e r t a i n l y a mark- I2U Tugbiyele, The Emergence of Nationalism and Federalism, p.29. 125 " I t i s at least widely believed that, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the more p o l i t i c a l l y backward regions... parties representing the standpoint of the conservative n o b i l i t y . . . have received o f f i c i a l encouragement." Hodgkins, Nationalism i n Colonial A f r i c a , p . 157 . 134 ed effect on certain Nigerian leaders who blamed Great B r i t a i n for attempting to extend imperial rule by t h i s technique. When the Action Group arose as a t r i b a l i s t i c party pursuing objects l i k e l y to lead to the p a r t i t i o n of the country, i t s connection with the B r i t i s h was plaus i b l e . Added weight was supplied by the fact that the A.G. tended to be more conservative and less revolutionary than the N.C.N.C. This was attributed to B r i t i s h support. Furthermore, the top ranking men of the A.G., Awolowo, Rotimi Williams, Doherty, 0. Balogun and R o s i j i , were educated i n the United Kingdom while those of the N.C.N.C, Azikiwe, Mbadiwe, Ojike and Ita were educated i n the United States. I t was thought that the A.G. organisation with i t s s t r i c t d i s c i p l i n e was modelled upon that of B r i t i s h parties while the N.C.N.C with i t s factions and looser organisation more nearly resembled that of American p a r t i e s . The N.C.N.C had always lean ed towards the United States while the A.G. did not apparently f i n d i t s support from that quarter, even though as a f e d e r a l i s t party i t might have done so. Not only the leadership of the A.G. was B r i t i s h educated but many of the rank and f i l e were w e l l known l o y a l i s t s . Awolowo's tact i n dealing with the B r i t i s h also lent credence to the idea that he was i n some sense beholden to the B r i t i s h . Today we hear less of attacks on ' B r i t i s h imperialism' than we do of i n t e l l i g e n t discussion of the various aspects of our economic problems.126 A number of rather minor incidences, i n s i g n i f i c a n t i n themselves but rather imposing taken i n t o t a l , made the Ibos f e e l that the B r i t i s h pre- 126 Obafemi Awolowo, Address to Lagos Chamber of Commerce, Ibadan, Gov't P r i n t e r , 1955, 135 i ference f o r the A.G. was showing i t s e l f by B r i t i s h attempts to d i s c r e d i t Dr. Azikiwe and the N.C.N.C. before the Nigerian public and the world. Rise of the Northern Peoples* Congress The A.G. found a powerful and important a l l y i n the cause of feder alism i n the Northern Peoples Congress (N.P.C.). Like the A.G., the N.P.C. developed out of a c u l t u r a l organisation. In J u l y 1949 the Jami'yyar Mutanen Arewa held i t s organisational meeting i n Kaduna, c a p i t a l of Northern Nigeria. Delegates represented most of the Northern c i t i e s and a few of the large southern c i t i e s . The delegates from the South represented the Hausa communities i n Lagos, Onitsha and Abeokuta. Thus i n the beginnings the N.P.C. had as much nation wide representation as either of the southern parties who were represented i n the North by Southerners. Immediately from i t s inception the Jam'yyar Mutanen Arewa had p o l i t i c  a l overtones. In i t s statement of aims, besides i t s c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s i t proposed c e r t a i n "suggestions." The inaugural meeting suggested that there should be no separate House of Chiefs but that the Chiefs should s i t i n the l e g i s l a t i v e assembly as nominated members. Mallam Ibrahim of 127 Bomu even strongly opposed the idea of Chiefs having seats at a l l as 128 they were regarded as government o f f i c i a l s . The lack of unanimity on t h i s question of chiefs before the application of southern pressure on the North, and before the North s o l i d i f i e d against t h i s pressure, i s i n  ter e s t i n g . This i s not to indicate that the North was a n t i - c h i e f s , f o r 127 Later president of Bomu Youth Movement and f i r s t Opposition leader i n the Northern House of Assembly. 128 Nigerian C i t i z e n , V o l . 1 , No.43, I J u l y , 1949, p . I I . 136 the resolution for t h e i r inclusion i n the Assembly was overwhelmingly 129 supported. I t was further suggested that the common people should choose representatives for v i l l a g e , d i s t r i c t , p r o v i n c i a l and regional councils. In 1950, vice-presidents were elected for each region i n the federation and a l o c a l branch was formed i n the United Kingdom. 130 On October I , 1951, h a l f way through the e l e c t i o n the Jami'yyar Mutanen Arewa declared i t s e l f a p o l i t i c a l party. The president Dr. R. B. Dikko resigned as he was a c i v i l servant and A l h a j i Ahmandu, Sardauna of Sokoto and Abubakar Tafawa Balewa joined. I t was announced that the Con gress had s i x t y - f i v e branches and over six-thousand members. In i t s manifesto the N.P.C. stated i t s federalism but did not elabor ate or overstress i t . The manifesto c a l l e d for regional autonomy within a united Nigeria and ended with what was l a t e r to almost become i t s slogan, 131 "one North, one people, irrespective of r e l i g i o n t r i b e or rank." 7 J n t h i s p o l i c y was the germ of a new approach. While the N.C.N.C. had attempted a wide organization covering a l l regions and the Cameroons, the A.G. had concentrated upon one t r i b e , the Yorubas, the N.P.C. strove for the unity of one region, a region extremely diverse i n i t s r e l i g i o n s , races, t r i b e s , customs and standard of l i v i n g . Upon examination of the manifesto one gets the f e e l i n g that the feder a l aspect was not paramount. Other aims appear to occupy more space and consideration. The manifesto c a l l e d for l o c a l government reform within a progressive emirate system and the elimination of bribery and corruption, 129 Telegrams of best wishes were sent to the inaugural meeting of the Jam'yyar by the Sultan of Sokoto, Emir of Kano and members were en tertained by the Emir of Zaria. 130 The e l e c t i o n lasted from the end of July to the f i r s t week i n December. 131 Nigerian C i t i z e n , V o l . I l l , N 0 . 1 6 2 , k Oct. 1951, p.I. 137 " i n every sphere of l i f e . " I t also c a l l e d for a drive f o r education hut an education "retaining and increasing the c u l t u r a l influence" of the Worth. The emphasis regarding the Emirs had "been on a "progressive Emirate system." The present system of appointment of Emirs was to be retained but with the s t i p u l a t i o n that there be wide representation on the e l e c t o r a l com mittee. Most sweeping democratic move of a l l was that the "voice of the people was to be heard i n a l l the councils of the Worth." The Manifesto rang with the same feelings and under-currents as s i m i l a r p o l i c y statements i n the South; progress, education with an A f r i c a n flavour, people's representatives and l o c a l government reform. Only i n one p a r t i c  ular did i t show a conservatism unlike the Southern part i e s . The Manifesto asked for "eventual self-government for Wigeria within the B r i t i s h Common wealth." On the word "eventual" i t separated from i t s southern contempor a r i e s , and i t was on t h i s point that the southern parties pressed the attack which led to the Kano Riots of 1953, and the change of emphasis of the W.P. C. from progress and democracy to s o l i d a r i t y under the slogan, "One Worth, One People." The W.P.C. rose to power, formed i t s p o l i c i e s and has maintained i t s e l f 132 i n power under the guidance of A l h a j i Amadu, Sardauna of Sokoto, and Abuba- kar Tafawa Balewa. The Sardauna i s of a r i s t o c r a t i c b i r t h and prestige, while Tafawa Balewa i s a commoner, clear thinking and f o r c e f u l . The Sardauna and Balewa constituted a leadership team r e f l e c t i n g the present po s i t i o n of the Worth, the old and the new welded together, the one guaranteeing that the Emirs and aristocracy s h a l l f i n d t h e i r place i n the new order and the other guaranteeing that the new educated element and i d e a l i s t i c youth s h a l l have i t s views expressed and acted upon. 132 Sardauna i s the Fulani word for prime minister or chief advisor to the Sultan. 138 A l h a j i Ahmadu, Sardauna of Sokoto C.B.E. was born i n 1909 i n Sokoto province. He i s the great grandson of Shehu Othman Dan Fodio, the s p i r i t  ual leader of the Fulani Jihad of 1800, a national hero to Northern Moslems and one of the outstanding men of Nigerian history. The Sardauna i s the f i r s t cousin of the present Sultan of Sokoto, paramount s p i r i t u a l leader of Nigerian Moslems. The Sardauna inher i t s the r a c i a l prestige of the So- 1 3 3 koto Fulani and the re l i g i o u s prestige of his very august ancestor. The Sardauna was educated at Sokoto p r o v i n c i a l school and Katsina Training Col lege. From 1931 to 193^ he taught English and Mathematics at Sokoto Middle School. In 1934 he was appointed D i s t r i c t Chief of Rabah, a po s i t i o n he held u n t i l 1938 when he became Sardauna of Sokoto and a member of the Native Authority Council. In 19^9 he f i r s t sat as a member of the Northern House of Assembly. In the same year he was appointed a member of the Nigeria Coal Board and Northern Region Development Board. In 1952 he was re-elected to the House of Representatives i n the Central government. The same year he became Northern Region Minister of Works and the following year took over the p o r t f o l i o for Local Government and Community Development. A f t e r the 1954 election, when premierships were provided for by the constitution, the Sardauna became the f i r s t premier of the North and formed the f i r s t Nigerian cabinet i n Northern Nigeria. He has held t h i s p o s i t i o n ever since. He has given sound, stable leadership, balancing d e l i c a t e l y the Emirs demand f o r more personal power against the pressure from those who wish a more thorough application of the elec t i v e p r i n c i p l e . While his peers i n the Southern Re gions are often referred to as clever p o l i t i c i a n s , the Sardauna i s never 133 The Sokoto Fulani i s of the highest s o c i a l rank i n Northern Nigeria. The Fulani are the aristocracy of the North. Sokoto i s the s p i r i t u a l c a p i t a l of Nigerian Moslems. 