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A linguistic analysis of Gurma Beckett, Eleanor 1974

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A LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF GURMA by ELEANOR BECKETT B. A . , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1962 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of L i n g u i s t i c s We accept t h i s thes i s as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1974 I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r a n a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l m a k e i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e a n d s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s m a y b e g r a n t e d b y t h e H e a d o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r b y h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t b e a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . D e p a r t m e n t o f L i n g u i s t i c s T h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a V a n c o u v e r 8 , C a n a d a D a t e A p r i l 8 , 1 9 7 4 ABSTRACT This thes is presents a l i n g u i s t i c d e s c r i p t i o n of Gurma nouns and verbs based on the Fada N'Gurma d i a l e c t . The f i r s t chapter introduces the Gurmas to the reader and t e l l s about the f i r s t wr i t ings i n and about t h e i r language. Chapter two presents a phonetic and phonemic ana lys i s of the language. Chapter three defines the noun, presents the noun c la s se s , and shows how tonal patterns d i v i d e the noun c lasses in to sub-sets . I t shows the pronouns which are i n concord with the noun c lasses as w e l l as the sub-set of personal pronouns. I t then shows how tonal patterns change when nouns or pronouns are used i n negat ive , r e l a t i v e and pos-sess ive cons truct ions . Chapter four defines the verb and shows i t s i n f l e c t i o n s by means of tonal change, a d d i t i o n , d e l e t i o n , replacement and supple t ion . It then presents the verba l p a r t i c l e s and shows t h e i r use. In chapter f i v e a Gurma sentence i s analysed to shown nominal and v e r b a l morphemes i n an authent ic Gurma s e t t i n g . The thes is i s concluded with a b ib l iography and two appendixes, the f i r s t a b r i e f report on work being done i n the c u r r e n t l y popular f i e l d of ideophones, the second an account of references made to the Gurma language before the twentieth century. The two maps f o l l o w i n g , page i i , show the l o c a t i o n of Gurma i n r e l a t i o n to Greenberg's language fami l i e s of A f r i c a , and i n r e l a t i o n to Gurma's immediate language neighbours. i Greenberg's Language F a m i l i e s of A f r i c a |Af r o - A s i a t i c Hausa [Nilo-Saharian JNiger-Congo ===Gur Q Gurma c l u s t e r shown at r i g h t with neighbouring languages iKhoisan Indicat ing the Gurma c l u s t e r , i n r e l a t i o n to the language f a m i l i e s of A f r i c a . Songhai F u i a n i Moore 11° |M. Lufc. Dagbani Berba Bar iba Gurmd, and the other members of the Gurma c l u s t e r , Moba, Kase le , B a s a r i , Chamba, Migangam and Konkomba, and neighbouring languages. Map Showing the Locat ion of the Gurma Area i n A f r i c a TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements v i Chapter I. Introduction 1 The Gurma People 2 The Gurma Language 3 Early study of the Gurma language 5 More recent study of the Gurma language 7 Purpose of this study 13 II. Gurma Phonology 14 Description of Gurma vowels 17 Description of Gurma diphthongs 21 Description of Gurma consonants 26 The Gurma vowel phonemes 33 The Gurma consonant phonemes 38 Constraints on the occurrence of the phonemes , .45 The Gurma tone phonemes 51 III. The Morphology of Gurma nouns 53 Identification of Gurma nouns 53 The gender classes and their tonal subdivisions. 54 The noun sub-set, the pronouns 71 The possessive morpheme with tonal patterns . . 73 The relative morpheme with tonal patterns . . . 79 The negative morpheme with tonal patterns . . . .83 i i i IV. The Morphology of Gurma Verbs 87 I d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Gurma verbs 87 Marking of aspect i n Gurma verbs 87 Aspect marked by tonal change alone . . . . 92 Aspect marked by a d d i t i o n ± tona l change . . 95 Aspect marked by d e l e t i o n ± tona l change . . 99 Aspect marked by replacement ± tona l change 100 Aspect,marked by supple t ion ± tona l change . 102 Inchoat ive-Causat ive forms of Gurma verbs . . 103 Reversive forms of Gurma verbs 107 Future and imperative forms of Gurma verbs . . 108 Verba l p a r t i c l e s 113 V. Ana lys i s of T y p i c a l Gurma Sentence 117 Bib l iography . . . . . 123 Appendix 1, Gurma Ideophones 127 Appendix 2, E a r l y References to Gurma 135 i v Tables 1. Phonetic table of Gurma sounds . 1 5 2. Table of Gurma phonemes 32 3. Table of the Gurma noun c lass a f f i x and concurrent tona l pa t t ern system 67 4. Table of Gurma noun tonal patterns 69 5. Table of Gurma verb tonal patterns 113 6. Table of noun and verb tona l patterns discussed 116 v ACKNOWLEDGEMENT S In presenting this thesis the writer acknowledges her debt to Mrs. Jean Hume and other fellow missionaries, to the Reverend Andre Prost and his confreres, and especially to Monsieur Alhassane Lampo and other Gurma colleagues. None of these was the f i r s t to write Gurma, that was probably done by C. G. A. Oldendorp who recorded "numerals, thirteen nouns and one sentence" in Gurma in 1777. None of these made the f i r s t extensive Gurma word l i s t s , that was done by S. W. Koelle and included in his monumental Polyglotta Africana in 1854. But Mrs. Jean Hume f i r s t discovered Gurma's twenty noun classes and the basic principles of i t s grammar. The Reverend Monsieur Prost's great contribution to Gurma has been in editing with the Reverend Alphonse Chantoux, the comprehensive Grammaire gourmantche compiled by the Reverend Alexandre Gontier. The concern of Monsieur Alhassane Lampo, Bible translating col-league of the writer of many years, that the features of vowel length and labialization so common to Gurma be consistently indicated was partly responsible for Dr. W. E. Welmers' spending a few days at Fada N'Gurma. He was invited to come to help with the orthography problems. Having advised us on these he suggested that we find out how tone worked in Gurma. This thesis is largely the result of that research. When Lampo began whistling tones for the writer, even he had no idea of the tonal patterns of his own language. But his keen insights into his language (sharpened' no doubt by the fact that he speaks MoSre v i and Fulani fluently and can 'se debrouiller' in Haussa and Djerma), his willingness to share his knowledge, and his patience in the i n -evitable checking and rechecking of data have resulted in the present recording of some of Gurma's tonal patterns. Lampo's contribution to this, with that of several other Gurma colleagues has been invaluable. The writer wishes to record her gratitude to Dr. R. J. Gregg and to Dr. M. D. Kinkade for their gracious, patient, kindly encour-agement as they have directed her work. And she wishes especially to give thanks to God for bringing her to know the Gurma people and work in their language. v i i . . . ou6ev acpcuvov 1 Cor. 14: 10 v i i i Introduct ion Gurma i s a West A f r i c a n language. Professor John Bendor-Samuel says of i t with i t s neighbouring language Moore, "This sub-group com-pr i se s the core of the c e n t r a l group of the whole Gur family.""'" Delafosse suggests that the root gur may have been f i r s t brought from 2 A f r i c a by the Carthagin ian explorer Hannon at l ea s t f i v e hundred years before C h r i s t : "L'unique mot rapporte par l e carthagino is Hannon de son voyage a l a cote occ identa le d 'Afr ique ne nous est connu que par l ' i n c e r t a i n e t r a n s c r i p t i o n dont nous avons t i r e l e nom du " g o r i l l e " ; on en p o u r r a i t seulement rapprocher l a rac ine gor , k o r , ou gur, s i g n i f i a n t "homme" dans p l u s i e u r s langues a c t u e l l e s du bas Senegal ." "^ "John Bendor-Samuel, "Niger-Congo, G u r , " L i n g u i s t i c s i n Sub-Saharan  A f r i c a i n Current Trends i n L i n g u i s t i c s , 9 v o l s . , ed. Thomas A . Sebeok, (The Hague: Moutoh & C o . , 1963 - 1972), 7 (1971) : 144. Grand D i c t i o n n a i r e u n i v e r s e l du XIX s i ec l e ,1873 , s . v . Hannon. " . . . navigateur car thag ino i s qu i v i v a i t a une epoque i n c e r t a i n e . On possede de l u i un P e r i c l e ou r e l a t i o n d'un voyage sur l a cote 0. d ' A f r i q u e , q u ' i l executa l ' a n 1000 avant J . - C . suivant l e s uns, en 500 suivant d 'autres . Cet ouvrage, e c r i t or ig ina irement en langue punique, ne nous est connu que par une t raduc t ion grecque, qu i n 'es t peut -e tre qu'un e x t r a i t . aur ice Delafosse , "Langues du Soudan et de l a Guinee ," Les Langues du monde, ed. A . M e i l l e t et M. Cohen for Centre n a t i o n a l de l a recherche s c i e n t i f i q u e (Par i s : 1924; r e p r i n t e d . , Champion, 1952) 2:25. 2 The Gurma People Gurma i s spoken by approximately a quarter of a m i l l i o n people who c a l l themselves bigulimanceba. They are c a l l e d Gurmas by E n g l i s h speakers, and les gourmantches by the French. They l i v e i n the eastern area of the Upper V o l t a Republ i c , and i n the bordering areas of the Niger and Dahomey Republ ic s , and i n northern Togo and Ghana."*" They c la im t h e i r descent from a ch ie f who came from heaven on a charger with a maiden r i d i n g on the croup of h i s saddle . They point to a rocky " footpr int" near Pama, a Gurma town j u s t north of the Togo-2 Upper V o l t a border , as the place and proof of t h i s descent. T h e i r neighbours to the west, the Mdssis (language Moore), who are the p r e -dominant race i n Upper V o l t a and make up about three and a h a l f m i l l i o n of the t o t a l populat ion of f i v e m i l l i o n , c la im that a grandson of the founder of t h e i r empire e s tab l i shed himself as an independent ch ie f to the east of Mossi t e r r i t o r y and so founded the Gurma race . European; historians mention the Mbssi and Gurma empires from the 13th Century 3 onwards. Another t r a d i t i o n about Gurma o r i g i n s inves t iga ted by the De Lavergne de Tressan, "Inventaire l i n g u i s t i q u e de l ' A . 0. F . et du  Togo". Memoires de 1'I .nst itut f r a n c a i s d '_Afrique n o i r e (hereafter c i t e d as IFAN), no. 30 (Dakar, 1953) p . 78. Les Guides bleues , A f r i q u e occ identa le f ranca i s e : Togo, ( P a r i s : Hachette, 1958) p. 410. Robert Cornevin , H i s t o i r e de l ' A f r i q u e , (Par i s : Payot, 1962) 1 : 356 - 360. 3 Reverend A. Prost and P. Merc ier has the Gurmas r e l a t e d to the male l i n e of the chie fs of the Dagombas (language Dagbani, of the Gur family) i n northern Ghana, and the Mossis a lso r e l a t e d to these c h i e f s , but by the female l i n e . The Gurmas have never been s u c c e s s f u l l y invaded or conquered by another A f r i c a n people. From 1900 to 1960, when Upper V o l t a became a r e p u b l i c , they were under French r u l e , a part of A f r i q u e occ identa le f r a n g a i s e . They continue to have c lose t i e s wi th France . The Gurma Language Gurma has three d i a l e c t s , Fada, eastern and northern . The Fada d i a l e c t has been considered the pres t i ge d i a l e c t because Fada N'Gurma has been t r a d i t i o n a l l y the seat of the paramount ch ie f of the Gurmas and, more r e c e n t l y , up u n t i l the time of Independence, the French admin i s t ra t ive centre for the Gurmas. I t was for t h i s reason that the Sudan I n t e r i o r M i s s i o n chose the Fada d i a l e c t for S c r i p t u r e t r a n s -l a t i o n . The eastern d i f f e r s from the Fada d i a l e c t i n some of i t s noun c lass pre f ixes and concordant pronouns; e . g . , i t has a 'ku - gu' c l a s s , nominative pronoun 'ku' , accusat ive 'gu' , where Fada has an 'o/gu -gu' c l a s s , nominative pronoun 'o /gu' , accusat ive 'gu; i t has a 'ke -ga' c l a s s , nominative pronoun 'ke 1 , accusat ive 'ga' , where Fada has a A . P r o s t , "Notes sur l ' o r i g i n e des Mossis,,'" IFAN, 15, (1953), pp. 344 - 346. 2 P a u l M e r c i e r , IFAN, (1954), pp. 12 - 15. 4 'gi - g a l c l a s s , n o m i n a t i v e pronoun g i , a c c u s a t i v e ga , and so on. But no i m p o r t a n t s y n t a c t i c d i f f e r e n c e s between t h e s e d i a l e c t s have been o b s e r v e d and t h e r e a r e few l e x i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s . E a s t e r n r e a d e r s have l i t t l e t r o u b l e w i t h m a t e r i a l s w r i t t e n i n Fada d i a l e c t . The n o r t h e r n d i a l e c t d i f f e r s f r o m Fada d i a l e c t i n t h e same way as t h e e a s t e r n w i t h r e g a r d t o p r e f i x e s and c o n c o r d a n t pronouns. But where t h e s u f f i x e s i n t h e s e c l a s s e s a r e t h e same f o r Fada and e a s t e r n , t h e n o r t h e r n d i a l e c t has a '-g' o f t e n so i m p l o s i v e b e f o r e a f i n a l b a ck v o w e l ( e . g . , i n t h e 'ku - gu 1 c l a s s ) t h a t b o t h a r e sometimes a l m o s t i n a u d i b l e . A n o t h e r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t h e n o r t h e r n d i a l e c t i s t h e use o f i n i t i a l where Fada and e a s t e r n use i n i t i a l /ry-/, ( n o r t h e r n uses / - r j - / b e f o r e m e d i a l homorganic consonants, j u s t . as.Fada and e a s t e r n d o ) . The n o r t h e r n d i a l e c t c o n s i s t e n t l y u ses an ' - s i ' e n d i n g i n v e r b s where Fada and e a s t e r n have ' - d i ' . I n c o u n t i n g , t h e n o r t h e r n and t h e e a s t e r n d i a l e c t s p r e f i x 'n-' t o numbers above one where Fada more r e a d i l y uses 'bi-',(when c o u n t i n g a r t i c l e s a l l d i a l e c t s use t h e c o n c o r d a n t pronoun o f t h e noun c l a s s o f t h e a r t i c l e s i n v o l v e d ) . T h e r e a r e more l e x i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s between n o r t h e r n and F a d a t h a n between e a s t e r n and F a d a , b u t t h e o u t s t a n d i n g d i f f e r e n c e s a r e s y n t a c t i c . The n o r t h e r n d i a l e c t c o n s t r u c t s i t s r e l a t i v e c l a u s e s i n a d i f f e r e n t manner fr o m t h e o t h e r d i a l e c t s , and makes more use o f t h e noun p r e f i x as a d e t e r m i n a n t . Fada s p e a k e r s have g r e a t d i f f i c u l t y i n u n d e r s t a n d i n g n o r t h e r n e r s , b u t n o r t h e r n e r s l e a r n t o r e a d and h e a r t h e Fada d i a l e c t w i t h v e r y l i t t l e t r o u b l e . 5 E a r l y Study of the Gurma Language The pioneer study of Gur languages was made by J . G . C h r i s t a l l e r of the Basel Miss ionary Soc ie ty . He f i r s t mentions Gurma i n h i s Asante Grammar as "one of the languages spoken i n the neighbourhood o f . . . M o s i . . . a l arge country to the north of A s a n t e . . . " , and says he obtained the name Gurma from a former s lave i n 1858.^ In 1889 C h r i s t a l l e r pub-l i s h e d a study g i v i n g t h i r t y words i n each of seventy-two languages, 2 many of them Gur. He a t t r i b u t e s t h i s term, Gur, to h i s co l league , G. A. Krause, who wrote to him from Ouagadougou (the present c a p i t a l of Upper Vo l ta ) whi le on a t r i p north of Asante t e r r i t o r y i n what i s now northern Ghana and Upper V o l t a , the area where Gurma and r e l a t e d languages are spoken. Krause "suggested the use of the term Gur, 3 der ived from the names Gurma, Guruns i , e t c . , of frequent occurrence among speakers of these languages" as a c o l l e c t i v e name for them. ^"Johann G o t l i e b C h r i s t a l l e r , A Grammar of the Asante and Fante Languages  C a l l e d T s h i (Chwee, T w i ) , (Base l , 1875), p . XV. 2 Idem, "Sprachbrochen aus dem Sudan von 40 b i s 60 Sprachen und Mundarten h i n t e r der Gold-und Sklavenkiiste," Z e i t s c h r i f t fur A f r i k a n i s c h e Sprachen, ( B e r l i n , 1889/90), 3:133 - 154. 3 J . Bendor-Samuel i n "Niger-Congo, Gur", fur ther l i s t s these as Gurma, G.uren, Guresha, Guruns i , G u r i , L i g u r i , and Guruba. p. 141. 6 This term, Gur, i s now applied by English-speaking as well as German linguists to those related languages spoken in an area from about 8° north to 14° north of the Equator, and from about 7° west to 4° east of the Greenwich time line. Much of this area has been under French influence, and in 1911 the f i r s t French director of the International African Institute, IAI, Delafosse, published Les Eangues volta'iques  (boucle du Niger).^ Thus he introduced the name voltaique (or Voltaic), to refer to this group of languages spoken in an area which might also be loosely defined as the upper basin of the Volta river and i t s tributaries. French linguists generally use the term voltaique where English linguists use the term Gur i n referring to these peoples and languages. In 1927 Westermann classified the languages west'of Lake Chad 2 as West Sudanic (versus Central and Eastern Sudanic). He pointed out strong lexical resemblances to the Bantu languages whose dis-tinguishing characteristic, the noun class prefixes, i s analagous to the noun class affixes of many of these languages. \taurice Delafosse in Memoires de' l a Socie'te' de linguistique de Paris •16 (6): 386 - 395. 2 D. Westermann, "Die westlichen Sudansprachen und ihre Beziehungen zum Bantu," Mittheilungen des Seminars fur orientalische Sprachen, vol. 30, (Berlin, 1927). 7 More Recent Study of the Gurma Language In 1949 - 50 Professor Greenberg, using Westermann's evidence, inc luded Bantu with West Sudanic,"'" and c a l l e d a l l by a new name, the 2 Niger-Congo fami ly of languages. The Western or Niger branch of t h i s fami ly inc luded the members of Wgst Sudanic formerly pos tu lated by Westermann, i . e . , West A t l a n t i c , Mande, Gur (or V o l t a i c ) and Kwa, and a l so inc luded F u l a n i (or Peuhl) i n West A t l a n t i c . Th i s i s of i n -teres t to a study of Gurma because the F u l a n i language, that of the "ca t t l e people" bordering Gurma on the north and spoken by thousands of ^"Meinhoff and Delafosse had a lready suggested t h i s ; Delafosse , "Les langues du Soudan et de l a Guine'e," Les Eangues du monde, ( P a r i s , 1924) had s a i d : Thi s d i s t i n c t i o n between Bantu languages and Sudanic languages i s not abso lute . Both of them as far as i t i s pos s ib l e to g ive an op in ion on languages whose o r i g i n and h i s t o r i c a l develo-ment we do not know, seem to belong to a s i n g l e l i n g u i s t i c fami ly . By the most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c po ints of t h e i r morphology and t h e i r syntax, by the t o t a l i t y of the phonetic laws which govern them, by the formative elements of t h e i r vocabulary they show such a f f i n i t i e s that i t appears d i f f i c u l t to d i s s o c i a t e them. Trans la ted and quoted by D. Westermann i n " A f r i c a n L i n g u i s t i c C l a s s i f i -c a t i o n , " A f r i c a , (1952), 22 : 252. 2 Joseph H. Greenberg, "Studies i n A f r i c a n L i n g u i s t i c C l a s s i f i c a t i o n , " Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, V and V I , (1949 - 50), l a t e r publ ished by Compass P u b l i s h i n g Company, (New Haven, 1955). 8 Fulani li v i n g throughout Gurma territory, had previously been classi-;ffite(d as Hamitic (and thus in a family unrelated to Gurma) by Meinhoff."'" Westermann had included Fulani in the Gur family but he had termed i t "isolated". 2 In 1963 Professor Greenberg published The Languages of Africa. In this work, emphasizing cognate vocabulary, he attempts to show that a l l indigenous languages of Africa may be assigned to one of four lang-uage families. These are: Niger-Kordofanian, Afroasiatic, N.ilo-Saharan 3 and Khoisan . This latest proposed grouping is also of great interest ^ Meinhoff, Sprachen der Hamiten, (Hamburg, 1912). 2 Joseph H. Greenberg. The Languages of Africa, (The Hague: Mouton and Co. for Indiana University, 1963). 3 Professor M. Guthrie, reviewing Languages of Africa for the Journal of African History, 11: 1962, pp. 135-136, strongly opposed Greenberg's classifying of Bantu with the West Sudanic languages, i.e., Gur, Kwa, etc., on the grounds that his criterion of common vocabulary is insufficient to establish the existence of genetic relationship, that "the regular phonologic development from a common origin must be shown" (quoting Greenberg himself), and that Greenberg makes no attempt to do this. D. Westermann discusses the same points more sympathetically in his review of Greenberg's earlier work' "Studies in African Linguistic Classification", in Africa 22, (1952), pp. 250-256. See also David Dalby, "Reflections on the Classification of African Languages," African  Language Studies, no. XI. (1971). 9 to a study of Gurma because, i f i t is valid, the Gurma language has on her immediate borders languages representing three of the four families of African languages; only the fourth, Khoisan, not being in any close contact with Gurma speakers. The languages which border on Gurma, starting from the west and moving clock-wise, are: 1 Moore, spoken by the Mossis (west), classified by Greenberg as Niger-Kordofanian. 2 Fulani, (north-west), Niger-Kordofanian. 3 Songhai and i t s trade language Djerma (north and North east), Nilo-Saharan. 4 Hausa, which is north-east and east of Djerma but so i n f i l t r a t e s the territory as to be almost a neighbour to Gurma, Afroasiatic. 5 Bargu or Bariba (east and south east), Niger-Kordofanian. 6 Berba, Migangam, Moba and Kusal (south), Niger-Kordofanian. Greenberg divides the Niger branch of Niger-Kordofanian into six sub-branches; these are, west to east, West Atlantic, Mande, Gur, Kwa, Benue-Congo, and Adamawa-Eastern. Of the languages lis t e d above as bordering on Gurma and belonging with i t to the Niger-Kordofanian family, Fulani belongs to the West Atlantic sub-branch; the rest, Moore, Bargu, Berba, Migangam, Moba, Kusal and Gurma i t s e l f belong to the Gur sub-branch. Professor Bendor-Samuel suggests the following main groupings within the Gur sub-branch (Gurma being in the f i r s t grouping) :"*" "*"J. Bendor-Samuel in "Niger-Congo, Gur" pp. 143-145. 10 1 Central Gur 6 Kirma-Tyurama 2 Bargu- (or Bariba) 7 Win 3 Lobiri 8 Senufo 4 Bwamu 9 Seme 5 Kulango 10 Dogon He further sugggstes dividing Central Gur into: 1.1 Moore*"- Gurma, 1.2 Tamari, 1.3 Grusi. Of Moore - Gurma he says, "This sub-group comprises the core of the central group of the whole Gur family. Within the sub-group four main division, Western, Central, North-eastern, Eastern and three further subdivisions are clearly established." He l i s t s the members of the eastern group as: "Bimoba 2 Basari-Kasele - Chamba (Tobote) Konkomba Gangam (Dye) Gurma" The Reverend Gustave Alexandre considers this long nasalized /o/,'- oo-,'a "nasale propre au mo"re (sic)" and distinguishes i t from "les nasales francaises". La Langue more, Memoires, (IFAN, 1953), 34:15. 2 Perhaps Oldendrop's Kassente, see appendix 2, pp. 13353.,, 11 Westermann included Berba, Gurma's most easterly neighbour to the south, with this eastern group^ Bendor-Samuel considers i t un-certain whether Berba should be classed as Eastern or Northeastern. He classes Kusal, Gurma's westerly southern neighbour, as Central (north-central), thus recognizing i t s a f f i n i t y with Dagbana (mentioned above, p. 3). In 1929 the Sudan Interior Mission (S. I. M.) sent the Reverend Douglas Hume and Mrs. Hume to Fada N'Gurma. They had previously worked under a Brethren Mission among the Bantus. They found the Gurmas totally unlettered, and worked out the alphabet which, with slight mod-ifications, is s t i l l used. They set to work to translate the New Test-ament into Gurma and to provide reading and writing-learning materials for Gurmas. When they retired in the 1940's they l e f t a Gurma grammar and dictionary (unpublished) and the manuscript of a translation of Matthew through 1 Corinthians. The Mission Press in Jos, Nigeria, printed their Gospel of John in 1948. Early in the 1950's the Bible Society printed their Mark, then Matthew through 1 Corinthians. The rest of the New Testament was being translated, and in 1958 the Bible 2 Society published a l l of i t . About two thirds of the Old Testament i s now translated and circulated in mimeographed form in preparation for printing by the Bible Society. The Society wishes to print and bind this with a new translation of the New Testament as soon as possible. ^Diedrich Westermann and M.A. Bryan, The Languages of West Africa, (London: Oxford University Press, 1952, reprint ed. London Dawsons, 1970), pg. 68 2 Tidiedo Jesu K i l i s i t i TiCandaano yanantaadi-paano (Le Ftouveau Testament en langue gourmantche' (Gourma) , (La Socie'te Biblique, Paris, 1958). 