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Apuleius the sophist : the Florida of Apuleius in the light of the rhetorical theory of the Second Sophistic Akrigg, George Manning 1977

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APULEIUS THE SOPHIST The F l o r i d a of Apuleius i n the l i g h t of the r h e t o r i c a l theory of the Second Sophist by GEORGE MANNING AKRIGG B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 197^ A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in: THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of C l a s s i c s We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1977 (6) George Manning Akr i g g 1977 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Brit ish Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of C l a s s i c s The University of Brit ish Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date M a y 2nd, 1977-i i ABSTRACT The l e a s t studied of the works of Apuleius i s beyond' doubt the F l o r i d a , a c o l l e c t i o n ' ' of twenty-three fragments of h i s e p i d e i c t i c o r a t i o n s . This t h e s i s examines the conformity of the work to the r h e t o r i c a l theory of the second century. The f i r s t chapter i s a b r i e f examination of the o r i g i n s and nature of the Second S o p h i s t i c , the Greek l i t e r a r y renaissance of Apuleius' time. I t concludes t h a t the Second S o p h i s t i c was as much a s o c i a l as a l i t e r a r y phenomenon, and that the c h i e f f i g u r e s of the movement, the s o p h i s t s , were more notable f o r the s o c i a l importance they suddenly gained than f o r any l i t e r a r y o r i g i n a l i t y they had. The second chapter i s a survey of what i s known of the l i f e of A p u l e i u s . I t s conformity to the usual p a t t e r n of the s o p h i s t ' s career i s demonstrated through the p a r a l l e l treatment given i n the chapter to the l i v e s of two other r h e t o r i c i a n s of North A f r i c a , Fronto and Augustine. The t h i r d chapter i s an explanation of the nature of e p i d e i c t i c oratory. The r e l e v a n t passages from '- i i i - i A r i s t o t l e ' s R h e t o r i c are quoted and some i n d i c a t i o n i s given of what i s known of e p i d e i c t i c o r a t o r y before A r i s t o t l e . The growth i n the importance of the genre between h i s time and the Second S o p h i s t i c i s documented by a p a r t i a l l i s t i n g of the types of e p i d e i c t i c speech recognized i n the two e p i d e i c t i c handbooks of the e a r l y t h i r d - c e n t u r y r h e t o r i c i a n Menander of Laodicea. The second part of the t h e s i s opens w i t h a b r i e f d i s c u s s i o n of the manuscripts of the F l o r i d a and then moves to an examination of the i n d i v i d u a l fragments w i t h the a i d of the I n s t i t u t i o O r a t o r i a of Q u i n t i l i a n and the two t r e a t i s e s of Menander already mentioned. I t i s discovered that the fragments of the F l o r i d a can be i n t e g r a t e d i n t o the systems of Menander and Q u i n t i l i a n w i t h l i t t l e d i f f i c u l t y . The longer fragments can o f t e n be c l a s s e d according to the types defined by 'Menander; thus, i n F l o r i d a i we have an instance of the e p i b a t e r i o s logos, i n x v i i i and xx fragments of en-comiums of a c i t y (Carthage), and i n i x part of a propemptic o r a t i o n . In-, the longer fragments we can a l s o see the r h e t o r i c a l techniques employed by A p u l e i u s , most of which are defined i n Q u i n t i l i a n . F a v o u r i t e among them are augmentation and the extensive use of the exemplum. Most of the s h o r t e r fragments c o n s i s t of - i v -i s o l a t e d exempla, many of them being anecdotes of the philosophers. A l l of the fragments are examined f o r content and f o r r h e t o r i c a l xdevices: ::employed. A b r i e f c o n c l u s i o n suggests that, i n view of Apuleius' Greek t r a i n i n g and what the F l o r i d a r e v e a l s to us of h i s a c t i v i t i e s , he should be considered a true r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the Greek Second S o p h i s t i c . V TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT , v THE PLAN AND OBJECT OF THIS WORK . . . . . . . 1 Part I . THE SECOND SOPHISTIC Chapter I . THE NATURE OF THE SECOND - SOPHISTIC . . 4 I I . THE LIFE OF APULEIUS 11 B i r t h and Family Education The P r o f e s s i o n a l Sophist Conclusion! I I I . EPIDEICTIC ORATORY 22 P a r t I I . RHETORICAL ELEMENTS AND TECHNIQUES IN THE FLORIDA OF APULEIUS IV. THE SURVIVAL OF THE FLORIDA 29 V. A NOTE ON QUINTILIAN AND MENANDER. . . 33 VI. EPIBATERIOS LOGOS - FLORIDA I & XXI. . 35 V I I . POLEOS EPAINOS - FLORIDA V, X V I I I , & XX 38 Excursus: The Nature of the Exemplum I ; j - v i - ! Chapter Page V I I I . THE EULOGY OF A GOVERNOR -FLORIDA V I I I , XVI, & XVII 54 IX. PROPEMPTIKOS LOGOS - FLORIDA IX. . . . 61 X. EXEMPLA FROM MYTHOLOGY AND ASTRONOMY - FLORIDA I I I & X 68 XI . EXEMPLA FROM NATURAL HISTORY -FLORIDA I I , X I I , & X I I I 76 X I I . ANECDOTES OF THE PHILOSOPHERS -FLORIDA VI, XIV, XV, XIX, & XXII . . 81 X I I I . THE FALSE PHILOSOPHER - FLORIDA V I I . . 88 XIV. FLORIDA IV, X I , & XXIII 91 XV. CONCLUSION 9k BIBLIOGRAPHY 97 - 1 THE PLAN AND OBJECT OF THIS WORK Apuleius, the A f r i c a n w r i t e r of the second century, i s remembered today c h i e f l y f o r h i s prose romance, the Metamorphoses, which has had an important i n f l u e n c e on the development of the modern n o v e l . In a n t i q u i t y he was most famous as a philosopher"^". This essay i s an examin-a t i o n of a t h i r d aspect of h i s a c t i v i t i e s , h i s career as a sophist or p r o f e s s i o n a l r h e t o r i c i a n . The f i r s t chapter i s a short d e s c r i p t i o n of the second-century l i t e r a r y renaissance to which Apuleius belonged, the movement known to us as the Second Soph-i s t i c . The second chapter i s a summary of what we know of the l i v e s of Apuleius and two of h i s f e l l o w - s o p h i s t s , the emphasis being placed on those elements comon to the biographies of a l l . The t h i r d chapter, which con-cludes the f i r s t part of the essay, i s an account of that branch of ancient r h e t o r i c known as §pideictic ("display") o r a t o r y , the genre to which the F l o r i d a of Apuleius belongs. "'"For Apuleius' view of himself as p r i m a r i l y a philosopher see chapter X I I below; f o r a s i m i l a r l a t e r judgment c f . Augustine C i t y of God i v . 2 , j v i i i . 1 4 - 2 2 , i x passim. - 2 -The second part of the essay looks at each of the twenty-two fragments of Apuleius' speeches that make up the F l o r i d a and assesses t h e i r conformity to the r h e t o r i c a l theory of Apuleius' time as described by Apuleius' contemporary Menander i n h i s two t r e a t i s e s On E p i d e i c t i c Oratory and the f i r s t - c e n t u r y teacher of r h e t o r i c Q u i n t i l i a n i n h i s Education of the Orator. There i s a b r i e f c o n c l u s i o n . I wish t h i s work to be a c c e s s i b l e to the general reader, and have therefore provided t r a n s l a t i o n s f o r a l l quotations from works not i n E n g l i s h . With the same o b j e c t , I have i n s e r t e d footnotes only where a b s o l u t e l y e s s e n t i a l . The use I have made of modern works of s c h o l a r s h i p i s i n d i c a t e d i n the annotations to the b i b l i o g r a p h y . For references to the works of Apuleius I have used the t e x t and numbering of the Bude e d i t i o n , now made complete by the p u b l i c a t i o n i n 1 9 7 3 of Jean Beaujeu's e d i t i o n of the Opuscules philosophiques  et fragments. - 3 -PART ONE THE SECOND SOPHISTIC THE NATURE OF THE SECOND SOPHISTIC In the f i r s t and second c e n t u r i e s a f t e r C h r i s t a renaissance occurred i n ancient l i t e r a t u r e , a renaissance known as the Second S o p h i s t i c , the name given to i t by i t s h i s t o r i a n P h i l o s t r a t u s . P h i l o s t r a t u s l i v e d around the end of the second century, and was therefore n e a r l y contemporary with the movement he described" 1'. This i s the account he gives of i t s o r i g i n i n h i s L i v e s of the  Sophists; cl[t^ey£X0 cii TT£^i loTirtfS, £pcOu;v Tfe TT^i \ A ^ c-" i / <; > \ - -Ky,\ O g D V U< (TiTh /IV 6<7 A R T I S T ' ' 1 H i<76-£ TOu UVfOO. V\ di y-O < c K 6 W ^ V y M 0 O X ( v 6 ^ V , ^xau According to the Souda (no. 422 Adl e r ) he survived to the r e i g n of P h i l i p the Arab (244-4-9). For a f u l l treatment of P h i l o s t r a t u s and h i s work see the f i r s t chapter, "The Biographer of the Sophists," of Bowersock's Greek Sophists i n the Roman Empire (pages 1 - 2 9 ) . - 5 -UTTO IA \a-XO^\^ 1 • "\p£e ^€ T V \ C Now ancient s o p h i s t i c , even when i t propounded p h i l o s o p h i c a l themes, used to discuss them d i f f u s e l y and at le n g t h ; f o r i t discoursed on courage, i t discoursed on j u s t i c e , on the heroes and gods, and how the universe has been fashioned i n t o i t s present shape. But the s o p h i s t i c t h a t followed i t , which we must not c a l l "new," f o r i t i s o l d , but r a t h e r "second," sketched the types of the poor man and the r i c h , of prin c e s and t y r a n t s , and handled arguments that are concerned w i t h d e f i n i t e and s p e c i a l themes f o r which h i s t o r y shows the way. Gorgias of L e o n t i n i founded the older type i n Thessaly, and Aeschines, son of Atrometus, founded the second, a f t e r he had been e x i l e d from p o l i t i c a l l i f e at Athens and had taken up h i s abode i n C a r i a and Rhodes; and the f o l l o w e r s of Aeschines handled t h e i r themes according to the r u l e s of a r t , while the f o l l o w e r s of Gorgias handled t h e i r s as they pleased. 