139 so-called, some southerners even conceding that he has been one of the few Nigerian statesmen of the past f i f t e e n years. Abubakar Tafawa Balewa O.B.E., C.B.E., was born i n 1912 i n Bauchi prov- 134 ince. He was educated i n Tafawa Balewa r u r a l school, Banebi P r o v i n c i a l school, and, l i k e the Sardauna, i n Katsina Training College. He furthered his t r a i n i n g i n London University I n s t i t u t e of Education. Balewa rose from an ordinary teacher to an education o f f i c e r , and was president of the North ern Teachers' Association before he l e f t the teaching profession. Again l i k e the Sardauna, he sat i n the House of Assembly created by the Richards Constitution and went to the House of Representatives under the Macpherson Constitution. He served on a number of committees and boards; the Finance Committee, both regional and federal, the Northern Region Production Board, Board of Control, Gaskiya Corporation and the drafting committee under the Richards Constitution. He has been prominent i n the conferences; Kaduna, Ibadan, London and Lagos which evolved the Nigerian Constitution. The s i l  ver tongue of Balewa became famous as the voice of the North, generally moderate, occasionally f o r c e f u l but always persuasive. His lack of educa t i o n a l q u a l i f i c a t i o n s so greatly prized i n Southern Nigeria has not prevent ed him from earning the grudging respect of Southern Nigerians. Although the chief spokesman of the North's p o l i c y , and a highly unpopular p o l i c y i t has been outside of the North, Balewa has managed to escape the b i t t e r per sonal attacks directed towards other men of his prominence. In 1957 he be came the f i r s t Nigerian Prime Minister by forming a National cabinet sup- 135 ported by the three main p o l i t i c a l parties of Nigeria. I3k Hausa l a s t names are almost invariably taken from the name of t h e i r native v i l l a g e or town. Aminu Kano, leader of NEPU, a native of Kano c i t y i s another example. 135 Thus was f u l f i l l e d , f i g u r a t i v e l y at l e a s t , Balewa's prophetic statement of 1953 that i f the B r i t i s h l e f t Nigeria "the North would continue i t s interrupted march to the sea." iko .The E l e c t i o n of 1951 The e l e c t i o n year 1951 was an extremely important year. I t was the f i r s t i n which Nigerians, excepting the few thousand i n Lagos and Calabar, had ever voted. In 1951, representatives were to be chosen by the whole adult population (with the exception of women i n the Northern Region). The most s i g n i f i c a n t development a r i s i n g as a r e s u l t of t h i s enfran chisement was the formation of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . Both the A.G. and N.P. C. were organized i n I95I. The N.C.N.C, formerly a Congress of organ i s a t i o n s , took the f i r s t step at i t s Kano Convention i n converting i t s e l f into a p o l i t i c a l party by opening i t s membership to private in d i v i d u a l s . Beside the big three p o l i t i c a l parties at the 1951 e l e c t i o n there was one other party operating i n the North, the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU). The NEPU was led by Aminu Kano, a Fulani of a r i s t o c r a t i c background, and one of the foundation members of the Jam'yyar Mutanen Are- wa. I t was a l i b e r a l party with rather r a d i c a l and messianic tendencies. The NEPU won twelve of the twenty-six places i n the Kano c i t y primaries, elected four to the intermediate Kano College, but f a i l e d to seat any can didates i n the f i n a l . The NEPU i n i t i a l success backed as i t was by South erners i n Kano and surrounded by rather irresponsible followers who made r a d i c a l statements regarding what NEPU would do to the Emirs and Islam, frightened the conservative and a r i s t o c r a t i c elements. A high powered rather disgraceful propaganda campaign was launched against i t which succeeded i n destroying i t s ele c t i o n chances i n Kano province. The NEPU platform c a l l  ed f o r a root and branch democracy i n the North. I t commonly received the sympathy of observers from the United Kingdom. I t f a i l e d to r e a l i z e i n 1951, that the carrying out of such a programme was impossible without Ikl bloodshed. I t has greatly modified i t s aims since, but i t s connection 136 with the Southerners has discredited the party i n Northern eyes, par t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the Kano Riots. To i t s c r e d i t , i t has maintained a highly unpopular po l i c y ; the equal treatment of Southerners l i v i n g i n the North. I t was however, unable to form even the o f f i c i a l opposition i n the Northern House of Assembly af t e r the 1951 e l e c t i o n . By completion of the e l e c t i o n i n December 1951, the parties stood more or less as follows: the N.C.N.C. major party i n the South, p r a c t i c  a l l y unopposed i n the East, the A.G. strongly opposed i n the West by the N.C.N.C, the N.P.C opposed i n the North by very small p a r t i e s , the NEPU and Bomu Youth Movement. Along with the introduction or refinement of i n s t i t u t i o n s and pro cedures, such as the e l e c t o r a l system, which made i t t e c h n i c a l l y possible f o r parties to seek power c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y and so promote t h e i r growth, was another factor important i n p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s ' development; the devol ution by the imperial government of a s u f f i c i e n t l y meaningful and a t t r a c t  ive measure of power to induce or provoke n a t i o n a l i s t leaders to convert 137 t h e i r movements into p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . Although parties were formed and organized, t h e i r organization was as yet weak. They lacked propaganda avenues to reach those beyond the i n f l u  ence of the press. Many l o c a l i t i e s had no committees to conduct l o c a l cam paigns. Strong leaders had not yet emerged except i n the N.C.N.C Often platforms were not c l e a r l y defined or understood. Party l o y a l t i e s and 136 The NEPU i s i n formal a l l i a n c e with the N.C.N.C 137 James S. Coleman, "The Emergence of A f r i c a n P o l i t i c a l P arties" i n CGrove Haines, ed., A f r i c a To-day, Baltimore, John Hopkins Press, 1955, PP.234-5. Ik2 accompanying d i s c i p l i n e were weak. Because of t h i s , i n a l l three regions the majority of members elected were independents who declared for a party a f t e r t h e i r e l e c t i o n . The results were an overwhelming majority for the a N.P.C. i n the North and the N.C.N.C. i n the East. I t was the West which most c l e a r l y indicated t h i s f l u i d i t y of the party system, due to lack of l o y a l t y and d i s c i p l i n e . In the West both the N.C.N.C. and A.G. for days a f t e r the p o l l s closed claimed a majority. The majority of elected mem bers used Dr. Azikiwe's prestige to good advantage i n t h e i r campaigning which gave the impression they were N.C.N.C. supporters. Had they main tained t h i s attitude the N.C.N.C. would c e r t a i n l y have formed the government at Ibadan. Many of these elected members after t h e i r e l e c t i o n declared f o r the A.G. and others i n the f i r s t session of the new parliament dramatically crossed the f l o o r from the N.C.N.C. to the A.G. In 1952, when the s i t u a t i o n had c l a r i f i e d , the Sardauna of Sokoto, Chief Awolowo and Eyo I t a became leaders of government business, embryonic premiers, i n t h e i r respective regions. Dr. Azikiwe had stood i n a Lagos constituency and was elected to the Western Region Assembly. Had the N.C. N.C. won the election presumably Dr. Azikiwe would have become the leader of government business i n the Western Region. The Regional Houses formed e l e c t o r a l colleges f o r the federal parliam ent, the House of Representatives. Dr. Azikiwe could s t i l l be elected to that body and press towards the pos i t i o n of Prime Minister of the Feder atio n . Dr. Azikiwe f a i l e d to win elec t i o n to the House of Representatives. Five members were elected from Lagos to the Western House of Assembly, two of whom would be elected by that body to represent Lagos i n the federal Ih3 government. Because a l l f i v e seats had been won by the N.C.N.C. i t would appear almost certain that Dr. Azikiwe would go to the centre. Again, due to the lack of party d i s c i p l i n e and to the fact that Dr. Azikiwe*s leader ship was not f u l l y accepted, three N.C.N.C. members, Dr. Azikiwe, Dr. Olor- un-Nimbe and Prince Adedoyin a l l stood for el e c t i o n to the centre. The A. G. who held a majority of seats i n the Assembly were determined that Dr. Azikiwe should not get to the centre and so voted fo r Olorun-Nimbe and Ad edoyin, which l e f t Azikiwe as u n o f f i c i a l opposition leader i n the West. Azikiwe*s f a i l u r e to get to the centre was only the beginning of a series of crises which wrecked the Macpherson Constitution and brought i t s downfall w i t h i n two years. Towards the end of 1952 the A.G. i n the West were having d i f f i c u l t y with the Governor, who they accused of putting obstacles i n the path of the Western government administration by delaying approval of a Local Gov ernment B i l l . The party at i t s Benin Conference i n December decided that " a l l members of the party s h a l l henceforth adopt an attitude of non-frat ernization with S i r John Macpherson u n t i l such time as there i s clear evid- 138 ence to the s a t i s f a c t i o n of the party of his change of attitude." The non- fr a t e r n i z a t i o n p o l i c y was a gentleman's way of handling B r i t i s h reluctance to pass over control, and while i t caused a short, abrupt c r i s i s i t passed when the Governor gave his approval to the Local Government B i l l and the A.G. c a l l e d o f f the s o c i a l boycott. A c r i s i s of much greater magnitude was precipitated i n the Eastern Region. This episode was known as the " s i t - t i g h t c r i s e s . " I t resulted from 138 "The London Conference, D a i l y Times, Nigeria Year Book 1954, Lagos, Nigerian P r i n t i n g and Publishing Co., 1954, p.6"7 a combination of three or four factors. F i r s t , the Macpherson Constitution precipitated the r i s e of p o l i t i c a l parties but i t did not provide for them. Whether Nigerians and Britons should have foreseen t h i s development i s a question outside t h i s essay. The fact was