12 The Roman Catholic Mission was established in Fada N' Gurma in 1931. To date only the two Missions have interested themselves in linguistic work in Gurma. In 1951 the Reverend M. Chazal's French-Gurma dictionary was mimeographed by IFAN. In 1954 another priest, the Reverend Alphonse Chantoux, completed a Gurma grammar, a Gurma dictionary, and a collection of f i f t y Gurma tales. These seem to be partly in northern dialect and partly in Fada dialect (e.g., both ng_ and _h are used for /rj/) . This material was also mimeographed by IFAN. The Reverend Alexandre Gontier collected linguistic materials in the Kantcheri 1 dialect (which seems to be a mixture of northern and eastern) which were edited by Chantoux and Prost who has contributed so much to the knowledge of Gur languages. (Prost has published grammars of Moba, Migangam, Tamari, Lamba, Naudem . and Degara, and many articles on these and other languages). This study, entitled Grammaire gourmantche, was published by IFAN in 1968.2 In 1972 the Reverend P. Bonny completed a translation of the New Testament in the northern dialect. This was privately published in a beautiful volume, unfortunately too costly for general use. The Roman Catholic Mission has used the S. I. M. translation of Scriptures to date. Bonny i s now engaged in adapting his northern dialect New Testament to Fada dialect. *" Kantcheri is a Gurma town in the eastern Gurma area. Chantoux, A., Gontier, A. and Prost, A., Grammaire gourmantche. Initiations et etudes africaines no. XXIII. Dalsar: IFAN (1968). 13 Purpose of t h i s study. One can only f e e l great respec t , admiration and grat i tude for the work of a l l those who have w r i t t e n about the Gurma language. The purpose of t h i s study i s to descr ibe s c i e n t i f i c a l l y the phonology and morphology of Gurma g i v i n g needed emphasis to the aspects of vowel length and degrees of l a b i a l i z a t i o n , and the importance of tone. 14 Gurma Phonology Symbolizat ion As far as pos s ib l e the symbols of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Phonetic Alphabet have been used. See the fo l lowing t a b l e , page 15. Stress i s i n d i c a t e d by [ 1 ] before the s tressed s y l l a b l e . Tone i s i n d i c a t e d as fo l lows: very h igh ["], High [ ' ] , mid [~], low i\J, very low [*] , a r i s i n g g l i d e [y'], a f a l l i n g g l i d e [^] . The symbol [y] i s used f o r the yod which leaves the symbol [ j ] free for the vo iced p a l a t a l stop"*" matching the symbol [ c ] which i s used for the v o i c e l e s s p a l a t a l s top. The f lap [ d ] i s w r i t t e n [ d ] ; 2 and the implosive [g ] i s w r i t t e n [g ] . L igatures show the synchronic a r t i c u l a t i o n of the l a b i o - v e l a r stops: [Kb] , [ g b ] , [ r j m ] . Where the vowel [ i ] i s fol lowed by [ a ] or [ e ] t h i s i s to be understood as the on-g l ide of a r i s i n g diphthong, [ i V ] ; [ i ] here implying a l so 3 p a l a t a l i z a t i o n of the preceding consonant. S i m i l a r l y when the vowels [o ] and [u ] are fol lowed b y [ e ] , ['t>], or [ o ] , these combinations too are to be understood as r i s i n g diphthongs [ov] , and [uV] , the [c>] implying l a b i a l i z a t i o n i n a l e s s e r and the [u] i n a greater degree.^ 'See Peter Ladefoged, A Phonetic Study of West A f r i c a n Languages, (Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1964), p . xv. The A f r i c a n I n s t i t u t e recommends w r i t i n g the implosive [g ] as [ 'g ] , but preceding [ 1 ] i s here kept for s tress as the I . P . A . recommends, i . e . [ i a ] , [ i a ] , [ oe ] , [on ] , [un ] a [ uo ]__. o hd . > W o t-1 2! LOSE * i i o O S3 f w O f CO CO M CO r1 > RI < S H < RI OWE H 1 M OIC CAT M H CO LESS VE > CO CO H < < o o O H H CO n n M U f M CO CO o o a CO o 21 CO S H TO 3 03 O B a cr c— o cf 3 c— O plain w palatalized H o-labialized > u-labialized H H P3 cf I D ff O CD r t H " n H 93 C f M n> o i-h O C CO o 3 C u CO CO o 3 3 a CO 03 l-f n> 3 P3 CO 93 M H -N (T> C u H i O O ft) a. o l-i fD o CD a. fD ci-cf 3 03 CO 03 o 2! H H i H i c-H i O H i c CO CO O s 3 3 e-3 o 3 -3= «3 <3 i3 C u C u C u O C u 3 . C u O L-l. C o rt 3 O o c— o o n c plain palatalized o-labialized u-labialized plain palatalized o-labialized u-labialized plain palatalized o-labialized u-labialized t-1 > w H O o M H < m o t-1 > * 3 O C J OQ CW O 09 3 09-o 3 plain o-labialized M u-labialized s> Cd > c3x <-3) plain palatalized r1 > cd H O < IS r1 ST ff plain r1 o 16 Description of Gurma Vowels, (see the l i s t of Gurma vowels, page 17.) No. 1 [ i ] i s a short, tense, close, front vowel with some l i p spreading. It is less tense and less close and has less l i p spread-ing than the French vowel in sjL; i t is more like the English vowel in sea, but is not diphthongized. It occurs in such words as: 1. £*ta;mf (the horses) 2. i sSni (the paths) and in such forms as: 1. o^ntdi (he has washed his hands) 2. o'cogi (he is reading) The lengthened version of this vowel, |i']'» i s n o t diphthongized either. It occurs in such words as: 1. V tisdx (the trees) 2. 6'ciino (the cross cousin) and in such forms as: 1. o f i s d i (he has l i f t e d the edge) * 1 x . * 2. c p i s d i (he has whined about i t ) No. 2 0 i'] is a short, lax, close, front vowel, the tongue being somewhat lowered and retracted f rom the position for [IiJ|; the lips are less spread. This vowel sounds occurs in words l i k e : 1. gL^bVg^ (the child) 2. ma'ifeb§ni"iT; (the blood) and in such forms as: 1. otpc£daii (hehas swept) 2. o lli/bi* L (he has set i t down upside down) 17 Complete l i s t of Gurma vowel sounds. 1. [ i / i " ] 2. [ i ] 3. [e / e" ] 4. [e / e' ] 5. [ a . / a* ] 6. CB / n" ] 7. [ a ] 8. [o / o * ] 9. [u / u" ] Diphthongs 10. No. 1 + No. 5 U a ] 11. No. 1 + No. 3 [ i e ] 12. No. 8 + No. 6 [on] 13. No. 8 + No. 4 Coe] 14. No. 9 + No. 6 [ U D ] 15. No. 9 + No. 8 [uo] 16. No. 5 + No. 1 [ a i ] 18 No. 3 [,e^  is a short, tense, half-close, front vowel with some l i p spreading, but less tense and less close than the French vowel in tetel't It would resemble the English vowel in sate i f the latter were not diphthongized. It occurs in words l i k e : 1. o'cjebu (the soap) 2. g;6iyi'£g§ (the calabash) and in such forms as: 1. o tieg i (he is just) 2. o'piebi (he has sounded a note -on a flute) No. 4 I e'] is a short, lax, half-open, front vowel; i t resembles the English vowel in l e t . It occurs in such words as: 1. i we (the snakes) 2. i'pe (the sheep) and in such forms as: 1. o'pendi (he has gone by) 2. o'gbeQgi (he i s fat) The lengthened version of this vowel, Ee° i l~ , occurs infrequently: s. 1. be i (what? - said in scorn, disbelief, surprise) 2. o'ke* i d i (he has remonstrated - clucked as does a gecko) No. 5 [,a-3 is a short, lax, open front vowel. It occurs in such words as: 1. a'pala (the granaries) 2. l i ' p a l i (the granary) 19 and i n such forms as: 1 . 6 ' b a n d i (he has learned) 2. b ' c a d i (he has washed) The lengthened v e r s i o n of t h i s vowel, [ a* ] , occurs without d iphthongizat ion i n such words as: 1. o'ta'mo (the horse) 2. o ' t a ' m o (the monkey) and i n such forms as":' 1 . 6 ' f a n i (he i s washing h i s face) 2. b ' g a ' l i (he i s b l e s s i n g them) No. 6[x)-.] i s a s h o r t , open, back, genera l ly s l i g h t l y rounded * r vowel. It occurs i n such words as: r . 1. o'jonmo (the b l i n d man) 2. l i ' p o n l i (the red hot metal) and i n such forms as: 1. l i ' d ^ g i d i ( i t ' s s u f f i c i e n t ) 2. l l ' foTbg i ( i t ' s a long way) The lengthened v e r s i o n of t h i s vowel, occurs i n such words as: 1. t i ' w o ' d l (the c o l d , the co ld season) 2. mi'wn'l ima (the i n d i s c r e t i o n ) and i n such forms as: 1. b ' w c ' l i (he has rubbed gent ly) 2. l l ' w n ' d i ( i t has d r i e d up) No 7 [ o ] , always shor t , i s a mid c e n t r a l vowel of l i m i t e d occurrence, i t i s heard i n such forms as: 1. 6 ' y e ka (he says that) .5 . pa'dap (bang) I x (see App. I , pg. 129) 2. ban'CUD ( l e t them come) 3. gi'biga (the c h i l d ) 4. mitama (the s o i l ) 20 No. 8 lo'] i s a short , tense, h a l f - c l o s e , back vowel with medium l i p - r o u n d i n g . I t occurs i n such words as: 1. o s ,tafmo (the horse) 2. mi''yoma (the f l o u r ) and i n such forms as: 1. o 'f6 (he i s a l i v e ) 2. 6 'bodi (he i s l o s t ) The lengthened vers ion of t h i s vowel, {To /K], i s very r a r e , occurr ing i n the word: l:i.'b<5*'li (conversation) and as a phenomenon i n morphophonemic forms, e . g . , b'cuos mub (he has se ized i t and i s screaming). No. 9 [,u!0 i s a short , tense, c l o s e , back vowel with l i p rounding, but not so tense nor with such p o s i t i v e l i p rounding as the French vowel i n :bout,,'. I t occurs i n words l i k e : 1. o''bulo (the f e t i sh ) 2. t : i 'kudi (the i ron) and i n forms l i k e : 1. l i ( l t u (:(he's bet ter ) ha ^ • better; 2. o^'gudi (he has plucked out the feathers) The lengthened v e r s i o n of t h i s vowel, [u;'] occurs i n words such as: 1. i"mus l i (the r i c e ) 2. o^gusdu (the spine) and i n forms l i k e : 1. b'mu:di (he i s lancing) 2. 1;L. ku^gi ( i t i s cool) 21 D e s c r i p t i o n of Gurma diphthongs. No. 10 f i e ] i s a r i s i n g diphthong s t a r t i n g from the c lose front p o s i t i o n for [ i ] and moving to the more open front vowel EeP]. I t occurs i n words such as: 1. o 'y ienu (the sun) 2. o^piemu (the arrow) and i n such forms as: 1. d^'diedi (he. has become master) 2. o f i e l i (he has come to an agreement with) No. 11 [-ia/] i s a r i s i n g diphthong s t a r t i n g from the c lose front p o s i t i o n for E ±3 and moving to the very open f ront vowel Ea'3. I t occurs i n such words as: 1. l l . ' m i a l i (the nose) 2. o 'biagu (the boat) and i n such forms as: 1. o ' c i l n i (he has accompanied) 2. d''niani (he has promised) No. 12 [otio] i s a r i s i n g diphthong which has s tar ted from the h a l f c lose back p o s i t i o n for [jo!;] and moved over to the more open [D,],I I t occurs i n such words as: 1. o'boxigu (the arm) 2. o^cgiDbu (the threading device for ty ing mats with shredded b a r k ) . 22 and i n such forms as: 1. o'coc'di (he has counted) 2. I : l ' f 6 i g i ( i t s f a r away) No. 13 EoeJ] i s a r i s i n g diphthong which a l s o s t a r t s from the h a l f c l o s e back p o s i t i o n f o r Eo.v] and moves to the half-open f r o n t p o s i t i o n [ ' £ ] . I t occurs r a r e l y , as f o l l o w s : 1. l i ' b o e l i (the chat) 2. bi ' b o e (they " i - - C h a t ) .'3. i 'koe (the bush cows) 4. l'moe (the weeping) 5 . i^yoe (the iguanas) 6. i|bpDdi lge (the earthworm) No. 14[ iUI1D] i s a r i s i n g diphthong which s t a r t s from the c l o s e back p o s i t i o n f o r [u,0 w i t h n o t i c e a b l y more l i p - r o u n d i n g than f o r the diphthong [p^or], and moves to the open back vowel Iv"}. I t occurs as f o l l o w s : 1. l i ' f u D l i (the woods) 2. l i ' p u D l i (the l i v e r ) No. 15 Euo,"]is a r i s i n g diphthong which a l s o s t a r t s from the c l o s e back p o s i t i o n f o r [,u.*] w i t h maximum l i p - r o u n d i n g and moves only as far as the rounded h a l f - c l o s e back vowel |o']. I t occurs i n : 1. oduolo (the pig) 2. l t b u o l i (the shallow depression) and i n such forms as: 1. l i ' k u o d i ( i t i s dry) 2. o'fuo (he's breathing) No. 16 [-ai;] i s a f a l l i n g diphthong which s t a r t s from the unrounded open f r o n t p o s i t i o n f o r [a] and moves to the p o s i t i o n f o r [ i ] w i t h con-s i d e r a b l e tensing and l i p spreading. I t occurs only i n the c l a s s of words known as ideophones i n such 'adwordaas caitj (completely). ca i (completely) ralp.Tt ('-'sry: - xvil'H whir.'.-", 23 The e f f ec t of the diphthongs The two diphthongs, [ ie] and [ia] a f f ec t preceding consonants so that they are p a l a t a l i z e d . The f i r s t , [ i e ] , i s somewhat r e s t r i c t e d , not occurr ing a f t e r ['k], [g] , [h] , [w] or any n a s a l , [m] , [n] , [p] , [rj], or I t occurs media l ly and f i n a l l y a f ter a l l other consonants. 6 1 pie she i s winnowing ( i . e . , by shaking hard up and down) 6 1 b i e he i s be lch ing o 1 t i e he i s doing die he i s master 6 1 c ie he i s superior 6 1 he i s a f r a i d 6 1 kpie he i s w h i t t l i n g 6 1 gbie i t , i . e . , the large pot , i s f u l l 6 •' f i e he has taken by force 6 1 s i e he has dyed d '•' l i e he has moved over 6 ' y i e he has refused The second diphthong causing p a l a t a l i z a t i o n , [ i a ] , occurs media l ly i n a l l y a f t e r - a l l consonants except [g] , [k ] , [h] and [w]. o 1 p i a i t , i s , the road , i s wide 0 1 b i a he i s e v i l * 1 o t i a he's c o g i t a t i n g \ 1 o d i a he has set a trap \ 1 o c i a he has escaped o ' he has cut in to l i t t l e pieces o 1 Kpia he came i n f i r s t 24 o o gbl.amu mia n i a jdfadi,: r j i a b i yffmia f i a s i a l i a y i a the cane, walking s t i c k he has requested he has disputed he has grazed i t i t , i . e . , the toga, i s too t i g h t he has wrung i t he i s f l a t / s u n k e n nosed ( i . e . , through l e p r o s y or accident) he has burned i t he has p l a s t e r e d i t he's i l l The diphthongs [oe], [on], [uo], and [uo] a f f e c t preceding consonants so that they are l a b i a l i z e d , s l i g h t l y by [oe] and [op] , s t r o n g l y by [up] and [uo]. No. 13 [oe] occurs, as shown above, i n one instance m e d i a l l y , a f t e r [ b ] , and f i n a l l y a f t e r , [b] , [k] , [m], [1] and [y],, (see pg. 22). The diphthongs [era] and [up] occur i n o p p o s i t i o n a f t e r a l l the con-sonants except the double stops, [Kp], [gb] and [ i p i ] , and [h] and [w]. Most oppositions are minimal. b ' pojbdi^ (she has hatched) b 1 bob ( i t i s s c r a t c h i n g ) o tQDdi (he has taken down) b ' dojol^i (he has t i e d to tow) O CODdl > I . / I -o jor»ni (he has counted) ( he has snagged and i s suspended on) b 1 puodi (she has traversed) b ' bui) (he has l i k e d ) b * tarodi (he has removed rthe f i b e r s , i . e . , from beans) b ' duolJL (he has towed) b 'cu©di (he has courted) b ' j u a n i ( i t , i . e . , the town, i s f a r away) koo. ( i t , i . e . , t h e bra n c h , b'kuo (he has e n t e r e d ) i s b r e a k i n g ) g o S n i (he has be n t , i . e . , metal) b ' g u c n i (he has r e t u r n e d ) mop (he has wrestled) b'mup^  (he has sucked on i t ) b'noBdi (he has drawn from, i.e, b'nupdi (it has pleased) a knife from i t s sheath) mi'poc ( i t , i.e., the water i s deep) mi'puD ( i t has gone down) O p s d x (he has stopped following) b ' r j u o d i (he has followed) fongi (he i s t a l l ) b 'fungi (he i s syphoning) o 'socdi (he has shuffled off) b 'suo'di (it has a rich succulent taste) o'longu (the investment) 6'luragu (the deep waterhole) o'yos (she is about to) b 'yur> (she has baby sat) The diphthong [uo]^ occurs after a l l consonants except [h] , the nasals, and the double stops, and causes labialization of the preceding consonant. It occurs after every consonant in opposition to [o] as follows: b'podi (he has grown old) b'puodi ( i t , i e . » the sickness has spread) b'bodi (it i s stunted) b'bubdi ( i t has burned up) l i ' t & l i ( it has helped) li't u o d i (it has echoed) b^dobi (he has hopped across) b'dubbi (he has stood on tip toe) li'condi (it has rained gently) li^cuoni ( i t has caught fire) b ^jogi (he has pecked at) o ^ jubgi (he has made plans) b'kbdi (he has cut the throat) b'kuo'di (he has dried) 'These oppositions do not occur in a neighbouring Gurma cluster language Konkomba. See Mary Steele and Gretchen Wood, The Phonology of Ifetomba. (The Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, 1966), p. 8. 26 l x g o l i (the hump) 6 \fb (he's a l i v e ) b 'sondi (he has sharpened) b ' lbd i (he has untied) b \aodl (he has gathered wi th h i s hands) b 'ybdx (he has crumbled) l iguo l i '" ( fu l lness to s a t i e t y ) 6 'fub (he has breathed) b ^suondx (he i s s i l e n c i n g ) b h_uodi ( i t has moulted) b ktfuodi (he has revealed) b ' y y ° d x (he has melted - the i c e , s a l t , not fa t ) D e s c r i p t i o n of Gurma Consonants No. 1 [p ] i s a b i - l a b i a l , v o i c e l e s s , s l i g h t l y asp ira ted stop oc-c u r r i n g i n i t i a l l y , media l ly or f i n a l l y i n such words as: 'pedx (chop i t ) l i ' p a p a l i (the carp) I f occurr ing f i n a l i t i s unexploded and very emphatic: p a 1 dap (bang , wham) No. 2 [b ] i s a b i - l a b i a l , vo iced stop occurr ing i n i t i a l l y or media l ly i n such words as: 'budi (dig) o'bado (the chie f ) No. 3 [ t ] i s an a l v e o l a r , v o i c e l e s s , s l i g h t l y a sp ira ted stop occurr ing i n i t i a l l y or media l ly i n such words as: ' ta (take i t ) 6*'txbu (the tree) No. 4 [d ] i s an a l v e o l a r , vo iced stop occurr ing i n i t i a l l y or media l ly i n such words as: da (buy i t ) odogu (the town) data incomplete 27 No. 5 [d ] i s a vo iced a p i c o - a l v e o l a r f l a p occurr ing media l ly only i n such words as: 1 t a d i g i (to be weak) g i ' b a d i g a (a l i z a r d ) No 6 [ c ] i s a v o i c e l e s s , p a l a t a l , s l i g h t l y asp irated s top , made by humping the tongue so that the middle part i s i n contact with the hard p a l a t e . A front vowel draws i t towards [ t / ] and a back vowel towards [ky] , but i t i s not e i ther of these. I t occurs i n i t i a l l y or media l ly i n such words as: ^ ca (choose) o 1 c o l o (the fox) No. 7 [ j ] i s the vo iced counterpart of [ c ] a l so inf luenced i n the same way by fo l lowing vowels, although i t i s ne i ther [dz,] nor [ g y ] . I t i s a vo iced p a l a t a l stop occurr ing i n i t i a l l y or media l ly i n such words as: j a (cut i t ) r gi ' janjarjga (the bat) No. 8 [ k ] i s a v o i c e l e s s , v e l a r , s l i g h t l y asp irated stop occurr ing i n i t i a l l y or media l ly i n such words as: ' k a l i ( s i t down) l i ' k u . ' l i (the hoe) No. 9 [g ] i s a v o i c e d , v e l a r stop occurr ing i n i t i a l l y or media l ly i n such words as: ga A (take i t — i . e . , from someone's hand) o'gu'do (the watchman) 28 No. 10 [ g ] i s a v o i c e d , v e l a r i m p l o s i v e \ made by lowering the la r y n x and drawing i n the breath — w i t h no audible s u c t i o n — before the stop i s relea s e d . . G e n e r a l l y speaking i t occurs m e d i a l l y only i n such words as: mi'sagima (the i t c h i n e s s ) 'boagfdi (to d i v i d e ) t i ' p a g i d i (the p r a i s e ) Some speakers have been known to use [ g ] i n i n t i a l p o s i t i o n before an unstressed vowel, e.g., g i ' b i g e but no instance of [ g j i a n d [ g ] i n op p o s i t i o n has been recorded. 2 No. 11 [Kp.] i s a v o i c e l e s s , v e l a r - l a b i a l stop w i t h no a s p i r a t i o n . The back of the tongue against the s o f t p a l a t e makes a v e l a r c l o s u r e as the g l o t t i s r i s e s s l i g h t l y and the l i p s are c l o s e d , then both stops are r e l e a s e d together. This sound occurs i n i t i a l l y and m e d i a l l y i n such words as: Kpa' (to herd) olcpelo (the e l d e r ) But see Ladefoged, A Phonetic Study, 1964, p. 6. "In the West A f r i c a n languages i n which g l o t t a l i c i n g r e s s i v e sounds were recorded,.... (they) were 'SsMomcingr-essive i n the sense that on the re l e a s e of the a r t i c u l a t o r y c l o s u r e , a i r flowed" i n t o the mouth... .Few people would c a l l , such a sound i m p l o s i v e . " 2 The term ' v e l a r - l a b i a l ' i s used here r a t h e r than the accepted term ' l a b i o -v e l a r ' because a) a preceding n a s a l whether s y l l a b i c or n o n - s y l l a b i c i s always the homorganic v e l a r n a s a l and b) [kp] i s confused (by outlanders) w i t h [ p ] but never w i t h the [ k ] ; s i m i l a r l y [ gb ] and [f$a~\ may be confused w i t h [ b ] and [m] but never w i t h [ g ] and [ n ] . 29 No. 12 [gb] i s the voiced counterpart of [Kp]. While no noise of suction has been observed, some speakers when pronouncing [gb] can be seen to draw in air, i.e. [g"b <* gls], but this variation never occurs in opposition with [gb]]. This sound occurs i n i t i a l l y and medially in such words as: 'fbi'di (dig) ogba'do (the leper) No. 13 [m] i s a voiced b i - l a b i a l nasal occurring i n i t i a l l y , medially and fi n a l l y in such words as: ^mf'di (break i t - i.e. the taboo) omado (the new mother) bimm (very, used with to be dark) Nd. 14 [tj] see at No. 21. No. 15 [nj] i s a voiced, labio-dental nasal occurring in such forms as: m'fa (I thank you) m wDrlo,-.. ( my younger) No. 16 [n] i s a voiced, alveolar nasal occurring i n i t i a l l y , -medially and f i n a l l y in such words as: 'nidi (to wash the hands) o^nanlo (the guinea worm) 'ban (that they) No. 17 [n] see at No. 21. No. 18 [p] i s a voiced, palatal nasal, the middle part of the tongue, rather then the tip as for [n] , or the back as for [rj]being in contact with the hard palate. It occurs i n i t i a l l y and medially in such words as: 'pani (leave) o'pi,ano (the porcupine) 30 No. 19 [n] see at 21. No. 20 [ r) ] i s a voiced, v e l a r nasal, the back of the tongue being i n contact with the s o f t palate. I t occurs i n i t i a l l y , medially and f i n a l l y as follows: rja (leave i t alone) 11 ' rjani ( i t i s good) cairf (completely) Nos. 14 [m], 17 [D], 19 [p] and 21 [ rj ]are s y l l a b i c nasals determined by the following consonant which i s always preceded by a homorganic nasal. These nasals have t h e i r own tone and may occur utterance i n i t i a l . They may be preceded by a vowel as follows: teno n ' l i g i (hand him my money) No. 22 [pin] i s a voiced, v e l a r - l a b i a l nasal made by c l o s i n g the l i p s simultaneously with making a v e l a r closure and r a i s i n g the g l o t t i s . The release of both stops i s c o - a r t i c u l a t e d . This sound i s found i n i t i a l l y and medially i n such words as: rjme' (who?) OQma'mo (the monkey) No. 23 [ f ] i s a v o i c e l e s s , labio-dental f r i c a t i v e , occurring i n i t i a l l y and medially i n such words as: f a (to wash the face) o'fid u (the strength) No. 24 [ s ] i s a v o i c e l e s s , alveolar f r i c a t i v e , occurring i n i t i a l l y , medially and f i n a l l y i n such words as: 31 ' sedi (to stop) fas (completely) cf'sanu (the path) No. 25 [1] i s a v o i c e d , a l v e o l a r l a t e r a l , always with "clear" resonance occurr ing i n i t i a l l y and media l ly i n such words as: ' l a n d i (to take o f f overhead) 6 ' l i 'bo (the hippopotamus) No. 26 [w] i s a voiced l a b i o - v e l a r b i - l a b i a l semi-vowel occurr ing i n i t i a l l y and media l ly i n such words as: 'wadi (to make i t l e ss ) iwe (the snakes) No. 27 [ y ] i s a v o i c e d , p a l a t a l semi-vowel o c c u r r i n g i n i t i a l l y and media l ly i n such words as: ' y a d i (to sca t ter ) )l r -oyianu (the i l l n e s s ) No. 28 [h ] i s a v o i c e l e s s , l a r y n g a l f r i c a t i v e o c c u r r i n g i n Fada d i a l e c t only i n i t i a l l y i n a few borrowed Hausa words such as: ' h a l f ( u n t i l / e v e n to) halabada (never) As the oath K a l , o 1 tj,enu (even to God) i s commonly used to a f f i r m the t r u t h of any statement, from the most t r i v i a l to the most profound, [h] occurs f requent ly . No. 29[2] i s the g l o t t a l stop occurr ing media l ly i n such words as: olcpa2ku (the box) (he was t i d y i n g up) 32 Table 2: Table of Gurma Phonemes CONSONANTS BILABIAL' LABIODENTAL ALVEOLAR PALATAL VELAR LABIOVELAR LARYNGAL Voiceless stops Voiced stops c k kp j g gb Nasals m n p . 0 fjm Voiceless c i l „ . . f s h Fricatives Lateral 1 Semi-Vowels w Vowels front central back 0 1 i u Close Half- e o close Open a Phonemic tones are very high /"/, high /'/, mid /-/, low / V and rising glide, /•*'/. Stress occurs on the base syllable of nouns and on the f i r s t syllable of verbs. Length is phonemic for each vowel and is indicated by writing the vowel twice. "^ The occurrence of this marginal phoneme is discussed on page 41, The Gurma Vowel Phonemes The phoneme / 1 / has two variants: [ i ] ana [ i ] . - i I The short variants [ i ] and [ i ] never occur in contrast, [ i ] occurs i n i t i a l and f i n a l , [ i ] in almost a l l other environments. In a very few words [ i ] - rather than [ i ]-occurs medially, but only in the stressed syllable, and only in the environment of consonants that draw [ i ] to the position of [ i ] , e.g., a following [ i ] or a preceding /n/ as in: 1 - i t i l i (the book), A i I I o (the person), milpime (the water). No opposition between [ i ]and [ i ] has been recorded. The variant [ i ], short in stressed syllables becomes very short in an unstressed syllable, e.g., b'taltni (he i s creeping). This is pre-dictable, regular, and involves no opposition. But [L ] and [ i ] occur in contrast i n stressed syllables as the following minimal pairs show: b'mfdi (he has scraped off some skin) b ' m i ' d i (he has broken - i.e., a taboo) These data show that [ i ] and [ i ] are positional variants, members of one phoneme / i / , and that the lengthened vowel i s another phoneme / i i / in contrast with li/. The phoneme /e/ has two variants [e] and [*e].' The variant [e] occurs after the front vowel [ i ] on-glide, the variant[e] occurs in a l l other environments. These vowels are never in contrast but members of the phoneme /el. That -the phoneme le/ is i n contrast with the lengthened version I eel. 34 can be shown by only one near minimal pair: b'gedi |d£mp6 (he has gone home - close by) b'g^di |d&'mpo (he has gone home - far away) but the phonemic significance of the lengthened vowel i s also shown by the following example of morphophonemic phenomenon: b'fie (he has snatched) o'fie'sani (he has snatched and run) The phoneme /e/ i f f i n a l in noun forms w i l l become [e*] when i t participates in the morphophonemic phenomenon of negation. So /ee/ is in contrast with /e/ and must be considered as phonemically distinct. The phoneme /a/ has three variants; the short vowels [ a ] , [r>] and [a]. The vowel [a ] occurs in stressed syllables in ideophones only (see Appendix 1); i t occurs in unstressed syllables in the following environments; a) after [g] or [m] or [ k ] , e.g., giWiga, mt^pima, o 'yedi ka'da, b) in words of C^VC^ pattern where is a nasal, e.g., ban, ban"*". "'"A contrast i s suspected between [ a ] and [a] in ban and ban in the sequences: o+den+igedi+gi+ban+'da o+den+|gedi+gi+ban+'da h went and bought he went to buy It seems that the second sequence should be transcribed: o+den+|g£di+gi+ba*n+1 da i.e., ba'n not ban, i n contrast with ban above; and that a suspected ana-logous pair man and man, does not occur in Fada dialect, but in eastern, and should in any case be transcribed man and ma'n. There remains the possibility that further evidence w i l l come to light concerning these mordremes and therefore concerning the status of [ a ] . As ne i ther [r>] nor [a ] ever occur i n these environments, [ a ] makes no contrast with them. The v a r i a n t [TO] occurs before an implosive [ g ] , a f t er [w] and a f t e r the on-g l ides [o ] and [u ] . The v a r i a n t [a ] occurs i n a l l en-vironments other than those mentioned for [a]and [r>]. So the three v a r i a n t s are i n complementary d i s t r i b u t i o n , members of a phoneme / a / . But the short phoneme / a / occurs i n contrast i n s tressed s y l l a b l e s with the long vowel [a*] as fo l lows: © 'candx (he i s r i n s i n g ) b'ca'ndx (he i s s e l l i n g . . . b y measure) The p o s i t i o n a l v a r i a n t of [ a ] , [ n ] , i s a lso i n contrast wi th [r>* ] as the fo l lowing minimal p a i r s show: wt)di OTTO dx I " ~ I " • " .WD gX w a l i wa lx wadx (he has torn of f ( i . e . a chicken leg) (he i s meat hungry) ( i t - i . e . , the ground - i s dry) ( i t - i . e . , the r a i n - i s long i n coming) (he has bathed) (he has caressed) wa dx (he has decreased) ( i t - the water-hole --has d r i e d up) So there i s a phoneme / a / whose members are [ a ] , [ a ] , and [t>]; and a phoneme / a ' / whose members are [a*] and [r>*]. The phoneme lol has no recorded v a r i a n t i n the l e x i c a l data . The phonemic s i g n i f i c a n c e of the lengthened vowel Io'I i s shown by the fo l lowing morphophonemic phenomenon: . 