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Nineteenth-century archaeology and the retrieval of the past : Carlyle, Scott, Bulwer-Lytton, Pater,… Malley, Shawn Cameron 1996

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NINETEENTH-CENTURY ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE RETRIEVAL OF THE PAST: CARLYLE, SCOTT, BULWER-LYTTON, PATER, AND HAGGARD by SHAWN CAMERON MALLEY BA The University of New Brunswick, 1989 MA The University of New Brunswick, 1992 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June 1996 ® Shawn Cameron Malley, 1996 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholariy purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date DE-6 (2/88) A B S T R A C T x i "Nineteenth-Century Archaeology and the Retrieval of the Past: Carlyle, Scott, Bulwer-Lytton, Pater, and Haggard" shows that the recovery, analysis, and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of material hi s t o r y was a model fo r investigating, re-creating, and reinventing the past i n Thomas Carlyle's Past and Present (1843), Walter Scott's The Antiquary (1816), Edward Bulwer-Lytton's The Last Days of Pompeii (1834), Walter Pater's The Renaissance (1873) and Greek Studies (1895), and H. Rider Haggard's SJas. (1887). Through the self-conscious use of archaeological language and methodology, the authors of these f i c t i o n a l and non-f i c t i o n texts composed what I term "narratives of continuity," i n which the r e t r i e v a l of a r t i f a c t s i s a tangible means of drawing connections between past and present. These narratives i l l u s t r a t e t e l e o l o g i c a l interpretations of h i s t o r y espoused by archaeologists, who themselves sought prefigurements of modern culture as they studied archaeological records. This thesis i n part examines philosophic, s c i e n t i f i c , and p o l i t i c a l thought underlying the penchant i n these texts to l i n k past and present as a means of sustaining h i s t o r i c a l i d e n t i t y and thereby v a l i d a t i n g present i n s t i t u t i o n s . To the Victorians, archaeology was an authenticating medium for the material consolidation of t r a d i t i o n . The archaeological themes and language i n these texts I l l have a counterpart i n t h e i r form. Devices such as e d i t o r i a l "framing" and narrative " s t r a t i f i c a t i o n " contribute to the sense of text as archaeological s i t e . These texts are " s i t e s " f o r the recovery and substantiation of the past. They also chart developments i n archaeology over the course of the nineteenth century. The archaeological trope evolves with archaeology's maturation from amateur antiquarianism (reflected i n Scott's 1816 novel The Antiquary) to the f i r s t glimpses of professional and s c i e n t i f i c archaeology at the end of the century (depicted i n Haggard's She. 1887). Narratives of continuity, moreover, emanate from several f i e l d s of V i c t o r i a n archaeology. The writings of Carlyle, Scott, Bulwer-Lytton, Pater, and Haggard depict a range of archaeological a c t i v i t y spanning domestic excavation to foreign archaeology i n the Middle East, Egypt, Greece, Italy, and South A f r i c a . i v T A B L E OF CONTENTS Abstract i i Frontispiece x Table of Contents i v L i s t of Figures v i Acknowledgements v i i i Dedication i x INTRODUCTION 1 Part I From Archaeology to L i t e r a r y Excavation: S i r Austen Henry Layard, Thomas Carlyle, and B r i t i s h Archaeology at Mid-Century. 15 Chapter One The Excavation of Cultural Identity: Layard of Nineveh and the Per i o d i c a l Press 16 Chapter Two H i s t o r i c a l Continuity and B r i t i s h Archaeology at Mid-Century 41 Chapter Three From Archaeology to Archaeological Trope: The Rhetoric of Retrieval i n Past and Present 54 Part II The Archaeological Trope from Scott to Haggard 75 Chapter Four Walter Scott's "New Old" Entrance H a l l : Antiquarianism and Genealogy i n Abbotsford and The Antiquary 76 I Antiquarianism and Abbotsford 79 II The Antiquary and Antiquarianism 84 V Chapter Five "To Wake to a Second Existence": The Archaeology of Religion i n Edward Bulwer-Lytton's The Last Days of Pompeii 99 I Excavation and L i t e r a r y Form: Bulwer-Lytton's Archaeological Romance 101 II The Archaeology of Religion 110 Chapter Six Exhuming Hellenic Graves: Archaeology and Renascence i n Walter Pater's The Renaissance and Greek Studies 128 I Biographical Archaeology i n "Winckelmann" 130 II Sculpture and Vampirism i n "Michelangelo" and "Leonardo da V i n c i " 143 III Greek Studies 149 Chapter Seven "Time Hath No Power Against Identity": Archaeology and Adventure i n H. Rider Haggard's She 166 I The S c i e n t i f i c Background of She: Charles Darwin, E. B. Tylor, Andrew Lang and the Search f o r Origins 166 II From Science to the Archaeology of Adventure 174 AFTERWORD Works Cited and Consulted Appendix A: Appendix B: A Short History of Pompeian Excavation and Re-creation H i s t o r i c a l Background to Occultism i n The Last Days of Pompeii . 212 216 245 256 I l l u s t r a t i o n s 266 v i L I S T OF F I G U R E S 1. Frontispiece: "The Monumental E f f i g i e s rescued from Time" by Thomas and Charles A l f r e d Stothard (reproduced from Bann). i v 2. Black obelisk from the Palace of Shalmaneser III (The I l l u s t r a t e d London News. 16 Dec. 1848). 266 3. Human-Headed and Eagle-Winged B u l l (The I l l u s t r a t e d London News. 26 Oct. 1850). 266 4. Nineveh Room, at the B r i t i s h Museum (The I l l u s t r a t e d London News. 26 March 1853). 267 5. "Shipping the Great B u l l from Nimroud" (The I l l u s t r a t e d London News. 27 July 1850). 267 6. "Lowering the Great Winged B u l l " (Nineveh and Its Remains, v o l . 1). 268 7. "Procession of the B u l l Beneath the Mound of Nimroud" (Nineveh and Its Remains, v o l . 2). 268 8. St. Edmund's Church (R. Yates). 269 9. St. James's Tower (R. Yates). 269 10. St. Edmund's Shrine (R. Yates). 270 11. Abbotsford (Bann). 270 12. Entrance H a l l , Abbotsford (Abbotsford). 271 13. Temple of I s i s (Hamilton 1786). 271 14. The V i l l a of the Mysteries ( B r i l l i a n t ) . 272 15. S a c r i f i c i a l Ceremony of the Cult of I s i s ( B r i l l i a n t ) . 272 16. Apollo Belvedere (Potts 1994) 273 17. iEginatan Pediment Sculpture (Devambez) 273 18 Sherd of Amenartas (She 1991) 274 19. E l l i p t i c a l Structure at Zimbabwe (Wellard) 274 20. Engraving of Charles III ( B r i l l i a n t ) 275 v i i 21. Lawrence Alma-Tadema Measuring Ruins at Pompeii i n 1863 ( B r i l l i a n t ) 275 22. F a i t h f u l unto Death by Alma-Tadema (Wood) 276 23. Destruction of Pompeii and Herculaneum" by John Martin (Feaver) 276 24. A London Street Scene by John Orlando Perry (Stein) 277 25. The Last Day of Pompeii by Karl Bryullov (Bird) 277 26. Frontispiece to "La description de 1'F.gypte" (Monuments of Egypt) 278 v i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I wish to express my deepest thanks to my research supervisor, Professor Jonathan Wisenthal, for his invaluable support, enthusiasm, and guidance over the past four years. I also wish to acknowledge my gratitude to my readers, Professors Richard Bevis and Ira Nadel, who have been in t e g r a l resources for t h i s and other projects. For t h e i r i n t e r e s t and energy, many thanks also to the University Examiners, Professors Andrew Busza and Hector Williams, and to the External Examiner, Richard Stein from the University of Oregon. And I cannot thank enough Rosemary Leach, whose professionalism as Graduate Secretary i s to be commended. For my companion, Leah Jahn. X "The Monumental E f f i g i e s rescued by Time" (Thomas and Charles A l f r e d Stothard) 1 INTRODUCTION It seems to me that with the development of the c r i t i c a l s p i r i t we s h a l l be able to r e a l i s e , not merely our own l i v e s , but the c o l l e c t i v e l i f e of the race, and so to make ourselves absolutely modern, i n the true meaning of the word modernity. For he to whom the present i s the only thing that i s present, knows nothing of the age i n which he l i v e s . To r e a l i s e the nineteenth century, one must r e a l i s e every century that has preceded i t and that has contributed to i t s making. --Oscar Wilde, "The C r i t i c as A r t i s t " (1040) In t h i s extract, the speaker, Gi l b e r t , argues that the past i s a vast r e f e r e n t i a l f i e l d over which the imagination ranges. Twice employing forms of the verb "to make," he asserts that one's sense of modernity i s i n part a construction based on a c r i t i c a l engagement with the past. Individual and c o l l e c t i v e i d e n t i t y requires connection with former ages. The use of the verb "to r e a l i s e " i n the sense of "to make r e a l " or "to give r e a l i t y to" likewise connotes the construction of i d e n t i t y through connection with the past. There are two archaeological moments i n the nineteenth century that sharply i l l u s t r a t e ways i n which Wilde's sense of cumulative i d e n t i t y i s a response to material hi s t o r y : the frontisp i e c e to Charles A l f r e d Stothard's The Monumental E f f i g i e s of Great B r i t a i n (1811-33), "The Monumental E f f i g i e s rescued from Time" ( f i g . 1; drawn by Thomas Stothard, Charles's father), and chapters 20-22 of George E l i o t ' s Middlemarch (1871-72), which describe Dorothea's and Casaubon's honeymoon i n Rome and t h e i r encounter with W i l l 2 Ladislaw. These examples depict some challenges and p r o f i t a b l e avenues facing archaeology as a hermeneutic tool for h i s t o r i c a l representation i n V i c t o r i a n prose, and carry Wildean overtones of s e l f - and c u l t u r a l discovery. "The Monumental E f f i g i e s rescued from Time" portrays an e f f o r t to inscribe the material past with meaning. The female figure i n the a l l e g o r i c a l engraving, presumably the presiding deity of history, C l i o , brandishes Stothard's printed Records triumphantly over r e s t r i c t i v e and parsimonious Time. Stripped of his l e v e l l i n g scythe, Time v a i n l y struggles to withhold the Monuments from her archaeological scholarship, with which she raises the e f f i g i e s from his dark crypt into the clea r l i g h t of day--the p u t t i adding an angelic tone to t h i s upward movement. Armed with the Records i n one hand, C l i o retrieves a headless e f f i g y with the other: resurrection i s aided by language, embodied i n her s i b y l l i n e s c r o l l . In i t s a l l e g o r i c a l composition, "The Monumental E f f i g i e s rescued from Time" weds the ordering power of language with excavation to exhume and thus r e h a b i l i t a t e the material past. Similar to the Stothards' frontispiece, Dorothea, Casaubon, and W i l l a r t i c u l a t e a need or desire to " r e a l i s e " the material past gathered i n Rome. Dorothea seeks i n Rome's an t i q u i t i e s "a binding theory which could bring her own l i f e and doctrine into s t r i c t connexion with that amazing past," and thereby "give the remotest sources of knowledge some bearing on her actions" (84) . Yet, her wishful gaze i s met 3 only by the r e i f i e d "marble eyes" of an " a l i e n world" (188). She beholds i n Rome's " v i s i b l e history" the "past of a whole hemisphere . . . moving i n funeral procession with strange ancestral images and trophies gathered from afar" (187). Unassimilable difference r e s i s t s the young bride's e f f o r t s to wrest meaning from the "stupendous fragmentariness" (187) of material culture. Dorothea's disappointment with t h i s u n i n t e l l i g i b l e array i s poignant i n l i g h t of her imminent estrangement from her husband. Rome's "oppressive masquerade of ages" (188) manifests p h y s i c a l l y the " l i f e l e s s embalmment of knowledge" (191) preserved i n Casaubon's mind f o r his unconsummated "Key to A l l Mythologies." His f a i l i n g s l i e i n h i s deterministic, Dryasdust study of the past as the special preserve for his theory of an Ur-Myth from which a l l mythological and r e l i g i o u s systems descend (23-25) . In the end, the antiquary and mythographer too i s overwhelmed by the fragmentariness of antiquity. The mass of his "unpublished matter" (192) t e s t i f i e s to the f o l l y of his search for o r i g i n s . As he himself i r o n i c a l l y confesses, he i s " l i k e the ghost of an ancient, wandering about the world and t r y i n g mentally to construct i t as i t used to be, i n spite of ru i n and confusing changes" (17). His shortcomings are i n part l i n g u i s t i c : he lacks the narrative organization to create a "binding theory." Casaubon intends, but f a i l s , to give narrative substance to the "masquerade" of antiquity c o l l e c t e d i n his notebooks f o r his endlessly-deferred "Key." The Stothards' allegory i l l u s t r a t e s by contrast Casaubon's and Dorothea's f a i l u r e to resurrect the material past into present narrative. Though Dorothea shares her husband's i n a b i l i t y to marshall the "stupendous fragmentariness" of antiquity, her desire to locate a source of morality and value that could infuse her present consciousness contrasts with her husband's decidedly antiquarian perspective on the past as an arena for knowledge-building. Indeed, her attitude i s "archaeological" i n a way that i s central to archaeology as a l i t e r a r y trope. Material h i s t o r y i s a ground f o r the recovery of moral and s p i r i t u a l conditions. Exhuming the s p i r i t of the past into the present consciousness both humanizes archaeology and harmonizes past and present. The recovery and re-creation of the past stimulate re-v i s i o n i n g or re-inventing the present. W i l l " r e a l i s e s " Dorothea's aspirations and exposes, thereby, the l i m i t a t i o n s of Casaubon's taxonomic e f f o r t s . Dorothea envies W i l l ' s energetic response to the "very miscellaneousness of Rome, which . . . saved you from seeing the world's ages as a set of box-like p a r t i t i o n s without v i t a l connexion" (206) . The "fragments stimulated his imagination and made him constructive" (206) . W i l l i s "modern" i n Wilde's sense of the word, fo r he i s able to garner "quite a new sense of hi s t o r y as a whole" (200) from the parade of material history. Ladislaw sustains the narrator's f a i t h that to "those who have looked at Rome with the quickening power of a 5 knowledge which breathes a growing soul into a l l h i s t o r i c a l shapes, and traces out the suppressed t r a n s i t i o n s which unite a l l contrasts, Rome may s t i l l be the s p i r i t u a l centre and interpreter of the world" (188). W i l l and the Stothards a r t i c u l a t e archaeology's power to exhume the "soul" of the past by resurrecting i t s "monumental e f f i g i e s " from the grave of Time. This thesis explores ways i n which several V i c t o r i a n prose writers adapt archaeology to l i t e r a r y exhumations. Through the self-conscious use of archaeological language and methodology, these authors composed what I term "narratives of continuity," i n which the recovery, analysis, and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the physical past furnished materials and a mode of inquiry f o r drawing connections with the present. The archaeological trope of "digging up" the material past i s a basis f o r narrative i n Carlyle's Past and Present (1843), Scott's The Antiquary (1816), Bulwer-Lytton's The Last Days of Pompeii (1834), Pater's Renaissance (1873) and Greek Studies (1895), and Haggard's She (1887). Archaeological content, moreover, prescribes form. The sense of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n that constitutes an archaeological s i t e translates into highly "layered" narratives i n which h i s t o r i c a l s t r a t a are exhumed, explored, and a r t i c u l a t e d through l e v e l s of narrative voices. These texts also represent a broad temporal and geographical range of nineteenth-century archaeology. They chart i n l i t e r a t u r e archaeology's evolution from amateur 6 antiquarianism (reflected i n Scott's 1816 novel The Antiquary) to the f i r s t glimpses of professional and s c i e n t i f i c archaeology at the end of the century (depicted i n Haggard's She, 1887). Narratives of continuity, moreover, emanate from several f i e l d s of V i c t o r i a n archaeology. The writings of Carlyle, Scott, Bulwer-Lytton, Pater, and Haggard depict archaeological a c t i v i t y spanning domestic excavation to foreign archaeology i n the Middle East, Egypt, Greece, Italy, and South A f r i c a . Part I, "The State of V i c t o r i a n Archaeology at Mid-Century" (chapters 1 to 3), establishes archaeology as a major trope i n V i c t o r i a n prose by exploring what archaeology meant not only to the archaeologists, who were throughout the century defining and redefining the boundaries of t h e i r burgeoning profession, but to the reading public at large, whose newspapers and magazines were f i l l e d with archaeological a c t i v i t y taking place both at home and abroad; and to the authors themselves, who, p r o f i t i n g from the general interest and excitement generated by t h i s f i e l d , turned archaeology into a l i t e r a r y subject and a source of metaphors. Part I i s , therefore, a c u l t u r a l study of the means by which archaeology expanded how the Victorians studied, wrote about, and understood the past. Chapter 1 examines reactions i n the p e r i o d i c a l press to a s i n g u l a r l y renowned archaeological enterprise: S i r Austen Henry Layard's excavation of Nineveh from 1845 to 1847, 7 recounted i n Nineveh and Its Remains (1849), the f i r s t archaeological b e s t - s e l l e r written i n English. Three responses dominate the lengthy and laudatory reviews of the book, responses that are representative of the Victorians' penchant to l i n k t h e i r culture with those of bygone c i v i l i z a t i o n s . F i r s t , the reviewers applauded Layard's discovery of the b i b l i c a l c i t y of Nineveh fo r providing s c i e n t i f i c proof of S c r i p t u r a l authenticity. B r i t i s h worship found material footing i n the ruins of ancient Assyria. Partly for t h i s reason, the reviewers also viewed the impressive c i v i l i z a t i o n Layard brought to l i g h t as a distant ancestor of English culture and industry. An image of B r i t a i n crowning a vast c u l t u r a l continuum stretching to the l i m i t s of archaeological v i s i o n p r e v a i l s . Last, c o l o n i a l overtones imbue the excavation and removal of a n t i q u i t i e s to the B r i t i s h Museum. Modern B r i t a i n reclaimed i t s own s p i r i t u a l and c u l t u r a l heritage v i s - a - v i s the foreign o f f i c e i n Constantinople, under whose aegis Layard excavated i n the Ottoman-ruled Middle East. These three themes i l l u s t r a t e ways i n which archaeology encouraged B r i t i s h appropriation of antiquity into i t s own c u l t u r a l mythology. Chapter 2 broadens the discussion by surveying archaeological a c t i v i t y at mid-century as a point of reference for l i t e r a r y developments. A trend toward t e l e o l o g i c a l interpretations of the archaeological record--as i n the Layard phenomenon--laid the i n t e l l e c t u a l foundation upon which authors constructed narratives of continuity. Archaeologists of t h i s period, for instance, f e l t the need to yoke t h e i r study of the material past to the celebration of progress epitomized by the Great Exhibition of 1851. C l a s s i c a l archaeologist Charles Newton e x p l i c i t l y makes t h i s connection, equating the "Exhibition of the Industry of a l l nations of the present day" with the objective of archaeology, which "would achieve i f possible . . . not less than the Exh i b i t i o n of the Industry of a l l nations for a l l time" (1851, 24). In the shadow of the Great Exhibition, archaeology provided the Victorians with evidence that t h e i r technological accomplishments and progress represented a continuation of processes occurring throughout history. Chapter 3 shows how Carlyle found i n archaeology a mode of l i t e r a r y i n v e s t i g a t i o n and re-creation f o r the "Past" section of Past and Present (1843) . I treat t h i s text--s p e c i f i c a l l y the exhumation scene of the body of St. Edmund--as paradigmatic of the archaeological trope i n nineteenth-century l i t e r a t u r e . As i n the Stothards 1 engraving, excavation includes exhumation. By unearthing the buried " e f f i g i e s " of the past, authors come face to face with t h e i r ancestors. I include Past and Present i n Part I, and out of chronological order, because i t s memorable exhumation scene provides a f i t t i n g introduction to the motif of excavation as exhumation i n the other texts of t h i s study. The form of Carlyle's book, moreover, introduces the 9 image of text-as-excavation-site. Past and Present i s s t r a t i f i e d with n a r r a t i v e / h i s t o r i c a l layers: the twelfth-century world of St. Edmundsbury i s f i l t e r e d through J o c e l i n de Brakelonde's Chronicle. which, i n turn, i s transcribed and reinterpreted by the nineteenth-century narrator. Through J o c e l i n 1 s text the narrator promotes the labours of Abbot Samson as a curative to present i n a n i t i o n epitomised by the St. Ives workhouse. Ca r l y l e thus dramatizes the past by resurrecting h i s t o r i c a l actors. The chronicle i s no mere h i s t o r i c a l document--a catalogue of events--but a story replete with characters who assume a r e a l i t y and v i t a l i t y i n the narrative present. The narrator i n v i t e s us a c t u a l l y to "see" J o c e l i n through the Chronicle, to "look into a p a i r of eyes deep as our own, imaging our own" (55) . Archaeological texts perform the task of rebuilding the past, both i n p r i n t and i n the mind of the reader. Carlyle's textual excavations demand a concomitant mode of reading. Part II (chapters 4-7) turns to the writings of Scott, Bulwer-Lytton, Pater, and Haggard to illuminate issues and formal considerations raised i n Part I. Chapter 4 examines ways i n which Scott's own antiquarian i n t e r e s t s underscore The Antiquary (1816), whose t i t l e derives from the occupation of i t s protagonist, Jonathan Oldbuck. I argue that one of Scott's most adventurous antiquarian projects--the construction of Abbotsford as a f a m i l i a l seat--is a c o r r e l a t i v e of the antiquarian exploration and f a b r i c a t i o n of 10 genealogy i n the novel. Designed as an "old Scottish manor-house" (Letters 7: 111), Abbotsford incorporated b u i l d i n g materials and ornaments taken from s i t e s redolent with h i s t o r i c a l association. By weaving together "fragments of ancient splendour" (4: 543) into his house on lands bordering his ancestral Dryburgh, Scott forged tangible continuity with his own Scott and Scottish heritage. The Antiquary, set i n the 1790s, reaffirms deep-seated connections with Scottish i d e n t i t y i n a time of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , commercialization, and c u l t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n with England. The novel focuses on r e h a b i l i t a t i n g the pedigree of the l o s t heir, Lovel, by digging up the secret of his b i r t h from the ruins of St. Ruth's Priory. His reinstatement as i n h e r i t o r of the ancient Glenallan estate preserves the Glenallan l i n e from imminent obscurity. Scott's process of composition i s , l i k e Carlyle's, archaeological. One of Scott's antiquary alter-egos, Laurence Templeton, suggests that The Antiquary's charm "lay e n t i r e l y i n the art with which the unknown author had availed himself, l i k e a second M'Pherson, of the antiquarian stores which lay scattered around him" (cited i n Ivanhoe 16: v ) . In The Antiquary, antiquarian stores are the basis for narrative, and, l i k e Abbotsford's own antiquarian "stores," for "constructing" genealogy. Chapter 5 investigates Bulwer-Lytton's l i t e r a r y response to the famous archaeological s i t e at Pompeii, The Last Days of 11 Pompeii (1834). Archaeological forays bear r e l i g i o u s associations s i m i l a r to those i n Nineveh and Its Remains and Past and Present. The author probes the ruins of Pompeii to reconstitute deep-rooted connections between the " f i r s t century of our r e l i g i o n " (vi) and the mystical cu l t s out of which C h r i s t i a n i t y emerged. The narrator-cum-archaeologist uses metaphors of excavation and layering to re-create the C h r i s t i a n subculture looming under Pompeii's o f f i c i a l Egyptian and Roman r e l i g i o n s . I treat t h i s highly-textured narrative, which describes a s t r a t i f i e d continuum of c u l t u r a l and r e l i g i o u s history stemming from pre-Hellenic Egypt to modern B r i t a i n , i t s e l f as an archaeological s i t e . The penultimate chapter further explores the Hellenic legacy to the V i c t o r i a n world. I contend that i n The Renaissance (1873) and Greek Studies (1895) archaeology provided the material and metaphorical bases of Pater's paradigm of c u l t u r a l "renascence," the periodic flowering and perpetuation of the Greek origins of Western culture. I trace the o r i g i n s of Pater's "archaeological" aestheticism i n The Renaissance to the "father of archaeology," Johann Joachim Winckelmann, author of History of Ancient Art (1764-67). In "Winckelmann," Pater applies Winckelmann's own brand of aesthetic archaeology--in which aesthetic forms represent h i s t o r i c a l forces--to biography. Treating Winckelmann as an excavation s i t e , Pater exhumes the Hellenic s e n s i b i l i t i e s that Winckelmann seemingly absorbed through his study of Greece's 12 material remains. In t h i s way, Pater promotes Goethe's assertion that "we learn nothing by reading Winckelmann, but we become something" (cited i n Renaissance 147) . To Pater (and Goethe), Winckelmann revealed the transformative e f f e c t s of the c r i t i c a l and aesthetic engagement with the Greek touchstones of Western culture. In Greek Studies (1895) Pater turns to Greek material remains themselves. Similar to the ass i m i l a t i o n of Assyria into B r i t a i n ' s own heritage i s Pater's treatment of the a r t i f a c t s of Greek prehistory--unearthed by, among others, Heinrich Schliemann--as the foundation stones of the h i s t o r i c a l Renaissance. As i n "Winckelmann," the excavation of the Hellenic world through i t s physical remains i s an important means of revealing, as Margaret Oliphant put i t , "what Greek--not the language but the tone of mind and condition of thought, taken up a thousand years or so too late, on the top of a long heritage of other thoughts and conditions--may bring Oxford to" (90). The l a s t chapter examines the l a t e development of the archaeological trope i n the nineteenth century. In Haggard's She (1887), archaeology sustains the adventure narrative. Its form recapitulates that of Layard's Nineveh and Its Remains, a non-fiction text that nonetheless combines archaeology with t r a v e l and adventure. She also bears the c o l o n i a l overtones of Layard's exploits i n the Middle East. The novel's protagonists, Leo and Holly, examine i n the depths of 13 southeastern A f r i c a the ruins of an extinct white-skinned race, which turns out to be the ancient progenitor of Western c i v i l i z a t i o n . This aspect of the novel i s i n fact an imaginative response to the discovery i n 1871 of the ruins of Zimbabwe i n the Rhodesian i n t e r i o r . This event stimulated much discussion as to t h e i r provenance, d i f f u s i o n from Mediterranean c i v i l i z a t i o n s p r e v a i l i n g u n t i l the early-twentieth century. Like English excavations i n Mesopotamia, the discovery of the Zimbabwe ruins i s an instance of archaeology providing i d e o l o g i c a l fodder and, i n the case of Zimbabwe, h i s t o r i c a l precedents f o r Western colonialism. Archaeological discourse i n the nineteenth century demonstrates that the past the English encounter when abroad i s often t h e i r own. This novel also exhibits the author's consuming inter e s t i n the f i e l d s of Egyptology and comparative anthropology, archaeology's s i s t e r science. Haggard, furthermore, meditates upon implications of geological and b i o l o g i c a l uniformitarianisra i n the realm of p r e h i s t o r i c archaeology. In She, the archaeological trope i t s e l f "evolves" to accommodate s c i e n t i f i c advances central to archaeology's emergence as a profession at the end of the century. We can see from archaeology and i t s l i t e r a r y c o r r e l a t i v e s that the Victorians were themselves keen excavators and a r t i c u l a t o r s of t h e i r heritage. The "narratives of continuity" that I have i d e n t i f i e d as a major thematic and 14 formal feature i n the writings of Carlyle, Scott, Bulwer-Lytton, Pater, and Haggard are rooted i n both archaeological practice and i n an i n t e l l e c t u a l climate that tended to foster t e l e o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of material data. If these texts r e f l e c t a wide amateur inter e s t i n s c i e n t i f i c discovery, they also betray the anxiety of a culture whose long-established b e l i e f s were disturbed by science. Myths of continuity are i n some measure a defensive response to the Victorian's unsettled world. The writings of l i t e r a r y archaeographers--the "c u l t i v a t o r s of archaeology"--emerge p a r t l y out of the Victorians' need to locate themselves i n hist o r y as they uncovered the monuments of the past. Archaeologists furnished a r t i f a c t s and a mode of investigation through which Victorians materially consolidated t h e i r t r a d i t i o n s . To the twentieth-century reader, these examples of archaeological prose are an excavation s i t e f o r nineteenth-century culture. PART I From Archaeology to L i t e r a r y Excavation: S i r Austen Henry Layard, Thomas Carlyle, and B r i t Archaeology at Mid-Century. 16 CHAPTER 1 The Excavation of Cultural Identity: Layard of Nineveh and the Periodical Press And d i d those feet i n ancient time Walk upon England's mountains green? --William Blake, Milton (Preface 1-2) To commemorate Queen V i c t o r i a ' s Diamond Jubilee i n 1897, Rudyard K i p l i n g wrote what i s arguably his most famous poem, "Recessional." In contrast to the martial pomp and circumstance that crowned s i x t y years of Imperial rule, the poem warns B r i t i s h r e v e l l e r s to guard against " f r a n t i c boast and f o o l i s h word" and to r e f l e c t upon the passage of ancient empires. K i p l i n g draws t h i s moral by appealing to the memory of l o s t worlds. He writes, Far-called, our navies melt away; On dune and headland sinks the f i r e : Lo, a l l our pomp of yesterday Is one with Nineveh and Tyre! Judge of the Nations, spare us yet, Lest we f o r g e t - - l e s t we forget! (13-18) In 1897, Kipling's reference to Nineveh c a r r i e d the weight not only of b i b l i c a l a l l u s i o n but also of material history, for the existence of the ancient c i t y had f o r half a century been established as an archaeological fact by S i r Austen Henry Layard, who unearthed the vanished c i t y during his two expeditions of 1845-47 and 1849-51. Kipling's r e f r a i n " l e s t we forget" i s , furthermore, a l e i t m o t i f i n the l i v e l y 17 discussion i n p e r i o d i c a l l i t e r a t u r e aroused by Layard's discoveries. At mid-century, remembering Nineveh was nothing short of a national pastime, such that t h i s hitherto obscure and distant world quickly became absorbed into B r i t a i n ' s own h i s t o r i c a l consciousness. 1 In 1845 the B r i t i s h Museum's c o l l e c t i o n of Assyrian a n t i q u i t i e s measured a "case scarcely three feet square," which, from England's perspective, "enclosed a l l that remained, not only of the great c i t y , Nineveh, but of Babylon i t s e l f ! " 2 The man who wrote these words i n 1849, Austen Henry Layard, brought to l i g h t the semi-mythical world of ancient Assyria for the English. 3 His finds were spectacular. In October 1848, 50 cases from Mosul (located on the west bank of the T i g r i s River) arrived at the B r i t i s h Museum. They contained the material remains of a once proud and mighty empire. Among them were colossal r e l i e f s of Assyrian d e i t i e s and kings; f r i e z e s depicting royal hunts, battles, and sieges; entablatures inscribed with a hitherto unknown wedged-shaped cuneiform (which, when translated by Henry Rawlinson, became invaluable records of the Assyrian world); the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III ( f i g . 2); and, perhaps most famous of a l l , monumental sculptures of human-headed, winged l i o n s and b u l l s ( f i g . 3). Layard's marbles remain the heart of the B r i t i s h Museum's Assyrian c o l l e c t i o n . Layard's recovery of t h i s l o s t c i t y s t i r r e d a frenzy of public excitement, much as Schliemann's discovery of Homer's 18 Troy would do i n the 1870s. The Trustees of the B r i t i s h Museum were, as Layard remarks with a touch of irony i n his autobiography, "elated at the success of the f i r s t expedition and delighted at the crammed houses which the new entertainment brought them" (1903, 1: 191). V i c t o r i a at once dispatched Albert to the newly appointed Nineveh room ( f i g . 4); Prime Minister Lord John Russell, himself awed by the exhibit, ordered a naval vessel to pick up a winged b u l l and l i o n that remained at the docks i n Basra on the T i g r i s River (Brackman 227). In fact, the Shipping of the Great B u l l was treated as a national event by The I l l u s t r a t e d London News ( f i g . 5), which took the occasion to voice a widely held desire for the government to fund Layard's decidedly p a t r i o t i c work. He ultimately received a small stipend from the Trustees of the B r i t i s h Museum as well as t h e i r f i n a n c i a l backing for the second expedition of 1849.4 Layard found himself nothing short of a national hero upon his return to England i n 1848 a f t e r his f i r s t expedition. Honours were heaped upon him. Oxford conferred a Doctorate of Canon Laws i n July 1848. He was elected a member of the Athenaeum and was awarded the prestigious Royal Geographic Society Gold Medal. V i c t o r i a put her royal stamp of approval on Layard's work for the nation by being the f i r s t contributor to the Nineveh Fund, set up i n 1853 (Winstone 88). And on the continent, King Louis P h i l l i p p e of France took time out from the p o l i t i c a l turmoil of 1848 to request an audience with the 19 archaeologist. In his autobiography, however, Layard g l i b l y states, "I was glad to a v a i l myself of the excuse of immediate departure, and to s a c r i f i c e His Majesty to a Christmas dinner i n England" (1903, 1: 186). Layard became part of the B r i t i s h public's d a i l y reading. His exploits were followed by the Morning Post's correspondent i n the Middle East and regularly by the Times. The pages of The I l l u s t r a t e d London News were packed with minute descriptions and sumptuous reproductions of Assyrian a r t i f a c t s received by the B r i t i s h Museum. C o l l e c t i v e l y , i t s coverage i s a catalogue of the a n t i q u i t i e s removed to the B r i t i s h Museum, a "complete guide" ("Nimroud Sculptures" 331) f o r those v i s i t i n g , or who could not themselves v i s i t , the Museum. Layard's popularity and his prominent role i n the early years of archaeology are r e f l e c t e d i n the commercial success of his book Nineveh and Its Remains, published by John Murray i n 1849. S e l l i n g 8000 copies i n the f i r s t year, i t was the f i r s t archaeological best s e l l e r written i n English (Woodhead 5). Layard d r i l y remarked that the sales " w i l l place i t side by side with Mrs Rundell's Cookery" (1903, 2: 191). An American and a second e d i t i o n were published i n the same year, as well as an expensive series of etchings, The Monuments of Nineveh. which also sold out (Silverberg 121; A Second Series of the Monuments of Nineveh was published i n 1853). An abridgement, A Popular Account of Discoveries at Nineveh, followed i n 1851, which appeared i n 1852 among the f i r s t h a l f -20 dozen t i t l e s published under the "Murray's Reading fo r the R a i l " imprint f o r the W. H. Smith bookstalls (Daniel 1981, 75). This also quickly ran into two editions. His 1853 Nineveh and Babylon, the account of his second expedition, was another best s e l l e r , enjoying p u b l i c a t i o n i n a popular cheap form within the year. As packed crowds at the B r i t i s h Museum and impressive sales of Nineveh and Its Remains intimate, the B r i t i s h public was consumed with Nineveh. Reasons for t h i s general i n t e r e s t i n Layard's exploits are to be found i n the lengthy and laudatory reviews of the book i n the p e r i o d i c a l press. Appearing i n newspapers and i n l i t e r a r y and s c i e n t i f i c journals spanning the gamut of p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s perspectives, the reviews reveal c u l t u r a l values and assumptions that explain Layard's popularity and expose much about the way the B r i t i s h viewed themselves and t h e i r t r a d i t i o n s i n a so-called "age of progress" commemorated two years l a t e r at the Great Exh i b i t i o n of 1851. Indeed, throughout the century archaeology was enmeshed i n the celebration of material, c u l t u r a l , and even moral progress, while simultaneously serving to assuage a very r e a l need to define B r i t i s h h i s t o r i c a l i d e n t i t y i n response to change. Philippa Levine, i n a study of the p r o f e s s i o n a l i z a t i o n of archaeology and history, likewise stresses that the " b e l i e f and f a i t h i n progress . . . fostered a strongly t e l e o l o g i c a l approach to history, such that i t became, i r o n i c a l l y , the gospel of heritage, n u l l i f y i n g the less palatable conceptions newly prompted by i t s study" (4). The c r i t i c a l discussion surrounding Layard's excavations i l l u s t r a t e s how nineteenth-century archaeologists sought to j u s t i f y , substantiate, and authenticate the ori g i n s of modern i n s t i t u t i o n s . I suggest, then, that the importance Victorians attached to Nineveh and Its Remains marks the book as an important index--or archaeological s i t e - - o f mid-nineteenth-century B r i t i s h anxieties and values. Three issues recur i n the reviews of Nineveh and Its Remains. F i r s t , and perhaps foremost, the reviewers applaud Layard's excavation of the b i b l i c a l c i t y for providing his readers with s c i e n t i f i c , material proof of b i b l i c a l h i s t o r i c i t y , which had been for decades under siege by the Higher C r i t i c i s m and, e a r l i e r , by uniformitarian geology (formulated by James Hutton i n Theory of the Earth [1795] and refined by Charles L y e l l i n P r i n c i p l e s of Geology [1830-33]). 5 Indeed, b i b l i c a l archaeology i s , states Silberman, "a unique c u l t u r a l manifestation of the age i n which i t was born," for the advent of the nineteenth-century s c i e n t i f i c consciousness compromised the stable body of r e l i g i o u s t r a d i t i o n so that "the l i t e r a l accuracy of the Bible had to be defended on new terms" ( x i i i ) . But through b i b l i c a l archaeology the C h r i s t i a n world witnessed material hi s t o r y emerge from under the desert sands of the very birthplace of i t s f a i t h to t e s t i f y to the truth of Scripture. 22 In t h i s vein, the Southern Quarterly Review postulates that the many i l l u s t r a t i o n s and coincidences . . . casually referred to by the sacred writers, a f f o r d a triumphant argument i n favour of the authenticity of the Books, written while the children of Israel were i n contact with the inhabitants of Assyria and Mesopotamia. ("L." 24) The earnestness and sheer r e p e t i t i o n with which the reviewers correlate Layard's digs with s c r i p t u r a l h i s t o r y suggest both defensiveness i n the face of science and philology and a need to challenge textual c r i t i c i s m on s c i e n t i f i c grounds. According to Genesis, Nineveh was b u i l t by Assur, who was descended from Shem, son of Noah (10.1-11) .s Located i n the early post-diluvian topography, the region was natu r a l l y claimed by Christians as t h e i r s p i r i t u a l homeland. B r i t a i n was, therefore, eager to restore t h i s ancient, b i b l i c a l c i t y and c i v i l i z a t i o n to the Ch r i s t i a n world. The B r i t i s h Quarterly Review confidently asserts, "eight persons, we know, survived the flood. With them survived c i v i l i z a t i o n . Noah was spared because of his personal excellence. (Gen. v i . 9.) Hence he represents the highest culture of the age" ("Nineveh and the Bible" 408). The reviewer e n l i s t s Layard's discovery of a c i t y mentioned i n conjunction with Noah to dismiss i m p l i c i t l y uniformitarian geologists' challenge to the notion of a universal deluge. In the eyes of the reviewers, Layard's journey was nothing short of a pilgrimage, a s p i r i t u a l voyage a l l s cripture readers i n an age of doubt and questioning could i d e n t i f y with, and, furthermore, v i c a r i o u s l y undertake. Layard emerges i n the reviews as a v i t a l l i n k between modern B r i t a i n and an ancient world intimately connected with C h r i s t i a n i t y . The Southern Quarterly Review, for instance, accentuates these topographical and r e l i g i o u s associations. "Here i t was that the Lord God planted the Garden of Eden. . . . Here s t i l l flow on the T i g r i s and Euphrates, named i n Holy Writ (Gen. i i . , 14,) as r i v e r s of Eden" ("L." 1). Recovering the Assyrian world f o r the modern imagination i s a material step towards r e h a b i l i t a t i n g the notion of the divine o r i g i n of l i f e . The reviewer continues, "here our f i r s t parents spent t h e i r b r i e f hours of innocence" (2; my emphasis). F i r s t -person possessive pronouns abound i n the reviews to denote c u l t u r a l , s p i r i t u a l , and even r a c i a l s o l i d a r i t y with the region associated with Eden. The B r i t i s h Quarterly Review, whose "high goal . . . was to educate Dissenters on a l l current issues and to present Non-conformist views to the world at large" (Wellesley 4: 114), ext o l l e d Layard's pious mission: "put on the defensive, the Bible has appeared to need defence" (408) . The review, e n t i t l e d "Nineveh and the Bible," announces that Layard's "voice and that of the Bible are i n unison. . . . The Bible i n i t s narrations r e l a t i n g to the e a r l i e s t governments, speaks of 24 r e a l i t i e s " (413-14). The reviewer praises Layard's vi n d i c a t i o n of the so-called "myth" of the Assyrian Kings chronicled i n scripture, "that long l i n e of vanishing myths, come back, l i k e Banquo's ghost, to punish t h e i r ruthless slayers" (415) .7 Layard's associates.and friends were not insensible to the marketability of Nineveh and Its Remains among a large, anxious, i n q u i s i t i v e , and, i n some cases, zealous C h r i s t i a n readership. Layard's friend, S i r Charles Alison, the Oriental Secretary at B r i t a i n ' s Embassy i n Constantinople, urged the archaeologist to "[w]rite a whopper with l o t s of plates," and to " f i s h up old legends and anecdotes, and i f you can by any means humbug people into the b e l i e f that you have established any points i n the Bible, you are a made man" (qtd. i n Waterfield 171). Henry Rawlinson likewise suggested that a "spice of the Bible and the old chroniclers would render the dish very palatable" (qtd. i n Waterfield 171). Layard wrote to American painter Miner Kellogg that "I think the book w i l l be a t t r a c t i v e p a r t i c u l a r l y i n America where there are so many scripture readers" (qtd. i n Waterfield 182). An American e d i t i o n duly appeared i n 1849. The Athenaeum even distinguished Layard with the term "Scripture archaeologist" (Rev. of A Second Series of the Monuments of Nineveh 858) . 