that the constitution was out moded by the time the Regional Houses of Assembly f i r s t were c a l l e d . As a re s u l t of each region giving a majority to diff e r e n t p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , the Council of Ministers (Federal Cabinet) consisted of an equal number of A.G., N.C.N.C. and N.P.C. ministers. Customary Cabinet government was impossible. As the Constitution worked out, t h i s Council was responsible not to the fed e r a l House of Representatives but to the Regional Assemblies who had elected the members of the House of Representatives. Thus the House of Represent atives was responsible to the Regions, and any case of government change i n the Regions would cause a section of the federal house to be unrepresentative of i t s region. A change of government i n a regional house would be bound to have paralyzing repercussions i n the centre, and no provision had been made for separate regional elections. The second factor i n the crises was the decision of the N.C.N.C. at i t s Jos Convention to give no further t r i a l to the Macpherson Constitution. The previously mentioned f l u i d i t y of the party s i t u a t i o n had a most peculiar re s u l t on the N.C.N.C. The Eastern Region i n the 1951 e l e c t i o n had returned a large N.C.N.C. majority. There was no r e a l opposition, c e r t a i n l y not party opposition. Elections i n many constituencies had consisted of a f i g h t between a number of N.C.N.C. candidates. The most disquieting r e s u l t as far as the N.C.N.C. executive was concerned was that a number of prominent persons from the executive, the old vanguard which had worked for years f i g h t i n g imperial ism, were rejected by the electorate and found themselves outside the Houses 145 of Assembly. E n t i r e l y new men, p r a c t i c a l unknowns, were coming to the top and now holding cabinet positions i n the East under Eyo I t a , while the old vanguard looked on from the cold outside. Mbonu Ojike, national vice- president and Kola Balogun, national secretary of the N.C.N.C. had both suffered defeat. Coupled with t h i s was the ignominious f a i l u r e of Dr. Azik iwe to either head the Western government or go to the centre. He was forc ed to assume almost the role of a private member i n the Western House. The Jos Convention of the party, led by the old vanguard, decided to r e c t i f y t h i s condition by breaking the Constitution i n order to hold another elec t i o n i n the East. Differences of opinion fostered largely by the party executive develop ed between the Central Ministers and Eastern Ministers led by Eyo I t a and the old vanguard who were able to swing the majority of the parliamentary members to t h e i r point of view. The Cabinet Ministers., both regional and c e n t r a l , wished to make the constitution work, to give i t a f a i r t r i a l , while the old vanguard wished to destroy i t i n order to place themselves i n power which they f e l t they could do i f Dr. Azikiwe resigned his seat i n the West and led the party i n an Eastern e l e c t i o n . The three central ministers were expelled at the Jos Convention, "for l i f e and ignominy" f o r not toeing the party l i n e . These ministers Messrs Nwapa, Arikpo and Njoku hoped for support from the federal parliamentary wing of the party and also f e l t they could count on the majority support of the Eastern parliamentary wing who had o r i g  i n a l l y elected them. This support they f a i l e d to get. The Eastern parliament went into opposition and Eyo Ita's executive council was unable to pass any l e g i s l a t i o n including the budget. The Eastern Governor then complicated the already incredibly muddled s i t u a t i o n by advising the Eastern ministers to s i t - t i g h t even af t e r a non-146 confidence vote had been carried against them, s i x t y to thir t e e n , on the perf e c t l y l e g a l but highly impractical grounds that i t was impossible for one regional House to be dissolved independently of the other regional leg i s l a t u r e s . An emendment was f i n a l l y adopted which allowed a regional elec t i o n . The crises had two outstanding effects besides the amendment of the constitution. One was the exodus of the "brains" from the N.C.N.C. led by Eyo I t a , the Cabinet Ministers and some of those who had supported them. Eyo I t a then organised the National Independence Party as a r i v a l party to the N.C.N.C. Another ef f e c t was the outburst of a n t i - B r i t i s h f e e l i n g which swept Iboland as the N.C.N.C. blamed the entire disruption of the government on the Governor i n order to cover the d i v i s i o n within the party. While the N.C.N.C. was proceeding to upset the Constitution, working from the region, the A.G. decided to accomplish the same purpose but from the centre. We therefore fi x e d 195^ as the year of Nigerian independence, and we staged the March Constitutional c r i s i s which broke the Macpher son Constitution.1 3 9 The N.P.C. alone of the three major p o l i t i c a l parties would never iko j o i n i n breaking the Constitution without giving i t a f a i r t r i a l . The 1953 March Constitutional C r i s i s , "staged" by the A.G., was both clever and t r a g i c . Clever, i n that the r e a l aims of the parties concerned could be camouflaged, while the B r i t i s h could be made to appear as i f standing i n the way of self-government; tragic i n that i t alienated the North, sent them into i s o l a t i o n and drove them to the B r i t i s h f o r advice and protection. 139 Agunbiade, The Case for the Action Group, p.12. 140 Daily Times, Nigerian Year Book 1954, p.7. J.l+7 In March 1953, Anthony Enahoro, assistant secretary of the A.G. and member of the House of Representatives gave notice of a motion asking that self-government i n I95& °e set as an objective f o r the people and govern ment of Nigeria. In private discussions between the Ministers of the Coun c i l , the N.P.C. held to the p o l i c y that i t was not yet ready to set a date for independence. The A.G. eager to hold the lead over the N.C.N.C. as the most v e r i l e and active n a t i o n a l i s t party, which Enahoro's motion had given them, were determined to press the issue. By a majority vote i n the Council, the o f f i c i a l members voting with the N.P.C, i t was decided that the Minis ters would not debate the motion when i t came before the House. On the morning on which Enahoro's motion was to be debated, the four A.G. Ministers resigned; the Oni of Ife(Minister without p o r t f o l i o ) , Chief Arthur Prest(Minister of Communication), Chief Bode Thomas(Minister of Transport) and S.L. Akintola(Minister of Labour). In t h e i r resignation they said that the Governor was t r y i n g to run the Council of Ministers by black mail and depending on the Northern majority i n the House of Representatives Ikl and o f f i c i a l votes i n the Council of Ministers to silence the n a t i o n a l i s t s . The Governor r e t a l i a t e d i n a radio broadcast when he accused the A.G. of breaking cabinet secrecy. The previously signed A l l i a n c e between the A.G. and the N.P.C. based on a common desire for federalism was now a scrap of paper due to these p a r t i e s ' differences over the time factor i n r e l a t i o n to self-government. IU2 The A.G. who were "not appointed as Imperial Ministers" had now seized the lead, and an unsigned a l l i a n c e , sealed by the embrace of Awolowo and Ikl Daily Times, Nigerian Year Book 1954, p.8. lU2 Uwanaka, New Nigeria, p.25. IU8 Azikiwe on the steps of the House of Representatives while the crowd cheer ed, was concluded with t h e i r b i t t e r e s t enemies, the H.C.N.C. Although the a l l i a n c e was short l i v e d , the Horth saw i n that embrace of two Southern p o l i t i c i a n s the future lines of d i v i s i o n i n important Nigerian p o l i c y . The North was i s o l a t e d . The spectre of Southern domination, hitherto a theory was now a r e a l i t y . Large crowds gathered outside the Lagos House of Representatives, crowds organized by the Southern parties to vent t h e i r i l l w i l l on the Northern representatives and to give physical form to the fear of Southern domination. These scenes i n Lagos were a prelude to the Kano Riots and the almost se cessionist plans of the North outlined i n t h e i r Eight Point Programme. The Kano Riots for a l l the harm they caused to the cause of Nigerian unity had at least one constructive r e s u l t . They had a sobering effect upon the Southern p o l i t i c i a n s who slowly came to r e a l i z e that the N.P.C. had a strong following i n the North and that compromise with N.P.C. leaders was advisable. The R i o t s 1 most disastrous results to the Southern parties themselves were, that regardless of how l i t t l e or how much support the N.P.C. had i n the North before Enahoro's motion, i t i s c e r t a i n that the subsequent events s o l i d i f i e d Northern opinion behind the N.P.C. and seriously weakened the NEPU ( i n a l l i a n c e with the N.C.N.C.) whose aims for the North were more i n l i n e with Southern p o l i c y and who stood f o r f a i r treatment of Southerners i n the North. Whatever latent admiration prevailed among Northerners f o r South ern p o l i t i c s and way of l i f e , was s t i l l e d and Southerners i n the North were to f i n d t h e i r p o s i t i o n more and more precarious. The Northern ministers refused to accept the four A.G. ministers back in t o the Council. The Governor suggested that Messrs Awokoyo, Ighodaro and Ik9 Enahoro replace the resigned ministers. The j o i n t session of the Assembly and Chiefs of the Western Region refused to consider these new appointments and voted back t h e i r support of the four o r i g i n a l men. The North was f i n  a l l y persuaded to drop i t s objections, and the A.G. ministers returned to the Council. In defence of the North's opposition to independence i t can be said that the turbulence and series of crises of the f i r s t elected parliaments i n Nigeria did not inspire confidence i n the a b i l i t y of Nigerians to gov ern themselves. The London Regionalization Conference After a hurried t r i p to the United Kingdom S i r John Macpherson issued an i n v i t a t i o n to a conference to be'held i n London, ( i ) to consider what d i f f i c u l t i e s there were i n the present constitution which prevented i t from working s a t i s f a c t o r i l y , (2) to consider what changes therefore i n the present co n s t i t u t i o n should be made, and (3) to consider what steps should be taken 143 to ensure that these changes are put into e f f e c t . Following the acceptance by Nigerian leaders of t h i s i n v i t a t i o n a conference was convened i n London which came to be ca l l e d the London Regionalisation Conference. Both the N.C.N.C. and A.G. delegations included two Northern delegates. These delegates plus the delegate allowed from the NEPU, meant that the min ute opposition i n the North had more representatives at the conference than the o f f i c i a l government party, the N.P.C. The Northern delegates of the N.C. N.C. and A.G. function was obviously "to put across to Whitehall the other 143 Daily Times, Nigerian Year Book 1954, p.5. 