36 b'cuo (he has grasped i t ) 6 cuo'mui) (he has grasped i t and i s screaming) I f a verb w i t h f i n a l [-o] i s followed immediately by another verb having the same s u b j e c t , the f i n a l *[-o ]-—?•[-o'• ]. So the lengthened vowel [ o ' ] i s i n s i g n i f i c a n t c o n t r a s t w i t h the phoneme /o/ and must be r e -garded as a phoneme lo'I. The phoneme /u/ and the phoneme In'/ have no recorded v a r i a n t s . That these two are i n co n t r a s t i s shown by the f o l l o w i n g minimal p a i r s : b'budf (he i s s c r a t c h i n g a shallow hole) b'bu'di (he i s cryi n g ) b ' l u n i (he has woven) b ' l u ' n i (he has drawn - i . e . , water) That the vowels /a/, /e/, / i / , /o/ and /u/ are i n con t r a s t w i t h each other i s shown by the f o l l o w i n g minimal - or near minimal - p a i r s . / b a d i / (to separate one from group) /padi/ (to t a ttoo) /bed!/ (to sneer at) /pedi/ (to chop down) / b i d i / (to stammer) Ip'idll (to sweep) /bodi/ (to p e r i s h ) /podi/ (to grow old) /bud!/ (to unearth) /pudi/ (to sprout) the vowels /a"/, le'l, If "/, lo'/ and In'1 are i n c o n t r a s t can-not be shown by minimal p a i r s i n l e x i c a l items due to the l i m i t e d occurrence of lo I and /e / i n i s o l a t e d words. However, the f o l l o w i n g examples 37 show a M the long vowels i n c o n t r a s t : b'pa'di (he has conquered) b'pedi (he has chopped) vs_ cfke''di (he has clucked i n h i s throat i . e . as a gecko) b ' p i ' d i (he has exhumed) b'pu'di ( i t , i . e . , the t r e e , has bu r s t i n t o flower) l i ' t u ' l i (the termites) l i W a ' l i (the d e s i r e f o r meat) l d b a ' l T (the r i c h e s ) l f c i o ' l i (the conversation) The examples show that the lengthened vowels are i n s i g n i f i c a n t c o n t r a s t w i t h each other as w e l l as w i t h the short vowels and must be regarded as the phonemes /aa / , /e e/, / i i / , /oo/, and /uu/. > N a s a l i z a t i o n A l l vowels may occur w i t h n a s a l i z a t i o n r e s u l t i n g from the i n f l u e n c e of a preceding or f o l l o w i n g consonant. This i s pre-d i c t a b l e and makes no c o n t r a s t s . Both the n a s a l and the f o l l o w i n g consonant are completely a r t i c u l a t e d . 6 ' b a n d i (he has learned) 6'bsnx (he's mature) b ' b i n d i (he has spent a year) I L ' b o n l a (the thing) b'bundi (he has explained) 38 The Gurma Consonant Phonemes The phoneme /p/ i s shown to be i n co n t r a s t i n minimal or near minimal p a i r s w i t h phonemes / b / , /m/ and /l£p/. (he i s boxing the ears of) (he i s t a k i n g from the mouth of) (he has recovered from a f a i n t ) (he has drawn out i . e . , as from under arm, from a f i l e , etc.) (she has cooked i . e . , gruel) (he has tapped i.e., a n a i l , the door) The phoneme / b / has been shown to be i n con t r a s t w i t h the phoneme /p/, and i s shown by minimal p a i r s to be i n c o n t r a s t w i t h the phonemes /m/, /w/, and /gb/. /m/ b 'babjLdi (he has removed from the mouth of) b'mabxdi (he has drawn out - i.e., as from under arm etc.) /w/ b'ba'di (he has scraped a l l out) b'wa'di (he has become meat hungry) /g"b/ b ^ babidi (he has removed from the mouth of) b 'gbabxdx (he has u n r o l l e d ) The phoneme It I i s shown by the f o l l o w i n g minimal or near minimal p a i r s to be i n contrast w i t h the phonemes /d/, and /c/. Id/ b 'tagx (he has followed) b 'dagx (he has hobbled) Ibl b'pabxdx b 'babidx Im/ b 'pjibxdi o mabxdx /kp/ o pagx \ La*. / I o kpagx 39 / c / b ' t e l i (he has propped up) b ' c e l i (he f i l e s - i . e . , teeth) The phoneme /d/ has two v a r i a n t s , [ d ] and [ d ] . The v a r i a n t [ d ] occurs only m e d i a l l y , i n t e r v o c a l i c a l l y , before an unstressed medial / i / as i n the f o l l o w i n g words: g i f i d i g a (the lamp) gi'tadiga (the dish) The v a r i a n t [ d ] occurs i n a l l other environments, so [ d ] and [ji] are not i n o p p o s i t i o n but i n complementary d i s t r i b u t i o n , members of the phoneme /d/. The phoneme /d/ has been shown to be i n cont r a s t w i t h the phoneme / t / , and i s now shown by the f o l l o w i n g minimal or near-minimal p a i r s to be i n co n t r a s t w i t h the phoneme / j / / j / b 'dad! (he has led) b ' j a d l (he has detoured) The phoneme /c/ has been shown to be i n c o n t r a s t w i t h the phoneme Itl, i t i s f u r t h e r shown by the f o l l o w i n g minimal p a i r s to be i n co n t r a s t w i t h the phonemes / j / , /k/, /y/ and / s / . / j / b 'candi (he has o f f e r e d h o s p i t a l i t y ) b 'jandi (he has b u s t l e d about) /k/ b 'ca'di (he has surpassed) b'ka'di (he has asked f o r b l e s s i n g at the time I of s a c r i f i c e ) lyl b candi (he has o f f e r e d h o s p i t a l i t y ) b'yandi ( he has turned face up - i . e . a book) 40 Is/ b ca'dx (he has surpassed) b 'sa'di (he has drawn a noose tight) The phoneme / j / has been shown to be i n contrast with phonemes /d/ and /c/, and i s now shown by the following minimal or. near minimal pairs to be in contrast with the phoneme /g/. /§/ b\jadi (he i s detouring) b 'gadx (he is tying with withes) The phoneme /g/ has two variants, [g], and [g]. The variant [g] occurs only medially in the environment of a preceding short vowel and a following non-final, unstressed short vowel i n such words as: li'dagidi (it i s sufficient) minoagima (the ring) The variant [g] occurs in a l l other environments. The two variants [g] and [g] are never in opposition but are complementary, members of the phoneme /g/. The phoneme /g/ has been shown to be in contrast with the phoneme / j / and i s now shown by the following minimal or near minimal pairs to be in contrast with the phonemes /k/, /gb/, and /g/. /k/ b /gb/ b /n/ b gabx (he has seized in flight) kabx (he has beckoned) gabx (he has seized in flight) gbabx (he has rolled up) gabx (he has seized in flight) b gabx ( i t , i.e., the big house, i s f i l l e d to over flowing so people are pressed against each other) 41 The phoneme /h/ i s shown to be i n contrast at Fada""" i n minimal or near minimal pa i r s with the phoneme /n/ . /n/ V ja l i (to sew) Hialx (unt i l ) The occurrence of the g l o t t a l stop [-2.] i s marginal and p red i c t ab l e . In the Fada d i a l e c t i t occurs i n such words as ok"pa3ku (the box) , opo2ku (the ove r l ap ) , *gui-ti (to overthrow) and ^ baa2ti* (to grope) The p l u r a l s of the two nouns c i t ed above have no unusual phono-l o g i c a l features and give a c lue to the use of the g l o t t a l stop along with the unusual occurrence of /-k/ and l-x.I i n i t i a l i n an unstressed s y l l a b l e . A comparison wi th other nouns forming the i r p l u r a l s i n t i - d i shows that the i r s ingu la rs r egu la r l y have the a f f i x e s o-gu with the base appearing i n the p l u r a l j u s t as i n the s i ngu l a r , e . g . , t i boad i (the arms) oboagu (the arm) By analogy one might expect: t i l fpag id i (the boxes) *ok"pagigu (the box) t i V o g i d i (the overlaps) *opogigu (the overlap) I n the northern d i a l e c t the phoneme / r j / i s not used i n word or s y l l a b l e i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n being replaced by /h/ pronounced w i t h strong n a s a l i z a t i o n , ' h a l i ( u n t i l ) b ' f i a l i (he sews) o'-Ra'nu (the broom) 4 2 B u t i t a p p e a r s t h a t t h e u n s t r e s s e d v o w e l s e q u e n c e - g i g u h a s b e e n r e d u c e d p e r h a p s a s f o l l o w s : - g i g u — ? * - g i k u — 5 * - g k u — ? * - k k u ? 2 k u . A s i m i l a r e x p l a n a t i o n i s o f f e r e d f o r t h e o c c u r r e n c e o f t h e g l o t t a l s t o p i n g u 2 t i ( t o o v e r t h r o w ) a n d b a a Z t i ( t o g r o p e ) . T h e i m p e r f e c t i v e o f t h e v e r b b a a l i ( t o g r o p e ) i n E a s t e r n d i a l e c t i s b a a l l d i . . I t w o u l d s e e m t h a t i n F a d a d i a l e c t d e v o i c i n g o f / d / i n t h e e n v i r o n m e n t o f p r e -c e d i n g / l / + u n s t r e s s e d v o w e l a n d a f o l l o w i n g u n s t r e s s e d v o w e l h a s o c c u r r e d p e r h a p s a s f o l l o w s : - l i d i —9 * - l i t i ? * l t i — ? > * t t i J>2ti. W h i l e t h i s r e d u c t i o n i s c o m m o n a t F a d a i t i s n o t u n i v e r s a l , a n d e a s t e r n d i a l e c t s p e a k e r s r e j e c t i t , r e t a i n i n g t h e m e d i a l s h o r t v o w e l a n d r e g u l a r [ - g u ] a n d [ - d i ] e n d i n g s . T h e s h o r t i n t e r c o n s o n a n t a l v o w e l i s n o t d e l e t e d i n o t h e r e n v i r o n m e n t s i n F a d a d i a l e c t . A s t h i s o c c u r r e n c e o f t h e g l o t t a l s t o p i s m a r g i n a l a n d p r e d i c t a b l e , [ _ Z ] i s n o t c o n s i d e r e d a p h o n e m e . I n t h e o r t h o g r a p h y i t i s r e p r e s e n t e d b y w h a t e v e r c o n s o n a n t i t p r e c e d e s , e . g . , [ i k u ] — > > / k k u / , [ - . t i ] — ^ / - t t i / . T h i s o r t h o g r a p h y h a s b e e n w e l l a c c e p t e d b y n e w l y l i t e r a t e a d u l t s . T h e p h o n e m e / m / h a s t w o v a r i a n t s , [ m ] a n d [ m ] . T h e v a r i a n t [ n } ] o c c u r s b e f o r e / f / a n d / w / ; t h e v a r i a n t [ m ] o c c u r s i n a l l o t h e r e n v i r o n -m e n t s . T h e s e v a r i a n t s a r e n o t i n o p p o s i t i o n , b u t i n c o m p l e m e n t a r y d i s t r i b u t i o n , m e m b e r s o f t h e p h o n e m e / m / . I f a n a s a l o c c u r s b e f o r e / m / , f o r i n s t a n c e w h e n a v e r b w i t h a n a s a l i n t h e b a s e i s n o m i n a l i z e d b y t h e m i - m a n o u n c l a s s a f f i x e s , e . g . , 43 ^gbeni (to f i n i s h ) mi+gben+ma (the f i n i s h i n g ) the I-n-l of the verb base a s s i m i l a t e s to the /-m-/ of the s u f f i x and a geminate /-m-/ r e s u l t s : mxgbemma (the completion) In ideophones (see below, Appendix 1) /mm/ i s found word f i n a l , e.g., bimm (very, used w i t h dark). The phoneme /m/ has been shown to be i n con t r a s t w i t h the phonemes /n/ and Ibl and i s shown by the f o l l o w i n g minimal p a i r s to be i n con-t r a s t w i t h /^ m/, /w/ and /n/. / f j m / b ' r n a b i (he has sucked n o i s i l y , i . e . , as gravy from h i s f i n g e r ) b ' r jmabi . ' . (he has c a r r i e d i n h i s arms) /w/ b*mabx (he has n o i s i l y sucked, i . e . , as gravy from h i s f i n g e r s ) b'wabx (he cannot walk, i . e . , h i s c r i p p l i n g i s so severe) /n/ b V a n d x (he i s p e r s p i r i n g ) b 'nandf (he i s coming to resemble) The phoneme In/ has been shown to be i n con t r a s t w i t h /ml and i s now shown to be i n con t r a s t i n minimal or near-minimal p a i r s w i t h / j i / and In/. / j i / b'na'gx (he i s heaping up) b'jia'gx (he i s applying heat a l l around) In/ b^na'gx (he has p i l e d up) b S j a ' g x (he has f e i n t e d ) The phoneme [ j i ] has been shown to be i n con t r a s t w i t h /n/, and i s now shown to be i n con t r a s t i n minimal or near minimal p a i r s w i t h In/ and /yl. 44 / n / b *na*gi (he i s apply ing heat a l l around) b *na°g£ (he has fe inted) lyl b |na"di ( i t , i . e . , the compound, has burned f u r i o u s l y ) b V a * d i (be has chased) The phoneme /rjm/ has been shown to be i n contrast with the phoneme /m/ and i s now shown to be i n contrast i n minimal p a i r s wi th the phoneme / n / . / n / b 'ijmabi (he has c a r r i e d i n h i s arms) o rjabi ( i t , i . e . , the house, has been t i g h t l y packed, i . e . , as wi th people) The phoneme / f / i s shown to be i n contrast i n minimal, p a i r s with / p / , and lb/. / p / b \abi. (he has brushed/scooped up a l i t t l e , i . e . , d i r t , water) b 'pabx (he has f l a t t e n e d . . .out) / b / b ' fabi (he has whipped, i . e . with a bunch of f i n e twigs) b ^babi (he has put i n h i s own mouth) The phoneme 1st i s shown to be i n contrast i n minimal p a i r s with the phoneme / f / . / f / b W d i (he has become i t chy) b ^fa'di (he has thanked) The phoneme /w/ has been shown to be i n contrast with the phonemes / b / and / m / . It i s of course i n contrast with a l l l a b i a l i z e d consonants as the fo l lowing minimal p a i r s show: b ^wadi (he has lessened) b V o a ( i i (he has crossed/cut across) b puadx (she has hatched) b 'noadi (he has followed) b 'nuadl (he has l e f t o f f fo l lowing) The phoneme: . /y / has been shown to be i n contrast with / n / . I t would perhaps be use fu l to show i t i n contrast with the simple and p a l a t a l i z e d forms of / n / and / n / as fo l lows: b ya ( i t - i . e . , the door - i s a jar ) b y i a (he's i l l ) b na (he has heaped up) b n i a (he has disputed) b jia (he has appl ied heat a l l around) b Jniadi (he has bare ly touched) Constra ints on the Occurence of the Phonemes. a) A l l consonants may occur i n i t i a l l y , p r e v o c a l i c a l l y : baa (to obtain) l a (to laugh) ca/" (to choose) maa (to b u i l d i n mud) daa (to buy) na (to p i l e up) fa (to wash ones face) j ia (to be going out) gaa (to take, i . e . , na (to abandon)' from the hand of) I h a l l ,miri 'cua (so long) ijma (to trample) j i a (cut pa (to be strong) ka (to be s i t t i n g ) sa (to be i n s i p i d ) g"bie (to f i l l i t ) t a (to be i n agreement) wa (to be small) kpa (to k i l l i t ) ya (to be open) b) A l l consonants except / h / may occur i n t e r v o c a l i c a l l y i f i n t h i s p o s i t i o n they are i n i t i a l i n the s tressed s y l l a b l e : o\>ado (the chie f ) onanlo (the guinea worm) 6-c, aano (the stranger) onaanu (the broom) 6 'daagu (the piece of wood) ojidagu (the g r i s g r i s ) I, ofuobu oganu h\.ti. -oj xxnu 4, aanu /!,-->/ t okpenu A - , olaanu omado (the kapok) (the louse) (the root) (the place) (the stream) (the necklace} (the new mother) oijmaamo (the monkey) opiemu (the arrows) osanu (the path)' o t i b u (the tree) owomo (the deaf person) oyombo (the s lave) ogbaado (the leper) c) A l l consonants except / h / may occur a f t e r a homorganic nasa l which i s s y l l a b i c and has a tone: — _ >/ — m+ba+gedi (I s h a l l go) i n-t-den+gedi (I went) gHtan+gedi (I s h a l l not go) d) Only the consonants / b / , / d / , / g / , / l / , / m / , / h / — and / k / and I t l i n the s p e c i a l circumstances explained above, pp. 41 - 4 2 — may occur i n i t i a l l y i n an unstressed s y l l a b l e i n t e r v o c a l i c a l l y . Of these consonants only Ibl, Id/, Igl, III, and /ml may occur i n i t i a l l y an unstressed s y l l a b l e between a nasa l and a vowel: 47 ' C V Cn C V b 1 t i b u (the tree) b'sambu (the shea tree) o'bado (the chief) A , xsaandi (the shea trees) 6'daagu (the piece of wood) ogbangu (the hide) 6 1 t i i u (the neck) i i j e n l i (the egg) mi'tama (the s o i l ) muyiemmu (the calabashes) -1 / o maano (the blacksmith) ok~bakku (the box) b a t t i (to be t idy ing) e) nasals may occur f i n a l l y only when they are homorganic with a fo l lowing i n i t i a l consonant. As stated above i n c) i f the nasa l i s s y l l a b i c , any consonant except / h / may fo l low i t . A l s o , i f the nasa l i s s y l l a b i c f i n a l i n the f i r s t base of a compound noun, any consonant may fo l low i t ; the nasa l w i l l a s s i m i l a t e to the fo l lowing consonant. The most common example of t h i s i s i n compounds made with the noun l i b o n l a (the thing) and verb bases: l i b o n l a . (the th ing + b i a (to be bad)—~> l i b o m b i a d i l a (the bad thing) l i b o n l a (the th ing + nani (to be n ice) — f l ibonnanla (the n ice thing) f) Only homorganic nasals occur word f i n a l except i n ideophones where / p / , Is/, and /mm/ have been recorded i n word f i n a l p o s i t i o n , (see below Appendix 1): ban (that they) paldap (wham) wan (that he) limm (very, with dark) min (that I) fas (completely) 4 8 g ) T w o / m / p h o n e m e s , / - m m - / , o c c u r : i . w h e n a v e r b w h o s e b a s e c o n t a i n s a n a s a l i s u s e d a s a g e r u n d , e . g . , Hsanl ( t o k n o w ) — f m i b a m m a ( t h e k n o w l e d g e ) ^ g b e n i ( t o f i n i s h ) — ^ m ^ | b e m m a ( t h e e n d ) i i . f i n a l i n i d e o p h o n e s , s e e f ) a b o v e . T w o / n / p h o n e m e s o c c u r w h e n a n y w o r d t e r m i n a t i n g i n a v o w e l i s f o l l o w e d b y / n / , e . g . , / 6 ' d o g u / ( t h e t o w n ) + / n i / ( i n ) — > 6 ' d o g u n n i ( i n t h e t o w n ) / b ' b a n l / ( h e k n o w s ) + / n i / ( m e ) — ^ b ' b a n i n n i ( h e k n o w s m e ) C o n s t r a i n t s o n G u r m a V o w e l s . a ) T h e f i v e v o w e l s , / i / , / e / , / a / , l o l , / u / m a y o c c u r w i t h o r w i t h o u t t h e f e a t u r e o f l e n g t h . b ) t h e v o w e l s / a / , / a / , / b / , m a y o c c u r a s c o m p l e t e m o r p h e m e s i n i s o l a t i o n a s f o l l o w s : / a / ( y o u , 2 n d p e r s o n s i n g u l a r p r o n o u n ) . . . __ .- -la/ ( t h e y , 3 r d p e r s o n p l u r a l p r o n o u n f o r . a - a c l a s s n o u n s ) . /bI ( h e / s h e , t h i r d p e r s o n s i n g u l a r p r o n o u n , i t , p r o n o u n . f o r o . T " o a n d o - u c l a s s n o u n s ) / a a ' / ( y o u , 2 n d p e r s o n s i n g u l a r n e g a t i v e i n f r e e v a r i a t i o n w i t h / q a a / ) / a a / ( t h e y , 3 r d p e r s o n p l u r a l n e g a t i v e f o r a - a c l a s s n o u n s ) c ) A l l v o w e l s w i t h o u t t h e f e a t u r e o f l e n g t h m a y o c c u r m e d i a l a n d f i n a l , e . g . , 49 medial f i n a l IV / p l d l / (to d i g out) ld x (the guinea corn) lei /pedl/ (to miss) ii -me (the cows) /a/ /padi/ (to t e a r) apala (the g r anaries) lol /podi/ (to grow old) obado (the c h i e f ) In/ /pudi/ (to sprout) osanu (the path d) Only the vowels l±l, I a-1, and lol may occur word i n i t i a l . In t h i s case they are s y l l a b l e s i n themselves and morphemes, e.g., itaamf (the horses) atana (the stones) obado (the c h i e f ) e) A l l vowels w i t h the f e a t u r e of l e n g t h may occur medial but never i n i t i a l . I n medial p o s i t i o n the vowels / i i / , /aa/ and /uu/ occur f r e q u e n t l y , the vowels /eel and /oo/ very r a r e l y , e.g., p i i d l (to d i g up) k^edi (to c l u c k i n throat,as a gecko) paadi (to separate) l i b o o l i (the conversation) puudi (to spray water from one's mouth) A l l vowels may occur w i t h i n utterances w i t h the f e a t u r e of length i n morphophonemic phenomena. This w i l l be discussed i n Chapter 4 , p. 115. f ) A l l vowels without the f e a t u r e of l e n g t h occur before a n a s a l : / b i n d i / (to spend a year) / l i b e n d i l i / (the drum) /bandi/ (to know) 50 /bbngi/ (to be damp) (to r e c a l l ) g) Among the vowels w i t h the fe a t u r e of le n g t h only / i i / , /aa/. /bungi/ /uu/ and /ee/ occur i n the environment of a n a s a l i n the data, e.g., /mibxima/ (the m i l k ) /mibaama/ (the f a l l ) /buuni/ (to s p r i n k l e ) /fjmde n cua/ (who has come?) h) The s i x r i s i n g diphthongs, / i a / , / i e / , /oe/, /oa/, /ua/ and /uo/, occur word medial and f i n a l . medial l i b i a l i (the b r a c e l e t ) mijiema (the food) l i b o e l T (the chat) misoama (the blood) (the water-hole) f i n a l b.ia (he i s e v i l ) j i e (he i s a f r a i d ) bi'boe (they are c h a t t i n g ) (he's a witch) obuaggu oduolo (the pig) soa sua suo (he has threshed, i . e . , i n a mortar) (he has scorched...i.e. the r o a s t i n g peanuts) i ) There i s a f a l l i n g diphthong which occurs only i n the c l a s s of words known as ideophones / a i / , e.g., cairj (completely, w i t h many verbs) f a i f a i (completely, i . e . , wash d i r t out completely) p a i p a i ( c l e a r l y , i . e . , t e l l him c l e a r l y / v e r y, w i t h white) One other f a l l i n g diphthong has been recorded, but only i n two expressions, (see below, Appendix 1) : 51 [ap, ] in [ caoij ] (very, used with to be red) The Gurma Tone Phonemes The four level Gurma tones are shown i n the following words or forms: 1. t i fa (we have washed our faces) 2. t i fa (we have taken up with our hands) 3. 6 fa (he has taken up with his hands) 4. b fa b'i? (has he washed his face?) In no. 1. [fa] is higher than [ t i ] . In No. 2. [fa] i s lower than [ t i ] . In no. 3. [ b ] and [fa] are on the same low tone, and this w i l l be considered low [ v ]. As [ t i ] i s always higher than this tone, and lower than the tone of [fa] in No. 1, i t w i l l be considered to have a mid tone [-]. In No. 1 [fa] which i s higher than [ t i ] w i l l be considered to have a high tone [']. In No. 4 [bi] is appreciably higher than [fa] and this tone,[*] , w i l l be considered very high. The four tones may also be observed in the following examples: 1. b pia apala (he has granaries) 2. apala (the hearts) 3. apala (the granaries) 4. l i p a l i (the granary) 5. l i p a l i (the heart) In No. 1 [ b ] i s again on a low tone i n relation to the remaining tones, which are level and on the same pitch. In No. 2 [a-] i s on a higher tone than the remaining tones, or than any tone of N. 3. So the ['] on [a-] of No. 2 may be regarded as a high tone; the remaining tone 52 [ - ] , of [ -pa la ] i n No. 2, and of [apala] i n No. 3 may be regarded as a mid tone; and the tone [ x ]on [ b ] of No. 1 as a low tone. The f i r s t [ l i - ] of No. 5 has a much higher tone than the f i r s t [ l i - ] of No. 4 whi le the remaining tones of these two words are on the same l e v e l . But No. 4 [ l i p a l i ] i s i d e n t i c a l i n tones with No. 2 [ a p a l a ] , so the tone on [ l i - ] i n No. 5 i s i n contrast wi th the high tone [ ' ]and i s a very h igh tone [ * ]. The r i s i n g g l i d e i s shown by the fo l lowing forms: b ba" (he has f a l l e n ) o da (he has bought) The f a l l i n g g l i d e i s shown by the fo l lowing nouns and forms: onuabo (the goat) t i d u ' d i (the pods) og"bangu (the hide) b ca (he has chosen) b cua (he has come) Any long s y l l a b l e , i . e . , a s y l l a b l e wi th a double vowel or an on-g l ide or a nasa l o f f - g l i d e , i f fol lowed by a s y l l a b l e wi th a lower tone, or i f sentence f i n a l with low tone, w i l l have a f a l l i n g g l i d e . So the f a l l i n g g l i d e on long s y l l a b l e s i s p r e d i c t a b l e and need not be w r i t t e n . I f two s y l l a b l e s with low tone occur success ive ly sentence f i n a l l y , the second low tone w i l l be lower than the f i r s t , e . g . , b boani ( i t , i . e . , the toga, i s b lack) b gbengi (he i s fa t ) As i t s occurrence i s regu lar and p r e d i c t a b l e , very low tone need not be w r i t t e n . 