481 ( t r a n s . W.C. Wright) In c l a i m i n g Aeschines as the founder of the Second S o p h i s t i c P h i l o s t r a t u s i s probably searching f o r a pedigree f o r the movement r a t h e r than g i v i n g us r e l i a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n on i t s e a r l y h i s t o r y , f o r he covers the four - 6 -c e n t u r i e s f o l l o w i n g Aeschines i n one sentence and goes immediately to an account of N i c e t e s , a r h e t o r of the age of Nero: I K / NtK l r ^ v Vj/^^ TOv/ Z ^ ^ W . OOT0> y/p O NiK-<vn,< / \ o ^ M e^y^- <? tf£ / V M J ? £>oT<9s "T -C^S ^ . < W ^ ( K ^ v i ^ i * T") cro^\crxi.Ki Tt<£p \) 6 ^ 1 ^ T 6 t V ? Upcx; £|o),W 63 ^pH/ ' ou K.M T T 0 A t T i K 0 i ? ^ n o ^ h k ^ v ^ OTTO^KXC^ - 7 -We w i l l pass over Ariobarzanes of C i l i c i a , Xenophron of S i c i l y , and Peithagoras of Cyrene, who showed no s k i l l e i t h e r i n i n v e n t i o n or i n the expression.of t h e i r i d e a s , though i n the s c a r c i t y of f i r s t - r a t e s o p h i s t s they were sought a f t e r by the Greeks of t h e i r day, as men seek a f t e r pulse when they are short of corn; and we w i l l proceed to Nicetes of Smyrna. For t h i s Nicetes found the science of oratory reduced to great s t r a i t s , and he bestowed on i t approaches f a r more s p l e n d i d even than those which he himself b u i l t f o r Smyrna, when he connected the c i t y w i t h the gate that looks to Ephesus, and by t h i s great s t r u c t u r e r a i s e d h i s deeds to the same high l e v e l as h i s words. He was a man who, when he d e a l t with l e g a l matters, seemed to be a b e t t e r lawyer than anything e l s e , and again when he d e a l t w i t h s o p h i s t i c themes he seemed to do b e t t e r as a s o p h i s t , because of the p e c u l i a r s k i l l and the keen s p i r i t of competition w i t h which he adapted himself to both s t y l e s . For he adorned the l e g a l s t y l e w i t h s o p h i s t i c a m p l i f i c a t i o n , while he r e i n f o r c e d the s o p h i s t i c s t y l e w i t h the s t i n g of l e g a l argument. His type of eloquence forsook the antique p o l i t i c a l convention and i s almost bacchic and l i k e a dithyramb, and he produces phrases that are p e c u l i a r and s u r p r i s e by t h e i r d a r i n g , l i k e "the t h y r s i of Dionysus d r i p with honey," and "swarms of mi l k . " 510-11 ( t r a n s . W.C. Wright) There f o l l o w accounts of some f o r t y s o p h i s t s of the second century. What were the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h i s movement? For two reasons t h i s i s a question d i f f i c u l t f o r us to answer. The f i r s t i s that the works of most of the soph i s t s mentioned by P h i l o s t r a t u s have completely disappeared; only the works of A e l i u s A r i s t i d e s and Dio Chrysostom su r v i v e i n l a r g e number. The second i s - 8 -that i n many ways the Second S o p h i s t i c was not a new departure i n l i t e r a t u r e , but simply a f r e s h s y n t h e s i s of elements already e x i s t i n g . P h i l o s t r a t u s d i s t i n g u i s h e s the two s o p h i s t i c s c h i e f l y on the b a s i s of sub j e c t ; the F i r s t S o p h i s t i c d e a l t mainly w i t h p h i l o s o p h i c a l themes, while the Second S o p h i s t i c used f i c t i o n a l and h i s t o r i c a l t o p o i . But there i s ample evidence f o r the existence and use of these t o p o i i n the ages of Seneca the E l d e r and Cicero , and e a r l i e r s t i l l . I t the r e f o r e seems th a t i t was not subject matter t h a t d i f f e r e n t i a t e d the Second S o p h i s t i c from the e a r l i e r r h e t o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n . Andre Boulanger has given a very s a t i s f a c t o r y e xplanation of the nature of the Second S o p h i s t i c : Nous avons vu en e f f e t q u ' i l est a i s e , s i mal informes que nous soyons, de remonter dans l e passe plus l o i n que ne l e f a i t l a Vie des sophistes et d'apercevoir avant Nicetes une l i g n e e ininterrompue de rheteurs dont l ' a r t ne d i f f e r a i t guere du s i e n et q u i , comme l u i , p l a i d a i e n t , declamaient en p u b l i c sur des themes d'ecole, pronongaient des d i s c o u r s de ceremonie. Cependant, et c e l a non plus ne p a r a i t pas contestable, s i Nicetes n'est pas l'homme p r o v i d e n t i e l , l e createur qu'imaginait P h i l o -s t r a t e , une transformation importante s'accomplit a son epoque dans l a s o p h i s t i q u e . Les sophistes du temps de Nerva et surtout ceux des generations suivantes se d i s t i n g u e n t de l e u r s predecesseurs par une d i f f e r e n c e e s s e n t i e l l e : ceux-ci sont surtout des maitres de rhetorique qui ne sortent de l ' e c o l e que dans l e s grandes occasions; ceux-la sont des personnages o f f i c i e l s qui ont l e u r r o l e marque dans l a v i e publique et representent a. eux seuls presque toute l a - 9 -l i t t e r a t u r e . Or ce ne sont pas l e s sophistes qui ont change, mais b i e n l e s c o n d i t i o n s d'existence et l e p u b l i c . L'importance demesuree p r i s e par un genre qui pendant longtemps ne f u t r i e n de plus qu'une p r e p a r a t i o n a 1'eloquence pratique ne peut en e.ffet s'expliquer que par des circonstances exceptionellement propices et un p u b l i c complaisant. We have seen t h a t i t i s easy, i l l -informed as we are, to go f u r t h e r i n t o the past than do the L i v e s of the S o p h i s t s , and to perceive before Nicetes an u n i n t e r -rupted s e r i e s of r h e t o r s whose technique b a r e l y d i f f e r e d from h i s and who, l i k e him, spoke i n court, declaimed i n p u b l i c on school themes, and gave o r a t i o n s on-- formal occasions. I f , as must be admitted, Nicetes i s not the man sent by Providence or the c r e a t i v e f o r c e that P h i l o s t r a t u s imagined, an important transformation nonetheless d i d occur i n the s o p h i s t i c of h i s p e r i o d . The sophis t s of the time of Nerva and e s p e c i a l l y those of the f o l l o w i n g generations are d i s -t i n g u i s h e d from t h e i r predecessors by one e s s e n t i a l d i f f e r e n c e : the l a t t e r are teachers of r h e t o r i c who never leave the schoolroom except on important occasions; the former are o f f i c i a l f i g u r e s who have an important r o l e i n p u b l i c l i f e , and who represent the whole world of l e t t e r s . But i t i s not the sophis t s who have changed, but r a t h e r the c o n d i t i o n s of t h e i r existence and t h e i r p u b l i c . The exaggerated importance now given a l i t e r a r y genre which f o r long had been nothing more than a p r e p a r a t i o n f o r every-day speaking can only be explained by e x c e p t i o n a l l y favourable circumstances and an indulgent p u b l i c . Andre Boulanger, A e l i u s A r i s t i d e p. 70 This change Boulanger imputes to the peaceful c o n d i t i o n s of the second century and the encouragement given the a r t s under the Good Emperors. - 1 0 -In the absence of f u r t h e r evidence Boulanger's theory deserves acceptance; the f i f t y years since the p u b l i c a t i o n of h i s work have seen no demonstration of l i t e r a r y o r i g i n a l i t y i n the Second S o p h i s t i c , but much f r e s h evidence f o r the commanding s o c i a l p o s i t i o n granted the l e a d i n g f i g u r e s of the movement^. We s h a l l now pass on to a close examination of the career of Apuleius as a p r o f e s s i o n a l s o p h i s t . G.W. Bowersock's recent (1969) Greek Sophists i n the Roman Empire, c i t e d above, deserves s p e c i a l mention. I I THE LIFE OF APULEIUS This chapter i s an examination of what i s known to us of the l i v e s of A p u l e i u s , h i s contemporary Fronto and the church f a t h e r Augustine. A l l three were horn i n North A f r i c a ; a l l three were teachers of r h e t o r i c ; and a f a i r amount i s known of the l i f e of each of them. I hope hy t h i s method to give a c l e a r demonstration of Apuleius' conformity to the standard s o p h i s t i c p a t t e r n of h i s time. I . B i r t h and Family Apuleius was horn around 123 A.D.1 i n the North A f r i c a n c i t y of Madauros,, which i s s i t u a t e d about """Aemilianus Strabo, a f e l l o w - s t u d e n t of Apuleius ( F l o r i d a x v i . 3 6 ) , became consul s u f f e c t u s i n 156 . The minimum age f o r the consulate was t h i r t y - t h r e e years; we t h e r e f o r e a r r i v e at 123 as the probable year of h i s b i r t h , and at the same time f i x the approximate date of b i r t h of A p u l e i u s . 2 Augustine, C i t y of God v i i i . 1 4 " Apuleius... P l a t o n i c u s Madaurensis" - "Apuleius... the P l a t o n i c [ p h i l o s o p h e r ] of Madauros"; A p u l e i u s , Metamorphoses x i . 2 7 . 9 "Nam s i b i v i s u s est quiete proxima, dum magno deo coronas exaptat...[lacuna]...et de eius ore, quo singulorum f a t a d i c t a t , audisse m i t t i s i b i Madaurensem" "For on the previous n i g h t there had appeared t o him, while he was preparing crowns f o r the great god...and from h i s l i p s , which pronounce the f a t e of every man, he had heard that a man from Madauros was being sent ^ to him." - 12 -two hundred and f i f t y k i l o m e t r e s southwest of Carthage. About h i s f a m i l y l i t t l e i s known, and that l i t t l e i s disputed. His f a t h e r was e v i d e n t l y w e l l o f f ; Apuleius 3 t e l l s us that he became duumvir of h i s c i t y . The Metamorphoses gives what may be authentic i n f o r m a t i o n on the l i f e of A p u l e i u s , but there are d i f f i c u l t i e s i n u s i n g the work as a source f o r h i s biography. The main n a r r a t i v e of the Metamorphoses i s taken from an e a r l i e r Greek work of which an epitome, the Onos (Ass) s u r v i v e s i n the manuscripts of L u c i a n . The eleventh book, d e a l i n g w i t h the rescue of the main character Lucius by the goddess I s i s , appears to be i n some degree an account of events i n A p u l e i u s ' own l i f e ; t h i s i s i n d i c a t e d by the e x i s t e n c e of a q u i t e d i f f e r e n t end to the n a r r a t i v e i n the Onos and by the f a c t t h a t at Metamorphoses x i . 2 7 . 9 (quoted i n the second footnote of the present chapter) Lucius i s c a l l e d "the man from Madauros" and hence i d e n t i f i e d w i t h A p u l e i u s . There stands as w e l l i n the L a t i n work a preface, 3 -^Apologyrxxiv. 9 "m qua c o l o n i a patrem habui l o c o p r i n c i p i s duumviralem c u n c t i s honoribus perfunctum" -"In t h i s colony I had a f a t h e r who h e l d the high rank of duumvir, having held a l l the other e l e c t e d p o s i t i o n s . " L For a d i s c u s s i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the three works see Ben Perry's d o c t o r a l d i s s e r t a t i o n , The Meta-morphoses As c r i b e d to Lucius of Patrae: I t s Content,  Nature, and Authorship (New York: G.E. Stechert, 1 9 2 0 ) . - 13 -apparently by A p u l e i u s , i n which he apologizes f o r h i s L a t i n s t y l e ; he i s , he says, of Greek o r i g i n , and i n any case i s t e l l i n g a Greek t a l e . He then begins the n a r r a t i v e p o r t i o n of the work with t h i s sentence: Thessaliam - nam et i l l i c o r i g i n i s maternae nostrae fundamenta a Plutarcho i l l o i n c l i t o ac mox Sexto philosopho nepote eius p r o d i t a gloriam nobis f a c i u n t -earn Thessaliam ex negotio petebam. I was on my way to Thessaly - f o r i t i s from there that my mother's f a m i l y , d i s t i n g u i s h e d by i t s descent from the famous P l u t a r c h and h i s nephew Sextus, traces i t s o r i g i n s - I was on my way, as I s a i d , to Thessaly f o r business reasons. i .2.1 The problems r a i s e d by t h i s beginning are g r e a t , but not insuperable. Sextus i s known to have had considerable contact w i t h the western part of the empire, having been a t u t o r of Marcus A u r e l i u s ^ ; l i t e r a r y eminence i n t h i s p e r i o d was o f t e n i n h e r i t e d ^ ; there i s evidence that Greek was the everyday language 7 i n A puleius' c i r c l e s ; i t i s f a r from impossible that he was of Greek o r i g i n . But i n the absence of f u r t h e r JCf. Marcus A u r e l i u s , Meditations i . 9 ; P h i l o s t r a t u s , L i v e s of the Sophists 557; Dio Cassius l x x i . 1 . 2 . Cf. the examples c i t e d by Bowersock, Greek Sophists pp. 24-25. ^The l e t t e r of h i s wife P u d e n t i l l a that Apuleius quotes from at Apology l x x x i i . 