150 144 side of the Northern story." They had the effect of int e n s i f y i n g North ern b e l i e f and fears that the Southerners were doing everything i n t h e i r power to undermine the North, to spread fear and confusion and so gain domination, not only i n the central government but even i n the region. A l l three major parties were now ready f o r more power to be placed at the disposal of the regions, the N.C.N.C. because of the s i t - t i g h t c r i s i s , the A.G. because of i t s fear of Ibo domination and t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i c y of federalism and the N.P.C. because of the fear of the South and the i n c i d  ents from Enahoro's motion to the Kano disturbances. For these reasons co-operation came much easier than might have been expected from the tense p o l i t i c a l atmosphere of the preceding months. The Conference settled down to forming a r e a l federal constitution especially since the B r i t i s h govern ment almost immediately settled what was considered to be the main conten t i o n , the issue of self-government: Her Majesty's government was not prepared to f i x a dateline for self-government f o r Nigeria, the more so as the Northern delegation representing over ha l f of the population was not able to depart from i t s p o l i c y . But i n 1956, Her Majesty's government would be prepared to grant to those regions which desired i t , f u l l s e l f - government i n respect of a l l matters within t h e i r competence. 145 There was no p a r t i c u l a r reason for the choice of 1956 as the year i n which the B r i t i s h government should prove w i l l i n g to discuss self-govern ment for the whole of Nigeria. The date was thrown into the party b a t t l e as a t a c t i c a l move. I t was not known at the time, nor was i t argued, whether by t h i s year the regional governments would be working successfully or whether - much more important - a strong federal government could emerge with popular backing i n a l l parts of the country. The f i x i n g of a date, 144 New Era Bureau, London Regionalisation Conference, p.10 14-5 Daily Times, Nigerian fear Book 1954, p . I I . 151 however, had the advantage of removing the B r i t i s h government from the 146 f i e l d of c o n f l i c t . This statement of the B r i t i s h , although attacked i n the South as pandering to the North, and as a method of breaking up the country, was actually placing the f u l l burden of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y on the Northern government as to when Nigeria should be a self-governing nation. The federation could not be self-governing i f one region s t i l l retained imperial control. Southern pressure was now bound to increase upon the North. The various methods of applying pressure w i l l be discussed l a t e r . The most important c o n s t i t u t i o n a l change re s u l t i n g from the London Regionalisation Conference was the separation of the Federal House of Rep resentatives from the Regional House of Assembly. Hereafter there was to be a unicameral l e g i s l a t u r e at the centre with a membership of 184; North - 9 2 , East - 42, West - 42, Cameroons - 6 , Lagos federal t e r r i t o r y - 2 , e x - o f f i c i o members - 3 (the Chief Secretary, F i n a n c i a l Secretary and At torney-General) . E l e c t i o n to the House of Representatives was to be di-.*- r e c t , although the e l e c t o r a l procedure need not necessarily be uniform. No member of the Regional House was to be a member of the Federal House. By these conditions the Regional Assemblies were completely separated from the House of Representatives. Another change was that the number of Ministers at the centre was to be reduced from twelve to ten, s i x of whom were to hold p o r t f o l i o s , three each from North, West, and East and one from the Cameroons. These min i s t e r s were to be appointed by the Governor, now styled Governor-General, and were to be responsible to the House of Representatives only. A t r a i l e r conference was held i n Lagos early i n 1954, but i t broke no new ground, and only put f i n a l touches to the London discussions. 146 Fabian Society, Venture, S o c i a l i s t s and the Colonies, Special Nigerian Number, London, Journal of the Fabian Colonial Bureau, Vol.VIII, No.3, J u l y 1956, p.I. 152 C r i t i c i s m of the Constitution of I95U we»$ directed mainly at the r i g i d regionalisation aspects; so much power centred i n the regions at the expense of the National government, tended to destroy unity. Many f e l t that t h i s regionalisation attacked the fundamental rights of common n a t i o n a l i t y i n such aspects as the regionalisation of the ju d i c i a r y and C i v i l Service. Regardless of the c r i t i c i s m there was a noticeable tendency among the major parties i n the country to keep the power they were exercising i n t h e i r respective regions. Not one gave any indication that i t would accept any fundamental changes i n 195^. The three major parties could by 1954 be con sidered as s a t i s f i e d p a r t i e s . There were increasing signs that both the N.P.C. and A.G. were moving away from t h e i r e a r l i e r i s o l a t i o n i s t and secessionist tendencies. The N.P. C. accepted a stronger centre than that proposed by t h e i r Eight Point Pro gramme. The results of the f i r s t federal e l e c t i o n were g r a t i f y i n g . The N.C.N.C. won a majority of seats i n both East and West, and the N.P.C. won the North. The N.C.N.C. and N.P.C. formed the government at the centre with the A.G. i n opposition. The s o l i d front of the South against the North had now dissolved and the N.P.C. found i t s e l f i n the f a m i l i a r p o s i t i o n of al l i a n c e with one Southern party and i n opposition to the other even though now the friends and enemies were reversed. The A.G. too, was having second thoughts on the a d v i s a b i l i t y of a too s t r i c t r e g ionalisation i n view of the interpretation the North had been giving to that doctrine. The A.G. began more consciously to undo the ap parent parochialism with which i t had been associated at i t s i n i t i a l stage. Mr. Rotimi Williams, an executive member of the A.G. once declared i n the 147 press, "we are only s t a r t i n g from the West," and by I95& the A.G. had won 147 New Era Bureau, London "Regionalisation" Conference, p.I3. 153 a few seats i n the Northern House and i n 1957 succeeded i n forming the o f f i c i a l Opposition i n the Eastern House. This gave the party a more national and less regional outlook. The A.G. could harmonise t h i s new approach with t h e i r o l d , by claim ing that i t was i n l i n e with t h e i r p o l i c y of advocating "the unity of each 148 t r i b e f i r s t and the unity of the whole next." Mr. Awolowo made the funda mental change i n p o l i c y , " i n order to have a unified Nigeria, we must have 149 leaders who are acceptable a l l over the country." The year 1953 proved that the most v i t a l issue of Nigerian p o l i t i c s was the relationship between the North and the South. Due to the s t r i c t e r re g i o n a l i s a t i o n and separation of powers i n the 1954 constitution many of the emotional issues and even the explosive issue of self-government were re- gionalised at least temporarily. The North retreated from Balewa's state ment that i f the B r i t i s h were removed, "the North would continue i t s i n t e r  rupted march to the sea." Dr. Azikiwe appeared ready to pick up the chal lenge . Possibly the North can f i g h t us and f i n d asylum i n another country, as has been done before. Eight out of ten Niger ian soldiers are located i n the North. The solution would be to divide the army, and put 3,000 soldiers i n each re gion. This would preclude the p o s s i b i l i t y of invasion.150 Otherwise the South i s not safe i f they i n s i s t on freedom. I warn you, the North may be schooled by ce r t a i n forces against freedom, and there may be trouble, The South w i l l not allow a corridor to the sea i f the North shows no sign of agreement. 148 Dai l y Service, Vol.X, No.l402, 9 Nov., 1949, p.3. 149 Awolowo, "Address to Washington Chapter of A.A.S.U.A." A f r i c a n Newsletter, Washington, B.C., V o l . I l l , No.6, Mar., 1956, p.8. 150 The vast majority of the army are Northerners. 151 Azikiwe, "Address to Washington Chapter of A.A.S.U.A." A f r i c a n Newsletter, V o l . I l l , No.2, Nov., 1955, P«6. 