8 The B r i t i s h , f o r whom i t was "reserved . . . to turn the darkness which had s e t t l e d on [Nineveh] into something l i k e l i g h t " ("Remains of Nineveh" 56), also desired to forge deep-25 rooted c u l t u r a l associations with the impressive Assyrian world Layard had brought to l i g h t . The B r i t i s h beheld i n the Assyrian monuments the remnants of a once-powerful c i v i l i z a t i o n that had flourished at the dawn of time. Layard's exploits were thus ext o l l e d i n the p e r i o d i c a l press as a mission to locate Assyria i n a c u l t u r a l continuum crowned by Great B r i t a i n . This i s a second motif i n the reviews of Nineveh and Its Remains. The Quarterly Review, f o r example, asks i t s readership, "[w]hat i s the re s u l t of [Layard's] singular discoveries? what l i g h t do they throw on the hist o r y of mankind--on the o r i g i n , early development, and progress of human c i v i l i z a t i o n ? " (Rev. of Nineveh and Its Remains 135) . The Athenaeum's response i s that Layard " f e l t an i r r e s i s t i b l e desire to penetrate to the regions beyond the Euphrates to which his t o r y and t r a d i t i o n point as the birthplace of 'the wisdom of the West 1" (Rev. of Nineveh and Its Remains 45). The Westminster and Foreign Quarterly Review likewise claims that Layard's discovery "promises to lig h t e n up much of the dark annals of ancient Asia, and to present us, though not perhaps with the perfect chain, at lea s t with many of the l o s t l i n k s which connect us with the f i r s t r i s e of c i v i l i z a t i o n " (Rev. of Nineveh and Its Remains 290). The chain i s an apposite and revealing image for nineteenth-century archaeology. Indeed, the image i t s e l f runs l i k e a chain through the reviews and archaeological l i t e r a t u r e 26 of the century. C l a s s i c a l archaeologist Charles Newton, for example, asserts i n his 1851 essay, "On the Study of Archaeology," that archaeology can supply a few l i n k s i n that chain of continuous t r a d i t i o n , which connects the c i v i l i s e d nineteenth century with the race of the primeval world,--which holds together t h i s great brotherhood i n bonds of attachment . . . which, traversing the ruins of empires . . . spans the abyss of time, and transmits onward the message of the Past. (26) Newton's message i s clear: archaeology's mission i s to trace the thread of h i s t o r i c a l development connecting past and present. By studying archaeological records--even those of foreign l a n d s - - B r i t i s h archaeologists sought to locate t h e i r own culture i n a stable body of t r a d i t i o n . The master l i n k i n the chain connecting England to Assyria was c l a s s i c a l Greece. Already enmeshed i n the c u l t u r a l matrix of B r i t a i n (largely through the public school curriculum and c l a s s i c a l archaeology i t s e l f ) , Greece was therefore a convenient intermediary between nineteenth-century B r i t a i n and ancient Assyria. The Westminster and Foreign Quarterly Review takes the occasion of Layard's excavations to summarize no less than the en t i r e history of Western c i v i l i z a t i o n , whose b i r t h r i g h t , for the nineteenth century, was two millennia of c u l t u r a l development: Assyria . . . may be regarded as the nation which, 27 with Egypt, l a i d the foundation of that stupendous f a b r i c of the earth's c i v i l i z a t i o n , which, progressively r i s i n g and accumulating under the i n t e l l e c t of ages, received, as i t were, i t s next story i n the mediaeval era of Greece and Italy, and i s now r a i s i n g i t s superstructure i n the tardy enlightenment of Western Europe. . . . We are dealing . . . with no mere h i s t o r i c a l question. . . . We are rather t r a c i n g to t h e i r source the C i v i l i z a t i o n and Arts which were transmitted from Asia, through Greece and Italy, to the Western nations, and are now spreading beyond the Ocean. (Rev. of Nineveh and Its Remains 332-33) Such statements--which abound i n the reviews--demonstrate the conviction and, moreover, speed, with which the B r i t i s h located and adopted ancient c i v i l i z a t i o n s into t h e i r nation's own heritage. James Fergusson, author of The Palaces of Nineveh and Persepolis Restored (1851), thus asserts that i t " i s an almost incalculable gain to us at the present stage of our progress, to be able thus to look back to the primary source from which our c i v i l i z a t i o n was derived" (cited i n Athenaeum review 265; my emphases) . The reviewers, no less than the archaeologists themselves, were instrumental i n forging the l i n k s of continuity with the remote past. Layard himself promoted B r i t i s h claims to c u l t u r a l t i e s with ancient Assyria. In Nineveh and Babylon he p o e t i c a l l y 28 declares that the great tid e of [Assyrian] c i v i l i s a t i o n had long since ebbed, leaving these scattered wrecks on the s o l i t a r y shore. Are those waters to flow again, bearing back the seeds of knowledge and of wealth that they have wafted to the West? We wanderers were seeking what they had l e f t behind, as children gather up the coloured s h e l l s of the deserted sands. (1897, 91) Assyria i s here depicted as a distant ancestor, B r i t a i n , as i t s progeny. Layard's image of gathering, moreover, betrays the r e a l i t y that claims to c u l t u r a l continuity with and inheritance from Assyria amounted l a r g e l y to material possession of a r t i f a c t s sanctioned by Turkish authorities, who issued firmans to Layard f o r t h e i r excavation and removal. In the desert and i n England a l i k e , possession remained nine-tenths of the law. In the I l l u s t r a t e d London News, which f a i t h f u l l y chronicled the a r r i v a l s of what i t revealingly terms "trophies," the tenor of the reportage becomes decidedly more laudatory i n proportion to the impressiveness (and bulk) of the a n t i q u i t i e s . Its lengthy review of Layard's Nineveh and Babylon recapitulates the notion of bridging past and present that winds through i t s seven-years' coverage of the excavations. Rather than a review of the book, i t i s a rumination on B r i t a i n ' s place i n hi s t o r y as i t s archaeological 29 v i s i o n peered into the increasingly remote past. The writer t r i e s to imagine the future cultures that w i l l p r o f i t from B r i t a i n ' s merits, just as B r i t a i n owes i t s eminence to the great c i v i l i z a t i o n s of antiquity: Independently of the indisputable fact, that our moral and material c i v i l i s a t i o n i s more worthy to be preserved i n human remembrance than i s the most perfect development ever attained by idolatrous Egypt, or by idolatrous Ashur, there i s another fact equally certain--that our times w i l l be thus preserved. . . . It i s impossible--and impossible physically, as well as morally--that, a f t e r any lapse of ages f i v e times as numerous as those which separate the present era from the era of Ninus, the same shadows should envelop the memory of V i c t o r i a . (Rev. of Discoveries i n the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon 257) In t h i s statement, the idea of progress yoked to t r a d i t i o n , a favourite of Victorians, assumes grand moral dimensions. Again, the reviewer employs the theme of memory: as the present i s the product of the past, B r i t a i n , which has attained the highest culture of the ages, grafts i t s achievements onto the archaeological record as a legacy to future generations. B r i t a i n ' s appropriation of a foreign past into i t s own h i s t o r i c a l self-image also has c o l o n i a l and r a c i a l overtones. 30 An i m p l i c i t celebration of Empire i s a t h i r d motif i n the reviews of Nineveh and Its Remains. The B r i t i s h Quarterly-Review, fo r example, manipulates the b i b l i c a l account of the migrations of Noah's and Abraham's families to account for B r i t a i n ' s own "migrations." The reviewer argues that the Indo-European races began t h e i r h i s t o r y by migration from the common family hearth, and are to t h i s hour f u l f i l l i n g t h e i r destiny by taking possession of a l l quarters of the globe. Represented now by Anglo-Saxon stock, they are spreading themselves, and with themselves c i v i l i z a t i o n and C h r i s t i a n i t y . (Rev. of Nineveh and Its Remains 419) Imperial and archaeological possession are analogues i n the Middle East. S p i r i t u a l and c u l t u r a l claims to the region, sustained by material possession of a r t i f a c t s , r a t i o n a l i z e B r i t a i n ' s c o l o n i a l presence i n the region. Indeed, Layard's fame as a Middle-Eastern archaeologist secured him a career i n the c o l o n i a l service: he served as Undersecretary to the B r i t i s h Embassy at Constantinople during his second expedition and was appointed i t s Ambassador i n 1877. The frontispieces to the f i r s t and second volumes of Nineveh and Its Remains are exceptional v i s u a l representations of Layard's status amongst the subjugated Arabs. In "Lowering the Great Winged B u l l " ( f i g . 6), Layard, standing atop the mound, d i r e c t s his Arab labourers who bear the tremendous weight of the b u l l . As i n the i l l u s t r a t i o n of "Shipping the 31 B u l l , " the Bedouin--represented as a sleepy people i n need of guidance--gaze upon t h i s spectacular scene and add exotic ambience. Layard's regal assistant, Hormuzd Rassam, superintends i n the lower foreground, adding a strong v e r t i c a l l i n e to the composition. 9 Layard's commanding arm mirrors the diagonal l i n e s of tension i n the rope. The second, "The Procession of the B u l l " {fig. 7), evokes b i b l i c a l images of Pharaonical mastery over a slave race. Layard d i r e c t s his parade of workers from a rearing horse, which he e f f o r t l e s s l y controls with one hand i n a t r a d i t i o n a l representation of m i l i t a r y command. As i n "Lowering the B u l l , " Layard's arm mirrors the tension l i n e s of the ropes. 1 0 These v i s u a l representations of the English commander p i l o t i n g the d i f f i c u l t removal of the winged b u l l aptly r e f l e c t the popular, romantic image of Layard as an adventuring archaeologist. The author himself admits that h i s expedition was the s t u f f of romance. On leaving Nimrud, he says, "[w]e look around i n vain f o r any traces of the wonderful remains we have just seen, and are half i n c l i n e d to believe that we have dreamed a dream, or have been l i s t e n i n g to some t a l e of Eastern romance" (2: 114). Such i s Edward Robinson's assessment of Nineveh and Its Remains i n h i s preface to the American e d i t i o n : i n " i t s incidents and descriptions i t does indeed remind one continually of an Arabian t a l e of wonders and g e n i i " (1: i v ) . Arnold Brackman even cr e d i t s Layard with creating a new l i t e r a r y genre, "the 32 book on archaeology, i n narrative form, which interwove scholarship, t r a v e l , romance, and high adventure" (217). The reviewer of Fraser's Magazine notes that there i s something to at t r a c t the taste of a l l classes. Besides the . . . food tough and salted to the o s t r i c h maw of Dryasdust, we have plenty of f a n c i f u l speculation for the dainty palate of dilettantism, and plenty of perilous adventure for the s i c k l y digestion of that large portion of the B r i t i s h public which i s devoted to light-reading. Indeed, as a mere book of t r a v e l Layard's Nineveh w i l l always rank highly. ("Layard's Nineveh" 446-47) Layard's archaeological "romance" was the model for commercially successful archaeological books such as Heinrich Schliemann's Troy and Its Remains (1875) and Howard Carter's The Tomb of Tut-ankh-Amen (1923-33) . M. E. L. Mallowan, who reopened Layard's s i t e with the help of his wife, Agatha C h r i s t i e , concedes that the "form and scheme" of his own book, Nimrud and Its Remains (1966), " i s i n a sense archaic, a continuation of Layard's narrative" (1: 13). The s i m i l a r t i t l e s r e f l e c t a s i m i l a r i t y i n s t y l e . Indeed, t h i s romantic image of the adventuring archaeologist--and i t s c o l o n i a l overtones--comes down through adventure f i c t i o n i n Rider Haggard's She, through Agatha C h r i s t i e ' s archaeological mysteries, to the contemporary image of Indiana Jones. 1 1 The romance of Layard's expedition has l i t e r a r y ramifications. 33 The B r i t i s h presence i n the Ottoman Middle East evinced by the i l l u s t r a t i o n s of Layard's removal of the b u l l merges, moreover, with the r e l i g i o u s sentiment i n the reviews. Musing on the f a l l of ancient b i b l i c a l c i t i e s , The North B r i t i s h Review presents B r i t a i n as the true i n h e r i t o r of b i b l i c a l revelation and thus as the saviour of the East i n what amounts to a c a l l for missionary work. Acknowledging "recurring cycles of barbarism and c i v i l i z a t i o n , " i t summons B r i t a i n to revive the languorous East through the C h r i s t i a n mission: The schools and churches of the Armenian people are now laying the foundations of a vast Protestant community, which alone can regenerate the benighted nations of the East. These high expectations w i l l , we trust, be j u s t i f i e d by a careful perusal of Mr. Layard's volume. (Rev. of Discoveries i n the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon 136-37) Simil a r l y , the reviewer for The B r i t i s h Quarterly Review c i t e s the Book of Genesis to substantiate Layard's and B r i t a i n ' s economic and stra t e g i c interests i n the region. Prophesying the lineage of Noah's three sons, Gen. 9.27 states that "God s h a l l enlarge Japheth, and he s h a l l dwell i n the tents of Shem [Semites]; and Canaan s h a l l be his servant." Genesis 10.5 reports that the Gentiles are descended from Japheth. Thus "Layard's enterprise," to quote the review, and success o f f e r a singular v e r i f i c a t i o n of the prophecy . . . . Of a truth [Layard] has dwelt as a 34 master i n those tents. Familiar with the desert he at length became i t s l o r d . Employing his sovereign power, he placed h i s foot on the mound of Nimroud, and with a master's voice c a l l e d up those o l d Assyrians to witness i n his deeds the triumph of t h e i r brother Japheth. ("Nineveh and the Bi b l e " 419) Scripture, what the reviewer c a l l s "antedated history--an id e a l a n t i c i p a t i o n of actual f a c t " (419), thus heralds B r i t a i n ' s sacred licence to "place i t s sovereign foot" on Arab s o i l . The reviewer even represents Layard as a kind of Messianic figure proclaiming through his excavations God's divine plan f o r his chosen people i n the nineteenth century. Layard, i n the midst of a waste howling wilderness . . . , behold[s] remnants of powerful races, which, i n the dim r e l i g i o u s l i g h t of B i b l i c a l history, and under the holy guidance of prophecy proclaimed and prophecy f u l f i l l e d , conduct[s] him back to the e a r l i e s t seats of c i v i l i z a t i o n , and bring[s] him near to the cradle of the human s p e c i e s . . . . Surely i t i s a wonderful i l l u s t r a t i o n of Noah's words, as well as a l a s t i n g glory for England, that a native of t h i s small and once despised island, should have broken the ir o n slumbers of t h i r t y centuries and revealed to the world a scene which 35 shows what art and human l i f e were i n the morning and the grey dawn of the world. (400, 419) By venturing so f a r a f i e l d from factual archaeology to conflate national pride and Old Testament prophecy, such reviews reveal that archaeology indeed held much more than mere antiquarian interest for the B r i t i s h reading public. B r i t a i n ' s expansionist p o l i c i e s , developed more f u l l y a f t e r 1850, no less than i t s c u l t u r a l and s p i r i t u a l l i f e , found a s o l i d footing i n the past as unearthed by i t s i n t r e p i d representative. These three responses i n p e r i o d i c a l l i t e r a t u r e to Layard's excavations and w r i t i n g — t h a t i s , providing material proof of b i b l i c a l history, forging continuity with antiquity, and celebrating B r i t a i n ' s c o l o n i a l destiny--demonstrate that archaeology furnished B r i t a i n with a f l a t t e r i n g pedigree. The celebratory rhetoric surrounding t h i s mid-century archaeological event suggests that the B r i t i s h exulted i n t h e i r proud heritage as they commemorated t h e i r unbounded future during the world's f a i r of 1851.12 Issues of continuity and i d e n t i t y raised by the p e r i o d i c a l press and the public i n response to Nineveh and Its Remains are major strains of archaeological discourse throughout the century. 36 Notes 1. Layard on his f i r s t expedition a c t u a l l y mistook the mound at Nimrud f o r that of Nineveh. The t i t l e of h i s book, Nineveh and Its Remains, i s , therefore, a misnomer. On the second expedition he excavated the mounds of Kuyunjik and Nebi Yunus opposite Mosul, the actual s i t e s of Nineveh (Kuyunjik was f i r s t excavated i n 1842 by the French archaeologist, Emile Botta). I s h a l l use "Nineveh" to denote the loc a t i o n of his f i r s t excavations. 2. These a n t i q u i t i e s were discovered by Claudius James Rich, the f i r s t f i e l d archaeologist i n Mesopotamia. The B r i t i s h Museum bought his c o l l e c t i o n i n 1825 (Daniel 1975, 70-71). The above quotation i s taken from Nineveh and Its Remains 1: xxv. 3. Layard remarks i n Nineveh and Its Remains that i t " i s indeed one of the most remarkable facts i n history, that the records of an empire, so renowned f o r i t s power and c i v i l i s a t i o n , should have been e n t i r e l y l o s t ; and that the s i t e of a c i t y as eminent f o r i t s extent as i t s splendour, should f o r ages have been a matter of doubt" (1: xx-xxi). Layard refers to Jonah's "three-days'-journey" across the c i t y (Jon. 3.3). Unbeknownst to the archaeologist, i t s r e a l dimensions were much smaller, however. The sentiments of The Gentleman's Magazine are representative of the public's wish to remunerate Layard's expenditures and to fund a second expedition: "[g]eneral attention was aroused by his publications, and by the specimens of the d i s i n t e r r e d sculptures exhibited i n a dark c e l l a r of the B r i t i s h Museum. The people appreciated what t h e i r governors d i d not. Unexampled thousands flocked to inspect the r e l i c s of a f a r - o f f antiquity. . . . [U]ltimately the government was roused (we had almost said shamed) into making a grant for some future excavations" (Rev. of Notes From Nineveh 62) . See G i l l i s p i e for a discussion of the b i b l i c a l controversy aroused by geology i n the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Nineveh i s referred to i n Genesis 10.11-12; 2Kings 19.36; Isaiah 37.37; Jonah 1.2, 3.2-7, 4.11; Nahum 1.1, 2.8, 3.7; and Zephaniah 2.13. The I l l u s t r a t e d London News s i m i l a r l y celebrates Rawlinson's translations of Assyrian cuneiform, f o r they revealed "facts which are the more valuable as they re f e r to Kings, and peoples, and events referred to i n the sacred Scriptures, thus proving ever more and more t h e i r authority and correctness" ("Shipping the Great B u l l from Nineveh" 71). Layard himself correlates h i s finds with scripture. He draws, f o r example, connections between the Bible and the kings depicted i n the b a s - r e l i e f s (2: 375ff.) and refers to Jonah's three-days'-journey across Nineveh (2: 242-49) . 9. Rassam was, "though a Moslawi, an English national" (Daniel 1975, 75). 10. The Westminster and Foreign Quarterly Review i s b l a t a n t l y r a c i a l i n i t s n a t i o n a l i s t i c praise of the i n t r e p i d Layard: "the h o s t i l e s p i r i t of the Arab t r i b e s was tamed and softened . . . by that mysterious ascendancy which we occasionally f i n d asserted by superior minds over an u n c i v i l i z e d people" (Rev. of Nineveh and Its Remains 293) . 11. See B l e i l e r , Hoyt, and Mackler for l i s t s of archaeology i n mystery f i c t i o n . 12. That a v e r i t a b l e flood of books appeared i n the wake of Nineveh and Its Remains further accentuates the public's deep sympathy with Layard's work. And t h e i r subject matter i s often attuned to the issues raised i n the reviews of Nineveh and Its Remains. Published i n 1850 were W. S. W. Vaux's Nineveh and Persepolis: an H i s t o r i c a l Sketch of Ancient Assyria and Persia, with an Account of the Recent Researches i n Those Countries, "a convenient digest of much valuable information scattered through many scarce and expensive volumes" (Rev. of Nineveh and Persepolis 750); J . P. Fletcher's t r a v e l book, Notes From Nineveh: M. Botta's Letters on the 39 Discoveries at Nineveh; and John Blackburn's Nineveh: Its Rise and Ruin; as I l l u s t r a t e d by Ancient Sculptures and Modern Discoveries. . . . The Gentleman's Magazine states that Blackburn's "lectures constitute a commentary upon the passages i n Holy Scripture r e l a t i n g to Assyria and Nineveh, founded upon the old commentators, and i l l u s t r a t e d and enlarged from the recent discoveries of Botta, Layard, and Rawlinson. . . . The number of b i b l i c a l i l l u s t r a t i o n s which he derives from the Nineveh sculptures affords a s t r i k i n g proof of t h e i r value. They . . . support the s c r i p t u r a l narrative [by] confirming i t s h i s t o r i c a l statements" (Rev. of Nineveh: Its Rise and Ruin 639). In 1851 James Fergusson's The Palaces of Nineveh and Persepolis Restored appeared. The Athenaeum notes that when " a l l the ruins s h a l l have been explored, and a l l the i n s c r i p t i o n s deciphered, we s h a l l be i n a much better p o s i t i o n for understanding Scripture, and may hope to learn something of the o r i g i n a l condition and gradual dispersion of our race" (Rev. of The Palaces of Nineveh 265; my emphasis). This statement sums up the main points dealt with i n the reviews of Nineveh and Its Remains: notions of r e l i g i o n , race, c i v i l i z a t i o n , continuity. Children also p r o f i t e d from the b i b l i c a l lessons inspired by the excavation of Nineveh. Under the 40 Athenaeum's "Books for the Young" section are reviews of The Story of Nineveh and The Prophet of the Lost City, "two small pamphlets the appearance of which has been timed by Mr. Layard's discoveries" ("Books f o r the Young" 404) . 41 CHAPTER 2 Historical Continuity and Br i t i s h Archaeology at Mid-Century The l i v e l y discussion that surrounded Nineveh and Its Remains i s an important index of the c u l t u r a l values and i d e o l o g i c a l assumptions that infused the burgeoning science of archaeology i n the V i c t o r i a n age. Having explored i n some d e t a i l a single archaeological event, we can understand a number of important mid-century comments by other archaeologists on the state of t h e i r profession around mid-century. This chapter further contextualizes issues raised i n the wake of Layard's adventures i n Mesopotamia, and serves to describe the i n t e l l e c t u a l climate i n which Carlyle, Scott, Bulwer-Lytton, Pater, and Haggard composed t h e i r archaeologically-based "narratives of continuity." The year 1851 i s unequivocally associated with V i c t o r i a n notions of progress. Paradoxically, backward-looking archaeology held an esteemed place i n "a period," as Prince Albert stated i n an address on the Great Exhibition, "of most wonderful t r a n s i t i o n " (1). While Layard's Nineveh was not to be enshrined i n the Crystal Palace u n t i l i t s relocation to Sydenham i n 1854, the exhibition i n Hyde Park did house a great many c o l l e c t i o n s of a n t i q u i t i e s from around the world. 1 Published i n and around t h i s year of retrospection and a n t i c i p a t i o n were several key addresses on archaeology's aims and goals, whose main theme was t r a n s i t i o n linked to 42 continuity. An important statement on the condition of archaeology was made i n 1851 by Charles Newton, excavator of Halicarnassus and l a t e r the f i r s t Yates Professor of C l a s s i c a l Archaeology at University College London (1880). E n t i t l e d "On the Study of Archaeology: A Discourse Read at the Oxford Meeting of the Archaeological I n s t i t u t e , " i t begins with a romantic and rhetorically-charged description of the scope of archaeology's study. The f i r s t paragraph touches upon strains that t y p i c a l l y occur i n these descriptive essays: The record of the Human Past i s not a l l contained i n printed books. Man's history has been graven on the rock of Egypt, stamped on the brick of Assyria, enshrined i n the marble of the Parthenon,--it r i s e s before us a majestic Presence i n the p i l e d up arches of the Coliseum,--it lurks an unsuspected treasure amid the oblivious dust of archives and monasteries,--it i s embodied i n a l l the heir-looms of r e l i g i o n s , of races, of families, i n the r e l i c s which a f f e c t i o n and gratitude, personal or national, pride of country or pride of lineage, have preserved for u s , - - i t lingers l i k e an echo on the l i p s of the peasantry, surviving i n t h e i r songs and tr a d i t i o n s , renewed i n t h e i r rude customs with the renewal of Nature's seasons,--we trace i t i n the speech, the manners, the type of l i v i n g nations, i t s 43 associations invest them as with a garb,--we dig i t out from the barrow and the Necropolis, and out of the fragments thus found reconstruct i n museums of an t i q u i t i e s something l i k e an image of the Past,--we contemplate t h i s image i n f a i r e s t proportions, i n more exact lineaments, as i t has been transmitted by endless r e f l e c t i o n s i n the broken mirror of a r t . (l) Newton's image of the archaeological record as a mirror i n which to admire one's own h i s t o r i c a l "image" emphasizes the importance the archaeologist placed on the present need to study the past. The verbs Newton chooses--rises, li n g e r s , embody, reconstruct, transmit, looms, lurks, survives, trace, preserve, invest, renew--announce that "The Study of Archaeology" weaves the past into the f a b r i c of the present. They declare archaeology's v i t a l role i n charting the evolution of culture and n a t i o n a l i t y . As i n the discussions surrounding Nineveh and Its Remains. Newton's v i s i o n of archaeology supplies and reconstructs a genealogy for B r i t i s h race, worship, and p o l i t y . Newton's address i s also an important indicator of what the term "archaeology" meant to the Victo r i a n s . Newton states that the "purpose and function of Archaeology" i s "to c o l l e c t , to c l a s s i f y , and to interpret a l l the evidence of man's histo r y not already incorporated i n Printed L i t e r a t u r e " (2), a d e f i n i t i o n that c l e a r l y reveals archaeology's central tenets ( c f . Trigger 1989, 371). Later i n the essay, however, he 44 subordinates archaeology to "an independent witness to the truth of Printed Record" (25), a comment that r e f l e c t s a li n g e r i n g antiquarian attitude towards the study of the material past: that the examination of material h i s t o r y i s a "ministering and subsidiary study" (25) of hist o r y proper. A t t r i b u t i n g non-material remains to the archaeologist's province further betrays Newton's antiquarian leanings. 2 As P h i l l i p a Levine argues, the degree of s p e c i a l i z a t i o n that i n part measures professionalization--here object study--was lacking u n t i l the breakthrough into prehistory, made possible by the acceptance of humanity's great antiquity, and the development of a n a l y t i c a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n schemes to make sense of p r e h i s t o r i c remains (132-34) .3 Stuart Piggott argues that the eighteenth-century antiquarian t r a d i t i o n l a s t s u n t i l the 1830s (1976, 101); Levine contends that archaeologists had hardly formed a separate community and could not claim to have a separate i n s t i t u t i o n a l i d e n t i t y from hi s t o r y and antiquarianism before the 1870s (91). Indeed, "archaeology" i s used casually and often interchangeably with "antiquarian" i n the nineteenth century (Levine 90), a semantic conflation that reveals the l a r g e l y amateur nature of V i c t o r i a n archaeology and i t s l i n g e r i n g antiquarian associations. 4 From Scott's portrayal of antiquarianism i n The Antiquary (1816) to Haggard's imaginary exploration of p r e h i s t o r i c a l c i v i l i z a t i o n s i n She (1887), the archaeological trope charts archaeology's gradual evolution from i t s antiquarian o r i g i n s . 45 My discussion of archaeology must therefore consider (and to some extent include) the antiquarian t r a d i t i o n . However, I focus on the a c t i v i t i e s that eventually distinguished the archaeologist and antiquary: a r t i f a c t study and excavation (Levine 31). In the concluding pages of "On the Study of Archaeology," Newton r e f l e c t s upon the aims of his profession i n l i g h t of the Great Exhibition. He draws an analogy between the "Exhibition of the Industry of a l l nations of the present day" and the object of archaeology, which "would achieve i f possible, . . . not less than the Exhibition of the Industry of a l l nations for a l l time" (24). "[N]ational Archaeology," he concludes, can supply but a few l i n k s i n that chain of continuous t r a d i t i o n , which connects the c i v i l i s e d nineteenth century with the races of the primeval world,--which holds together t h i s great brotherhood i n bonds of attachment . . . which, traversing the ruins of empires . . . spans the abyss of time, and transmits onward the message of the Past. (26) The chain--as mentioned i n the l a s t chapter--is an important image of archaeology's u t i l i t y i n the nineteenth century. Its s i g n i f i c a t i o n i s simple but pervasive: archaeology i s a prime tool for connecting past and present. In his entry for The Encyclopaedia Britannica of 1853, Scottish archaeologist Daniel Wilson s i m i l a r l y argues that 46 contemporary c i v i l i z a t i o n crowns a continuous chain of creation, a "wondrous process of development" (419). Archaeology takes up the "narrative at the close of [the] geological chapters" (419), so that the l i n k i s supplied by which man takes his place i n the unbroken chain of creative existence sweeping backward into so remote a past, the evidences of matured art pertaining to periods unrecorded by his t o r y supply the l a t e r l i n k s of the same chain, and reunite the present with a l l former ages. (420) To Daniel, the archaeologist as the forger of chains i s also the herald of the present age. Discussing the advances i n p r e h i s t o r i c archaeology, he assures h i s reader that the past i s valuable because i t progressed "creatively" and unswervingly to the present. Indeed, he implies that an archaeological imagination "invariably marks every epoch of great progress" (419). Newton's and Wilson's essays suggest that i n the shadow of the Great Exhibition, archaeology served as a counterpoint to B r i t i s h technological accomplishments. By showing that t h e i r own progress represented a continuation of processes occurring throughout history, archaeology "offered evidence that bolstered the confidence and s e l f -esteem of the B r i t i s h middle c l a s s . It also strengthened t h e i r pride i n the leading role that t h e i r country was playing i n a world h i s t o r i c process" (Trigger 1981, 141-42).5 Owing i n part to i t s substantiation of English c u l t u r a l , 47 moral, and i n t e l l e c t u a l ascendancy, archaeology became popular reading by mid-century. A r t i c l e s of archaeological i n t e r e s t were on the r i s e between 1840 and 1870 i n such journals as The Athenaeum, The Gentleman's Magazine, and The Spectator (Daniel 1975, 112). The trans l a t o r of Worsaae's The Primeval A n t i q u i t i e s of Denmark (in 1849), W. J . Thorn, began a popular series of a r t i c l e s on a n t i q u i t i e s for The Athenaeum. As a res u l t of the intere s t generated by them, he started up a special journal i n November 1849. i t s character has changed but i t retains i t s name today: Notes and Queries (Daniel 1975, 112) . Another archaeological milestone i n the Great Exhibition year was the founding of the f i r s t professorship of archaeology: the Disney Chair of Archaeology at Cambridge. Its founder was the d i l e t t a n t e and c o l l e c t o r John Disney, who donated his c o l l e c t i o n s to the un i v e r s i t y on the provision that the holder of the seat "'de l i v e r i n the course of each academic year . . . s i x lectures at least on the subject of C l a s s i c a l , Medieval and other A n t i q u i t i e s ' " (qtd. i n Daniel 1981, 83) . 6 Despite the range of scholarship set fo r t h i n Disney's statement, the post i n practice was geared toward c l a s s i c a l archaeology, which had then become i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d with the r i s e of public museums and the n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of art treasures i n the l a t e r part of the eighteenth and i n the nineteenth century (Rothenberg 58). The f i r s t Disney Professor was the antiquary Rev. John Marsden. In his 48 introductory lectures i n 1852 he stated, l i k e Newton, that the archaeologist's task was to " c o l l e c t , analyse and c l a s s i f y . . . r e l i c s of the past" (cited i n P. Levine 89). It was another twenty years, however, before these techniques were applied with any authority or rigour. He claims, moreover, a "close connexion between the antiquary and the poet" (cited i n P. Levine 90), a strong i n d i c a t i o n of his l a r g e l y amateur, antiquarian s e n s i b i l i t i e s . Indeed, archaeology lacked recognition i n the u n i v e r s i t y curriculum u n t i l the end of the century. As Levine states, chairs of archaeology began to be created and--more importantly--towards the close of the century to be f i l l e d by those worthy of the t i t l e . It i s inconceivable that the f i r s t Disney Professor of Archaeology . . . could have f i l l e d that or any other academic post i n archaeology at the end of the century. (36) C l a s s i c a l archaeology d i d provide Victorians with important and tangible l i n k s i n the chain of c u l t u r a l evolution. As l a t e as 1911, The Americana, f o r instance, confidently claimed that "[a]11 modern Western c i v i l i z a t i o n " i s d i r e c t l y descended "through Greek and Roman periods, so that i n studying i t we are studying our own ultimate i n t e l l e c t u a l and even r e l i g i o u s pedigree" ("Archaeology" n. pag.) . Daniel Wilson's 1853 entry i n the Encyclopaedia Britannica likewise recognizes that "[w]here any attempt has 49 been made to assign precise l i m i t s " to the study of archaeology, " i t has most frequently been reserved as the exclusive designation of Greek and Roman a n t i q u i t i e s " (419). Levine argues that the "dominance of the c l a s s i c a l t r a d i t i o n i n the educational curriculum" (97) heavily influenced archaeology throughout the century: f o r "men who alluded as e a s i l y to Greek mythology as the English past, or indeed the Bible, the c l a s s i c a l t r a d i t i o n retained i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e " (97). For t h i s reason, Marsden was induced "to r e s t r i c t the duties of his Professor[ship] to the study and i l l u s t r a t i o n of one branch,--that branch being the archaeology of Greece and Rome; a branch more immediately connected than any other with the c l a s s i c a l studies pursued i n our University" (Marsden 3). As Levine indicates, r e l i g i o n as well as education played an important role i n shaping archaeology. In Newton's quotation with which t h i s chapter opens, the archaeologist states that the "record of the Human Past . . . lurks an unsuspected treasure amid the oblivious dust of archives and monasteries . . . [and] i s embodied i n a l l the heir-looms of r e l i g i o n s " (1). Religion cannot be dissociated from the way Victorians viewed and studied the past. The establishment of the Palestine Exploration Fund i n 1866, for example, i s reminiscent of the enthusiastic, pious response to Layard's work. William Thompson, the archbishop of York, outlined the goals of the new society i n his capacity as president. He c l e a r l y states the impetus and future directions of the work: 50 This country of Palestine belongs to you and to me, i t i s e s s e n t i a l l y ours. . . . It was given to the father of Israel i n the words 'Walk through the land i n the length of i t and i n the breadth of i t , f o r I w i l l give i t unto ye.' We. mean to walk through Palestine, i n the length and breadth of i t , because that land has been given unto us. It i s the land from which comes news of our Redemption. It i s the land to which we turn as the foundation of a l l our hopes; i t i s the land to which we look with as true a patriotism as we do t h i s dear old England. (qtd. i n Silberman 86) 7 The archbishop l a t e r reaffirmed these high goals at the tenth annual meeting of the P.E.F. "'Our reason for turning to Palestine,'" he states, " ' i s that Palestine i s our country'" (qtd. i n Silberman 99). As i n the Layard phenomenon, archaeologists were bent on j u s t i f y i n g t h e i r excavations i n foreign countries with a prominent use of f i r s t - p e r s o n p l u r a l and possessive pronouns. The English public r a l l i e d around the excavations c a r r i e d out by the Royal Engineers under the command of Captain Charles Wilson. Queen V i c t o r i a gave £150, more than any other ind i v i d u a l donor (Silberman 87). Local chapters of the Palestine Exploration Society sprang up a l l over England (Silberman 88), and a Palestine Museum at the Dudley Gallery i n London opened i n 1869 (Silberman 98). The I l l u s t r a t e d 51 London News ca r r i e d regular i l l u s t r a t e d reports of the finds and s i t e s . Wilson and the leader of the second expedition, Lt. Charles Warren, published The Recovery of Jerusalem i n 1871. The t i t l e of t h i s book confirms the r e a l i t y of B r i t i s h inheritance of the b i b l i c a l world as expounded by the modern Crusader Archbishop Thompson. Issues raised i n t h i s survey of archaeological a c t i v i t y at mid-century determined the l i t e r a r y expression of archaeology throughout the rest of the century. A s i m i l a r rhetoric surrounded the Great Exh i b i t i o n and statements made by archaeologists such as Charles Newton and Daniel Wilson on the nature of t h e i r profession: B r i t i s h i d e n t i t y , achievements, and i n s t i t u t i o n s represented the culmination of h i s t o r i c a l processes. The archaeological record was i t s e l f a "text" that chronicled B r i t a i n ' s c u l t u r a l pedigree. Narratives of continuity i n the prose of Carlyle, Scott, Bulwer-Lytton, Pater, and Haggard could thus f i n d i n archaeology t h e i r material authority. 52 Notes 1. See T a l l i s and the O f f i c i a l Descriptive and I l l u s t r a t e d Catalogue for inventories of the Exhibition. 2. The r i v a l Archaeological Association, from which s p l i t the Archaeological I n s t i t u t e over a petty squabble i n 1843 (Levine 14), issued i n 1851 what might be considered a s i s t e r essay. T. J . Pettigrew's "On the Study of Archaeology" likewise sets f o r t h the multifarious nature of the "archaeologist's" study: heraldry, numismatics, history, and manners and customs, combining "knowledge i n d i f f e r e n t departments of science and a r t " (164). 3. The Danish archaeologist C h r i s t i a n Jurgensen Thomsen and his p u p i l J . J. A. Worsaae pioneered the three-Age c l a s s i f i c a t i o n system of stone, bronze, and iron periods, laying the foundations of the s c i e n t i f i c archaeology that was eventually to supersede antiquarianism throughout Europe. Worsaae set out his views on the three-age c l a s s i f i c a t i o n system i n his Danmarks o l d t i d oplyst ved Oldsager og Gravhoie (1842), which was translated into English by W. J . Thorns i n 1849 under the t i t l e The Primeval A n t i q u i t i e s of Denmark (Daniel 1975, 41). Scottish archaeologist Daniel Wilson was responsible for introducing the term "prehistory" into the English language with his book The Archaeology and the Pr e h i s t o r i c Annals of Scotland (1851; Daniel 1967, 13). He notes i n his contribution to The Encyclopaedia Britannica of 1853 that p r e h i s t o r i c archaeology was beginning to separate "the desultory and often misdirected labours of the antiquary" from the "researches characterized by a s c i e n t i f i c accuracy i n no degree i n f e r i o r to that of the most careful palaeontologist" (419). For studies of Wilson's contribution to the development of p r e h i s t o r i c archaeology see Ash and Trigger (1966; 1981, 141-42). 4. For h i s t o r i e s of antiquarianism and the progress of archaeology see Daniel (1975), Hudson, P. Levine (13-23 and 70-75), Malina (24-32), B. M. Marsden, Momigliano (1-39), Piggott (1973), Rothenberg (54-73), and Walters. 5. See Trigger (1978, 74-84) for a discussion of theories of progress i n archaeological thought i n the nineteenth century. 6. For h i s t o r i e s of d i l e t t a n t i s m and c o l l e c t i n g of c l a s s i c a l a n t i q u i t i e s see Constantine; Daniel 1981, 15-19; St. C l a i r 166-79; Rothenberg 54-73; Stoneman 110-36; and F. H. Taylor 450-64 and 479-87. 7. See Ben-Arieh, Silberman, and H. Thompson for accounts of English archaeological exploration i n Palestine. 54 CHAPTER 3 From Archaeology to Archaeological Trope: The Rhetoric of Retrieval in Past and Present Despairing of the "condition of England" (7) i n the "hungry ' f o r t i e s , " Thomas Carlyle yearns, i n the Proem to Past and Present, for the "awakening of the Nation's soul from i t s asphyxia, and the return of blessed l i f e to us" (39). Seeking a restorative recovery of the past i s a central motif of Past and Present. By locating a "rhetoric of r e t r i e v a l " i n mid-century archaeological thought, Carlyle adapts the study of material h i s t o r y into a l i t e r a r y trope for the investigation and elucidation of the past--and present. This text i s paradigmatic of the archaeologically-sustained rhetoric of r e t r i e v a l i n the writings of Scott, Buiwer-Lytton, Pater, and Haggard. Carlyle's 1830 essay "On History" i s i n many respects a progenitor of the comparative approach developed i n Past and Present. Its thesis i s the need to reconstitute the l i v i n g past i n the present. He implores us to search more and more into the Past; l e t a l l men explore i t , as the true fountain of knowledge; by whose l i g h t alone, consciously or unconsciously employed, can the Present and the Future be interpreted or guessed at. For though the whole meaning l i e s beyond our ken; yet i n that complex Manuscript, covered over with formless i n e x t r i c a b l y -55 entangled unknown characters,--nay which i s a Palimpsest, and had once prophetic writing, s t i l l dimly l e g i b l e there,--some l e t t e r s , some words, may be deciphered. (500) Carlyle's image of the past as text i s a provocative one. The "once prophetic writing" i s reminiscent of the C l i o figure i n the Stothards' fron t i s p i e c e r i s i n g from the dark crypt with the s i b y l l i n e s c r o l l of recorded history, which raises the "dimly l e g i b l e " past into the narrative present. The past i s , then, ground for recovery of narrative as well as material a r t i f a c t s . Excavating s t r a t i f i e d h i s t o r y provides a model for writing the past. To Carlyle, h i s t o r y i s a palimpsest of layered voices. Carlyle i n s i s t s that t h i s palimpsest e f f e c t joins the h i s t o r i c a l epochs into a vast continuum. As Rosemary Jann asserts, f o r "Carlyle . . . human i d e n t i t y was sustained by i t s connectedness to a palpable past; 'man was s t i l l man' only so long as he could i d e n t i f y a continuous and v i t a l h i s t o r y with which to refute the Everlasting No" (37). She continues, quoting Carlyle's biographer J. A. Froude, " [ i ] f the h i s t o r i a n could not make the past 'melodious'--resonant with a deep organic u n i t y - - ' i t must be forgotten, as good as annihilated; and we rove l i k e aimless e x i l e s that have no ancestors, whose world began only yesterday'" (Jann 37-38, c i t i n g Froude 1: 333). Emphasizing the interconnectedness of past and present, Jann and Froude o f f e r Kipling's warning " l e s t we forget" as an 56 imperative i n Carlyle's thought. In "On History," Carlyle turns to archaeological modes of studying history. He says, History has been written with quipo-threads, with feather-pictures, with wampum-belts; s t i l l oftener with earth-mounds and monumental stone-heaps, whether as pyramid or cairn: f o r the Celt and the Copt, the Red man as well as the White, l i v e s between two e t e r n i t i e s , and warring against Oblivion, he would f a i n unite himself i n clea r conscious r e l a t i o n , as i n dim unconscious r e l a t i o n he i s already united, with the whole Future and the whole Past. (495) Carl y l e l i n k s the material remains of the past to the s p i r i t u a l conditions under which they arose. To the archaeologist and, i n Carlyle's view, to the s p i r i t u a l h i s t o r i a n , places of interment--"whether as pyramid or ca i r n " --represent fecund ground for the meeting of past and present. Carlyle's apprehension of the monuments of the past i n t h i s sense foreshadows the b i b l i c a l overtones of Layard's excavation of the palaces of Nineveh. Carlyle emphasizes the interconnectedness of hist o r y and s p i r i t u a l i t y i n the 1830 essay. He asserts that foremost among historians i s the " E c c l e s i a s t i c a l Historian," f o r " i t concerns us more to understand how man's moral well-being had been and might be promoted, than to understand i n the l i k e 57 sort h i s physical well-being" (502) . He even declares that "Church history . . . i n i t s highest degrees . . . [is] a sort of continued Holy Writ; our Sacred Books being, indeed, only a History of the primeval Church, as i t f i r s t arose i n man's soul, and symbolically embodied i t s e l f i n his external l i f e " (503) . C a r l y l e here draws upon the archetypal r e l i g i o u s dichotomy of the physical and s p i r i t u a l condition of humanity, the body as the house of the soul. Church his t o r y i s , thus, an "archaeology" or an excavation of "man's soul" buried i n humanity's i n s t i t u t i o n s and works. And exploring the condition of the soul through history, the s p i r i t u a l archaeologist forges v i t a l l i n k s binding the ages each to each. Past and Present emerges from Carlyle's desire to compare the physical and s p i r i t u a l i n a n i t i o n of 1840s England with a superior, even heroic, twelfth century; i t must be examined i n l i g h t of i t s antiquarian underpinnings. Two events are cent r a l : Carlyle's 1842 journey to Suffolk i n search of Cromwelliana, and the p r i n t i n g of Chronica J o c e l i n i de Brakelonda by the Camden Society i n 1840.1 While researching a biography of Ol i v e r Cromwell, Carlyle f e l t obliged to seek correlations between Cromwell's age and his own. Carlyle writes to Ralph Waldo Emerson of the d i f f i c u l t i e s and necessity of so doing: my heart i s sick and sore i n behalf of my own poor generation; nay, I f e e l withal as i f the one hope of 58 help for i t consisted i n the p o s s i b i l i t y of new Cromwells, and new Puritans: thus do the two centuries stand related to me, the seventeenth worthless except p r e c i s e l y i n so f a r as i t can be made the nineteenth. (Collected Letters 15: 57; dated 29 August 1842) The emphasis on connecting the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries s t r i k i n g l y forecasts his ultimate plan f o r Past and Present. Indeed, Carlyle found physical evidence for j o i n i n g past and present. Two days a f t e r writing t h i s l e t t e r , he went on a three-day r i d i n g tour into "Cromwell's Country," t r a v e l l i n g to St. Ives to see the land "where Cromwell f i r s t took to farming" (Collected Letters 15: 83, 75). Here he saw the St. Ives Workhouse, the "Dante's H e l l " he so v i v i d l y describes i n the f i r s t chapter of the proem of Past and Present (8). Juxtaposed to t h i s scene are the ruins of the monastery of St. Edmundsbury ( f i g . 