2 i s i n Greek. - 14 -evidence a c e r t a i n c o n c l u s i o n i s u n a t t a i n a b l e . Fronto was born around 110 i n the c i t y of C i r t a , s i t u a t e d about one hundred and twenty-five k i l o m e t r e s northwest of Madauros. L i t t l e i s known of h i s f a m i l y o beyond h i s f a t h e r ' s name, T i t u s . Augustine was born i n the year 35^ i n the town of Thagaste, s i t u a t e d some twenty k i l o m e t r e s from Madauros. Nothing i s known o f - h i s f a m i l y beyond h i s parents, who Q were of moderate means . I I . Education Presumably Apuleius' e a r l i e s t s c h o o l i n g was at Madauros, but'he'went t o Carthage when s t i l l q u i t e young to continue h i s education, as he s t a t e s i n h i s address to the Carthaginians i n the F l o r i d a : An non multa mihi apud vos adhortamina suppetunt, quod sum vobis nec l a r e a l i e n u s nec p u e r i t i a i n v i s i t a t u s nec m a g i s t r i s peregrinus nec secta i n c o g n i t u s nec voce i n a u d i t u s nec l i b r i s i n l e c t u s improbatusve? I t a mihi et p a t r i a i n c o n c i l i o A f r i c a e , i d est v e s t r o , et p u e r i t i a apud vos et m a g i s t r i vos et s e c t a , l i c e t Athenis A t t i c i s confirmata, tamen hie inchoata e s t . u C f . C.I.L. v i i i . 5 3 5 0 , where Fronto i s c a l l e d "f.'-T.," i * e t "sonoof T i t u s . " 7Augustine, Confessions i i . 3 " p a t r i s , m u n i c i p i s Thagastensis admodum t e n u i s " - "of my f a t h e r , a c i t i z e n of Thagaste of l i t t l e wealth." Yet one cannot help sus-pecting that Augustine means h i s f a t h e r was poor f o r a member of the upper c l a s s . For an examination of the usual s o c i a l and economic background of the sophi s t see Bowersock, Greek Sophists pp. 21-24. - 15 -Hanc ego vobis mercedem, Carthaginienses, ubique gentium dependo pro d i s c i p l i n i s , quas i n pueritia-.sum apud vos adeptus. Ubique enim me vestrae c i v i t a t i s alumnum f e r o , ubique vos omnimodis laudibus celebro, v e s t r a s d i s c i p l i n a s s t u d i o s i u s percolo, v e s t r a s opes g l o r i o s i u s praedico, vestros etiam deos r e l i g i o s i u s veneror. There i s much that should give me courage i n your presence. I have made my home i n your c i t y which I knew w e l l as a boy, and where my student days were spent. You know my p h i l o s o p h i c views, my voice i s no stranger to you, you have read my books and approved of them. My b i r t h -place i s represented i n the c o u n c i l of A f r i c a , t h a t i s , i n your own assembly; my boyhood was spent w i t h you, you were my teachers, i t i t was here that my philosophy found i t s f i r s t i n s p i r a t i o n , though 'twas A t t i c Athens brought i t to ma t u r i t y . Such i s the recompense I pay you, c i t i z e n s of Carthage, through a l l the world, i n r e t u r n f o r the i n s t r u c t i o n that Carthage gave me as a boy. Everywhere I boast myself your c i t y ' s n u r s l i n g , everywhere and i n every way I s i n g your p r a i s e s , do zealous honour to your l e a r n i n g , give g l o r y to you wealth and reverent worship to your gods. x v i i i . l 4 - i l 5 ' & 36 ( t r a n s . H.E". B u t l e r ) A f t e r studying at Carthage, he went on to Athens: Ego et a l i a s c r e t e r r a s Athenis b i b i : poeticae cornmentam, geometriae limpidam, .musicae dulcem, d i a l e c t i c a e austerulam, iam vero universae p h i l o s o p h i a e i n e x p l e b i l e m s c i l i c e t <et> nectaream. I , however, have drunk yet other cups at Athens - the imaginative draught of poetry, the c l e a r draught of geometry, the sweet draught of music, the austerer draught of d i a l e c t i c , and the nectar of a l l philosophy, whereof no man may ever d r i n k enough. F l o r i d a xx . 4 ( t r a n s . H.E. B u t l e r ) - 16 -The emphasis Apuleius here places on h i s p h i l o -s o p h i c a l t r a i n i n g i s s i g n i f i c a n t ; we know that he considered himself p r i m a r i l y a P l a t o n i c philosopher, and i n f a c t possess two of h i s p h i l o s o p h i c a l works1*"1. There i s some evidence that Fronto studied f o r a time i n A l e x a n d r i a 1 1 ; the date of h i s a r r i v a l i n Rome i s unknown 1^. Augustine's e a r l i e s t t r a i n i n g was i n h i s n a t i v e town of Thagaste, but when he was f i f t e e n years of age he went to study i n Madauros, the b i r t h p l a c e of Apuleius. His education was cut short a f t e r a year there, however, and he was f o r c e d by h i s parents' f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n to r e t u r n to Thagaste. A f t e r a On the God of Socrates and On the Doctrine of P l a t o His philosophy, and more p a r t i c u l a r l y h i s demonology, w i l l be t r e a t e d i n chapter X. For a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the c h i e f f i g u r e s of the Middle Platonism of Apuleius' time see pp. 64-83 of The Cambridge H i s t o r y of L a t e r  Greek and E a r l y Medieval Philosophy. "^Fronto, L e t t e r s p. 169 Naber: "Alexandriam ad f a m i l i a r e s meos s c r i p s i ut Athenas f e s t i n a r e n t , i b i q u e me oppirerentur" - " I wrote to my f r i e n d s at A l e x a n d r i a to hurry to Athens and wait f o r me there," and p. 170 Naber " S u p p l i c a v i iam t i b i per biennium pro Appiano amico meo, cum quo mihi et vetus consuetudo et studiorum usus prope c o t i d i a n u s i n t e r c e d i t " - "For two years now I have been your s u p p l i a n t f o r my f r i e n d Appian, w i t h whom I have had a long f r i e n d s h i p and almost d a i l y p r a c t i c e of s t u d i e s . " The h i s t o r i a n Appian passed h i s youth and e a r l y manhood i n A l e x a n d r i a . 12 I t must have been when he was s t i l l q u i t e young, however; by 136 he was the l e a d i n g advocate at Rome, according to Dio Cassius ( l x i x . 1 8 ) . - 17 -year jspent there he went to Carthage 1-^ to continue h i s s t u d i e s , and i t was i n that c i t y that he completed h i s education. I I I . The P r o f e s s i o n a l Sophist. On a journey to A l e x a n d r i a i n the mid - 1 5 0 's Apuleius f e l l s i c k at Oea ( T r i p o l i ) and was f o r c e d to stay there to convalesce. Here he saw much of an ol d f r i e n d from Athens, S i c i n i u s Pontianus. Pontianus' mother was r e c e n t l y widowed and, wishing to get her out of the way of undesirable s u i t o r s , Pontianus proposed to Apuleius that he consider marrying her. Apul e i u s , although h e s i t a n t at f i r s t , found himself more and more a t t r a c t e d to the idea and, around the year 1 5 5 , married A e m i l i a P u d e n t i l l a . This r e s u l t e d i n a l a w s u i t on the part of a f r u s t r a t e d s u i t o r who charged Apuleius w i t h having used magic to entrap P u d e n t i l l a i n t o marriage. Apuleius' speech of defence, 14 the Apology, i s s t i l l extant , and i n i t there are 13 -^Augustine, Confessions ii.3« 14 The t r i a l was held at Sabrata (some eighty k i l o m e t r e s west of Oea) before the proconsul of the province, Claudius Maximus. L o l l i a n u s A v i t u s had been Maximus' predecessor i n o f f i c e (Apology x c i v . 5 ) . As L o l l i a n u s A v i t u s was consul i n 144, and the normal i n t e r v a l between consulate and proconsulate was ten to t h i r t e e n years, we f i n d 156 to be a l i k e l y year f o r h i s term of o f f i c e and 157 f o r that of Claudius Maximus. The events at Oea can therefore be dated to the mid - 1 5 0 's. - 18 -some b r i e f mentions of Apuleius' career up to h i s a r r i v a l i n Oea. In i t we l e a r n of Apuleius' being asked to address the c i t i z e n s of Oea a f t e r r e c o v e r i n g from h i s i l l n e s s : I n t e r i b i r e v a l e s c o ; d i s s e r o a l i q u i d p o s t u l a n t i b u s amicis p u b l i c e ; omnes qui aderant i n g e n t i c e l e b r i t a t e b a s i l i c a m , qui locus a u d i t o r i i e r a t , complentes i n t e r a l i a pleraque congruentissima voce " i n s i g n i t e r " adclamant petentes ut remanerem, fierem c i v i s Oeensium. In the meantime I had recovered and gave a p u b l i c o r a t i o n at the request of some f r i e n d s . The b a s i l i c a , which was the place of the o r a t o r i c a l d i s p l a y , was f i l l e d w i t h a huge crowd of s p e c t a t o r s , who c r i e d "marvellous'." with one v o i c e , and asked me to remain and become a c i t i z e n of Oea. l x x i i i . 2 We can conclude from t h i s episode that Apuleius already had a considerable r e p u t a t i o n as a s o p h i s t before h i s coming to Oea. A f t e r a time i n Oea he apparently moved to Carthage; i t i s here that most of the speeches represented i n the F l o r i d a were probably d e l i v e r e d 1 ^ . Of the r e s t of h i s l i f e we know l i t t l e beyond h i s becoming c h i e f p r i e s t of the province of A f r i c a . The date of h i s death x ^ C f . F l o r i d a i x . 4 0 , x v i . 2 5 , and x v i i i . l . No speech i n the F l o r i d a can be demonstrated not to have been d e l i v e r e d at Carthage. 1 ^ C f . F l o r i d a x v i . 3 8 and Augustine, E p i s t l e s c x x x v i i i . 1 9 . - 19 -i s unknown. Fronto e a r l y acquired a considerable r e p u t a t i o n as an o r a t o r ; by 136, we are t o l d , he was the most famous 17 1 8 advocate at Rome . He was much i n demand as a teacher ; hi s most famous students were the f u t u r e emperors Marcus A u r e l i u s and Lucius Verus 1^. A considerable p o r t i o n of hi s l a t e r correspondence w i t h them s u r v i v e s . His educa-t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s d i d not prevent him from pursuing an a c t i v e p o l i t i c a l career; he served as s u f f e c t consul i n 14-3. The year of h i s death i s u n c e r t a i n , but i s l a t e r than 1 7 6 ^ . Augustine began h i s career as teacher at Thagaste; one year l a t e r , f o l l o w i n g the death of a close f r i e n d , he returned to Carthage ( 3 7 6 ) 2 1 . In 383 he l e f t Carthage 22 f o r Rome , and m the f o l l o w i n g year was appointed 1 ^ C f . Dio Cassius l x i x . 1 8 . 1 8 C f . Fronto, L e t t e r s pp. 180, 187, and 188 Naber. 19 7Marcus A u r e l i u s mentions him at Meditations i . l l . 20 Cf. L e t t e r s p. 155 Naber: "Non malim mihi nummum Ant o n i n i aut Commodi aut P i i ? " - " S h a l l I not p r e f e r a co i n of Antoninus, Commodus, or Pi u s ? " Commodus would not have h i s p o r t r a i t on coins before he received imperium at the end of 176. For a d i s c u s s i o n of the problem see Appendix I I I , "The Date of Fronto's Death," of Bowersock's Greek S o p h i s t s , pp. 124 -26. Confessions i v . 7 . Confessions v.8. - 20 -23 Professor of Rhet o r i c at M i l a n . . I t was i n t h i s c i t y that he was f i n a l l y converted and b a p t i z e d ; at t h i s point h i s i n t e r e s t f o r our purpose ends. His baptism 24 was i n e a r l y 387 ; the f o l l o w i n g year he went to Rome f o r a few months, then to Carthage and Thagaste. I n 391 he was passing through Hippo Regius (a seaport some two hundred and f i f t y k i l o m e t r e s west of Carthage), when to h i s constern a t i o n he was se i z e d by the l o c a l congregation, ordained p r i e s t by the bishop, V a l e r i u s , and named sucessor to the see. Those of c y n i c a l tem-perament may ponder the s i m i l a r i t i e s between Augustine the C h r i s t i a n bishop and Apuleius the pagan high p r i e s t . Augustine remained i n Hippo u n t i l h i s death i n 4 3 0 . IV. Conclusion The career of the ancient sophist was as narrowly regulated as i s today the career of the u n i v e r s i t y academic. Apuleius' l i f e i s a good i l l u s t r a t i o n of t h i s p a t t e r n ; r a i s e d i n a f a m i l y of the upper c l a s s , he was sent to Carthage, the metropolis of North A f r i c a , f o r a thorough t r a i n i n g i n r h e t o r i c . This completed, he went to Athens f o r f u r t h e r study, e s p e c i a l l y i n the Platonism of h i s time. He then began h i s career as sophist and, before many years had passed, gained a Confessions v.13. Confessions i x . 