154 Saner opinion however, prevailed i n the South i n response to the North's gestures of c o n c i l i a t i o n . Chief Awolowo's statement of attitude was the p o l i c y a c t u a l l y followed. Our p o l i c y i s one of diplomacy - to persuade the North to see the beauty of self-government and the advantages that would accrue.152 The p o l i c y of diplomacy and persuasion was e f f e c t i v e , so much so that the North not only came to accept the p o l i c y of self-government i n i 9 6 0 but a c t u a l l y took the lead i n 1957 c a l l i n g f o r Nigerian unity i n the request f o r s elf-government. The greatest point of c o n f l i c t between North and South, following t h e i r agreement on the date of self-government, was the Northernisation p o l i c y of the Kaduna government i n regard to the regional C i v i l Service. The Northern government has stated i t s p o l i c y i n appointing c i v i l servants. I t prefers to hire Northerners, Englishmen or Nationals from other Commonwealth coun t r i e s , B r i t i s h A f r i c a n t e r r i t o r i e s , and Southern Nigerians i n that order of preference. Southern Nigerians who constitute the largest group of c i v i l servants, holding positions immediately under the B r i t i s h have found t h e i r positions insecure, appointments are no longer possible, promotions have been slowed down and i n some cases stopped altogether. This Northern p o l i c y has been based upon a number of important consider ations. F i r s t , the North maintained that European; c i v i l servants could be hired on contract and could be dropped when t h e i r p o s i t i o n was necessary f o r a Northern appointee, while the Southerners i f promoted to these posts con sidered that as nationals of Nigeria an i n j u s t i c e was done i f they were re placed by Northerners. Second, the North maintained that generally Southern ers did not become c i t i z e n s of the North but remained e n t i r e l y l o y a l to t h e i r 152 Awolowo, "Address to A.A.U.A." Af r i c a n Newsletter, V o l . I l l , No.6, March 1956, p.7* 155 Southern home. In any dispute between North and South they favoured the South. The North has asked over and over again f o r a l o y a l C i v i l Service and they f e e l that Southern Nigerians are the least l o y a l group. Third, the North has no desire to replace White Imperialism with Black Imperialism and they f e e l that t h i s i s exactly what i s happening. They contend that neither Southern Region would stand for a C i v i l Service which was eighty- 153 f i v e per cent drawn from the peoples of another region. Nigerianisation, so strong i n the South i s a dead p o l i c y i n the North. The North i s anxious to reduce the percentage of Southerners i n the C i v i l Service. Even outside the p o l i t i c a l implications, the Northernisation p o l i c y i s p r a c t i c a l p o l i t i c s , f o r the North has not the highly trained personnel to replace the Europeans but they are t r a i n i n g large numbers to take over the next highest positions on the C i v i l Service rung and these positions are held by Southerners. Awakening of the Minor Ethnic Groups From 1950 to 1954 the move for the creation of a federal form of govern ment revolved around the idea of regio n a l i s a t i o n . Regionalisation was a movement of the major t r i b e s . By 1954 regionalisation was complete. Af t e r 1954 a g i t a t i o n shifted to the minor tribes centred around the concept of separatism or separate states along l i n g u i s t i c and ethnic l i n e s . The f o l  lowing section w i l l b r i e f l y survey the separatist movement; i t s early ex pressions p r i o r to 1954, the attitude of the leaders of the major tribes to i t , and f i n a l l y a b r i e f summary of the headway the various separatist move ments have made i n the regions. I t has been recorded that both Azikiwe and Awolowo i n the late nineteen f o r t i e s had advocated states or regions b u i l t upon l i n g u i s t i c and ethnic 153 The Western Region Government advertises c i v i l servant positions f o r "people of western o r i g i n . " 156 l i n e s . The motivation i n each case had been d i f f e r e n t . The N.C.N.C. saw that with a l l hope disappearing f o r a unitary government the best a l t e r  native would be numerous states, no one strong enough to dominate the central government. The A.G. advocated states as part of t h e i r plan of federalism with a r e l a t i v e l y weaker central government. As early as the Ibadan Conference of 1950 a number of p r o v i n c i a l con ferences had suggested states b u i l t on ethnic lines and t h e i r case was pleaded by Mr. E j a i f e , a member of one of the minor tri b e s of the Western Region, Urhobo. A t r i b e i s a t r i b e , no matter how small, and should be given a minimum of concessions i n matters of scholarships and schools, to save i t from extinction and non-representation i n the cen t r a l l e g i s l a t u r e . 154 Mbonu Ojike and Eyo Ita submitted a minority report at the Ibadan Conference i n which they advocated ethnic groupings. Grouping of Nigeria along ethnic and l i n g u i s t i c l i n e s would serve to remove the problem of boundaries, minority and pak- ist a n i c dangers now threatening the unity of Nigeria. 155 When the N.C.N.C. and A.G. became f u l l y established i n t h e i r respec t i v e regions, t h e i r ardour cooled towards the breaking up of t h e i r own regions, while they supported whole heartedly the break up of t h e i r oppo nents' regions. The A.G. formed an a l l i a n c e with the Kamerun National Congress (K.N.C.) who advocated a separate region apart from the East. The N.C.N.C. on the other hand i d e n t i f i e d i t s e l f with the demand for a Mid-West state i n Benin and Delta provinces of Western Nigeria and has held the ma j o r i t y of seats i n t h i s area as a re s u l t (sixteen out of a t o t a l of twenty). 154 Nigeria, Ibadan Conference, p.62. 155 I b i d . , p.2kk. 157 The A.G. i n 1957 made a serious b i d f o r power i n the East on the issue of a separate state for the non-Ibo people of the East. They won thir t e e n seats out of a t o t a l of t h i r t y - f o u r non-Ibo constituencies. By an amal gamation with the U.K.I.P. a party also supporting a non-Ibo state the A.G. increased i t s seats to eighteen. The reasons, other than p o l i t i c a l , for the r i s e of awareness i n the 156 minor ethnic groups, have been suggested elsewhere but two p o l i t i c a l reas ons might be noticed. The A.G. by the very doctrine upon which i t rose to power invi t e d other tri b e s to imitate i t . By the advocacy of a t r i b a l i s t i c approach and the p o l i c y of t r i b a l superiority i t antagonised minor t r i b e s , caused them to fear the superior Yorubas and showed p o l i t i c i a n s how a p o l i t  i c a l party could quickly be b u i l t . I f the A.G. could r i s e so rapidly by making use of the weapon of fear of Ibo domination, could not minor tribes i n the East use the same weapon and minor tribes i n the West raise the cry of Yoruba domination. This approach, plus the rather heavy handed and clum sy use of power possibly a r i s i n g from inexperience i n the early years of p r a c t i c a l self-government, caused alienation of many minor ethnic groups i n 157 the South. The s i t u a t i o n was and has continued to be quite d i f f e r e n t i n the North. Regardless of the separatist movements there i t i s probably true to say that no serious s i t u a t i o n even mildly comparable to the South has arisen i n the North. So f a r the following circumstances have combined against t r i b a l leaders receiving widespread support i n the North. In opposition to the c e n t r a l i s t 156 See chapter I. 157 Fabian Society, Venture, S o c i a l i s t s and the Colonies, Special Nigerian Number, London, Journal of the Fabian Colonial Bureau, V o l . I l l , No.3, J u l y , 1956, p . 2 . 158 tendencies going on i n the South, the Worth was r a p i d l y providing f o r a semi-federal p r o v i n c i a l system within i t s own region. More power was being devolved from Kaduna to the l o c a l native administrations and to p r o v i n c i a l councils. More emphasis was being l a i d on l o c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r matters such as law, roads, and education. Such men as might have formed the core of t r i b a l resistance found t h e i r ambitions cared f o r either i n l o c a l , pro v i n c i a l or even at the regional l e v e l . The Worth needed every available q u a l i f i e d person to man even the bare essentials of the governmental machine which was passing into t h e i r hands not because of t h e i r own demands but be cause of the attempt of almost a l l p a r t i e s , B r i t i s h , Wortherners and South erners to keep the North i n step with the South. Second, the A.G. doctrine, so potent i n the South, might have had a large following i n the North had i t not been for the emotions aroused by the Kano disturbances. Those Northerners who might uphold ideas contrary to the N.P.C. could almost be shouted down as treasonous for t h e i r advocacy of Southern ideas. Closely connected with t h i s was the fact that the Northern government stood by i t s p o l i c y of Northernisation and from i t s inception had held to the concept of "One North, One People," i n contrast to the South where the Ibadan and Enugu governments were a l l too c l o s e l y a l l i e d with Yor ubas and Ibos respectively. Kaduna may have been as c l o s e l y a l l i e d with the Hausa-Fulani, but t h i s kind of c r i t i c i s m coming from the South f e l l on un responsive Northern ears. In fact i t would not be too f a r wrong to say that the Southern press was the greatest a l l y the N.P.C. possessed, for the more i t r a i l e d at the North the more Northerners hesitated to a l l y themselves with the South i n c r i t i c i s i n g t h e i r government. In comparing the various areas demanding separate states at least on the basis of parliamentary seats i t would appear that the Mid-West state 159 ' i s the most vocal and united, the Calabar-Ogoja-Rivers area the next, with a hare majority of seats held i n the hands of separatists, while i n the Middle B e l t at the moment a minor group has the basis for expanded support, and i n Bomu the separatists are barely a r t i c u l a t e . The Southern leaders were both early advocates of ethnic groupings and even yet both pay l i p service to t h i s i d e a l . Already f e a r f u l of the larger North they do not enjoy the prospect of the East and West being s p l i t while the North remains i n t a c t . Both Awolowo and Azikiwe have stated they would only agree to states being formed i n t h e i r respective region i f the North agrees to i t s own p a r t i t i o n . Like the self-government issue, the onus for t h i s solution has been put upon the North. I t i s not l i k e l y the North of i t s own v o l i t i o n w i l l seriously consider ethnic groupings u n t i l an effect i v e demand arises i n the North f o r them. The North has more at stake i n t h i s issue, i n that ethnic groupings i f carried out l o g i c a l l y would s p l i t the North into numerous states and have a much more drastic effect upon the North than upon the South. The Action Group's Yoruba state, under the p r i n  c i p l e of ethnic groupings, would almost gain from the Northern region the population and area i t l o s t i n the Mid-West area. The f i r s t concrete advance for the forces advocating separate states occurred i n the Eastern Region. Under the Constitution of 1946 and 1951 the Cameroons had been a part of the Eastern Region with members s i t t i n g i n the