8), to which he made several v i s i t s (Calder 6). 2 His h i s t o r i c a l journey becomes, i n essence, an antiquarian expedition. Past and Present emerges out of the d i s p a r i t y between the vibrant monastic l i f e of medieval St. Edmundsbury and Carlyle's impoverished contemporaries at St. Ives. Carlyle devotes chapter 2, "St. Edmundsbury," to establishing the ruins as a "fac t , " a tangible manifestation of a once dynamic l i f e . He penetrates to the "soul" of the monastery through i t s physical remains. At Bury St. Edmund's, 59 stranger or townsman, sauntering at his l e i s u r e amid these vast grim venerable ruins, may persuade himself that an Abbey of St. Edmundsbury did once exi s t ; nay there i s no doubt of i t : see here the ancient massive Gateway, of architecture i n t e r e s t i n g to the eye of Dilettantism; and farther on, that other ancient Gateway, now about to tumble, unless Dilettantism, i n these very months, can subscribe money to cramp i t and prop i t ! (52) Carlyle here spurns the soulless s u p e r f i c i a l i t y of both d i l e t t a n t i s m and Dryasdust antiquarianism. He c i t e s S i r William Dugdale's his t o r y of English monasteries, Monasticon Anglicanum (1655-73), as an example of what "assiduous Pedantry dig[s] up from the Past Time, and name[s] i t History . . . t i l l the Past Time seems a l l one i n f i n i t e i ncredible grey void" (53) . The object of such inter e s t and study, the ruins themselves, was nonetheless c r u c i a l for the inception of Past and Present, f o r they represented a physical and conceptual "gateway" to the past. The "Heaven's Watch Tower" i s i n fact the Norman gateway tower ( f i g . 9) that had been surveyed i n 1842 by Lewis Nockolds Cottingham to determine how i t was best to be restored (Calder 40; R. Yates pt. 2: 22-25) .3 Carlyle's Past and Present i s an analogue of church restoration c a r r i e d out by e c c l e s i o l o g i c a l groups such as the Cambridge Camden Society. Ecclesiology was a branch of antiquarianism devoted 60 to the study of church b u i l d i n g and decoration (the Cambridge Camden Society was renamed the E c c l e s i o l o g i c a l Society i n 1846) .* Restoration provides a fundamental metaphor fo r Carlyle's study of St. Edmundsbury. He fuses a language of penetration with images of resurrection and refurbishment. The ruins are extant, above ground, yet the h i s t o r i c a l imagination must delve into the essence of these outward symbols. In Carlyle's own words, t h i s i s akin to exhumation: "this black r u i n looks out, not yet covered with s o i l ; s t i l l i n d i c a t i n g what a once gigantic L i f e l i e s buried there" (54). Ca r l y l e entreats the reader, "[d]oes i t never give thee pause . . . that men then had a soul?" (53) . Restoring the soul to the imagination of the modern reader i s the heart of the "Past" section of Past and Present. The text i t s e l f performs the task of rebuilding and, moreover, substantiating the past. Carlyle invokes the other Camden Society--the London p r i n t i n g club, not the Cambridge e c c l e s i o l o g i c a l society--to help i l l u s t r a t e his b e l i e f that t h i s "present poor distressed world might get some p r o f i t by looking wisely . . . instead of f o o l i s h l y " (54) into the l i f e of twelfth-century St. Edmundsbury. Carlyle exhumes a voice of one of the ruin's long-dead inmates, J o c e l i n de Brakelond, whose chronicle was published by the Camden Society i n 1840. In one of the most haunting and evocative passages of Past and Present. C a r l y l e i n v i t e s the reader to peer with him through the lens of Jocelin's Chronica into the distant past, to witness, however 61 obscurely, a world some seven hundred years old. Carlyle employs abundant sensory imagery to entice the reader to dissolve the temporal b a r r i e r between past and present that hinders the r e a l i z a t i o n that these "old St. Edmundsbury walls . . . were not peopled with fantasms; but with men of f l e s h and blood, made altogether as we are" ( 5 4 ) : Readers who please to go along with us into t h i s poor J o c e l i n i Chronica s h a l l wander inconveniently enough, as i n wintry twili g h t , through some poor s t r i p t hazel-grove, r u s t l i n g with f o o l i s h noises, and perpetually hindering the eyesight; but across which, here and there, some r e a l human figure i s seen moving: very strange; whom we could h a i l i f he would answer;--and we look into a p a i r of eyes deep as our own, imaging our own, but a l l unconscious of us; to whom we f o r the time are become as s p i r i t s and i n v i s i b l e ! ( 5 5 ) 5 Although quick to attach the terms "d i l e t t a n t e " and "Dryasdust" to antiquarianism, Carlyle owes the inception of Past and Present to the antiquarian labours of the Camden Society, through which we may "look into a p a i r of eyes deep as our own." Unlike Dorothea i n Middlemarch. who fee l s alienated by the impenetrably r e i f i e d past i n statuary, Ca r l y l e finds i n the ruins and chronicle food for a "binding theory" with which to bring his age into accord with J o c e l i n ' s . His textual excavations dramatize the medieval 62 past by resurrecting h i s t o r i c a l actors. The Camden Society (named a f t e r famous antiquary William Camden [1551-1623], the author of Britannia, the f i r s t general guide to B r i t i s h a n t i q u i t i e s [Daniel 1967, 24]) was founded i n 1838 to "perpetuate, and render accessible, whatever i s valuable, but at present l i t t l e known, amongst the materials for the C i v i l , E c c l e s i a s t i c a l , or L i t e r a r y History of the United Kingdom" ("The Camden Society" 407). Among the many p r i n t i n g clubs established i n the ' t h i r t i e s and ' f o r t i e s to publish manuscripts of h i s t o r i c a l interest, the Camden Society was one of the "most successful and tenacious" (Levine 2): the Chronica J o c e l i n i de Brakelonda was the thirteenth volume published i n less than two years (Calder 28). Carlyle applauds the e f f o r t s of editor John Gage Rokewode i n bringing to l i g h t t h i s important primary document, dubbing him a "just Historian" (48) of t h i s "Boswellean Notebook" (46). Carlyle praises t h i s "Boswellizing" i n s t i n c t to perpetuate the l i f e of great h i s t o r i c a l figures--the "heroes" of culture--as exemplars to t h e i r age and objects of "hero-worship." Carlyle writes i n a complimentary l e t t e r to Rokewode, "[y]our Camden-Society Book was about the most entertaining piece of Antiquarianism I remember to have read" (15: 129). Indeed, Carlyle himself assumes the role of "Editor" i n Past and Present (20 et seq.) and uses scholarly paraphernalia such as h i s t o r i c a l notes i n his discussion of Jocelin's text. Past and Present i s , says Calder, " v i r t u a l l y a reviewer's 63 notice of Jocelin's record" (28). Hirsch s i m i l a r l y appreciates Carlyle's text as "part-book review, part-translation, part-summary for his contemporary readers of Jocelin's Chronicle": the "'past' sections of Carlyle's work become a kind of i n t e r p r e t i v e rewriting of the Chronicle" (225) . 6 This e d i t o r i a l posture i s employed by each author i n t h i s study to garner material and h i s t o r i c a l v e r i s i m i l i t u d e for t h e i r archaeological reconstructions. Carlyle's main r h e t o r i c a l t a c t i c i s deft movement between the twelfth and nineteenth centuries. He f a m i l i a r i z e s J o c e l i n and his world to the reader by explaining that the "centuries . . . are a l l l i n e a l children of one another; and often, i n the p o r t r a i t of early grandfathers, t h i s and the other enigmatic feature of the newest grandson s h a l l disclose i t s e l f , to mutual elucidation" (45) . Genealogical images serve to implicate the reader i n unearthing the buried l i f e of St. Edmundsbury. In i t s o v e r a l l conception, Carlyle's restorative project i n Past and Present i s , l i k e the Camden Society's publishing ventures, antiquarian i n nature. Yet antiquarianism provided Carlyle with decidedly archaeological imagery and metaphors. The layered narratives--or palimpsests of h i s t o r i c a l voices ranging from the twelfth to the nineteenth century--describe an archaeological s i t e from which to exhume the buried past. Indeed, images of b u r i a l and r e t r i e v a l pervade Book 2. The editor Carlyle, for example, muses, 64 But fancy a deep-buried Mastodon, some f o s s i l Megatherion, Ichthyosaurus, were to begin to speak from amid i t s rock-swathings, never so i n d i s t i n c t l y ! The most extinct f o s s i l species of Men or Monks can do, and does, t h i s miracle,--thanks to the Letters of the Alphabet, good for so many things. (49) The language i n which Carlyle describes Jocelin's text i s comparable: "the Chronicle of J o c e l i n i s , as i t professes to be, unwrapped from i t s thick cerements, and f a i r l y brought forth into the common daylight" (48) . Language i t s e l f i s both a s i t e and a tool f o r deep exploration, or penetration: Jocelin's text i s rendered as an archaeological s i t e , whose meaning i s buried deep under "Monk-Latin" (48) and the dust of "these s i x hundred and f i f t y years" (49), "covered deeper than Pompeii with the lava-ashes and i n a r t i c u l a t e wreck of seven hundred years" (46) . The reference to Pompeii (under excavation since the 1740s) i n v i t e s comparison between Carlyle's brand of h i s t o r i c a l writing (and reading) and archaeological pra c t i c e . The past l i e s buried beneath layers of narrative as well as the debris of time. History i s f i l t e r e d through the narrative presence of the nineteenth-century editor, which ove r l i e s that of the twelfth-century J o c e l i n , who, himself an h i s t o r i a n and i n t e r p r e t i v e presence of the monastic l i f e , i s a p a r a l l e l narrator. Narrative s t r a t a manifest archaeological content. The reader of Past and Present must likewise be an 65 archaeologist to s i f t through the complex nexus of mediating voices and reconstruct the past. Directed by the editor, the reader i s the i n h e r i t o r of the past: "Read . . . here," urges Carlyle, "with ancient yet with modern eyes" (110). The archaeological trope i s a metaphorical spade with which writer and reader "excavate" the past from obscurity. A key scene i n Carlyle's penetrative narrative i s the exhumation/excavation of St. Edmund's body by Jocelin's "Johnson," Abbot Samson. "St. Edmund" i s the f i n a l chapter devoted to Samson's industrious and pious l i f e as leader of the monastery. In Carlyle's words, Samson himself "penetrates . . . to a l l nooks, and of the chaos makes a kosmos or ordered world" (95). Samson " b u i l t many useful, many pious e d i f i c e s , " and i n so doing changed "material, s t i l l more, moral wreck into r a i n - t i g h t order" (121). "St. Edmund" focuses on Samson's exhumation of the founder, Saint Edmund, when rebuilding the central a l t a r i n AD 1198 ( f i g . 10), the s p i r i t u a l locus of the monastery. In l i g h t of Carlyle's "gospel of work" expounded i n Sartor Resartus. these material renovations manifest s p i r i t u a l renewal, a kind of inner restoration. Carlyle praises t h i s venture as the "culminating moment of Abbot Samson's l i f e , " to which "Bozzy J o c e l i n himself r i s e s into a kind of Psalmist solemnity on t h i s occasion" (122). Exhumed with the body, through the Chronicle, i s yet another temporal l e v e l , one contemporaneous with Edmund's l i f e , AD 840-70 (56-62). S h i f t i n g from present 66 to past, Carlyle moves from ruins to the twelfth-century monastery, from modern t o u r i s t s and d i l e t t a n t e s to the Monks, from tomb through cerements to the body around which St. Edmundsbury was constructed. Carlyle again employs ocular images to re-create f o r the reader the physical--and thereby s p i r i t u a l - - r e a l i t y of the past. He exhorts, " [ l ] e t the modern eye look earnestly on that old midnight hour i n St. Edmundsbury Church, shining yet on us, ruddy-bright, through the depths of seven hundred years; and consider mournfully what our Hero-Worship once was, and what i t now i s " (122). Carlyle quotes d i r e c t l y from Jocelin's description of t h i s c r u c i a l scene. Jocelin's own t a c t i l e imagery establishes for Carlyle the ruins and the l i f e held within as a f a c t : the Abbot, looking close, found now a s i l k c l o t h v e i l i n g the whole Body, and then a l i n e n c l o t h of wondrous whiteness; and upon the head was spread a small l i n e n cloth, and then another small and most fine s i l k cloth, as i f i t were the v e i l of a nun. These coverings being l i f t e d o ff, they found now the Sacred Body a l l wrapt i n li n e n ; and so at length the lineaments of the same appeared. But here the Abbot stopped; saying he durst not proceed farther, or look at the sacred f l e s h naked. Taking the head between his hands, he thus spake groaning: 'Glorious martyr, holy Edmund, blessed be the hour when thou 67 wert born. Glorious martyr, turn i t not to my p e r d i t i o n that I have so dared to touch thee, I miserable and s i n f u l ; thou knowest my devout love, and the intention of my mind.' And proceeding, he touched the eyes; and the nose, which was very massive and prominent . . . ; and then he touched the breast and arms; and r a i s i n g the l e f t arm he touched the fingers, and placed his own fingers between the sacred fingers. And proceeding he found the feet standing s t i f f up, l i k e the feet of a man dead yesterday; and he touched the toes, and counted them. (124) Rich with sensory stimuli, t h i s passage e f f e c t s a deliberate m a t e r i a l i z a t i o n of the past (Bann 104). Moving from the v i s u a l to the t a c t i l e , Samson peels away the successive layers of cerement to uncover the body. Samson's touching--a description saved from grotesquery or comedy by the solemnity created by Carlyle's framing n a r r a t i v e - - i s Carlyle's most provocative and successful image of past meeting present, of h i s t o r i c a l r e t r i e v a l . The reverent laying of hands upon the corpse represents communion and continuity with the s p i r i t of the past, and a resurrection of that past through the miracle of Edmund's uncorrupted f l e s h . This tangible heart of the monastery represents the locus of values that have passed on to the twelfth century through Samson's touch, been preserved by Jocelin's stylus, and "resurrected" 68 into the nineteenth through the labours of Car l y l e and the Camden Society. By penetrating down through the antiquarian material to t h i s central h i s t o r i c a l event, exhumation i s an archaeological excavation. In archaeological prose, excavating the past as a concrete and l i t e r a r y exercise combines the meeting of past and present with the sense of personal or c u l t u r a l discovery latent i n Carlyle's handling of the exhumation of St. Edmund through the intermediary of Jocelin's chronicle. To the modern reader, the event recorded i n the chronicle i s , as Rosenberg puts i t , a double miracle, the one palpable to Abbot Samson's touch, the other performed by Carlyle, through the medium of Joceli n , of bringing 'that deep-buried Time' back to effulgent l i f e . A 'laying of hands' takes place on the page, Samson touching the long-buried Edmund, Carlyle touching us through the freshly unearthed words of J o c e l i n . (124) Just as Samson lays hands upon the corpse i n a gesture of reverence and continuity, Carlyle p a r t i c i p a t e s i n the resurrection of St. Edmund and his coterie by peeling away the layers of " l i n g u i s t i c s t r a t a " (Rosenberg 124) i n Jocelin's text. Indeed, Carlyle champions the s p i r i t of the pious book--Jocelin's "remains"--that he, likewise, has " i n hand." The book i s i t s e l f a r e l i c of the past resurrected from the s i l e n t grave of time, f i r s t by the Camden society and John Rokewode, 69 and then by Carlyle through his own t r a n s l a t i o n and interpretation. "Eternity l a i d open" (126), the chapter ends and the "real-phantasmagory" of Jocelin's world fades again to reveal the "mutilated black Ruin" (127). The sense of c i r c u l a r i t y i s intimated i n the t i t l e of the f i n a l chapter, "The Beginnings," i n which Carlyle uses the events of Jocelin's chronicle as the basis for a contemporary "Tract for the Times" (Collected Letters 16: 40). While Carlyle i s most c r i t i c a l of the present--which i s the impetus behind Past and Present and the tenor of book three, "The Modern Worker"--he lauds the English t r a d i t i o n s that the monks of Bury St. Edmunds exemplify. Industry i s a key term i n t h i s chapter: contrasted to the "enchanted" men languishing i n St. Ives Workhouse i s the pious work of the monks, which i s a measure of English greatness i n history, f o r the "crumbled dust" of men such as Samson "makes up the s o i l our l i f e - f r u i t grows on" (131). Carlyle r e i t e r a t e s i n the clo s i n g paragraphs his b e l i e f that a culture's underground l i f e must be tapped from time to time. L i f e - a f f i r m i n g labour has i t s own subterranean v i t a l i t y : This English Land, here and now, i s the summary of what was found of wise, and noble, and accordant with God's truth, i n a l l generations of English men. Work? The quantity of done and forgotten work that l i e s s i l e n t under my feet i n t h i s world, and 70 escorts and attends me, and supports and keeps me a l i v e , wheresoever I walk or stand, whatsoever I think or do, gives r i s e to r e f l e c t i o n s . (134-35) So i t i s on t h i s note that Book Two ends: "Work, and despair not" (136; quoting Goethe's poem "Symbolum" 30). Carlyle's message i s that the r e l i g i o u s idea buried with St. Edmundsbury can be exhumed by reviving Samson's buried gospel of work, for "'[b]lessed i s he who has found his work; l e t him ask no other blessedness. . . . 'Doubt, of whatever kind, can be ended by Action alone'" (197-98, c i t i n g Wilhelm Meister's Apprenticeship). In Past and Present the antiquarian a c t i v i t y surrounding the publication of Jocelin's chronicle--ecclesiology, int e r e s t i n medievalism, and the r i s e of the p r i n t i n g s o c i e t i e s - - y i e l d s a metaphorical framework fo r Carlyle's creative reworking of the chronicle. The shared antiquarian and archaeological practice of excavation i s a prime l i n g u i s t i c and r h e t o r i c a l model for Carlyle's r e t r i e v a l of the past and i t s comparison with the present. The m a t e r i a l i t y of Carlyle's narrative, emphasized by persistent v i s u a l and t a c t i l e imagery i n Jocelin's chronicle, further accentuates Carlyle's archaeological method of penetrating the material, "bodily" past, to i t s "soul." Archaeology and exhumation provided r h e t o r i c a l tools for exposing, interpreting, and re-creating t h i s vanished world for present e d i f i c a t i o n . The composition of Past and Present not only i l l u s t r a t e s 71 the evolution of p r a c t i c a l archaeology into a l i t e r a r y trope fo r investigating the past, but reveals how archaeology and i t s attendant l i t e r a t u r e were often generated from the Victorians' need to define t h e i r changing present with a view to a v e r i f i a b l e past by emphasizing t h e i r continuity with r e l i g i o u s t r a d i t i o n s . Such were the enthusiastic response to Layard's " s c r i p t u r a l " finds, the i n t e r e s t i n ecclesiology exemplified by the Cambridge Camden Society, and, i n the domain of l i t e r a t u r e , Carlyle's treatment of material history as, to borrow Jann's phrase, "secular prophecy" (33) . The sense of j u s t i f y i n g , explaining, or accounting f o r the present by comparison with a p h y s i c a l l y and, as the century progressed, s c i e n t i f i c a l l y authenticated past i s a central motif i n both archaeological and l i t e r a r y writing i n the nineteenth century. Like Layard's unearthed Nineveh, the past intimated by physical remains i s a locus of decidedly nineteenth-century values, or, from Carlyle's perspective, English values i n need of restoration i n the active l i f e of the present. Born of archaeological practice, the archaeological trope also engendered an archaeological form. The sense i n which Carlyle uses the ruins of St. Edmundsbury and Jocelin's chronicle to "peel away," exhume, and reconstruct the past generates temporal layers i n the text that translate into narrative layers. Each text examined i n the following chapters has t h i s palimpsest structure. The highly "textured" 72 text i s an archaeological s i t e that can be "unearthed" by the reader-archaeologist. 73 Notes 1. See A l t i c k and Calder for d e t a i l s of t h i s excursion and the publication of the chronicle. See also Froude (1: 274-78) and Kaplan (293-95) . 2. The Abbey grew up around the b u r i a l place of Saint Edmund the Martyr, King of East Anglia (AD 840-870). Biographical information about Edmund and a hist o r y of the Abbey and i t s a n t i q u i t i e s can be found i n R. Yates, which Carlyle read i n i t s f i r s t e d i t i o n (1805). The second e d i t i o n was published i n 1843, the same year as Past and Present. See also Arnold and Mackinlay for biographies of Edmund. 3. See Gentleman's Magazine n.s. 18 (1842, 302-03), 19 (1843 42-43, 521-22), and 20 (1843, 74) fo r d e t a i l s of subscription and restoration c a r r i e d out at St. Edmundsbury under the auspices of Cottingham. 4. White provides a det a i l e d study of the hist o r y of the Cambridge Camden Society. 5. Cf. the s i m i l a r sensory imagery of a passage from book 2, chapter 5, "Twelfth Century": "Dim, as through a long v i s t a of Seven Centuries, dim and very strange looks that monk-life to us; the ever-surprising circumstance t h i s , That i t i s a fact and no dream, that we see i t there, and gaze into the very eyes of i t ! " (68). 6. For studies of Carlyle's role, or guise, as editor and 74 his use of Jocelin's text see Georgianna, who points out Carlyle's free use of the chronicle. Revisions, f o r example, "transform Jocelin's changing and unresolved p o r t r a i t of Abbot Samson into a straightforward lesson i n the causes and e f f e c t s of hero-worship" (107) . See also Calder (21-105), G. Levine, and Edwards. PART II The Archaeological Trope from Scott to Haggard 76 CHAPTER 4 Walter Scott's "New Old" Entrance Hall: Antiquarianism and Genealogy in Abbotsford and The Antiquary In the p o s t s c r i p t to Waverley. Walter Scott meditates on what would become a dominant theme of his h i s t o r i c a l novels: change. He states that there " i s no European nation which, within the course of a half a century, or l i t t l e more, has undergone so complete a change as t h i s kingdom of Scotland" (340). As b a l l a d c o l l e c t o r , poet, and novelist, Scott devoted his l i t e r a r y career to charting and negotiating the h i s t o r i c a l course of his country, of "the ancient manners of which," he says, "I have witnessed the almost t o t a l e x t i n c t i o n " (340). In an age of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , commercialization, and c u l t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n with England, Scott reconstitutes the Scottish past for a people who, as his popularity attests, were hungry to learn about themselves. Scott's restorative project i n prose was grounded i n his antiquarian ventures. Andrew Lang, who h a i l s Scott as "the greatest antiquary among poets" ( x x i i ) , states i n his introduction to the 1893 Border E d i t i o n of The Antiquary that the author "had entered l i t e r a t u r e through the ruined gateway of archaeology" (xxi). I want to test Lang's assertion by investigating ways i n which Scott locates his reconstructive f i c t i o n i n the material past: l i k e Carlyle's use of St. Edmundsbury's ruins and Jocelin's chronicle as vehicles f o r h i s t o r i c a l reconstruction, the ruins, r e l i c s , and remains of 77 Scottish h i s t o r y represent a "gateway" fo r Scott to raise the past into the present through narrative. As i t s t i t l e suggests, the t h i r d of the Waverley Novels i s a metahistorical text that documents Scott's method of, and impetus for, h i s t o r i c a l composition through antiquarian study. Lang's conflation of "antiquary" and "archaeology" raises questions of d e f i n i t i o n that are important f o r my inve s t i g a t i o n of the archaeological trope. Scott's multifarious a c t i v i t i e s as a c o l l e c t o r of a n t i q u i t i e s , editor of manuscripts and writer of history, combined with the p r e v a i l i n g localism of these interests (P. Levine 13-14, 38), place the h i s t o r i c a l n o v elist f i r m l y within the antiquarian t r a d i t i o n of interpreting material h i s t o r y i n the l i g h t of written or oral sources. Indeed, Lang had r e a l l y meant what we today consider "antiquarian": Lang gives as examples of the "ruined gateway of archaeology" Scott's Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border (1802-02) and his " l a s t project," an "edition of Perrault's 'Contes de Ma Mdre l'Oie'" (xxi). Depicting a broad range of antiquarian interests, the novel, which takes as i t s t i t l e the occupation of i t s protagonist Jonathan Oldbuck, represents an early manifestation of the archaeological trope. This chapter accounts for Lang's semantic ambiguity by exploring The Antiquary's antiquarianism and i t s "archaeological" elements--namely excavation and the analysis of material a r t i f a c t s - - i n the novel. In his 1884 essay "The Past, Present, and Future of 78 Archaeology," J. Romilly A l l e n declares that s c i e n t i f i c developments i n archaeology at the end of the century were "preceded by S i r Walter Scott's novels, which by the description of old buildings contained i n them tended to popularise national architecture" (234) . Scottish archaeologist and anthropologist Daniel Wilson locates Scott at the ori g i n s of s c i e n t i f i c archaeology. He opens The Archaeology and P r e h i s t o r i c Annals of Scotland (1851) with the assertion that The zeal f o r Archaeological investigation which has recently manifested i t s e l f i n nearly every country i n Europe, has been traced, not without reason, to the impulse which proceeded from Abbotsford. Though such i s not exactly the source which we might expect to give b i r t h to the t r a n s i t i o n from p r o f i t l e s s d i l e t t a n t i s m to the i n t e l l i g e n t s p i r i t of s c i e n t i f i c investigation, yet i t i s unquestionable that S i r Walter Scott was the f i r s t of modern writers "to teach a l l men t h i s truth, which looks l i k e a truism, and yet was as good as unknown to writers of h i s t o r y and others, t i l l so taught,--that the bygone ages of the world were a c t u a l l y f i l l e d with l i v i n g men." (xi, quoting Carlyle's " S i r Walter Scott") By claiming that Scott gave impetus to the development of archaeology, these statements reveal that early archaeologists were themselves seeking a pedigree for t h e i r f l e d g l i n g 79 profession. Allen's reference to Scott's popularizing "national architecture" and Wilson's a l l u s i o n to the archaeological "impulse" a r i s i n g from Abbotsford suggest a t h e o r e t i c a l avenue along which to explore the rel a t i o n s h i p between antiquarianism and h i s t o r i c a l f i c t i o n i n The Antiquary. Scott's most ambitious antiquarian project, the bui l d i n g of Abbotsford from 1811 to 1825, i s an analogue to antiquarian composition i n The Antiquary. Scott seemed to have t h i s i n mind when he dubbed Abbotsford a "romance of a house" (Letters 7: 100, 111, 282; 8: 129): he incorporated into his "old Scottish manor-house" (7: 111) building materials and ornaments foraged from ruined e d i f i c e s i n the d i s t r i c t ( f i g . 11). Abbotsford i s an ar c h i t e c t u r a l c o r r e l a t i v e to Scott's f i c t i o n , which preserves i n a narrative frame the scattered fragments of Scottish history. An examination of Abbotsford's construction w i l l illuminate the antiquarian/archaeological structures of The Antiquary. I. Antiquarianism and Abbotsford Abbotsford and The Antiquary share some architectonic features. Scott b u i l t Abbotsford i n the Tweed v a l l e y adjacent to his ancestral lands of Dryburgh (see Bann 110), and incorporated into i t s structure "fragments of ancient splendour" (4: 543) taken from s i t e s redolent with h i s t o r i c a l association. By weaving together the materials of past and 80 present, Scott thereby forged tangible continuity with his own ancestry. He remarked i n 1823 that b u i l d i n g Abbotsford and buying up the surrounding land was "the surest way of s e t t l i n g a family i f one can do [it] without borrowing money or receiving i n t e r e s t " (8: 129). " S e t t l i n g a family" i s , by his admission, more a matter of c a p i t a l than land-holding. The Waverley and Abbotsford projects are symbiotic, for writing finances the construction of an "old" building, and the b u i l d i n g i n turn r e f l e c t s the antiquarian tenor of the novels. The antiquarian action of the novel, furthermore, i s fundamentally concerned with the genealogical issue of " s e t t l i n g a family" i n times of s o c i a l change: the main action i s the resolution of the l o s t h e i r pl o t through the recovery of Lovel's i d e n t i t y and his reinstatement as Lord Glenallan. The antiquarian constructions of Abbotsford and The Antiquary t e s t i f y that for Scott the present i s i t s e l f an h i s t o r i c a l construction. 1 Scott's correspondence during construction reveals his i n s a t i a b l e appetite for antique b u i l d i n g materials. As early as 1815, four years a f t e r his i n i t i a l purchase of the "Old Cottage" or "Mother Redford," the nucleus of Abbotsford (Mother Redford was demolished i n 1822), Scott d r i l y comments that from "broken stones found i n the rubbish of Melrose Abbey" he " b u i l t a well about 400 years old" (3: 174, 233). The well i s a microcosm of Abbotsford. Constructed from the scattered middens of Melrose Abbey, i t i s a "modern" form that 81 nonetheless bears the mark of antiquity by preserving connotations and connections that the Abbey held f o r Scott. Melrose Abbey was a prime excavation s i t e both for Scott's novels and his house. Recounting a v i s i t to Abbotsford i n August 1817, Washington Irving comments upon Scott's attachment to the r u i n . He remarks that the "Abbey was evidently a p i l e that c a l l e d up a l l Scott's poetic and romantic feelings; and one to which he was e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y attached by the most f a n c i f u l and d e l i g h t f u l of his early associations" (230-31). In addition to the well-stones, Scott rescued a " c l o i s t e r arch of Melrose" and a "chimney-grate, which belonged to the old persecutor Archbishop Sharpe" (7: 300). Scott also writes that "I have now got I know not how many casts, from Melrose and other places, of pure Gothic antiquity" (5: 133). Scott thus quarried Melrose f o r materials that supplied both s t r u c t u r a l and h i s t o r i c a l i n t e g r i t y to Abbotsford. Even the name "Abbot's Ford" intimates associations with Melrose. Situated on the banks of the Tweed, the lands surrounding Abbotsford were once owned by the Abbey (Lockhart 3: 340). Scott writes i n 1811 to his brother-in-law, Charles Carpenter, that "we are not a l i t t l e proud of being greeted as l a i r d and lady of Abbotsford" (Lockhart 3: 342). By b u i l d i n g and acquiring land, Scott contrived a pedigree for himself that garnered authority from his proximity to--and raiding of--Melrose Abbey. By relocating the material past i n i t s modern framework, 82 Abbotsford assumed the a i r of a museum. Indeed, housed within i t s "battlement and bartisan" (5: 421) and " i t s turrets and queer old fashioned architecture" (7: 297) i s a museum within a museum (that we can v i s i t today). Scott relates that he was "quite feverish" (5: 63) about his armoury, which he decked out to display curios of Scottish history. Lockhart dubs Scott the "founder of Abbotsford Museum" (4: 12) and Scott himself seems to have had museum associations i n mind, for during the armoury's construction he writes, "I should l i k e to have had recesses f o r c u r i o s i t i e s " (7: 280), which "should be arranged t a s t e f u l l y f o r a n t i q u i t i e s , &c, l i k e the inside of an antique cabinet, with drawers and shottles, and funny l i t t l e arches" (7: 280). The room i s a rel i q u a r y containing miscellaneous b i t s and pieces from the body of Scottish hi s t o r y he c o l l e c t e d throughout his l i f e . Displayed i s , for example, the broadsword of Montrose (3: 69, 99-100, 312; 7: 215, 260), a cast of Robert the Bruce's Skull (7: 280), Rob Roy's gun and sporran (3: 39, 45, 69, 99-100; 4: 540, 540-1), and the "Key said to have been once turnd [sic] on the l o v e l y Queen Mary when she was prisoner i n Lochleven Castle" (12: 22). Scott jokes with the Scottish genealogist Charles Kirkpatrick Sharpe, "I have persuaded myself that you w i l l f i n d [yourself] quite at home i n my new Fl i b b e r t i g i b b e t of a house because i t w i l l s u i t none but an antiquary" (4: 539). The armoury's antechamber, the great entrance h a l l , houses clues to Scott's overarching plan f o r the Abbotsford 83 Museum ( f i g . 12). Scott writes i n 1823 that the i n t e r i o r of the h a l l i s fi n i s h e d with scutcheons, sixteen of which, running along [the rooftree], I intend to paint with my own q u a r t e r i n g s . . . . The scutcheons on the cornice I propose to charge with the blazonry of a l l the Border clans, eighteen i n number, and so many of the great families, not clans, as w i l l occupy the others. The windows are to be painted with the d i f f e r e n t bearings of di f f e r e n t families of the clan of Scott, which, with t h e i r quarterings and impalings, w i l l make a pretty display. (8: 112-13) Scott's "new old entrance h a l l " (8: 271, my emphasis) i s a threshold to a reclaimed past. The Scott pedigree and the pedigree of the Borderers--"Kith, Kin, and A l l y " (8: 271) 2--greet the v i s i t o r to Abbotsford. Scott's l e t t e r s are f i l l e d with excited investigations of his family tree (e.g. 8: 6-9, 9n, 233-34) . His genealogy displayed as heraldry, Scott thus advertises himself as the "Laird of Abbotsford," the i n h e r i t o r of an independent and decidedly medieval Scotland. 3 While Scott endeavoured to consolidate materially his lineage by creating an anachronistic mansion, his genealogical presentation was incomplete, which i s i t s e l f a t e l l i n g r e f l e c t i o n of the l i m i t a t i o n s of reconstructing the past. Two quarterings were l o s t on his mother's side (8: 6-9, 112, 233-34), which, i n heraldic terms, approximates i l l e g i t i m a c y as 84 sixteen quarterings d i s t i n g u i s h a pure bloodline. Scott painted the two irrecoverable f i e l d s with clouds; clouds of forgetfulness mar genealogical i n t e g r i t y (8: 112, 234). Indeed, Scott admits to his publisher, Archibald Constable, that these "things are t r i f l e s when correct but very absurd and contemptible i f otherwise" (8: 234). Abbotsford as a museum of Scottish h i s t o r y and display case f o r his incomplete quarterings emphasizes that Scott the professional lawyer and novelist i s act u a l l y a latecomer to the a r i s t o c r a t i c world he seeks to preserve, perpetuate, and i d e n t i f y with. II. The Antiquary and Antiquarianism Scott's description of Abbotsford as "a sort of p i c - n i c dwelling[,] f o r i t s ornaments have been p i l l a g e d from a l l sorts of old buildings" (5: 91), aptly characterizes The Antiquary i t s e l f . Like Abbotsford, the novel i s a kind of antiquarian museum or, to borrow Peter Conrad's image, a "Victorian treasure house" of d e t a i l . The material remains of the past are the foundation stones and decoration of the novel. And as Scott b u i l t Abbotsford as a f a m i l i a l home and g a l l e r y to display h i s quarterings, The Antiquary, set i n the 1790s, i s c e n t r a l l y concerned with founding or s t a b i l i z i n g i d e n t i t y at a time when the system of feudal obli g a t i o n had given way to a market economy, which fundamentally changed and redefined the s o c i a l order i n Scotland. The antiquarian investigation of the past i n The Antiquary reaffirms and 85 perpetuates the foundation of an independent, medieval Scotland by re c o n c i l i n g i t with the rapidl y modernizing present: a conflation of past and present that resurfaces with a vengeance i n the year of the Great Exhibition. That Scott counted The Antiquary "his chief favourite among a l l his novels" (Lockhart 5: 143) i s a good i n d i c a t i o n of the important r e l a t i o n s h i p between antiquarianism and genealogy i n his "constructions." The genealogical overtones guiding Scott's recovery and ordering of memorials of Scottish heritage infuse the novel. Digging up his own hist o r y from Melrose Abbey mirrors the exhumation of Lovel's heritage from the ruins of St. Ruth's Priory, a resurrection of his ancestry from the material remains of the past. The Antiquary i s , then, a metahistorical study of h i s t o r i c a l processes and the ways h i s t o r i c a l knowledge i s obtained. On one l e v e l , the novel i s a p o r t r a i t of la t e eighteenth-century antiquarianism. Scott based the amateur antiquary Jonathan Oldbuck of Monkbarns on, among others, John Constable, an "old f r i e n d of [the author's] youth (The Antiquary 1865, 5:3), and John Clerk of Penicuik (Piggott 1976, 134). 4 Although Scott denies these associations i n the preface to the Magnum Opus edition, he does confirm i n a l e t t e r to B a s i l H a l l the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Constable and Oldbuck (12: 36-37). Scott himself c e r t a i n l y had an a f f i n i t y with his protagonist, an association he delineated through the p l a y f u l t i t l e of his unfinished catalogue of books and 86 a n t i q u i t i e s , Reliquiae Trottcosienses. or the Gabions of Jonathan Oldbuck (Lockhart 9: 356). 5 Chapter 3 i s instrumental i n establishing the novel's antiquarian tenor. Here we are privy to the inmost recess of Oldbuck's house, his sanctum sanctorum (19). Oldbuck's and Lovel 1s descent "through a labyrinth of inconvenient and dark passages" (20) represents a descent into the antiquary's world. The room i s a ve r i t a b l e museum of Roman, ancient B r i t i s h , and Scottish a n t i q u i t i e s , including armour, swords, busts, pottery, and bronzes, as well as a wealth of printed material from which Scott derives the Antiquary's name: that i s , "Old Buch" or "Old Book." Books, broadsides, ballads, and assorted printed ephemera and r e l i c s l i t t e r the room. The correlations between Oldbuck's sanctum and the "pic n i c " q u a l i t y of the Abbotsford armoury, great h a l l , and l i b r a r y are obvious. 