53 The Morphology of Gurma nouns Identification of Gurma nouns A l l Gurma nouns except a small sub-set, the 1st and 2nd person pronouns, may be identified by their occurrence in the noun class system. There are nine paired classes. Classes 1 to 7 have double pairs of affixes; prefixes and suffixes are paired in the singular and i n the plural. Each of these pairs i s phonologically identical or similar. The singular affixes are paired with plural affixes. Class 8, a mass class in which singular and plural are not distinguished, has just one pair of affixes. Class 9, which includes a small group of bound kin terms, is also the class in which foreign loan words and onomatopoeic words occur. Class 9 i s regarded as having zero morphemes in the singular prefix and suffix and the plural prefix. The class affixes co-occur with tonal patterns. The choice of these tonal patterns i s to some extent conditioned by the tone of the stem, so is not completely arbitrary. Other identifying c r i t e r i a for nouns are: a) occurrence with a possessive preceding the noun base and i t s suffix, replacing the class prefix. b) occurrence in the form noun base + suffix or possessive + noun  base + suffix as S in an S V 0 sequence. This last definition w i l l The noun class system is generally referred to i n Bantu languages as the gender system. There i s no correlation of the genders with sex references. 54 a c c o m o d a t e a n y n o u n , e v e n t h e c l a s s 9 n o u n s w h i c h h a v e z e r o g e n d e r m a r k e r s i n t h e s i n g u l a r b u t o c c u r w i t h p o s s e s s i v e p r e f i x e s . T h e m o r p h o l o g y o f G u r m a n o u n s w i l l b e t a k e n u p u n d e r t h e f o l l o w i n g h e a d i n g s : a ) t h e g e n d e r c l a s s e s a n d t h e i r t o n a l s u b d i v i s i o n s , b ) t h e c l a s s e s w i t h t h e p o s s e s s i v e , c ) t h e c l a s s e s w i t h t h e r e l a t i v e m o r p h e m e , d ) t h e c l a s s e s w i t h t h e n e g a t i v e m o r p h e m e . T h e c o n c u r r e n t p r o n o u n s w i l l b e d i s c u s s e d a f t e r t h e n o u n s . T h e G e n d e r C l a s s e s a n d t h e i r T o n a l S u b d i v i s i o n s . T h e c l a s s a f f i x e s a r e a s f o l l o w s : S i n g u l a r P l u r a l C l a s s P r e f i x 1 o -2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 o -o -o — b u -o — g u l i -g i -m i 0-S u f f i x -o,-0 - o , 0 - u - b u - g u - l i , - l a - g a - m a ( n o n - c o u n t ) -0 P r e f i x b i -a -l -l -l -t i -a -m u -S u f f i x - b a - a - i , - e - i - d i - d i - m u - m b a 55 The noun tonal pat terns . There are e ight common noun tona l pa t t erns , l a b e l l e d for convenience from A to H. Only three tones, very h igh / * / , h igh / ' / and mid / - / occur with the simple nouns. S tre s s , which always occurs on the base, i s not marked. A / obado (the chie f ) B / o n i l o (the person) C /1 oiiubu (the shea tree) D otaamo (the horse) E / / oduanu (the bed) F / / / obenu (the branch) G // a — — osanu (the path) H I/O II a — onaanu (the broom) Class 1 nouns. The c lass 1 o - o, b i - ba nouns have the d i s t i n c t i v e semantic feature + human. Nouns r e f e r r i n g to humans occur i n t h i s set unless they have s i z e as a d i s t i n c t i v e f ea ture , (see below p p . £ 6 1 and 64).' , Un l ike some nouns of other c la s se s , c lass 1 nouns have the same tone patterns i n s ingu lar and p l u r a l as fo l lows: l a obado b ibad iba (the ch ie f - s) okpelo b i k p e l i b a (the o lder s ib -s ) - / -omaano - / -bimaaba (the blacksmith -s ) l b o n i l o b i n i b a (the person - s) i - -omado bimadiba (the new mother -s ) owabo biwaba (the c r i p p l e -s ) l c ocuado b icuadiba (the in - law -s) oyiado bxyiadiba (the maternal uncles -s) opua bxpuoba (the woman -women) 56 Id o j a b i j a b a (the man -men) This l a s t noun, o j a (the man), and the l a s t noun c i t e d i n l c , 6*pua* (the woman), have a zero s u f f i x i n the s i n g u l a r , but have r e g u l a r a f f i x e s i n the p l u r a l . Many nouns i n c l a s s 1 are r e l a t e d to t h e i r corresponding verbs as performer, e.g., ocuado (the in-law) i n l c above i s one who has success-f u l l y courted a g i r l ; compare: 6 ' cuad 6 (he has courted her w i t h g i f t s ) Class 1 nouns have a l t e r n a t e p l u r a l a f f i x e s a - a which may some-times be used i n s t e a d of the b i -ba a f f i x e s i f a general or p r o f e s s i o n a l group r a t h e r than a s p e c i f i c group or s e v e r a l s p e c i f i c i n d i v i d u a l s i s designated: dyidda (maternal u n c l e s , as a c l a s s ) b i y i a d i b a (the maternal u n c l e s , p r e v i o u s l y mentioned, awaited, etc.) Some c l a s s 1 nouns are heard i n the p l u r a l w i t h the a - a a f f i x e s . These are o f t e n nouns th a t r e f e r to unfortunates: owabo awaba (the c r i p p l e -s) oyiamo ayiama (the s i c k person -s) og~baad6* agbaada (the l e p e r -s) A very few nouns w i t h the f e a t u r e +human not belonging to c l a s s 1 but to c l a s s 2 have been recorded, e.g., o'yo'mbo' lyo'mbx (slave -s) Both the p a i r e d a f f i x e s and the t o n a l p a t t e r n of t h i s noun i n d i c a t e c l a s s 2 r a t h e r than c l a s s 1. 57 Class 2 nouns. The c l a s s 2 o - o, i - i nouns have the d i s t i n c t i v e semantic fe a t u r e s +animate"'", -human. A few c l a s s 2 nouns have a zero s u f f i x i n the s i n g u l a r , and the s u f f i x ^e, r a t h e r than ^ i , i n the p l u r a l . They have been t r e a t e d as a sub-class of c l a s s 2 r a t h e r than a separate c l a s s because they have the d i s t i n c t i v e f e a t u r e s +animate, -human, and occur w i t h the same t o n a l patterns as c l a s s 2 nouns. Class 2 nouns, u n l i k e c l a s s 1 nouns, g e n e r a l l y have a p l u r a l t o n a l p a t t e r n d i f f e r i n g from the s i n g u l a r . Only one p a t t e r n was observed which remains c o n s t a n t ? i n s i n g u l a r , and p l u r a l . The subsets of c l a s s 2 nouns are as f o l l o w s : 2a onuabo i n u a b i (the goat - s) 6lu6mo i l u 6 m i (the elephant -s) 6kaabo i k i a b i L (the b i g b i r d -s) 2b obo&do i b o i d i (the python . -s) onanlo i n a n l i (the guinea worm -s) o l i i b o i l l i b l (the hippopotamus -es) 2c otaamo xtaami (the horse -s) otjumbo inumbi (the donkey -s) oduolo i d u o l i (the p i g -s) 2d 6bo4diloa Ibd'adiloe (the earthworm -s) 6p i a Ipe (the sheep) 6yua l y o e (the iguana that enters the water) Some common nouns occur i n t h i s c l a s s which animate, e.g., onmaalo (the moon). outlanders would not consider 58 Class 3 nouns. The c l a s s 3 o - u, i - i nouns have the f e a t u r e -animate. No other semantic f e a t u r e appears to be shared by the whole c l a s s . Several nouns share the f e a t u r e s +long, +slender, e.g., osanu (the road) opiemu (the arrow) bbenu (the branch) o j i i n u (the root) dbaabu (the rope) ogaalu"'" (the thread) Other nouns have the f e a t u r e 4-place, e.g., dkaanu (the place) odbgu (the town) Nouns i n t h i s c l a s s may r e l a t e to t h e i r corresponding verbs as q u a l i t a t i v e s , e.g., I i y a b i ( i t i s b i g ) o'yabinu (the s i z e ) 6 f i d i (he has been able) o f i d u (the strength) Nouns i n t h i s c l a s s may a l s o r e l a t e to t h e i r corresponding verb as inanimate performer, e.g., d pie; (he has pierced) opiemu (the arrow) 6 nambi (he has cleaned) &n£anu (the broom) Other s m a l l semantic groupings might be named, e.g., those sharing the f e a t u r e , +body p a r t , e.g., onu (the hand) oyaagu (the jaw) I n p l u r a l s the f e a t u r e +food may occur, e.g., imaani (the okra) imuulf (the r i c e ) Class 3 nouns l i k e c l a s s 1 nouns, have the same t o n a l p a t t e r n s i n the s i n g u l a r and the p l u r a l as f o l l o w s : ''"Tonal data l a c k i n g 59 3 a 3b 3 c 3 d o j l x n u opiemu // /, -onaanu obenu okpenu opoagu osanu ocimu obabu oduanu bbaabu blaanu i j i i n i *> // -xpxemx * * " xnaanx xbenx xkpenx / / t xpoagx * _ — i s a n i i c i m i i b a b i iduanx i b a a b i i l a a n i (the root -s) (the arrow -s) (the broom -s) (the branch -es) (the stream -s) (the g r i s g r i s ) (the path -s) (the dye p i t -s) (the forceps) (the bed -s) (the rope -s) (the necklace -s) Class 4 nouns. The c l a s s 4 o ^ b u - b u , i - d i nouns have the f e a t u r e -animate. This c l a s s i s noteworthy f o r c o n t a i n i n g the names of most t r e e s . Among the other semantic groupings i n t h i s c l a s s are names of body p a r t s , e.g., olambu, ila'ndx (the tongue - s ) . Many f r e q u e n t l y o c c u r r i n g nouns have c l a s s 4 s i n g u l a r a f f i x e s p a i r e d w i t h p l u r a l a f f i x e s of another c l a s s , e.g., opoabu c l a s s 4 (mouth) anoana c l a s s 6 (mouths) bniimbu c l a s s 4 (eye) xnuni c l a s s 3 (eyes) Some nouns i n t h i s c l a s s have p l u r a l forms which d i f f e r from the re g u l a r c l a s s p l u r a l , e.g., odibu * i d i d x xdx (the g r a i n s t a l k -s) Here, where the s u f f i x i s the same as the base, one of the r e d u p l i c a t e d s y l l a b l e s i s delet e d ; i t i s apparently the s u f f i x tone and not the base 60 tone which i s retained. Some frequently used nouns with corresponding verbs have singular forms i n t h i s class but are never p l u r a l i z e d , the singular form being used with singular or p l u r a l meaning, e.g., omiabu (request -s) opaabu ( g i f t -s) otoabu (war -s) The singular prefixes o- ~»bu- appear to be i n free v a r i a t i o n , o-being favoured by dwellers r i g h t i n the c a p i t a l , Fada N'Gurma, bu- by v i l l a g e dwellers. Only one set of tonal patterns remains constant i n singular and p l u r a l i n class 4 nouns, the re s t change. 4a osaambu isaandi 4b 4c of uobii ogaabu odiibu og"be'mbu olambu otibu btuobu ocabu i f u o d i idaadi iduudi igbendi i l a n d i i t i i d i i t u o d i (the shea tree -s) (the w i l d kapok tree -s) (the w i l d small f i g tree -s) (the locust bean tree -s) (the kapok tree -s) (the tongue -s) (the tree -s) (the baobab -s) (the wild cherry tree -s) i c a b i d i Class 5 nouns. The class 5 o—~gu - gu, t i - d i nouns have a v a r i e t y of semantic groupings, e.g., +container, e.g., oduugu (locust bean pod) otugu (stomach) otiagu (dish) bj ongu (compound for strangers) 61 H-animate, e.g., osayobigu"*" (the bush rat) +body part, e.g., oboagu (the arm) ogbarjgu (the skin) The singular prefixes o-~gu- appear to be i n free v a r i a t i o n ; i s favoured by those l i v i n g i n the c a p i t a l , Fada N'Gurma, gu- by v i l l a g e dwellers. There are a number of nouns i n t h i s class which are generally used i n the p l u r a l , e.g., t i b i i d i (pus) t i f a a d i (leaves) t i k o b i d i (feathers) timoadi (grass) t i n a n d i (meat) t i y u d i (hair) While a singular generally e x i s t s , i t seldom occurs. Nouns i n t h i s class may have the d i s t i n c t i v e feature -Harge. These nouns may or may not also have the feature +inanimate, e.g., ojagu (a b i g or strong man) oyiegu (a very large calabash) Class f i v e nouns recorded have the same tone pattern i n singular and p l u r a l as follows: 5a ogbaijgu t i f b a n d i (the hide -s) oboaggu tiboandi (the deep, large water hole -s) odoa^gu tidoandi (the f l a t - r o o f e d house -s) Data incomplete 62 5b 5c oduugu i,^ t -okpxngu bpxngu odaagu odiegu ot iagu txduudi f t t i k p i n d i txpxndx txdaadi t i d i e d i t i t i a d l (the locus t bean pod -s) (the greens p lant -s ) (the s l eep ing mat -s ) (the piece -s of wood) (the compound -s) (the d i sh -es) Class 6 nouns. The c lass 6 l i - l i , - l a , a ~{^j a nouns are very numerous and may have var i ed semantic f ea tures , e . g . , +body p a r t s : l x t a a l i + f r u i t or 4-vegetable: l i s a n l i / / — l i t i i n l i +animate: l i j u u l i (the leg) // _ -l i y u l i (the shea f r u i t ) l x t u n l i +tool : // _ _ l i y a l i + locat ion: l x d i e l i (the peanut) (the owl) (the axe) (the house) l x f e l i • _ _ l i p o l i l x t u o l x l x c a a l i (the head); (the bean) (the squash) (the e l f ) (the mortar) (the we l l ) The s i n g u l a r s u f f i x v a r i a n t - l a i s used f o r the noun l i b o n l a (the thing) and compounds i n which t h i s noun occurs when utterance f i n a l . When - l a occurs m e d i a l l y , - l a — J » - l i . This c lass may have the d i s t i n c t i v e feature +medium s i z e i n contrast wi th the c la s s 5 f ea ture , -t-very l a r g e , e . g . , l i y e l i a medium s i z e calabash oyiegu a very large calabash 63 Whether the p l u r a l s u f f i x i s - l a or -na depends on the base. The s u f f i x w i l l be -na i f the base i s long a) because of a double vowel, e . g . , l i g a a l i agaana (the saddle - s ) ; b) because of a v o c a l i c on -g l ide e . g . , l i t u o l i atuona (the mortar - s ) ; c) because of a nasa l o f f - g l i d e , e . g . , l i t a n l i atana (the stone - s ) . But i f the base vowel i s shor t , the p l u r a l s u f f i x w i l l be - l a , e . g . , l i f e l i a f e l a (the squash -es) l x t i l i a t i l a (the book -s) In t h i s c lass the tona l patterns change i n the p l u r a l . The short and long bases wi th corresponding suf f ixes are now shown: 6 a l l i t i l l a t i l a (the book -s) l i fe ' l i" a f e l a (the squash -es) 6 a 2 l i c a a l i acaana (the w e l l - s ) l i t u o l i atuona (the mortar -s) l i d u n l i aduna (the knee -s ) l i t i i n l i - ' — a t i i n a (the peanut -s) 6b 1 / _ — l i p a l i apala (the granary - i e s ) l i p o l i apola (the twin -s ) 6 b 2 l i d i e l i adiena (the house -s) l i j u a l i aj uana (the h i l l -s) l i s a n i r as ana (the c lay bowl -s) l x g o a n l f agoana (the w a l l -s) 64 6 c l l : L y u l i ayula (the head -s) " _ — l i p a l i a p a l a ( t h e h e a r t - s ) ' l i d i a l i a d i a n a ( t h e w i t h e b a s k e t - s ) l x j u u l i / . - — aj u u n a (the o w l - s ) 6 d 2 l i j e n l i a j e n a ( t h e e g g - s ) //„ // — l i g b i n l i ag "b ina (the k n o t - s ) l i c u a l i a ' c uana ( t h e w a t e r - s ) -. '.' " - T l x t a a l i a t a a n a ( t h e l e g - s ) Class 7 nouns. The c lass 7 g i - ga, mu - mu nouns may have the semantic features ianimate, dhuman. This i s the c lass of smal l th ings , of the young, of d iminut ives . Class 7: c lass 6 : c lass 5 : : smal l : medium : l a r g e . The feature +small i s contained i n the a f f i x pa irs , g i - ga , mu - mu alone but diminut ives are a l so formed by using the base of g ib iga (the c h i l d ) i n conjunct ion with the a f f i x p a i r s , e . g . , l i l i a d i l i (the s h i r t ) g i l i a d i b i g a (the l i t t l e s h i r t ) l i t i l i (the book) g i t i b i g a (the l i t t l e book) In t h i s c lass the tona l patterns genera l ly change i n the p l u r a l as fo l lows: 7a g i b i g a g iy i ega 7b gilorjga mubxmti'N'Ibila (the child -ren) muyxemu / A - / l mulommu (the small calabash -es) (the l i t t l e drum-s) g i loanga muloammu (the well"bucket" -s ) These two nouns are so accented i n the data and do not conform to any of the common tona l patterns for simple nouns. Further observat ion w i l l have to determine whether t h i s tona l pa t t ern i s an e r r o r of t r a n s c r i p t i o n or indeed another tona l p a t t e r n . 65 7c giwdVjga muwommu (the r a b i t t -s ) ginuavjga munuammu (the l i t t l e b i r d -s ) 7d g i juga mujumu (the k n i f e -ves) gidaaga mudaamu (the market -s) Class 8 nouns. The c lass 8 mi - ma nouns r e f e r to l i q u i d s and non-count q u a n t i t i e s . Gerunds are genera l ly formed using the a f f ixes of t h i s c l a s s . I f the verb base ends i n a nasa l i t w i l l genera l ly be r e t a i n e d , a s s imi la ted to the -m- of the c lass s u f f i x . The tonal patterns of t h i s c la s s are as fo l lows: 8a mitama (the s o i l ) mipima^ (the water 8b misoama (the blood) mikpama (the o i l , the fa t ) 8c miyaama (the s a l t ) midaama (the do lo , i . e . , beer) 8d mijiema (the food) mijaamma (the fete) Class 9 nouns. The c la s s 9 4> - 0, <f> - mba nouns have a zero p r e -f i x and s u f f i x i n the s i n g u l a r , and a zero p r e f i x i n the p l u r a l . I f the noun has one or two s y l l a b l e s , the f i n a l vowel w i l l lengthen before the p l u r a l s u f f i x -mba. '''The noun minima appears to be i r r e g u l a r . That i t s base i s - j i i n - i s shown by any compound i n which i t appears, e . g . , mipinciamma (the great water, e . g . , the sea,) but i n i t s simple form the f i n a l nasa l of t h i s base -rp_n- i s not re ta ined i n a double -mm- . However, the base i s not a known verb base, see above pg. 48). 66 A small subset of bound k i n terms occurs i n t h i s c lass - most k i n terms occur i n c lass 1. These c lass 9 k i n terms are genera l ly used with the possess ive , e . g . , the bound term -ba (father) mba (my f a t h e r ) . These terms occur s ingu lar or p l u r a l , e . g . , -ba -baamba (father -s) -na -naamba (mother -s) - y a -yaamba (grandmother -s) - y a j a -yajaamba (paternal grandfather -s) Any Gurma proper name may take the p l u r a l s u f f i x -mba as fo l lows: Motaaba (boy's name) Motaabimba (Motaaba's chums, "gang", crowd, adherents . ) Tankpaal i (man's name) Tanlqiaalimba (TanKpaal i ' s f o l l owers , e t c . ) Lompo (Gurma c lan name) Lompoomba (a group of people from that clan) Class 9 inc ludes most fore ign loan words and onomatopoeic words such as: soje soxjieemba ( s o l d i e r -s) m o b i l i mobilimba (automobile -s) gbagba gbagbaamba (duck -s) cece ceceemba (sewing machine -s) The tone on the p l u r a l s u f f i x of such words i s genera l ly high fol lowed by mid, -mba. Some loan words have apparently evoked a noun c lass s ingu lar s u f f i c i e n t l y to be p l u r a l i z e d i n that c l a s s , e . g . , m i n t e l i ( m i l i t a i r e ) amintela ( s o l d i e r -s ) has regu lar c la s s 6 p l u r a l a f f i x e s . The fo l lowing t a b l e , page 67, shows the noun c lasses with t h e i r a f f i xe s and tona l pat terns . Tonal Pattern B ' C " -Class 1 Singular o - o, plural bi - ba obado onilo (the chief) (the person) blbadiba binTba (the chiefs) (the people) 2 Singular o - o, plural i - i oboado (the python) owa (the snake) 3 Singular o - o, plural i - 1 ocaano (the guest) bfcaamba (the guests) oguabo (the goat) inuabl (the goats) oja (the man) bljaba (the men) otaamo ' (the horse) f taamf (the horses) oduanu (the bed) iduani (the beds) iboadi (the pythons) obenu (the branch) ibeni (the branches) fwe (the snakes) _, (the path) isani (the paths) onaanu ^ (the broom) irjaani (the brooms) 4 Singular o - bu, plural i - di otibu (the tree) odubu (the locust bean tree) i t l i d i (the trees) i d i i u d l (the 1. b. trees) osaambu ^ J[the shea tree) isaandl (the shea tree) 5 Singular o - gu, plural t i - di odaagu (the plank) tidaadl (the planks) oduugu opTrjgu (the 1. b. pod) (the sleeping mat) tiduudl trplndl (the 1. b. pods) (the sleeping mats) ogbarjgu (the hide) tlgVandi (the hides) 6 Singular l i c v l i , plural a - la at i la l i p a l i l i t i l l (the hi-jpks) (the granary) (the book) ayula (the heads) W Singular l i C VN l i , plural a - na W atana (the rocks) aj en a (the eggs) l i t a n l l (the rock) apala (the granaries) l i y u l l (the head) l i j e n l i (the egg) 7 Singular gi - ga. plural mu glyiega gilong, (the calabash) 8 Singular ml - ma (non-count nouns) gfwuorjga (the drum) (the rabbit) mxtama (the soil) misoama miyaama (the blood) (the salt) gljuga (the knife) mlj iema (the food) 9 Singular 0 - 0 , plural 0 - mba foreign loan words and onomatopoeic words, tones uncertain mujumu (the knives) muyiemu (the calabashes) mulCmmtX (the drums) muwuommQ (the rabbits) TABLE OF THE GURMA NOUN CLASS AFFIX AND CONCURRENT TONAL PATTERN SYSTEM Table 3 ON 68 The fo l lowing chart (page 69), summarizes the tonal patterns occurr ing with the most common Gurma noun form, i . e . , p r e f i x + base + s u f f i x , i n both s i n g u l a r and p l u r a l . The numbers 1 - 9 i n d i c a t e the noun c las s as l i s t e d on page 54 above and described on pages 55-66 above. The c a p i t a l l e t t e r s A - H i n d i c a t e the tona l patterns described on page 55 above. A pat tern that remains constant i n s ingu lar and p l u r a l i s l i s t e d f i r s t , a higher tone on the base i s l i s t e d before a lower one. Vowel change i n nouns. I f the s u f f i x vowel of a simple noun not occurr ing utterance f i n a l i s - o , or -Na i n a - b a , - g a , or -ma s u f f i x , i t w i l l change to a h igher , more fronted vowel, e . g . , /obado cua/ » obadi cua (the c h i e f has come) / b i n i b a cua/ » b i n i b i cua (the people have come) / g i b i g a cua- > gibigj a [ cua (the c h i l d has come) I f the fo l lowing consonant i s n , the vowel change w i l l be to e . g . , The funct ions of the a f f i x + tona l system. The p r e f i x + s u f f i x +  tone system shown above has three funct ions: a) i t marks Gurma nouns for number. Thi s may be done by s u f f i x +  tone a lone , e . g . , /mij iema n u k k i / mxjiemi nukki (the food smells bad) be tuad i (what i s making a noise? donkeys ( i . e . , some donkeys); or by p r e f i x + s u f f i x + tone, e.g • > be tuad i (what i s making a noise? the donkeys ( i . e . , c e r t a i n , known donkeys). 69 Table 4: Table of Gurma Noun Tonal Patterns Class Singular Plural Prefix Base Suffix Change Change Change 1 C ** C " A - A - " -B <- B ' - -D - D - - -2 C - C " A <- F ' X X B - - G " <- - X D - - E * - " X 3 H - H " F F ' G G " - -E E -4 H - H -C .- - F ' X B - E ' X 5 H - H " " -C - c -B * - B " 6 H C ' X X H B " - - X X C <- A - X G - - - B ' - - X B - D - - - X 7 C H ' X X A - - - F " * > X X B - V X X D - - X X 8 C A (non^count class) B D — — 9 Foreign loan words, tonal patterning uncertain b b) i t marks Gurma nouns as definite or indefinite. As the i l l u s -trations for a) above show, the absence of the prefix marks the noun as -definite. If the prefix i s used, the noun is marked as +definite. This marking is not just like that of the English definite a r t i c l e , but is analagous to i t . c) as has been discussed above, the prefix + suffix + tone system has semantic significance. The fact that tone contributes to this in some way is shown by the following minimal pairs: l i p a l i (granary) apala (granaries) l i p a l i (heart) apala (hearts) It may be significant that the tone on the base seldom changes, i.e., in two sub-sets of class 6 the tone on the noun base is higher and in one sub-set of class 7 lower in the singular than in the plural (see the table, pp. 69 above). There are changes in six sub-sets in the tone on the suffix, but in each case the tone is a step higher in the plural than in the singular. The changes in the prefix tone are more numerous..This tone is higher in the plural in the three sub-sets that change in class 2, and in a l l the class 7 sub-sets, and is lower in the plural in a l l the class 6 sub-sets. It may be stated about the tonal patterns that the singular-plural tonal pattern pairing appears to be as regular and as predictable as the singular + prefix + suffix - plural + prefix + suffix pairing. It may further be stated that these tonal patterns w i l l also change regularly and predictably, 71 a) when the noun p r e f i x morpheme i s replaced by the possessive morpheme, and b) when the noun p r e f i x morpheme i s replaced by the r e l a t i v e morpheme. These changes are discussed a f t e r pronouns and the possessive morpheme are introduced below. The Noun Sub-set, the Pronouns The Gurma pronouns may be regarded as f a l l i n g i n t o two groups, a) those that r e f e r to f i r s t and second person, s i n g u l a r and p l u r a l , having the fe a t u r e +human, and b) those that r e f e r to the t h i r d person s i n g u l a r and p l u r a l , i . e . , the s u b s t i t u t e s f o r the noun c l a s s e s , having the f e a t u r e thuman. The pronouns r e f e r r i n g to the f i r s t and second person, s i n g u l a r or p l u r a l , occur w i t h mid tone i f they are S^  i n an SVO sequence. The f i r s t person pronoun s i n g u l a r i s a s y l l a b i c n a s a l homorganic w i t h a f o l l o w i n g consonant. The other f i r s t and second person pronouns are given i n the t a b l e below. I f the f i r s t or second person pronouns are 0_ i n an SVO sequence, they occur w i t h low tone. The c l a s s 9 nouns are r e g u l a r l y r e f e r r e d to by the c l a s s 1 pronouns. A pronoun r e f e r r i n g to t h i r d person w i l l be homophonous w i t h the segments of the p r e f i x or s u f f i x of the noun to which i t r e f e r s , but w i l l always d i f f e r i n the supra-segmental fe a t u r e of tone from these a f f i x e s . I f the t h i r d person pronoun stands before the verb, 72 i . e . , i f i t i s i n an SVO sequence, i t w i l l be homophonous wi th the p r e f i x of the noun r e f e r r e d to . But whereas the tone on t h i s noun p r e f i x may be very high / " / , or h igh / ' / , or mid / - / , the tone on the pronoun i s always low / * / . I f the t h i r d person pronoun stands a f t er the verb , i . e . , 0_ i n an SVO sequence, i t w i l l be homophonous with the s u f f i x of the noun r e f e r r e d t o , but , aga in , the tone w i l l be d i f f e r e n t . The tone on the noun s u f f i x may be high / ' / , or mid / - / , the tone on the pronoun w i l l always be low /V. The t h i r d person object pronouns r e f e r r i n g to b i - ba nouns, g i - ga nouns, and mi - ma nouns w i l l change according to the r u l e g iven above, page68» i . e . , i f not utterance f i n a l / b a / — ? / b i / , / g a / — ^ / g i / , /ma/ — ^ / m i / , e . g . , b den soan ga (he sent i t , i . e . , g iy i ega - the ca labash) , but b den soan g i tontoni (he sent i t q u i c k l y ) . The tab le below shows the forms of f i r s t and second person pronouns, s ingu lar and p l u r a l , subject and objec t ; and t h i r d person, or noun c lass pronouns, s i n g u l a r and p l u r a l , subject and objec t . The f i r s t person s ingu lar pronoun has allomorphs m~n~n~n as i t always ass imi la tes to the fo l lowing consonant; /m/ i s chosen as the representat ive member because the negative f i r s t person pronoun i s m i l . The second person s ingu lar pronoun object has allomorphs a.