House of Assembly at Enugu. The Karaerun Peoples* Party (K.P.P.) i n al l i a n c e with the N.C.N.C. supported t h i s union. In the 1954 Eastern elec tions the Kamerun National Congress (K.N.C.), under the leadership of Dr. E.M. Endeley, won a l l the seats i n the Cameroons on a platform of a separ ate region f o r the Cameroons. The K.N.C. then declared i t would boycott 1 6 0 the Eastern House of Assembly. I t was agreed that the Cameroons should have i t s own House of Assembly and acquire the status of a quasi-federal t e r r i t o r y . Soon a f t e r , Chief Awolowo v i s i t e d the Cameroons and formed an a l l i a n c e with the K.N.C. Thus the two main parties of the Cameroons were a l l i e d with the b i g main Southern parties of Nigeria. For a v a r i e t y of reasons the formation of the Cameroons could not be taken as a precedent for the creation of other states. The Cameroons had never t r a d i t i o n a l l y been a part of the East, and geographically i t was not of the East. Furthermore, i t was under United Nations trusteeship. The be d e v i l l i n g question of Cameroonian p o l i t i c s was hereafter to be i t s future p o s i t i o n , whether to j o i n the Nigerian federation, to attempt an independent status, or to seek reunion with the French Cameroons. I t was the Togoland question a l l over again. The second area to draw attention to i t s claims f o r a separate state was the area known as the Mid-West consisting of the provinces of Benin and Delta l y i n g west of the Niger and between the Yoruba and Ibo peoples. The proposed region consists of the two main t r i b e s , the Benis and Urhobo and other minor tribes such as the Western Ibo, Ijaw and I s t e k i r i . Although the demand for a Mid-West state has been most i n s i s t e n t and organised, complete unity of purpose has not been achieved. The I s t e k i r i s • do not wish to be incorporated i n the proposed states. Suggestions have arisen that the Western Ibo should j o i n the Eastern Region, that the Ijaws of the West should j o i n those i n the East to form a Rivers State, and that the ancient Benin kingdom should be revived. There i s also some support 158 f o r remaining a part of the Western Region. I58 Formation of "Anti-Mid-West State Movement," Daily Times, No. 14,237, 22 Aug., 1957, P.I. I 6 i The t h i r d Southern area to he involved i n the states issue was the non-Ibo area of the Eastern Region centred i n Calabar, Ogoja and Rivers Provinces and commonly referred to as the COR State Area. This issue i s clouded by the fact that the Ibos who form large minorities consist ing of majorities i n some divisions i n the COR State Area are v i o l e n t l y 159 opposed to the creation of a separate state. A f t e r the 1951 elections i n the East, the Opposition party, the United National party led by Alvan Ikoku, was drawn mainly from the non- Ibo areas of the East. A f t e r the s i t - t i g h t c r i s i s , Eyo I t a the former premier, formed the National Independence Party from those former N.C.N.C. members who had refused to follow the N.C.N.C. i n i t s p o l i c y as set down at the Jos Convention. This party had i t s majority support from Ibo areas although Eyo Ita himself was non-Ibo and Calabar born. The United National Party and the National Independence Party joined to form the United Nation a l Independence Party (UNIP). The UNIP could never wholeheartedly advocate 160 a COR state because of i t s Ibo following. In the 1957 elections i n the East the A.G. entered the ele c t i o n con te s t f u l l y supporting the demand for a COR state and i n p a r t i a l a l l i a n c e with UNIP. The popularity of the A.G. programme almost obliterated the UNIP whose membership decreased from ten to f i v e . The Action Group i n  creased i t s membership from one to twelve. Many previous supporters of UNIP and even some of i t s executive went over to the A.G. - the former chairman of UNIP, Alvan Ikoku, became the leader of the A.G. opposition i n the new House. In a few months the UNIP announced a merger with the A.G. 159 The Minister of Education (Eastern Region) Hon. Ibanga Udo Akpa- bi o , a non-Ibo N.C.N.C. member t o l d the writer that the N.C.N.C. opposed a COR state because Ibos would be persecuted i n that state i f i t were set up. 160 In 1956 the UNIP executive consisted of three Ibos, one E f i k , and one Ekois. 162 With t h i s merger the COR state movement achieved a kind of unified voice. In the Middle Be l t the p o l i t i c a l confusion has been almost complete. The U.M.B.C, the party advocating a Middle Be l t state has been almost hopelessly divided. At one time Pastor David Lot and Mr. Dokotri led a wing of the U.M.B.C. into a l l i a n c e with the N.P.C. and accepted positions i n the government. They returned to the opposition a f t e r the 1956 elec t i o n s . Moses Rwang, another leader at one time sought an a l l i a n c e with the A.G. At another time one group within the party sought an al l i a n c e with NEPU while another group turned i t down. This a l l i a n c e was f i n a l l y concluded but has been marked by inter-party quarrelling and f i g h t i n g . The U.M.B.C. i n the e l e c t i o n of 1956 won twelve seats i n the Middle B e l t , the N.P.C. won twenty-one. At the London Conference i n 1957 a commission was agreed upon to look i n t o the fears of the minority groups i n Nig e r i a . The question of minor i t i e s and the concomitant question of states i s the most vexing question now facing Nigeria. States based s t r i c t l y upon l i n g u i s t i c and ethnic groupings i s impossible due to the many ethnic d i v i s i o n s . However, i t may be found necessary to pay more attention to ethnic groupings i n the form at i o n of future states. The l a t e s t tendency has been the f e e l i n g among the minor tri b e s that the recent show of unity among the leaders of the b i g three major tribes i s the r e s u l t of a determination of these tribes to seek self-government f i r s t i n order that they can handle the minorities i n t h e i r own way. The minor tribes d e f i n i t e l y f e e l that the formation of more states i s of greater importance than self-government, and t h e i r major i n  terest i n the l a s t c o n s t i t u t i o n a l conference was not i n the advance made towards self-government but rather i n the steps taken i n order to promote t h e i r w e l l being. 163 By 1956 Nigerians were w e l l aware that the struggle f o r p o l i t i c a l self-determination was over. The B r i t i s h were only waiting f o r Nigerians to determine what f i n a l form the p o l i t i c a l structure of the country would take. By 1956 the p o l i t i c a l consciousness of the people had been thor oughly aroused by the n a t i o n a l i s t s . I t was now t h e i r duty to direct t h i s new consciousness to the many problems, s o c i a l and economic which beset the new nation. 1 to follow page 163 AGA>rt H&TeKf SHALL Trf4»ic«rf ifsftP SJf AfRiC*\$ SUES ^.ES^RKffcTloW 164 Bibliography I Government Documents Great B r i t a i n , Colonial O f f i c e , Census of Nigeria,1931,London,Crown Agents,1933- Colonial Office S t a f f L i s t I901,Lon don, H.M.S.O.,1902. "Effect of the War 1939-1945 on Niger i a , " Colonial Report 1946,London, H.M. s.o.,191+6. Colonial Reports 1948-1953, London, H.M.S.O. "S i r Frederick Lugard's Report on the Amalgamation of Northern and Southern Nigeria and Administration I 9 I 2-I9I9," Cmd.468. "Statement of Po l i c y on Colonial De velopment and Welfare," February,I9I+0, Cmd.6175. "Higher Education Commission Report," 191+7, Cmd.6655. Nigerian Gazette 1913. "Memorandum on Education P o l i c y i n Nigeria," 1947, Sessional Paper No.20. Southern Nigeria C i v i l Service L i s t , London, Waterloo and Sons, 1909. Southern Nigeria C i v i l L i s t and Hand  book, London,Waterloo and Sons, 1910. Nigeria,Eastern Regional Government,"Policy f o r Education," Sessional Paper No.6 of 1953,Enugu,Gov't P r i n t  er, 1953. Constitutional Dispute i n Eastern  Nigeria, Statement made i n the Eastern House of Assembly by Dr. the Hon. Nnamdi Azikiwe, 19 A p r i l , 1955. Nigeria,Federal Government, Debates of the House of Representatives, 1955-1957. L e g i s l a t i v e Council Debates, 1920, 24 , 2 5 , 34, 35, 40, 41, 46, 4 7 , 4 9 . 165 Law Journal 1928. Nigeria S t a f f L i s t , Oct., 1930, 1950 , P h i l l i p s o n and Adebo,The Nigerianisation  of the C i v i l Service,1954. Proceedings of the General Conference on  Review of the Constitution, Jan., 1950. Report of the Commission on Revenue  A l l o c a t i o n by J.R. Hicks, 1951. Review of the Constitution, Regional  Recommendation 1949. " P o l i t i c a l and Constitutional Future of Nigeria," Sessional Paper No.4, 5 Mar., 1945. Department of S t a t i s t i c s , Census of the Northern Provinces, London, Crown Agents, 1933. Population Census of the Three Regions  of Nigeria and Lagos, Lagos, Gov't P r i n t e r , 1952. Federal Information Service, Nigeria's Constitutional Story I862-I954, Lagos, 1955. Nigeria, Northern Regional Government, Annual Report of the Education Department 1954-55, Kaduna, Gov't P r i n t e r , 1956. Report on the Kano Disturbances, 1953. Kaduna, Gov't P r i n t e r , 1954. Nigeria, Western Regional Government, Annual Report of the Mi n i s t r y of Education 1954-55, Ibadan,Gov't P r i n t e r , __6_: Information Service, Awolowo, Obafemi, Address to the Lagos Chamber of Commerce 1955. Address on the Appropriation Bill,I955. Ibadan, Gov't P r i n t e r . Address i n the Western House of Assembly, Ibadan, Gov't P r i n t e r , 1955. Forward to Freedom, Ibadan, Gov't P r i n t  er, 1955. 