6 . - 21 -considerable r e p u t a t i o n . He returned to Carthage and spent the major part of h i s career there. The con-f o r m i t y of the l i v e s of Fronto and Augustine to t h i s p a t t e r n i n d i c a t e s an i d e n t i c a l c u l t u r a l m i l i e u . - 22 -I I I EPIDEICTIC ORATORY The e a r l i e s t extant Greek t r e a t i s e on ora t o r y , the R h e t o r i c of A r i s t o t l e , d i v i d e s r h e t o r i c i n t o three c l a s s e s : (9 ^ £ c 0 - 23 The kinds of Rhet o r i c are three i n number, corresponding to the three kinds of hearers. For every speech i s composed of three p a r t s : the speaker, the subject of which he t r e a t s , and the person to whom i t i s addressed, I mean the hearer, to whom the end or object of the speech r e f e r s . Now the hearer must n e c e s s a r i l y be e i t h e r a mere spec t a t o r or a judge, and a judge e i t h e r of things past or of things to come. For in s t a n c e , a member of the general assembly i s a judge of things to come; the d i c a s t , of things past; the mere s p e c t a t o r , of the a b i l i t y of the speaker. Therefore there are n e c e s s a r i l y three kinds of r h e t o r i c a l speeches, d e l i b e r a t i v e , f o r e n s i c , and e p i d e i c t i c . Each of the three kinds has a d i f f e r e n t s p e c i a l end, and as there are three kinds of r h e t o r i c , so there are three s p e c i a l ends. The end of the d e l i b e r a t i v e speaker i s the expedient or harmful; f o r he who exhorts recommends a course of a c t i o n as b e t t e r , and he who dissuades advises a g a i n s t i t as worse; a l l other c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , such as j u s t i c e and i n j u s t i c e , honour and d i s g r a c e , are i n -cluded as accessory i n reference to t h i s . The end of the f o r e n s i c speaker i s the j u s t or the unjus t ; i n t h i s case a l s o a l l other c o n s i d e r a t i o n s are included as accessory. The end of those who p r a i s e or blame i s the honourable and d i s g r a c e f u l ; and they a l s o r e f e r a l l other c o n s i d e r a t i o n s to these. 1358 a-b (t r a n s . J.H. Freese) - 2 4 -This i s v i r t u a l l y a l l that A r i s t o t l e has to say about e p i d e i c t i c o r a t o r y . His d e f i n i t i o n of the genre became standard; we f i n d i t reproduced 'by Menander at the beginning of h i s f i r s t t r e a t i s e On E p i d e i c t i c Speeches f i v e c e n t u r i e s later"'". In the period before A r i s t o t l e we f i n d three c h i e f v a r i e t i e s of speeches which, being n e i t h e r p o l i t i c a l nor j u d i c i a l , f a l l i n t o the c l a s s of e p i -d e i c t i c o r atory. The most important of these i s the ep i t a p h i o s , the f u n e r a l o r a t i o n , of which the most famous instances are that of P e r i c l e s reported by 2 Thucydides , and th a t given by Socrates i n the 3 Menexenus of P l a t o . The second type i s the panegyric, or f e s t i v a l o r a t i o n . Gorgias, L y s i a s , and Hippias are known to have d e l i v e r e d panegyrics at the Olympic games. The t h i r d type i s the encomium, or l a u d a t i o n , of which the most famous instances are the two encomia of Helen (both extant) of Gorgias and I s o c r a t e s . Notable a l s o i s the p r a i s e of Love by Pausanias i n 4 Pl a t o ' s Symposium . But the emphasis was c l e a r l y on the p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n of r h e t o r i c a l technique; thus the l a r g e 1p. 331 Spengel. 3 2 3 6 c i - 2 4 9 , 9 c 2 i i . 3 6 - 4 6 . 1 8 0 C-185-- .G. - 25 -m a j o r i t y of the speeches of Demosthenes, L y s i a s , and I s o c r a t e s were w r i t t e n f o r the icourtroomi and the p u b l i c assembly. The e p i d e i c t i c speech played only a minor r o l e . Under the Second S o p h i s t i c we f i n d t h i s s i t u a t i o n reversed. This was the p e r i o d of ancient l i t e r a t u r e when r h e t o r i c enjoyed i t s highest p r e s t i g e and p o p u l a r i t y , and t h i s very circumstance favoured the development of the e p i d e i c t i c speech. For while the p o l i t i c a l and f o r e n s i c branches of oratory have the advantage over e p i d e i c t i c that t h e i r subject i s more l i k e l y to be of i n t r i n s i c i n t e r e s t and w i l l occupy the a t t e n t i o n of the l i s t e n e r to ahgreater extent,; e p i d e i c t i c o r a t o r y , not being r e s t r a i n e d by any n e c e s s i t y to prove a case or persuaded/he adoption of a p o l i t i c a l p o l i c y , gives a greater freedom to the demonstration- of technique.. I t i s therefore to be expected that in- an age when-r h e t o r i c a l technique was valued most h i g h l y , and i t s p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n s of l e a s t importance, e p i d e i c t i c o r a t o r y should achieve i t s g r e a t e s t prominence. And we f i n d i n f a c t that the most eminent f i g u r e s of the Second S o p h i s t i c were famed not f o r t h e i r p o l i t i c a l speeches (they had no e f f e c t i v e power), nor f o r t h e i r l e g a l pleadings, but f o r t h e i r d i s p l a y o r a t i o n s . This s h i f t i n emphasis i s r e f l e c t e d i n the r h e t o r i c a l - 26 -handbooks; A r i s t o t l e has l i t t l e more to say on e p i -d e i c t i c oratory than what I have quoted above, while i n the second century A.D. we f i n d the e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y d e t a i l e d t r e a t i s e s of Menander e n t i r e l y devoted to the e p i d e i c t i c genre. To give an idea of the develop-ment of the e p i d e i c t i c speech i n the f i v e i n t e r v e n i n g c e n t u r i e s I s h a l l l i s t some of the types of e p i d e i c t i c speech t r e a t e d by Menander: (1) The p r a i s e of a country. (2) The p r a i s e of a harbour (3) The p r a i s e of an a c r o p o l i s . (4) The p r a i s e of a c i t y from i t s ancient i n h a b i t a n t s . (5) The p r a i s e of c i t y from the a r t s p r a c t i s e d i n i t . (6) The speech on one's a r r i v a l i n a town to the people of the town or to i t s r u l e r . (7) The speech to one departing from a c i t y . (8) The speech of f a r e w e l l of the speaker on l e a v i n g a c i t y . (9) The epithalamium, or marriage hymn. (10) The speech on a person's b i r t h d a y . (11) The address of welcome to a r u l e r . (12) The speech of i n v i t a t i o n to a s p e c i a l event or ceremony addressed to a r u l e r . (13) The f u n e r a l o r a t i o n . (14) The monody, or p l a i n t . I t may be occasioned by the death of a r e l a t i v e or f r i e n d , a n a t u r a l d i s a s t e r , or any type of unfortunate occurrence. - 2? -I t w i l l "be c l e a r what v a r i e t y the e p i d e i c t i c genre had by the time of the Second S o p h i s t i c . With t h i s chapter ends the f i r s t part of the t h e s i s . An attempt has been made to o r i e n t the reader to the Second S o p h i s t i c , to the type of career l e d by i t s c h i e f f i g u r e s , and f i n a l l y to i t s most t y p i c a l genre, the e p i d e i c t i c speech. In the second part I s h a l l examine the F l o r i d a of Apuleius as an example of e p i d e i c t i c l i t e r a t u r e , using the r h e t o r i c a l t r e a t i s e s of Menander and Q u i n t i l i a n to i l l u s t r a t e i t s conformity to the l i t e r a r y norms of i t s day. - 28 -PART TWO RHETORICAL ELEMENTS AND TECHNIQUES IN THE FLORIDA OF APULEIUS IV THE SURVIVAL OF THE FLORIDA We owe the s u r v i v a l of the F l o r i d a to one manuscript alone"1". This manuscript, Laurentianus 68.2, henceforth r e f e r r e d to as F, i s our source as w e l l f o r the Apology 2 and Metamorphoses of Apuleius . W r i t t e n at the Benedictine monastery of Monte Cassino i n the eleventh century, i t i s preserved today i n the Laurentian L i b r a r y at Florence. There e x i s t s a number of other manuscripts of these three works, but without exception they are derived from F. For the Metamorphoses t h i s i s demonstrated by the f a c t that damage caused by a t e a r i n F at v i i i . 7 - 9 i s r e f l e c t e d i n the lacunae or obvious conjectures found i n the other manuscripts at t h i s p o i n t . For the Apology t h i s i s demonstrated by the t e x t u a l confusion at l v i . 8 . Here F presents the reading 'inducat animum.' In the space between the two words the l e t t e r u shows through from the other side of the sheet from the word facundia ( l v . l l ) . For t h i s passage the other manuscripts are d i v i d e d between the readings ' i n d i c a t u "*"The i n f o r m a t i o n i n t h i s chapter i s l a r g e l y taken from the i n t r o d u c t i o n s of Helm and V a l l e t t e to t h e i r e d i t i o n s of the F l o r i d a . F i s a l s o our source f o r the second fragment of the Annals of Tac i t u s and what s u r v i v e s of h i s H i s t o r i e s . - 30 -animum' and 'inducat i n animum,' the second reading "being an obvious emendation of the f i r s t . F i s con-sequently the parent of the other manuscripts. For the F l o r i d a there i s no guarantee of the primacy of F l i k e that provided f o r the other works by F's shabby c o n d i t i o n . Nonetheless, the F l o r i d a i s be l i e v e d to have descended to us through F, and t h i s f o r two reasons. The f i r s t reason i s tha t there i s v i r t u a l l y no v a r i a t i o n i n the t e x t presented by the manuscripts, even when that t e x t i s i n manifest e r r o r . A l l the manuscripts are th e r e f o r e derived d i r e c t l y , or, i f i n d i r e c t l y , at no great remove, from a s i n g l e exemplar. The second reason i s that the m a j o r i t y of the manuscripts that c o n t a i n the F l o r i d a c o n t a i n the Meta-morphoses and the Apology as w e l l . As i t i s c l e a r that a l l the manuscripts of the two last-named works are derived from F, i t i s simplest to assume that the same i s true of the F l o r i d a . The F l o r i d a as we have i t does not form a complete work, but r a t h e r a c o l l e c t i o n of some twenty-three fragments of a l o s t o r i g i n a l . F o r t u n a t e l y there i s some evidence f o r the le n g t h of t h i s o r i g i n a l preserved i n F. C f * i - 2 f e s t i n e MSS, festinem Oudendorp; i v . l a s i i MSS, Iastium Glareanus. - 31 -4 The fragments there given are d i v i d e d i n t o four books . Now the ancient book does not correspond to the chapters or books i n t o which a modern work i s d i v i d e d . The modern d i v i s i o n i s a convenience which serves to provide a break at appropriate p o i n t s i n a work, and can be dispensed w i t h at w i l l . The parchment codex, of which the modern book i s a descendant, d i d not come i n t o general use f o r l i t e r a r y t e x t s u n t i l the f o u r t h century; up to tha t time the p h y s i c a l format of a l i t e r a r y work was the papyrus r o l l , and the ancient author while w r i t i n g d i v i d e d h i s work i n t o books, each of which would f i t onto one r o l l . The l e n g t h of the ancient book can be determined roughly by a look at any s i z a b l e work of a n t i q u i t y ; keeping to Apuleius, -we.Cfirid that the Metamorphoses i s d i v i d e d i n t o eleven books, each of which covers on average some twenty-six pages i n the Teubner e d i t i o n and c o n s i s t s t h e r e f o r e of perhaps 5200 words. The Apology i s i n two books; the f i r s t covers seventy-four pages i n the Teubner e d i t i o n (14 , 5 0 0 words), the second f o r t y pages (8,000 words). Turning to the F l o r i d a , we f i n d that i t covers forty-two Teubner pages, and contains approximately 8400 words. We can reasonably guess that the work l y i n g behind the F l o r i d a was perhaps three times as long as the fragments we now possess. The d i v i s i o n s are at i x . 