~na i n free v a r i a t i o n . 73 Table of the Subject and Object Pronouns subject object person sing. plur sing. plur. 1 m t i ni t i 2 a y i a~Qa y i 3 class 1 o b i o ba 2 o y i ~ b i o yi~ba 3 o y i 2 o~yu y i 4 , 1 o~bu y i bu di 5 1 o~gu t i gu di 6 l i a l i , l a 1 a~rja 7 gi mu ga mu 8 mi ma 9 o bi o ba The Possessive Morpheme with Tonal Pattern 1 The possessive i s identical with the segments of the pronoun subject. The tone of the possessive i s either high or mid, so is always in contrast with the low tone of the independent noun class pronoun. These allomorphs are in free variation. Earlier written material has gu as the object pronoun for class 3 but this form has not been observed in the speech of the serveral Gurma colleagues who helped provide this data. 74 The possessive displace s. the noun class p r e f i x , i . e . , i t occurs before the noun base + s u f f i x and co-occurs with one of f i v e tonal patterns on t h i s noun base + s u f f i x . In a l l nouns observed- the gender class or sub-class tonal pattern was r e g u l a r l y replaced when a possessive replaced a class p r e f i x . The possessive patterns, l a b e l l e d for convenience X, Y, Z, T, V are as follows: Pattern possessive noun base gender s u f f i x X Y ' ' x Z T V These patterns occur with f i r s t and second person as well as a l l noun cla s s possessives i n singular and p l u r a l . The f i r s t and second person possessive i s segmentally i d e n t i c a l with the pronoun i t replaces, and w i l l have mid or high tone according to the tonal pattern occurring on the noun base + s u f f i x following. In the following examples only o~6- (his) i s used, but any other possessive could be substituted without changing the pattern. The tone pattern i s the same whether the noun occurs as S or as 0 i n an SVO sequence. 75 Possessive pattern X. Simple class tonal pattern 1A obado (the chief) 2A onanlo (the guinea worm) 3F orjoagu (the grisgris) 6A a t i l a (the books) 7F muyiemu (the calabashes) Possessive pattern Y. Simple class tonal pattern r4B sg. butibu (the tree) 6G sg. l i y u l i (the head) 7D sg. gijuga (the knife) 8D mijiema (the good) A sub-set of this pattern occurs 5B sg. gutiagu (the dish) 5H sg. odoangu (the flat-roofed j_ house) IB p i . biniba (the persons) 1C p i . bicuadiba (the in-laws) Possessive pattern Z Simple class tonal pattern 1C sg. 6cuado (the in-law) 2C sg. 6nuabo (the goat) 3H. sg.; Bn&anu (the broom) Possessive ^onal pattern X 6badS onanlo orjoagu /. *, ft o t i l a oyiemu (his chief) (his guinea worm) (his grisgris) (his books) (his calabashes) Possessive tonal pattern Y ' ' x (his tree) otibu oyull ojuga oj xema (his head) (his knife) (his food) as ' ' " as follows: otiagu (his dish) odoangu (his flat-roofed house) bniba (his relatives) ocuadiba (his in-laws) Possessive tonal pattern r O z -ocuado (his in-law) onuabo (his goat) onaanu (his broom) 76 7H p i . muwuommu (the rabb i t s ) owucmmu (his r a b b i t s ) A sub-set of t h i s pat tern occurs as ' ' * 2H p i . inuab i (the goats) oruiabi (his goats) 6C p i . acuana (the water pots) ocuana (his water pots) 2E p i . i taami (the horses) /. / * otaamx (his horses) 3E p i . ibaabi. (the ropes) obaabi (his ropes) Possessive pat tern T Examples of possess ive pat tern T: *- * v g iven below show i t s occurrence as 0_ i n an SVO sequence. When t h i s pa t t ern occurs as S_ before the v e r b , a) i f the verb tone i s e i t h e r high or low, x ^ _ /' h b) i f the verb tone i s mid, Simple c la s s tona l pat tern Possessive tonal pat tern T: - ' * 4C sg- odubu (the locust bean tree) odubu (his locust bean tree) 5C sg. oKbi^gu (the greens plant) ok*pingu (his greens p lant ) 6C sg. l i t i l i (the book) o t i l i (his book) 7A sg- g ib iga (the c h i l d ) obiga (his c h i l d ) 8A mipima (the water) ojiima (his water) IA p i . bik"peliba (the o lder s i b s ) ok^e l lba (his o lder s ibs ) 5C p i . t i p i n d i (the s leeping mats) o p i n d i (his s l eep ing mats) 7 7 Possess ive pat tern V . Examples of possessive pat tern V: - - \ g iven below show i t s occurrence as () i n an SVO sequence. When t h i s pat tern occurs as S_ before the v e r b , there i s no down-glide on the s u f f i x . I f the s u f f i x i s / - b a / , / - g a / , or / - m a / , the f i n a l vowel w i l l be fronted and higher and have a low tone rather than a f a l l i n g g l i d e ; the vowels of other suf f ixes w i l l not change, and the tone w i l l be mid and l e v e l rather than a f a l l i n g g l i d e . Simple c lass tonal pa t t ern Possessive tonal pa t t ern V: ' - - \ IB sg . o n i l o (the person) o n i l o (his r e l a t i v e ) 3 G sg . osanu (the path) osanu (his path) 7 B sg. gilorjga (the drum) olonga (his drum) 6 B p i . ayala (the axes) oyala (his axes) The fo l lowing tab le shows the same data arranged to simple c lass p a t t e r n . The numbers show the noun c l a s s , the l e t t e r s A - H the c lass pa t t erns , and the l e t t e r s X , Y , Z , T and V the possessive p a t t e r n . 78 Tonal patterns with possessive. Singular Plural Poss. pattern X Y Z T V X Y Z T V simple class pattern A 1,2 7,8 6 1 B 4,5,6 1,8 6 C 7,8 1,2 4,5,6 1 2,6 5 D 7,8 E 2.3 F 3 2,4,7 G 6 3 3 H 4,5,6 3 2,3,7 The bound possessive pronoun. The possessive may also occur before the bound pronoun -cua. In this case possessive + -cua replaces possessive + base + suffix as in English " i t " may replace "his book". English has no counterpart of this pronoun, -cua,which more accurately reflects the possessed noun i t replaces than the indefinite pronoun " i t " which English uses. This bound pronoun is con-current with the class system as follows: Class simple a f f i xe s bound pronoun 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 s i n g , o - o o - o o - u o - bu o - gu l i - l i , - l a g i - ga mi - ma 0 - 0 p l u r a l b i - ba i - i i - i i - d i t i - d i a - a mu - mu <f> - mba s i n g . - cua -cua - c u -c ibu - c i g u - c i l i , - c i l a - c i g i , - c i g a - c i m i , - c i m a p l u r a l - c i b i , - c i b a - c i - c i - c i - c i d l - c a -cimu -cua - c i b i , - c i b a The R e l a t i v e Morpheme wi th Tonal Patterns There are two co -occurr ing segmental r e l a t i v e morphemes: y a - , which replaces the r e l a t i v e noun p r e f i x and precedes the noun base +  s u f f i x ; and n, which precedes the verb to which t h i s r e l a t i v e noun r e l a t e s as e i t h e r i t s subject or i t s objec t . There are four tona l patterns l a b e l l e d 0, P , Q and R which co-occur with these morphemes, r e p l a c i n g the noun c lass tonal patterns as fo l lows: R e l a t i v e pat tern r e l a t i v e noun base s u f f i x 80 Examples are now given: Rela t i v e pattern 0 yabado (the chief who -m) yayiega (the calabash which) Re l a t i v e pattern P yanilo (the person who-m) yajiema (the food which) Relat i v e pattern Q yacaano (the stranger who -m) yajumu (the knives which) Relative pattern R yanlba (the people who-m) y a j e n l i (the egg which) While ya- r e g u l a r l y occurs with mid tone, a preceding very high tone w i l l draw t h i s mid tone up to high tone. If the r e l a t i v e noun i s subject i n i t s own clause, the p a r t i c l e n w i l l immediately follow i t and be on the same tone as the r e l a t i v e noun s u f f i x . If however, the r e l a t i v e noun i s object i n i t s own clause, the p a r t i c l e n w i l l precede the verb which governs the r e l a t i v e noun, and i n t h i s case the p a r t i c l e n w i l l have a high tone, or a r i s i n g g l i d e i f the preceding tone i s mid. The following examples i l l u s t r a t e the possible p o s i t i o n s of the r e l a t i v e noun with ya-, and the p o s i t i o n of n: 8 1 Yabi'gi _n ye l i d i e l i n n i y e n i y i a Who+the+child present+be the-r-house i n present+be i l l The-f-child who i s i n the house i s i l l . obadi den 1% y a b i g f n ye i. l i d i e l i n n i y e n i The+chief past + see who+the- c h i l d present+be the-r-house i n The c h i e f saw > . t h e . c h i l d who was i n the house. Obadi - n den l a y a b i g i ' y e n i . . . The-k:hief past+see who-f-the+child The z h i l d whom the c h i e f saw... Opociamo d i e obadi n den lS. yabi'gi' y e n i The+woman-r-great present+rule the-fchief past+'&'ee who+-the-<-child The o l d woman owns the c h i l d the c h i e f saw. The gender c l a s s of sub-class t o n a l patterns are r e g u l a r l y replaced by the r e l a t i v e t o n a l p a t t e r n s when the r e l a t i v e p r e f i x -ya replaces the gender p r e f i x e s . The r e l a t i v e pronouns. The r e l a t i v e pronouns, concurrent w i t h the noun c l a s s system are formed by adding to yaa-a) the noun c l a s s p r e f i x f o r or b) the noun c l a s s s u f f i x f o r 0 i n the SVO sequence. In noun cl a s s e s 1 and 2 , yaa- + p_ — ^ yua In the cl a s s e s whose p l u r a l p r e f i x i s i^, yaa- + jL — ^ y i . I n c l a s s 6 p l u r a l s , yaa- + a_ — ^ y_a The r e l a t i v e pronoun r e g u l a r l y occurs w i t h the mid tone. 82 A tab le of the r e l a t i v e pronouns fo l lows: Class A f f i x e s R e l a t i v e Pronoun s i n g . p l u r a l s ing . p l u r a l i subject object subject object 1 o - o b i - ba yua yua yaabi yaaba 2 o - o i - i yua yua y f y i 3 o - u i - i yu yu y i y i 4 o - bu i - d i yaabu yaabu y i y i 5 o - gu t i - d i yaagu yaagu yaadi yaadi 6 l i - l i - l a a - a y a a l i y a a l i yaa la ya ya 7 g i - g a mu - mu yaagi yaaga yaamu yaamu 8 mi - ma yaami yaama 9 0 - 0 0 - mba yua yua yaabi yaaba The possessive pronoun. These pronouns may be preceded by the possessive but they are then on high tone, not mid tone. The f i r s t person s ingu lar possess ive oc-c u r r i n g with these pronouns i s s y l l a b i c , e . g . , n t i l i (my book)—^ n y a a l i (mine, i . e . , r e f e r r i n g to any c lass 6 s ingu lar noun). The possessive pronoun thus formed, e . g . , n y a a l i (mine) does not seem to d i f f e r much semant ica l ly from the subs t i tu te pronoun discussed above, pg .79 , e . g . , "he i l l (mine). The pronouns formed wi th yaa- prob-ably emphasize the possessive features more than do the o thers . 83 The contras t ive possessive pronoun. I f a contrast regarding possess ion, e . g . , "mine" versus "yours" i s to be i n d i c a t e d , the bound morpheme - y a - occurs between the possessive and the noun or pronoun, e . g . , it tl — a it tl nbado (my chief ) nyabado (my c h i e f , i . e . , not yours) nyua (mine ianimate) nyayua (mine, i . e . , not yours) This bound possessive morpheme - y a - i s i n contrast to the r e l a t i v e morpheme y a - discussed above, pg. 80 , by tone. The r e l a t i v e morpheme y a - occurs with mid tone, but may be drawn higher i f preceded and f o l -lowed by very high tone. The contras t i ve possess ive morpheme - y a - occurs before noun bases with very high tone. However when t h i s c o n t r a s t i v e possessive - y a - occurs between the possessive and the pronoun, e . g . , nyayua (mine), - y a - i t s e l f lowers to high tone, e . g . , oyua (his) + - y a ——* oyayua (h i s , i . e . , not yours) . The Negative Morpheme with Tonal Patterns Gurma sentences may be made negative by lengthening the vowel oc-cur ing immediately before the verb . When t h i s vowel i s the s u f f i x vowel of the noun S i n the SVO sequence i t lengthens as fo l lows: a) S ingular s u f f i x P l u r a l s u f f i x -o -—> - o o ~ - i i -ba —> b a a « - - b i i pu — * -uu - i — V - i i - l i —> - I i i - a — » -aa - l a —> - l a a -ga — * - g a i i -mu —> -muu -ma —> - m a i i -V0 — > VV0 84 b) a g l i d e r i s i n g to high or very high occurs on the lengthened vowel. c) i f the fo l lowing verb i s on low tone, i t w i l l be drawn a f t er the negative r i s i n g g l i d e to a high tone as fo l lows: A obado dagxdx (the ch ie f i s ge t t ing on wel l ) obad-oo - i x dagxdx (the ch ie f i s not ge t t ing on wel l ) B txdaadi dagxdx (the wood i s o . k . ) txdaadix dagxdx (the wood i s not o . k . ) C orjuabo dagxdx (the goat i s good enough) bnuab-ob - i x dagxdx (the goat i s not good enough) D. g i juga dagxdx (the k n i f e i s (sharp) enough) g i juga ix dagxdx (the k n i f e i s not (sharp) enough) E xtaamx dagxdx (the horses are (strong) enough) xtaamxx dagxdx (the horses are not (strong) enough) F muyiemmu dagxdx (the calabashes are (big) enough) muyiemmuu dagxdx (the calabashes are not (big) enough) G xne dagxdx (the cows are a l l r i g h t , e . g . , as a court ing g i f t ) xnee dagidx (the cows are not a l l r i g h t ) H l x j e n l i dagxdx (the egg i s (fresh) enough) / '—4 l x j e n l i x dagxdx (the egg i s not (fresh) enough) d) i f the fo l lowing verb occurs wi th mid tone, t h i s changes to low tone a f t er the negative r i s i n g g l i d e , e . g . , obado kuni (the ch ie f has gone home) obadoo kunx (the ch ie f has not gone home) 85 i taami kuni (the horses have gone home) l t a a m i i k imi (the horses have not gone home) ine kuni (the cows have gone home) inee kuni (the cows have not gone home) e) i f the fo l lowing verb has a high tone or a very high tone these w i l l not be af fected by the negative r i s i n g g l i d e which w i l l r i s e to about l e v e l with the fo l lowing high or very h igh tone as fo l lows: obado guani (the ch ie f has come back) obadoo guani (the ch ie f has not come back) i taami guani (the horses have come back) i t a a m i i guani (the horses have not come back) obado mill (the ch ie f has drowned) obadoo mia (the chief has not drowned) i n e mia (the cows have drowned) inee mia (the cows have not drowned) I f a personal pronoun subst i tu tes for a noun as i n an SVO sequence, i t too may express negation by lengthening i t s f i n a l vowel as fo l lows: m (I) m i i ( I . . . 'not) a (you) al~naa ( y o u . . . not) t i (we) t i l (we . . . not) y i (you) y i i (you . . . not) 86 Class s ingu lar p l u r a l p o s i t i v e negative p o s i t i v e negative 1 o waa b i baa 2 o waa bx~yi b a a ~ y n 3 o~bu buu yxx 4 o~gu buu t i txx 5 l i l x i a aa^naa 6 g l g l l mu muu 7 mx mxx 8 o waa b i baa When the r i s i n g tone of the negative personal pronoun precedes a verb with low tone, i t draws the f i r s t low tone up to a very h igh tone, e . g . , 6 kuadi mxyaama (he has so ld the s a l t ) waa ku&di miyaama (he hasn't so ld the s a l t ) 6 tongf minima (he has heated the water) waa t$ngf minima (he hasn't heated the water) But i f the verb occurs with mid tone or mid r i s i n g tone, or h i g h , or very high tone, these tones remain unchanged a f t er the negative r i s i n g g l i d e of S, e.g., 6 nambidi (he i s f i x i n g ) waa nambidi (he i s n ' t f i x i n g ) b aaa --(he has bought) _ waa daa (he hasn't bought) o d i a n i (he has wr i t ten) waa d i a n i (he hasn' t wr i t ten) b 'rjambx (he has f i x e d ) - waa nambi (he has ' t f ixed) 87 The Morphology of Gurma Verbs Identification of.Gurma Verbs Gurma verbs may be identified by their occurring alone after a time marker preceded by J3 in an SV sequence. If a Gurma '^volue7'^ is asked, Qu :'est-ce que c'est que le verbe aller en gourmantche? he w i l l reply, Gedi. This verb base form i s homophonous with: a) the form of the second verb in a series having the same subject the equivalent of the English i n f i n i t i v e , e.g., n buaa gedi (I want to go); b) the third person singular form of the perfective verb, the equivalent of the English present perfect, e.g., b gedi (he has gone). Gurma verbs are generally monsyllabic, disyllabic or t r i s y l l a b i c ; one quadrisyllable verb occurs in the data. A l l polysyllabic verbs end in - i ; monosyllabic verbs end in any vowel. Marking of aspect in Gurma verbs. Almost a l l of Gurma verbs are marked for aspect and have contrasting perfective and imperfective forms. However, there is a group of verbs whose base form i s perfective even though semantically of a stative na-ture. Base forms of these verbs have no contrastive imperfective form. Of one hundred Gurma verbs with contrastive perfective and Gurmas are 95% i l l i t e r a t e . A l l formal education i s in French. Those who are literate in French c a l l themselves 'evolues.' 88 imperfect ive forms, chosen p a r t l y at random"1", one was q u a d r i s y l l a b l e , seventeen were t r i s y l l a b i c , s ix ty -one were d i s y l l a b i c and twenty-one were monosyl labic . F i f t y e ight of these one hundred verbs d i f f e r e d i n p e r f e c t i v e and imperfect ive aspects by tone alone. Twenty-f ive of the remainder changed p e r f e c t i v e to imperfect ive by adding a s y l l a b l e ± tona l change i n the imperfec t ive . Twelve of the remainder changed p e r f e c t i v e to imperfect ive by d e l e t i o n ± tona l change. The remaining f i v e had a supple t ive form i n the imperfec t ive . Of the f i f t y - e i g h t verbs whose p e r f e c t i v e and imperfect ive were d i s t ingu i shed by tone alone, th i r ty - two had the same tonal patterns i n the p e r f e c t i v e , and the same tona l patterns ± an a l t e r n a t e pa t t ern i n the imper fec t ive . While t h i s i s not being suggested as the p e r -centage of occurrence frequency i n the language for t h i s p a t t e r n , i t probably shows a t rend . One of these t h i r t y - t w o verbs was q u a d r i -s y l l a b l e , f i v e were t r i s y l l a b i c , e ighteen were d i s y l l a b i c and e ight were monosyl labic . A l l p o l y s y l l a b i c verbs occurred wi th one of four endings. Of the twenty four p o l y s y l l a b i c verbs j u s t mentioned eighteen ended i n - d i , one i n - g i , two i n - l i and three i n - n i . Of the e ight monosyl labic verbs , s i x ended i n two i n _ ^ i . The endings do not "'"Some verbs were inc luded because they were d i f f e r e n t from most others; i t i s not f e l t that the f igures give an accurate idea of s y l l a b i c d i s -t r i b u t i o n for verbs . Probably monosyllables appear too numerous at the expense of d i s y l l a b i c s . seem to have independent meaning. The other twenty-six of the fifty-eight verbs which differed in perfective and imperfective aspects by tone alone had varying tonal patterns. Twelve of these verbs, three of them t r i s y l l a b i c and nine disyllabic, ended in - d i . Of six more disyllabic verbs, one ended in - g i , two i n - l i and three in -n i . The remaining eight verbs of this group were monosyllabic, six ending in -a and two in - i . Of the forty two remaining verbs, twenty-five followed this rule: perfective + - d i ± tonal change —9 imperfective. This group of twenty -five verbs included nine whose perfective ends in - n i , and -ni + - d i — ^ -ndi i n the imperfective. Of these twenty-five verbs, nine were t r i s y l l a b i c , eleven were disyllabic, and five monosyllabic. Of the remaining seventeen verbs nine disyllabic verbs followed a deletion rule to form the imperfective as follows: perfective - -ni ± tonal change — ^ imperfective. Three other verbs deleted -ni 6 r - l i from the perfective and also replaced i t s base vowel with another vowel ± tonal change to form the imperfective. The five remaining verbs had suppletive forms ± tonal changes in the imperfective. On the basis of these data the following general statements may be made: a) In about half of Gurma verbs the perfective base and the 90 contrasting imperfective are hbmophonous segmentally and distinguished by tone alone; b) these verbs may be „mono-,di-, t r i - or q u a d r i s y l l a b l e ; c) i f p o l y s y l l a b i c , these verbs generally end i n - d i , - g i , - l i . ~ n i ; d) various tonal patterns may make the d i s t i n c t i o n between per f e c t i v e and imperfective, but some are much more common than others; e) a p e r f e c t i v e base may be changed to imperfective by the addition of a s y l l a b l e with high tone ± tonal change on the base; f) the s y l l a b l e s generally added to form the imperfective are - d i , - g i , - l i , or - n i . Verbs ending i n - d i do not add - d i . g) i f the imperfective i t s e l f end i n - n i , then - n i + - d i — * -ndi, and - n i + - g i — > -ngi i n the imperfective; h) a small number of Gurma verbs delete the f i n a l s y l l a b l e of the p e r f e c t i v e and may or may not change the tone of the remaining segments to form the imperfective; i ) verbs of t h i s type occurring i n the data a l l ended i n - n i or - l i ' ' " - there was no example of - d i being deleted - i . e . , j ) there are a few re p l a c i v e verbs i n Gurma; k) some of these replace or add a vowel i n the base of the pe r f e c t i v e ± tonal change to form the imperfective; tonal Another p e r f e c t i v e ending, i . e . , - b i , occurs i n the data but did not appear i n these hundred words. 91 1) some of these verbs, besides r e p l a c i n g a vowel i n the base of the p e r f e c t i v e , d e l e t e i t s f i n a l s y l l a b l e and may or may not change tone on the remaining base segments to form the i m p e r f e c t i v e ; m) there are a few s u p p l e t i v e verbs i n Gurma; n) a few t o n a l patterns s u f f i c e f o r the great m a j o r i t y of verbs forming t h e i r i m p e r f e c t i v e from t h e i r p e r f e c t i v e by any of the means mentioned above, i . e . , t o n a l change alone, or a d d i t i o n , d e l e t i o n , r e -placement, s u p p l e t i o n ± t o n a l change, but a number of t o n a l p a t t e r n s other than these usual ones are a l s o used. The most common t o n a l p a t t e r n s which d i s t i n g u i s h between p e r f e c t i v e and i m p e r f e c t i v e verbs are as f o l l o w s : a) p e r f e c t i v e w i t h f i n a l mid tone preceded by very h i g h tone changes to i m p e r f e c t i v e w i t h high tone ± an added s y l l a b l e w i t h high tone or + d e l e t i o n p e r f e c t i v e w i t h ' - — » i m p e r f e c t i v e w i t h '/, , . ^. ( K (+ d e l e t i o n ) This p a t t e r n occurs i n both monosyllabic and p o l y s y l l a b i c verbs. b) p e r f e c t i v e w i t h low tone changes to i m p e r f e c t i v e whose f i n a l s y l l a b l e , which may be an added s y l l a b l e , has high tone preceded.by low tone. p e r f e c t i v e w i t h * x — ? i m p e r f e c t i v e w i t h x w + This p a t t e r n occurs i n both monosyllabic and p o l y s y l l a b i c verbs. c) p e r f e c t i v e w i t h mid tone changes to i m p e r f e c t i v e w i t h low tone ± f i n a l s y l l a b l e w i t h h i g h tone: p e r f e c t i v e w i t h ~ ~ — ^ i m p e r f e c t i v e w i t h * v + s y l This p a t t e r n occurs w i t h d i s y l l a b i c s ± d e l e t i o n . 92 d) perfective with high tone adds a syllable with high tone to form the imperfective: perfective with ' ' — * imperfective with ' ' + syl This pattern occurs with polysyllables. Several other patterns are recorded in the data. While these patterns appear to be used by very few verbs, they are among the verbs most frequently used in the language. Examples of tonal patterns for perfective and imperfective forms with or without concurrent addition, deletion, replacement and sup-pletion phenomena are now given in tabular form. Examples of those verbs that make distinction between perfective and imperfective by tonal change alone are given f i r s t ; then those that have the feature of addition, then those that have the feature of deletion, then the replacement verbs and f i n a l l y the suppletive verbs. Aspect marked by Tonal Change Alone .a. In the following verbs tonal change alone marks the difference, be-tween perfective and imperfective. The pattern of change is " " - — * ' ' '. Perfective imperfective meaning quadrisyllable coagxmx'di coagimidi. to m unch (as cattle do) tr i s y l l a b i c babxdi babidi remove from between forceps, toes, etc. cegxdi cegidx loosen clenched teeth 93 P e r f e c t i v e d i s y l l a b i c n u u d i m u d i m o n o s y l l a b i c c a b u u i m p e r f e c t i v e n u u d i m u d i c a b u u m e a n i n g w a s h , i . e . , t h i n g s b r e a k c h o o s e c a r e f o r , i . e . , a s a n u r s e A s u b - s e t o f v e r b s o c c u r s i n t h i s p a t t e r n w i t h a n a l t e r n a t e i m p e r f e c t i v e p a t t e r n w h i c h a p p e a r s t o b e i n f r e e v a r i a t i o n w i t h t h e o n e j u s t g i v e n , i . e . , p e r f e c t i v e w i t h ' - — i > i m p e r f e c t i v e w i t h ' ' ~> -N o s e m a n t i c o r p h o n e t i c r e a s o n f o r t h i s v a r i a t i o n h a s y e t b e e n d i s -c o v e r e d . E x a m p l e s o f t h e s e v e r b s a r e : P e r f e c t i v e i m p e r f e c t i v e m e a n i n g b o b i d i - b o b i d i r e m o v e f i n e r y f u o n i ~ f u o n i w h i s t l e E x a m p l e s o f t h e s e c o n d c o m m o n t o n a l p a t t e r n w h i c h a l o n e m a r k s t h e d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n p e r f e c t i v e a n d i m p e r f e c t i v e a r e n o w g i v e n . T h e s e v e r b s w i t h l o w t o n e s i n t h e p e r f e c t i v e c h a n g e t h e f i n a l l o w t o n e t o b o b i d i f u o n i \ V \ h i g h t o n e i n t h e i m p e r f e c t i v e , i . e . , ' — ^ P e r f e c t i v e i m p e r f e c t i v e t r i s y l l a b i c l a b i d i y e m i d i l a b i d i y e m i d i m e a n i n g l i e o r l a y f a c e d o w n g r u m b l e 94 P e r f e c t i v e i m p e r f e c t i v e meaning d i s y l l a b i c kuadi kuadi s e l l cubnx cubni walk Examples of the t h i r d common t o n a l p a t t e r n which alone may mark the d i f f e r e n c e between p e r f e c t i v e and i m p e r f e c t i v e are now given. These verbs w i t h mid tone i n the p e r f e c t i v e change to low tone i n the i m p e r f e c t i v e , i . e . , - - — ^ v. P e r f e c t i v e i m p e r f e c t i v e meaning d e l i d e l i chase b u l i b u l l s c r a t c h shallow hole Other l e s s common t o n a l p a t t e r n s which alone may mark the d i f f e r e n c e between p e r f e c t i v e and i m p e r f e c t i v e occur on d i s y l l a b i c verbs as f o l l o w s : a) p e r f e c t i v e w i t h mid followed by low t o n a l changes to im-p e r f e c t i v e w i t h high tones; i . e . , p e r f e c t i v e w i t h - r — 7 * i m p e r f e c t i v e w i t h ' ' . P e r f e c t i v e i m p e r f e c t i v e meaning b i d ! b i d i to stammer bodi bodi to be stunted b) p e r f e c t i v e w i t h low followed by high tone changes to imperfec-t i v e w i t h low tones, i . e . , p e r f e c t i v e w i t h r ' — ^ i m p e r f e c t i v e w i t h v x . 