166 Charter of Freedom, Ibadan, Gov't P r i n t e r , 1952. The Price of Progress, Ibadan, Gov't P r i n t e r , 1953. General Works--Pre-1920. Arnett,E.J., Rise of the Sokoto F u l a n i , photostat, 1920? Blyden,E.W., West A f r i c a Before Europe, Southampton, C M . P h i l l i p s , 1905. Boven,R.H., Benin:The C i t y of Blood,London,Edward Arnold,I897. Bovill,E.W., Caravans of the Old Sahara,London,Oxford University Press, I933- Brady,Michael, Our Pioneers,Lagos,Public Relations Office, 1 9 5 2 . Buell,Raymond L e s l i e , The Native Problem i n Africa,New York,Macmillan, 1928, 2 vols. Cowan,A.A., The Story of Ja-Ja, reprinted from West Africa, 1 2 Nov .1927. Crocker,W.R., Nigeria: A Critique of B r i t i s h Colonial Administration, London, A l l e n & Unwin, 1936. Daniel,F.de F., A History of Katsina, mimeo, af t e r 1937? Deniga,Adeoye, A f r i c a n Past and Present, Lagos, Tika-Tore, I9I5« Egerton,H.E., A Short History of B r i t i s h Colonial P o l i c y I606-I909, London, Metheun, 1950. Egharevba,Jacob U., A Short History of Benin, Benin, by the author,1953 Fage,J.D., An Introduction to the History of West A f r i c a , Cambridge, University Press, 1955« Folarin,Adebesin, The Demise of the Independence of Egbaland, Lagos, Tika-Tore, 1924. Geary,William N e v i l l e M., Nigeria Under B r i t i s h Rule,London,Metheun, 1927. Graham,Stephen, The Soul of John Brown, New York, Macmillan, 1920. Gray,Frank, My Two A f r i c a n Journeys, London, Metheun, 1928. Hazzledine,G.D., The White Man i n A f r i c a , London, E.Arnold, 1904. Herman,Hodge,the Hon.H.B., Gazetter of I l o r i n Province,London,Allen & Unwin, 1929• 167 Hogben,S.J., The Muharomadan Emirates of Nigeria, London, Oxford University Press, 1930. Johnston,Sir H.H., A History of the Colonization of A f r i c a by A l i e n Races, Cambridge University Press, 1930. Livingstone,W.P., Mary Slessor of Calabar, Toronto, Hodder & Stoughton, 1917. Mathews,Basil, The Clash of Colour, London, Edinburgh House, 1925. Mockler-Ferryman,A.F., B r i t i s h Nigeria, London, Cassells, 1902. Mockler-Ferryman,A.F., Up the Niger, London, Geo. P h i l i p , 1892. Morel,E.D., Nigeria,Its People and Its Problems, London,John Murray,I9I2. Nigerian Progress Union, Nigerian Students and Henry Carr, London, the Union, 192!+. Oakley,R.R., Treks and Palavers, London, Seeley, Service, 1938. Oldham,J.H., Gilson,B.D., The Remaking of Man i n A f r i c a , London, M i l f o r d , 1927? Perham,M., Lugard, The Years of Adventure I858-I898, London, C o l l i n s , Perham,M., Native Administration i n Nigeria,London & Toronto,University Press Oxford, 1937. Perhara,M.,(ed.) Ten Africans, London, Faber and Faber, 1940. Perham,M., Simmons,J., A f r i c a n Discovery,London,Faber and Faber,1942. Robinson,Charles Henry, Hausaland,London,Low Marston, I898. Smith,-Edwin W., Aggrey of A f r i c a , A Study i n Black & White,London, Student Chr i s t i a n Movement, 1929. Stoddard,Lothrop, Rising Tide of Colour Against White Supremacy,London, Chapman & H a l l , 1920. Talbot,P. Amaury, The Peoples of Southern Nigeria,London,Oxford Univer- s i t y Press,1926,4 v o l s . Wallis,C. Braithwaite, The Advance of our West Af r i c a n Empire,London, Fisher Unwin, 1903. This l i s t of general works dealing with Nigeria p r i o r to 1920 was useful mainly i n gathering an impression of the white man's attitude to Nigeria and the advance of B r i t i s h authority i n the regions of the 168 Niger. The n a t i o n a l i s t outlook i s almost non-existent i n the English w r i t e r s . One-notable exception i s Buell*s The Native Problem i n A f r i c a which deals sympathetically with the n a t i o n a l i s t movement i n the early nineteen twenties. I t i s as v a l i d today as i t was when i t was written. Another valuable contribution i s Talbot's four volumes on The Peoples of Southern Nigeria, which i s one of the e a r l i e s t sources of s t a t i s t i c  a l material. The Nigerian writer Adebesin F o l a r i n i n the Demise of the  Independence of Egbaland i s one of the f i r s t t r u l y n a t i o n a l i s t h i s t o r  ians . I l l General Works--1920-1958 Belshaw,Horace, Facing the Future i n West Africa,London,Cargate Press, 1951. Buchanan,K.M., Pugh,J.C, Land and Peace i n Nigeria,London,University of London Press, 1955. Burns,Sir Alan, Colonial C i v i l Servant, London, A l l e n & Unwin, I9U9. Burns,Sir Alan, Colour Prejudice, London, A l l e n & Unwin, 1948. Burns,Sir Alan, History of Nigeria, " " " 1955. Burns,Sir Alan, In Defence of Colonies, " " " 1957. Clark,F.le Gros., Collins,Henry,Hodgkin,Thomas,Okafore,Amanke, The New  West Africa,London,Allen & Unwin, 1953• Coleman,J.S., The Bole of T r i b a l Associations i n Nigeria, Ibadan, West Af r i c a n I n s t i t u t e of S o c i a l & Economic Welfare, 1952. Daily Times, Nigeria Year Book, Lagos, Nigerian P r i n t i n g & Publishing, 1952-1957. Deschamps,Hubert, The French Union, P a r i s , Editions Berger-Levrault,I956. Diplomatic Press Survey, Western Nigeria, Diplomatic B u l l e t i n , Special E d i t i o n , No.32, Dec. 1955* Ekwensi,Cyprian, People of the C i t y , London,Andrew;Bakers, 1954. Hailey,Lord, Native Administration i n B r i t i s h A f r i c a n T e r r i t o r i e s , Part I I I , London, H.M.S.0. 1951. Haines,C.Grove,(ed.) A f r i c a Today, Baltimore, John Hopkins Press, 1955. Hodgkin,Thomas, Nationalism i n Colonial Africa,London,Frederick Muller, Ikoli,Ernest, Our Council of Ministers, Lagos, Public Relations Office, 1952. International Bank,The Economic Development of Nigeria, Lagos, Gov't P r i n t e r , 1954. J e f f r i e s , S i r Charles, The Colonial O f f i c e , London, A l l e n & Unwin,I956. Kanu-Umo, R., Slave Markets i n East Nigeria, Umuahia-Ibeku,National Printing,1953' Knaplund,Paul, The B r i t i s h Empire I8I5-I939, London, Hamish & Ham- i l t o n , 1940. Knaplund,Paul, Britain,Commonwealth & Empire I90I - I955 , London, Hamish Hamilton, 1956. Lansbury,George, Labour's Way with the Commonwealth,London,by the party, 1935. McKay,Vernon, B r i t i s h Rule i n West A f r i c a , New York, Foreign P o l i c y Association, 1948. McKay,Vernon, Nationalism i n B r i t i s h West Africa,New York, Foreign P o l i c y Association, 1954. Meeker,Oden, Report on A f r i c a , London, Chatto & Windus, 1955- Niven,Cecil Rex, A Short History of Nigeria, London,Longmans,Green, 1952. Niven,Cecil Rex, Nigeria,Outline of a Colony, London, Thos.Nelson & Sons, 1945. Niven,Cecil Rex, Our Emirates,Lagos,Public Relations Office,1954. 0nafusi ,01usola, Students' Notebook on the B r i t i s h Empire History, Yaba,Ifeolu,I955. Pirn,Sir Alan, The F i n a n c i a l & Economic History of the A f r i c a n Tropical Dependencies,Oxford,Clarendon Press,1940. Rose,A.M., The Negros' Morale, Minneapolis,University of Minnesota Press,1949. Royal I n s t i t u t e of International Affairs,Study Group of Members, The  Colonial Problem, London,Oxford University Press,1937. Sadler,G.W., A Century i n Nigeria,Nashville,Broadman Press,1950. Thomas,Isaac B., L i f e History of Herbert Macaulay C.E.,Lagos,Akede Eko, 1947. Wheare,Joan, The Nigerian L e g i s l a t i v e Council,London,Faber & Faber, 1950. 170 Wieschhoff,H.A., Colonial P o l i c i e s i n Africa,Philadelphia,Univer- s i t y of Pennsylvania Press, 1944. Generally speaking the hooks i n t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n are written by white writers. The best books for the underlying structure of the n a t i o n a l i s t movement i s Hodgkin's, Nationalism i n Colonial A f r i c a , and McKay's Nationalism i n B r i t i s h West A f r i c a . One aspect of t h i s structure i s the formation of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . This p a r t i c u l a r aspect i s w e l l developed by James S. Coleman, "The Emergence of Afri c a n P o l i t i c a l Parties" i n A f r i c a Today. The book The New West  A f r i c a by Clark,Collins,Hodgkin and Okafore covers the whole f i e l d , political,economic and s o c i a l , of West Af r i c a n development. The weakest point i n t h i s book i s i t s unorthodox economics. The best work on the workings of the li m i t e d representative government system under the 1921 constitution i s Joan Wheare's The  Nigerian Leg i s l a t i v e Council. Isaac Thomas' L i f e History of Herbert Macaulay i s the only available book on the n a t i o n a l i s t whose l i f e almost spanned the whole n a t i o n a l i s t period. Unfortunately t h i s b i  ography f a l l s short of reaching academic standards, figed Macaulay, son of the late n a t i o n a l i s t leader i s at the present time preparing a book e n t i t l e d Memoirs of Herbert Macaulay which i t i s hoped w i l l throw more l i g h t on the work of t h i s important national figure. N a t i o n a l i s t Writings. Achoghuo,Onogbo, Iva Valley Tragedy,Enugu,Eastern Press, 1953. Adegbola,Adenipekun, Nigerian P o l i t i c a l Evolution,Ibadan,Olatunji P r i n t i n g , 1950. Adelabu,Adegoke, A f r i c a i n Ebullition,Ibadan,Union Printing,1952. Adeniyi-Jones,Hon.Dr.C.C., Address at Glover Memorial Hall,Oct .1,1938, Lagos,Adedimeta Printing,1938. Adeniyi-Jones,Hon.Dr.C.C., P o l i t i c a l and Administrative Problems of Nigeria. London, Bonner & Co., 1928. Agwuna,Osita, Go With the Masses, Enugu, Eastern Press, 1953. Ajuluchuku,M.C.K., Workers vs Whitelegs, Port Harcourt,Yankee Press,1951 Akinsuroou,01orundayomi, Zik i n Nigeria's Ship of Destiny, Lagos, C i t y Publishing,1953. Akinsuroju,01orundayomi, Nigeria P o l i t i c a l Theatre 1923-1953, Lagos, C i t y Publishing, 1954. Aluko,S.A., The Problems of Self-Government f o r Nigeria, London, A.H.Stockwell, 1952. Awolowo,Obafemi, Path to Nigerian Freedom, London, Faber & Faber,194-7. 171 Azikiwe,Nnamdi, Constitutional Dispute i n Eastern Nigeria,Enugu, Gov't P r i n t e r , 1955 • Azikiwe,Nnamdi, The Development of P o l i t i c a l Parties i n Nigeria, London,Office of the Eastern Regional Commissioners, 1957. Azikiwe,Nnamdi, Renascent Africa,Lagos,by the author,1937» Biobaku,Dr. Saburi, P o l i t i c a l Evolution, Occasional Paper No.I, Lagos,Nigeria Society,Oct.1954. Citizens'Committee f o r Independence, Forward to Freedom,Constitution  a l Proposals for a United Nigeria, Ibadan,Alozie Printing, 1 9 5 7 . Cudjoe,Dr.S.D., Aids to A f r i c a n Autonomy,London,College Press,19U9. Ekpiken,D.E., Kano Riots or the Tree of Liberty, Kano, Ife-Olu P r i n t i n g , I952*. Elias,Dr.T.O., P o l i t i c a l Advance & the Rule of Law i n B r i t i s h West  A f r i c a , Occasional Paper on Nigerian A f f a i r s No.2, Lagos, The Nigerian Society, 1955• Fox,W.T., Zik As I See Him, Lagos, by the author, 194-7. Ike,Okwaelumo,Great Men of Ibo Land,Aba,Clergyman Printing, 1 9 5 2 . Ita,E., Crusade f o r Freedom,Calabar,West A f r i c a n Peoples I n s t i t u t e (W.A.P.I.) Press,1949. The Assurance of Freedom,Calabar,W.A.P.I., 1949. Reconstruction Towards Wider Integration,Calabar,W.A.P.I .1949. Revolt of the L i b e r a l S p i r i t i n Nigeria,Calabar,W.A.P.I. ,1949. S t e r i l e Truths & F e r t i l e L i e s , Calabar,W.A.P.I . , l949. Two V i t a l Fronts i n Nigeria's Development,Calabar,W.A.P.I., Juwe-^S.M., Margaret Ekpo i n Nigerian Politics,Jos,Rainbow Press,1954. The Western Ibo People & the Coming Days,Port Harcourt, Good- ' w i l l Press,1953. Why i s the National Church of Nigeria & the Cameroons & the ' God of Africa? P.H.Goodwill, I956. Zik and the Freedom of Nigeria,Port Harcourt,Goodwill Press, ' 1953. 