6 The outward trappings of antiquarianism established i n the early chapters of The Antiquary foreshadow Carlyle's treatment of antiquarianism i n Past and Present. Relics are metaphorical "gateways" into the past that allow the author (and characters) to venture backward i n history. Yet h i s t o r i c a l appropriation i n The Antiquary i s a double-edged sword. Scott's humorous portrayal of the pedantic Oldbuck, with his "pettifogging intimacy with dates, names, and t r i f l i n g matters of fac t " (41), emphasizes the t r i v i a l i t y of the past when cut off from the l i f e of the present. The thick 87 covering of dust i n Oldbuck's sanctum (which his s i s t e r Griselda and the maid are vigorously chided f o r disturbing) alludes to his Dryasdust obfuscation of the past: the Antiquary's disorderly hodge-podge of c o l l e c t i b l e s stymies the v i s i t o r Lovel, much as Dorothea f e e l s disengaged from the c l a s s i c a l statuary i n Rome. Indeed, shades of Casaubon colour Oldbuck. The f o l l i e s and l i m i t a t i o n s of Oldbuck's antiquarianism are thrown into r e l i e f on the Kaim of Kinprunes with the chance meeting of the Antiquary and another h i s t o r i c a l actor i n the novel, the King's Bedesman, the mendicant Edie Olchitree. Oldbuck has traded, acre f o r acre, good corn land for s t e r i l e ground, be l i e v i n g that he has secured the " l o c a l s i t u a t i o n of the f i n a l c o n f l i c t between [the Roman general Julius] Agricola and the Caledonians" (28) . Excavating what he takes for Agricola's encampment s i t e (29), he has a c t u a l l y exposed the foundation of a b u i l d i n g that had been erected for a bachelor party. The scene i s based on a r e a l incident involving S i r John Clerk of Penicuik, who mistook a modern foundation for a Roman camp (Piggott 1976, 162). Edie appears seemingly from nowhere to interrupt the discoursing Oldbuck by disclaiming "'Praetorian here, Praetorian there, I mind the bigging [building] o't'" (30). On the Kaim the reader i s introduced to two l e v e l s or modes of h i s t o r i c a l knowledge i n the novel: antiquarian and folk, representing ancient and l i v i n g h istory. While Edie 88 d i s c r e d i t s Oldbuck's hypothesis, the antiquary nonetheless acknowledges the mendicant's time-honoured s t a t i o n as the "news-carrier, the minstrel, and sometimes the h i s t o r i a n of the d i s t r i c t " (33) . Oldbuck l a t e r points out that Edie i s the "oracle of the d i s t r i c t through which he t r a v e l s - - t h e i r genealogist, t h e i r newsman, t h e i r master of the revels, t h e i r doctor at a pinch, or t h e i r divine" (290) . Himself an analogue to Abbotsford, Edie i s a treasure house of l i v i n g h istory that o f f e r s continuity with the past. As a medium of h i s t o r i c a l knowledge, Edie i s to the Antiquary as J o c e l i n i s to Ca r l y l e . The mendicant i s a r e c t i f i e r of f a l s e h i s t o r y and, as genealogist, a preserver of h i s t o r i c a l i d e n t i t y . As such, he i s instrumental i n orchestrating a f f a i r s by which the d i s i n h e r i t e d Lovel--the hero of the l o s t h e i r p l o t i n The Antiquary--eventually discovers the secret of his b i r t h . In the preface to the Magnum Opus e d i t i o n of The Antiquary. Scott emphasizes the h i s t o r i c a l conditions under which Edie assumes his p o s i t i o n as the indisputable authority on h i s t o r i c a l matters. The preface i s a narrative stratum that underscores the h i s t o r i c a l nature of the novel and the agents of h i s t o r i c a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n within i t . Scott writes that Edie's rank as King's Bedesman--about to become extinct at the time of the novel's s e t t i n g - - i s "descended from the ancient bards" (1865 5: 5). Scott employs a battery of sources to b o l s t e r Edie's c r e d i b i l i t y , from Burns 1s poetry to a description of a mendicant whom Scott met i n h i s youth, 89 Andrew Gemmells (1865 5: 11), as well as an actual Treasurer's report of the annual charity bestowed upon the Bedesmen (included for "those whose taste i s akin to that of Jonathan Oldbuck of Monkbarns" [1865 5 : 9 ] ) . In the preface and i n the novel, Scott treats the king's servant as a r e l i c of feudal Scotland. Established as an object of antiquarian study--and who by v i r t u e of his service as genealogist and bard i s an antiquary i n h i s own right--Edie i s a major vehicle for h i s t o r i c a l inquiry within the novel. The Antiquary displaces the redemptive capacity of the romance hero from the realm of action to antiquarian study. The p l o t focuses on redeeming Lovel's g u i l t y past, his re-inheritance that secures the Glenallan l i n e and d e l i v e r s the Wardour estate from imminent bankruptcy. F i t t i n g l y , most of the determining action has taken place before the period covered by the novel. Very l i t t l e a c t u a l l y happens: his t o r y i s i t s e l f a subject f o r debate and i n v e s t i g a t i o n rather than--as i n Waverley--the f i e l d of action. Lovel i s aptly dubbed "phoenix" by Oldbuck (65), for he i s f i g u r a t i v e l y dead--cut off from hi s t o r y much l i k e Darsie Latimer i n Redgauntlet--then reborn from the ashes of obscurity with a name and pedigree. As Millgate states, "Lovel's predicament, l i k e that of other l o s t heirs of romance, requires past and present to be brought together so that his two i d e n t i t i e s can merge and he can enter on his proper r o l e " (95). Lovel's character i s a construction. He i s , l i k e Abbotsford, both an archaeological 90 and a building--or rather Bildung--site. Lovel's role as the phoenix-redeemer of h i s t o r y i s foreshadowed i n a b a l l a d he overhears upon awakening the morning a f t e r he rescues S i r Arthur and Isabella from the crags of Halket Head. Balladry as an object of antiquarian study i s an authenticating medium for p l o t . Lamenting the f a l l of great houses, the song concludes with an exhortation to redeem time: "Why s i t ' s t thou by that ruin'd h a l l , Thou aged carle so stern and grey?" "Before my breath, l i k e blazing flax , Man and his marvels pass away; And changing empires wane and wax, Are founded, f l o u r i s h , and decay. "Redeem mine hours--the space i s b r i e f - -While i n my glass the sand-grains shiver, And measureless thy joy or g r i e f , When TIME and thou shalt part for ever!" (80) Reinstated and l e g i t i m i z e d as the l o s t h e i r of Glenallan, Lovel can marry and thus reinstate the other d i s i n h e r i t e d heir, Isabella. The reference to the "ruin'd h a l l " also points to a major archaeological s i t e i n the novel, the ruined Priory of St. Ruth. To redeem the s t a i n of i l l e g i t i m a c y Lovel 91 must resurrect the secret h i s t o r y of Lady Glenallan, interred with her i n the p r i o r y ruins. "Resurrecting" the truth of Lovel's b i r t h from t h i s l i t e r a l grave c a r r i e s the association i n medieval b e s t i a r i e s of the phoenix with Christ's death and resurrection. The f a l l e n and resurrected hero redeems the sins of Lady Glenallan and saves the languishing Wardours. Like Scott scouring Melrose for b u i l d i n g material, discovering Lovel's lineage assumes the character of both an antiquarian exercise and a treasure hunt. A c r u c i a l scene i s the excavation at St. Ruth's. Misguided by the Rosicrucian fakeries of the German adept Herman Dousterswivel, S i r Arthur seeks a legendary fortune supposedly buried i n the kirkyard i n a desperate e f f o r t to salvage his indebted estate. Edie relates that the treasure was accumulated i n the twelfth century by the bastard Malcolm Misticot ("Misbegot" by two f i r s t cousins), a vanquished contender for the Wardour estate who was banished to St. Ruth's. Legend records that Malcolm stashed a treasure i n the p r i o r y i n the hope of using i t to "secure the succession of [his] house i n the lands of Knockwinnock" (278) . Thus the "prophecy gat abread i n the country," says Edie, "that whenever Misticot's grave was fund out, the estate of Knockwinnock should be l o s t and won" (200). From Malcolm S i r Arthur traces, he says, "that horror and antipathy to d e f i l e d blood and i l l e g i t i m a c y , which has been handed down to me from my respected ancestry" (199) : S i r Arthur's h i s t o r i c a l l y based fears deny Lovel's s u i t for 92 Isabella. The treasure with which Knockwinnock i s " l o s t and won" i s not Malcolm's, but a quantity of s i l v e r b u l l i o n stashed i n the p r i o r y by Edie and Lovel for S i r Arthur to dig up and with which to ward o f f his cr e d i t o r s . The s i l v e r i s a c t u a l l y Lovel's patrimony, a quantity of s i l v e r plate reduced to b u l l i o n by Lovel's guardian to erase the Glenallan arms (496) and, thereby, Lovel's true i d e n t i t y . The prophecy that the lands of Knockwinnock w i l l be " l o s t and won" i s f u l f i l l e d through the tampering of Edie and Lovel, who " s a l t , " says Wilt, the grave with Lovel's s i l v e r (156). I r o n i c a l l y , the inheritance of the d i s i n h e r i t e d bastard Lovel saves Knockwinnock from the immediate danger of the S h e r i f f ' s men. Digging thus c a r r i e s the implications of a redemptive resurrection or exhumation of history. Similar to the exhumation scene i n Past and Present (and "The Monumental E f f i g i e s rescued from Time"), the antiquaries l i t e r a l l y d i g up at St. Ruth's the body of the past i n the form of the e f f i g y of Malcolm. Past and present thus converge at t h i s gravesite, for Lovel i s , says Wilt, the very image of Malcolm the Misbegot, resurrected and cleansed, just i n the nick of time, of the bar s i n i s t e r . . . . History i s the progress of the consciousness of our freedom to dig up and act upon the massively accumulated, already assembled, meaning of the day. (160-61; my emphasis) 93 The ruin of St. Ruth's i s a palimpsest of layered h i s t o r y upon which i s inscribed--as i n Abbotsford's entrance hall--past and present b a t t l e s of succession and i d e n t i t y . Recent hi s t o r y i s buried, furthermore, i n the p r i o r y ruins with the interment of the Countess Glenallan on the same night that Edie and Steenie Mucklebackit t r i c k Dousterswivel into returning to hunt for a second treasure. Her b u r i a l introduces a v e r i t a b l e gothic element to the story, which contrasts with Edie's f a l s e haunting of the ruins i n comic revenge f o r Dousterswivel's mystical chicanery. Her entombment offers, moreover, a key to recovering the past, f o r the "underground" h i s t o r y of the Glenallan family can now be exhumed and redeemed. Their moribund Havishamesque existence i n the c r y p t - l i k e rooms of Glenallan House--ornamented with sombre Rembrandt po r t r a i t u r e and gloomy Catholic iconography--i s the re s u l t of Lady Glenallan's tampering with h i s t o r y and genealogy by convincing her son that h i s new wife, Eveline N e v i l l e , i s his h a l f - s i s t e r . F a l s i f y i n g h i s t o r y sets off a series of tragedies, r e s u l t i n g i n the suicide of Eveline N e v i l l e , the unmitigated despair and hermitic existence of Glenallan, and the estrangement of t h e i r son (Lovel) from his father's family and estate. Overcome by c u l p a b i l i t y , the Glenallan family i s suspended within a c r i p p l i n g h i s t o r i c a l moment. They are l i v i n g ruins of long-faded glory. The s p e l l i s broken only with the resurrection of Lady Glenallan's secret history, which arises i n the speech of her 94 servant, Elspeth Mucklebackit. She, too, i s a r e l i c of a former age, i s o l a t e d from the community and her family because of the g u i l t y past she shares with her mistress. Indeed, Edie describes o l d Elspeth i n terms of gothic architecture, comparing her to some "ancient ruined strengths and ca s t l e s , " f o r there "are mony parts of her mind that appear . . . l a i d waste and decayed, but then there's parts that look the steever [firmer], and the stronger, and the grander, because they are r i s i n g just l i k e to fragments amang the ruins o' the rest" (228) . Edie describes Elspeth i n a r c h i t e c t u r a l and archaeological terms reminiscent of Scott's characterization of Abbotsford i n his l e t t e r s . I d e n t i f i e d with the spindle she t w i r l s i n the seclusion of the Mucklebackit cottage, she i s a s i b y l l i n e figure (262), who, moreover, i s described i n Egyptological terms: " l i k e a mummy animated by some wandering s p i r i t into a temporary resurrection" (218), she spins her ta l e of the crime to Edie. The images of an underground l i f e r i s i n g from the ruin of her memory are important for the resolution of the story, f o r the salvation of the houses of the ancient C e l t i c Glenallans and the Norman Wardours depends upon the successful inves t i g a t i o n of Lovel's true b i r t h , buried among the bones and legends of ancient and recent his t o r y of the pr i o r y ruins. The novel's concluding action i s thus set i n physical and mental graves. In The Antiquary and Abbotsford, then, gothic s t o r i e s within s t o r i e s are archaeological s i t e s that house 95 genealogical information necessary f o r the understanding and redemption of the present. Dredging h i s t o r y from g u i l t -stained silence to the healing l i g h t of narrative conquers forgetfulness and disinheritance. The Glenallan t a l e must be remembered, drawn from buried sources: with Lady Glenallan's interment, r e a l , not "salted," h i s t o r y i s buried and awaits a resurrection through Elspeth and Edie. The image of the re-animated mummy Elspeth as an agent of h i s t o r i c a l narrative emphasizes Lovel's i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the phoenix. The Antiquary i s about metamorphosis of the present based on exhumation of the past. Claiming his distinguished pedigree, Lovel can marry Isabella and completely secure the Wardour estate from economic ruin. This act holds wider implications for the community and for Scotland i t s e l f . A new age i s symbolically ushered i n with the marriage. In the v i c i n i t y of Fairport, which i s arguably a microcosm of l a t e eighteenth-century Scotland, the Catholic past gives way to, but remains a v i t a l part of, i t s dominant Protestant r e l i g i o n and Protestant commercial eth i c . The novel concludes with a v i s i o n of s o c i a l harmony symbolised by the general muster at the f a l s e alarm of the French invasion. Harmony i s also symbolized i n Oldbuck's present of the wedding ring, inscribed with his ancestral motto "Kunst macht Gunst" ( " s k i l l wins favour," 3 5 5 ) . Joined with the ri n g are the two strands of Scottish history, "the one Catholic, Jacobite, and a r i s t o c r a t i c and the other 9 6 Protestant, Whiggish, and professional--one emphasizing hereditary right and continuity and the other i n d i v i d u a l a b i l i t y and change" (Elbers 419-20). Like Darcey Latimer i n Redgauntlet. the Protestant Lovel, as Robertson asserts, i s "a legitimate representative but an i d e o l o g i c a l opponent of the dead past which he alone can r e v i t a l i z e " (205) . The "new old" Abbotsford attests that t h i s wedding r e f l e c t s Scott's own v i s i o n of, and l o y a l t i e s i n , modern Scotland. While The Antiquary i s an important l i t e r a r y i n dicator of the antiquarian nature of archaeology at the end of the eighteenth century, i t s re a l aim, l i k e Carlyle's Past and Present. i s to delve below outward manifestations of Dryasdust antiquarianism to the essences that bind the ages each to each. Just as Carlyle's study of the medieval past i s motivated by the s h i f t to an i n d u s t r i a l economy that created a need f o r a St. Ives Workhouse, Scott's antiquarianism and antiquarian f i c t i o n likewise s t r i v e to make Scottish h i s t o r y l i v e i n the mind and s o c i a l f a b r i c of his readership by digging up, preserving, and recontextualizing the past i n a time of economic and s o c i a l upheaval. The Antiquary and Scott's entrance h a l l are testaments to the genealogical authority of h i s t o r y dug up from the s i l e n t past and reconstructed for present i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and e d i f i c a t i o n . 97 Notes 1. Several Scott c r i t i c s have correlated Abbotsford and the Waverley novels (see Daiches 95, Millgate 86, and Piggott 1976, 140). The most compelling i s Stephen Bann's discussion of the genealogical implications of Abbotsford. He argues that Scott's "maternal inheritance, concretised i n the new Abbotsford, was also the inheritance of history, reestablished i n i t s continuity through the massive e f f o r t of reconstruction which was to be Scott's whole creative l i f e " (110). Employing a psychoanalytic reading, Bann concludes that i n constructing an inheritance at Abbotsford Scott was "enabled . . . to explore the whole domain of h i s t o r y as a beneficent mother" (111). My discussion builds upon Bann's by showing more f u l l y how Abbotsford's construction i s a product of Scott's antiquarianism, and by comparing the antiquarian "frameworks" of Abbotsford and The Antiquary. 2. " A l l around the cornice of t h i s noble room there runs a continued series of blazoned shields . . . . There are t h i r t y to f o r t y shields thus distinguished,--Douglas, Soulis, Buccleugh, Maxwell, Johnstoune, Glendoning, Herries, Rutherford, Kerr, E l l i o t t , Pringle, Home, and a l l the other heroes of the Border Minstrelsy" (Lockhart 7: 399-400). 3. Scott even pledges liegeship to the Duke of Buccleugh, the " c h i e f t a i n " of the Scott clan. He writes that he "rejoice[s] that since the whole water of the Thames cannot wash the Scotch blood or the Scott-blood e i t h e r out of your Lordship's veins that you s t i l l continue to bear the i n s i g n i a of your t r i b e " (8: 3). 4. Piggott examines i n d e t a i l the "climate of antiquarian thought i n which Scott had been brought up and how i t i s r e f l e c t e d i n his work" (1976, 133). While Piggott touches upon Scott's "romantic antiquarianism" (158), the strength of the a r t i c l e i s his discussion of the antiquaries invoked i n The Antiquary, men such as Alexander Gordon, John Clerk of Penicuik, Robert Sibbald, and Major-General William Roy. See also Ash's discussions of Scott's antiquarianism and i t s influence on and place i n the development of archaeology. 5. "Trottocosianae" i s derived from Oldbuck's association with the Abbot of Trotcosey, an former inhabitant of what i s now Oldbuck's estate. Oldbuck's ancestor bought the "Monk-barns" a f t e r the d i s s o l u t i o n of the monasteries. Abbas Trottocosiensis i s inscribed i n the l i n t e l i n the doorway to Oldbuck's "sanctum sanctorum" (19). The Bannatyne Club published the catalogue of Scott's l i b r a r y i n 1838. 6. For a description of Scott's l i b r a r y and sanctum see Lockhart 7: 405-08. 99 CHAPTER 5 "To Wake to a Second Existence": The Archaeology of Religion in Edward Bulwer-Lytton's The Last Days of Pompeii I stood within the c i t y d i s i n t e r r e d --P. B. Shelley, "Ode to Naples" Go, seek Pompeii now:--with pensive tread Roam through the s i l e n t c i t y of the dead --Macaulay, "Pompeii" In the l a s t year of his l i f e , a pa l s i e d and apoplectic S i r Walter Scott l e f t Abbotsford i n search of health i n I t a l y . Sojourning from December 1831 to A p r i l 1832 i n Naples, he was befriended by S i r William G e l l , correspondent for the London Society of D i l e t t a n t i and author of Pompeiana. a popular description of the remains of Pompeii. 1 Scott's host and constant companion introduced the nov e l i s t to Neapolitan society and showed him the excavations at Pompeii. At the request of Scott's daughter, Anne, G e l l composed an account of these l a s t days of Scott, which appeared i n Lockhart's Memoirs of the L i f e of S i r Walter Scott. 2 On the ninth of February G e l l took Scott to Pompeii. Himself i n physical (and fina n c i a l ) ruin (see Journal 659-60),the novelist was borne upon a l i t t e r through the excavated streets, apparently insensible to Gel l ' s commentary, "viewing the whole and not the parts . . . and exclaiming frequently 'The C i t y of the Dead,' without any other remark" (Gell 1832, 8). Traversing Pompeii's f o r l o r n streets, Scott was no doubt overcome by intimations of his own mortality. Yet his 100 sympathetic response to the ruined c i t y of the dead seems an apposite denouement to a l i f e devoted to preserving the past as an antiquarian and h i s t o r i c a l n o v e l i s t . In the same year, G e l l led another B r i t i s h h i s t o r i c a l n o v e list through Pompeii, Edward Bulwer-Lytton. The writer was so moved by the sense of d a i l y l i f e arrested and preserved by the catastrophe that he immediately set to work composing The Last Days of Pompeii, which he f i n i s h e d over the winter of 1832-33 and dedicated to G e l l . Like Scott's Abbotsford, Bulwer-Lytton's f i c t i o n a l Pompeii i s , then, very much a "romance i n stone." The author relates that he "laboured . . . i n the art to revive and to create" (v), s t r i v i n g "to repair those graceful ruins, to reanimate the bones which were yet spared to his survey; to traverse the gulf of eighteen centuries, and to wake to a second existence--the City of the Dead!" (v). This epithet, according to Richard B r i l l i a n t , "runs l i k e some melancholic r e f r a i n i n those nineteenth-century minds g i f t e d with a strong h i s t o r i c a l imagination" (168). The s i m i l a r reactions of these h i s t o r i c a l novelists to Pompeii suggest that Bulwer-Lytton, at the s t a r t of his writing career, takes up the l i t e r a r y torch from the d e c l i n i n g Scott. Bulwer-Lytton's re-creation of "The C i t y of the Dead" perpetuates Scott's t r a d i t i o n and v i s i o n of h i s t o r i c a l f i c t i o n founded upon the investigation of the material past. The spectre of Pompeii and i t s s i s t e r c i t y Herculaneum had haunted the European imagination for a century before 101 Bulwer-Lytton's v i s i t (Herculaneum was f i r s t excavated i n 1709, Pompeii i n the 1740s). By 1832 the ancient c i t y had become a mecca fo r scholars, t o u r i s t s , d i l e t t a n t i , and a r t i s t s a l i k e . The widespread i n t e r e s t . i n "Pompeiana"--disseminated through archaeological reports and a r t i s t i c reproductions--raised the material existence of antiquity into the modern consciousness, paving the way for Bulwer-Lytton's immensely popular novel (see Appendix A for a summary of archaeological and a r t i s t i c events preceding--and influencing--Bulwer-Lytton' s novel). As sales of Nineveh and Its Remains demonstrated some f i f t e e n years l a t e r , archaeology and ancient c i v i l i z a t i o n s were highly esteemed subjects amongst V i c t o r i a n readers. I. Excavation and L i t e r a r y Form: Bulwer-Lytton's Archaeological Romance Is there l i f e i n the abyss?--Hath a new race (concealed to now) i t s home Under the lava?--Doth the Past Return?--0, Greeks--0, Romans!--Come!--Behold, again Rises the old Pompeii, and r e b u i l t The long l o s t town of Dorian Hercules! - - S c h i l l e r , "Pompeii and Herculaneum" (Trans. Edward Bulwer-Lytton) The Last Days of Pompeii i s prefaced with a t r e a t i s e on l i t e r a r y excavation. The author argues that the novel i s a natural extension of his research into the s i t e , i t s museum i n nearby P o r t i c i , and Pompeian scholarship. Archaeology provided raw materials for the setting; the setting, i n turn, 102 the characters. Foregrounding the ta l e ' s a r t i f i c e , the author, l i k e his predecessor Scott, heaps " a r t i f a c t u a l " material before the reader to mediate between substantive fact and narrative. Like the Editor's role i n Past and Present, the narrative voice i n The Last Days of Pompeii negotiates between ancient and modern eras by transposing material r e l i c s into an authenticating discourse. The narrator i s , l i k e G e l l , an archaeologist and tour-guide who d i r e c t s the reader's attention here and there to the text's "Pompeiana." Cosmopolitan associations y i e l d a cosmopolitan cast: the "half-Grecian colony" (vii) suggested the n a t i o n a l i t y of the Greek protagonists, Glaucus and lone; the Temple of I s i s furnished the Egyptian High-Priest Arbaces, his acolyte Apaecides, and the p r i e s t Calenus. Excavated estates supplied the a r i s t o c r a t i c class represented by Sallust, Diomedes, and J u l i a , while the lower ranks are populated by the gladiators Lyndon, Sporus, and Burbo, who animate sk e l e t a l remains preserved i n the amphitheatre's barracks. The author emphasizes that the "characters, therefore, are the natural o f f s p r i n g of the scene and time" ( v i i - v i i i ) . G e l l praised the novel for t h i s reason. The archaeologist states i n a l e t t e r , I was highly f l a t t e r e d i n my old age by Bulwers [sic] dedication of his Pompeii to me & think the Book i t s e l f i s as well f i t t e d to the place as circumstances permitted. I own I consider the 103 Tragic Poets [sic] house since I read the novel, as that of Glaucus & have peopled the other places with Bulwers [sic] inhabitants i n my own mind which I believe i s a proof that his Tale i s j u d i c i o u s l y applied to the l o c a l i t y . (dated 10 March 1835; Clay, 155) Sanctioning Bulwer-Lytton 1s "judicious" c o r r e l a t i o n of the material and the imaginative accents a central aim of archaeological l i t e r a t u r e . The author appeals to science to lend i n t e g r i t y to h i s t o r i c a l f i c t i o n , while simultaneously seeking to s a t i s f y the reader's desire to view archaeological antiquity through f i c t i o n . The preface i s , then, a t h e o r e t i c a l layer that serves to introduce the reader to a kind of l i t e r a t u r e whose form imitates i t s archaeological o r i g i n s . Bulwer-Lytton's archaeological romance i s a synthesis of the d i a l e c t i c a l tensions between material h i s t o r y and l i t e r a r y invention: the novel couples the romance with the guide book. The Last Days of Pompeii i s , as i t were, a narrative version of Pompeiana. With text i n hand, the v i s i t o r (or armchair tourist) could f i n d informative descriptions of s i t e s that appear i n the story: the Temple of I s i s , Diomedes's V i l l a , the Forum, the "House of the Tragic Poet," the baths, and the amphitheatre. Keeping the a r t i f i c e of the t a l e continually before the reader-tourist thus fosters narrative c r e d i b i l i t y , which i s to say s t a b i l i t y , by fostering the reader's expectation of "true" 104 h i s t o r y while simultaneously s a t i s f y i n g the conventions of the romance novel. This generic c o n f l a t i o n i s reminiscent of the Editor's double role as antiquarian and s o c i a l c r i t i c i n Past and Present, through whose voice Jocelin's text and the ruins buttress Carlyle's subjective v i s i o n of the buried l i f e of St. Edmundsbury. Mary Shelley's v i s i t to Pompeii i n 1843 was enhanced thus by The Last Days of Pompeii. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , she relates that on her second tour the " c i t y of the dead" became more a l i v e and accessible to her imagination because of the novel. She writes, Bulwer has peopled i t s silence. I have been reading his book, and I have f e l t on v i s i t i n g the place much as i f r e a l l y i t had once been f u l l of s t i r r i n g l i f e , now that he has attributed names and possessors to i t s houses, passengers to i t s streets. Such i s the power of imagination. It can not only give 'a l o c a l habitation and a name' to the a i r y creations of fancy, and the abstract ideas of the mind, but i t can put a soul into stones, and hang the v i v i d interest of our passions and our hope upon objects otherwise vacant of name or sympathy . . . . [T]he account of i t s 'Last Days' has cast over i t a more f a m i l i a r garb, and peopled i t s deserted streets with associations that greatly add to t h e i r i n t e r e s t , (qtd. i n Dahl 1956, 191) 105 For Shelley, Pompeii assumes both a material and a narrative v i t a l i t y through bonds of common "sympathy" forged between observer and observed. Just as Carlyle's c r i t i c i s m i n Past and Present i s grounded upon the physical "remains" of St. Edmundsbury--the ruins, the book, the corpse--Bulwer-Lytton's f i d e l i t y to the past as i t remains before the t r a v e l l e r i s a product of his desire to penetrate imaginatively to the "soul" latent within "stones." For Shelley, at least, Bulwer-Lytton gives Pompeii a l o c a l habitation and a name. Ge l l ' s and Shelley's assessments suggest the range of interest Bulwer-Lytton' s novel held for the V i c t o r i a n s . For G e l l , the t a l e succeeds because of i t s f i d e l i t y to the s i t e , whereas for Shelley, the s i t e i s a springboard for the story. To "people i t s s i l ence" the novelist encompasses both G e l l ' s art of archaeological and a r c h i t e c t u r a l reconstruction and Shelley's i d e a l of imaginative characterization. Carlyle's and Bulwer-Lytton 1s h i s t o r i c a l forays are indebted to Scott for teaching the maxim "that the bygone ages of the world were ac t u a l l y f i l l e d with l i v i n g men." Carlyle argues i n his 1838 essay on Scott that the romance i n the hands of a Walter Scott can credibly restore the past from the sick-bed of Dryasdust antiquarianism to the l i v i n g present. Standing on the shoulders of Scott, who had negotiated the spheres of science, history, and narrative, Bulwer-Lytton claims that his own h i s t o r i c a l romance elevates the past above the "'repulsive dryness of mere antiquity'" (ix; he quotes the 106 1817 dedicatory e p i s t l e to Ivanhoe [1: 24]). In Bulwer-Lytton's own words, We understand any epoch of the world but i l l i f we do not examine i t s romance. There i s as much truth i n the poetry of l i f e as i n i t s prose . . . . The i n t u i t i v e s p i r i t which infuses antiquity into ancient images i s , perhaps, the true learning which a work of t h i s nature requires ( v i i i ) . Indeed, he sees the romance form as a vehicle f o r r a i s i n g the l i v i n g past into present consciousness because i t , according to Jenkyns, "humanized history" while "clothing i t i n history's seriousness and dignity" (1990, 83). As the novelist himself asserts, No man who i s thoroughly aware of what Prose F i c t i o n has now become . . . can so f a r forget i t s connection with History, with Philosophy, with P o l i t i c s - - i t s u t t e r harmony with Poetry and obedience to Truth--as to debase i t s nature to the l e v e l of scholastic f r i v o l i t i e s : he raises scholarship to the creative, and does not bow the creative to the sch o l a s t i c . ( v i i i ) This statement--with i t s overtones of Ladislaw and Casaubon--c e r t a i n l y betrays defensiveness i n the face of scholarly c r i t i c i s m , yet the nov e l i s t ' s authenticating paraphernalia also claims i t s uneasy allegiance. Riding the c o a t - t a i l s of Scott's pioneering work i n 107 Waverley, Bulwer-Lytton i n e f f e c t f a m i l i a r i z e s archaeology through his characters and the romance narrative. Tempering scholarship with c r e a t i v i t y , the archaeological romance form e d i f i e s through entertainment. According to Bulwer-Lytton, authors have f a i l e d to stimulate inte r e s t i n c l a s s i c a l times because "they have rather sought occasion to display erudition, than to show how the human heart beats the same, whether under the Grecian tunic or the Roman toga" ( x i ) . 3 Bulwer-Lytton applies the Scott touchstone to his own writing. Later i n the novel he declares, THE AFFECTIONS ARE IMMORTAL!--they are the sympathies which unite the ceaseless generations. The past l i v e s again, when we look upon i t s emotions--it l i v e s i n our own! That which was, ever i s ! The magician's g i f t , that revives the dead--that animates the dust of forgotten graves, i s not i n the author's s k i l l - - i t i s i n the heart of the reader! (169) The author furthermore situates his novel within a t r a d i t i o n antedating Scott's romances. He furnishes an "archaeology" of l i t e r a r y forms: "romance i t s e l f , as we take i t from the Middle Ages, owes much to Grecian fable. Many of the adventures of knight-errantry are borrowed eith e r from the t r i a l s of Ulysses, or the achievements of Theseus" ( x i - x i i ) . Medieval l i t e r a t u r e i s a convenient intermediary to the c l a s s i c a l past, for with 108 the men and customs of the feudal time we have a natural sympathy and bond of a l l i a n c e ; those men were our own ancestors--from these customs we received our own--the creed of our c h i v a l r i c fathers i s s t i l l ours--their tombs yet consecrate our churches--the ruins of t h e i r castles yet frown over our v a l l e y s . We trace i n t h e i r struggles f o r l i b e r t y and for j u s t i c e our present i n s t i t u t i o n s ; and i n the elements of t h e i r s o c i a l state we behold the o r i g i n of our own. (v-vi) Like Carlyle and Scott, Bulwer-Lytton emphasizes the bonds of sympathy between medieval and modern times through material objects l i n g e r i n g from the past. Whereas extant tombs and castles represent milestones i n the development of present i n s t i t u t i o n s and culture, "with the c l a s s i c a l age," the author asserts, "we have no household and f a m i l i a r associations" ( v i ) . "Yet," he continues, the enterprise . . . seemed to me worth attempting; and i n the time and the scene I have chosen, much may be found to arouse the c u r i o s i t y of the reader, and e n l i s t his inter e s t i n the description of the author. It was the f i r s t century of our r e l i g i o n ; i t was the most c i v i l i s e d period of Rome; the conduct of the story l i e s amidst places whose r e l i c s we yet trace. ( v i ; my emphasis) Bulwer-Lytton here s h i f t s h i s focus from the material l i n k s 109 connecting present i n s t i t u t i o n s and medieval e d i f i c e s to those prefigured i n c l a s s i c a l antiquity. Like the reviewers responding to Layard, Bulwer-Lytton derives decidedly modern i n s t i t u t i o n s from c l a s s i c a l remains. C h r i s t i a n associations l i e amongst the ruins of the Roman world. Indeed, resurrecting the "underground" Ch r i s t i a n l i f e "buried" under Roman art and architecture of the f i r s t century AD i s the central subject of the book. The author's use of "our" denotes deep-seated r e l i g i o u s connections with the remote, archaeological past. Reading, too, i s an act of excavation. The author states that from the ample materials before me, my endeavour has been to select those which would be most a t t r a c t i v e to a modern reader;--the customs and superstitions least unfamiliar to him--the shadows that, when reanimated, would present to him such images as, while they represented the past, might be least uninteresting to the speculations of the present. (vi) The aesthetic and h i s t o r i c a l demands of both G e l l and Scott are served here. A r t i f a c t s supply the atmospheric d e t a i l s that had i n i t i a l l y begotten a taste for Pompeian rooms, i n t e r i o r decoration, vases and painting, while the motif of excavation--of digging into the ground of culture--promotes r e l i g i o u s sympathies that unite the f i r s t and nineteenth centuries. 110 II. The Archaeology of Religion Six worlds may l i e under a sod, but to the common eye they are but s i x layers of stone. . [A] Parable . . . takes the thought below the surface of the understanding to the deeper i n t e l l i g e n c e which the world r a r e l y tasks. It i s not sunlight on the water, i t i s a hymn chanted to the Nymph who harkens and wakes below. --Bulwer-Lytton's Zanoni (405-06) In Past and Present, the midnight exhumation and r e t r i e v a l of St. Edmund by the twelve most worthy f r i a r s has decidedly r i t u a l i s t i c overtones. To Carlyle, the monks' commitment to celibacy, silence, and m o r t i f i c a t i o n of the f l e s h i s a preparation for t h i s one act, t h i s healing communion with St. Edmund's uncorrupted body. In The Last Days of Pompeii the resurrection of Pompeii's r e l i g i o u s l i f e shares the r i t u a l i s t i c and doc t r i n a l "undertones" of the Brothers' exhumation of t h e i r founder. Bulwer-Lytton's excavation of "the f i r s t century of our r e l i g i o n " buried along with Pompeii, represents a salubrious communion with and affirmation of the h i s t o r i c a l and doc t r i n a l o r i g i n s of C h r i s t i a n i t y . Indeed, archaeology and C h r i s t i a n i t y share basic aims: the paradoxical--or, i n r e l i g i o u s terms, mystical--affirmation of l i f e through i t s resurrection from death. Bulwer-Lytton's archaeological and narrative resurrection of the f i r s t century of C h r i s t i a n i t y i s a means at once of drawing ( l i k e Layard) on his reader's r e l i g i o u s sympathies I l l and, at a deeper l e v e l , of penetrating back through the ages to a source of esoteric wisdom associated with the central tenet of C h r i s t i a n i t y i t s e l f : the mystery of l i f e over death symbolized by the resurrection of Ch r i s t . It i s i n t h i s sense that The Last Days of Pompeii enacts an archaeology of r e l i g i o n . Bulwer-Lytton s t r i v e s to re-create the r i c h , complex r e l i g i o u s mosaic of the Hellenic world. In the novel the c u l t of I s i s occupies the apex of Pompeii's state-sanctioned r e l i g i o u s culture. The impressive temple ruins i n Pompeii r e f l e c t the prominence of the cu l t of I s i s i n the Roman world. Its discovery aroused much intere s t for excavators and to u r i s t s a l i k e . English Consul to Naples and art c o l l e c t o r S i r William Hamilton was on hand during i t s i n i t i a l excavation i n 1765 (F o t h e r g i l l 47; see Appendix A); his description i n the 1786 report i n Archaeologia ( f i g . 13) was a major source for Bulwer-Lytton's depiction of the temple, i t s mysterious r i t e s , and the dynamic character of Arbaces, i t s high p r i e s t . Bulwer-Lytton incorporates into the novel Hamilton's description of the pedimental r e l i e f s and arabesques displaying Egyptian r e l i g i o u s symbols, s a c r i f i c i a l a l t a r s with carbonized remains of votive offerings, basalts inscribed with hieroglyphics, the central statue of I s i s , and the i n t r i g u i n g statue of a figure with her forefinger to her l i p s , probably denoting the i n i t i a t e s ' vow of silence and the silence associated with the mystical state. The word "mystical" 112 derives from the Greek root piueiv, meaning "to close (the l i p s or eyes)" (Oxford English Dictionary 1933 ed.). Bulwer-Lytton also bases the character of the wicked p r i e s t Calenus on the ambassador's report. Hamilton notes finding a skeleton of a p r i e s t t r y i n g to escape the temple by hacking through a wall with an i r o n crowbar (167-68): Bulwer-Lytton metes out the same fate to his character.* The widespread appeal of I s i s and other mystery c u l t s i n Pompeii i s well documented i n i t s extant paintings. Among the best known are the Dionysian r i t e s of i n i t i a t i o n depicted i n the V i l l a of the Mysteries, which date from the f i r s t century (Godwin 1981, 37), and the s a c r i f i c e s to I s i s ( f i g s . 14 and 15). Becoming one of the most widely disseminated Oriental r e l i g i o n s of l a t e antiquity, " I s i s became the great thousand-named, universal goddess (panthea)" (Rudolph 235). That a temple of I s i s was established i n London at the end of the f i r s t century AD attests to the popularity of the c u l t i n the Roman Empire ( G r i f f i t h s 253). Appendix B traces b r i e f l y the obscure and tangled his t o r y of mysticism and occultism as i t bears on the novel. Egyptian philosophy, r e l i g i o n , and magic--as expressed i n the c u l t of I s i s and i n Hermeticism--are c r u c i a l to Bulwer-Lytton's depiction of the r e l i g i o u s l i f e from which C h r i s t i a n i t y emerges. Furthermore, inter e s t i n and knowledge of ancient Egyptian r e l i g i o n s were raised and fostered through archaeology i t s e l f . In the novel, Bulwer-Lytton, himself a 113 student of occultism (see Appendix B), uses i t to complement the archaeological focus on ruins and remains: the o c c u l t i s t o r i g i n of C h r i s t i a n i t y i s , as i t were, the novel's sub-text. In fact, the word "occult" i t s e l f bears etymological connections to archaeology. Its Latin root occulere. "to cover over, hide, conceal" (Oxford English Dictionary 1933 ed.) c a r r i e s the sense of archaeological "mystery": the search beneath the surface for a source of buried meaning. Here, i n a famous archaeological s i t e , we have an archaeological metaphor: arcane r e l i g i o n . The novel's o c c u l t i s t undercurrent i s central to Bulwer-Lytton's archaeologically based representation of Pompeii's h i s t o r i c a l and r e l i g i o u s climate and i t s emergent C h r i s t i a n subculture. Arbaces i s e x p l i c i t l y i d e n t i f i e d with Hermeticism: the Saga (or witch) of Vesuvius recognizes him by his " r i g h t f u l appellation" as "Hermes of the Burning G i r d l e " (228) . From "the c u l t i v a t o r s of magic," the narrator relates, he received the "mystic appellation, and was long remembered i n Magna Graecia and the Eastern pla i n s by the name of 'Hermes, the Lord of the Flaming Belt'" (145). In an appendix to the novel, Bulwer-Lytton states that his previous designs were to have " i n i t i a t e d the reader into the various sorceries of the period" (425; my emphasis); yet the author leaves the "subtler magic [Arbaces] possesses to rest i n mystery and shadow" (425) . Though couched i n a th i n v e i l of secrecy, these r h e t o r i c a l asides are nonetheless keys that unlock the deep 114 meaning of the text. The novel, despite Bulwer-Lytton's disclaimer, i s indeed an " i n i t i a t i o n " of the reader into the hidden l i f e below the ruins, the ancient mysteries of the Hellenic world and t h e i r close association with early C h r i s t i a n i t y . The p r i n c i p l e of i n i t i a t i o n i s important for Bulwer-Lytton' s depiction of r e l i g i o n and occultism i n The Last Days of Pompeii. Central to both theosophical teaching and C h r i s t i a n i t y , i n i t i a t i o n into secret wisdom symbolizes a return to o r i g i n s through a gnosis of the transcendant p r i n c i p l e (or God). In mystery r e l i g i o n s such as those of I s i s and Eleusis the desired end of r i t u a l i n i t i a t i o n i s palingenesis, a s p i r i t u a l metamorphosis into a state of salvation. The physical act of i n i t i a t i o n usually takes place underground a f t e r a symbolic journey and search f o r wisdom hidden beneath the "surface" of mundane l i f e . The Eleusinian mysteries, for example, enact the story of Demeter searching for the abducted Persephone; the a s p i r i n g neophyte descends to a dark, underground chamber (katabasis), where he or she wanders i n a state of confusion (dromena), before achieving theophanic illumination (epopteia) through a symbolic resurrection from the grave. The I s i s i n i t i a t i o n s i m i l a r l y re-enacts the story of I s i s searching f o r her disembodied brother/husband O s i r i s , who, l i k e Persephone, i s associated with the seasons, the dead, and agriculture; Mozart's Magic Flute, whose mixture of Egyptian and Masonic symbolism i s 115 analogous to Bulwer-Lytton's novel, also enacts t h i s pattern of r i t u a l i n i t i a t i o n . As i n Carlyle's r i t u a l i s t i c forays into the past hidden below the ruins of St. Edmundsbury with the aid of Jocelin's l o s t and recovered text, archaeological digging--both into the ground and into the l i f e hidden i n ruins and relics--conveys the sense of i n i t i a t i o n . In the archaeological text, characters l i t e r a l l y or f i g u r a t i v e l y descend to the underworld. There are several i n i t i a t e s i n the novel. Arbaces introduces his young neophyte, Ione's brother Apaecides, into the true hermetic mysteries of I s i s that l i e beyond the pale of i t s unenlightened and superstitious worshippers, who are attracted merely to i t s public ceremonies and oracles. As Arbaces says, "for those l i k e you, whose higher natures demand higher pursuit, r e l i g i o n opens more godlike secrets" (64). Ultimately, "he led the young p r i e s t . . . to those of his mysterious wisdom. He bared to his amazed eyes the i n i t i a t o r y secrets of the sombre philosophy of the Nile--those secrets plucked from the stars" (117). Arbaces's creeds carry p o l i t i c a l overtones as well. Through arcane philosophy and magic, Arbaces seeks to revive the p o l i t i c a l might of Egypt, of which only a shadow of i t s wisdom survives, disseminated and mingled with Hellenic r e l i g i o n s throughout the Roman Empire. Disdainful of the Roman world, Arbaces nat u r a l l y champions Egypt as the cradle of a l l learning and c i v i l i z a t i o n . As he says to his acolyte, 116 From Egypt came a l l the knowledge of the world; from Egypt came the lore of Athens, and the profound p o l i c y of Crete; from Egypt came those early and mysterious t r i b e s which . . . possessed a l l the arts of wisdom and the graces of i n t e l l e c t u a l l i f e . From Egypt came the r i t e s and the grandeur of that solemn Caere, whose inhabitants taught t h e i r i r o n vanquishers of Rome a l l they yet know of elevated i n r e l i g i o n and sublime i n worship. . . . Your modern nations owe t h e i r greatness to Egypt--Egypt her greatness to her p r i e s t s . (61-62) The anxieties a r i s i n g from perceived d i s p a r i t i e s between a noble past and a debased present (which also pervade the writings of Carlyle and Scott) infuse the Egyptian's own sense of i d e n t i t y . And through these d i s p a r i t i e s - - a r t i c u l a t e d i n his "layered" rhetoric of c u l t u r a l evolution--Bulwer-Lytton creates conditions under which the even remoter antiquity of Egypt bears on the present world of the novel. He manipulates the notion of arcane knowledge handed down through the centuries to create a h i s t o r i c a l l y dynamic character i n Arbaces. His character emerges from the r i c h s p i r i t u a l and p o l i t i c a l forms manifested i n e d i f i c e s such as the Temple of I s i s . In each of the texts discussed i n t h i s thesis, l e v e l s or s t r a t a of hist o r y rather than a single h i s t o r i c a l r e a l i t y have a bearing on the characters' sense of i d e n t i t y . Major characters are archaeological s i t e s whose explorations of the 117 past are also excavations of t h e i r composite h i s t o r i c a l i d e n t i t i e s . Like Bulwer-Lytton the archaeological novelist, Arbaces the theosophist wishes to restore the underground and dead l i f e of Egypt. He couples r e l i g i o u s revivalism with schemes for p o l i t i c a l resurrection: the Egyptian "loved to keep a l i v e the worship of Egypt, because he thus maintained the shadow and the r e c o l l e c t i o n of her power" (147). Arbaces's "heart's I s i s " (49) i s lone, the Neapolitan of Greek ancestry whom the Egyptian desires as a f i t t i n g mate to found his "new old" empire. Like Arbaces's character, Iohe's " s t r a t i f i e d " heritage reaches into the depths of Pompeii's composite h i s t o r i c a l i d e n t i t y . To both Arbaces and Bulwer-Lytton, lone i s a vehicle for bringing to bear the undertextures of Pompeii's deep-rooted culture. Arbaces's search f o r ori g i n s i s not r e a l i s e d by reviving the creeds of ancient Egypt. The o c c u l t i s t quest for truth i s f u l f i l l e d , rather, by the emergent Christians who are themselves on the verge of founding t h e i r own empire based on the tenets of Scripture. The archaeological foundation of Bulwer-Lytton's Pompeii lends h i s t o r i c a l authority to the narrative and a conceptual framework through which the author searches f o r f i r s t p r i n c i p l e s amongst the ruins of Pompeii: the o rigins of C h r i s t i a n i t y i n the r i c h and multifarious r e l i g i o u s climate of the Hellenic period. Arbaces himself i s an unwitting but a r t i c u l a t e medium 118 connecting Hellenic r e l i g i o n , and i t s Egyptian c o r r e l a t i v e s , to C h r i s t i a n i t y . He says to Apaecides that C h r i s t i a n i t y " i s but a borrowed plagiarism from one of the many al l e g o r i e s invented by our p r i e s t s of old. Observe," he added, pointing to a hieroglyphical scroll,--"observe i n these ancient figures the o r i g i n of the Christian's T r i n i t y . Here are also three gods--the Deity, the S p i r i t , and the Son." (118) To the Egyptian, C h r i s t i a n i t y i s merely one outgrowth from Egyptian lore, bastardized through i t s d i f f u s i o n i n the Mediterranean and Middle East. Egyptian learning has, he continues, furnished to credulous nations the materials of many creeds. They have t r a v e l l e d to the vast plains of India; they have mixed themselves up i n the visionary speculations of the Greek: becoming more and more gross and embodied, as they emerge farther from the shadows of t h e i r antique o r i g i n , they have assumed a human and palpable form i n t h i s novel f a i t h ; and the believers of G a l i l e e are but the unconscious repeaters of one of the superstitions of the N i l e ! (118-19) The narrator adds, however, that the "believer w i l l draw from t h i s vague coincidence a very d i f f e r e n t c o r o l l a r y from that of the Egyptian" (118). Yet the d i f f u s i o n of Egyptian culture 119 and l e a r n i n g was a s e r i o u s t h e o r y a c c o u n t i n g f o r the o r i g i n s and growth of w e s t e r n c i v i l i z a t i o n (see c h a p t e r 7 ) . D e s p i t e B u l w e r - L y t t o n ' s d i s c l a i m e r , i n The L a s t Days of Pompei i the new " c u l t " a r i s e s f rom o l d forms r e l a t e d t o A r b a c e s ' s t h e o s o p h i c a l v i s i o n , thus l i n k i n g a t a deep l e v e l the l o r e of a n c i e n t Egypt w i t h " t h e f i r s t c e n t u r y of o u r r e l i g i o n . " 5 A r b a c e s ' s r e f e r e n c e t o the t r i p a r t i t e d i v i n i t y a t t e s t s t h a t E g y p t i a n r e l i g i o n adumbrates o r p r e f i g u r e s C h r i s t i a n i t y . A r b a c e s ' s a c o l y t e Apaecides, an i n i t i a t e i n t o b o t h the w o r l d s o f I s i s and o f C h r i s t i a n i t y , b r i d g e s the outward d i s p a r i t i e s of b o t h c o m m u n i t i e s . He i s a t t r a c t e d t o the E g y p t i a n m y s t i c i s m o f I s i s and, l i k e w i s e , t o the m y s t i c a l C h r i s t i a n d o c t r i n e o f s a l v a t i o n t h r o u g h the d e a t h and t h e r e s u r r e c t i o n of C h r i s t . L i k e A r b a c e s , the young i n i t i a t e i s an i n s t r u m e n t t h r o u g h w h i c h the n o v e l i s t p r e s e n t s the e a r l y pagan r o o t s o f C h r i s t i a n i t y . B o t h a r e c u l t s of d e a t h , whose i n i t i a t e s c l a i m a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h the d i v i n e f o r c e which l i e s beyond the g r a v e , as r i t u a l i z e d i n the m y s t e r i e s o f I s i s , E l e u s i s , and C h r i s t i a n i t y . In "The C o n g r e g a t i o n , " an i m p o r t a n t c h a p t e r d e s c r i b i n g the c r e e d s and p r a c t i c e s of the e a r l y C h r i s t i a n s , Apaecides muses upon the C h r i s t i a n t r o p e o f d e a t h and r e b i r t h f a m i l i a r t o the pagan m i n d : Had not the g r e a t D o r i a n A p o l l o e x p i a t e d a m y s t i c s i n by d e s c e n d i n g t o the grave? . . . I t seemed t h e r e f o r e , t o the h e a t h e n , a d o c t r i n e n e i t h e r new 120 nor strange, that Christ had been sent from heaven, that an immortal had indued mortality, and tasted the bitterness of death. (175) In ef f e c t , Apaecides sees i n the C h r i s t i a n f a i t h the ac t u a l i z a t i o n of Arbaces's mysticism: the d e i t i e s of old had v i s i t e d the nether world, and passed through the gates of death! Was i t not worthy of a God to descend to these dim valleys, i n order to clear up the clouds gathered over the dark mount beyond--to s a t i s f y the doubts of sages--to convert speculation into certainty--by example to point out the rules of l i f e - - b y revelation to solve the enigma of the grave--and to prove that the soul did not yearn i n vain when i t dreamed of an immortality? (175-76, my emphasis) Similar imagery and s i g n i f i c a t i o n surround Apaecides's conversion to C h r i s t i a n i t y . He i s l e d to the gathering place by Olinthus, the main expositor of C h r i s t i a n i t y i n the novel. They reach through a "labyrinth of lanes" (178) a house secreted away from Pompeii's b u s t l i n g l i f e . There Olinthus "knocked t h r i c e " upon the door, whereupon "Apaecides followed his guide across the threshold" (178). The symbolism of Apaecides's journey symbolizes the t r i p a r t i t e structure of an i n i t i a t i o n r i t e : the descent, wandering, and emergence into communion with the divine. He "descends" p h y s i c a l l y through the labyrinthine passages of Pompeii's Dickensian underworld 121 of poverty and crime, a symbolic reenactment of the vegetation deity's underworld descent; crossing the threshold i s a trope f o r stepping beyond the f a m i l i a r and conventional to the higher mysteries. Apaecides emerges from the gathering an i n i t i a t e into the Ch r i s t i a n mysteries. He i s f i g u r a t i v e l y reborn, experiencing a metamorphosis of s p i r i t akin to the death and resurrection of Ch r i s t . 