9 5 P e r f e c t i v e i m p e r f e c t i v e m e a n i n g b b b x b b b x d r e s s ( s e l f ) u p b u a b x b u a b i g a l l o p c ) p e r f e c t i v e w i t h l o w t o n e s c h a n g e s t o i m p e r f e c t i v e w i t h m i d t o n e s , i . e . , p e r f e c t i v e w i t h v x — ^ i m p e r f e c t i v e w i t h - - . P e r f e c t i v e i m p e r f e c t i v e m e a n i n g n i d i n i d i w a s h , i . e . , h a n d s f i d i ^ f i d i c o m b , i . e . , h a i r A s p e c t M a r k e d b y A d d i t i o n ± T o n a l C h a n g e T h e f o l l o w i n g v e r b s u s e t h e f e a t u r e o f a d d i t i o n t o s h o w a s p e c t . P o l y s y l l a b i c v e r b s t h a t f o l l o w t h e common t o n a l p a t t e r n : p e r f e c t i v e w i t h v e r y h i g h t o n e f o l l o w e d b y m i d t o n e > i m p e r f e c t i v e w i t h h i g h t o n e , w i l l a d d - d i w i t h h i g h t o n e t o t h e i m p e r f e c t i v e ; a s u b - s e t h a s t w o m i d t o n e s i n t h e i m p e r f e c t i v e w i t h a d d e d - d i w i t h h i g h t o n e i n f r e e v a r i a t i o n w i t h t h e p a t t e r n o f t h r e e h i g h t o n e s : p e r f e c t i v e w i t h ' - — > i m p e r f e c t i v e w i t h ^ / , s ^ l ~ ~~ ~~ s $ ^ \ P e r f e c t i v e i m p e r f e c t i v e m e a n i n g t r i s y l l a b i c b a b i n i b a b i n d i t a k e b e t w e e n f o r c e p b l a d e s , t o e s , e t c . b o l x n i b o l i n d i - b o l i n d i d e s t r o y d i s y l l a b i c d i r j g i d x r j g i d i s o f t e n n jamb i n a m b x d x - n a m b i d x r e p a i r , a r r a n g e , c l e a n 96 The monosyllabic verbs f o l l o w i n g t h i s p a t t e r n may add --di, - n i , - n i l or - g i . f a a d i become l i g h t gaani take from hand c i a n l i escape miagi submerge The f o l l o w i n g verbs f o l l o w a t o n a l p a t t e r n which i s used w i t h the phenomenon of a d d i t i o n only: p e r f e c t i v e verbs w i t h h i g h tone change to i m p e r f e c t i v e by the a d d i t i o n of a s y l l a b l e w i t h high tone. This added s y l l a b l e w i l l be - d i f o r t r i s y l l a b i c verbs and - d i or g i f o r d i s y l l a b i c s . f a a gaa c i a mia p e r f e c t i v e w i t h P e r f e c t i v e t r i s y l l a b l e s + - d i k o a b i g i k p i l i g i d i s y l l a b i c s + - d i nuagi / / / — ^ i m p e r f e c t i v e w i t h w i t h + s y l . i m p e r f e c t i v e meaning b i i u n i d i s y l l a b i c s + - g i b a l l b o a l i l u u n i k o a b i g i d i k p i l i g i d i n u a g i d i buundi b a l i g i b o a l i g i guungn shorten smooth deepen mix w i t h water, i . e . . e a r t h , f l o u r , cement gather up rubbish smear on, ( i . e . , p l a s t e r ) pocket 97 bill coabi b a l x n i c o a b i n i P e r f e c t i v e i m p e r f e c t i v e meaning d i s y l l a b i c s + -ni. hem n i c k , b l a z e Verbs that f o l l o w the common t o n a l p a t t e r n : p e r f e c t i v e w i t h low tone — T > i m p e r f e c t i v e w i t h low tone f o l l o w e d by high tone, vary t h i s p a t t e r n when they add a s y l l a b l e as the segments i d e n t i c a l w i t h the p e r f e c t i v e base remain on low tone i n the i m p e r f e c t i v e but the added s y l l a b l e , - d i , or - g i takes high tone: p e r f e c t i v e w i t h r * ——> i m p e r f e c t i v e w i t h * r + s y l P e r f e c t i v e .imperfective meaning t r i s y l l a b l e s + - d i b a l i g i c o a g i n i d i s y l l a b i c s + - d i l a a n i c e n i d i s y l l a b i c verbs + - g i g b i m b a l i g i d i c o a g i n d i naandi cendi gbiijgi coani coa ng] monosyllabic verbs + - d i baa f i i heat a l i t t l e weary cook by b o i l i n g greet on a r r i v a l knot overhang o b t a i n baadi f i i d i r i s e Other l e s s common patterns which use a d d i t i o n ± t o n a l change to mark the d i f f e r e n c e between p e r f e c t i v e and i m p e r f e c t i v e are: 98 a) p e r f e c t i v e with low tone fol lowed by high tone changes to imperfect ive wi th two low tones-f-di with high tone: p e r f e c t i v e with v ' —>> imperfect ive wi th v v + s y l . P e r f e c t i v e imperfect ive meaning tbngx tbngxdx heat bambx bambidi c a j o l e duunx duundx rub b) Some d i s y l l a b i c verbs with mid tone i n the p e r f e c t i v e change both tones to low and add with high tone: p e r f e c t i v e with - - —} imperfec t ive with ' v + - n i P e r f e c t i v e imperfect ive meaning b i b i bxbxnx pounce on b i i g i bxigxdx get dark A sub-set of these verbs changes to low tone i n the imperfect ive and may or may not add - n i with h igh tone: bugi bugx-bugxnx carry on shoulder g o l i gb lx -gb l inx wear as toga Some monosyllables with mid tone i n the p e r f e c t i v e change mid tone to low tone and add - d i or - n i wi th high tone for the imperfec t ive : p e r f e c t i v e with - — ? imperfect ive with r \ P e r f e c t i v e imperfect ive meaning monosyllables + -dx b i i b i i d x darken, f a l l , i . e . , of n ight rjmaa ijmaadx step on 99 P e r f e c t i v e imperfect ive meaning monosyl labics + - n i c i i c i i n x gambol b i e bieni"*" be lch Aspect Marked by De le t ion ± Tonal Change. A small number of Gurma verbs mark aspect by d e l e t i o n of the f i n a l s y l l a b l e . This may or may not be accompanied by tonal change. In the fo l lowing verbs the p e r f e c t i v e with low tone fol lowed by high tone changes to imperfect ive when the f i n a l s y l l a b l e i s de leted; the remaining s y l l a b l e stays on low tone: p e r f e c t i v e wi th v ' - - s y l — i m p e r f e c t i v e with x : P e r f e c t i v e imperfect ive meaning buni bu consult cen i ce cut , i . e . , with scythe In the fo l lowing verbs the p e r f e c t i v e with high tones changes to imperfect ive when the f i n a l s y l l a b l e i s de le ted: the remaining s y l -l a b l e has very high tone and down g l i d e , and i t s vowel shortens: p e r f e c t i v e wi th ' ' - - s y l imperfect ive wi th " p e r f e c t i v e imperfect ive meaning buuni bu mix wi th water, i . e . , e a r t h , f l o u r cement nuuni rju pocket 1 SIC one would have expected b i e n i ; t h i s datum may be f a u l t y , or the verb i r r e g u l a r . 1 0 0 This deletion pattern for these two verbs is an alternate for the addition of -d i or -gi with high tone as shown on page 96 . These variant patterns seem to be in free alternation; no reason has been found for the variation. In the following disyllabic verbs the perfective with mid tone changes to the imperfective with low tone when the f i n a l syllable i s deleted: perfective with - -syl > imperfective with x. Perfective imperfective meaning dOni db climb pan! pa pay Aspect Marked by Replacement + Tonal Change. Tonal patterns cited above are generally used with replacement. The most common pattern: perfective with / / - —•> imperfective with ' ' i s used with replacement and addition of - l i i n these verbs: Perfective imperfective meaning cie cenli break (as twig, string) cia canli escape Another common tonal pattern used with replacement i s that cited on pp. 96 and 97, .perfective with high tone changes to imperfective with high tone + - g i : perfective with ' ' — ^ imperfective ' ' ± -gi 101 Perfective imperfective meaning diani dangi write waani wangi t e l l (for someone) Another common tonal pattern, that cited on p. 97, . perfective with low tone —- f imperfective with low tone + a syllable with high tone, is probably reflected in the following verbs, one of which replaces the consonant of the f i n a l syllable, while both have replacive vowels: Perfective imperfective meaning cedi cieni leave (off) binx biinx bow the head The following verb resembles the pattern on page 99 where per-fective with low tone followed by high tone changes to imperfective when the f i n a l syllable i s deleted. However, in this verb the vowel in the imperfective lengthens: Perfective imperfective meaning buli buu plant The following verbs resemble the pattern on page 100, perfective with mid tone changing to imperfective with low tone and deletion of the f i n a l syllable. Deletion co-occurs with this pattern in these verbs: Perfective imperfective meaning boni boe chat wali wu bathe Two replacive verbs have been recorded with a tonal pattern not 102 yet used; they have perfective with high tone and down glide changing to imperfective with replacement of the vowel and low tone: Perfective imperfective meaning c u e ? c6 seize ji& ja saw Another tonal pattern not yet cited occurs with these verbs that have perfective with mid tone and up-glide changing to imperfective with shortened vowel and low tone: Perfective imperfective meaning daa da buy maa ma build (in mud) puni puuni give This last verb follows the same tonal pattern but lengthens the vowel in the imperfective rather than shortening i t . A few Gurma verbs have suppletive forms; they are among verbs that occur most frequently i n the language. In general they follow tonal patterns already cited. The following verbs follow the tonal pattern just cited for daa (buy). The perfective has mid tone followed by high tone; the suppletive form has two low tones; Perfective imperfective meaning sani t x i n i run soani tuunx work // _ The verb gedi (to go) follows the most common of a l l verbal patterns cited on page 92 ; the perfective has very high tone followed by mid tone^ the suppletive form in the perfective has only one syllable 103 with high tone: Perfective imperfective meaning gedi ca go *,* ~ f t gedini caani cause to go The verb gedi (go) has a repetitive form which differs from the imperfective, i.e., ca, to go repeatedly. The following verbs follow the common pattern cited on page 97 ; perfective with the low tone changing to imperfective with low tone + an added syllable with high tone. Perfective imperfective meaning soarjgi tuijgidi care for as nurse cua k"pendi come cuani Kpendinni cause to come The imperfective of the last verb cuani (cause to come) is irregular. Inchoative - Causative Forms of Gurma Verbs. Many Gurma verbs have inchoative forms with perfective and imperfective aspects. These forms may often have the meaning + causative. Some base verbs have themselves a perfective form only. The inchoative perfective of these verbs derives from this perfective form by adding - d i , -gi or -ni and follows one of the common tonal patterns already described. This inchoative perfective has i t s own imperfective derived from i t by addition or replacement or suppletion occurring with tonal patterns already cited. No consistent distinctive derivational system for the inchoative has been observed except that i t is generally formed by addition to the base form. The inchoative 104 can often be used both p a s s i v e l y and t r a n s i t i v e l y . I f used pass ive ly the agent cannot be expressed. Examples grouped according to tona l patterns are now given: - d i ) p e r f e c t i v e wi th + ] - g l I —ni inchoat ive p e r f e c t i v e with This inchoat ive p e r f e c t i v e has a regu lar imperfect ive with p e r f e c t i v e meaning banx / a moanx cuubi"'" know be red be s t r a i g h t inchoat ive p e r f e c t i v e bandx bangx mo and 37 cubxnx inchoat ive imperfect ive bandx~bandx barjgx-vbarjgx moandx cubxndx meanxng l e a r n teach become, or make red become, or make s t r a i g h t p e r f e c t i v e wi th ' ' + -gx — ? inchoat ive p e r f e c t i v e wi th (see page 96 above). P e r f e c t i v e meaning inchoat ive p e r f e c t i v e kpelx koabx be o ld kpelxgx be short koabxgi* inchoat ive imperfect ive kpelxgxdx koabxgxdx meanxng become, make o l d become, or make short Another tona l pa t t ern not yet c i t e d c l o s e l y resembles the one above. A monosyl labic verb with h igh tone and f a l l i n g g l i d e forms The tona l pa t t ern i s so marked, i . e . , h igh + low, but the data for de fec t ive verbs i n t h i s tonal pat tern only i s confused; i t seem poss ib l e even l i k e l y , that the tone should be marked very h igh + mid: 105 an inchoat ive p e r f e c t i v e by changing to high l e v e l tone and adding - l i g i wi th high tone; i t s imperfect ive inchoat ive adds - d i wi th h igh tone: P e r f e c t i v e meaning inchoat ive p e r f e c t i v e sa A mi be . i n s i p i d s a l i g i be sour m i l i g i inchoat ive meaning imperfect ive s a l i g i d i m i l i g i d i become, or make i n s i p i d become, or make sour P e r f e c t i v e verbs with mid tone may form an inchoat ive p e r f e c t i v e wi th very high tone fol lowed by mid tone ± an added s y l l a b l e with mid tone. The imperfect ive inchoat ive w i l l have high tonet P e r f e c t i v e meaning b i a m a m nagi be e v i l be near inchoat ive p e r f e c t i v e b i a g i be sharp ma'hgi It /> r n a g i m inchoat ive imperfect ive b i a g i d i mangi ' ' J ' n a g m d i meaning become, or make corrupt become, or make sharp become, or make near P e r f e c t i v e monosyl labic verbs with mid tone 'may form an inchoat ive p e r f e c t i v e by changing to low tone and adding a s y l l a b l e with h igh tone* the vowel of the p e r f e c t i v e may also change: P e r f e c t i v e meaning inchoat ive inchoat ive p e r f e c t i v e imperfect ive b i i goa be dark b i i g i be asleep guani b i i g i d i guandi meaning become, or make dark go, or put to sleep P e r f e c t i v e verbs with mid tone may form an inchoat ive p e r f e c t i v e 106 by changing to low tone and adding a s y l l a b l e with low tone. The im-p e r f e c t i v e inchoat ive w i l l add a s y l l a b l e with high tone: meaning P e r f e c t i v e meaning be weary coagi y i a be i l l inchoat ive p e r f e c t i v e c o a g i n i y i a g i da be l e v e l d a g i n i inchoat ive imperfect ive coagindi y i a g i d i dag indi become, or make weary become, or make i l l become, or make l e v e l P e r f e c t i v e verbs with low tone may change to an inchoat ive p e r -f e c t i v e wi th very h igh + mid tone. Imperfective inchoat ives i n t h i s set have the v a r i a n t pat tern P e r f e c t i v e meaning inchoat ive p e r f e c t i v e pa p i e n i gbengi be w e l l be white be fa t paagi pendi gbengi (see above page 93 ) inchoat ive imperfect ive p a a g i d i ~ - -pendi ~ ~ - - ' g b e n g i d i l - ^ ' meaning become, or make w e l l become, or make white become, or make fa t The fo l lowing p e r f e c t i v e verbs with low tone simply add a s y l l a b l e wi th low tone for the inchoat ive p e r f e c t i v e , and change the f i n a l tone to h igh tone for the inchoat ive imperfect ive : P e r f e c t i v e meaning f oagi boani be t a l l inchoat ive p e r f e c t i v e f o a g i d i be b lack boandi inchoat ive imperfect ive f o a g i d f boandi meaning become, or make t a l l become, or make b lack 107 The fo l lowing p e r f e c t i v e verbs with low tone form the inchoat ive p e r f e c t i v e by changing f i n a l low tone to high tone; the inchoat ive imperfect ive adds a s y l l a b l e with high tone preceded by low tone. P e r f e c t i v e meaning inchoat ive p e r f e c t i v e j u a g i kuugi be hard be cool juagx kuugi inchoat ive imperfect ive j u a g i d i kuug id i meaning become, or make hard become, or make cool Many Gurma verbs with both p e r f e c t i v e and imperfect ive aspects have a corresponding inchoat ive p e r f e c t i v e with i t s own imperfec t ive . These verbs occur i n every tonal pat tern and manifest a l l the features of verb formation already discussed so only three examples are g iven: P e r f e c t i v e imperfect ive meaning inchoat ive inchoat ive meaning p e r f e c t i v e imperfect ive cogi gedi bob i cog i ca bbbi read go dress * /i -c o g i n i g e d i n i b o b i n i c o g m d i caani bobind1 cause to read cause to go cause to dress up Reversive Forms of Gurma Verbs Thi s l a s t v e r b , b o b i n i (cause to dress up) i s an example of a group of Gurma verbs that share the feature of having r e v e r s i v e forms. The one form genera l ly ends i n - n i whi le the other , the r e v e r s i v e , genera l ly ends i n - d i . Each form has i t s own p e r f e c t i v e and imperfect ive aspect . Only a few examples of t h i s very common phenomenon are now given: 108 P e r f e c t i v e b a b i n i b a b i n i b u g i n i •u 't ~ boag in i meaning put i n mouth take between toes put a handle to be s ide by s ide revers ive b a b i d i b a b i d i b u g i d i boag id i meaning take from mouth remove from be-tween toes come out , i . e . , of a handle -separate Some verbs with t h i s phenomenon have the one p e r f e c t i v e ending, i n - l i with the r e v e r s i v e i n - d i , e . g . , p i l i put on shoes, e tc . p'idi. take o f f shoes, e tc . l o l l unt ie t i e l o t t i Future and Imperative Forms of Gurma Verbs Two of the tona l patterns given above f u r n i s h most verbs with t h e i r future and imperative tona l pat terns . These are patterns a) and 4) on page 91 and 92. a) p e r f e c t i v e wi th * - —> imperfect ive with ' +~ - ' d) p e r f e c t i v e with ' ' —> imperfect ive wi th ' ' ' . Verbs fo l lowing e i t h e r of these two patterns have the same tone as the imperfect ive i n both the future and the imperat ive , e . g . , P e r f e c t i v e meaning imperfect ive ,'/, ll r b a b i n i take be-tween toes b a b i n d i k o a b i g i k o a b i g i d i future p e r f e c t i v e b a b i n i koab ig i impererat ive p e r f e c t i v e b a b i n i koab ig i shorten The future and imperative of these two verbs , though having the same tonal patterns as the present imperfect ive are themselves p e r f e c t i v e s . 109 I f an imperfect ive f u t u r e , e . g . , b baa koabxgidi (he w i l l keep on shortening) or an imperfect ive imperat ive , e . g . , ya koa'bigi'di (keep on shortening i t ) must be expressed, t h i s w i l l have the same tonal p a t t e r n as the p e r f e c t i v e future or imperat ive . But the imperfect ive aspect of the future w i l l be ind ica ted by the imperfect ive future p a r t i c l e baa, which i s i n contrast with the p e r f e c t i v e future p a r t i c l e ba , ;(see below, p. 114 ) ; the imperfect ive imperative w i l l be i n d i c a t e d by the imperfect ive imperative p a r t i c l e ya. (see below, p. 115), i n contrast to the p e r f e c t i v e imperative which has no p a r t i c l e . A sub-set of the verbs wi th p e r f e c t i v e wi th very h igh fol lowed by low tone, and imperfect ive with high tones have t h e i r future and imperative with tonal patterns l i k e the p e r f e c t i v e rather than the i m p e r f e c t i v e , e . g . , P e r f e c t i v e meaning imperfect ive future ' / imperat ive p e r f e c t i v e p e r f e c t i v e " - i, - h -cog i read cog i cog i cog i The corresponding inchoat ive verb c o g i n i (cause to read) does not belong to t h i s sub-set , but to the main set; i . e . , i t s future and imperative tonal patterns are l i k e the imperfect ive : n a -r f t - , ' ' i t ' i t c o g i n i cause to c o g m d i c o g i n i c o g i n i read A sub-set of the verbs with present p e r f e c t i v e and imperfect ive with h igh tone has future p e r f e c t i v e and imperative p e r f e c t i v e a l i k e with high tone fol lowed by low tone, e .g . 110 P e r f e c t i v e meaning imperfect ive future imperative p e r f e c t i v e p e r f e c t i v e d i a n i wr i t e daiigx d i a n i d i a n i A f a i r l y common pat tern (see above pp. 91 and 98 ) has present p e r f e c t i v e with mid tone and present imperfect ive with low tone ± a s y l l a b l e with low tone. The future and imperative of verbs with t h i s pat tern have mid tone l i k e the p e r f e c t i v e as fo l lows: P e r f e c t i v e meaning imperfect ive future imperative p e r f e c t i v e p e r f e c t i v e fjmaa step on rjmaadi Qmaa rpaa doni climb db doni doni A sub-set with a pat tern very l i k e the l a s t one that adds a s y l l a b l e i n the imperfect ive (see above page 98 ) has i t imperfect ive future and imperative not shown only by the p a r t i c l e s as does the l a s t se t , but also by an added s y l l a b l e with high tone, e . g . , ( t o pounce on) future future imperative imperative p e r f e c t i v e imperfect ive p e r f e c t i v e imperfect ive r _ _ ba b i b i baa b i b i n i bfbf ya b i b i n i A sub-set of a few very frequent ly occurr ing verbs with p e r f e c t i v e wi th mid tone and imperfect ive with vowel shortening and low tone has future and imperative with mid tone as fo l lows: P e r f e c t i v e meaning imperfect ive future imperative p e r f e c t i v e p e r f e c t i v e daa buy da da da Two verbs with t h i s tonal pat tern have the one a s u p p l e t i v e , the other a r e p l a c i v e form i n the future and imperat ive , i . e . , d i n i eat d i j i j i puni give puuni pa pa I l l A sub-set of t h i s pat tern that has p e r f e c t i v e with mid tone and imperfect ive with low tone ± e i t h e r d e l e t i o n or replacement (see above pg. 101) has h igh tone i n the future and imperative as fo l lows: P e r f e c t i v e meaning imperfect ive future imperative p e r f e c t i v e p e r f e c t i v e boni chat boe boe boe The large group of verbs with present p e r f e c t i v e with low tone and present imperfect ive ± an added s y l l a b l e with high tone has future wi th very high tone fol lowed by mid tone, and imperative with mid tone fol lowed by high tone as fo l lows: P e r f e c t i v e meaning imperfect ive future imperative p e r f e c t i v e p e r f e c t i v e naani cook by naandi naani naani b o i l i n g A sub-set of verbs wi th present p e r f e c t i v e with low tone and p r e -sent imperfect ive wi th low tone with f i n a l s y l l a b l e with h igh tone, a l so has the future with very h igh tone fol lowed by mid tone l i k e the pa t t ern above, but d i f f e r s from i t i n the imperative which has low tone: kuadi s e l l kuadi kuadi kuadi Another sub-set of verbs with present p e r f e c t i v e with low tone, and present imperfect ive with low tone with f i n a l s y l l a b l e wi th high tone (see above pg. 97 ) , has the imperative wi th mid tone. The f u t u r e , instead of having very high tone fol lowed by mid-tone, l i k e the l a s t s e t , has future with low tone but an u p - g l i d e r i s i n g to very high on the future time, marker which precedes the verb , (see below page 114 as f o l l o w s ) : 112 P e r f e c t i v e meaning imperfect ive future imperative p e r f e c t i v e p e r f e c t i v e cua come Kbend! ba. . cua cua A l ess common pat tern wi th present p e r f e c t i v e with low tone and present imperfect ive with mid tone (see above pg. 95 ) , has future with low tone again preceded by the future p a r t i c l e with mid tone and a very h igh r i s i n g g l i d e , and imperative wi th mid tone as fo l lows: n i d i wash n i d i ba n i d i n i d i (hands) Another l e ss common pat tern has present p e r f e c t i v e with low tone fol lowed by high:tone and present imperfect ive with low tone and high tone on an added s y l l a b l e , (see above pg. 98 ) has future with high tone fol lowed by low tone, and imperative with v ' : P e r f e c t i v e meaning imperfect ive future imperative p e r f e c t i v e p e r f e c t i v e t6ngi heat t b n g i d i toijgi tbngi The table on the fo l lowing page (113) gives"examples of verbs and 1 the tonal patterns observed i n present p e r f e c t i v e , present imperfec t ive , future p e r f e c t i v e and imperative p e r f e c t i v e . Verba l p a r t i c l e s . Gurma verbs are always marked for non-pEesent time by p a r t i c l e s which precede the verb . The present p e r f e c t i v e , the present imperfect ive and the imperative are unmarked for t ime. A l l other tenses are marked by p a r t i c l e s . There are two markers for past tense : bi_ i n d i c a t e s immediate pas t , not f a r t h e r back than the same h a l f day; den ind ica te s other past time. These p a r t i c l e s occur with mid tone which i s inf luenced very little by environment. The nasa l of den i s homorganic wi th the fo l lowing con-113 Table of Gurma verb tonal patterns showing p e r f e c t i v e , imperfec t ive , future and imperat ive . Table 5. P e r f e c t i v e Imperfective Future Imperative Meaning // -dxni dxndi d l n i d i n i feed * Ii -cogxni c6gindi ' c 