1 4 , x v . 2 7 , and x v i i . 2 2 . - 32 -When was the o r i g i n a l work abridged and by whom? No c e r t a i n answer can be given to t h i s question. The fragments range i n leng t h from the t h i r t y - n i n e words of v to the f i f t e e n hundred words of x v i , and t h e i r subjects are so v a r i e d that the c r i t e r i a used i n making the s e l e c t i o n cannot be determined. The F l o r i d a , then, has come t o us i n a s t a t e of severe m u t i l a t i o n , but s u f f i c i e n t i s preserved f o r us to form a f a i r conception of the nature of the o r i g i n a l work. I t i s c l e a r that t h i s o r i g i n a l was a c o l l e c t i o n of some of the e p i d e i c t i c speeches of Apul e i u s . The f o l l o w i n g chapters w i l l examine what these fragments r e v e a l of the r h e t o r i c a l techniques employed by Ap u l e i u s . - 33 -V A NOTE ON QUINTILIAN AND MENANDER In the f o l l o w i n g chapters the F l o r i d a w i l l not be examined i n i s o l a t i o n , but reference w i l l c o n t i n u a l l y be made to the works of two ancient w r i t e r s on r h e t o r i c , Q u i n t i l i a n and Menander. Born i n Spain around 30 -35 A.D., Q u i n t i l i a n e a r l y came to Rome f o r h i s education. He made a b r i l l i a n t career there as advocate and teacher and was d i s t i n g u i s h e d by being given a s t a t e pension and named t u t o r to the great-nephews and h e i r s of Domitian. His major s u r v i v i n g work, the I n s t i t u t i o O r a t o r i a (Education of an O r a t o r ) , w r i t t e n around the year 90 , i s a lengthy t r e a t i s e which deals w i t h the t r a i n i n g of an orator from cradle to man-hood. The f i r s t two books of the work are indeed c h i e f l y concerned wi t h the e a r l y t r a i n i n g of a boy, but the ten books which f o l l o w are concerned l e s s w i t h education than w i t h the whole r h e t o r i c a l a r t , i t s nature and use, the or g a n i z a t i o n of the o r a t i o n , questions of s t y l e , f i g u r e s of thought and speech, i n short a l l aspects of r h e t o r i c . Q u i n t i l i a n assumes l i t t l e knowledge on the part of h i s reader, and takes care to e x p l a i n even the most b a s i c terms and concepts of r h e t o r i c a l theory; i n consequence, - y* -i t i s f o r the modern reader by f a r the most a c c e s s i b l e of the ancient r h e t o r i c a l handbooks. There survive to us two t r e a t i s e s On E p i d e i c t i c  Speeches a s c r i b e d by t h e i r manuscripts to Menander of Laodicea. L i t t l e i s known of t h i s r h e t o r i c i a n apart from h i s having l i v e d during the t h i r d century and having w r i t t e n commentaries on the r h e t o r i c a l t r e a t i s e s of Hermogenes and Minucian. U n l i k e Q u i n t i l i a n ' s t r e a t i s e , Menander's works assume a considerable acquaintance w i t h r h e t o r i c a l technique on the part of the reader; t h e i r outstanding merit, f o r our purposes, however, i s that they address themselves p a r t i c u l a r l y t o the nature and problems of the e p i d e i c t i c genre. These two authors, each of whom s u b s t a n t i a l l y remedies the d e f i c i e n c i e s of the other, w i l l serve as g u i d e s ) i n our examination of the F l o r i d a . 35 -VI EPIBATERIOS LOGOS - FLORIDA I & XXI The e p i b a t e r i o s logos was the speech d e l i v e r e d on another's or one's own a r r i v a l i n a c i t y . I quote from Menander: ,0S 6CT\ THE SPEECH UPON AN ARRIVAL Obviously one d e s i r i n g to give a speech upon an a r r i v a l wishes e i t h e r to address h i s n a t i v e c i t y a f t e r r e t u r n i n g from a journey, or another c i t y , to which he has j u s t come, or the governor who r u l e s a c i t y . Consequently, i n a l l these cases one must take one's exordium from the joy one f e e l s . p. 377 l i n e 31 -p. 378 l i n e k Spengel l n F l o r i d a i we c l e a r l y have the opening of one of these speeches. I t can e a s i l y be summarized: "When one i s t r a v e l l i n g and happens upon a roadside s h r i n e , one stops f o r a time and makes an o f f e r i n g ; s i m i l a r l y , even - 36 -though I am i n some hurry, I cannot simply pass through t h i s c i t y , hut must give an o r a t i o n . " Q u i n t i l i a n recognizes comparison as a u s e f u l method of strengthening an a s s e r t i o n : Proximas exemplo v i r e s habet s i m i l i t u d o , praecipueque i l i a quae d u c i t u r c i t r a ullam t r a l a t i o n u m mixturam ex rebus paene par i b u s : 'ut qui accipere i n campo consuerunt i i s c a n d i d a t i s quorum nummos suppressos esse putant i n i m i c i s s i m i solent esse: s i c eius modi i u d i c e s i n f e s t o turn reo venerant.' Nam parabole, quam Cicero conlationem vocat, longius res quae comparentur repetere s o l e t . Nec hominum modo i n t e r se opera s i m i l i a spectantur...sed et a mutis atque etiam inanimis i n t e r i m [lacuna] huius modi d u c i t u r . S i m i l e has a f o r c e not u n l i k e that of example, more e s p e c i a l l y when drawn from things n e a r l y equal without an admixture of metaphor, as i n the f o l l o w i n g case: "Just as those who have been accustomed to r e c e i v e b r i b e s i n the Campus Martius are s p e c i a l l y h o s t i l e to those whom they suspect of having withheld the money, so i n the present case the judges came i n t o court w i t h a strong pr e j u d i c e against the accused." For parabole, which Cicero t r a n s l a t e s by "comparison," i s often apt to compare things whose resemblance i s f a r l e s s obvious. Nor does i t merely com-pare the a c t i o n s of men...on the contrary, s i m i l e s of t h i s k i n d are sometimes drawn from dumb animals and inanimate o b j e c t s . v.11.22-24 ( t r a n s . H.E.Butl F l o r i d a x x i c o n s i s t s of a comparison s i m i l a r to that i n the f i r s t fragment: "Even when one i s forced to hurry, c e r t a i n delays can be j u s t i f i e d . Thus a t r a v e l l e r , even when t r a v e l l i n g q u i c k l y , on meeting a man of importance - 37 -i s not r e l u c t a n t to stop and accompany him, accepting the delay g l a d l y enough." The context of the comparison does not s u r v i v e . - 38 -VII POLEOS EPAINOS - FLORIDA V, X V I I I , & XX I begin w i t h quotations from Menander and Q u i n t i l i a n : U\ "Toiv/uv u£j>> Tl()Ad\5 £ll<MV0l j u i K T ^ i Fa)v/ T t € | 5 i ^vt/j?u>rr<VS 6K ^ Y^f T w v t r e p y i ^ > / s 1KV XHTTT^V £K- ^ T t t > " T T f f / ? / / v ^ w t r c V S HOW ONE SHOULD PRAISE CITIES The eulogies of c i t i e s are combined from those topics'concerned with the surrounding country and those concerned w i t h men. From the t o p i c s concerned w i t h the surrounding country...one should take the d e s c r i p t i o n of a city'js:; l o c a t i o n , and from those concerned w i t h men the ancestry of a c i t y , i t s deeds, and i t s p u r s u i t s . On the b a s i s of these things we p r a i s e c i t i e s . p. 3^ -6 l i n e 26 -p. 3^7 l i n e 1 Spengel Laudantur autem urbes s i m i l i t e r atque homines. Nam pro parente est c o n d i t o r , et multum a u c t o r i t a t i s a d f e r t v e t u s t a s , ut i i s q u i t e r r a d i c u n tur o r t i , et v i r t u t e s ac v i t i a c i r c a res gestas eadem quae i n s i n g u l i s : i l i a p r o p r i a quae ex l o c i p o s i t i o n e ac muni-tione sunt. Cives i l l i s ut hominibus l i b e r i sunt d e c o r i . - 39 -C i t i e s are p r a i s e d a f t e r the same fa s h i o n as men. The founder takes the place of the parent, and a n t i q u i t y c a r r i e s great a u t h o r i t y , as f o r instance i n the case of those whose i n h a b i t a n t s are s a i d to be sprung from the s o i l . The v i r t u e s and v i c e s revealed by t h e i r deeds are the same as i n p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s . The advantages a r i s i n g from s i t e or f o r t i f i c a t i o n s are however p e c u l i a r to c i t i e s . T h e i r c i t i z e n s enhance t h e i r fame j u s t as c h i l d r e n b r i n g honour to t h e i r parents. i i i . 7 . 2 6 ( t r a n s . H.E. B u t l e r ) There are i n the F l o r i d a two fragments of t h i s type of o r a t i o n , x v i i i and xx. Apuleius begins x v i i i w i t h f l a t t e r y of h i s audience: Tanta multitudo ad audiendum c o n v e n i s t i s , ut p o t i u s g r a t u l a r i C a r t h a g i n i debeam, quod tarn multos e r u d i t i o n i s amicos habet, quam ex-cusare, quod philosophus non recusaverdrrr : d i s s e r t a r e . You have come i n such l a r g e numbers to hear me that I f e e l I ought r a t h e r to con-g r a t u l a t e Carthage f o r possessing so many f r i e n d s of l e a r n i n g among her c i t i z e n s than demand pardon f o r myself, the professed philosopher who ventures to speak i n p u b l i c . x v i i i . 1 ( t r a n s . H.E. B u t l e r ) In doing so he conforms to a recommendation of Q u i n t i l i a n ' s : Ipsorum etiam permiscenda laus semper (nam i d benivolos f a c i t ) , quotiens autem f i e r i p o t e r i t , cum materiae u t i l i t a t e iungenda. - 40 -I t w i l l be wise too f o r him [ s c . the or a t o r ] to i n s e r t some words of p r a i s e f o r hi s audience, since t h i s w i l l secure t h e i r good w i l l , and wherever i t i s p o s s i b l e t h i s should be done i n such a manner as to advance h i s case. i i i . 7 . 2 4 In p r a i s i n g h i s audience as being " f r i e n d s of l e a r n i n g " Apuleius at once gains t h e i r favour and prepares them f o r the p h i l o s o p h i c a l exempla 1 t h a t are to f o l l o w . He then s t a t e s that h i s oratory should a t t r a c t more a t t e n t i o n than i t s s e t t i n g , the t h e a t r e . There f o l l o w s a d e s c r i p t i o n of the p h y s i c a l a t t r a c t i o n s of the theatre and the v a r i e t y of the performances that take place there. Q u i n t i l i a n recognizes the p r a i s e of a b u i l d i n g as a branch of e p i d e i c t i c o r a t o r y : Est l a u s et operum, i n quibus honor u t i l i t a s p u l c h r i t u d o auctor s p e c t a r i s o l e t : honor ut i n t e m p l i s , u t i l i t a s ut i n muris, p u l c h r i t u d o v e l auctor utrubique. P r a i s e too may be awarded to p u b l i c works, i n connexion w i t h which t h e i r mag-n i f i c e n c e , u t i l i t y , beauty, and the a r c h i t e c t or a r t i s t must be given due c o n s i d e r a t i o n . Temples f o r instance w i l l be p r a i s e d f o r t h e i r magnificence, w a l l s f o r t h e i r u t i l i t y , and both f o r t h e i r beauty or the s k i l l of the a r c h i t e c t . i i i . 