6 Physical death i s to the archaeologist and the Ch r i s t i a n the medium of resurrection. As Olinthus entreats Glaucus, "we can trample down the darkness of the grave, and what i s death to a criminal i s eterni t y to the Chr i s t i a n " (179). Apaecides's conversion i s sanctioned by a member of the congregation who has dwelt with Christ and has, moreover, firsthand experience of the grave, namely Lazarus. The presence of the aged b i b l i c a l figure draws together Bulwer-Lytton' s handling of the twin motifs of archaeology and r e l i g i o n i n his animation of the " c i t y of the dead." Lazarus experiences the mystery of l i f e over death both i n a physical and a s p i r i t u a l sense. Having drawn "a new being from the grave" (274), he i s the physical witness of the v e r i t y of Olinthus's sermons, much as Pompeii's ruins are to the archaeologist the physical witness to the s p i r i t of the Hellenic past. Arbaces's mystical creeds and his plans f o r empire-founding s h i f t to the nascent Christians, "these lowly men destined to convert the earth" (176). The eruption of 122 Vesuvius signals p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s revolution: the destructive yet cleansing underground force wells to the surface, ushering i n the new f a i t h . Olinthus i s an apocalyptic figure, "one of those hardy, vigorous, and enthusiastic men, by whom God i n a l l times has worked the revolutions of the earth" (81). At the novel's climax two d i s t i n c t views or images of hist o r y coalesce. The archaeological timeframe, represented by the sense of deep continuity stretching over the ages between the modern world and an antiquity extending to the Hellenic world and beyond to ancient Egypt, fuses with a revolutionary, spontaneous, alchemical reaction that p r e c i p i t a t e s C h r i s t i a n i t y . While the kind of intransigent C h r i s t i a n i t y espoused by Olinthus and his followers i s a necessary catalyst i n the conversion of pagans into Christians, the zealots nevertheless perish i n the post-revolutionary calm. A gentler v i s i o n of C h r i s t i a n i t y p r e v a i l s , incarnate i n Glaucus and lone, who convert a f t e r t h e i r successful escape from Pompeii. Theirs i s a decidedly nineteenth-century version of C h r i s t i a n i t y , one which eschews the "zeal of the early Christians" (242), f o r whom i t "was necessary to scorn, to loathe, to abhor the creeds of other men, i n order to conquer the temptations which they presented" (242) . Bulwer-Lytton distinguishes thus between Olinthus and the aged Lazarus, "snatched from the grave to become the l i v i n g witness of [Christ's] mercy," as well as "His power" (181). 123 The balanced Hellenic temperament--celebrated i n the nineteenth century by Pater and Arnold--infuses the Greeks' new worship. As Glaucus says, "some mixture of the soft Greek blood s t i l l mingles with my f a i t h . I can share not the zeal of those who see crime and eternal wrath i n men who cannot believe as they" (419). The Hel l e n i z i n g vigour of Athens--"mother of the Poetry and the Wisdom of the World" (418)--tempers t h e i r r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s . And lone i n a sense does f u l f i l her role as the mother of a new race, one which mingles Greek humanism with the creeds of salvation through Christ . The eruption of Vesuvius washes away the s i n i s t e r implications of the past--both Arbaces's black magic and Olinthus's bigotry--while preserving the best of the ages that culminate i n (as Bulwer-Lytton would have i t ) the best of a l l possible c u l t u r a l and s p i r i t u a l worlds, the legacy to the nineteenth century. In The Last Days of Pompeii Bulwer-Lytton develops a myth of hi s t o r y based on the paradigm of c y c l i c death and r e b i r t h to resurrect the s p i r i t u a l l i f e hidden amidst the ruins of Pompeii. In 1834, t h i s l i t e r a r y h i s t o r i c a l treatment of Pompeii represented a decidedly V i c t o r i a n understanding of archaeology. Re-creators and d i l e t t a n t e s before him viewed Pompeii through the lens of contemporary taste; Bulwer-Lytton' s novel appeals d i r e c t l y to his readers' desire to wander with the characters through the ancient c i t y or, likewise, to experience something of the grandeur i n ru i n 124 i t s e l f . Yet the novelist also sought the h i s t o r i c a l l i f e the ruins and r e l i c s housed (much l i k e Winckelmann before him; see Appendix A). He reclaimed the material past out of a literary-need to make f a m i l i a r Pompeii's vanished l i f e f or his readership: writing for a market for whom Scott was staple reading, Bulwer-Lytton endeavoured to depict the everyday l i f e of the ancients and, moreover, t h e i r own sense of h i s t o r i c a l i d e n t i t y . On one l e v e l , The Last Days of Pompeii i s a romance constructed upon the popularity of the archaeological s i t e among t o u r i s t s , a r t i s t s , and antiquarians and archaeologists, but i t s "hidden" narrative i s the r e t r i e v a l of contemporary forms of worship that took t h e i r f i r s t breath amidst the r i c h syncretic landscape of the Hellenic world. The ruins are a medium--in the archaeological and s p i r i t u a l i s t sense--through which the l i v i n g contact the dead. * * * The publication of Nineveh and Its Remains i n 1849 f a l l s roughly between The Last Days of Pompeii and Pater's 1867 essay, "Winckelmann." A touchstone for the archaeological trope, Layard's text illumines fundamental s i m i l a r i t i e s of, and e s s e n t i a l differences between, Bulwer-Lytton's and Pater's archaeological forays into the Hellenic world. The r e l i g i o u s tenor of Layard's excavations i s central to both texts. Just as Layard and the B r i t i s h public located a body of S c r i p t u r a l reference i n the monuments of ancient Assyria, Bulwer-Lytton 125 and Pater evoke deep-seated r e l i g i o u s associations from the remains of the c l a s s i c a l world. As i n Past and Present, ruins house a hidden l i f e , the s p i r i t u a l conditions of humanity i n former ages. To these V i c t o r i a n writers, excavation i s tantamount to revivalism. In animating the " c i t y of the dead," Bulwer-Lytton dramatizes a d i s t i n c t l y modern form of worship. In the concluding action of The Last Days of Pompeii. C h r i s t i a n i t y r i s e s triumphant from the ashes of Ione's and Glaucus's pagan world. Pater likewise unearths a nexus of s p i r i t u a l value from the c l a s s i c a l age. He, however, embraces paganism manifest i n the aesthetic forms of Greek material culture. Ancient art i s for Pater a touchstone of, to use Wilde's term, modernity. The periodic "return" to Greece (as i n the Renaissance) i s an excavation of the latent humanism that ministers to and corrects the aesthetic and thereby moral s e n s i b i l i t i e s of subsequent ages. Pater promotes for his age the pre-Christian paganism Bulwer-Lytton's characters leave behind. That archaeology i s a vehicle for both positions emphasizes the present-mindedness of archaeological int e r p r e t a t i o n t y p i f i e d by the response to Nineveh and Its Remains by i t s V i c t o r i a n readership. 126 Notes Pompeiana ran into many editions (1817-19, 1821, 1824, and 1852). G e l l was a fellow of the Society of Antiquaries, of the Royal Society, and a member of the Royal Academy of B e r l i n and of the I n s t i t u t e of France (Clay v i i ) . For biographical information on G e l l see Clay (1-36) and f o r a history of the Society of D i l e t t a n t i , Cust and Stoneman (110-35). Roughly two-thirds of the account was printed by Lockhart. The Reminiscences are published i n f u l l by Needier from G e l l ' s copy. In his preface to the 1850 e d i t i o n Bulwer-Lytton i s ready, however, to claim s o l i d a r i t y with scholars i n order to consolidate the h i s t o r i c a l v a l i d i t y of his novel. He invokes the German c l a s s i c i s t s : the "profound scholarship of German c r i t i c i s m , which has given so minute an attention to the domestic l i f e of the ancients, has s u f f i c i e n t l y t e s t i f i e d to the general f i d e l i t y with which the manners, habits, and customs, of the inhabitants of Pompeii have been described i n these pages" ( x i ) . For a portrayal i n f i c t i o n of William Hamilton's l i f e i n Naples (and that of his wife, Emma, and her lover, Lord Admiral Nelson) see Sontag's Volcano Lover: A Romance (1992) . 127 5. Bulwer-Lytton comments on the sense of continuity between the pagan gods, c u l t l i f e , and C h r i s t i a n i t y : "[s]o abundant was b e l i e f with them, that . . . at t h i s hour, i d o l a t r y has never thoroughly been out rooted: i t changes but i t s objects of worship; i t appeals to innumerable saints where once i t resorted to d i v i n i t i e s ; and i t pours i t s crowds, i n l i s t e n i n g reverence, to oracles at the shrines of St. Januarius or St. Stephen, instead of to those of I s i s or Apollo" (195). 6. The "essence of . . . i n i t i a t o r y r i t e s . . . consist i n a simulation of death and resurrection" (Frazer 692). 128 CHAPTER 6 Exhuming Hellenic Graves: Archaeology and Renascence in Walter Pater's The Renaissance and Greek Studies Over and over again the world has been surprised by the heroism, the insight, the passion, of [the Diaphaneite's] cl e a r c r y s t a l nature. Poetry and p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y have dreamed of a c r i s i s , where i t must needs be that some human v i c t i m be sent down into the grave. --"Diaphaneite" (Miscellaneous Studies 258) Walter Pater states that his i n s p i r a t i o n for The Renaissance was i n part his fascination with the compelling renascence of Hellenic v i t a l i t y that distinguished the work and l i v e s of his subjects. While his emphasis l i e s i n the "solemn f i f t e e n t h century" ( x x i i i ) , his study of the poetry of thirteenth-century Provengal troubadours and the writings of eighteenth-century German art h i s t o r i a n and "Father of Archaeology" Johann Joachim Winckelmann demonstrates that for him the Renaissance ranges temporally and geographically beyond quattrocento I t a l y . Pater appreciates the r e v i v a l of c l a s s i c a l antiquity as both h i s t o r i c a l phenomenon and aesthetic i d e a l : Hellenism i s a substratum that has been tapped from time to time to stimulate minds and rejuvenate culture. A central motif of The Renaissance i s the resurrection of the Greek s p i r i t from i t s shadowy netherworld. Pater's Renaissance men have ventured f o r t h into the realms of the dead, as i t were, and returned to give material and i n t e l l e c t u a l substance to t h i s Greek s p i r i t through t h e i r art 129 and thought. For the figures of the Renaissance and f o r Pater himself, the access to the s p i r i t of a past age i s through i t s aesthetic r e v i v a l . Seen i n t h i s way, Pater's notion of renascence i s the periodic r e v i v a l of forms associated with ancient Greece, of which the Renaissance i s one instance. As i n the h i s t o r i c a l narratives of Carlyle, Scott, and Bulwer-Lytton, archaeology provided Pater with both a hermeneutic t o o l and a nexus of metaphors for exploring and a r t i c u l a t i n g the underground agents of culture. C l a s s i c a l archaeology i s an authenticating vehicle for Pater's "elegant materialism," as Margaret Oliphant phrased i t i n her review of The Renaissance (91). Through the aesthetic evocation of the "buried f i r e of ancient ar t " (Renaissance 146), Pater aspired to rekindle the Renaissance celebration of the Hellenic world. As Oliphant observed, the p r a c t i c a l aim of The Renaissance was to show "what Greek--not the language but the tone of mind and condition of thought, taken up a thousand years or so too late, on the top of a long heritage of other thoughts and conditions--may bring Oxford to" (90). Over the thirteen years separating the publication i n 1867 of "Winckelmann" i n The Westminster Review (reprinted i n The Renaissance i n 1873) and the two Fortnightly Review essays of 1880, "The Beginnings of Greek Sculpture" and "The Marbles of JEgina" (reprinted posthumously i n Greek Studies i n 1895) , Pater found i n archaeology a medium for a r t i c u l a t i n g the Hellenic legacy to the modern world. 130 I. Biographical Archaeology i n "Winckelmann" Since the f i r s t tentative excavations at Herculaneum i n 1709, sculpture had been prized by eighteenth and nineteenth-century d i l e t t a n t e s as the quintessential expression of Greek material culture. 1 Early c l a s s i c a l archaeology grew l a r g e l y out of the European taste and quest f o r statuary. As outlined i n Appendix A, however, the writings of Johann Joachim Winckelmann i n i t i a t e d a new era of archaeological thought based on h i s t o r i c a l appreciation of the monuments of the Hellenic world, seemingly "reserved," as the anonymous English tra n s l a t o r of Winckelmann 1s l e t t e r s on Herculaneum stated i n 1770, "by the Omnipotent Disposer of a l l things, f o r the i n s t r u c t i o n and improvement of the present century" (qtd. i n Hawkes 2: 211). A century l a t e r , one of Winckelmann 1s chief expositors, Walter Pater, delivered a series of s i x lectures on archaic Greek art at Oxford (Michaelmas Term, 1878) f o r the i n s t r u c t i o n and improvement of his students. Lewis Fa r n e l l , an Oxford c l a s s i c i s t with interests i n archaeology (Farnell 77ff), records i n his memoirs that Pater was the f i r s t l e c t u r e r at Oxford to combine c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e with the study of Greek a r t i f a c t s themselves: This i t s e l f was an epoch i n the his t o r y of Oxford studies; for he was the f i r s t to give . . . p r a c t i c a l expression to the idea that Greek art was 131 a f i t t i n g lecture-subject for a c l a s s i c a l teacher. To t h i s extent . . . we may c a l l him the father of archaeological teaching i n Oxford. (76-77)2 Pater revised and published the lectures i n 1880 as "The Beginnings of Greek Sculpture" and "The Marbles of iEgina." F a r n e l l continues to say that "these lectures were wholly ' u n s c i e n t i f i c ' - - i n the German sense" (77). This echo of W i l l Ladislaw's c r i t i c i s m of Casaubon's "Key to A l l Mythologies" i s a revealing statement f o r Pater's understanding and use of archaeology. While Pater was, according to F a r n e l l , the "father" of archaeological teaching, his lectures, as they come down i n Greek Studies, are highly impressionistic and subjective i n contrast to the scholarly, s c i e n t i f i c c l a s s i c i s m t y p i f i e d by the l i n g u i s t s , p h i l o l o g i s t s , mythographers, and archaeologists such as Karl O t t f r i e d Miiller, Barthold Niebuhr, and Ludwig P r e l l e r . 3 Pater's writings on Greek art are an aesthete's response to the breakthrough into Greek prehistory inaugurated by Schliemann's excavations at Troy (1870-73) and Mycenae (1874-76) and to the excavations of early Greek s i t e s by Charles Newton at Cnidus (1857) and by English and German expeditions at iEgina and Olympia. 4 Though decidedly impressionistic, Pater's lectures are rooted i n a r t i f a c t study of the remains of Greece i n i t s pre- and early h i s t o r i c manifestations. The foundation of Pater's archaeological impressionism i s his 1867 essay on the "father of archaeology" himself, 132 Winckelmann. Winckelmann's own a e s t h e t i c a l l y charged "rhetoric of r e t r i e v a l " i n his groundbreaking History of Ancient Art (1764-67) i s the cornerstone of Pater's The Renaissance and his subsequent writings on Greek a r t . Winckelmann's History, l i k e The Renaissance, combined his t o r y and aesthetics. In i t s four volumes he charts the origins, r i s e , f l o u r i s h i n g , and eventual decay of Greek art; through his descriptions of ancient artworks within t h i s taxonomy he sought to penetrate and elucidate the very "cause" (1: 108) of ancient beauty. Pater's s i m i l a r object i n The Renaissance i s to "define beauty, not i n the most abstract but i n the most concrete terms possible" (xix). In "Winckelmann" Pater e l i c i t s the Hellenic s e n s i b i l i t i e s incarnate i n the German, who, as the f i r s t c l a s s i c a l archaeologist, discussed i n concrete terms the achievements of the ancients. In his biography, Pater adopts Winckelmann's brand of aesthetic archaeology. Pater asserts that the "key to the understanding of the Greek s p i r i t , Winckelmann possessed i n his own nature, i t s e l f l i k e a r e l i c of c l a s s i c a l antiquity, l a i d open by accident to Our a l i e n , modern atmosphere" (175). Winckelmann thus becomes i n Pater's hands an excavation s i t e ; aesthetic biography, a tool for digging up the Greek legacy to the modern world. Winckelmann's l e t t e r s on the excavations at Herculaneum (see Appendix A) 5 and his dreams of excavating at Olympia reveal a strong inte r e s t i n the excavational side of 133 archaeology. His l a s t i n g contribution to the f i e l d was, however, to systematize archaeology within the f i e l d of art history, thus transforming the treasure hunt for c l a s s i c a l art into a study of art as h i s t o r i c a l a r t i f a c t . C l a s s i f y i n g artworks into h i s t o r i c a l epochs, he created a "system," as he says i n the preface (1: 106). From the materials c o l l e c t e d c h i e f l y i n Rome he inquired into the material and aesthetic causes generating the art of Greece, E t r u r i a , and Egypt. He pursued, he says, the "essential of art . . . i t s i n t e r i o r " (1: 106). Evoking t h i s i n t e r i o r i t y , Winckelmann tracked the material expression of Greek beauty and temperament. While c l a s s i c a l archaeology, relates Philippa Levine, "remained primarily aesthetic i n method, and excavations lay l a r g e l y dormant u n t i l l a t e i n the century" (97), 6 Winckelmann's aestheticism nevertheless l i b e r a t e d the a r t i f a c t from biographical c r i t i c i s m (a precedent set by Giorgio Vasari's The Lives of the Most Eminent Painters. Sculptors, and Architects [1550]) and from the study of iconographical motifs and textual sources (Potts 1994, 14). He conceived of a h i s t o r y of art i n which c l a s s i c a l sculpture was c l a s s i f i e d h i s t o r i c a l l y within four " s t y l e " periods: ancient, grand, b e a u t i f u l , and i m i t a t i v e (2: 115-170). Winckelmann thus pioneered both a language and an h i s t o r i c a l scheme that allowed scholars and archaeologists to apprehend c l a s s i c a l sculpture as a product of h i s t o r i c a l forces, f o r he attributed " s t y l e " to the c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l climate of i t s 134 producers. Winckelmann, as Malina aptly relates, by focusing on the poten t i a l information contained i n the artefacts of material culture (on t h i s basis he created the notion of s t y l e and described i t s evolution), was responsible for the b i r t h of modern c l a s s i c a l archaeology. . . . This practice . . . helped to e s t a b l i s h the status of material culture as a valuable and e f f e c t i v e form of evidence, which can be used not only to support written records, but i n i t s own r i g h t . (27) Central to Pater's thought, Winckelmann's system was c y c l i c , postulating, i n Paterean terms, "renascence" as an h i s t o r i c a l / a e s t h e t i c law. Winckelmann's "ov e r - a l l h i s t o r i c a l review," states Howard, "re c a l l e d c y c l i c and ontological schemes of antiquity descended from Hesiod and Plato, then being revived by Vico, Scaliger, Gibbon, and, subsequently, Herder" (30). In t h i s respect, Winckelmann's his t o r y was a major stimulus of eighteenth-century neoclassicism, which strove l i k e the a r t i s t s of the Renaissance to resurrect i n art the Greek mood i n the modern world. 7 In the wake of The History of Ancient Art. a form of high Neoclassicism was i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d that picked up on Winckelmann's representation of the 'Baroque' and 'Rococo' art of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as fundamentally corrupt, the product of a t r a d i t i o n i n decline. The purer 135 c l a s s i c i s m of the l a t e eighteenth century, represented by a r t i s t s such as Canova and David, was ha i l e d i n Winckelmannic terms as a r a d i c a l renovation or r e v i v a l of art based on a return to a true c l a s s i c a l i d e a l . 8 Winckelmann's elaborately conceived picture of the r i s e and decline of the Greek id e a l i n the ancient world acquired a whole new resonance as i t came to be linked i n t h i s way to an understanding of art i n the present. (Potts 1994, 21) Winckelmann's a b i l i t y to e f f e c t as well as theorize upon Hellenic renascence as a touchstone of Western culture made him i n Pater's eyes the " l a s t f r u i t of the Renaissance" (xxv). To elucidate his theory of s t y l i s t i c p e r i o d i c i t y , Winckelmann also developed a new kind of art h i s t o r y that r e l i e d on the aesthetic description of the object under scrutiny (Malina 24). His aesthetic impressionism aimed to l i b e r a t e the "indwelling soul" (49) of great art as a l i v i n g and v i t a l force i n the l i f e and consciousness of the observer. Winckelmann proposes i n his "Essay on the B e a u t i f u l " (1763) that the "capacity of perceiving beauty i n art i s a concept which combines both the person and the object, the containing and the contained" (89), for the "true f e e l i n g f o r beauty i s l i k e a l i q u i d p l a s t e r cast which i s poured over the head of Apollo, touching every single part and enclosing i t " (93). The transformative e f f e c t of studying art a e s t h e t i c a l l y ushers 136 i n , i n Paterean terms, personal renascence through a l i f e of sensation. As Goethe remarked to Johann Peter Eckermann, "we learn nothing by reading Winckelmann, but we become something" (qtd. i n Honour 58; Pater also c i t e s t h i s part of Goethe's essay [147]). As the t i t l e of Winckelmann's early essay "On the Imitation of the Painting and Sculpture of the Greeks" (1755) suggests, art and art c r i t i c i s m are media fo r the transformative meeting of past and present. Winckelmann asserts unequivocally that " [ f ] o r us, the only way to become great and even, i f possible, inimitable, i s by imitation of the ancients" (qtd. i n Honour 61). This paradoxical statement i s the core of Winckelmann's treatment of ancient Greece as the bedrock of Western culture. Greece i s inimitable and i s , therefore, worthy of imitation; only through imitation of Greece can the modern age i t s e l f become "inimitable." Greek art was p a r t i c u l a r to Greek history, yet, as Potts states, Winckelmann "was quite e x p l i c i t that his overriding purpose i n defining a new history of ancient art was to prepare the way for a true r e v i v a l of the Greek id e a l i n the present" (1994, 23). Or as Fried puts i t , "a desire not only to locate but a c t u a l l y to renew a l o s t o r i g i n i s everywhere i n play i n 'Reflections on the Imitation of the Poetry and Sculpture of the Ancient Greeks'" (87). Winckelmann argues that the impulse to imitate a n t i q u i t y i s i t s e l f a mark of c u l t u r a l excellence. To Winckelmann and 137 Pater the great age of imitation was the I t a l i a n Renaissance. As Winckelmann says, "[w]ith such eyes Michelangelo [and] Raphael . . . considered the performances of the ancients. They imbibed taste at i t s source" ("Imitation" 61). In Fried's words, the a r t i s t s of the Renaissance "pursued to a triumphant conclusion the Winckelmannian project of imitating the ancient Greeks and so made themselves inimitable, hence deserving of imitation, i n t h e i r own ri g h t " (92). Imitation of Greece i s , i n t h i s view, an h i s t o r i c a l , c y c l i c phenomenon that can occur under proper aesthetic conditions. Winckelmann's v i s i o n of l a t e eighteenth-century archaeology picked up where the Renaissance a r t i s t s l e f t o f f . Excavation provided physical materials; Winckelmann, an int e r p r e t i v e system that encouraged the evocation of antiquity f o r the e d i f i c a t i o n of the modern world. The r i c h v i s u a l dimension of Winckelmann's h i s t o r i c a l scheme, moreover, bequeathed a s t y l i s t i c legacy to Pater's own impressionistic c r i t i c i s m i n The Renaissance. Winckelmann's famous set pieces on the great works of Greek sculpture--e s p e c i a l l y the Vatican's Apollo Belvedere and Torso. Laocoon. and Niobe and her Daughter--are surely models f o r Pater's own l y r i c a l h i s t o r i c i s m . As Haskell states, i t "was Winckelmann's great poetic passages . . . which made the most immediate impact and which were soon imitated, p l a g i a r i z e d (and eventually derided) i n numerous guidebooks and tr a v e l d i a r i e s " (100). Winckelmann's most celebrated passage i s hi s v i r t u a l l y 138 mystical response to--and union with--the Apollo Belvedere ( f i g . 16), which to him consummated the high Greek love of physical beauty: This Apollo exceeds a l l other figures of him as much as the Apollo of Homer excels him whom l a t e r poets p a i n t . . . . An eternal spring . . . clothes with the charms of youth the graceful manliness of ripened years, and plays with softness and tenderness about the proud shape of his limbs. Let thy s p i r i t penetrate into the kingdom of incorporeal beauties, and s t r i v e to become a creator of a heavenly nature. . . . In the presence of t h i s miracle of art I forget a l l else, and I myself take a l o f t y p o s i t i o n for the purpose of looking upon i t i n a worthy manner. (2: 312-13) For Pater, such " l o f t y , " poetic passages "opened the door to subjective c r i t i c i s m and impressionistic verbal evocations" (Honour 61). Winckelmann i s the father of aesthetic c r i t i c i s m as well as of archaeology: for Pater, the German art h i s t o r i a n i s himself an object of imitation. Pater's famous "prose poem" occasioned by La Gioconda i s , for example, an aesthetic masterpiece i n the Winckelmannian mode. And l i k e Winckelmann, Pater was convinced that the f u l l appreciation of great art must waken the same beauty and n o b i l i t y i n the soul of the beholder. In h i s celebration of aestheticism i n the (in)famous "Conclusion" to The Renaissance, he submits that 139 "art comes to you proposing frankly to give nothing but the highest q u a l i t y to your moments as they pass, and simply f o r those moments' sake" (190). Like Goethe, Pater "classes [Winckelmann] with c e r t a i n works of art, possessing an inexhaustible g i f t of suggestion" (141). Winckelmann i s an intermediary to the Greek world, a stratum i n the accumulation of culture. Embodying Paterean c o n t i n u i t i e s connecting the modern world to the aesthetic domain of c l a s s i c a l times, he i s a "peak" standing i n r e l i e f against the general ground of culture, whose base l i e s i n the ideal topography of antiquity (159) .9 Unlike the other figures of the quattrocento Renaissance, whose works of art pa r t i c i p a t e i n , continue, and a f f i r m Greek s e n s i b i l i t i e s , Winckelmann was a c r i t i c and scholar. For t h i s reason Winckelmann has a special a f f i n i t y with Pater, for whom aesthetic c r i t i c i s m c a l l s up the s p i r i t of the past. By a e s t h e t i c a l l y reconstituting the German art his t o r i a n - - a " r e l i c " from the eighteenth century--for the nineteenth-century reader, Pater himself seeks, as Hegel had e a r l i e r maintained of Winckelmann, "'to i n i t i a t e a new organ f o r the human s p i r i t " ' (141) . 1 0 In his biographical treatment of the German, Pater records i n archaeological terms the formation of Winckelmann's s t r a t i f i e d nature. The essay r a r e l y strays from material concerns. Pater emphasizes Winckelmann's "eagerness ac t u a l l y to handle the antique" (143): so "we hear of Winckelmann's 140 boyish antiquarian wanderings among the ugly Brandenburg sa n d h i l l s " (143) . Pater notes that " i n born antiquaries, l i k e Winckelmann, a constant handling of the antique . . . maintains that l i m i t a t i o n [to the concrete] as e f f e c t u a l l y as a c r i t i c a l philosophy" (145). Pater further observes the "native tendency of Winckelmann to escape from abstract theory to i n t u i t i o n , to the exercise of sight and touch" (147). Having at length arrived i n Rome under the patronage of c o l l e c t o r Cardinal Albani, 1 1 Suddenly he i s i n contact with that l i f e , s t i l l fervent i n the r e l i c s of p l a s t i c a r t . F i l l e d as our culture i s with the c l a s s i c a l s p i r i t , we can hardly imagine how deeply the human mind was moved, when, at the Renaissance, i n the midst of a frozen world, the buried f i r e of ancient art rose up from under the s o i l . Winckelmann . . . reproduces for us the e a r l i e r sentiment of the Renaissance. On a sudden the imagination f e e l s i t s e l f free. How f a c i l e and d i r e c t , i t seems to say, i s t h i s l i f e of the senses and the understanding, when once we have apprehended i t ! (146; my emphases) Winckelmann's l i f e and work are examples of Pater's famous aesthetic dictum that "[t]o burn always with t h i s hard, gem-l i k e flame" (189) i s to engage, resurrect, and perpetuate the aesthetic formation of culture from i t s underground sources. Pater invokes the underground s t r a t a of c u l t u r a l 141 experience that Winckelmann seemingly absorbs into h i s being. For the archaeologist, "from a few stray antiquarianisms, a few faces cast up sharply from the waves, Winckelmann . . . divines the temperament of the antique world" (166). Winckelmann bears witness to the archaeological proximity of the modern world to a l l the ages. As i n the Stothards 1 engraving and Past and Present, penetrating to the underground e f f e c t s exhumation and resurrection. 1 2 Pater asserts that the s p i r i t u a l forces of the past, which have prompted and informed the culture of a succeeding age, l i v e , indeed, within that culture, but with an absorbed, underground l i f e . The Hellenic element alone has not been so absorbed, or content with t h i s underground l i f e ; from time to time i t has started to the surface; culture has been drawn back to i t s sources to be c l a r i f i e d and corrected. Hellenism i s not merely an absorbed element i n our i n t e l l e c t u a l l i f e ; i t i s a conscious t r a d i t i o n i n i t . (158) In The Renaissance, Winckelmann assumes an almost mythical role as the interpreter and a r t i c u l a t o r of culture's subterranean l i f e . Pater sought through Winckelmann to i n i t i a t e a s p i r i t of inquiry that would broaden and l i g h t e n the mind through a c u l t i v a t i o n and perpetuation of the Greek i d e a l . "Renascence" i s r e a l l y a trope f o r the affirmation of culture as an h i s t o r i c a l l y "layered" e n t i t y reaching back to 142 the c l a s s i c a l world. For Pater i l l u s t r a t e s through Winckelmann that there i s an element of permanence, a standard of taste, which genius c o n f e s s e s . . . . The supreme a r t i s t i c products of succeeding generations . . . form a series of elevated points, taking each from each the r e f l e x i o n of a strange l i g h t , the source of which i s not i n the atmosphere around and above them, but i n a stage of society remote from ours. The standard of taste, then, was fixed i n Greece, at a d e f i n i t e h i s t o r i c a l period. A t r a d i t i o n for a l l succeeding generations, i t originates i n a spontaneous growth out of the influences of Greek society. (159) In "Winckelmann" Pater treats aesthetic forms as h i s t o r i c a l forms: each i s a l i n k i n the chain of human and humanistic development connecting us with the l i b e r a l and l i b e r a t i n g celebration of humanity i n Greek culture. Greek sculpture i n p a r t i c u l a r incarnates t h i s humanism. Harking back to Winckelmann 1s History. Pater asserts that the "art of sculpture records the f i r s t naive, unperplexed recognition of man by himself" (170), for i t exhibits "[e]verywhere . . . the e f f e c t of an awakening, of a c h i l d ' s sleep just disturbed. . . . Fresh, unperplexed, i t i s the image of man as he springs f i r s t from the sleep of nature, his white l i g h t taking no colour from any one-sided experience" (174-75). The emergence of Greek humanity incarnate i n Greek 143 sculpture has an archaeological analogue for Pater i n the modern exhumation of these interred, white, human forms from the earth. Antique sculpture has, states Pater, "a touch of the corpse about i t " (179). The marbles "wander as the spectres of the middle age" (179), for at the onset of the Renaissance "there came . . . an aspir a t i o n towards that l o s t antique art, some r e l i c s of which C h r i s t i a n art had buried i n i t s e l f , ready to work wonders when t h e i r day came" (180) . Reminiscent of exhumations i n Past and Present. The Antiquary, and The Last Days of Pompeii, sepulchral language haunts Pater's archaeological strategy. In The Renaissance. Pater invokes Renaissance men to f l e s h out his theory of renascence, for t h e i r art gave corporeal substance to the c u l t u r a l continuum. II. Sculpture and Vampirism i n "Michelangelo" and "Leonardo da V i n c i " Looking backward through the lens of Winckelmann's eighteenth-century art history, Pater focuses upon the achievements of the I t a l i a n Renaissance proper. While the poetry of Michelangelo and paintings of Georgione and Leonardo embody the Renaissance "outbreak of the human s p i r i t " ( x x i i ) , sculpture retains f o r Pater the freshness and humanity that Winckelmann worshipped i n Greek statuary, the "unperplexed youth of humanity . . . s t i l l red with l i f e i n the grave" (167). The "Greek ideal expressed i t s e l f preeminently i n 144 sculpture" (167), which, Pater argues, "deals immediately with man" (168). Pater explores how t h i s sculptural "store for the s p i r i t " (167) was tapped i n p a r t i c u l a r by Michelangelo. Pater views the process of sculpting i t s e l f as a metaphor for the creation of human form from the raw elements, the stone and the clay. Renaissance "sculpture shares with the paintings of B o t t i c e l l i and the churches of Brunelleschi that profound expressiveness, that intimate impress of an indwelling soul, which i s the peculiar f a s c i n a t i o n of the art of I t a l y i n [the fifteenth] century" (49) . As Winckelmann had eschewed contemporary d i l e t t a n t i s m to locate a source of morality i n Greek art, Pater, i n studying a l i f e , an object, an h i s t o r i c a l epoch, also delved "below the surface" to "bring up the supposed secondary, or s t i l l more remote meaning" (26). For example, to Michelangelo, "lover and student of Greek sculpture as he was," Pater says, "work which d i d not bring what was inward to the surface, which was not concerned with in d i v i d u a l expression, with i n d i v i d u a l character and feeling, the special h i s t o r y of the special soul, was not worth doing at a l l " (52) . Sculpting, l i k e excavating, i s a digging and releasing of the l i f e buried i n the earth. This dual sense of penetration and emergence i s manifest i n the peculiar s t y l e of Michelangelo's sculpting, his "puzzling sort of incompleteness" (53) . Pater p a r a l l e l s t h i s t r a i t to the form of the Venus de Melos. The ravages of time and b u r i a l "fraying i t s surface and softening i t s l i n e s , so 145 that some s p i r i t i n the thing seems always on the point of breaking out" (52-53), are conscious elements of Michelangelo's sculpture, his leaving a suggestive incompleteness that "trusts to the spectator to complete the half-emergent form" (59). These "half-emergent" forms are symbolic of renascence. "With him," says Pater, "the beginning of l i f e has a l l the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of resurrection" (59). Creation i s commensurate with resurrection: This creation of l i f e - - l i f e coming always as r e l i e f or recovery, and always i n strong contrast with the rough-hewn mass i n which i t i s kindled--is i n various ways the motive of a l l h i s work . . . ; and t h i s , although at least one-half of his work was designed f o r the adornment of tombs--the tomb of J u l i u s [which, f i t t i n g l y , was never fini s h e d ] , the tombs of the Medici [we think of the rough, incomplete visage of "Day"]. Not the Judgement but the Resurrection i s the r e a l subject of h i s l a s t work i n the S i s t i n e Chapel; and his favourite pagan subject i s the legend of Leda, the delight of the world breaking from the egg of a b i r d . (59) As Pater says, " l i k e Dante and a l l the nobler souls of Italy, [Michelangelo] i s much occupied with thoughts of the grave, and his true mistress i s death" (69). Michelangelo's sculptural forms emerging from the earth elucidate the r e v i v a l of the past, the triumph of l i f e over death, the resurrection 146 of the beau t i f u l body i n a celebration of the human s p i r i t . In The Renaissance, gravesites are fecund t e r r i t o r y f o r a r t i s t , archaeologist, and art h i s t o r i a n . Pater's paradigm of resurrection i s perhaps most eloquently phrased i n his hymn to Leonardo's La Gioconda. Pater describes Leonardo's art repeatedly i n subterranean terms. Words and phrases such as "plunged," "hidden v i r t u e , " "art of going deep," (81) are l e i t m o t i f s . Pater presents the Renaissance a r t i s t as an o c c u l t i s t , f o r among Leonardo's g i f t s i s "double sight, d i v i n i n g the sources of springs beneath the earth or of expression beneath the human countenance" (84). As T. M. Greene states i n hi s study of Renaissance poetry, i n the Renaissance period "the role of the antiquary . . . d i d not lack a touch of the necromantic" (222) : The image that propelled the humanist Renaissance, and that s t i l l determines our perception of i t , was the archaeological, necromantic metaphor of disinterment. a digging up that was also a re s u s c i t a t i o n or a reincarnation or a r e b i r t h . The discovery of the past l e d men l i t e r a l l y to dig i n the ground, and the recovery from i t of a precious object needed only a touch