6 g i n i — • - ' cogxni ' teach to read cogi c6gi c3gi c S g i read h ma ma * ma m%. forge metal koabig i koabxgxdx koab ig i k o a b i g i shorten dianx daijgx d i a n i d i a n i wr i t e ijuunx ijuunx ijuuni pocket ijmaa ijmaadx fjmaa rjmaa step on b i i g x bxigxdx b l i g i b i i g i darken dinx d i j e j e eat boni boe boe boe chat naanx ijaandx * -naanx riaanx b o i l kuadi. kuadi kuadi kuadx s e l l cua Kpendi cua cua come nxdx n i d i nxdx n i d i wash (hands) tbngx tongxdx tongx v t tongx heat 114 sonant; i t i s always f u l l y articulated. These markers are used with the present perfective and imperfective inflections to indicate past time. A negative particle _g_i may precede either of these particles. If i t does, the noun or pronoun subject, S_, w i l l not have a negative form. The negative particle _gi appears to be i n free variation with the negative form of S_ (see above pp. 83 and 85 ). The particle dja. ( s t i l l ) may occur before the imperfective, e.g., 6 da co'gi" (he is s t i l l reading). The negative daa (not yet) may occur before the perfective, e.g., b daa bandi (he doesn't know, i.e. hasn't learned, yet). The future of Gurma verbs i s indicated by particles which precede the verb, as well as by tonal changes. The future particles alone may distinguish between future perfective and future imperfective. The future perfective particle i s ba with mid tone. But i f the verb following ba. has low tone, ba w i l l have a very high rising glide, e.g., b ba cua (he w i l l come). The future imperfective particle i s baa apparently in free variation with ba ya. The future negative perfective particle is kan. Both particles precede the verb. The future negative imperfective particles are kan ya. Except for the change of tone mentioned above for ba, tone on future particles i s not greatly influenced by the environment. The imperative has no marker in the perfective positive singular. The imperative pluralwhether perfective or imperfective, positive or negative, has the particle man! immediately after the verb. The 115 negative p e r f e c t i v e imperative is marked by the preceding p a r t i c l e da; the negative imperfect ive imperative i s preceded by da ya . Examples fo l low: cog i (read - sg . ) cogi mani - (read - p i . ) da cSgi (don't read - sg . ) da cogi man! (don't read - p i . ) ya*. cSgi (keep on reading - sg . ) ya c<5gi mani (keep on reading - p i . ) da ya co'gi (don't keep on reading - sg . ) da ya c&gi min i (don't keep on reading - p i ) ) The p a r t i c l e mani has very high tone on the f i r s t s y l l a b l e which causes a preceding high tone on the verb to be h igher . But i f mani i t s e l f i s preceded by a lower tone, i t s own tone may become lower. Tonal changes on the f i r s t s y l l a b l e of mani apparently determine the tone of the l a s t s y l l a b l e . More observations must be made before more d e t a i l e d ru le s can be made about the tona l patterns with t h i s p a r t i c l e . When Gurma verbs occur i n a s er i e s with a common subject : a) the subject i s not repeated, b) any time marker occurs with the f i r s t verb and i s not repeated, c) the verbs are jo ined i n one of two ways which appear to be i n free v a r i a t i o n : i . the p a r t i c l e j* i may occur between the verbs: b den fx g i gedi' dempo. (He got up and went home) i i ) the vowel of the f i r s t verb may be lengthened: b den f i x gedi dempo (He got up and went home) I f there are three verbs i n the s e r i e s , and two are c l o s e l y r e -l a t e d , the lengthened vowel w i l l occur between these two, and the p a r t i c l e j | i w i l l occur between one of these and the t h i r d verb: 116 6 den f i i c i i n d i gi kuni (He got up and sneezed, and went home) 6 den f i g i k u n i i dxni (He got up, and went home and ate) Table of Noun and Verb Tonal Patterns Discussed. Table 6. Simple nouns +Possessive / ii it +Relative it a t f t t f fi it it Verbs Perfective n it t t r Imperfective t t i i t t r Future t t f ~ t t f Imperative t t f t \ \ / 117 A n a l y s i s of a Typical,"Gurma Sentence This sec t ion w i l l be l i m i t e d to a b r i e f d i s cuss ion of Gurma grammar using examples i n which the morphemes are embedded i n authentic Gurma sentences. These examples w i l l show some s a l i e n t features of the language. o 5 ( c a a n l 0 ( koabfgidxtx 0 jdaadxgl'bxgl C | po. (the guest i s shortening the stakes for the c h i l d ) . The segmented sentence fo l lows , then the words as they would o c c u r - i n i s o l a t i o n are g lossed, then the features of each word as glossed and as i t occurs i n the sentence are d iscussed . o 4- jcaan + i + ( ' ^ - ) + 0 + ^koabi + g i + d i + ( ' * ' ' ) + t i + ( daa + d i + ( ' ~ ~) + g i + 'b i + g i + ( ~ ' ) + ( po + ( - ) . o+caan+o guest + the + s ingu lar + animate 0 zero time marker — present koabi+gx+dx short + t r a n s i t i v i z e r + cont inuat ive tx+daa+dx wood + the + p l u r a l + inanimate + c o l l e c t i v e gx+bx+ga c h i l d + the + s ingu lar + small ± animate po for Gurma sentences fo l low the order subjec t -verb-objec t , S V 0. This can r e a d i l y be seen i f sentence 1 i s w r i t t e n with i t s words as i f i n i s o l -a t i o n , and with a g loss beneath: ocaano k o a b i g i d i t i d a a d i g i b i g a po the guest i s shortening the stakes the c h i l d for 118 The verb k o a b i g i d i has severa l features c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Gurma verbs: a) i t ends i n -CV and - V i s / i / . A l l Gurma p o l y s y l l a b i c verbs end i - n ~C + ~ i when sentence f i n a l . b) I t ends i n - d i . The morpheme - d i with high tone sometimes occurs i n the verb base, but i f i t i s an added s u f f i x i t almost always means + imperfec t ive , as i t does here. c) The morpheme - d i i s preceded by the morpheme - g i , which may also be part of the verb base; but i f - g i i s an added morpheme i t may c a r r y the meaning +causat ive , as i t does here , i . e . , k o a b i (to be short) + - g i - f r k o a b i g i (to shorten) . d) The verb k o a b i g i d i has i t s own tonal p a t t e r n , i . e . , h igh + high + high + h igh , + ^+ " V . In t h i s verb no tonal contrast occurs with the p e r f e c t i v e tonal pat tern which i s high + high + h i g h , koabigi. As has been shown above (see p?.!?882) most Gurma verbs do have a tona l contrast between p e r f e c t i v e and imperfec t ive , the commonest pat tern being: p e r f e c t i v e with - —9 imperfect ive with "* "* . With probably more than h a l f of a l l Gurma verbs tonal contrast alone d i s t i n g u i s h e s the p e r f e c t i v e from the imperfec t ive . e) the stem koabi - i s synonymous with the verb base, koabi (to be s h o r t ) . The sentence t i d a a d i koabi (the stakes are short) and the sentence t idSadT k o a b i g i (the stakes have been shortened) are near ly synonymous, as they are i n E n g l i s h . But the form k o a b i g i d i which has j u s t been used p a s s i v e l y i s homophonous segmentally and supra-segmentally with the form k o a b i g i d i used i n sentence 1. That i s , t h i s Gurma v e r b , l i k e many o thers , may be used p a s s i v e l y or a c t i v e l y . However, i f i t i s used p a s s i v e l y , the agent can not be expressed. 1.19 f) the verb koabxgidi has a 0 tense marker denoting present time i n contrast with other tense markers, e . g . , o'caanT + bx_ + k o a b i g i d i + tidaadx (the guest was j u s t now shortening the stakes) where bx i s a tense marker denoting immediate past; i t may be used with p e r f e c t i v e or imperfect ive aspect , ocaanx + baa + koabxgxdx txdaadx j(the guest i s  going to be shortening the s takes ) , where baa i s a tense marker denoting future used with the imperfect ive aspect . The subject ocaano, the a c t o r , also has manly of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c features of Gurma nouns: a) i t begins and ends with p h o n e t i c a l l y i d e n t i c a l segments, i n t h i s case and . -o , and most Gurma nouns have p h o n e t i c a l l y s i m i l a r , i f not i d e n t i c a l , a f f i x e s which occur i n p a i r s , s ingu lar and p l u r a l . b) the a f f i x p a i r of the noun ocaano, o - o, has the meaning + s i n g u l a r . I f the meaning p l u r a l (- s ingular ) were to be marked, the p a i r o - o would be changed to the p a i r b i - b a , e . g . , bxcaamba (the guests) . A table of the a f f i x p a i r s , showing t h e i r double p a i r i n g for s ingu lar -p l u r a l i s now given: 1 o - o / * -ocaano stranger 2 b i - ba bxcaamba the strangers 1 o - o ocuado in - law 3 aa - da acuada the in- laws 4 o - 0 oja man 2 b i - ba bxjaba the men 1 o - o o taamo horse 5 i - i xt aamx the horses 4 o - 0 y -onua cow 6 i - e 0 -xne the cows 7 o - u // . -osanu path 9 i - i 9- -i s an-i the paths 8 bu -• bu o t ibu tree 9 i - d i l t u d i trees 1 0 gu -• gu ^daagu wood 1 1 t i - d i txdaadx wood ( c o l l e c . ) l i - 1% l i t i i i book 13 a, • ".a a t i l a ok s 1^ "Mciei. L Iiou.se 14 a ns. ad:.en?. housf":;, 120 12 l i - M i l i t i l i book 13 a - l a a t i l a books 12 l i - l i l i d i e l i house 14 a - na adiena houses / * / \ V v. \ 15 l i - l a l i b o n k a l i k a a l a c h a i r 16 g i - ga gisanga bowl 17 mi - mu musammu bowls 18 mi - ma minima water (mass nouns, gerunds) 19 0 - 0 soje s o l d i e r 20 0-mba sojeemba s o l d i e r s c) The p r e f i x o- of the actor noun ocaano has determinative connotat ion. I f two people i n a hut hear a noise out s ide , one may say o- , and would i n d i c a t e that a c e r t a i n s tranger , one a lready named, d i scussed , expected, e t c . , was there . d) the a f f i x p a i r , o - o, has the feature -(-animate, as do the a f f i x p a i r s of c lasses 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6. Only c lasses 2 and 3 are marked +human i n t h i s system of numbering. e) the s u f f i x -o which appears when ocaano i s i n i s o l a t i o n or i n f i n a l p o s i t i o n has changed to jM i n t h i s sentence where ocaano i s c l o s e l y l i n k e d to the fo l lowing word. Phonetic change of an unstressed f i n a l noun vowel when the noun i s not utterance f i n a l i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c for Gurma. f) the tone pa t t ern of the noun ocjfano, high+ high+ mid, ' ' ~ may be described as having the feature -possessed. The form ocaano (the guest) i s i n contrast with the form ocaano* (his guest) s o l e l y through the contrast between the tona l pat tern ' * and the tona l pat tern "*" (high+high+mid i s i n contrast with mid+high+very h igh to the ob.her, fjmee y^ l i k a n i ? (Who i s there?) . The l a t t e r may w e l l r e p l y , ocaano (the stranger) which i s marked +determined by the a f f i x , 121 +downglide, see pg. 74 above). The importance of tone d i s t i n c t i o n s i n Gurma may be fur ther shown by the four fo l lowing l o o k - a l i k e s - no. 1 . occurs i n sentence No. 1, pg. 117. ' i -1. ocaano the guest 2. ocaano' h i s guest 3. bcaano he i s accompanying him 4. bcaano he i s v i s i t i n g him g) the base of the noun ocaano, - c a a n - i s probably r e l a t e d to the imperfect ive form caani. of the verb c a n i , (to v i s i t , be guest o f ) . Th i s r e l a t i o n s h i p i s often found i n Gurma nouns and verbs . The second noun, t i d a a d i (the stakes) the pat i ent noun, i s a member of noun c lass 1 as l i s t e d above. I t has these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : a) i t s p r e f i x t i - marks i t as +def in i te ; these are c e r t a i n , known stakes . b) the p r e f i x _ti a lso marks i t as -animate c) the a f f i x p a i r t i - d i mark i t as - s i n g u l a r , i . e . , p l u r a l . d) the p l u r a l markers t i - d i a l so mark t h i s noun as poss ib ly c o l l e c t i v e , many p l u r a l s i n t h i s c lass being viewed c o l l e c t i v e l y rather // _ _ / / -than as count nouns, e . g . , t i y u d i ( h a i r ) , t imuadi (grass) . /" - - / _ e) the pat i ent noun t i d a a d i precedes g i b i g a , the b e n e f i c i a r y of the ac t ion of the verb . This order i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Gurma syntax. The t h i r d noun g ib iga has these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : a) i t s p r e f i x g i - marks i t as +de f in i t e : t h i s i s not j u s t any c h i l d , but a c e r t a i n one. b) i t s a f f i x p a i r g i - ga mark i t as +s ingular . 122 c) t h i s a f f i x c l a s s , no. 16, i s the c lass of small or young things ± a n i m a t e , so g i b i g a i s marked as small or young, but not marked for the animate or the human feature . d) the ending before p_o, i . e . , - g i , i s not the one that would occur i n i s o l a t i o n , i . e . , - g a . I t i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Gurma nouns ending i n - g a , and also those ending i n -ma and - b a , that 1) i f they are not sentence or phrase f i n a l , 11) i f they have not undergone a morphophonemic change, e . g . , as for +possessed- (see above, pp. 74 -78) t h e i r f i n a l vowel changes to a higher more fronted vowel. The word p_o (for) i s : a) a p o s t p o s i t i o n . It i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Gurma nouns that they occur with postpositons rather than with prepos i tons . b) marked for tone, po_ ( f o r ) , mid tone. This keeps i t c l e a r l y apart from the segmentally homophonous p_o_ (to , from), which occurs with high tone. 123 B i b l i o g r a p h y Books Alexandre, Gustave. La Langue more. Me^moires. Dakar: IF AN, 1953. Bendor-Samuel, John. "Niger-Congo, Gur," Sub-Sahara, v o l . 7, 1971, of Current Trends i n L i n g u i s t i c s , gen. ed. Thomas A. Sebeok. The Hague: Mouton. Chantoux, A., Gontier, A., and P r o s t , A. Grammaire gourmantche^ I n i t i a t i o n s et etudes a f r i c a i n e s no. X X I I I . Dakar: IFAN, 1968. C h r i s t a l l e r , Johann G o t t l i e b . A Grammar of the Asante and Fante Languages C a l l e d T s h i . Basel: 1875. C l a r k e , J . Specimens of d i a l e c t s . . . i n A f r i c a . Berwick-on-Tweed/ London, 1948, r e p r i n t ed. Farnborough: Gregg, 1972. Cornevin, Robert. H i s t o i r e de l ' A f r i q u e . P a r i s : Payot, 1962. Delafosse, Maurice. "Langues du Soudan et de l a Guine'e," Les Langues du monde, ed. A. M e i l l e t e t M. Cohen. P a r i s : Centre n a t i o n a l de l a recherche s c i e n t i f i q u e , 1924, r e p r i n t ed., P a r i s : Champion, 1952. Doke, C. M. The Southern Bantu Languages. London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1954. . Bantu L i n g u i s t i c Terminology. London: Longmans, Green, 1935. Fortune, George. An A n a l y t i c a l Grammar of Shona. London: Longmans, Green, 1955. Greenberg, Joseph H. Studies i n A f r i c a n L i n g u i s t i c C l a s s i f i c a t i o n . Compass P u b l i s h i n g Company. New Haven, 1955. 124 . The Languages of A f r i c a . The Hague: Mouton, 1963. Guides b leues , Les . Afr ique occ identa le f r a n c a i s e : Togo. P a r i s : Hachette, 1958. G u t h r i e , Malcolm. The C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the Bantu Languages. London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press for L A I , 1948. Hume, Mrs . Jean. A Gurma Grammar. Fada N'Gurma, ca . 1940. (Typewritten) . K o e l l e , Sigismund Wilhelm. P o l y g l o t t a A f r i c a n a . London: Church Miss ionary House, 1854, r e p r i n t e d . , Introduct ion by P . E . H . H a i r . Akademische Druck - u . V e r l a g s a n s t a l t . Graz , A u s t r i a : 1963. Meinhoff , C a r l . Sprachen der Hamiten. Hamburg, 1912. Oldendorp, C h r i s t i a n Georg Andreas. Geschicte der Miss ion der Evangel ischen Briider aus den cara ib i schen Inse ln , S. Thomas, S. Barby. L e i p z i g , 1777. S tee le , Mary and Wood, Gretchen. The Phonology of Konkomba. A c c r a : IAS, U n i v e r s i t y of Ghana, 1966. TIDIEDO JESU KILISITI TICANDAANO YANANTAADI-PAANO (Le Nouveau Testament en langue gourmantche (Gourma)) . P a r i s : La Socie'te' B i b l i q u e , 1958. de Tressan, de Lavergne. Inventaire l i n g u i s t i q u e de l ' A . O . F . et du Togo. Memoires no. 30. Dakar: IFAN, 1953. Westermann, D. and Ward, Ida C. P r a c t i c a l Phonetics for Students of A f r i c a n Languages. London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press for IAI , 1964. . The Languages of West A f r i c a . London Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1952, r e p r i n t ed. London: Dawsons, 1970. 125 Articles Christaller, Johan Gottlieb. Sprachbrochen aus dem Sudan von 40 bis 60 Sprachen und Mundarten hinter der Gold-und-Sklavenk'uste.11  Zeitschrift fur Afrikanische Sprachen. 3:133-154 (Berlin,. 1889/90). Dalby, David. "Reflections on the Classification of African Languages." African Language Studies, XI. London, 1971. Delafosse, Maurice. "Memoires de l a Societe de linguistique de Paris." 16(6): 386-395, Paris: 1911. Grand Dictionnaire universal du XIX siecle, 1873, s.v. "Hannon". Guthrie, Malcolm. Review of "Languages of Africa." J.A.H. 11:135-136. 1962. Hair, P. E. H. "Collections of Vocabularies of West Africa before the Polyglotta: A Key." JAfrL, 1966, 5:3:211-214. Kunene, E. P. "The ideophone in Southern Sotho." JA f r l , 1965:4:20. Mercier, Paul, "Gourma" Dakar: IFAN, 1954:12-15. Newman, Paul. Ideophones from a Syntactic Point of View." JWAL, 1968; 2:107-117. Prost, A. :"La Langue gourma dans la Polyglotta Africana." African Language Review. 1966;5:134. . Determining the Meaning of Ideophones." JWAL. 1967:IV: 2:35-41. . "Appropriateness and Metaphor in the Use of Ideophones." Orbis. 1971:20: 356-369. . "Survey of Bantu Ideophones:. African Language Studies, XLL. London, 1971. Bibliography. 126 Westermann, D. "Die westlichen Sudansprachen und ihre Beziehungen zum Bantu." Mittheilungen des Seminars fur orientalische Sprachen, vol. 30. Berlin:1927. . "African Linguistic Classification." Africa. 22:252. 1952. APPENDIX 1 127 Ideophones i n Gurma Anyone studying Gurma, though completely ignorant of l i n g u i s t i c t rends , must be impressed by the frequent occurrence of words that seem d i f f e r e n t from a l l the other words i n the language. The occur-rence of such words, known as ideophones - idea sounds - as discussed by Samarin andeNewmaririscGommonot6.fAfricane-languages. A b i b l i o g r a p h y compiled by Professor Samarin l i s t i n g mater ia l s containing information about ideophones has over one hundred items, the e a r l i e s t having been publ ished i n 1850. That over seventy- f ive percent of the works l i s t e d fra/te been publ i shed i n the l a s t twenty-f ive years shows the increased present i n t e r e s t i n th i s category of words. Among the names var ious authors have given to ideophones are ono- matopoeic adverbs, i n t e n s i f i e r s , mimic nouns, in t ens ive i n t e r j e c t i o n s , a f f e c t i f s , uni tes polymonemes, mots-images. Doke (1935:118) - who may have created the term - defines the ideophone as a ' v i v i d representat ion of an idea i n sound' . Fortune (1955:421) def ines i t as ' a v i v i d or graphic exclamation, sometimes onomatopoeic, which i n d i c a t e s an ac t ion or manner of a c t i o n , a s ta t e , c o l o u r , sound, sme l l , or s e n s a t i o n ' . Kunene (1965:20) def ines i t as a dramat izat ion of act ions and s ta te s . I t i s f e l t that the Gurma ideophones now l i s t e d may be but a small sampling of a f a i r l y large c lass of words. But these few examples show why Gurma ideophones 'seem d i f f e r e n t ' from other words i n the language, and why such adjec t ives as ' v i v i d ' and 'dramatic ' are a p p l i c a b l e . I t should be mentioned before the words are read that they are to be thought of as being sa id with some added force or c learness or in tonat ion that helps to make them stand out . 128 ideophone 1 bag! bagf 2. 3. 4. 5. be l i b e l i b i d i b id-± l bTmm caorj v caorj 7. cap example (the gloss i s underlined) 0 maadi bagi bagi. (He talks very much) 0 kpaani bagi bagi. (He is proclaiming very loudly) L i se b e l i b e l i (It stands very high) Mi na bi d i bid-i (It, i.e., the water, i s sputtering out). L i b i i g i bimm (It is very dark) Oyienu n kua yayogunu gu yen moandi caorj. (When the sun goes down i t i s often very red). Bee n tieni caoj yeni? (Asked when food dropped into hot fat - what made that sizzling noise?) 0 pundi gi sedi cap (He has arrived and stopped exactly (onr the line ) . 8. cas x A maadi yeni cas (You have said exactly that). cob(i) cob(i)^ Unglossed Janli foagi c o l i c o l i (Janli i s very t a l l ) Mijiima pubi c o l i c o l i (The water drips constantly). 0 duugi colip colip (He limps along) drop by drop 0 g~bagidii d i i d i condi condi (He turned and looked a l l around) cu(uuu) cu(u'u'u) Idi wutti cuuuu (The grain is running out fast). i i Gitaagi mi cuu cuu. (It is raining hard) i i i Cu cu yogunu pia mikoma (Hard (raining) time has hunger, i.e., there i s near famine during the rainy season). iv Okpaataali cu. (His pantlegs come right down (i.e., to his heels). 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. c o l i c o l i c o l i c o l i colip colip colu c6*ndi co'ndi Tonal data are lacking for some of the ideophones and for a l l of the examples showing them in context. 16. d i n d i n i 17. faaaa 18. fa" f a i 19. fas 20. f i i i i 21. gani gani"*" 22. g e l i geli"*" 23. geni geni"*" 24. jaaaa 25. j a j a j a j a j a 26. j e g i j e g i 27. jo /Ijuo 28. kabi kabi 29. k a l a k a l a 30. kalam kalam 31. Kpada 32. Kpa Kpa 33. k u b i l i g a p k u b i l i g a p 34. J i i i i 35. padap 36. p a i p a i carefully • L z y 0 noadi gijuga faaaa (He has put the knife a l l the way into the scabbard). L i nudi gi nani f a i f a i . (It, i.e., the stain, has washed out completely). 0 bani fas (He knows a l l about i t ) 0 g"bengi f i i i i (He's very fat) L i mi gani gani (It has rained a l i t t l e ) Soje sedi geni geni (The soldier has stood absolutely rigid) Astonishment ( no no no no no) (very much - with the verb 'tremble') (surprise - unpleasant) a de kabi kabi (They, i.e., a t i l a (the books) are exactly alike). Bi wuli mitambima kala kala. (They have dumped the sand in heaps). 0 boani kalam kalam (She is very black) 0 mandi Icpada- (He i s perspiring very much) Osanu se kpa Kpa (The path is very straight). 0 n a l i kubiligap kubiligap (He i s swallowing noisily) N nua gu j i i i i i (I can barely see i t , i.e., okorjkorjgu, the thorn) 0 pua padap (He hit i t wham) Waano pai pai (Tell him plainly) 130 37. pa'lxgi.da paligida 38. pampani 39. 40. 41. 43. 44. 45. 46. pampani pepe puo puo 42. sair; so do*d6do t i a tontonl ya ya 0 tua paligida paligida (The horse i s making a noise like p...p...) 0 cuaa sua ke n da tieni. pampani (He came and found that I had just done i t ) . Mubini pampani (Hold i t very firmly) Waano pepe (Tell, him plainly) Bikuli de puo puo. (They are exactly the same size) Libabuuli ya buaa j<ia l i yen kubi saitj (When a limb has been 'asleep'), when the numbness i s about to leave i t , i t keeps tingling. The range of meaning of kubi  sajq here i s not yet known. L i moani sodododo (It's very red) L i jfbie t i a (It's very f u l l ) Gedi tontoni (Go quickly) A kubi ya ya (You're a l l wrought up). This second idiom with kubi, kubi ya ya, is not understood either). 47. yegi yegi L i moani yegi yegi (It's very red) The following ideophones may form a sub-set. They occur with ttiej. (to be, the copula), i t s inchoative tua, (to become), or with y_e (to be, the locative), 48. f i l a / f i d a 0 tie fida (He, i.e., the baby, i s fat) 49. gbaaa Dinla tie g~baaa (It's misty today) Also used of the eyes. 50. jaja' 0 tie jaja (He stands very straight) 51. joaga joaga Osaabu tie joaga joaga (The mush is in pieces, i.e., rather than in whole cakes). 1 3 1 5 2 . kala oyama tie kala (He is anxious) 5 3 . kalamm .Li t ie kalamm (It i s very s t i l l ) 5 4 . kuna kuna Likani tie kuna kuna (It's hillocky there) 5 5 . jialip Njiinli ye jialip (My tooth keeps having 5 6 . j i i i i i 5 7 . pala 5 8 . sinsiria 5 9 . wada wadi twinges of pain) Okabo tie j i i i i (The plane is barely visible) Dinla n tua pala (Let today be the last) L i t i e sinsina (It's upside down, backside fore, inside out) 0 t i e wada wada (It is multi-colored) minima tie nua yeni yeni (The water is very clear) 0 cuoni yengam (He is walking with a swagger) The following characteristics are noteworthy: a) phonetic The consonants 7p/ and Is/ occur f i n a l in some ideophones whereas in other words they occur i n i t i a l and medial only. The con-sonant /p/ occurs f i n a l l y six times, the consonant Is/ twice. While the consonant /m/ occurs f i n a l 'in other words, /mm/ occurs f i n a l l y in ideophones only, three times in the l i s t just given. The stressed vowel /a/ occurs as [ia] in ideophones only, in con-trast to other words in the language where unstressed vowel /a/ occurs as LVa] . The vowel order in diphthongs in ideophones may be from low vowel to higher vowel, e.g. , cain,. whereas in other, normal words the order 132 i s always higher vowel to lower vowel. b) morphophonemic Reduplication for emphasis is common as i t is in other words. But whereas in verbs i t is facultative and the unreduplicated form is the main member, in many ideophones there is no unreduplicated form, e.g., pai pai (very,, used with be white/clear) never reduces to pai. The ideophones cited, consist of - from one to four, syllables; apparently each ideophone is a unit which cannot be segmented. No ideophones cited occur with gender affixes as do nouns, (see above pg. 53 )• No ideophones cited occur preceded by a possessive adjective (see above page 53 ). Only one ideophone cited, cu, occurs in the _S_ theme in an SVO sequence, (see above no. 15, i i i ) . This position (one of three in which this ideophone occurs) would ordinarily be f i l l e d by a possessive nominal. Compare: cu cu yogunu pia mikoma (hard rain's time has hunger) obado biga pia mikoma (the chief's child has hunger) where cu cu : obado : : yogunu : biga. However this sentence may be a proverb; compare "many a mickle makes a muckle'; i t may not reflect ordinary morphology. Many polysyllabic ideophones end in / i / , and many monosyllabic ideophones end in a vowel, as do verbs, see above, page 87 • But only one ideophone, cu, see above 15, iv , can presumably occur im-mediately after a time marker, which is a criterion for recognizing verbs. 