172 Juwe,S.M., Zik i n London, Port Harcourt, Goodwill Press, 1953. Macaulay,Herbert, Henry Carr Must Go, Lagos, Brochure, 1924. Nigerian Public A f f a i r s Expressed i n London by Dr. 'j. Randle, Lagos, Samadu Press, 1926. New Era Bureau, The London "Regionalisation" Conference Before and  A f t e r , Lagos, Techno L i t e r a r y , 1953• New Era Bureau, Dr. Zik Goes East, Lagos, Techno L i t e r a r y , 1953' Nmema,Ajunonu, Is the North Breaking Away? Port Harcourt,Eastern C i t y , 1953. Ogbalu,F.Chidozie, Dr. Zik of Africa,Port Harcourt,Goodwill Press,1948. Ojike,Mbonu, The Road to Freedom, Lagos, A l a f i a Press, 1948? Okafor,Amanke, Nigeria: Why We Fight for Freedom,Lagos,by the author, 1950. Onyido,Udemezue, The N.C.N.C. Delegation to London of 1947, Aba, Education Mission Press, 1949- Orizu,A.A.Nwafor, Without Bitterness,New York,Creative Age Press,1944. Pan-Africa Bureau of Information, Dr. Zik Goes East: Is i t "the Be  t r a y a l of a P r i n c i p l e or an Act of Bold Realism? , Lagos, Beacon, 1955? Tugbiyele,Akande, The Emergence of Nationalism and Federalism, Lagos, Techno L i t e r a r y , 1954. Udeagu,Onyenaekeya, Zik the Man, Enugu, Solar Press, 1954. Uwanaka,Charles U., New Nigeria, Lagos, P a c i f i c Publishing,1953• Uwanaka,Charles U., Zik and Awolowo i n P o l i t i c a l Storm, Lagos, P a c i f i c Publishing, 1953• Uzo,Timothy Moka, The Pathfinder, Port Harcourt, Niger Press, 1953. The writings of the na t i o n a l i s t s are quite na t u r a l l y a product more of emotional than i n t e l l e c t u a l thinking. A few authors however, stand out i n t h i s group because of the fact that they have been able to use an emotional appeal to clothe quite academic work. Possibly the most important book i s Obafemi Awolowo's Path to Nigerian Freedom where the premier-to-be of the Western Region outlines his conception of a fed e r a l constitution for Nigeria, based on other federations such as India A u s t r a l i a , Canada and the United States. The best analysis of the de velopment of the federal system i n Nigeria i s given by A.Tugbiyele, i n 173 The Emergence of nationalism and Federalism and T,M.Uzo i n The  Pathfinder. Both of these hooks are unusually objective i n t h e i r treatment of an extremely emotional subject. Dr. S. Biobaku's P o l i t i c a l Evolution i s a very academic treatment of the same sub j e c t . The f i n e s t treatment of the phenomena of t r i b a l i s m i s pre sented i n A.Adelabu's A f r i c a i n E b u l l i t i o n . V P o l i t i c a l Pamphlets Action Group, Lagos Belongs to the West,London,Purne11 & Sons , I953. , The N.C.N.C., Their Black Record,London,Purne11 & Sons. 1953- , The Case for the A.G., " " " 1953. Agunbiade-Bamishe,0., The Case for the Action Group - Party of the  Masses, Ibadan,African Press,1954. Awolowo,Obafemi, Address to Lagos Chamber of Commerce,Ibadan, Gov't P r i n t e r , 1955* , Address on the Appropriation B i l l , Ibadan, Gov't P r i n t e r , 1955. , Address i n the Western House of Assembly, Ibadan, Gov't P r i n t e r , 1955. , Charter of Freedom, Ibadan, Public Relations O f f i c e , 1952. Forward to Freedom, Ibadan, Gov't P r i n t e r , 1955. , The Price of Progress,Ibadan, Public Relations O f f i c e , 1953. N.C.N.C, Battle for Unity and Freedom, Yaba,Zik Enterprises, 1954. , Constitution of the N.C.N.C.,Lagos,Ife-obu Printing,1 9 4 5 , His tor i c a 1 Background,London,Fridiman, 1954. , Lagos i s Free, Yaba,Zik Enterprises,1 9 5 3 . U.N.I.P., Constitution of the U.N.I.P., Aba,Eastern States Express, P o l i t i c a l pamphlets are those publications authorized for publication by the p o l i t i c a l parties f o r elec t i o n purposes. In some cases they present party programmes but i n others t h e i r appeal i s s t r i c t l y emo t i o n a l . The pamphlets often indicate t a c t i c s rather than platforms. 17-4 P e r i o d i c a l A r t i c l e s Anene,J.C.,"The Southern Wigeria Protectorate and the Aros 1900-1902," Journal of the H i s t o r i c a l Society of Wigeria, Vol,I,(Dec.I956)p.20 Awolowo,Obafemi, "Address to the Washington Chapter of the A l l - A f r i c a n Students Union of the Americas," A f r i c a n Newsletter, Vol.Ill,Wo.6 (March,I956),p.U. Azikiwe,Ben.N.,"How S h a l l We Educate the Afr i c a n , " A f r i c a n A f f a i r s , Vol.XXXIII,No.CXXXI ( A p r i l 193*0, pp.143-150. Azikiwe,Nnamdi,"Speech to the Washington Chapter of the A l l - A f r i c a n Students Union of the Americas," A f r i c a n Newsletter,Vol.Ill,No.2, (Nov.1955),p.4. Blyden,Edward Wilmot,"islam i n West A f r i c a , " A f r i c a n Affairs,Vol.V, (Oct.1902), pp.11-37- Blyden,Edward Wilmot,"The Koran i n A f r i c a , " A f r i c a n Affairs,Vol.XIV, (Jan . 1 9 0 5 ) , pp.I68-9. Buchanan,Keith, "The Northern Region of Nigeria.The Geographical Back ground of i t s P o l i t i c a l Duality," The Geographical Review, V o l . XLIII,No.4,(Oct.I955),PP«451-473- Buckle,Desmond, "Nigeria's Road to Independence," A f r i c a South,Vol.I, No.l, (Oct.-Dec.1956), pp.35-44. Fabian Colonial Bureau, "Special Nigerian Number," Venture,Socialists  and the Colonies,Vol . 8,No . 3 , (July,I956). I n s t i t u t e of A f r i c a n American Relations, A f r i c a : Special Report,Vol.I, No .6 , (260ct.I956). Nigeria,the Federal Government,"Cherubim and Seraphim," Nigeria Mag  azine, No.53 (March 1957) , pp.II9-I24. Niven,Cecil Rex, "Can there be Unity i n Nigeria,"New Commonwealth, (25 July,I955),PP.57-59. Offodile,E.P. Oyeaka, "Growth and Influence of T r i b a l Unions," West  Af r i c a n Review, Vol.XVIII, No.239,1947,pp.937-941. Offonry,H. Kanu,"The Strength of Ibo Clan Feeling," West Africa,Nos. 1787,1788, (26 May,I95I and 2 June,I95l). Ottenberg S., "Improvement Associations Among the Afikpo Ibo," A f r i c a Vol.XXXV,Wo.I, (Jan.I955),pp.I-27. Outremer,"Worthern Wigeria - A Muslim State," Wew Commonwealth, ( 15 Oct.1956), p.34. Perham,M., "Census.-: of Wigeria 1931," A f r i c a , (Oct . 1933) ,PP .6 -I8. 175 Pilkington,Frederick, "Problems of Unity i n Nigeria," A f r i c a n A f f a i r s , V o l . 5 5 , No.220, (July,I956), pp.219-223. "Timber Enterprise i n Western Nigeria," Colonial Development,No.23, (Autumn 1955), pp.24-29. Tonkin,T.T., "Muhamadamism i n the Western Sudan," A f r i c a n A f f a i r s , V o l . I l l , No.10, (Jan.1903), pp.123-141. Williams,D.M., "West A f r i c a n Marketing Boards," A f r i c a n A f f a i r s , V o l . 52, No .206, (Jan. 1953),PP.45-54. The p e r i o d i c a l material has not been p a r t i c u l a r l y rewarding. Possibly the best are the a r t i c l e s on t r i b a l unions by Offodile, Offonry and Ottenberg. Keith Buchanan's contribution on the economic basis of t r i b a l r i v a l r y i s the only one on t h i s p a r t i c u l a r relationship. In th i s f i e l d l i e s an interesting and rewarding area for research. Buchan an merely suggests the lines along which such a study might proceed. His a r t i c l e i s confined to a discussion of the Northern Region. Nnamdi Azikiwe's a r t i c l e i n A f r i c a n A f f a i r s i s the e a r l i e s t of his published a r t i c l e s (1934) and throws interesting l i g h t on his early thinking. Re search i n connection with Nigeria would be much f a c i l i t a t e d i f Azikiwe' and Awolowo's speeches and writings were collected i n single volumes. Newspapers Daily Service, Lagos, 1945-1949. Eastern Nigerian Guardian, Port Harcourt, 1946-1950. Iwe Irohin Eko, Lagos, I889-I89O Lagos Daily News, I 9 2 8 - I 9 3 I , 1933-1954. Lagos Observer, I 8 8 3 - I 8 9 0 . Lagos Reporter, 1889. Lagos Standard, 1895-96, 1903-05. Lagos Times, I89O-9I. Lagos Weekly Record, I 8 9 I - 9 3 , 1904, 1920-25. Lagos Weekly Times, I 8 9 0 . Nigerian Advocate, Lagos, I 9 2 3 . Nigerian Catholic Herald, Lagos, I946 - I95I . Nigerian C i t i z e n , Kaduna, I948-I95I. 176 Nigerian Daily Telegraph, Lagos, 1931, 1935-36. Nigerian Daily Times, Lagos, 1931-33, 1944. Nigerian Observer, Port Harcourt, 1934. Nigerian Pioneer, Lagos, 1920, 1925, 1926. Southern Nigeria Defender, Ibadan, 1944, 1948. The A f r i c a n Messenger, Lagos, 1922, 1924-25. The Daily Times, Lagos, 1956-1957. The Truth, Lagos, I954-1957. The Wasp, Lagos, 1900. The West A f r i c a n P i l o t , Lagos, 1940-1947, 1949. Times of Nigeria, Lagos, I9I4-I5. The chief source of information on Nigerian opinion p r i o r to 1945 was the newspapers. Before 1937 the n a t i o n a l i s t press was led by the Lagos  Weekly Record(l89I-I928)followed by the Lagos Dai l y News of which Her bert Macaulay was co-owner and editor. In the nineteen twenties the n a t i o n a l i s t press was ably opposed by the conservative Hon.Sir K i t o y i Ajassa i n his paper the Nigerian Pioneer. The A f r i c a n Messenger edited by S i r Ernest I k o l i stood between these two extremes. Af t e r 1937 The  West A f r i c a n P i l o t almost monopolized the newspaper f i e l d . I t was v a l  uable as the expression of Azikiwe's n a t i o n a l i s t s . Dr. Azikiwe edited The P i l o t between 1937 and 1947. After 1947 other newspapers success f u l l y challenged The P i l o t ' s monopoly. These newspapers began to cater to sectional interests and p a r t i e s . Under the emotionalism of the n a t i o n a l i s t movement the A f r i c a n newspapers l o s t t h e i r independence of thought and most became partisan. This opened the way f o r a new devel opment, an independent newspaper financed by English c a p i t a l - the Daily Mirror group. This newspaper, The Daily Times has succeeded i n combining a f e r v i d nationalism with a sharp c r i t i c i s m of a l l the Niger ian governing part i e s . I t i s nation wide i n i t s c i r c u l a t i o n . The two most important contributions to the source material of t h i s thesis was Azikiwe's " P o l i t i c a l Blueprint of Nigeria," a series of eighteen a r t i c l e s appearing i n The West Af r i c a n P i l o t beginning i n March,1943 and "Post War Nigerian Economics,"an economic blueprint, a series of forty-four a r t i c l e s beginning i n A p r i l of 1943 of The P i l o t . These a r t i c l e s outline the p o l i c y and b e l i e f s of Azikiwe which the N.C. N.C. was l a t e r to adopt as t h e i r platform. These "Blueprints" outline Azikiwe's p o l i c y just as Path to Nigerian Freedom outlined Awolowo's la t e r p o l i c y . VIII Cartoons by Lash. Maps by H. Ivanisko. 

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