of fancy to be regarded as a resurrection. (92) Pater's most famous purple passage i s couched thus i n o c c u l t i s t and enamel metaphors: Set fLa Gioconda1 for a moment beside one of those 147 white Greek goddesses or be a u t i f u l women of antiquity, and how would they be troubled by t h i s beauty, into which the soul with a l l i t s maladies has passed! A l l the thoughts and experience of the world have etched and moulded there, i n that which they have of power to ref i n e and make expressive the outward form, the animalism of Greece, the l u s t of Rome, the mysticism of the middle age with i t s s p i r i t u a l ambition and imaginative loves, the return of the Pagan world, the sins of the Borgias. She i s older than the rocks among which she s i t s ; l i k e the vamp i r e , she has been dead many times, and learned the secrets of the grave. . . . The fancy of a perpetual l i f e , sweeping together ten thousand experiences, i s an old one; and modern philosophy has conceived the idea of humanity as wrought upon by, and summing up i n i t s e l f , a l l modes of thought and l i f e . C ertainly Lady L i s a might i t s e l f stand as the embodiment of the old fancy, the symbol of the modern idea. (98-99; my emphases) Described here i n terms such as mystery, exhumation, and resurrection, her famous countenance subliminates the underground forces of culture, whose aesthetic and i n t e l l e c t u a l vigour has, i n Pater's view, i t s roots i n charnel houses and gravesites. La Gioconda i s , then, an aesthetic archaeological s i t e embodying the c u l t u r a l c o n t i n u i t i e s Pater 148 celebrates i n the h i s t o r i c a l Renaissance. Through aesthetic archaeology, Pater e l i c i t s the subliminal forces underlying c u l t u r a l continuity--or renascence--in history. The high Greek culture that presented i t s e l f to Winckelmann i s , i n fact, the topmost layer of Greek culture, and therefore only the surface of c l a s s i c a l Greece's legacy to the ages. Beneath Winckelmann's humanism lurks a subterranean psychic realm that, l i k e the vampiric La Gioconda. harbours the darker experiences of the ages. The juxtaposition of the Renaissance construction of La Gioconda with the "white Greek goddesses" of antiquity i n part represents Pater's rupture with Winckelmann's view of the "noble s i m p l i c i t y and calm grandeur" of Greek statuary and, hence, Greek s e n s i b i l i t y . The "animalism of Greece," as Pater says of La Gioconda. i s as much a part of the "return of the Pagan world" as i s Winckelmann's celebration of pu r i t y and whiteness. This underside of c u l t u r a l experience expresses i t s e l f pre-eminently i n r e l i g i o n , or, for Pater, i n r e l i g i o u s thought manifest i n a r t . Greek art arises from out of the r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f systems of Greek culture: that i s , from agriculture as the defining element of culture and the focus of r e l i g i o u s sentiment. Greek c u l t l i f e - - t h e worship of death and r e b i r t h projected onto a g r i c u l t u r a l d e i t i e s l i k e Demeter, Persephone, and Dionysus--lay at the ori g i n s of Greek a r t . Pater argues that out "of Greek r e l i g i o n , under happy conditions, arises 149 Greek art, to minister to human culture. It was the p r i v i l e g e of Greek r e l i g i o n to be able to transform i t s e l f into an a r t i s t i c i d e a l " (162-63) . Through the archaeological r e t r i e v a l of Greek sculpture--and the Winckelmannian extraction of i t s inborn l i f e - - P a t e r examines material culture as a symbolic legend from which to divine the o r i g i n a l conditions of culture i t s e l f . For Pater, archaeological "renascence" i s a modern r e i t e r a t i o n of the actual digging into the earth as the f i r s t stage i n the evolution of (agri)culture. I l l . Greek Studies Temporally, the c o l l e c t i o n of essays i n Greek Studies represents a backward s h i f t from The Renaissance to the primitive b e l i e f systems underlying high Greek culture. As Fr i e d r i c h Nietzsche argued i n The B i r t h of Tragedy (1872), the sorrowful Dionysian impulse linked to the death and r e b i r t h of the vegetation d e i t i e s has an a r t i s t i c expression as dynamic as Winckelmann's Apollonian "happiness" incarnate i n the Apollo Belvedere, the Antinous, and the Parthenon Frieze. While the Apollonian mode i s , says Pater i n "Winckelmann," the "aspiring element . . . of which Greek r e l i g i o n sublimes i t s e l f " (162), the eye "fixed on the sharp, bright edge of high Hellenic culture . . . loses sight of the sombre world across which i t s t r i k e s " (159). In Greek Studies Pater further explores the p l a s t i c a r t i s t i c t r a d i t i o n that emerges 150 from the r e l i g i o u s chthonic ( i . e . underworld) figures such as Adonis, Dionysus, and Demeter and Persephone: a t r a d i t i o n that Pater sees continuing i n Medieval r e l i g i o u s art and i t s celebration of renascence i n the figure of Christ. Chthonic paganism i s , says Pater, a "root" penetrating "deep i n the earth of man's nature" (Renaissance 160). Greek Studies i n part investigates the Dionysian element of Greek r e l i g i o n manifest i n art and myth. Chthonic r e l i g i o n holds archaeological implications f o r Pater: digging into the earth f o r a r t i f a c t s r e i t e r a t e s culture's a g r i - c u l t u r a l o r i g i n s celebrated by the worship of vegetation d e i t i e s . In Greek Studies Pater thus i d e n t i f i e s renascence i t s e l f as the o r i g i n a l (and permanent) condition of humanity's r e l i g i o u s and c u l t u r a l l i f e . In much the same way that the B r i t i s h celebrated t h e i r own r e l i g i o u s heritage i n the recovery of the monuments of Assyria, Pater's excavation of the pagan s p i r i t i n art i s an act of self-discovery. In "Walter Pater and Archaeology: The Reco n c i l i a t i o n with Earth," Linda Dowling provides a thorough and seminal discussion of archaeological and anthropological thought i n Pater's 1875 essay "The Myth of Demeter and Persephone" (reprinted i n Greek Studies). Dowling argues that Pater "turns to archaeology i t s e l f as the science that w i l l open the actual earth and array i t f o r the imagination" i n an attempt to "domesticate and d i g n i f y death" (221). Analyzing Pater's reading of Charles Newton's report of his excavations of a 151 cave sanctuary devoted to Demeter i n A History of Discoveries at Halicarnassus. Cnidus. and Branchidae (1862-63), Dowling suggests that by returning to f i r s t p r i n c i p l e s of culture incarnate i n the chthonic c u l t s of Demeter, Pater attempted to "'bring the every-day aspect of Greek r e l i g i o n home to us' so that 'this glance into an actual r e l i g i o u s place dedicated to [Demeter], and with the a i r of her worship s t i l l about i t ' w i l l seem to be merely 'a quiet, t w i l i g h t place'" (228, quoting "The Myth of Demeter and Persephone"). Pater sought "to p u r i f y and reenclose t h i s space, 'with the a i r of her worship s t i l l about i t ' " (228) . Dowling's discussion of the r e l i g i o u s roots of Greek material culture i s the cornerstone of my present argument on Greek Studies. Because of Demeter's underworld wanderings and recovery of her daughter from Hades, the f e r t i l i t y goddess i s herself a medium or agent of renascence. Pater asserts that the cave sanctuary at Cnidus o f f e r s , as Dowling states, "evidence of material immortality and the ever-resurrected l i f e of culture" (231). Pater views the myth of Demeter and Persephone as a " r e l i c of the e a r l i e r inhabitants of Greece" (80). Becoming "the central and most popular subject of [Greek] national worship" (80), the myth evolves h i s t o r i c a l l y , a e s t h e t i c a l l y , and r e l i g i o u s l y across Greek culture. "Following i t s changes," therefore, "we come across various phases of Greek culture, which are not without t h e i r likenesses i n the modern mind" (80). From t h i s mythical "gravesite," Pater exhumes the 152 physical survivals of the myth of Demeter and Persephone to reconstitute i t s c u l t u r a l legacy to the ages. At the s t r u c t u r a l heart of the essay i s Pater's taxonomy of the development of myth through i t s "mystical," "poetic," and " e t h i c a l " stages. These phases chart a culture's evolution i n aesthetic s e n s i b i l i t y . An oral culture's mystical apprehension of seasonal change gives way to a l i t e r a r y period " i n which the poets become the depositaries of the vague i n s t i n c t i v e product of the popular imagination" (91), then, f i n a l l y , to an e t h i c a l phase wherein characters become "abstract symbols . . . of moral or s p i r i t u a l conditions" (91). Dowling has shown that while Pater's schema derives from contemporary comparative anthropologists and mythographers Edward Taylor, Andrew Lang, J.G. Frazer, and Ludwig P r e l l e r , i t charts new t e r r i t o r y by a t t r i b u t i n g the e t h i c a l phase of Greek myth to sculpture rather than to l i t e r a t u r e (93; see Dowling 212-17). In the e t h i c a l phase, Demeter assumes aesthetic proportions, assumes--and here we see the l i n g e r i n g influences of "Winckelmann"--the subliminal q u a l i t i e s of Greek sculpture. By v i r t u e of her mythical/religious t i e to c y c l i c death and r e b i r t h - - l i k e the vampiric La Gioconda--Demeter subliminates into her physical, sculptural being the o r i g i n of culture. To the aesthetic h i s t o r i a n , Pater says, the myths of the Greek r e l i g i o n become parts of an i d e a l , v i s i b l e embodiments of the s u s c e p t i b i l i t i e s 153 and i n t u i t i o n s of the nobler kind of souls; and i t i s to t h i s l a t e s t phase of mythological development that the highest Greek sculpture a l l i e s i t s e l f . Its function i s to give aesthetic expression to the constituent parts of that i d e a l . (140) The e t h i c a l phase of the myth i s sculpted into human form. In writing "Demeter and Persephone" Pater s h i f t s h i s attention from Winckelmann 1s aesthetic paganism evoked through art c r i t i c i s m to the realm of contemporary archaeology and comparative anthropology, for he delves below high Greek culture to i t s sources i n an e f f o r t to recuperate a "stock" of "poetical impressions" (81) of early Greek l i f e f or the modern reader. Aesthetic engagement with material survivals of the past, Pater argues, i n i t i a t e s i n "the nobler kind of souls" a renascence or, i n other words, connection with the origi n s of culture. The "student of o r i g i n s , " however, "must be content to follow f a i n t traces" (112-13). In contemplating the story of Demeter and Persephone, what we ac t u a l l y possess i s some actual fragments of poetry, some actual fragments of sculpture; and with a c u r i o s i t y , j u s t i f i e d by the d i r e c t aesthetic beauty of these fragments, we f e e l our way backwards to that engaging picture of the poet-people, with which the ingenuity of modern theory has f i l l e d the void i n our knowledge. (113) 154 As i n The Renaissance. Pater i n t h i s essay promotes continuity through history at an aesthetic l e v e l . Discussing the r e l i g i o u s and aesthetic manifestations of the myth of Demeter and Persephone, Pater i n v i t e s the reader to negotiate the f a i n t pathways marked by material remains and, s i g n i f i c a n t l y , "modern theory." Pater asserts that by stooping to examine these remains we may piece together the past--and the path of h i s t o r i c a l development--in a journey towards recovering our own deep-seated humanity as i t f i r s t arose out of the s o i l of culture. Archaeology o f f e r s a ready means to f i l l i n the "void" of our knowledge of "the poet-people." Pater employs Newton's discovery at Cnidus as "an i l l u s t r a t i o n of the myth i n i t s a r t i s t i c phase" (144), that i s , i n i t s s c u l p t u r a l / e t h i c a l expression. I quote Pater's description of the s i t e at length to show how his encyclopedic use of Newton's text (see Dowling 223ff.) s t r i v e s to elucidate and reconstruct the material conditions underlying and representing Greek r e l i g i o u s and mythological thought: With the help of the description and plans of Mr. Newton's book, we can form . . . a cl e a r idea of the place where these marbles--three statues of the best s t y l e of Greek sculpture, now i n the B r i t i s h Museum--were found. Occupying a ledge of rock, looking towards the sea, at the base of a c l i f f of upheaved limestone, of singular steepness and r e g u l a r i t y of 155 surface, the spot presents indications of volcanic disturbance, as i f a chasm i n the earth had opened there. It was t h i s character, suggesting the b e l i e f i n an actual connexion with the i n t e r i o r of the earth, (local t r a d i t i o n claiming i t as the scene of the s t e a l i n g of Persephone,) which probably gave r i s e , as i n other cases where the landscape presented some peculiar feature i n harmony with the story, to the dedication upon i t of a house and an image of Demeter, with whom were associated Kore [i . e . Persephone] and 'the gods with Demeter' . . . Aidoneus, and the mystical or Chthonian Dionysus. (144-45) Mingling archaeological and geological imagery, Pater locates his exploration of culture i n a l o c a l habitation. Newton's archaeology i s an intermediate, authenticating medium that enables Pater to equate material remains with the e t h i c a l phase of Greek culture. In the statues of Demeter and Persephone, Pater witnesses "the higher side of the Greek r e l i g i o n , thus humanized and refined by art, and elevated by i t to the sense of beauty" (148). Pater celebrates i n the sculpted figure of Demeter the emergence of humanity from culture's chthonic roots. In her humanized form, then, Demeter has about her "no trace of the p r i m i t i v e cosmical import of the myth" (150), having evolved into the "mater dolorosa of the Greeks" (148), a " g l o r i f i e d mother of a l l 156 things" (151). By exhuming the earth goddess from her interment at Cnidus, Pater examines the Greek worship of humanity i t s e l f as the subject of a r t . For t h i s reason, Cnidus " i s one of the graves of that old r e l i g i o n , but with much s t i l l fresh i n i t " (146). Through Newton, Pater's "elegant materialism" acquires an a i r of s c i e n t i f i c authority (Dowling 209) . Establishing material and c u l t u r a l c o n t i n u i t i e s with the pagan world through archaeological aestheticism, Pater concludes the essay by asking the reader, "[w]hat i s there i n t h i s [ethical] phase of ancient r e l i g i o n for us, at the present day?" (155). Greek r e l i g i o n "arose nat u r a l l y out of the s p i r i t of man, and embodied, i n adequate symbols, h i s deepest thoughts concerning the conditions of his physical and s p i r i t u a l l i f e " (155-56). The myth of Demeter and Persephone maintains i t s "solemnising power even for the modern mind, . . . abiding thus f o r the elevation and p u r i f y i n g of our sentiments, long a f t e r the e a r l i e r and simpler races of t h e i r worshippers passed away" (156; my emphasis). As i n the archaeological discourses of Bulwer-Lytton and Layard, the appearance of the f i r s t person p l u r a l possessive ("our sentiments") denotes materially-forged t i e s with the remote past. Pater's 1880 essays on Greek statuary, "The Beginnings of Greek Sculpture" and "The Marbles of the iEgina, " reveal the author's continuing inter e s t i n lo c a t i n g o r i g i n s of the distant past as they l i n g e r i n the modern world. In these 157 works, Pater further explores the " e t h i c a l " phase of Greek r e l i g i o n evinced by sculpture. In the f i r s t part of "The Beginnings of Greek Sculpture," "The Heroic Age of Greek Art," Pater focuses on Winckelmann's "archaic" stage of Greek art contemporaneous with Homer. As i n "Demeter and Persephone," archaeology provides Pater with physical materials and a conceptual vocabulary for c r i t i c i s m and art histo r y : i n short, with a substantive and substantiating medium fo r discourses upon culture past and present. Delivered as a lecture i n 1878, t h i s essay followed c l o s e l y on the heels of Schliemann's archaeological forays into Homeric prehistory (George Grote i n History of Greece [1846-56] divides Grecian "prehistory" and c l a s s i c a l times at the f i r s t Olympic Games of 776 BC). Schliemann excavated the hitherto unknown Greek Bronze Age (Daniel 1975, 140) i n Troy i n four seasons, 1870-73, and i n Mycenae, the birthplace of Agamemnon, 1874-76. Pater discovers i n p r e h i s t o r i c Greece a vibrant material culture antedating the calm refinement of high Greek sculpture. As i n "Demeter and Persephone," Pater, the "student of o r i g i n s , " seeks with the a i d of modern science the beginnings of the Greek legacy i n the c u l t u r a l continuum. Pater catalogues the "buried treasure discovered i n dead men's graves" (221), a l i g h t i n g here and there upon objects that i l l u s t r a t e the p r e h i s t o r i c Greeks' appreciation of beauty i n the hand-crafted a r t s . Pater concentrates on the domestic aspects of early Greek art i n forming a picture of Greek l i f e 158 handed down by Homer: to "have [a] r e a l l y Greek sense of Greek sculpture, i t i s necessary to connect i t . . . with the minor works . . . , i n t a g l i o s . coins, vases; with that whole system of material refinement and beauty i n the outer Greek l i f e , which these minor works represent to us" (199), these "stray r e l i c s , a c cidentally reserved, of a world . . . of such wide and varied a c t i v i t y " (210-11). In a l a r g e l y expository essay, Pater's goal i s , " i n a somewhat visionary manner, to f i l l up the empty spaces" (215) i n the chain of Greek art i n order to reconstruct the Bronze Age. Archaeology furnishes a material foundation f o r Pater's "visionary" or aesthetic evocation of Greek humanism, which proves to be latent i n the material a r t i f a c t s of the archaic Bronze age. Pater's thesis i s that the "tectonic" arts--the pottery, jewellery, and forged metals found i n , for example, the grave shafts of Mycenae--represent the f i r s t i n c l i n a t i o n s of Greek humanism, a "starting-ground f o r [the Greek's] imaginative presentment of man, moral and inspired" (234) . Viewed c o l l e c t i v e l y , Pater's studies of Greek a r t i f a c t s represent a retrospective inspection of the monuments of culture, an aesthetic summation of the Greek preoccupation with i t s own humanity from the moment when the Homeric smith forged the f i r s t bracelet to the f u l l flowering of humanism i n the sculptures of Phidias, the creator of the Parthenon marbles. Harking back to the e t h i c a l properties of material 159 culture i n "Demeter and Persephone," Pater argues that these humble arts likewise carry traces of humanity's e a r l i e s t r e l i g i o u s sentiments and, thereby, the orig i n s of Greek humanism. Humanism i s inseparable from r e l i g i o u s sentiment. As i n the cave-sanctuary at Cnidus, the graves of Agamemnon contained a r t i f a c t s of the earth-centred, mystical r e l i g i o n of the Greeks. Describing a gold cast representing Hera (222-23), Pater launches i n t o a discussion of the chthonic s t r a i n s underlying p r e h i s t o r i c a r t : Out of the v i s i b l e , physical energies of the earth and i t s system of annual change, the old Pelasgian mind developed the person of Demeter, mystical and profoundly aweful, yet profoundly pathetic, also, i n her appeal to human sympathies. Out of the same o r i g i n a l elements, the c i v i l i s a t i o n of Argos, on the other hand, develops the r e l i g i o n of Queen Here. . . . Homer . . . allow[s] us to detect . . . some traces of the mystical person of the earth. (223) Here again the study of material remains i s tantamount to a " r e c o n c i l i a t i o n with earth," a gaze into the mystical "home" i n which Greek humanism defines i t s e l f . Graves allow Pater to return to the earth, to the f i r s t seedbeds of culture. As would an archaeologist, Pater explores p r e h i s t o r i c Greece through i t s unearthed funerary remains: remains which represent the earth i t s e l f as a source of perpetuation, through i t s association with the earth d e i t i e s Hera and 160 Demeter. In "The Marbles of the iEgina" (1880) , Pater further probes t h i s c u l t u r a l bedrock of early Greek sculpture. The sculptures comprise two pedimental groupings excavated from the s i t e of what was then thought the Temple of Zeus Panhellenios (later i d e n t i f i e d as that of Aphaia, a Cretan goddess [Stoneman 183]) i n 1811 by the English and German team of Charles Cockerell and Baron Haller von H a l l e r s t e i n . 1 3 The figures depict two scenes from The I l i a d , the b a t t l e of the Greeks and Trojans over the body of Patroclus and Hercules, and Telamon leading forces against Laomedon, King of Troy (Stoneman 186; f i g . 17). Pater i d e n t i f i e s i n t h e i r style, composition, and subject two a r t i s t i c t r a d i t i o n s i n early Greek a r t : the Ionian, or "c e n t r i f u g a l " eastern influence, with i t s unbounded energy and imagination, and the Dorian, or European " c e n t r i p e t a l " tendency, whose calm and order are manifest i n the i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n of Greek sculpture i n the age of Phidias. 1 4 "In undergoing the action of these two opposing influences," Pater claims, "and by harmonising i n i t s e l f t h e i r antagonism, Greek sculpture does but r e f l e c t the larger movements of more general Greek history" (267). For the Marbles of iEgina mark the h i s t o r i c a l moment when Greek art arose from the c r a f t of the heroic age: they represent a Greek renascence (indeed Pater e x p l i c i t l y compares them to the e a r l i e s t phase of the I t a l i a n Renaissance [284]). By v i r t u e 161 of t h e i r subject--the b a t t l e between Greeks and Ionian Trojans--the marbles symbolically and bodily enact the break from the Ionian impulse of early Greek art, "as i n Etrur i a n design, i n the early sculpture of Cyprus, and i n the e a r l i e r Greek vases" (285). Created between the s i x t i e t h and the seventieth Olympiad, " i n the period of the Ionian r e v o l t against Persia, and a few years e a r l i e r than the b a t t l e of Marathon" (276), the marbles are evocative of the heroic "temper which made the v i c t o r i e s of Marathon and Salamis possible, of the true s p i r i t of Greek ch i v a l r y as displayed i n the Persian war" (276). Pater thus sets the marbles i n a decisive h i s t o r i c a l moment i n the march of Western culture. Incarnating the " f u l l expression of . . . humanism" (272), they mark the b i r t h of high Greek sculpture and, moreover, high culture. Touched "with the freshest sense of that new-found, inward value," Pater suggests, [w]e have reached an extant work, r e a l and v i s i b l e , of an importance out of a l l proportion to anything a c t u a l l y remaining of e a r l i e r art, and j u s t i f y i n g , by i t s d i r e c t i n t e r e s t and charm, our long prelude on the beginnings of Greek sculpture, while there was s t i l l almost nothing a c t u a l l y to see. (272-73; r e f e r r i n g to "The Beginnings of Greek Sculpture") Pater's study of Greek p r e - h i s t o r i c art and r e l i g i o n as i t connects the e a r l i e r art of Greece with the high Hellenic culture celebrated by Winckelmann, culminates i n "The Marbles 162 of iEgina." The h i s t o r i c and aesthetic threads binding the ages each to each guide Pater l i k e a Theseus through an underworld labyrinth of c u l t u r a l archaeology. Pater affirms his f a i t h i n ameliorative connections--periodic "renascences" a r i s i n g from the ground of humanity's aesthetic, moral, and r e l i g i o u s l i f e -- i n an archaeological essay written i n the l a s t year of his l i f e , "The Age of A t h l e t i c Prizemen" (1894). Of the Vatican's Discobolus at Rest (which Pater att r i b u t e s to Alcamenes), Pater urges the reader to "[t]ake him, to lead you f o r t h quite out of the narrow l i m i t s of the Greek world. You have pure humanity there, with a glowing, yet restrained joy and delight i n i t s e l f , but without vanity; and i t i s pure" (318). Pater i n 1894 completes h i s tr a c i n g of the conditions prefacing the creeping progress of, as "the archaeologist w i l l inform you r i g h t l y , " the "old Greek influence northwards" (287). Unlike Scott i n Pompeii, Pater, i n the l a s t year of his l i f e , found comfort i n the gravesites of the Hellenic world. 163 Notes 1. Greek architecture also attracted the eye of the Society of D i l e t t a n t i , who sponsored the f i r s t comprehensive survey of Greek architecture (rather than Roman imitations). James Stuart and the architect Nicholas Revett t r a v e l l e d i n Greece from 1749-1753 and published a four volume series of f o l i o drawings under the t i t l e A n t i q u i t i e s of Athens (1762-1816). Stoneman and Clarke discuss t h e i r venture. 2. Oxford did not e s t a b l i s h a chair of c l a s s i c a l archaeology u n t i l 1885. 3. For studies of German c l a s s i c a l scholarship and i t s influence on c l a s s i c i s m i n England see Ashton, Butler, Hatf i e l d , Last, Wiesenfarth, and Wilamowitz-Moellendorff. 4. See Stoneman for a h i s t o r y of archaeological expeditions to Greece. 5. See C o r t i 134-35 on the p r i n t i n g and c i r c u l a t i o n of Winckelmann 1s open l e t t e r s . Hawkes provides an extract from the anonymous English t r a n s l a t i o n published i n 1770, C r i t i c a l Account of Herculaneum. Pompeii and Stabia (2: 210-19). 6. The t i t l e of Charles Newton's 1880 Essays on Art and Archaeology i s i n d i c a t i v e of l i n g e r i n g aestheticism i n c l a s s i c a l archaeology. 7. See Honour (57-62) and Praz (40-69) on Winckelmann's role 164 i n the eighteenth-century neoclassical r e v i v a l . 8. Honour lauds David's Oath of the H o r a t i i as the central expression of the "true" neoclassicisra of the l a t e eighteenth century (32-37) . 9. See Williams (153-67) for an excellent discussion of Pater's "Senses of R e l i e f . " 10. Inman argues that Hegel's Aesthetik i s central to Pater's reading of art hi s t o r y (49-58) . 11. See Howard f o r a discussion of Albani's and Winckelmann's role i n what he considers the p r o f e s s i o n a l i z a t i o n of c l a s s i c a l archaeology. 12. Associations of an underground l i f e are prevalent i n Pater's Marius the Epicurean, which i s i n many respects a f i c t i o n a l c o r o l l a r y to the recovery of the past i n The Renaissance. Marius. moreover, shares Bulwer-Lytton's and Carlyle's attempts to recover past systems of thought by delineating them as parts--or strata--of a continuum stretching from the f a r distant past to the l i v i n g present. Through Marius's l i f e of sensation (from which spring his "ideas"), he absorbs the philosophical systems of a l l ages. Like Winckelmann, Marius i s a palimpsest of experiences. For example, the Epicurean's "receptive powers" are as "the scattered fragments of a poetry . . . taken up into the text of a l o s t epic" (347) . His conversion to C h r i s t i a n i t y at the end of his l i f e symbolizes the interconnectedness of past and present at 165 a deep psychic and s p i r i t u a l l e v e l . He i s "modern" i n both Wilde's and Pater's sense of the word. In i t s construction, however, Marius the Epicurean does not s a t i s f y the conditions of i n c l u s i o n f o r t h i s thesis, namely that each text treat as a basis f o r narrative the unearthing and analysis of the material remains of the past. The novel evinces images of c u l t u r a l accretion s i m i l a r to those expressed i n each of the texts of t h i s study, but i s not s u f f i c i e n t l y archaeological to warrant f u l l discussion here. 13. See Stoneman (179-98) for a h i s t o r y of Cockerell's excavations and the purchase of the JEgina marbles by King Ludwig I of Bavaria i n 1814. 14. For a discussion of the c e n t r i p e t a l and c e n t r i f u g a l i n Pater's writing see Keefe 110-17. 166 CHAPTER 7 "Time Hath No Power Against Identity": Archaeology and Adventure i n H. Rider Haggard1s She In the interim between the B r i t i s h Museum's purchase of the E l g i n marbles i n 1816 and the pu b l i c a t i o n of Heinrich Schliemann's Troy and Its Remains i n 1875, archaeology evolved from i t s ori g i n s i n amateur antiquarianism and c o l l e c t i n g towards the empirical study of material history. Armed with s c i e n t i f i c methods of excavation and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , archaeologists i n the l a s t quarter of the nineteenth century began to re-construct remote p r e h i s t o r i c c i v i l i z a t i o n s from t h e i r material remains. The s i x decades d i v i d i n g E l g i n and Schliemann f a l l within the i n t e r v a l separating the publications of Walter Scott's The Antiquary (1816) and H. Rider Haggard's She (1887). These novels, moreover, represent poles i n the l i t e r a r y conception of knowing the past i n the nineteenth century: the eighteenth-century brand of amateur, l o c a l antiquarianism depicted i n Scott's work i s the ancestor of Holly's and Leo's expedition to the l o s t proto-Egyptian world of K6r. In the evolution of the archaeological trope, Scott, Bulwer-Lytton, Pater, and Haggard pressed t h e i r search for c u l t u r a l o r i g i n s successively backward i n time. I. The S c i e n t i f i c Background of She: Charles Darwin, E. B. Tylor, Andrew Lang and the Search for Origins By the time of She's publ i c a t i o n the geological and 167 b i o l o g i c a l revolutions p r e c i p i t a t e d by L y e l l and Darwin had effected a fundamental change i n the study of the archaeological record. The challenge of studying human development within the new cosmogony encouraged the s h i f t from c o l l e c t i n g and displaying a r t i f a c t s as art objects to the systematic study of remains f o r t h e i r i n t r i n s i c archaeological information. The Great Exhibition of 1851 had no p r e h i s t o r i c a l exhibits. The Paris Exposition of 1867, which ran concurrent with the second Congres international d'anthropologie et d'arch^ologie prehistorique (Daniel 1950, 116), featured p r e h i s t o r i c c o l l e c t i o n s . The year of t h i s second international congress was a watershed date i n the acceptance of the word "prehistory" to denote the vast period of human l i f e antedating recorded h i s t o r y and i t s material culture. Daniel Wilson introduced the term to the English language i n the Great Exhibition year i n his The Archaeology and P r e h i s t o r i c Annals of Scotland. John Lubbock popularized i t i n his b e s t - s e l l i n g P r e h i s t o r i c Times of 1865 (Daniel 1975, 79), 1 which refined the p r e h i s t o r i c Stone-Age epoch of Ch r i s t i a n J . Thomsen's and J . J . A. Worsaae's three-age c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Stone, Bronze, and Iron into P a l a e o l i t h i c and N e o l i t h i c eras. The f i r s t and second international exhibitions mark, i n the f i r s t instance, the celebration of industry and, i n the second, the active search for the orig i n s of industry. 2 Increasingly sophisticated archaeological methods evolved 168 to extract meaning from the remains of p r e h i s t o r i c c i v i l i z a t i o n s . Archaeologists such as Heinrich Schliemann, General Augustus Pitt-Rivers, and Flinders Petrie improved f i e l d techniques by adapting stratigraphy to excavation: the geological law of superposition--that i n undisturbed s t r a t a older layers underlie more recent deposits--became a tool f o r establishing a r e l a t i v e chronology of unearthed a r t i f a c t s . These archaeologists also recognized the importance of recording the l o c a t i o n and occurrence of ordinary objects. P i t t - R i v e r s 1 s 1887 Excavations i n Cranborne Chase transformed stratigraphic excavation into an exact science. According to Daniel, i t "set and achieved the very highest standard of archaeological publication" (1950, 173) . With the same s p i r i t of accuracy i n the f i e l d and i n publication, Petrie began excavations i n Egypt i n 1880 (from 1883 under the aegis of the Egyptian Exploration Fund [Daniel 1975, 174-77]) .3 P i t t -Rivers and Petrie, moreover, transposed the theory of b i o l o g i c a l evolution to t h e i r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n schemes (Charles L y e l l ' s theory of uniformitarianism, which i l l u s t r a t e d geological "continuity," was the cornerstone of Darwinism). As P i t t - R i v e r s states i n his 1875 essay "On the Evolution of Culture," the " p r i n c i p l e s of v a r i a t i o n and natural s e l e c t i o n have established a bond of union between the physical and culture sciences which can never be broken. History i s but another term f o r evolution" (24) . Evolutionary sequence depicted i n a r t i f a c t s t o l d a story of material continuity down 169 through the ages. 4 P i t t - R i v e r s states e x p l i c i t l y that the archaeological record represents a traceable continuum with the past: there are huge gaps i n our knowledge of the h i s t o r y of the human race . . . ; but surely, i f slowly, science w i l l open up these desert places, and prove to us that, so f a r as the f i n i t e mind of man can reach, there i s nothing but unbroken continuity to be seen i n the present and i n the past. (1875, 44; my emphasis) In the hands of Pitt-Rivers, Carlyle's philosophic g r a f t i n g of past and present i n the 1840s gained s c i e n t i f i c credence by the 1870s. Daniel points out that while Darwin provided an organic and philosophical model for the doctrine of evolution, archaeology provided i t s material proof. "Thereafter, once t h i s proof was widely understood, archaeology became part of the general study of man and his culture, not merely an antiquarian hobby" (1975, 121). Evolutionary theory, which fundamentally changed a l l branches of the study of humankind and i t s origins, provided an imaginative stage upon which novelists such as Haggard could explore the " o r i g i n " of t h e i r own species. Central to Haggard's l i t e r a r y engagement with s c i e n t i f i c thought of the l a s t quarter of the nineteenth century i s his rel a t i o n s h i p with anthropologist, f o l k l o r i s t , and c r i t i c Andrew Lang, to whom She i s dedicated. Lang read the 170 manuscript a f t e r i t had been accepted for s e r i a l p u b l i c a t i o n i n The Graphic and offered substantial c r i t i c a l and e d i t o r i a l advice before book publ i c a t i o n i n 1887 (Etherington 1991, xix-x x i i i ) . Lang's theories and i n t e r e s t i n anthropology, archaeology, and c u l t u r a l evolution shed l i g h t on Haggard's own depiction of the study of ancient c i v i l i z a t i o n s i n She. Two important anthropological and archaeological theories stemming from evolution and espoused by Lang recur as themes and motifs i n She. namely " d i f f u s i o n " and "survivals." Theories of d i f f u s i o n represented attempts to trace the or i g i n s and development of c i v i l i z a t i o n through time and space v i a s o c i a l and commercial contact between d i f f e r e n t s o c i e t i e s ; surv i v a l s are the physical, l i n g u i s t i c , r e l i g i o u s , and r i t u a l i s t i c traces of such d i f f u s i o n . Diffusionism and survivalism were t h e o r e t i c a l avenues through which nineteenth-century scholars studied the past i n r e l a t i o n to the present. The idea of studying survivals from ancient c i v i l i z a t i o n s l i n g e r i n g i n modern culture was f i r s t put forward i n 1883 by Lang's mentor, Edward Burnett Tylor (appointed i n 1896 as the f i r s t Professor of Anthropology at Oxford), i n his 1871 study of comparative anthropology, Primitive Culture, which made Tylor the foremost English anthropologist of his time (Penniman 138). 5 He distinguished two kinds of survivals, f o s s i l and functioning, the material remains and the c u l t u r a l codes l i n g e r i n g i n the r e l i g i o u s systems, f o l k t r a d i t i o n s and mythology of modern l i f e (Daniel 1975, 184). Tylor was an 171 important figure i n the nineteenth-century quest for the origin s of culture. In fact, volume one of the two-volume Primitive Culture i s e n t i t l e d The Origins of Culture. In Primitive Culture. Tylor uses the model of d i f f u s i o n and survivals to trace both c u l t u r a l inheritance and c u l t u r a l evolution. 6 To the student of survivals, i t "needs but a glance into the t r i v i a l d e t a i l s of our own d a i l y l i f e to set us thinking how f a r we are r e a l l y i t s originators, and how f a r but the transmitters and modifiers of the re s u l t s of long past ages" (1: 17). Like Pitt-Rivers, Tylor l i n k s development with continuity. He asserts that the "notion of the continuity of c i v i l i z a t i o n . . . i s no barren philosophic p r i n c i p l e " (1: 19) . 7 Indeed, Tylor continues, " [ s ] u r v i v a l i n Culture . . . plac[es] a l l along the course of advancing c i v i l i z a t i o n way-marks f u l l of meaning to those who can decipher t h e i r signs" (1: 21). Following "way-marks" to t h e i r source i s another tangible mode of c u l t u r a l recovery. Tylor e x p l i c i t l y aligns anthropology with archaeology, professing that the "master-key to the investi g a t i o n of man's primaeval condition i s held by Pr e h i s t o r i c Archaeology" (1: 58). Archaeology supplies the physical evidence--the material "way-marks"--of the development of culture through time. For Tylor, the recovery of long-extinct or otherwise forgotten stages i n human development i s founded upon Darwinian p r i n c i p l e s of natural s e l e c t i o n applied to the progress of c i v i l i z a t i o n as a kind of c u l t u r a l s e l e c t i o n (which accounts, 172 moreover, for periods of decline, or, i n b i o l o g i c a l terms, ex t i n c t i o n ) . Being a c u l t u r a l Darwinist, Tylor states, so f a r as hist o r y i s to be our c r i t e r i o n , progression i s primary and degradation secondary. . . . [I]t must be borne i n mind how powerfully the d i f f u s i o n of culture acts i n preserving the re s u l t s of progress from the attacks of degeneration. A progressive movement i n culture spreads, and becomes independent of the fate of i t s o r i g i n a t o r s . . . . Thus i t i s even possible f o r the habits and inventions of races long extinct to remain as the common property of surviving nations; and the destructive actions which make such havoc with the c i v i l i z a t i o n s of p a r t i c u l a r d i s t r i c t s f a i l to destroy the c i v i l i z a t i o n s of the world. (1: 38) 8 Lang applied Tylor's theories to the f i e l d of f o l k l o r e . To Lang, contemporary f o l k l o r e represented a great repository of f o l k memory (a progenitor of Jung's notion of the c o l l e c t i v e unconscious), which contains survivals of early stages of c u l t u r a l development. In 1887, the year of She's publication, Lang published his most i n f l u e n t i a l anthropological book, Myth. R i t u a l and Religion. Like his mentor, Lang was obsessed with the search for o r i g i n s of culture. He writes, Our object . . . i s to prove that the ' s i l l y , savage, and i r r a t i o n a l ' element i n the myths of 173 c i v i l i s e d peoples i s , as a rule, e i t h e r a survival from the period of savagery, or has been borrowed from savage neighbours by a c u l t i v a t e d people, or, l a s t l y , i s an imitation by l a t e r poets of old savage data. (1: 33) This i s the g i s t of Tylor's system of d i f f u s i o n and survivals applied to mythology and f o l k l i t e r a t u r e , which, i n keeping with general s c i e n t i f i c and id e o l o g i c a l trends, "naturally attaches i t s e l f to the general system of Evolution" (1: 36). 9 As Tylor states i n his Researches into the Early History of Mankind (1865), " [ c ] i v i l i z a t i o n being a process of long and complex growth, can only be thoroughly understood when studied throughout i t s entire range; . . . the past i s continually needed to explain the present" (1). For Tylor and Lang, archaeology and anthropology meet i n the study of human development through survivals, which provide both the physical evidence of humanity's past and i t s mental, moral, and s p i r i t u a l development. As Andrew Duff-Cooper points out, anthropology f o r Lang was a kind of c u l t u r a l archaeology: the f o l k l o r i s t was l i k e the archaeologist i n that while archaeology " c o l l e c t s and compares the s i m i l a r but material r e l i c s of old races, the axes and the arrow-heads . . . [folklore] c o l l e c t s and compares the s i m i l a r but immaterial r e l i c s of old races, the surviving superstitions and stories, the ideas which are i n 174 our time but not of i t . " (190, c i t i n g Lang's Custom and Myth l l ) 1 0 S c i e n t i f i c archaeology and anthropology emerged from the common desire to f i n d c u l t u r a l origins and to forge continuity with the past by studying traces of i t s legacies to the present. This i s the central pursuit of the protagonists i n She. I I . From Science to the Archaeology of Adventure The dedicatory page of She heralds a close a f f i n i t y between Lang's thought and Haggard's novel. Haggard writes, "I inscribe t h i s h i s t o r y to Andrew Lang i n token of personal regard and of my sincere admiration f o r his learning and his works" (xiv). At a stroke Haggard p u b l i c l y claims personal and scholarly kinship with Lang. Lang's "learning" and "works" are enmeshed i n Haggard's "history of adventure," to c i t e the novel's s u b t i t l e . Lang provided Haggard, who did not have a un i v e r s i t y education, with the scholarly credentials necessary to make Holly into a credible s c i e n t i s t and academic. In t h i s science f i c t i o n novel, science, on one l e v e l , i s a device to secure acceptance of the adventure, yet on another i t provides concepts through which Haggard imaginatively explores the implications of the new geology, archaeology, and anthropology i n his f i c t i o n . Theories of survival and d i f f u s i o n i n Lang and Tylor resonate i n Haggard's imaginative rendering of ancient and 175 l o s t c i v i l i z a t i o n s i n his most popular novels: King Solomon's Mines. A l l a n Quatermain. and She. These theories provide a s c i e n t i f i c medium for contact between his modern protagonists and the "savage" and ancient c i v i l i z a t i o n s i n which they f i n d themselves. In Haggard's adventure novels, distances t r a v e l l e d i n space represent voyages i n time to remote corners within the human mind and culture; physical exploration i s a trope f o r the examination of the temporal, psychic, and c u l t u r a l layers that underlie modern c i v i l i z a t i o n . The theory of physical and c u l t u r a l survivals i n Lang's thought and Haggard's f i c t i o n p a r t i c i p a t e s , then, i n the theme of h i s t o r i c a l continuity running throughout archaeological and anthropological f i c t i o n and thought i n the nineteenth century. In She. Haggard treats archaeological remains as survivals, "way-marks" from which to reconstruct the l o s t c i v i l i z a t i o n of K6r. The adventure i t s e l f i s spurred by Holly's and Leo's examination of such a physical su r v i v a l , the "Sherd of Amenartas," a r e l i c i n the possession of Leo's family for over 2000 years ( f i g . 