133 Syntax Except for cu, a l l Ideophones list e d follow immediately after the verb. In every example the verb used with an ideophone i s positive. In every example the verb used with an ideophone is declarative. Some ideophones occur with transitive verbs, some with the copula or>stative verbs, but this distinction arises because of the observer's English-speaking background and may not be valid for Gurma. .No research has been done to discover whether any given ideophone may be used with both transitive and stative verbs, or in fact whether any given ideophone may be used with any other verb than that cited above. How-ever in no 1 cited above the same ideophone i s used with different verbs, and j i i i i , nos. 33, 55, is cited with a transitive verb and also with the copula. Semantic In a l l cases but three, no. 21 gani gani. no. 34 j i i i i and no. 49. gbaaa, the ideophones are intensifiers i n a positive direction; with these three ideophones the direction i s negative. There are some cognates, e.g., bagi bagi. used with two speaking verbs; compare bagi (to question), baagi (to console) b e l i b e l i , used with stand upright; compare obeligu, the sucker, the slender, t a l l shoot from a root. dindini, carefully; compare dirjgi (be soft) and French doucement  pampani, recently; compare -pan- (new, young) 134 No research has been done to determine the percentage of borrowings among ideophones. 135 APPENDIX 2 The e a r l i e s t l i n g u i s t i c mention of a language of the Gurma sub-groups may be that of G. C. A. Oldendorp, a German B a p t i s t missionary i n the West I n d i e s , i n 1774"*-: "Numerals, t h i r t e e n nouns, and one sentence (a t r a n s l a t i o n of ' C h r i s t has loved us and washed away our s i n s w i t h His blood') i n each of twenty-four languages was c o l l e c t e d from s l a v e s . " P r o f e s s o r H a i r considers that one of these v o c a b u l a r i e s , l i s t e d by Oldendorp as K a s s e n t i , may be i n the Kasele language. The Kasele, who number about twenty thousand, l i v e i n northern Togo j u s t south of the Gurma.area i n Upper V o l t a . Westermann mentions Kasele as a member of the Gurma d i a l e c t c l u s t e r . ^ The closeness of i t s r e -l a t i o n to Gurma may be best judged by comparing w i t h today's Gurma the words Oldendorp c o l l e c t e d two hundred years ago from a s l a v e i n the West Indies two thousand miles away from home. 1 C h r i s t i a n Georg Andreas Oldendorp, Geschichte der M i s s i o n der  Evangelischen Briider aus den c a r a i b i s c h e n I n s e l n , S. Thomas, S. C r o i x  and S. Barby, ( L e i p z i g , 1777), pp. 344-346. 2p. E. H. H a i r , " C o l l e c t i o n s of Vocabularies of West A f r i c e before the P o l y g l o t t a : a Key". J o u r n a l of A f r i c a n Languages, h e r e a f t e r JAL, (1966), 5:3:211. 3 I b i d . , p. 214. 4D i e d r i c h Westermann and M. A. Bryan, Handbook of A f r i c a n Languages, Pa r t I I , the Languages of West A f r i c a , f o r the I n t e r n a t i o n a l A f r i c a n I n s t i t u t e , h e r e a f t e r IFA, (London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P ress, 1952, r e p r i n t ed. London: Dawsons of P a l l M a l l , 1970), p. 67. 136 Kassent i Gurma (Fada) Gurma (northern^) E n g l i s h obaa yendo yendo one i l l e e b i l i e n lee two i t t a a b i t a a ntaa three inna b ina nna four immu bimuu mmuu f i v e i l l o o p b i l u o b a nluoba s i x i l l e l e e b i l e l e n l e l e e seven imeen b i n i i n n i i e ight uwah b i y i a nwia nine p iek p i i g a p i i g a ten piekninobaa p i i g i n yendo p i i g i n yendo eleven p i e k n i n i l e e p i i g i n b i l i e p i i g a l ee twelve p i l e e p i i l i e p i i l e e twenty not recorded for Kassent i The t h i r t e e n nouns Uweentjauwi Ktak Uwin Otienu tampoli (g i ta-ga) oyienu Oyeenu tampol i ( k i - ) t a « ga oyeenu t h i r t y one hundred one thousand God heaven (the) r a i n ) sun ISee Chantoux, Gont ier and Prost i n Grammaire gourmantche. pg. 61 give Kantcher i d i a l e c t as: 1 n l e , 2 n le ( s i c ) , 3 n t a , 4 nna, 5 nmu, 6 n luoba, 7 n l e l e ( s i c ) , 8 n n i , 9 n-ya ( s i c ) , 10 ka p iga ( s i c ) , 20 ka p i l i e ( s i c ) . 1 3 7 Kassent i Ungmar Inno I t t a Dur Dt ja Uppi T i b b i k U b i j a Onaa Gurma (Fada) ofynaalo onuu l i t a a l i l i y u l i o ja opua g i b i g a -ba (bound morpheme) (obijua -na Gurma (northern) E n g l i s h fjhaalo nuu t a a l i y u l i jua pua ( k i - ) b i g a -ba ob i jua -na moon hand foot head man woman c h i l d father h i s son), mother ona h i s mother) (bound morpheme) (ona When comparing the word l i s t s one should take in to account O l d -endorp's maternal tongue - German - and not i ce that what he heard for the f i n a l consonants of i l l o o p (s ix) and piek(ten) may w e l l have been / - b / and / - g / even though he wrote ' - p ' and ' - k ' . One must a lso take into account that Gurma has three d i a l e c t s (see In troduct ion) . Of Okfehdorp's Kassent i (or Kasele) numbers, only obaa (one) i s very d i f f e r e n t from any of the Gurma renderings . He heard an i n i t i a l ' i - ' followed by a geminate consonant where northern now tends to use only pref ixed T n - ' and Fada pref ixed ' b i - ' ( for count ing) . He recorded lengthened vowels much as Gurma has them today. His f i n a l '-p:' i n i l l o o p (si^ > may have been / - b / . Of h i s nouns only Ktak (heaven) seems e n t i r e l y unrelated to Gurma. Taking in to account the ' k i - . ga' c la s s 1 3 8 of the eastern d i a l e c t which would be c loses t geographica l ly to Kasele and Oldendorp's mother tongue, i t would seem that he may have been given the word for ' r a i n ' , Fada g i taaga , eastern ketaaga, or e lse that the Gurma word for ' r a i n ' approximates the Kasele word for 'heaven'. It would seem poss ib l e too that the word for 'h i s s o n ' , Gurma o b i j u a , may have been given instead of ' f a t h e r ' . The only lengthened vowel recorded i n the nouns i s i n Onaa, (mother), whereas one would have looked for some i n d i c a t i o n of / - a « - / i n Ktak and Ungmar resembling^, as they do the the Gurma words gitaaga (rain) and orpaalo (moon). But the lengthened vowels i n the numbers, both media l , i l l o o p ( s i x ) , p iek ( ten) , and f i n a l i l l e e (two), i t t a a ( three) , uwah (nine) correspond to Gurma lengthened or on-g l ide vowels: nluoba ( s i x ) , p i i g a ( ten) , nlee (two), nwia (n ine) . Oldendorp's verse , "In der Sprache der K a s s e n t i : Chr i s tus t jau wigeem, ka undum mitjam duppan: Chr i s tus hat uns g e l i e b e t , und gewaschen mit Blut von S c h u l d . " , might be t rans la ted i n Gurma: Chris tus den bua t i g i nuudi t ipana l e n osoama. Oldendorp's f i r s t three words: Chr i s tus t jau wigeem must be considered with h i s word glossed God. Comparing these with modern Gurma: Uweentj auwi Chr i s tus t j a u wi geem Chris tus bua t i (Chr i s t has loved us) i t would seem that tjau- > bua, (has loved) and that wi > jtx_ (us) So Oldendorp's word for God i s r e a l l y three words: Uween t j a u w i , i n modern Gurma, Uween » Otienu (God), t j a u » b u a (has loved) 139 wi — > _tx_ (us). The modern connective between concurrent verbs i s g i , compare Oldendorp's gee. I t i s suggested that the word d i v i s i o n i s f a u l t y here and that -m + ka + undu —-> nUudi (washed), and that the f o l l o w i n g -yn_ > l e n (with u n s t r e s s e d ) , mitjam —-> misoama (blood), duppan —•> t i p a n a (our debts). So the comparison i s as f o l l o w s : Oldendorp C h r i s t u s t j a u w i gee mkaundu m mitjam duppan Modern K i l i s i t i bua t i g i nuudi l e n misoama t i p a n a Gloss C h r i s t has us and washed w i t h blood our debts. loved The correspondence between Gurma and Kasele i s very apparent. The next known c o l l e c t i o n s of v o c a b u l a r i e s do not have a l i s t recognized as being Gurma or Gurma r e l a t e d ! These are: T. E. Bowdich, M i s s i o n from Cape Coast to Ashantee . . ., London, 1819. Numerals i n each of t h i r t y - t w o languages, mainly of Gold Coast and h i n t e r l a n d : a d d i t i o n a l b r i e f v o c a b u l a r i e s i n f i v e of these . . . E x t e n s i v e l y i d e n t i f i e d by C h r i s t a l l e r and Delafosse. H. Kilham, Specimens of A f r i c a n languages spoken i n the Colony of S i e r r a Leone, London, 1828. Numerals and about s i x t y terms i n each of t h i r t y languages, i n the f i r s t work devoted s o l e l y to 2 A f r i c a n v o c a b u l a r i e s . . . P a r t l y i d e n t i f i e d by Latham, c. 1850, most of the remainder i d e n t i f i e d by Delafosse. ^ H a i r , " C o l l e c t i o n s . . . .", pp. 211 - 212. 2 I t a l i c s mine. 140 J . C l a r k e , Specimens of d i a l e c t s . . . i n A f r i c a , Berwick-on Tweed/London, 1848-49 . . .Numerals and/or ten nouns i n each of about 250 d i a l e c t s and languages . . . A f a i r number have been i d e n t i f i e d by Latham, C h r i s t a l l e r , Delafosse , Struck and Westermann. C l a r k e ' s Gurma specimen, recent ly i d e n t i f i e d i n a new e d i t i o n , edi ted by E . Ardener (Gregg, 1972) i s as fol lows: Clarke mike l alamis nub a Koelle odso wopua mba northern ojua opua mba Fada o j a opua mba min na min ma na (nna) -na (nna) -na (nna) jtiima jaima oyienu oyeenu oijma'lo onma'lo kokolo kokolo The f i r s t extensive l i n g u i s t i c record of Gurma i s that of Sigismund Wilhelm K o e l l e i n h i s j u s t l y famed P o l y g l o t t a A f r i c a n a (London, Church Miss ionary House, 1854). Th i s German-born miss ionary , t r a i n e d f i r s t at the Basel Miss ionary Seminary, then at the Church Miss ionary Society Col lege i n I s l i n g t o n , went to A f r i c a as a manber of the Church Miss ionary Society i n 1847. At t h i s time the Society was encouraging i t miss ionar ies To study A f r i c a n Languages, f i r s t as a p r a c t i c a l means of b r i n g i n g Protestant C h r i s t i a n i t y to the a t t e n t i o n of mxnna nima oyenu omun kokoro nyima oyenu ugmaro kokuro meaning the man the woman my father my own mother mother (my own mother) water the sun the moon fowl 141 A f r i c a n s , not l ea s t through B i b l e t r a n s l a t i o n , and secondly i n order that the product ion of grammars and l i t e r a t u r e might demonstrate the e s s e n t i a l huma-n i t y of A f r i c a ' s tongues, and hence people , and thus serve as a f i n a l argument i n the humanitarian cam-paign against the A f r i c a n Slave Trade.""'" K o e l l e ' s P o l y g l o t t a A f r i c a n a i s , i n the words of h i s own extended t i t l e , "A comparative vocabulary of near ly three hundred words and phrases i n more than one hundred d i s t i n c t A f r i c a n languages." One of these languages i s Gurma. In h i s Introduct ion to the r e p r i n t of K o e l l e ' s work Professor Hair says, With each vocabulary K o e l l e suppl ied a note on the informant and h i s l i f e - h i s t o r y , and on the topography of the d i s t r i c t i n which the language was spoken. Considering the vague knowledge of i n t e r i o r A f r i c a at th i s date , the P o l y g l o t t a ' s geographical i n f o r -mation was remarkably exact and at times i n advance of previous knowledge. On the pure ly P. E . H. H a i r , Introduct ion to r e p r i n t ed. of S. W. K o e l l e , P o l y g l o t t a  A f r i c a n a , (C. M. H . , London, 1954, r e p r i n t e d . , Akademische Druck -u. V e r l a g s a n s t a l t , (Graz - A u s t r i a , 1963), p. 7. 142 l i n g u i s t i c : : s i d e K o e l l e ' s work was v a s t l y b e t t e r than that of h i s predecessors: f i r s t , i n that h i s s e l e c -t i o n of forms was based on some grammatical understanding of A f r i c a n languages, ( f o r instance he d i s t i n g u i s h e d p r e f i x e s and added p l u r a l forms), and secondly i n that h i s orthography was c o n s i s t e n t , reasonably s u b t l e , and based on a standard model.""'" K o e l l e ' s informant f o r the Gurma vocabulary, as he t e l l s us himself i n the P o l y g l o t t a A f r i c a n a , was Adsima or John Wilhelm, born i n Bungu and brought up at Datanu, another Gurma town, where he l i v e d t i l l about h i s twenty-fourth year. Three years a f t e r h i s being kidnapped, he was s o l d to the Spaniards i n Asante. He has been i n S i e r r a Leone s i x y e a r s , w i t h four countrymen, who however are o l d , and have f o r g o t t e n much of t h e i r n a t i v e language. "Alphabet de l i n g u i s t i q u e u n i v e r s e l l e " , published i n B e r l i n i n 1855 by the noted E g y p t o l o g i s t C. R. Lepsius who was "induced to d i r e c t h i s s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n to the subject by a v i s i t from Rev. S. W. K o e l l e . " I n 1863 Lepsius published Alphabet destine a r e d u i r e l e s div e r s e s langues a une orthographe uniforme en caracteres europeens (Londres et B e r l i n , 1863). Lepsius' alphabet had two hundred f o r t y characters so was clumsy > but i t a n t i c i p a t e d the I.P.A. by about t h i r t y years. 143 Adsima (Fada d i a l e c t , Ajima) i s a name commonly given by Gurmas today to a c h i l d , male or female, born on F r i d a y . I t i s of A r a b i c o r i g i n , perhaps through Hausa; compare the Hausa word f o r F r i d a y , Adjimma'a. The Reverend A. P r o s t has suggested that the town named Datanu where Adsima grew up may be the present northern Togo town Dapango, and that the b i r t h p l a c e Bungu r e f e r s not to a town but to a r e g i o n i n south eastern Gurma t e r r i t o r y j u s t n o r t h of the Togo border."*" In t h i s case Adsima would be an eastern d i a l e c t speaker. K o e l l e ' s c o n s i s t e n t use of [hj i n i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n where Fada d i a l e c t would have /n/ could tend to confirm t h i s ; i t may however, suggest a northern d i a l e c t speaker. K o e l l e has one verb g b a s i , hear (compare Fada and eastern d i a l e c t s , gbadi) whose - s i ending d e f i n i t e l y suggests the northern d i a l e c t . Several other things too nebulous to present without f u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n suggest t h i s a l s o . A l t e r n a t i v e l y however, any of these features could be the r e s u l t of i n f l u e n c e from the languages immediately to the south of the Gurma area, Migangam, Moba, Kusal or Berba. A comparative study of Gurma d i a l e c t s and these neighbouring Gur languages could w e l l serve to e s t a b l i s h the d i a l e c t of K o e l l e ' s Gurma speaker. K o e l l e ' s vocabulary i l l u s t r a t e s a l l the Fada Gurma d i a l e c t con-sonant phonemes and t h e i r v a r i a n t s (excluding two border phonemes) A. P r o s t , "La Langue gurma dans l a P o l y g l o t t a A f r i c a n a " , A f r i c a n Language Review (prev. S i e r r a Leone Language Review) v o l . 5 (1966), p. 134. 144 except that he does not show v o i c e l e s s - v o i c e d contrast between / l ip / and / g b / , o r , g e n e r a l l y , between / c / and If/. He n a t u r a l l y d id not use a modern phonemic method. He uses the symbol 1 - 1 to i n d i c a t e l ength , and the symbol ' ' ' to i n d i c a t e accent. The fo l lowing ex-amples from h i s vocabulary have been grouped according to our present understanding of the phonemes and t h e i r v a r i a n t s : phoneme K o e l l e K o e l l e ' s Gurma Fada ^ Gurma meaning / p / Ibl It/ Idl Id p s tressed s y l l a b l e i n i t i a l , hereaf ter SSI • -piemu b SSI and medial a f t e r [-m-J b iana yombo 2 ^ w unstressed s y l l a b l e i n i t i a l , nyawo hereaf ter US I ( i n t e r v o c a l i c ) v USX' t SSI d SSI t US I k once before a severa l times before f - i - ] ds severa l times k o v i t i tamu da t i t i k a k a t i ok iro k i n t i kiewu bodsawi l i p i emu biana ri yombo arrow armlets s lave jiabo/jioabo a l l i g a t o r k o b i d i h a i r ta' mo da horse buy t i ' d i tree c a c a ' d i shoe"^ o c i l o c i * n d i c iebu n moon sneeze soap b o a c a b i l i shoulder n Tone i s not marked to avoid confusion with K o e l l e ' s orthography; s tress i s not marked as i t f a l l s on the base and can be p r e d i c t e d . . 2 K o e l l e r e fers to Hebrew characters i n h i s preface . Could i t be that here he i s th ink ing of f-w-J as [ -v-J , and using i t as intervocalicQ-b-D (compare ["3 j and £3. 3) ? In Fada^dialect these are p l u r a l forms, t rees , shoes. 145 phoneme K o e l l e If I ds SSI; used often g SSI; used twice before [ - e -J, [-1-] Izl / k / /gb/ / k p / /fjm/ g SSI and USI.. r 1 usi.: k SSI before [-a-] , [-o-] , C-u-J gb 2 SSI 3 gm SSI (once only) n*m SSI (once only K o e l l e ' s Gurma Fada Gurma meaning dsandsan *u Janjangu bat gendi _/ g inu J e n l i egg J i ' n u ve in gale g a ' l i thread suan g u soangu mat boru kare buagu k a l i arm s i t gbana _/ gbana _/ ugmaro gba'nx kpa'na orjma ''lo kneel spears moon an'mita arjmi *da kuskus ( s ic ) •""Koelle s tates that h i s [ r l i s equivalent to £ ( I . P . A . LVD o r f B j ) i n A r a b i c , that i s , a voiced v e l a r or uvular f r i c a t i v e . For many Fada and northern speakers t h i s phonemic v a r i a n t of lg/ i s implos ive , £ - g - J , but i t occurs i n complementary d i s t r i b u t i o n of £ g - J and t h i s i s the way Koe l l e uses i t . ^Koelle has not recorded the v o i c e l e s s - v o i c e d contrast here . He recorded gbe-nyo ewe, and gbetoeni ram, which i n a l l current Gurma d i a l e c t s have i n i t i a l / p / penqa l i ewe, p e t o n l i ram; d i d K o e l l e think he heard [.kp-j ( in Gurma double stops the second i s always stronger than the f i r s t so C^p-J* may e a s i l y be heard by an outlander as [p-J) even though he recorded i t as [gb-} ? 3 -P r o s t , Chantoux and Gontier s t i l l use [gmj for /fjm/ i n t h e i r new Gurma grammar (1968) though they now use Ir^l where they used £ n g j . 1 4 6 phoneme Koelle /m/ m SSI or medial In/ I?' In, n SSI or medial ny SSI n' SSI and syllable f i n a l , sometimes followed by -g-Koelle's Gurma <-miare piemu yombo nahama dsano * nanti nyawo n an len"ga Ion a Fada Gurma miali n pi emu yombo meaning nose arrow slave /i nanam"a milk ca'no stranger nandi animal (meat) jiabo/jioabo alligator na'n(-i) cook lenga bed longa drum h SSI (eastern sometimes) and northern (always) use simple aspiration where Fada uses In/. \ • hu"awo nuabo goat hn" once only hn"ani nani good Ill 1 SSI, occasionally USI la l a see y a l i y a l i axe r generally used for USI . miari miali n nose • . yari yari axes / f / f generally used for USI fo f uo breathe Is/ s This opposition is not now recognized in Fada or northern , Prost does not mention i t in eastern. sane sani run sasati sasa'-di itch NI w SSI . wuli wuli bathe lyl y SSI _/ yama ya'ma salt Koelle's preface l i s t s nine vowels, their usage illustrated by English words. He uses seven of these in the Gurma vocabulary:. 1 4 7 a, e, e, i , o, o, u . The symbol [V] i s used severa l times as a back v a r i a n t of [aj when l a b i a l i z a t i o n has not been i n d i c a t e d , e . g . , borgu (/buagu/) arm, nyoromo (/jioagima/) e a r r i n g . Whenver K o e l l e shows l a b i a l i z a t i o n he apparently f ee l s t h i s s u f f i c i e n t l y i n d i c a t e s the q u a l i t y of [ -a-J and so does not use h i s symbol ' o ' , e . g . , nuan'gu (/nuarjgu/) b i r d . He seems to have heard [ej and [ i j 1 i n free v a r i a t i o n i n w o r d - i n i t i a l and w o r d - f i n a l p o s i t i o n ; compare odualo, e d u a l i pigpj, with oluomo, i l u e m i elephant^), where one would expect the noun c la s s a f f i x e s to be 'o - o, i - i ' i n both cases , and gbawile ( / Icpabi l i / ) bone, with g b a r i l e ( / k p a g i l i / ) bench, where one would expect the s u f f i x to be [ - l i ] i n each case. K o e l l e shows vowel length on almost a l l vowels recognized i n current Fada d i a l e c t as long: K o e l l e Fada meaning tamu talmo horse b i l l b i l l i breast muri m u ' l i r i c e However many vowels marked as long are not l ong , e . g . , k e b i r a ( / g i b i g a / ) boy, a lso recorded as b i r a , boy, and mbira , i b i r a , son. In t h i s case the • • • vowel segment of the base, £ - i - J i s i n c o r r e c t l y marked long i n one instance and c o r r e c t l y l e f t short i n four . A poss ib l e explanat ion of t h i s i s that K o e l l e ' s Gurma speaker s y l l a b i f i e d the e l i c i t e d Gurma words and i n so doing gave a f a l s e impression of length on some short segments. Where a vowel i n Fada d i a l e c t has an o n - g l i d e , K o e l l e genera l ly wr i tes i t i n t h i s way: 148 K o e l l e Fada meaning piemu piemu arrow b i a b i a bad He d i s t i n g u i s h e s between two degrees of l a b i a l i z a t i o n : boano boani b l a c k bua bjaa love but not always as done today i n Fada d i a l e c t : /_ . soan e soangi wet suan gu soangu mate I f K o e l l e does not record an on-glide he o f t e n marks the vowel f o r len g t h : _/ y i g a y i e g a calabash _> Iowa luoba s i x S i m i l a r l y , where today i n Fada D i a l e c t [-V+N+C-] occurs, K o e l l e may have recorded i t i n t h i s way, e.g., gendi T e n l i egg or he may have marked the vowel f o r l e n g t h and ommitted C, ben i b e n l i chest gT>ani k~pa*nli spear K o e l l e has g e n e r a l l y marked s t r e s s on the base of the Gurma words where i t f a l l s today, but sometimes elsewhere, e.g., dsura (/juga/) k n i f e , w i t h s t r e s s marked oh '-u-' i n the base, i s a l s o recorded k^dsura (/gijuga/) and s t r e s s i s marked on '-e-' i n the p r e f i x w h i l e the base segment '-u-' i s marked f o r length.''" This too may be because of the way the Gurma speaker s y l l a b i f i e d . xThere are a number of such cases; i n a l l such K o e l l e ' s length s i g n '-' r e a l l y i n d i c a t e s primary s t r e s s w h i l e h i s "accent", " ' i n d i c a t e s secondary s t r e s s . 149 -V+ K o e l l e ' s vocabulary shows most of the noun c la s s a f f i xe s recognized today; some examples fo l low: K o e l l e s ingu lar p l u r a l o - o b i - ba obado b i sareba o - o/u e / i - i idsumo edsumi * • otamu i tami y t i i u e t i l i - u - t i gbemi - r u 9 / boru - V l i / r e t i t i te - te tedate - r a Fada meaning s ingu lar p l u r a l o - o b i - ba king obado b ibadiba i t e people o n i s a M o b i n i s a s l i b a o - o i - i mosquito ojumo i jumi horse ota*mo i t a i m i throat o t i l u i t i l i b - bu i - d i cotton tree ogbembu igbendi 21 y a l i yara depore depora tree ( s ic ) ' arm wood -2 axe r a t o t ibu i t i : d i o - gu t i - d i obuagu t i b u a d i / -, _ * - -odafgu t i d a * d i l i - V + l i a - V+la l i y a l i aya la l i d a p o l i adapola V + l i V+la The meaning-tree ismasrKoell'ecgave _ i t , the form i s p l u r a l and h i s s ingu lar might :have been t iwu. 2 The s i n g u l a r of t h i s noun means 'a piece of wood', the p l u r a l form i s c o l l e c t i v e , 'wood', i . e . , many pieces of wood. 150 K o e l l e Fada s ingu lar p l u r a l meaning s ingu lar p l u r a l - V + r e / l e a - V + n a l i - V + l i a - V + n a t a l e atana l eg l i t a ' l i a ta 'na b l a r e bxana armlet l i b i a l i ab iana ke - r a -mu g i ~ ga mu - mu kebxra c h i l d g ib iga mubimu/abila dusxral » * duslemu sword g i j u s i e g a mujusiemu me - ma mi - ma mefama tomorrow mifa'ma nahama mi lk minanam'ira1 According to H a i r , K o e l l e ' s arrangement of languages was s p e c i f i c a l l y designed to show a f f i n i t i e s , and the language groups K o e l l e designated were both an advance on previous c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and the bas i s of fur ther s tudies during the next century. K o e l l e grouped Gurma with languages he c a l l s Mose, Dselana, Guresa, Legba, Kaure, Kiamba, Kouama, Bagbalan, Kasm and Y u l a . (Sect ion IV A, B , C , D i n the vocabulary l i s t s ) . Bendor-Samuel describes these as "some twelve languages and d i a l e c t s of the Gur group . . . i d e n t i f i a b l e as Bargu, B u l i One would have expected K o e l l e to record dsusxra here , compare ' k n i f e ' dsura , mosquito dsumjb, the only other occurrences of / g u - / i n K o e l l e . P . E . H . H a i r , Introduct ion to P o l y g l o t t a , p . 14. 151 Dompago, Gurma, Kabre, (2 d i a l e c t s ) , Moore, P i l a p i l a , S i s a l a (2 d i a l e c t s ) and Tem.3 J . Bendor-Samuel, "Niger-Congo, Gur", p . 141. 

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