7 - 2 7 ( t r a n s . H.E. B u t l e r ) The exemplum i s defined and discussed l a t e r i n the present chapter. - 41 -Q u i n t i l i a n g i ves a lengthy d i s c u s s i o n of methods of emphasizing the importance of a person or t h i n g ( a m p l i f i c a t i o n ) ; i n the course of t h i s d i s c u s s i o n he names and defines the technique employed by Apuleius at xviii.3-5: Quattuor tamen maxime generibus video constare a m p l i f i c a t i o n e m , i n c r e m e n t o com-paratione r a t i o c i n a t i o n e congerie. Incrementum est potentissimum cum magna v i d e n t u r etiam quae i n f e r i o r a sunt. Id aut uno gradu f i t aut p l u r i b u s , et perven i t non modo ad summum sed i n t e r i m quodam modo supra summum. Omnibus h i s s u f f i c i t unum C i c e r o n i s exemplum: 'facinus est v i n c i r e civem Romanum, scelus verberare, prope p a r r i c i d i u m necare; quid dicam i n crucem t o l l e r e ? ' Nam et s i tantum verberatus esset uno gradu i n c r e v e r a t , ponendo etiam i d esse f a c i n u s quod erat i n f e r i u s , et s i tantum occisus esset per p l u r e s gradus ascenderat: cum vero d i x e r i t 'prope p a r r i -cidium n e c a r e 1 , supra quod n i h i l e s t , a d i e c i t 'quid dicam i n crucem t o l l e r e ? ' I t a cum i d quod maximum est occupasset necesse erat i n eo quod u l t r a est verba d e f i c e r e . I consider, however, the there are four p r i n c i p a l methods of a m p l i f i c a t i o n : augmentation, comparison, reasoning and accumulation. Of these, augmentation i s the most impressive when i t lends grandeur even to comparative i n s i g n i f i c a n c e . This may be ef f e c t e d e i t h e r by one step or by s e v e r a l , and may be c a r r i e d not merely to the highest degree, but sometimes even beyond i t . A s i n g l e example from Cicero w i l l s u f f i c e to i l l u s t r a t e a l l these p o i n t s . " I t i s a s i n to bind a Roman c i t i z e n , a crime to scourge him, l i t t l e short of the most unnatural murder to put him to death; what then s h a l l I c a l l h i s c r u c i f i x i o n ? " I f he had merely been scourged, we should have had but one - kZ -step, i n d i c a t e d by the d e s c r i p t i o n even of the l e s s e r offence as a s i n , while i f he had merely been k i l l e d , we should have had s e v e r a l more steps; but a f t e r saying that i t was " l i t t l e short of the most unnatural murder to put him to death," and mentioning the worst of crimes, he adds, "What then s h a l l I c a l l h i s c r u c i -f i x i o n ? " Consequently,since he had already exhausted h i s vocabulary of crime, words must n e c e s s a r i l y f a i l him to describe something s t i l l worse. v i i i . 4 . 3 - 5 ( t r a n s . H.E. B u t l e r ) F l o r i d a vh'presents close s i m i l a r i t i e s to the opening of x v i i i . Apuleius begins the fragment by p r a i s i n g the people f o r having come to the t h e a t r e ; the t h e a t r e , he says, does not take away from h i s speech,'but the performance and not the s e t t i n g i s what i s important. This augmentation complete, he gives a l i s t of theatre performers s i m i l a r to t h a t at x v i i i . k , a l i s t t e r m i nating with h i m s e l f , the philosopher. Here the fragment ends. We r e t u r n to x v i i i . Having described the a c t i v i t i e s of the t h e a t r e , Apuleius asks h i s audience to consider anything he says that i s worthy of the senate-house or the l i b r a r y to have been spoken at those p l a c e s ; '; t h i s request he j u s t i f i e s by reference to the dramatic poets, quoting an unknown t r a g i c author who names Cithaeron as the place of action^ and the f i r s t three l i n e s of Plautus' Truculentus, i n which the playwright - 43 -asks the audience to consider Athens to be the scene of the pl a y . The quotation of poetry was considered an i n t e g r a l part of the e p i d e i c t i c speech: You should make mention a l s o of the famous poets, Homer, Hesiod, and the l y r i c poets. For they are i n themselves worthy of mention, and they both p r a i s e d and c r i t i c i z e d many people. From them you w i l l be able to take many exempla. A d h i b e b i t u r e x t r i n s e c u s i n causam et a u c t o r i t a s . Haec s e c u t i Graecos, a quibus k r i s e i s d i c u n t u r , i u d i c i a aut i u d i c a t i o n e s vocant, <non> de quibus ex causa d i c t a s e n t e n t i a est (nam ea quidem i n exemplorum locum cedunt), sed s i quid i t a visum gentibus, p o p u l i s , s a p ientibus v i r i s , C l a r i s c i v i b u s , i n l u s t r i b u s p o e t i s r e f e r r i p o t e s t . Nam s e n t e n t i i s quidem poetarum non orationes modo sunt r e f e r t a e , sed l i b r i etiam philosophorum, qui quamquam i n f e r i o r a omnia p r a e c e p t i s s u i s ac l i t t e r i s credunt, repetere tamen auctoritatem a p l u r i m i s versibus non f a s t i d i e r u n t . A u t h o r i t y a l s o may be drawn from e x t e r n a l sources to support a case. Those who f o l l o w the Greeks, who c a l l such arguments k r i s e i s , s t y l e them .judgments Menander p. 393 l i n e s 5-9 Spengel - 44 -or a d j u d i c a t i o n s , thereby r e f e r r i n g not to mat±er-S_nn__which j u d i c i a l sentence has been,pronounced. ( f o r such d e c i s i o n s form examples or precedents), but to whatever may be regarded as expressing the o p i n i o n of n a t i o n s , peoples, philosophers, d i s -t i n g u i s h e d c i t i z e n s , or i l l u s t r i o u s poets. As f o r r e f l e x i o n s drawn from the poets, not only speeches, but even the works of poets, are f u l l of them; f o r although the philosophers think everything i n f e r i o r to t h e i r ownr.precepts and w r i t i n g s , they have not thought i t beneath t h e i r d i g n i t y to quote numbers of l i n e s from the poets to lend a u t h o r i t y to t h e i r statements. v . 1 1 . 3 6 , 39 Apuleius then i n t i m a t e s that a l l i s not e n t i r e l y w e l l , quoting three proverbs t o the e f f e c t that w i t h . 2 everything sweet some b i t t e r n e s s i s mixed m . The use of the proverb as an a u t h o r i t y i s recommended by Q u i n t i l i a n : Ne haec quidem vulgo d i c t a et recepta persuasione p o p u l a r i sine usu f u e r i n t . Testimonia sunt enim quodam modo, v e l pot-e n t i o r a etiam quod non causis accommodata sunt, sed l i b e r i s odio et g r a t i a mentibus ideo tantum d i c t a factaque q u i a aut honest-i s s i m a aut v e r i s s i m a videbantur. ^The f i r s t two quotations, "nothing good i s r e c e i v e d from heaven without some accompanying d i f f i c u l t y " and "where there i s honey there i s g a l l " are commonplaces i n ancient l i t e r a t u r e from P l a t o on; c f . A. Otto, Die  Sprichworter und S p r i c h w o r t l i c h e n Redensarten der R'dmer ( L e i p z i g : 1890; r e p r . Hildesheimt 1 9 6 5 ) , pp. 217-18. The t h i r d proverb, "ubi uber i b i tuber" t r a n s l a t e s as "where there i s a breast there i s a s w e l l i n g . " Context demands a meaning s i m i l a r to that of the two preceding proverbs, yet i t i s d i f f i c u l t to see how i t can be so i n t e r p r e t e d . Otto (Sprichworter p. 352) and V a l l e t t e i n h i s note on the passage do not r e a l l y face the problem. - 45 -Nay, even common sayings and popular b e l i e f s may be found to be u s e f u l . For they form a s o r t of testimony, which i s rendered a l l the more impressive by the f a c t that i t was not given to s u i t s p e c i a l cases, but was the utterance or a c t i o n of minds swayed n e i t h e r by prejudice or i n f l u e n c e , simply because i t seemed the most honourable or honest t h i n g to say or do. v . 1 1 . 3 7 ( t r a n s . H.E. B u t l e r ) The problem, i t turns out, i s that Apuleius' respect f o r the Carthaginians makes him embarrassed to speak. This pretended embarrassment was standard r h e t o r i c a l p r a c t i c e t In p r i m i s i g i t u r omnis s u i v i t i o s a i a c t a t i o e s t , eloquentiae tamen i n oratore praecipue, adfertque audientibus non f a s -tidium modo sed plerumque etiam odium. Habet enim mens n o s t r a natura sublime quid-dam et erectum et i n p a t i e n s s u p e r i o r i s : ideoque abiectos aut summittentes se l i b e n t e r adlevamus, quia hoc facere tamquam maiores videmur, et quotiens d i s c e s s i t aemulatio, succedit humanitas. At qui se supra modum e x t o l l i t , premere ac despicere c r e d i t u r nec tarn se maiorem quam minores ceteros f a c e r e . Faciunt favorem et i l i a paene communia, non tamen omittenda v e l ideo ne occupentur: optare, abominari, rogare, s o l l i c i t u m agere. In the f i r s t p l a c e , then, a l l kinds of boasting are a mistake, above a l l , i t i s an e r r o r f o r an orator to p r a i s e h i s own eloquence, and, f u r t h e r , not merely wearies, but i n the m a j o r i t y of cases d i s g u s t s the audience. For there i s ever i n the mind of man a c e r t a i n element of l o f t y and unbending pride t h a t w i l l not brook s u p e r i o r i t y : and f o r t h i s reason we take d e l i g h t i n r a i s i n g the humble and submissive to t h e i r f e e t , since such an - 46 -act gives us a consciousness of our s u p e r i o r i t y , and as soon as a l l sense of r i v a l r y disappears, i t s place i s taken by a f e e l i n g of humanity. But the man who e x a l t s himself beyond reason i s looked upon as d e p r e c i a t i n g and showing a con-tempt f o r others and as making them seem small r a t h e r than himself seem great. But there are c e r t a i n t r i c k s f o r a c q u i r i n g g o o d - w i l l , which though almost u n i v e r s a l , are by no means to be neglected, i f only to prevent t h e i r being f i r s t employed against ourselves. I r e f e r to r h e t o r i c a l expressions of w i s h i n g , d e t e s t a t i o n , entreaty, or a n x i e t y . Apuleius emphasizes the i n c o n g r u i t y of the s i t u a t i o n by mentioning h i s many t i e s w i t h Carthage, p a r t i c u l a r l y h i s e a r l y education there, an education completed at One should mention Athens a l s o , whence came the entrance of the chorus, and mention the hierophants, the torchbearers, the Pan-athenaic f e s t i v a l , the contests of words and music, the teachers, and the f e s t i v e bands of youths; f o r that b r i n g s much pleasure to the l i s t e n e r . x i . 1 . 1 5 - 1 6 ; i v . 1 . 