18). The nested chests that house the sherd represent the f i r s t archaeological s i t e i n the novel. Indeed, the r e t r i e v a l of the ancient sherd from within the centre casket i s reminiscent of the exhumation scenes i n Past and Present and The Antiquary. Holly and Leo successively open chests of increasing age: iron, ebony ("Its antiquity must have been extreme" [24]), and, f i n a l l y , a s i l v e r "casket" that "appeared to be of Egyptian workmanship" 176 (25). The excavation continues as Holly removes layers of an unknown fibrous paper to reveal yellowed l i n e n : "slowly and c a r e f u l l y we unrolled the linen, exposing to view a very large but undoubtedly ancient potsherd of a d i r t y yellow colour" (25) . The uncial Greek i n s c r i p t i o n written thereupon imparts a 2000-year-old story that connects Leo's family d i r e c t l y to ancient Egypt. According to Leo's father, Leo " w i l l be the only representative of one of the most ancient families i n the world. . . . [M]y s i x t y - f i f t h or s i x t y - s i x t h l i n e a l ancestor, was an Egyptian p r i e s t of I s i s , though he was himself of Grecian extraction, and was c a l l e d K a l l i k r a t e s " (10). Intrigued by Amenartas's plea f o r K a l l i k r a t e s ' s progeny to revenge his murder at the hands of Ayesha, Leo and Holly mount an expedition to search for the o r i g i n s of the Vincey family i n the i n t e r i o r of southeastern A f r i c a . The images of layering--of chests within chests, each more elaborate and antique, and of the sherd wrapped i n a yellowed, shroud-like linen--set the archaeological tenor of the expedition that i s to follow. The sherd represents an enclosed text, a nested narrative that interconnects past and present for the reader, just as Jocelin's text r e c a l l s twelfth-century St. Edmundsbury. The motif of boxes within boxes, of s t o r i e s within s t o r i e s , of h i s t o r y buried under history, takes many forms as the party ventures toward the sherd's provenance. Like other archaeological prose i n t h i s 177 study, a s t r a t i f i e d narrative r e f l e c t s the archaeological content. As i n Past and Present, the topmost stratum comprises a dis i n t e r e s t e d e d i t o r i a l "layer" i n the form of an unnamed man of l e t t e r s to whom Holly entrusts his "history" and the sherd. The editor publishes Holly's narrative and provides a preface r e l a t i n g the facts behind the manuscript's o r i g i n . He also provides footnotes, generally of an h i s t o r i c a l nature, supplying d e t a i l s on dynastic Egypt and ancient Greece, which c l a r i f y and support Holly's f i e l d observations. The editor i s , thus, instrumental i n creating the novel's scholarly tone. Haggard employs the authenticating voice of the editor i n rather the same way that he implicates Lang i n the dedication. Haggard photographically reproduces on the fronti s p i e c e the sherd i t s e l f , which he had constructed i n the likeness of Egyptian amphoras. He proudly relates i n h i s autobiography that S i r John Evans (president of the Egyptian Exploration Fund and father of the renowned Minoan archaeologist S i r Arthur) examined the sherd and declared: " ' A l l I can say i s that i t might possibly have been forged,'" which Haggard considered "great testimony to the excellency of the sherd" (1926, 1: 248). Much i n the s p i r i t of Carlyle, Scott, Bulwer-Lytton, and Pater, who evoke the s p i r i t of the past through reference to extant remains, Haggard's fabricated sherd substantiates the adventure into the past. By tracing Leo's family to an advanced, very c i v i l i z e d 178 empire, which Holly conjectures i s the progenitor of ancient Egypt, the sherd relates a history of d i f f u s i o n , l i n k i n g Leo, and by implication England, to Kor. Composed f i r s t on the sherd i n Uncial Greek, Amenartas's tale, as i t passed through the Vincey family, was translated into medieval Black Letter L a t i n and then into modern English by Leo's father. Reproduced with care i n the text, these i n s c r i p t i o n s represent a l i n g u i s t i c layering that emphasizes continuity with the past. Again, these physical survivals serve both to authenticate the f a n t a s t i c story and, through Holly's informed study and transcriptions of each of the manuscripts ("For general convenience i n reading" [33]), to depict Holly as a Cambridge scholar and learned antiquarian. 1 1 In She, the t a l e of Amenartas, transcribed by the Vincey family as i t passed through the generations, i s a palimpsest and treasure map that lead Holly and Leo back through 2000 years of h i s t o r y and beyond, to the c i v i l i z a t i o n of K6r, extinct f o r some 6000 years. Engraved on the reverse side of the sherd i s a chronicle of Leo's ancestors ("made by d i f f e r e n t hands and i n many di f f e r e n t ages" [26]) who successively resided i n Egypt, Greece, Rome, France, and, ultimately, England (10-12). The name "Vincey" i t s e l f embodies these migrations: from the Greek "Tisisthenes," meaning "the Avenger," came the Roman Vindex, the French de Vincey, and the English Vincey (11, 37) , 1 2 Contemplating these cognates, Holly muses that i t " i s very 179 c u r i o u s t o o b s e r v e how the i d e a of revenge , i n s p i r e d by an E g y p t i a n b e f o r e the t ime o f C h r i s t , i s t h u s , as i t were, embalmed i n an E n g l i s h f a m i l y name" (37) . Haggard i n t e r w e a v e s p h i l o l o g y w i t h images of E g y p t o l o g y t o f o r g e c o n t i n u i t y w i t h g r e a t epochs i n h i s t o r y . H o l l y ' s f i r s t name, Horace , b e a r s a s i m i l a r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . As i t t u r n s o u t , Leo i s the s p i t t i n g i m a g e - - a s we l a t e r l e a r n the a c t u a l r e i n c a r n a t i o n - - o f h i s E g y p t i a n p r o g e n i t o r , dead some 2000 y e a r s . L i k e L a y a r d l o c a t i n g o r i g i n s of modern w o r s h i p i n the r u i n s of a n c i e n t A s s y r i a , the s t u d y o f t h e p a s t f o r t h e s e E n g l i s h m e n i s a p r o f o u n d a c t of s e l f - d i s c o v e r y . In L e o ' s b l o o d f l o w s , as i t were, the e x p e r i e n c e s o f much o f Western c u l t u r e . The s h e r d i t s e l f b e a r s w i t n e s s t o the waves o f i n v a s i o n s - - a n d the r i s e and f a l l of empires d e s c r i b e d i n K i p l i n g ' s " R e c e s s i o n a l " - - t h a t c o n s t i t u t e E n g l i s h h i s t o r y and c u l t u r e : f rom the s p e c u l a t i v e E g y p t i a n and Greek i n f l u e n c e s t o the c o n c r e t e l e g a c y of the Roman o c c u p a t i o n and Norman i n v a s i o n . By i n s c r i b i n g t h i s p a r t i c u l a r e v o l u t i o n on the s h e r d , Haggard r e - c r e a t e s the e v o l u t i o n of c i v i l i z a t i o n t h r o u g h t ime and s p a c e . The s h e r d i s a k i n d o f R o s e t t a S t o n e , a l i n g u i s t i c roadmap t o the p a s t , whose t r a n s c r i p t i o n s c h a r t the major Western h i s t o r i c a l m i g r a t i o n s . She thus i m p l i e s t h a t the p a s t the E n g l i s h e n c o u n t e r abroad i s o f t e n t h e i r own. The w h i t e -s k i n n e d A y e s h a , f o r i n s t a n c e , seems more l i k e a d i s t a n t c o u s i n t h a n the s u r v i v o r of the l o n g - v a n i s h e d K 6 r . The p h y s i c a l s u r v i v a l of the s h e r d p o i n t s t o c u l t u r a l s u r v i v a l s m a n i f e s t i n 180 Leo. This nineteenth-century English explorer represents the culmination of culture d i f f u s e d from the dawn of c i v i l i z a t i o n . To anthropologists and archaeologists l i k e Lang, Tylor, and Petrie, c u l t u r a l d i f f u s i o n and inheritance was p l a u s i b l e s c i e n t i f i c theory. Pre-dynastic Egypt r i v a l l e d Minoan Greece and Assyria as the mother--or at least the l a s t traceable l i n k - - o f c i v i l i z a t i o n , whose c i v i l i z i n g influence passed northward to the Mediterranean and ultimately to the B r i t i s h I s l e s . 1 3 Largely through tourism (which began i n the 1840s with Peninsular and Oriental steamships s a i l i n g between England and Suez), Egyptology had entered into the popular imagination by the 1880s.14 Egyptian imagery pervades Haggard's bygone world of Kor. Haggard was fascinated by ancient Egypt as unearthed by the archaeologist's spade. His was an e x c i t i n g age i n Egyptology. As Daniel states, the "advances i n techniques and method . . . as well as the actual discoveries of dynastic and predynastic Egypt, make the l a s t quarter of the nineteenth century t r u l y the Heroic Age of Egyptian archaeology" (1975, 136) . A f t e r completing She, the author set out f o r Egypt i n January 1887 to c o l l e c t materials for his Egyptian h i s t o r i c a l novel, Cleopatra (1889), 1 5 Along the way he v i s i t e d the Egyptian c o l l e c t i o n at the Louvre, guided by the resident archaeologist. Afterward, he t r a v e l l e d extensively i n Egypt, observing excavations at Ghiza and v i s i t i n g the National Museum of Egyptian A n t i q u i t i e s i n Boulak, established i n 1859 181 by the "father" of Egyptian archaeology, Auguste Mariette. Haggard was given a tour of the c o l l e c t i o n by Mariette's successor, Brugsch Bey (1926, 1: 256). In 1904, on his second v i s i t , he was distinguished as the f i r s t European v i s i t o r to see Nefertari's tomb, guided by none other than Howard Carter, who was to discover Tutankhamen's tomb i n 1923 (Haggard 1926, 1: 260, 2: 157) . Like Scott, Haggard turned h i s home, Ditchingham House i n Norfolk, into a v e r i t a b l e museum of a n t i q u i t i e s . According to his biographer Morton Cohen, "Haggard assembled the objects that reminded him of the greatest moments i n man's hist o r y on earth" (140) . 1 6 The Egyptian Exploration Fund catalogued i n 1917 his Egyptian c o l l e c t i o n i n i t s publication, The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology ("The Nugent and Haggard Collections of Egyptian A n t i q u i t i e s " ) ; i t was also examined by Flinders Petrie, the excavation leader of the Egyptian Exploration Fund, which had been established just four years p r i o r to She's publication. A d i f f u s i o n i s t himself, Petrie undoubtedly appreciated the archaeological theory i n She. Haggard, moreover, wrote frequently to The Times and to The Daily Mail about such archaeological issues as the exhumation of Tutankhamen.17 Haggard's non-fiction as well as f i c t i o n mediated between archaeology and the reading public. He writes i n his autobiography that the advances i n Egyptian archaeology were a major factor shaping the conception of culture and hist o r y that emerges i n his novels. He says, 182 " [ t ] r u l y [old Egypt's] inhabitants were a mysterious and fascinating f o l k and, across the gulf of ages--largely . . . through . . . excavations--they have come very near to us again. I confess I know more of her kings, her queens, and her s o c i a l conditions than I do of those of early England" (1926, 2: 158) . Through the e f f o r t s of archaeologists and decipherers, Egypt had by Haggard's day emerged above the horizon of c i v i l i z a t i o n . Books popularizing the Egyptian discoveries and claiming inheritance of the remote past duly appeared. 1 8 Among them was John Kenrick's i n f l u e n t i a l work of 1850, Ancient Egypt under the Pharaohs. In i t he asserts, there " i s no d i f f i c u l t y i n f i x i n g on the country from which Ancient History must begin. The monuments of Egypt, i t s records and i t s l i t e r a t u r e , surpass those of India and China i n antiquity by many centuries" (1-2). Lang likewise was fascinated by t h i s ancient culture. We think of Arbaces i n The Last Days of Pompeii when Lang writes, [e]ven to the ancients Egypt was antiquity, and the Greeks sought i n the dateless mysteries of the Egyptian r e l i g i o n f o r the fountain of a l l that was most mysterious i n t h e i r own. . . . Egypt presented to them, as to us, the spectacle of antique c i v i l i s a t i o n without a known beginning. (1887, 2: 82-83). Haggard's novels r e f l e c t the sense of mystery surrounding 183 Egypt and Egyptology. As Cohen explains, Haggard's "search for ultimate meaning lay behind his attachment to the past, and his deep interest i n primitive l i f e and early cultures l a t e r led him to write the books some c r i t i c s have c a l l e d the romances of anthropology" (104). Exploring mysterious ancient worlds i s the s t u f f of romance, but, i n Haggard's hands, romance founded on archaeological discovery. Like the Egyptologists of Haggard's era, Holly and Leo are presented with a two-thousand-year-old mystery. Following the l i n g u a l treasure map inscribed on the sherd, Holly and Leo peel back the temporal and physical layers that separate Leo from the o r i g i n of his family. This sense of backwards journeying i s a r t i c u l a t e d through archaeological discovery. From the "Eastern shore of Central A f r i c a " (36) they run inland up a r i v e r under the shadow of a huge sculpted head, fo r e t o l d i n Amenartas's story as marking the d i r e c t i o n to K6r. Holly surmises "that i t i s not a mere freak of nature but a gigantic monument fashioned, l i k e the well-known Egyptian Sphinx, by a forgotten people out of a p i l e of rock that lent i t s e l f to t h e i r design" (58) . This i s the f i r s t sign of a l o s t race who, l i k e the Egyptians Holly here invokes, were technologically advanced. The party chances across the remains of an ancient port and a network of canals leading inland through p e s t i l e n t swamps (61-63). When they discover a p i e r by removing some loose d i r t - - b y excavating--the hunt fo r K6r begins i n earnest. 184 For the impressive canal system opened to t h e i r view leads Leo to speculate that "[p]erhaps [the land] was not always marsh, and perhaps the people were not always savage" (62). Haggard undoubtedly took t h i s d e t a i l from his knowledge of pharoanic Egypt, which had a large canal running from the N i l e to the Red Sea, over two thousand years before the construction of the Suez Canal. 1 9 The waterway i n She, guarded by the ancient head, l i t e r a l l y represents the passageway to the past recorded on the sherd. Haggard's depiction of these ruins r e c a l l s Tylor's and Lang's theories of d i f f u s i o n . Holly suggests that the remains are Mediterranean or Middle Eastern i n o r i g i n : that i s , the product of colonialism. In She. the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of c i v i l i z e d fair-skinned peoples and u n c i v i l i z e d blacks that colours Holly's archaeological hypotheses betrays an English-oriented view of c u l t u r a l evolution. 2 0 Holly speculates that a country l i k e A f r i c a . . . i s sure to be f u l l of the r e l i c s of long dead and forgotten c i v i l i s a t i o n s . Nobody knows the age of the Egyptian c i v i l i s a t i o n , and very l i k e l y i t had offshoots. Then there were the Babylonians and the Phoenicians, and the Persians, and a l l manner of people, a l l more or less c i v i l i s e d , to say nothing of the Jews whom everybody 'wants' nowadays. It i s possible that they, or any one of them, may have had colonies or trading 185 stations about here. (62-63) Holly celebrates these ancient s i t e s as prototypes of a decidedly English commercial and c o l o n i a l s p i r i t . Indeed, Haggard's A f r i c a abounds with the ruins of c i v i l i z a t i o n s imaged throughout his novels as the remains of white-skinned races having c u l t u r a l t i e s to the Western world. A f r i c a i s not foreign t e r r i t o r y , but part of the West's mythological heritage. 2 1 Holly's reference to the c o l o n i a l s p i r i t enmeshed i n the ruins of K6r points to another contemporary manifestation of Afri c a n archaeology: the discovery of the ruins of Zimbabwe between the Zambezi and Limpopo r i v e r s i n the Rhodesian i n t e r i o r i n 1871 ( f i g . 19). The burning question was who could have b u i l t such a c i t y ? Rumours c i r c u l a t e d that the l o s t c i t y of Ophir had come at l a s t to l i g h t . 2 2 As Ophir was the port from which Phoenician ships brought back gold f o r Solomon's temple, some thought Zimbabwe might very well be the location of the legendary mines of King Solomon (Wellard 124). Like Layard*s unearthing of Nimrud and Nineveh, A f r i c a n archaeology sought connections with B i b l i c a l history; i t also stimulated prospectors' i n t e r e s t . Thomas Baines's 1873 "Map of the Gold Fields of South Eastern A f r i c a " i d e n t i f i e s the Zimbabwe ruins as the s i t e of the "Manica Ancient Gold F i e l d s " (Etherington 1977, 437) . The Manica region lay on the border of Rhodesia and Portuguese East A f r i c a . The German discoverer of the ruins, Karl Mauch, concluded 186 that the buildings were constructed by a white race who traded with Phoenicians. In 1891, t h i s hypothesis was supported by the English d i f f u s i o n i s t Theodore Bent who, a f t e r studying the ruins for s i x months (Wellard 132), declared them to have been b u i l t by a "race c l o s e l y akin to the Phoenician and the Egyptian, strongly commercial and eventually developing into the more c i v i l i z e d races of the ancient world" (245) Early twentieth-century archaeology determined, however, that the ruins are i n fact the remains of a former Bantu t r i b e , a sub-division of the Zulu (Wellard 135-41). 2 4 The ruins and t h e i r associations with Ophir, King Solomon's Mines, and Phoenician trade routes stood i n the nineteenth century, however, as a monument to a decidedly European h i s t o r y of c i v i l i z a t i o n i n the "Dark Continent" (Hall 61). 2 5 The discovery and exploration of " l o s t c i v i l i z a t i o n s " f i r e d the imagination of Victorians, Haggard included. Etherington suggests that Haggard, serving as aide to S i r Theophilus Shepstone during the annexation of the Transvaal (December 1876 to May 1879), would c e r t a i n l y have seen both J . R. Jeppe's "Map of the Transvaal" (1877), on which appears a picture of the ruins, and Thomas Baines's map of the gold f i e l d s , upon which i s inscribed the "Supposed Realm of Queen of Sheba" (Etherington 1984, 39; 1977, 437), 2 6 Aside from the obvious s i m i l a r i t i e s between the physical remains i n Rhodesia and i n She. Haggard's conception of the 2000-year-old white r u l e r Ayesha--known to her subjects as "She-who-must-be-187 obeyed"--may derive from myths surrounding the Zimbabwe ruins. The Lovedu t r i b e , who inhabited the v i c i n i t y , were reputed to be ruled by an ancient white-skinned queen (Etherington 1991, xxiv, x i i ; Cohen 109) . 2 7 In creating Ayesha, Haggard uses the myth of the white queen (Sheba must also be a model) as a survival of an ancient white imperial presence i n A f r i c a . Like the English presence i n Rhodesia and South A f r i c a , Ayesha i s a foreigner i n the land she rules. Haggard populates his ruins with a people known as the Amahagger, or "People of the Rocks" ( i . e . of the "ruins"). Etherington points out the cl e a r resonances between Haggard's Africans and those inhabiting the area of the Zimbabwe s i t e : "the Zimbabwe ruins, which Haggard did know about, were so c a l l e d because the word Zimbabwe recorded by early Portuguese adventurers meant 'stone'" (1991, 218). Like the Lovedu of Zimbabwe, the Amahagger are not the creators of the ruins i n which they dwell. Though handsome and "comparatively l i g h t i n colour" (75), the Amahagger are the degenerate, backward product of miscegenation between the ancient people of K6r and Black Africans (181). Within the novel, they i l l u s t r a t e (as Tylor and other anthropologists and archaeologists allowed for) degeneration within the evolutionary scheme. The Amahagger do represent a temporal/cultural l e v e l i n the history of K6r, but, as a bastard race, they are but physical survivals of K6r: i n t e l l e c t u a l and c u l t u r a l s urvival i s the b i r t h r i g h t of Holly and Leo. 188 Holly himself archaeologically sustains t h i s decidedly European inheritance. For example, having examined vases used by the Amahagger, Holly concludes that they .were made "after the fashion of the Egyptians, with whom the former inhabitants of t h i s country may have had some connection" (67). Holly affirms his hypothesis of t h i s ancient Mediterranean connection deep i n the heart of Black A f r i c a when he announces that the people decorated upon the vases are "apparently white i n colour" (97). As the l i n e of succession written on the sherd of Amenartas avers, Holly, as a man of science, i s discovering and s c i e n t i f i c a l l y affirming his own c u l t u r a l pedigree i n the A f r i c a n i n t e r i o r . The Amahagger do, however, serve to introduce the protagonists to K6r. They escort Holly and Leo to Ayesha, eventually by way of labyrinthine catacombs evocative of Egyptian b u r i a l s i t e s . The underground journey i s a trope f o r the adventurers' communion with the dead world as i t survives i n the seemingly immortal white queen. The descent into the underground past, moreover, i s prime t e r r i t o r y for archaeological investigation. On the journey, Holly studies the ancient builders' way of l i f e by examining b a s - r e l i e f s and frescoes reminiscent of Pompeian and Egyptian tombs (134-37). Much as archaeology resurrects past cultures from places of interment, Holly and Leo penetrate the s p i r i t of the past i n the catacombs of K6r. While exploring the sepulchres, Holly makes repeated 189 reference to the scholarly community at Cambridge, a r h e t o r i c a l strategy Haggard frequently employs to maintain the s c i e n t i f i c v e r i s i m i l i t u d e of the opening chapters. Holly says, I thought how envious some antiquarian friends of my own at Cambridge would be i f ever I got an opportunity of describing these wonderful remains to them. Probably they would say I was exaggerating, notwithstanding that every page of t h i s h i s t o r y must bear so much in t e r n a l evidence of i t s truth that i t would obviously have been quite impossible for me to have invented i t . (137) The "internal evidence" Holly furnishes i s archaeological: "Nobody v i s i t e d those tombs now . . . and I must say that my heart rejoiced when I thought of the opportunities of antiquarian research which opened out before me" (170). Indeed, s t r u c t u r a l l y the novel i s akin to the edited archaeological report. Holly claims that his narrative i s a publication, as i t were, of his finds, as well as a hist o r y of his adventures. Coming across some sculptures i n the caves of Kor, he says, "I make no apology f o r describing them rather f u l l y " (137). The novel i s s i m i l a r to popular archaeological books, such as Nineveh and Its Remains, which are as much tr a v e l books featuring adventure as they are s c i e n t i f i c accounts. The s c i e n t i f i c method of observation, c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , and 190 i n t e r p r e t a t i o n that shapes Holly's "report" prepares the reader f o r the fa n t a s t i c element i n the novel: the introduction of the 2000-year-old Ayesha. Holly, f o r example, recurrently appeals to science when encountering the unknown. Aft e r his f i r s t interview with Ayesha, he asks, " f_h] ow was i t possible that I, a ra t i o n a l man, not unacquainted with the leading s c i e n t i f i c facts of our hist o r y . . . could believe that I had . . . been engaged i n conversation with a woman two thousand and odd years old?" (158). Somewhat l i k e Marlow i n Heart of Darkness. Holly and Leo encounter primal forces i n the A f r i c a n i n t e r i o r . When Holly and Leo descend to the catacombs, fo r instance, they sleep with the dead a l l around them. By day they examine the physical remains of Ayesha's culture, but sleep harbours disturbing psychological implications. Holly's nightmares augur the deep "meaning" of t h e i r t r i p to the ancient world. Once he dreams he i s buried a l i v e (87) and, l a t e r , of "a v e i l e d form . . . hovering, which, from time to time, seemed to draw the coverings from i t s body, revealing now the perfect shape of a lovely blooming woman, and now again the white bones of a grinning skeleton" (109). Holly and Leo are f i g u r a t i v e l y buried a l i v e i n the dead world of K6r. ruled by Ayesha, who, through her own s c i e n t i f i c and o c c u l t i s t investigation, has tapped the secrets of l i f e and death. 2 8 While an adventure and an archaeological mission, the Af r i c a n voyage i s , at a deeper l e v e l , a journey to the origi n s of l i f e i t s e l f . 191 The archaeological imagery of Holly's nightmare--lifting the v e i l to examine l i f e and death--is s i m i l a r to Pater's conception of archaeology as a mode of c u l t u r a l and psychological exploration. Like Pater's metaphor of periodic a r t i s t i c renascence as a "visionary" summation of culture (Greek Studies 215), She depicts a kind of psychic archaeology. Exploring l e v e l s of c u l t u r a l development prepares and f a c i l i t a t e s the exploration of mental layers or, rather, c o l l e c t i v e , r a c i a l memory. In his dreams, Holly communes mentally with the dead past as i t li n g e r s i n t h i s preternaturally old, but s t i l l v i t a l and a l l u r i n g woman. Like St. Edmund to Samson, or the Apollo Belvedere to Winckelmann, the "disinterred" Ayesha represents a physical and psychic force at work i n the consciousness of Leo and Holly. 2 9 As i n Pater's v i s i o n of La Gioconda. archaeological imagery saturates Holly's f i r s t d e scription of the white goddess: the curtain was drawn, and a t a l l figure stood before us. I say a figure, f o r not only the body, but also the face was wrapped up i n soft white, gauzy material i n such a way as at f i r s t sight to remind me most f o r c i b l y of a corpse i n i t s grave-clothes . And yet I do not know why i t should have given me that idea, seeing that the wrappings were so t h i n that one could d i s t i n c t l y see the gleam of the pink f l e s h beneath them. . . . I could . . . 192 d i s t i n g u i s h that the swathed mummy-like form before me was that of a t a l l and l ovely woman, i n s t i n c t with beauty i n every part, and also with a c e r t a i n snake-like grace which I had never seen anything to equal before. (142) The imagery i n t h i s important description associates Ayesha with the ancient Egypt i n which Haggard was so interested. Veiled and mummy-like, she has been preserved for the modern archaeologist f i g u r a t i v e l y to unwrap. In the next chapter, "Ayesha Unveils," Haggard further promotes the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Ayesha with ancient Egypt as she removes her "corpse-like wrappings" to reveal a "double headed snake of s o l i d gold" (185). The asp image and Ayesha's sexual aura suggest that she i s a prototype for the female protagonist of Haggard's 1889 novel, Cleopatra. Like St. Edmund, Lovel, Arbaces, Glaucus, lone, and La Gioconda. Ayesha i s herself an archaeological s i t e . Having discovered the secret of longevity i n the f i e r y P i l l a r of L i f e located deep i n the earth below the Temple of Truth, the r e l i g i o u s and physical centre of Kor, she embodies 2000 years of culture. Ayesha i s a kind of " s u r v i v a l " from a distant age, who incarnates the march of c i v i l i z a t i o n : Holly's scholarly knowledge of the ancient Greek, Egyptian, and Persian worlds pales before Ayesha's firsthand experience of them and her own s c i e n t i f i c i nvestigation of the v a s t l y more ancient Kor. Like Edie and the " r e v i v i f i e d " Elspeth i n The 193 Antiquary. Ayesha i s a l i n g e r i n g anachronism from a bygone world. Her presence i n the novel represents a d i r e c t channel to the past. An accretion of layered experiences, Ayesha's character has e l i c i t e d discussion of the psychoanalytic resonances i n the novel. 3 0 Late nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century psychologists "took a p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t i n Haggard because they saw i n his novels an i m p l i c i t model of the s e l f which corresponded c l o s e l y to t h e i r own e x p l i c i t models" (Etherington 1984, 38). Fascinated by She's textured narrative and archaeological imagery, Freud, for example, offered the novel to a patient, remarking that i t i s a "'strange book, but f u l l of hidden meaning 1" (453) . Freud used archaeology to elucidate h i s own method of psychanalysis. As Hake says of Freud's scheme, the analyst, l i k e the archaeologist, excavates the objects from the past i n order to make sense of the present. Like the archaeologist, the analyst develops a method of analysis and a theory of interp r e t a t i o n i n order to transform the past into h i s t o r y and hist o r y into n a r r a t i v e . . . . Archaeology, from i t s b e l i e f i n s t r a t i f i c a t i o n to i t s desire for reconstruction, provides the most convincing imagery for such an undertaking. (148) Archaeology provides a model fo r the psychoanalytic excavation and reconstruction of the patient's own history. When Leo and 194 Holly journey through the wilds of A f r i c a and contact Ayesha and the l o s t world of Kor, they venture beyond t h e i r present consciousness to engage the h i s t o r i c past that constitutes t h e i r own c u l t u r a l and psychological make-up.31 They explore subterranean realms of the c o l l e c t i v e unconscious symbolized by Ayesha's sovereignty over the dead. In t h e i r dreams, the psychoanalyst argues, the explorers contact the h i s t o r i c a l memory of which Ayesha, because of her great age, i s f u l l y conscious. Freud's and Jung's paradigm of the layered psyche --rendered through, and prepared by, archaeological language--emerges as yet another mode of forging continuity with the past. An important motif i n She related to h i s t o r i c a l reconstruction and Freud's archaeology of the mind i s reincarnation, a phenomenon Haggard repeatedly employs i n his f i c t i o n of l o s t and ancient worlds. 3 2 Ayesha i s the main expositor of reincarnation i n the novel. She i s not a mystic, however, but a s c i e n t i s t who, l i k e Lang and Freud, approaches psychic phenomena as objects of r a t i o n a l , psychological study. 3 3 The universe Ayesha inhabits and studies as a eugenicist, astronomer, chemist, p h y s i c i s t , geologist, l i n g u i s t , and archaeologist i s a decidedly Darwinian one. She views reincarnation accordingly: she t e l l s Holly i n t h e i r f i r s t interview that there " i s no such thing as Death, though there be a thing c a l l e d Change" (149). While the evolutionary universe espoused by L y e l l and Darwin produced challenges to the study of human hist o r y and i t s origins, the new paradigm of uniformitarianism--continual change--in turn supplied a vocabulary and imagery with which novelists such as Haggard could conceive of human development through time. In She, the boundaries between s p i r i t u a l i s m and science b l u r as the characters explore continuity within the seemingly immeasurable span of human history. As an archaeologist, Ayesha elucidates psychic contact with ancient worlds through a m a t e r i a l i s t r h e t o r i c . Like Carlyle r a i s i n g the s p i r i t of the dead past through the ruins of St. Edmundsbury, Bulwer-Lytton through Pompeii, or Pater through Greek sculpture, Ayesha uses the physical remains of the vanished culture of K6r as talismans to commune with the dead: "she pointed to some sculptures on the rocky wall. 'Three times two thousand years have past since the l a s t of the great race that hewed those pictures f e l l . . . yet are they not dead. E'en now they l i v e ; perchance t h e i r s p i r i t s are drawn toward us at t h i s very hour" (149) . In She, reincarnation enacts evolutionary theory by furnishing communion through the ages. Discussions of reincarnation within the Egyptian atmosphere of the novel c e r t a i n l y r e f l e c t Haggard's own sense of a deep-seated--and archaeologically-rooted--attachment to ancient Egypt. In his autobiography Haggard writes frankly and at length about the personal ramifications of Lang's anthropological and psychological theories that influenced his 196 writing. Discussing his a t t r a c t i o n to ancient Egypt, he asserts that " i t i s a fact that some men have a strong a f f i n i t y for c e r t a i n lands and periods of history" (1926, 1: 255). A mystic f r i e n d even supplied Haggard with a l i s t of the novelist's previous incarnations, two being Egyptian (1926, 1: 254), and one a "Norseman of the seventh century, who was one of the f i r s t to s a i l to the N i l e " (1926, 1: 254). His autobiography intimates that Haggard c e r t a i n l y entertained i n his own l i f e the notions of survivals that he indulged more f u l l y i n his f i c t i o n . In She. Haggard forges Leo's ancestry i n ancient Egypt i n the key chapter, "The Dead and L i v i n g Meet." The dead and l i v i n g come face to face v i a archaeological remains: Ayesha "unveils" the mummified corpse of K a l l i k r a t e s before Leo. As a sort of incantation, she exclaims "'Behold now, l e t the Dead and L i v i n g Meet! Across the gulf of Time they s t i l l are one. Time hath no power against Identity. . . . [T]he weeping and the laughter of the l o s t hours s h a l l be heard once more most sweetly echoing up the c l i f f s of immeasurable time'" (237; my emphasis). This scene has obvious correlations to the grave-dig i n the ruins of St. Ruth i n The Antiquary. Like Lovel's i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with Malcolm Misticot, Leo's genealogy i s established through his i d e n t i t y with the d i s i n t e r r e d K a l l i k r a t e s . Exhuming the remains of the past, the heroes of archaeological f i c t i o n often come ( l i t e r a l l y and f i g u r a t i v e l y ) face to face with t h e i r ancestors. As i n Pater's depiction of 197 Leonardo's "La Gioconda" as an immortal who "has been dead many times, and learned the secrets of the grave" (99), reincarnation i n She i s a metaphor fo r c u l t u r a l s u r v i v a l . In She, reincarnation and exhumation are i n t e r r e l a t e d modes of exploring l i n k s between past and present and of esta b l i s h i n g i d e n t i t y . Discussions of s p i r i t u a l i s m and reincarnation lead into the f i n a l l e g of the expedition to the c i t y of K6r i t s e l f , and, beyond, to the P i l l a r of L i f e which l i e s underneath i t . Led by Ayesha, t h i s t r i p to the c i t y , l i k e the journey to the Plains of Kor, has the a i r of an expedition. Having examined the ruins of the ancient c i v i l i z a t i o n that flourished some 4000 years before even Ayesha was born, the white queen guides the group through the c i t y . Mirroring an important incident i n Egyptian archaeology, Haggard has Ayesha f i n d her own Rosetta Stone, whose i n s c r i p t i o n s bear the key to the hieroglyphs that decorate the catacombs of K6r (177-78). Ayesha, furthermore, endorses Holly's b e l i e f i n d i f f u s i o n , a l b e i t from a proto-Egyptian source. She muses, "[d]oth i t not occur to thee, oh Holly . . . that those men who s a i l e d North may have been the fathers of the f i r s t Egyptians?" (180). Like Holly and Leo, Ayesha views t h i s ancient c i v i l i z a t i o n , which "was an old people before the Egyptians were" (178), i n terms of continuity with the modern world. The ruins of Kor represent the oldest a r c h i t e c t u r a l / c u l t u r a l layer i n the novel. The journey to the 198 c i t y , then, i s a journey to the very o r i g i n of c i v i l i z a t i o n . At the heart of the c i t y l i e s the Temple of Truth, designed "on the p r i n c i p l e of a Chinese nest of boxes" (260). The inter-nested image of Kdr's central s t r u c t u r e - - i t s physical and s p i r i t u a l "core"--recalls the quest's point of o r i g i n : the three chests housing the Sherd of Amenartas. The sherd-cum-treasure map buried within the chests leads Holly and Leo to inhabit bodily the labyrinthine palace from which Amenartas's t a l e emanated. Peeling back physical and temporal layers on t h e i r journey, Holly and Leo enact what i s perhaps the most ancient of a l l l i t e r a r y tropes: the quest for truth. Indeed, at the centre of the temple stands a statue representing truth, "perhaps the grandest a l l e g o r i c a l work of Art," says Holly, "that the genius of her children has ever given to the world" (264) . Ayesha says, "'Truth was the Goddess of the people of old K6r, and to her they b u i l t t h e i r shrines, and her they sought; knowing that they should never fin d , s t i l l sought they'" (265). Here, at the very "core" of c i v i l i z a t i o n , the group ponders the vastness of time and t r a d i t i o n i t has traversed over the course of the journey. Gazing at the statue and the ruins radiating into the distance around i t , Holly succumbs to the dead silence of the dead, the sense of utter loneliness, and the brooding s p i r i t of the Past! How be a u t i f u l i t was, and yet how drear! . . . 199 Ayesha herself was awed i n the presence of an antiquity compared to which even to her length of days, was but a l i t t l e thing. (263) The f e e l i n g of pleasurable melancholy evoked by the contemplation of the moonlit ruins and the vastness of time to which they bear witness infuses t h i s consummate image of the c i v i l i z e d world. The party now penetrates the v e i l of hi s t o r y to encounter the primordial world symbolized by the f i e r y P i l l a r of L i f e which abides deep underground beneath the Temple. The exploration of the underground-as-underworld, a central metaphor i n Pater's The Renaissance, assumes a new form i n She with an actual subterranean journey. The novel's time-frame s h i f t s from the human measure of the ruins to the humanly incomprehensible temporal dimensions and (super)natural forces represented by the P i l l a r of L i f e : the s c i e n t i s t s venture beyond human antiquity and agency as they descend into the extinct volcano i n whose crater Kor i s b u i l t . Through the gates of the Temple of Truth the party travels backward to the o r i g i n of l i f e i t s e l f incarnate i n the f i r e . The immensity of time they cover on t h i s quest i s related, from t h i s point onwards, i n geological terms. In She--as i n the h i s t o r y of science--geology and archaeology are related d i s c i p l i n e s . Geological f i e l d p r a ctice and dating methods were, for instance, adopted by Schliemann, Petrie, and P i t t - R i v e r s . Charles L y e l l ' s notion of evolutionary geology espoused i n The P r i n c i p l e s of Geology 200 l a i d the foundation f o r Darwinian p r i n c i p l e s of b i o l o g i c a l evolution, which i n turn was translated into anthropological and archaeological models of c u l t u r a l evolution by s c i e n t i s t s such as Lang, Tylor, Petrie, and P i t t - R i v e r s . Shared practices and aims i n archaeology and geology provided Haggard with the s c i e n t i f i c theory and imagery to thrust home the vastness of the distances Holly and Leo t r a v e l i n time as well as i n space. As i n Jules Verne 1s Journey to the Centre of the Earth (1864), Ayesha and her party t r a v e l deeper and deeper underground, crossing a chasm, which, as Ayesha suggests, goes "down to the very womb of the world" (279) . The Chinese box motif recurs as a natural phenomenon: recessed i n the inner sanctum of the underground caverns i s the P i l l a r of L i f e . As the ever-veiled Statue of Truth intimates, the quest for the ori g i n s of l i f e cannot be consummated: Ayesha i s destroyed by the very forces that once gave her longevity. The manner of her death does, however, r e i t e r a t e the novel's evolutionary scheme. Stepping into the flames a second time, Ayesha, i n a word, devolves. She reenacts the series of temporal layers that Holly and Leo traverse over the course of t h e i r expedition, growing old before t h e i r eyes, turning into a "badly-preserved Egyptian mummy" (293), and then into a monkey-like form (299). Ayesha returns to the o r i g i n of the human species, retracing the evolutionary course of c i v i l i z a t i o n and humanity to i t s b e s t i a l o r i g i n s . Having reached the end of the quest and unwittingly and 201 unw i l l i n g l y vindicated Amenartas by p r e c i p i t a t i n g Ayesha's destruction, Holly and Leo return to the surface and eventually to England to report t h e i r history. The t a l e i s offered to the public as a kind of s c i e n t i f i c report: "And that i s the end of t h i s h i s t o r y so f a r as i t concerns science and the outside world" (316). Rhetorically, the novel ends where i t began: emphasizing the tal e ' s h i s t o r i c a l and s c i e n t i f i c v e r i s i m i l i t u d e . As i t was for Scott and Bulwer-Lytton, the romance genre was for Haggard an absorbing medium. Its v e r s a t i l i t y allowed him to explore, through science, adventure and fantasy, the implications of h i s t o r i c a l i d e n t i t y within the evolutionary universe. Archaeology provided Haggard with a mode of f i c t i o n a l l y i n v estigating the remote past and a fund of images with which to reconstruct and locate the past within his novel. In She, layering, b u r i a l , and wrapping are central motifs f o r elucidating the excavation and evocation of bygone worlds and t h e i r c u l t u r a l , i n t e l l e c t u a l , and psychic legacy to the modern world. Through Egyptian archaeology i n p a r t i c u l a r , Haggard studied an ancient people who were as fascinated as he by the mystery of l i f e and death. As Ayesha says of the ancient people of K6r, " l i k e the Egyptians, they thought more of the dead than of the l i v i n g " (177-78). Like Bulwer-Lytton, Haggard responds to Egypt's r e l i g i o u s t r a d i t i o n of reincarnation, as encoded i n i t s places of interment, by 2 0 2 transposing reincarnation i t s e l f into a meta-archaeological motif with which to forge continuity with the past at a psychic l e v e l . Armed with archaeological tools, Haggard creates narratives of l o s t races, survivals, d i f f u s i o n , and c u l t u r a l inheritance within the framework of uniformitarianism. As we have seen i n the writings of Layard, Carlyle, Scott, Bulwer-Lytton, and Pater, what Ayesha asserts, contemporary archaeology was proving: "Time hath no power against Identity." 203 Notes 1. Trigger rates Lubbock's book as " c e r t a i n l y the most i n f l u e n t i a l work dealing with archaeology published during the nineteenth century" (1989, 114). The seventh e d i t i o n was published i n 1913. 2. For h i s t o r i e s of the development of p r e h i s t o r i c archaeology see Daniel (1975, 111-21; 1988), Grayson, Piggott (1959), and Trigger (1978). 3. Petrie outlined his p r i n c i p l e s i n Methods and Aims i n Archaeology (1904) . 4. Trigger states that i t " i s not inappropriate to r e f e r to the archaeology of the period 1860 to 1890 as evolutionary archaeology. . . . Cultural evolution was viewed l a r g e l y as a continuation of b i o l o g i c a l evolution and, l i k e the l a t t e r , was assumed to be universal and u n i l i n e a l " (1978, 97). 5. Tylor relates his theory of d i f f u s i o n i n Researches into the Early History of Mankind (1865). See Penniman 133ff. for a discussion of Tylor's role i n the h i s t o r y of anthropological thought and his influence on Lang. 6. Tylor's d e f i n i t i o n of survivals i s h e l p f u l for understanding the evolutionary background from which the theory arose: "Among evidence aiding us to trace the course which the c i v i l i z a t i o n of the world has a c t u a l l y followed, i s that great class of facts to denote which I 204 have found i t convenient to introduce the term 'survivals.' These are processes, customs, opinions, and so forth, which have been c a r r i e d on by force of habit into a new state of society d i f f e r e n t from that i n which they had t h e i r o r i g i n a l home, and they thus remain as proofs and examples of an older condition of culture out of which a newer has been evolved" (Primitive Culture 1: 16) . 7. In Primitive Culture Tylor writes, "It i s a mere matter of chronicle that modern c i v i l i z a t i o n i s a development of mediaeval c i v i l i z a t i o n , which again a development from c i v i l i z a t i o n of the order represented i n Greece, Assyria, or Egypt" (1: 32). 8. Tylor e x p l i c i t l y applies anthropological Darwinism to his theory of s u r v i v a l s : "History within i t s proper f i e l d , and ethnography over a wider range, combine to show that the i n s t i t u t i o n s which can best hold t h e i r own i n the world gradually supersede the l e s s f i t ones, and that t h i s incessant c o n f l i c t determines the general resultant course of culture" (Primitive Culture 1: 69). 9. Lang, however, also believed i n p a r a l l e l and independent evolution as well as d i f f u s i o n (see Lang 1907, 3 and Langstaff 125, 129). 10. Lang's notion of survivals i n f o l k l o r e was preceded by W. J . Thorns, who coined the term " f o l k l o r e " i n 1846. Thorns was also the English translator of Worsaae's The Primeval 2 0 5 A n t i q u i t i e s of Denmark i n 1849 (Daniel 1975, 184-85; 42) and founder of Notes and Queries. 11. Haggard composed the t a l e f i r s t i n English and commissioned i t s Greek transcriptions from Dr. H. A. Holden, headmaster of Ipswich Grammar School, where Haggard had been a pupil (Etherington 1991, 213; Haggard 1926, 1: 251-52). Haggard g l i b l y relates i n his autobiography that he desired to produce a "'genuine b i t of antiquity'" (1926, 1: 252). The L a t i n and medieval English versions were produced by his "friend, Dr. Raven, who was a very great authority on monkish La t i n and medieval English" (1926, 1: 252). 12. Lang provided scholarly advice here: he reassured Haggard that the cognition of "'Vindex, V i n d i c i , Vincey would kn i t ' " (Cohen 181). 13. Arthur Evans compared s i m i l a r i t i e s i n pot shapes and decoration between Egypt and Minoan Greece, proving c u l t u r a l contacts between these ancient peoples (Daniel 1975, 190-95) . As l a t e as the 1920s the idea of u n i l i n e a r evolution from Egypt was espoused by the leading English Egyptian archaeologist, Gordon Childe. According to Daniel, i n Childe's What Happened i n History, "one of the main tasks of the Old World archaeologist was the tracing of culture t r a i t s a l l over the Old World--tracing faience beads from Egypt through Crete and Mycenean Greece to Germany and the B r i t i s h 2 0 6 Isles, and sherds of decorated painted pottery from ancient Mesopotamia to India and China" ("One Hundred Years" 87). Implicit i n Childe's What Happened i n History, says Daniel, "are two doctrines: u n i l i n e a r evolution i n the Near East, and d i f f u s i o n from the Near East" (87) . 14. See S a t t i n f o r a discussion of English tourism i n Egypt. 15. Lang's c r i t i c i s m of Cleopatra as being "'too f u l l of antiquarian d e t a i l ' " (1926, 1: 269) suggests Haggard's commitment to and i n t e r e s t i n archaeology as a basis of h i s t o r i c a l romance. Haggard does apologize i n the preface for the i l l u s t r a t i v e matter. Cleopatra's f i r s t book i s antiquarian i n nature, s e t t i n g the background--much l i k e the other prefaces i n nineteenth-century a r c h a e o l o g i c a l / h i s t o r i c a l fiction--upon which the h i s t o r i c a l romance i s played out. Egyptologist S i r Gaston Maspero was more impressed than Lang with Haggard's antiquarian urges: he exclaimed that "'he could not conceive how i t was possible for a modern man to have written a work so f u l l of the true and inner thought and s p i r i t of Ancient Egypt'" (qtd. i n Green 125). 16. Cohen provides inventories of the African, Greek, Egyptian, Nordic, and C e l t i c curios that Haggard co l l e c t e d during his travels (140-41, 145-46). Cohen states that Haggard, l i k e Scott, " f a i t h f u l l y and r e a l i s t i c a l l y described" these objects i n his f i c t i o n , 207 which "helped give his s t o r i e s the r i n g of authority" (140) . 17. See Whatmore 103-120 for a l i s t of Haggard's contributions to the p e r i o d i c a l press. 18. The search f o r the o r i g i n s of culture i n Egypt reached i t s most deterministic form i n the Egypto-centric hyperdiffusionist doctrines of the E l l i o t Smith school at the turn of the century (Daniel 1975, 68). The t i t l e of his 1911 book, The Ancient Egyptians and Their Influence upon the C i v i l i z a t i o n of Europe, heralds his b e l i e f i n Egypt as the cradle of c i v i l i z a t i o n . 19. See S a t t i n 52 for a description of canal construction i n ancient Egypt. 20. Etherington explains the o r i g i n s of Holly's speculations: "the white minority regime that held power i n Zimbabwe (formerly Southern Rhodesia) u n t i l 1980 encouraged the view that a l l stone ruins found i n the sub-Saharan A f r i c a were the product of non-African settlement colonies founded by Phoenicians or other Mediterranean peoples. This view was f i r s t formulated i n Haggard's day and led to considerable speculation about where the seaports might have been to service those inland colonies" (1991, 216) . 21. For an extended discussion of imperialism i n the writings of Haggard see Katz. 208 22. In January 1873 The I l l u s t r a t e d London News reported that "[s]trange s t o r i e s have been t o l d of l a t e about the Ophir of Solomon having been discovered . . . i n the i n t e r i o r of Sofala, i n Eastern A f r i c a " ("The Ophir of Scripture"). 23. Bent's b e s t - s e l l i n g The Ruined C i t i e s of Mashonaland (1892) ran to three editions i n as many years (Wellard 133) . 24. This hypothesis was made by Dr. David Randall-Maclver, an Egyptologist who worked with Petrie. He reported that the Zimbabwe s i t e was no older than the fourteenth century AD and that the stone buildings were designed and erected by Africans (Wellard 135) . He published Mediaeval Rhodesia i n 1904. 25. Imperialist s t r a i n s surrounded the discovery of the Zimbabwe ruins i n 1871. Mauch's journal entry on the day he set out for the s i t e i n l a t e July i s i n d i c a t i v e : "In the sight of the re-united Fatherland, standing i n fore-front of a l l nations, and with the image of the Kaiser, crowned with victory, may now the most valuable and important, the hitherto most mysterious part of A f r i c a be tackled, the old Monomotapa or Ophir! May God help me!" (qtd. i n Robbins 124). Monomotapa refers to a legendary c i v i l i z a t i o n supposed to have inhabited the Transvaal. For a reading of the c o l o n i a l ideology behind such interpretations see H a l l 61 f f . 2 0 9 26. Another source f o r Haggard's r u i n - l i t t e r e d A f r i c a may be Hugh Mulleneux Walmsley's 1869 novel The Ruined C i t i e s of Zululand. republished as Wild Sport and Savage L i f e i n Zululand i n 1872. The story recounts an expedition i n search of Ophir (Etherington 1977; 1984, 39). Like Haggard, Walmsley served under Shepstone on the Zulu f r o n t i e r . 27. The Transvaal was inhabited by the Lovedu, "a t r i b e of negroid pr i m i t i v e s , " states Cohen, " r e l a t i v e l y unaffected by Western c i v i l i z a t i o n . It i s a small, weak t r i b e , but i t s fame has spread throughout the world because of i t s ruler, who had, from 1800 u n t i l recently, been a f a i r -skinned woman with great magical powers, l i v i n g i n seclusion among her people. Her very name provoked fear i n the hearts of her A f r i c a n enemies and awe even i n white Europeans who l i v e d and explored i n A f r i c a . She was Mujaji. . . . Few ever saw her, and those who d i d could not t e l l about her, for, l i k e Ayesha, she was served by a select inner c i r c l e , mainly mute women. . . . Besides her power over the clouds, her f a i r complexion and her immortality added to her fame" (109). Haggard wrote about the Lovedu queen i n "The Death of Majajie" i n The A f r i c a n Review (1896). 28. Leo's father intimates the commingled s p i r i t u a l and s c i e n t i f i c aspect of the quest i n his l e t t e r to Leo: "I do not believe [the t a l e of Amenartas] i s a fable; I 210 believe that i f i t can only be re-discovered there i s a spot where the v i t a l forces of the world v i s i b l y e x i s t " (29) . 29. For a general discussion of Haggard's characterization of Ayesha and his other female characters see Etherington 1984, 77-90. 30. Cornelia Brunner, a student of Jung, devotes half her Anima as Fate to Jung's notion of the anima, the contrasexual aspect of the male psyche, as elucidated i n She. See also Freud 452-55; Jung 345-46. Etherington supplies readings of the psychoanalytic resonances i n the novel (1984, 37-38, 51-54) . 31. Henry M i l l e r (81-99) and Graham Greene (19) both appreciated Haggard's equation of passing through primitive landscapes with journeying backwards i n time and into forgotten modes of awareness. 32. In his autobiography, Haggard devotes a chapter to his inter e s t i n psychic phenomena such as dream analysis, r a c i a l memory, and reincarnation. The author repeatedly employed the l a t t e r i n his novels as a means of exploring and elucidating the unexplained mysteries of l i f e and human origins (1926, 2: 155-72). Works by Haggard dealing with reincarnation and s p i r i t u a l i s m include Ayesha. the Return of She. She and A l l a n . The Ancient Allan. "Smith and the Pharaohs," The Mahatma and the Hare: A Dream Story. A l l a n and the Ice Gods. S t e l l a Fregelius: A Tale of Three Destinies. Finished. Wisdom's Daughter, and The World's Desire (co-authored with Lang). For a discussion of Haggard's treatment of reincarnation see Etherington 1984, 74-76. Lang likewise deals with magic, metaphysics, and psychology i n mythology (82-121). 212 AFTERWORD I have argued that the Victorians found i n archaeology a tangible means of consolidating t h e i r t r a d i t i o n s . Archaeology c e r t a i n l y challenged and enlarged the Victorians' world-view, but, as the celebratory rhetoric surrounding Layard's excavations i n Mesopotamia reveals, i t simultaneously bolstered the Victorians' sense of t h e i r own composite, h i s t o r i c a l i d e n t i t y . Largely through the appropriation of a r t i f a c t s from the Middle East, Egypt and Greece, archaeologists promoted a comforting and f l a t t e r i n g image of V i c t o r i a n modernity blossoming from the seedbeds of c i v i l i z a t i o n . The popularity of archaeology and archaeological l i t e r a t u r e i n the period confirms that the Victorians were themselves keen excavators and a r t i c u l a t o r s of t h e i r heritage. The "narratives of continuity" that I have i d e n t i f i e d as a major thematic and formal feature i n the writings of Scott, Carlyle, Bulwer-Lytton, Pater, and Haggard are rooted i n both archaeological p r a c t i c e and i n an i n t e l l e c t u a l climate that fostered t e l e o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of material data. While t h i s thesis focuses on archaeological hermeneutics i n l i t e r a t u r e , archaeology as a medium for h i s t o r i c a l representation had a wide generic appeal i n the period. The work I have done here provides a basis f o r subsequent investigation of a more i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y nature. Visual a r t i s t s and architects c e r t a i n l y found r i c h 213 imagery i n archaeological discovery. The c o l o n i a l and b i b l i c a l overtones i n representations of Layard i n The I l l u s t r a t e d London News, for instance, are evocative of William B a r t l e t t ' s and David Roberts's paintings of excavation s i t e s i n the Holy Land (respectively i n Syria and the Holy Land [1861] and The Holy Land [1842]). Their majestic treatment of ruins, which blend the mystique of antiquity and b i b l i c a l reference, were i n f l u e n t i a l i n mustering support for funding agencies such as the Palestine Exploration Fund (1866). Like the response to Layard i n the p e r i o d i c a l press, these works r e f l e c t the crusade i n b i b l i c a l archaeology to authenticate B r i t a i n ' s r e l i g i o u s roots i n the Middle East. In a s i m i l a r vein, the canvasses of the English h i s t o r i c a l painter John Martin featured re-creations of vanished imperial c a p i t a l s . His Destruction of Babylon (1819) was based on James Claude Rich's text, Memoirs of the Ruins of Babylon (1815). Martin wedded archaeological aesthetics, moreover, with c i v i l engineering. In 1829 he proposed to edify the Thames Embankment with the a r c h i t e c t u r a l pomp of these ancient r i v e r empires, while furnishing the modern c a p i t a l with much-needed sewage and railway f a c i l i t i e s . Museology i s another pot e n t i a l f i e l d f o r i n v e s t i g a t i o n . Like l i t e r a t u r e , curatorship was an i n t e r p r e t i v e vehicle f o r communicating science to the public. Augustus Pit t - R i v e r s , for example, i l l u s t r a t e d a theory of h i s t o r i c a l continuity by arranging p r e h i s t o r i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l a r t i f a c t s into 214 evolutionary "typological" series i n his museums at Farnham (Dorset) and Oxford. Tracing the evolution of, f o r instance, hand weapons, he argued that the overarching h i s t o r i c a l tendency was progress. His system had p o l i t i c a l implications. While the Oxford museum was established i n 1888 as a research museum, the Farnham museum (which attracted large numbers of v i s i t o r s i n the early 1890s) was "educational": by presenting evolution i n a r t i f a c t s to the voting masses, he hoped to "make men cautious how they l i s t e n to scatter-brained revolutionary suggestions" (1891, 116). The opera world also incorporated archaeological discovery into narratives of continuity. Premiered i n Cairo contemporary with the opening of the Suez Canal, Verdi's Aida (1871) i m p l i c i t l y celebrated Europe's imperial appropriation of ancient Egypt, i n i t i a t e d by Napoleon Bonaparte's invasion i n 1798. His platoon of savants tackled c u l t u r a l appropriation by surveying Egypt's archaeological s i t e s and publishing the sumptuously i l l u s t r a t e d Description de I'Egypte (1809-28). Its plates, which i n part commemorate the m i l i t a r y occupation of Egypt and the s p i r i t i n g away of a r t i f a c t s (see f i g . 26), supplied imagery for sets and costumes (the l i b r e t t o was i t s e l f composed by the "father of Egyptian Archaeology," Auguste Mariette). 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Zipser, Richard A. Edward Bulwer-Lytton and Germany. Berne, Switz.: Lang, 1974. 245 APPENDIX A A Short History of Pompeian Excavation and Re-creation In 1709, while digging a well i n Resina, a Hapsburg-ruled v i l l a g e near Naples, I t a l i a n peasants unearthed some fragments of ancient marble. Upon hearing of the discovery, Austrian calvary o f f i c e r Major-General Prince d'Elboeuf bought the adjacent property with a view to mining b u i l d i n g materials for a house he was constructing i n nearby P o r t i c i . To d'Elboeuf's delight, he had purchased Herculaneum. Over the next seven years the prince drove a network of subterranean channels into the hardened mud lava that enveloped Herculaneum and removed several marble decorations and statues (Corti 101-06). Spurred by the European taste f o r c l a s s i c a l art, the f i r s t excavations of the c l a s s i c a l world were under way. When the Hapsburgs were driven out of Naples by the Spanish i n 1735, Charles III of Bourbon became King of the Two S i c i l i e s (a t i t l e he relinquished to his son Ferdinand i n 1759 when he became Charles III of Spain). Like d'Elboeuf, Charles craved e d i f i c a t i o n through ancient a r t . He inhabited d'Elboeuf's v i l l a and i n 1738 resumed tunnelling, appointing the Spanish engineer Rocco Gioacchino de Alcubierre to supervise. Using gunpowder, Alcubierre blasted his way to marbles and bronzes, which he removed to the surface for restoration and display i n Charles's g a l l e r y i n P o r t i c i . Despite the primitive nature of the excavations, Charles played an important role i n the early years of Pompeian and Herculanean archaeology. His energetic exploration of these treasure hoards of bronzes and marbles stimulated across Europe both scholarly and popular inter e s t i n the s i t e . His museum became the nucleus of the Academy of Herculaneum at Naples, founded i n 1755. His p o r t r a i t ( f i g . 20) occasioned upon ascending the Spanish throne arrays archaeological tools and a n t i q u i t i e s amongst more t r a d i t i o n a l m i l i t a r y and royal iconography, displaying a composite i d e n t i t y as monarch, antiquarian, and patron of the Academy. Marcello Venuti, the King's l i b r a r i a n i n Naples (Corti 111), compiled the f i r s t record of the survey, A Description of the F i r s t Discoveries of the Ancient C i t y of Heraclea (1748). That t h i s work was translated and republished by the Englishman W. Skurray two years l a t e r suggests an international i n t e r e s t was already established i n Herculaneum i n the mid-eighteenth century. The Academy produced the f i r s t substantial reproductions of the art of Herculaneum, the eight volume f o l i o Le A n t i c h i t a d i Eroclono esposti (1757-92). The A n t i c h i t a was p r i v a t e l y printed by Charles, however, and d i s t r i b u t i o n l i m i t e d to his favourites. Pirated editions duly appeared. An English t r a n s l a t i o n by Thomas Martyn and John L e t t i c e was published i n 1773 as The A n t i q u i t i e s of Herculaneum ( B r i l l i a n t 40). By 1748, the laborious and expensive tunnelling at Herculaneum induced Alcubierre to prospect i n nearby C i v i t a . An i n s c r i p t i o n uncovered i n 1763 p o s i t i v e l y i d e n t i f i e d the 247 s i t e as Pompeii (Conti 133) . Buried i n r e l a t i v e l y soft volcanic ash and l a p i l l u s rather than hardened mud lava that enmeshed Herculaneum, Pompeii became the region's main treasure trove for statuary. Whole streets, moreover, could be cleared rather than the destructive v e r t i c a l tunnelling that destroyed architecture. From the 1760s an ancient c i t y i t s e l f began to emerge i n t a c t . The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of C i v i t a with long-lost Pompeii coincided with the residency of the English Consul and member of the Society of D i l e t t a n t i , S i r William Hamilton (1764-1800). Like Charles, Hamilton was an energetic patron of Pompeian excavation and c o l l e c t o r of antique art (F o t h e r g i l l 45-71). The B r i t i s h Museum purchased i n 1772 his substantial c o l l e c t i o n of Pompeian a r t i f a c t s as the basis of i t s new Department of A n t i q u i t i e s . A four-volume catalogue of the c o l l e c t i o n , composed by Pierre Francois Hughes d'Hancarville at the cost of £6000 to Hamilton ( F o t h e r g i l l 68), appeared under the t i t l e The C o l l e c t i o n of Etruscan. Greek, and Roman An t i q u i t i e s from the Cabinet of the Honourable William Hamilton (1766-67). Because of the "splendor of the f o l i o plates," B r i l l i a n t relates, ". . . i t soon served as a fountainhead of English and continental Neoclassicism" (62). F o t h e r g i l l relates that the volumes "were to f u l f i l [Hamilton's] hopes i n respect of the influence they were to have on the neoclassical movement i n a r t . Not only was Wedgwood to make considerable use of these books i n his famous 248 Jasper vases and Black Basaltes, but a r t i s t s such as John Flaxman and Henry F u s e l i came d i r e c t l y under t h e i r influence" (69). D'Hancarville states i n the preface to the f i r s t volume that "the a r t i s t who would invent i n the same s t i l e [ s i c ] , or only copy the Monuments . . . may do so with as much truth and precision, as i f he had the Originals themselves i n his possession. It i s by t h i s means, that the present work may contribute to the advancement of the Arts" (qtd. i n F o t h e r g i l l 67). The plates stimulated, f o r example, Josiah Wedgwood's manufacture of "Greek," "Etruscan," and "Pompeian" vases. Among them were his copies of the famous Portland Vase, which took i t s name from i t s purchaser, the Duchess of Portland, who eventually sold the piece to the B r i t i s h Museum. Hamilton himself published an account of the discoveries i n Archaeologia (1786), which he i l l u s t r a t e d with a dozen plates. This was the f i r s t cheap and accessible p u b l i c a t i o n of the Pompeian ruins to appear i n B r i t a i n . Hamilton had f i r s t read the report before the Society of Antiquaries of London i n 1775. In 1767, Hamilton i n v i t e d Johann Joachim Winckelmann, the German art h i s t o r i a n and Dresden's v i s i t i n g archaeologist to Rome, to help him publish a book on c l a s s i c a l vase-painting (the C o l l e c t i o n of Engravings from Ancient Vases appeared between 1791-95). Winckelmann had been to the s i t e i n 1758 and 1762 but had alienated the Academy by publishing i n 1762 an "Open Letter on the Discoveries made at Herculaneum," i n 249 which he c r i t i c i z e d the opportunistic s p i r i t of the excavations and the r e s t r i c t i o n s to the excavation s i t e imposed by Charles's successor Ferdinand (Leppmann 179; Winckelmann wrote a supplementary "Report on the Most Recent Discoveries Made at Herculaneum" i n 1764). He, for example, derided Alcubierre for knowing "as much of a n t i q u i t i e s as the moon does of lobsters" (qtd. i n Hawkes 2: 213). His c r i t i c i s m of the c a v a l i e r removal of museum pieces at the expense of unimportant finds--of clumsy work undertaken often by chained gangs of convicts--and his recognition of the h i s t o r i c a l relevance of a r t i f a c t s have earned Winckelmann the appellation "the father of archaeology." As Malina relates, Winckelmann, by focusing on the p o t e n t i a l information contained i n the a r t i f a c t s of material culture . . . was responsible f o r the b i r t h of modern c l a s s i c a l archaeology . . . . Fieldwork, c a r r i e d out at Herculaneum . . . and, above a l l , at Pompeii . . . helped to consolidate t h i s attitude. (27; c f Leppmann 185) Winckelmann's h i s t o r i c i s t outlook promoted more conscientious fieldwork. His l e t t e r s reveal a despair of condition under which objects were removed and--a r a d i c a l notion at the time--without care to l o c a t i o n of "ordinary" objects. Systematic excavation came to Pompeii only i n 1860, under the hand of Giuseppe F i o r e l l i . Amongst his other achievements, F i o r e l l i was responsible for creating the haunting p l a s t e r casts of 250 Pompeii's victims, around whose bodies the volcanic ash hardened to form a mould. Like Winckelmann's l e t t e r s and h i s more i n f l u e n t i a l History of Ancient Art (1764-67) and Unpublished Re l i c s of Antiquity (1767), G e l l ' s Pompeiana was an important document i n bringing about Pompeii's "second existence." Its plates feature a r c h i t e c t u r a l reconstructions alongside engravings of extant ruins. This i n c l i n a t i o n toward reconstruction demonstrates a desire to engage antique l i f e above and beyond a heretofore picturesque delight i n r u i n depicted, f o r example, i n Piranesi's mid eighteenth-century drawings of Pompeii (see Honour 51-57). Pompeiana thus marks an important aesthetic development i n the h i s t o r y of Pompeian publication and Pompeian archaeology i n i t i a t e d by Winckelmann. And l i k e the Academy's A n t i c h i t a and Hamilton's publications, G e l l ' s re-creative drawings were a major source f o r nineteenth-century a r t i s t s to reinvent Pompeii. His "success with the English public was immediate," Clay asserts, "and we may say that G e l l ' s most successful p u p i l was Edward Bulwer" (30). The Last Days of Pompeii i s only one l i n k i n a long chain of a r t i s t i c interest i n the antique world aroused by Pompeian archaeology. As early as 1770 Wedgwood produced Pompeian vases, plaques, and jewellery designed from the A n t i c h i t a and d'Hancarville's descriptive catalogue of Hamilton's c o l l e c t i o n ( B r i l l i a n t 59; Tice 70). The richness of Pompeian i n t e r i o r painting commanded the attention of decorative a r t i s t s . 251 Pompeian motifs appeared from Ireland to Russia i n "vignettes for c e i l i n g s , panels f o r doors, p i l a s t e r s f o r walls, and, occasionally, furniture" (Tice 7; c f Karson and Praz for discussions of decorative art and furniture inspired by the taste f o r Pompeiana). John Goldicutt's Specimens of Ancient Decorations from Pompeii (1825), for example, was composed e x p l i c i t l y to provide archaeologically accurate models to a s s i s t a r t i s t s i n the i n t e r i o r decoration of houses ( B r i l l i a n t 154) . Pompeian architecture also enjoyed a r e v i v a l i n Europe: Pompiean rooms sprang up i n France, Germany, and England. Agosino Aglio designed a garden p a v i l i o n for Prince Albert i n Buckingham Palace, which was constructed i n 1844 (demolished i n 1928 [ B r i l l i a n t 161]); the Great Exh i b i t i o n at Crystal Palace boasted a Pompeian room; F r i e d r i c h von Gartner created a Pompeian V i l l a for Ludwig I of Bavaria i n 1839-40; and a Maison Pompiienne f o r Prince Jerome Napoleon completed i n Paris i n 1860 provided Theophile Gautier with the se t t i n g f o r his novella A r r i a Marcella. s u b t i t l e d Pompeia ( B r i l l i a n t 160-63). These e d i f i c e s , l i k e t h e i r model, lay i n ruins before the turn of the century (see B r i l l i a n t 64-68 fo r other attempts at a r c h i t e c t u r a l re-creation i n England). Pompeian archaeology likewise provided material for a host of poems and novels. Among the more famous i n English are Thomas Babington Macaulay's "Pompeii," which won the Chancellor's Medal at Cambridge i n 1819 ( B r i l l i a n t 168), and 252 P. B. Shelley's 1820 "Ode to Naples." Thomas Gray's The Vestal. A Tale of Pompeii boasts of, i n Dahl's words, the author's " h i s t o r i c a l accuracy" and "an i n s t r u c t i v e introduction [that] very well describes the magical recreation of Pompeian l i f e achieved by the excavators" (1956, 188). As i n Bulwer-Lytton's novel, s k e l e t a l remains suggested characters (see The Last Days of Pompeii 428). The Vestal also anticipates The Last Days of Pompeii by blending "archaeology and homiletics" with the conversion of the major characters to C h r i s t i a n i t y ( B r i l l i a n t 170; c f . Dahl 1956, 435; for treatments of Pompeii i n French l i t e r a t u r e see Seznec. Late nineteenth-century c l a s s i c a l painters of the Royal Academy also mined Pompeii f o r subjects and motifs. H i s t o r i c a l painter Lawrence Alma-Tadema, fo r example, c o l l e c t e d photographs of Pompeii (Wood 28) and incorporated Pompeian motifs and settings into several works with marked attentiveness to archaeological d e t a i l ( B r i l l i a n t 164; see f i g . 21, a photograph carrying Casauboneari overtones of the a r t i s t measuring marble at Pompeii during h i s honeymoon i n 1863). In h i s F a i t h f u l Unto Death (1865; f i g . 22) Edward Poynter, RA president from 1896-1916, based the figure of a s o l d i e r manning his post during the destruction of Pompeii on an episode i n Bulwer-Lytton's novel. E a r l i e r i n the century, John Martin, famous f o r his large canvases depicting scenes of vast destruction such as The F a l l of Nineveh and his Progress 253 of Empire series, painted The Destruction of Herculaneum and Pompeii (1822) based on his examination of the ruins and on Pompeiana (Dahl 1953, 435; f i g . 23). Martin exhibited the picture at the Egyptian H a l l i n P i c c a d i l l y and c i t e d Pompeiana as a source i n h i s 1822 A Descriptive Catalogue of the Destruction of Pompeii and Herculaneum (Dahl 1953, 435n). Af t e r viewing the picture, Bulwer-Lytton praised Martin as "the greatest, the most l o f t y , the most permanent, the most o r i g i n a l genius of h i s age" (1833, 2: 211). Indeed, The Last Days of Pompeii weaves together the dual treatments of Pompeii represented i n the works of G e l l and Martin: re-creation and dramatic conflagration. The great paradox of Pompeian archaeology--that the c i t y has survived two millennia v i r t u a l l y i n t a c t because of i t s destruction--provided a popular theme f o r Pompeian re-creators. "The Last Days of Pompeii," l i k e the appellation "The C i t y of the Dead," i s a major locution i n the a r t i s t i c discussions emerging from the excavations. Bulwer-Lytton's novel i s only one of numerous works that take the phrase f o r i t s t i t l e . Sumner Lincoln's Fairfax's 1832 long poem i s s i m i l a r l y t i t l e d The Last Night of Pompeii. The " l a s t night" motif inspired several operatic composers and l i b r e t t i s t s . Giovanni Pacini's L'Ultimo giorno d i Pompei opened at La Scala i n 1827. Bulwer-Lytton's novel i t s e l f provided source material f o r subsequent operas: J u l i u s Pabst's Die letzen Tage von Pompeji. performed i n Dresden i n 1851, and Le dernier jour 254 de Pompeii by V i c t o r i n Joncieres i n 1869. It seems the climactic eruption lent i t s e l f well to opera. Bulwer-Lytton's novel was also quickly adapted f o r the stage. John Orlando Parry's 1835 watercolour A London Street Scene ( f i g . 24), for instance, advertises "The Destruction of Pompeii Every Night" at the Adelphi Theatre production of The Last Days of Pompeii. Bulwer-Lytton's novel i t s e l f i nspired George Henry Boker to write Nydia: A Tragic Play i n 1836, based on the b l i n d flower g i r l i n the novel. Randolph Rogers sculpted Nydia. the B l i n d G i r l of Pompeii, "a marble statue made i n more than f i f t y r e p l i c a s " ( B r i l l i a n t 174). E r r i c o P e t r e l l a ' s opera Jone: ossia. 1'ultimo giorno d i Pompeji premiered at La Scala i n 1858, based on the p l i g h t of the heroine. P. Koerber used two minor characters i n Bulwer-Lytton' s novel f o r his 1850 novel Diomedes and Clodius ( B r i l l i a n t 182). James Hamilton undertook to re-create the clima c t i c scene i n his 1864 painting The Last Days of Pompeii. The novel also spawned films as early as 1898 (Dahl 1978, 33). A firework display at Manhattan Beach i n 1885 purported to r e p l i c a t e "The Last Days of Pompeii" ( B r i l l i a n t 185). The cataclysmic l a s t night was, as John Martin's 1822 canvass attests, a popular subject f o r painters. Preeminent i n the genre i s the Russian a r t i s t Karl Bryullov's 1828 picture, The Last Days of Pompeii ( f i g . 25). According to Dahl "[a]lmost every d e t a i l i n i t i s suggested by a contemporary archaeological account, and almost every 255 s i t u a t i o n depicted appears again i n some poem or story on Pompeii" (1956, 183). Like Alma-Tadema and Martin, Bryullov sketched the ruins before he painted h i s picture, which he exhibited i n Milan i n 1833. Bulwer-Lytton viewed the picture and records i n his diary high praise for the painting's conception and execution, i t s "'genius, imagination, and nature'" (qtd. i n V. A. Lytton, 1: 440). The entry suggests that Bryullov's version of the l a s t days of Pompeii, with i t s attention to individuals i n the conflagration rather than the mass destruction portrayed by Martin, was a major source of i n s p i r a t i o n for Bulwer-Lytton's novel. Dahl i n fact argues that t h i s "painting, hitherto u n i d e n t i f i e d as that which Bulwer-Lytton saw, was the o r i g i n a l i n s p i r a t i o n f o r The Last Days of Pompeii" (1953, 434). 256 APPENDIX B H i s t o r i c a l Background to Occultism i n The Last Days of Pompeii Bulwer-Lytton's portrayal of Egyptian philosophy, r e l i g i o n , and magic expressed i n the c u l t of I s i s and i n the Hermetic philosophy of Arbaces i s central to Bulwer-Lytton's depiction of the r e l i g i o u s context out of which C h r i s t i a n i t y emerged. Interest i n and knowledge of ancient Egyptian r e l i g i o n s were i n fact raised and fostered i n the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries through archaeology i t s e l f . In the novel, Bulwer-Lytton's study of occultism complements the archaeological focus on ruins and remains. Arbaces's Hermeticism was a prominent philosophical and mystical system i n the syncretic landscape of the Mediterranean i n the f i r s t century AD. Hermetic thought originated i n the synthesis of the Hellenic Hermes/Mercury with the Egyptian god Thoth into the syncretic occult figure Hermes Trismegistus, the "Thrice-Great Hermes" from h i s triple-personae as p r i e s t , philosopher/magician, and king (Arbaces s i m i l a r l y refers to himself as "prophet" and "king" [313]). Thoth, father of I s i s , i s the god of the moon, and l i k e Hermes, i s associated with the dead, medicine, magician, and science. Associated with Hecate, esoteric knowledge was his special preserve (Fdwden 22-30) . Hermes Trismegistus was thus a cosmopolitan, H e l l e n i s t i c god "Egyptianized through his assim i l a t i o n of Thoth" (Fowden 24). As the composite Greek 257 and Egyptian i d e n t i t y evolved, "Hermeticists began to propagate the idea that there had been two Egyptian Hermeses" (Fowden 29): both a divine and a euhemerized Hermes who possessed divine knowledge as the tr a n s l a t o r of sacred Egyptian philosophical and magical texts into Greek. To Renaissance scholars these texts were known as the Corpus Hermetica. As Fowden says, the Hermeticists wished i t to be believed that t h e i r compositions were books of Thoth rendered from Egyptian into Greek; and . . . that the legitimacy and prestige of these books depended on the finding of a p l a u s i b l e explanation of how t h i s t r a n s l a t i o n had been brought about. Hence the l a s t twist i n the evolution of the myth of the Egyptian Hermes, namely the presentation of none other than Hermes the younger as the tr a n s l a t o r of the Thoth texts. (30; see also F. Yates's studies of Hermeticism and hermetic scholarship). Fowden argues that t h i s syncretization and euhemerization provided a divine o r i g i n for hermetic philosophy which " l e f t the Greek Hermes f l e x i b l e enough to play h i s t r a d i t i o n a l role of intermediary between God and men" which he does with " p a r t i c u l a r e f f e c t i n the more i n i t i a t o r y of the philosophical Hermetica" (31). Hermes Trismegistus thus emerges as a mystery figure: both god and man, he represents the affirmation of the divine-in-humanity i d e n t i f i e d with the 258 human dying and reviving figures of Greek mythology such as Adonis, Orpheus and the half-human Dionysus, worshipped i n mystery r e l i g i o n s through i n i t i a t o r y r i t e s that dramatized salvation through a gnosis of the divine. To Renaissance Neoplatonists, Hermes Trismegistus was a mortal sage i n i t i a t e d into the divine mysteries through h i s occult study of astrology and magic. His Corpus Hermetica. translated from ancient Greek under Medici patronage, encompasses doctrines of magic and d i v i n a t i o n as well as philosophical t r e a t i s e s dealing with metaphysics and salvation. The Corpus i s presented, states Fowden, as revelations of divine truth . . . and i n the philosophical as i n the technical texts those who do the revealing are the t y p i c a l d e i t i e s of Graeco-Egyptian syncretism--in other words even allowing for the presence of some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y Greek elements . . . the o v e r a l l atmosphere i s Egyptian. (32) Nineteenth-century Hermetic groups likewise claimed pedigrees dating back to ancient Egypt. The Hermetic Brotherhood of Egypt and the Hermetic Brotherhood of Luxor are the best known, the l a t t e r established i n 1884, coinciding with a vigorous archaeological interest i n Egypt t y p i f i e d by the foundation i n 1883 of the Egyptian Exploration Fund (an American chapter of the H. B. L.--as i t was known to the initiated--appeared i n 1886). The famous o c c u l t i s t and 259 founder of the Theosophical Movement Madame Blavatsky cr e d i t s these groups as authentic Hermetic organizations i n her f i r s t major work, I s i s Unveiled (1877), a study of the Egyptian esoteric wisdom and r i t u a l that had formed the fountainhead of the Theosophical Society, established i n 1875. Blavatsky began her study of esoteric knowledge while v i s i t i n g Cairo i n 1851 and 1871 (Godwin 281). A catalyst i n the quest f o r esoteric wisdom was the physical presence of Europeans i n Egypt. Napoleon's conquest of Egypt i n 1798, f o r instance, c a r r i e d overtones of c u l t u r a l and h i s t o r i c a l conquest. Like Layard, Napoleon s p i r i t e d away hoards of a n t i q u i t i e s f o r h i s nation's museum. His l a v i s h l y i l l u s t r a t e d Description de 1'Egypt (1809-28), published under the Commission of Arts and Sciences, inscribed ancient Egypt for European e d i f i c a t i o n (Said 118). Its frontispiece, for example, celebrates martial and h i s t o r i c a l appropriation: Napoleon's conquering armies and savants border a foreshortened view of the N i l e with heaps of booty p i l e d i n the foreground ( f i g . 26). The conquest i t s e l f , moreover, also bears o c c u l t i s t undertones. Napoleon i s a reputed member of the Freemasons, a group, which, with hermeticism, saw i t s orig i n s i n ancient Egypt. According to Bernal, many of Napoleon's o f f i c e r s were Masons and Napoleon's imperial symbol, the bee, came from Egyptian and Masonic sources (Bernal 184; Iversen 132-33). The bee appears on cartouches on the front i s p i e c e to the Description, perhaps as a c r y p t i c 260 a l l u s i o n to Napoleon's reclaiming a Masonic homeland or extracting esoteric knowledge through the removal of material objects to Europe (the a n t i q u i t i e s , including the famous Rosetta Stone, were, however, turned over to the English as war booty). In the h i s t o r y of Egyptology, archaeology and occultism are strange bedfellows. The Freemasons, whose organization involves an elaborate system of symbolic r i t u a l and i n i t i a t i o n , celebrates i t s ancient and distinguished o r i g i n s i n the ancient wisdom of Hermes Trismegistus, who i s said to have discovered geometry and passed on masonic secrets to Euclid, who taught masonry to the sons of the Egyptian n o b i l i t y (Stevenson 85; see F. Yates [1972] f o r a study of the l i n k s between freemasonry and hermeticism i n the eighteenth century). The Regius Manuscript (ca. 1390), the oldest of the so-called Old Charges that house the rules and regulations of the masons, records that E u c l i d himself was a mason and that the society, founded "yn Egypte lande," was brought into England i n JEthelstan's time (qtd. i n "Freemasonry" 1911). Egyptian r i t e s entered Masonic r i t u a l rather l a t e r , however. In his study of the "Egyptian Revival" of the l a t e eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, Carrott notes that the "Free-Masonic movement owes i t s dependence upon Egyptian r i t e s and emblems to Count Cagliostro and Carl F r i e d r i c h Koppen who introduced these embellishments i n Paris and B e r l i n i n the seventies and eighties of the eighteenth century" (109; c f . 261 Pevsner 254 and Godwin 1994, 97). In 1835 American Mason John Fellows published a detailed account of the Egyptian o r i g i n s of Freemasonry (Carrott 100). Occultism i s , moreover, a major topic i n Bulwer-Lytton's oeuvre. The Last Days of Pompeii represents an e a r l y treatment of occultism that would flower i n his f u l l y - f l e d g e d occult novels Zanoni (1842) and A Strange Story (1862), the former of which Godwin rates as a v e r i t a b l e "encyclopedia of ideas about the occult sciences" (1994, 126; for f u l l e r treatments of occultism i n Lytton's f i c t i o n see Campbell, L i l j e g r e n , Godwin, Roberts, Stuart, Wolff, Zipser). Both novels are elaborate, i f oblique, manifestos of Rosicrucian lore, r i t u a l s , and history. Early traces of o c c u l t i s t thought may be found i n his 1833 Godophin. which abounds i n references to Chaldean c u l t s , and i n his 1832 story, "The Tale of Kosem Kosamim the Magician," i n which, as Stuart states, "we f i n d a description of a L i v i n g F i r e . . . which looks remarkably l i k e the source of a s i m i l a r idea i n some of Rider Haggard's romances" (19-20). The reference i s to the alchemical P i l l a r of F i r e into which Ayesha--herself an occult s c i e n t i s t - - s t e p s i n the c l i m a t i c scene of She. The story of Kosem r e f l e c t s an intense and l i f e - l o n g interest i n occultism. As the author states i n a footnote to the story, the "tale, complete i n i t s e l f , i s extracted from an unfinished romance which, however, furnished the groundwork for Zanoni. I may add that I f i n d the outline of t h i s t a l e i n some papers written i n my 262 school-days" (qtd. i n Stuart 16). C r i t i c s t r a d i t i o n a l l y c i t e two sources to es t a b l i s h the author's actual involvement i n occultism. The f i r s t i s Bulwer-Lytton's biographer-grandson's assertion that the author was "a member of the Society of Rosicrucians and Grand Patron of the Order" (2: 40-41), the second, a l e t t e r to Hargrave Jennings, author of The Rosicrucians: Their Rites and Mysteries (1870), i n which the novelist praises Hargrave's e f f o r t s to trace Rosicrucian lore to i t s early sources. He writes that "[s]ome time ago a sect pretending to st y l e i t s e l f 'Rosicrucians' and arrogating f u l l knowledge of the mysteries of the c r a f t , communicated with me, and i n reply, I sent them the cipher sign of the 'Initiate,'--not one of them could construe i t " (qtd. i n Wolff 233, Roberts 158). Bulwer-Lytton i s , furthermore, speculated to have been i n i t i a t e d i n 1888 into the Frankfurt Lodge of the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn (Godwin 1994, 138), a hermetic group whose "mythology was Egyptian, Kabbalistic, Eleusinian, and C h r i s t i a n (Rosicrucian)" (Godwin 1994, 362). A central premise that propelled occult thought i n the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries was the notion of i n i t i a t i n g a renovated world, a sort of Plato's Republic ruled by an enlightened e l i t e . Both Arbaces's hermeticism and the emergent C h r i s t i a n i t y c a r r i e s t h i s s i g n i f i c a t i o n i n The Last Days of Pompeii. Rosicrucianism, for example, was founded to usher i n such a new age. Its legendary founder, the German 263 Ch r i s t i a n Rosenkreutz (1378 AD i s his ascribed birthdate), journeyed as a youth to Egypt (again the land of hidden wisdom), where he was i n i t i a t e d into the secrets of occult science. Returning to Germany, he founded an a l t r u i s t i c f r a t e r n i t y . As a movement Rosicrucianism dates to the seventeenth century upon the alleged discovery of Rosenkreutz's grave containing his uncorrupted body and a book of his magic. Rosicrucianism's high goal was to i n i t i a t e a new era founded upon Rosenkreutz's p r i n c i p l e s of f r a t e r n i t y and C h r i s t i a n morality (see F. Yates 1972 f o r a h i s t o r y of Rosicrucianism). While modern scholarship regards the o r i g i n s of Rosicrucianism as a modern invention, brotherhoods devoted to the Utopian p r i n c i p l e s of Rosenkreutz and arrogating occult knowledge flourished i n the eighteenth century. This o c c u l t i s t a c t i v i t y was a c t u a l l y inaugurated by the publication of three texts ascribed to Rosenkreutz (they are fabrications of Johann Valentin Andreae, a Lutheran pastor with s o c i a l i s t interests [Tryphonopoulos 43]). The most important i s the Fama F r a t e r n i t a t i s . which t e l l s the story of Rosenkreutz's l i f e "presented as a message from c e r t a i n 'adepts' who propose a r a d i c a l change aiming at e f f e c t i n g universal moral renewal and perfection" (Tryphonopoulos 43). Zanoni. incidently, i s set within the context of s o c i a l reform at the time of the French Revolution. While the hopeful v i s i o n of a new European order based on equality and f r a t e r n i t y f a i l s as the r e a l i t y of 264 the Reign of Terror sets i n , p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l change remains the province of Zanoni's Rosicrucianism. Freemasonry was likewise established as a reform movement based on ancient wisdom (see Pevsner f o r a discussion of the role of Freemasonry i n revolutionary France). Masonic mythology, f o r example, was extremely i n f l u e n t i a l with the founding fathers of America, many of whom, George Washington included, were masons. Freemasonic iconography remains to th i s day on the monetary currency of the "new empire" founded i n America: the temple of I s i s and the motto "In God we Trust," a truncated form of the sixteenth century Masonic motto "In the Lord i s a l l our tr u s t " ("Freemasonry" 1911). Arbaces 1s dreams of planting a new empire across the sea i s actualized p o l i t i c a l l y and, i n a sense theosophically, through masonic influence i n America. Likewise, the Theosophical Society promoted f r a t e r n i t y , altruism and s o c i a l reform. Blavatsky e x p l i c i t l y states these aims i n her The Key to Theosophy (1889), a t r a c t written to d i s p e l derogatory conceptions surrounding her o c c u l t i s t organization. Her mandate was to "form a nucleus of a Universal Brotherhood of Humanity without d i s t i n c t i o n of race, colour, or creed" (39). There are, therefore, s i m i l a r i t i e s between the esoteric groups that flourished i n the nineteenth century, of which Bulwer-Lytton was, i f not a member, c e r t a i n l y knowledgable, and those that f l o u r i s h i n the novel i s t ' s version of c u l t - l i f e i n The Last Days of Pompeii. The d i s t i n c t i o n to be made between the 265 Rosicrucians, Freemasons, and Theosophists and Arbaces' "goetic" (black) magic i s that the d i r e c t i v e s of the former are based upon C h r i s t i a n i t y , or i n the case of Theosophy, a Chr i s t i a n moral code of universal f r a t e r n i t y . 266 Fig. 2 Fig. 3 267 Fig. 5 F i g . 7 270 F i g . 11 Fig. 13 F i g . 15 273 Fig. 16 Fig. 17 274 F i g . 18 Fig. 19 275 Fig. 20 Fig. 21 276 Fig. 22 Fig. 23 277 Fig. 25 278 Fi g . 26 

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