3 3 ( t r a n s . H.E. B u t l e r ) Athens: Menander p. 392 l i n e s 14-18 Spengel - 47 -Apuleius then says that he ce l e b r a t e s the Carthag-i n i a n s everywhere as h i s "parents and f i r s t teachers." This a l s o can be connected w i t h a passage of Menander: And [say] that you w i l l never f o r g e t them, and that you w i l l spread t h e i r fame everywhere, wondering at the excellences of t h e i r c i t y . page 431 l i n e s 25 Spengel Apuleius then introduces two p h i l o s o p h i c a l exempla. Before proceeding f u r t h e r we s h a l l b r i e f l y examine the nature of t h i s component of ancient r h e t o r i c a l technique. Excursus: The Nature of the Exemplum Menander assumes an acquaintance w i t h exempla (para-deigmata) on the part of h i s reader, so Q u i n t i l i a n w i l l be our c h i e f source. Q u i n t i l i a n t r e a t s the standard o r a t i o n as c o n s i s t i n g of f i v e p a r t s . The f i r s t i s the exordium, an i n t r o d u c t i o n s e r v i n g to c o n c i l i a t e judge and audience. The second i s the n a r r a t i o n , an account of the f a c t s of the case. The t h i r d i s the d i v i s i o n , which s t a t e s which p a r t i c u l a r point w i l l be demonstrated to be t r u e . I t i s followed by t h i s proof. The speech ends with the peroration.. - 48 -I t i s the proof which here concerns us. Q u i n t i l i a n d i v i d e s proofs i n t o two v a r i e t i e s , a r t i f i c i a l and i n a r t i f i c i a l : Ac prima quidem i l i a p a r t i t i o ab A r i s t o t e l e t r a d i t a consensum f e r e omnium meruit, a l i a s esse probationes quas e x t r a d i c e n d i rationem a c c i p e r e t o r a t o r , a l i a s quas ex causa t r a h e r e t ipse et quodam modo gigne r e t ; ideoque i l l a s atechnous, i d est i n a r t i f i c i a l e s , <has entechnous, i d est artificiales«;-> vocaverunt. Ex i l l o p r i o r e genere sunt p r a e i u d i c i a , rumores, tormenta, tabulae, i u s iurandum, t e s t e s , i n quibus pars maxima contentionum forensium c o n s t i t i t . To begin w i t h i t may be noted that the d i v i s i o n l a i d down by A r i s t o t l e pRhetoric 1355 DJ has met w i t h almost u n i v e r s a l approval. I t i s to the e f f e c t that there are some proofs adopted by the or a t o r which l i e outside the a r t of speaking, and others which he him s e l f deduces or, i f I may use the term, begets out of h i s case. The former th e r e f o r e have been s t y l e d atechnoi or i n a r t i f i c i a l p r oofs, the l a t t e r entechnoi or a r t i f i c i a l . To the f i r s t c l a s s belong d e c i s i o n s of previous c o u r t s , rumours, evidence ex t r a c t e d by t o r t u r e , docu-ments, oaths, and witnesses, f o r i t i s w i t h these t h a t the m a j o r i t y of f o r e n s i c arguments are concerned. v. 1 . 1 - 2 ( t r a n s . H.E. B u t l e r ) A r t i f i c i a l p r o o f s , according to Q u i n t i l i a n , are those which are not d i r e c t evidence f o r the t r u t h or falsehood of an a s s e r t i o n , but are brought to bear on i t by the or a t o r . I n d i c a t i o n s are equivalent to c i r c u m s t a n t i a l evidence. Q u i n t i l i a n , t h i n k i n g p r i m a r i l y i n terms of j u d i c i a l o r a t o r y , gives as concrete examples a s h r i e k , - 49 -a blo o d - s t a i n e d garment, and a l i v i d s p o t J . I f an i n d i c a t i o n i s so strong t h a t i t alone decides a question, i t i s an i n a r t i f i c i a l proof. I f , however, i t i s not immediately d e c i s i v e , i t i s a r t i f i c i a l and must be completed by an argument. The argument for" the b l o o d - s t a i n e d garment mentioned above would be something l i k e t h i s : "Blood was found on the garment. Someone therefore s u f f e r e d a wound. Murder was attempted." For a d e f i n i t i o n of the exemplum we s h a l l r e t u r n to Q u i n t i l i a n ' s words: Tertium genus, ex i i s quae e x t r i n s e c u s adducuntur i n causam, Graeci vocant para-de igma, quo nomine et g e n e r a l i t e r u s i sunt i n omni s i m i l i u m adpositione et s p e c i a l i t e r i n i i s quae rerum gestarum a u c t o r i t a t e n i t -untur. Omnia i g i t u r ex hoc genere sumpta nec-esse est aut s i m i l i a esse aut d i s s i m i l i a aut c o n t r a r i a . S i m i l i t u d o adsumitur i n t e r i m et ad o r a t i o n i s ornatum; sed I i l l a: cum res e x i g e t , nunc ea quae ad probationem p e r t i n e n t exequar. Potentissimum autem est i n t e r ea quae sunt huius generis quod p r o p r i e vocamus exemplum, i d est r e i gestae aut ut gestae u t i l i s ad persuadendum i d quod i n t e n d e r i s commemoratio. Intuendum i g i t u r est totum s i m i l e s i t an ex p a r t e , ut aut omnia ex eo sumamus aut quae u t i l i a erunt. S i m i l e e s t : 'iure occisus est Saturninus s i c u t G r a c c h i ' . D i s s i m i l e : 'Brutus o c c i d i t l i b e r o s proditionem m o l i e n t i s , Manlius virtutern f i l i i morte m u l t a v i t ' . Contrarium* 'Marcellus ornamenta Syracusanis hostibus r e s t i t u i t , Verres eadem s o c i i s a b s t u l i t ' . Et probandorum et culpandorum ex h i s con-f i r m a t i o eosdem gradus habet. v . 9.1. - 50 -The t h i r d k i n d of proof, which i s drawn i n t o the s e r v i c e of the case from without, i s s t y l e d a paradeigma by the Greeks, who apply the term to a l l comparisons of l i k e w i t h l i k e , but more p a r t i c u l a r l y to h i s t o r i c a l p a r a l l e l s . [ i n s e c t i o n 2 Q u i n t i l i a n s t a t e s o t h a t he w i l l t r a n s l a t e paradeigma by the L a t i n word exemplum, "example."] A l l arguments of t h i s k i n d , t h e r e f o r e , must be from things l i k e or u n l i k e or contrary. S i m i l e s are, i t i s t r u e , sometimes employed f o r the embellishment of the speech as w e l l , but I w i l l deal w i t h them i n t h e i r proper place; at present I am concerned w i t h the use of s i m i l i t u d e i n proof. The most important of proofs of t h i s c l a s s i s tha t which i s most prop e r l y s t y l e d example, t h a t i s to say the adducing of some past a c t i o n r e a l or assumed which may serve to persuade the audience of the point which we are t r y i n g to make. We must therefore consider whether the p a r a l l e l i s complete or only p a r t i a l , that we may know whether to use i t i n i t s e n t i r e t y or merely to s e l e c t those p o r t i o n s which are s e r v i c e -a ble. We argue from the l i k e when we say, "Saturninus was j u s t l y k i l l e d , as were the Gracchi"; from the u n l i k e when we say, "Brutus k i l l e d h i s sons f o r p l o t t i n g against the s t a t e , while Manlius condemned h i s son to death f o r h i s • v a l o u r " ; from the contrary when we say, "Marcellus r e s t o r e d the works of a r t which had been taken from the Syracusans who were our enemies, while Verres took the same works of a r t from our a l l i e s . " The same d i v i s i o n s apply a l s o to such forms of proof i n panegyric or denunciation [ t h a t i s , e p i d e i c t i c o r a t o r y ; c f . A r i s t o t l e , R h e t o r i c 1358 b, quoted above on page 22]. v. 1 1 . 1 , 5-7.. ( t r a n s . H.E. B u t l e r ) In h i s f i n a l book, a d e s c r i p t i o n of the i d e a l o r a t o r , Q u i n t i l i a n gives t h i s advice: In p r i m i s vero abundare debet o r a t o r exemplorum copia cum veterum turn etiam novorum, - 51 -adeo ut non ea modo quae c o n s c r i p t a sunt h i s t o r i i s aiiit sermonibus v e l u t per manus t r a d i t a quaeque c o t i d i e aguntur debeat nosse, verum ne ea quidem quae sunt a c l a r i o r i b u s p o e t i s f i c t a neglegere. Nam i l i a quidem p r i o r a aut testimoniorum aut etiam iudicatorum optinent locum, sed haec quoque aut v e t u s t a t i s f i d e t u t a sunt aut ab hominibus magnis prae-ceptorum l o c o f i c t a creduntur. S c i a t ergo quam plurima. Above a l l , our orator should be equipped w i t h a r i c h store of examples both o l d and new: and he ought not merely to know those which are recorded i n h i s t o r y or tr a n s m i t t e d by o r a l t r a d i t i o n or occur from day to day, but should not neglect even those f i c t i t i o u s examples invented by the great poets. For while the former have the a u t h o r i t y of evidence or even of l e g a l d e c i s i o n s , the l a t t e r a l s o e i t h e r have the warrant of a n t i q u i t y or are regarded as having been invented by great men to serve as lessons to the world. He should therefore be acquainted w i t h as many examples as p o s s i b l e . Menander gives t h i s advice f o r adorning a speech: TK5 TTo /£a; / . You w i l l b e a u t i f y your speech w i t h s i m i l e s , s t o r i e s , i l l u s t r a t i v e anecdotes, other pleasant t h i n g s , and lengthy d e s c r i p t i o n s when p r a i s i n g the c i t y . x i i . 4 . 1 - 2 ( t r a n s . H.E. B u t l e r ) p. 433 l i n e s 13 -15 Spengel - 52 -These " s i m i l e s , s t o r i e s , and i l l u s t r a t i v e anecdotes" are nothing other than exempla. Menander i s f o l l o w i n g Q u i n t i l i a n i n recommending t h e i r use i n the e p i d e i c t i c speech. V/e s h a l l now r e t u r n to our c o n s i d e r a t i o n of F l o r i d a x v i i i . At x v i i i . 1 8 Apuleius says that he p r a i s e s the Carthaginians everywhere, and supports the statement w i t h two exempla. The f i r s t , t hat of how Euathlus t r i c k e d L Protagoras out of h i s payment , i s a demonstration of what Apuleius does not do, and i s ther e f o r e an instance of what Q u i n t i l i a n c a l l s the exemplum d i s s i m i l e or d i s s i m i l i t u d e ( v . 1 1 . 7 ) . The second, that of the payment given Thales by Mandraytus^, i s an exemplum s i m i l e , a s i m i l i t u d e (v.11.6 ) . Apuleius s t a t e s that he p r a i s e s the Carthaginians wherever he goes, and i n the same way he worships t h e i r gods. He then introduces the hymn he has composed i n honour of Aesculapius, w r i t t e n i n L a t i n and Greek, which The anecdote i s found a l s o i n Diogenes L a e r t i u s , L i v e s of the Philosophers i x . 5 6 and Aulus G e l l i u s , A t t i c  Nights v,10 .3« The question of i t s h i s t o r i c i t y i s complicated by the f a c t that Protagoras d i d apparently remit the fees of u n s a t i s f i e d students (Plato,/Protagoras 328 b ) . -'Thales i s c r e d i t e d by Diogenes L a e r t i u s a l s o w i t h having discovered the ratio/between the s i z e of the sun' and the s i z e of i t s o r b i t ( i . 5 ^ ) , but Apuleius i s our sole a u t h o r i t y f o r Mandraytus' having been a f o l l o w e r of Thales. - 53 -i s to be performed by two of h i s f r i e n d s , Sabidius Severus and J u l i u s P e r s i u s . Here the fragment ends. Fragment xx a l s o appears to be from a, .speechiin p r a i s e of Carthage. I t begins w i t h the maxim of ?.a wise man" to the e f f e c t that the f i r s t cup of wine i s f o r t h i r s t , the second f o r merriness, the t h i r d f o r pleasure, but the f o u r t h f o r madness^. To these cupfuls of wine he opposes those of the Muses, which can never be drunk to excess. The image i s extended by the equation of these d i f f e r e n t cups to the v a r i o u s stages of Apuleius' education, ending w i t h h i s p h i l o -s o p h i c a l s t u d i e s at Athens. He next names s i x l i t e r a r y genres and t h e i r c h i e f p r a c t i t i o n e r s , s t a t i n g that he p r a c t i s e s a l l of these genres, thereby i m p l y i n g h i s s u p e r i o r i t y to the w r i t e r s j u s t named and completing the augmentation. He then deprecates h i s own t a l e n t s w i t h the s t a t e -ment that i n everything i t i s the i n t e n t i o n and not the a c t i o n that should be considered, and f i n i s h e s by f l a t t e r i n both h i m s e l f and h i s audience by asking what gr e a t e r honour there could be than to have the opportunity to p r a i s e Carthage. g • The maxim i s found a l s o i n Diogenes L a e r t i u s ( L i v e s  of the Philosophers i . 1 0 3 ) . who a t t r i b u t e s i t to Anacharsis a p h i l h e l l e n e Scythian prince of the s i x t h century B.C. - 54 -V I I I THE EULOGY OF A GOVERNOR FLORIDA V I I I , XVI, & XVII I begin w i t h a quotation from Menander: TTEP\ W DIM N/WTik or J*- t o y QyK.Wjj.\oiSj A/M<<- KvpiuJS o Tx^oaq>\0\Ji*'\i.Kd5 ON THE ADDRESS OF WELCOME The address of welcome i s one of g r e e t i n g pronounced by someone to governors, and c o n s t i t u t e s i n f a c t an encomium, though not e n t i r e l y so; f o r i t does not have a l l the elements of the encomium, but i s most p r e c i s e l y an address of welcome when i t glori£ies the governor on the b a s i s of h i s deeds»• p. 414 l i n e 31 -p. 415 l i n e 5 Spengel Menander's meaning i s probably t h a t the address of welcome i s not e n t i r e l y an encomium i n that i t leaves out such c o n s i d e r a t i o n s as the governor's country and ancestors, and concentrates i n s t e a d on h i s a c t i o n s i n the province. That archon should be t r a n s l a t e d "governor" i s i n d i c a t e d by Menander's recommendation a few l i n e s beyond the passage c i t e d above that one "say that the kings are to be wondered at in^many t h i n g s , but most e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e i r choice of governors (archonton)" (page 415 l i n e s 14-15 Spengel). - 55 -We s h a l l f i r s t examine F l o r i d a x v i i , an. extract;. 2 from a speech addressed to the proconsul S c i p i o O r f i t u s . In the f i r s t part Apuleius excuses himself i f he has seemed to pay i n s u f f i c i e n t a t t e n t i o n to the proconsul. Others may f o l l o w a f t e r the governor and parade them-selves as h i s intimate acquaintances; t h i s course Apuleius w i l l not f o l l o w . His t a l e n t already has a reputation-, and does not need any f u r t h e r recommendation; as regards the favour of the governor, he cares f o r i t more than: he makes evident, and d e s i r e s that g l o r i o u s f r i e n d s h i p r a t h e r than boasts of i t . In any case, i t i s not j u s t Apuleius who has reason to de s i r e the proconsul's f r i e n d -s h i p , but a l s o the proconsul who has reason to d e s i r e t h a t of A p u l e i u s , f o r they have many mutual f r i e n d s . Apuleius then proceeds to an extended comparison. His v o i c e , long unheard, i s l i k e v a r i o u s other p o r t i o n s of the body when they are made u s e l e s s , or the whole body when i t i s asleep, drunk, or deep i n s i c k n e s s . The unused voice i s l i k e the unused sword; both d e t e r i o r a t e when not used. A demonstration of t h i s i s the f a c t t h a t the voices of t r a g i c a c t o r s are kept i n form only by frequent use. He then moves to a lengthy a m p l i f i c a t i o n . The human voice does not have the charming tone of var i o u s musical Proconsul of A f r i c a i n 163/64. - 56 -instruments, nor yet does i t have the wide range of sounds found among the animals; the human voice does ;o•"•'I not appeal to the ear, r a t h e r i t i s of use to the mind. He quotes as exempla the s t o r i e s of A r i o n and Orpheus; he would admire them more i f they had performed before men, and not while a l o n e 0 Various species of b i r d s s i n g songs appropriate to the various times of l i f e , and they do t h i s i n the w i l d ; but when one's song i s u s e f u l to people of a l l ages, i t should be performed not when one i s alone but when thousands of people are present. Apuleius i s f o l l o w i n g t h i s precept i n s i n g i n g the merits of S c i p i o O r f i t u s . He then announces h i s i n t e n t i o n to proceed to the eulogy of the proconsul, but5says he i s a f r a i d of being stopped by h i s own or the proconsul's modesty. We have examined t h i s technique of feigned embarrassment i n the 3 preceding chapter . Apuleius then asks the audience to pay s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n to him while he l i s t s the v i r t u e s of the proconsul. I t i s at t h i s point that the fragment breaks o f f . In F l o r i d a v i i i we have a short fragment of another o r a t i o n addressed to a magistrate. I t begins w i t h a b r i e f comparison and augmentation: the p o s i t i o n of the magistrate i s an honourable one, but he owes more to h i s own q u a l i t i e s pp. 45-46. - 57 -than he does to h i s p o s i t i o n . Apuleius then f u r t h e r magnifies the excellence of the proconsul; there are, he says, few men who are senators, few senators who are of noble f a m i l y , few of noble f a m i l y who are ex-consuls, few ex-consuls who are good men, and few good men who are learned. Apuleius i s here making use of the r h e t o r i c a l device known as climax ( " s t a i r c a s e " ) , of which I quote Q u i n t i l i a n * s d e s c r i p t i o n : Gradatio, quae d i c i t u r climax, apertiorem habet artem'et magis adfectatam, ideoque esse r a r i o r debet. Est autem i p s a quoque a d i e c t i o n i s : r e p e t i t enim quae d i c t a sunt, et priusquam ad a l i u d descendat i n p r i o r i b u s r e s i s t i t . Cuius exemplum ex Graeco notissimo transferatur*: 'non enim d i x i quidem <haec>, sed non < s c r i p s i , nec s c r i p s i quidem, sed non> o b i i legationem, <nec o b i i quidem legationem,> sed non p e r s u a s i Thebanis.','" Sunt tamen t r a d i t a et L a t i n a : 'Africano v i r t u t e m i n d u s t r i a , v i r t u s g l o r i a m , g l o r i a aemulos comparavit.' Gradation, which the Greeks c a l l climax, n e c e s s i t a t e s a more obvious and l e s s n a t u r a l a p p l i c a t i o n of a r t and should t h e r e f o r e be more s p a r i n g l y employed. Moreover, i t i n v o l v e s ad-d i t i o n , since i t repeats what has already been s a i d and, before passing to a new p o i n t , dwells on those which precede. I w i l l t r a n s l a t e a very famous instance from the Greek. "I d i d not say t h i s , without making a formal proposal to that e f f e c t , I d i d not make that proposal without undertaking the embassy, nor undertake the embassy without persuading the Thebans." There are, however, examples of the same t h i n g i n L a t i n authors. " I t was the energy of A f r i c a n u s that gave him h i s p e c u l i a r e x c e l l e n c e , h i s ex-c e l l e n c e that gave him g l o r y , h i s g l o r y that gave him r i v a l s . " ix.3 .5^-56 ( t r a n s . H;.E. B u t l e r ) - 58 -Apuleius then returns to h i s e a r l i e r augmentation, saying even the outward i n s i g n i a of the magistracy are a rare d i s t i n c t i o n . At t h i s p o i n t the fragment ends. We come to fragment x v i l a s t , which d i f f e r s from those already t r e a t e d i n that i t i s not simply a laud-4 a t i o n of the consular Aemilianus Strabo., but a g i v i n g of thanks to him and the Carthaginian senate f o r the statue of Apuleius they had decreed be erected. Apuleius begins by saying that before expressing h i s g r a t i t u d e he wishes to e x p l a i n h i s recent absence. He has been away at the P e r s i a n 1 Waters' f o r a cure; the events l e a d i n g up to i t are s i m i l a r , he says, to those surrounding the death of the comic poet Philemon^. Thus the exemplum i s introduced, and we l e a r n of Philemon's r e c i t a t i o n of a play being i n t e r r u p t e d by a storm, h i s f a i l u r e to appear the next day to f i n i s h the r e c i t a t i o n , and h i s being found dead at home, the play of h i s l i f e over. ^ S u f f e c t consul i n 1 5 6 . -'There are numerous accounts of the death of the A t t i c comic poet Philemon (c. 364-265 B.C.). The v e r s i o n given by Apuleius i s not found elsewhere. According to A e l i a n (quoted by the Souda), Philemon had a dream th a t the Muses had abandoned h i s house i n order not to be d e f i l e d by the s i g h t of a corpse. He thereupon completed the comedy he was working on and died. According to 'P... P l u t a r c h ( M o r a l i a 785 B) he died while at the t h e a t r e . According to Lucian (Macrobii 25) and V a l e r i u s Maximus ( i x . 1 2 . 6 ) he died of laughter at a joke he made on seeing an ass e a t i n g f i g s . But Diogenes L a e r t i u s (Lives of the Philosophers v i i . 1 8 5 ) t e l l s the same s t o r y of the S t o i c philosopher Chrysippus (c. 280-207 B.C.), f u r n i s h i n g the joke as w e l l . Chrysippus suggested the ass be given some wine as w e l l . - 59 -An o r a t i o n of Apuleius was s i m i l a r l y i n t e r r u p t e d by r a i n and postponed; i n the i n t e r v a l he t w i s t e d h i s ankle and was f o r c e d to leave the c i t y f o r treatment. Once cured, however, he immediately h u r r i e d back to the c i t y . He had good reason to do t h i s ; the u n s o l i c i t e d g i f t i s best, and t h a t i s what he has r e c e i v e d . There are recognized forms f o r expressing one's g r a t i t u d e f o r such honours, and he w i l l f o l l o w them i n w r i t i n g a book i n honour of Aemilius Strabo, the most i l l u s t r i o u s of those who are best, the best of those who are i l l u s t r i o u s , and the most learned of e i t h e r c l a s s . Apuleius i s abashed at the great honour accorded him. There f o l l o w s an augmentation: to be known to Aemilianus Strabo i s already a great honour, but the consular has gone so f a r as to p r a i s e him i n a p u b l i c speech. The contents of t h i s speech are summarized i n a lengthy climax, which ends w i t h the proposal made by the c o n s u l a r l t h a t a statue be erected i n honour of A p u l e i u s . Apuleius then moves to a short augmentation. The senate showed i t s e l f i n complete agreement wi t h the consular, and w i l l probably i t s e l f vote to erect a second s t a t u e ; but even to be named i n the senate i s an honour. The speech ends wi t h a comparison. Less important c i t i e s have voted statues to Apuleius, and have erected - .60 -them without delay; a c i t y of Carthage's importance should do no l e s s . The book he w i l l w r i t e f o r the d e d i c a t i o n of the statue w i l l immortalize t h e i r generous a c t i o n . IX PROPEMPTIKOS LOGOS - FLORIDA IX I quote Menander's d e f i n i t i o n of the logos pro-pemptikos, the speech on someone's departure: ON THE PROPEMPTIC ORATION The propemptic o r a t i o n i s a speech w i t h some auspicious saying, sending o f f one who i s departing. I t i s "best v/ith sensuous use of language and the grace imparted by extended d e s c r i p t i o n of things of the past. This type of speech, as Menander recognizes, can i n f a c t o f t e n be cl a s s e d as a k i n d of encomium: T T t ? l T t P O T l E M l l T I K f l L p. 1395. l i n e s 1-4 Spengel - 62 -There can he another type having much to do r a t h e r w i t h the encomium or being almost e n t i r e l y concerned v/ith i t , when i t appears to be a propemptic speech but i s i n f a c t an encomium. This happens when we send o f f a governor who i s e i t h e r ending governorship or going from one town to another. Apuleius begins fragment i x with an i n v i t a t i o n to any of h i s d e t r a c t o r s who happen to be i n the audience to look at the crowd there assembled and to consider the excellence of the speaker who must undergo i t s s c r u t i n y . This type of s e l f - p r a i s e formed part of the sophistes s t o c k - i n - t r a d e : p. 395 l i n e s 20-26 Spengel TjDcTOtfTUJV O V T u V , • 7 1 / 0 ( T £ p 'yA 0 V Y V A « J " ^ - 63 For i n t r u t h Polemo was so arrogant that he conversed w i t h c i t i e s as h i s i n -f e r i o r s , Emperors as not h i s s u p e r i o r s , and the gods as h i s equals. For i n s t a n c e , when he gave a d i s p l a y to the Athenians of extempore speeches on f i r s t coming to Athens, he d i d not condescend to u t t e r an encomium on the c i t y , though there were so many things that one might say i n honour of the Athenians; nor d i d he make a long o r a t i o n about h i s own renown, although t h i s s t y l e of speech i s l i k e l y to win favour f o r sophists i n t h e i r p u b l i c declamations. P h i l o s t r a t u s L i v e s of the Sophists 535 ( t r a n s . W.C. Wright] Apuleius asks h i s audience not to be deceived by the appearance of h i s a d v e r s a r i e s , and compares the s i t u a t i o n to a t r i a l , where the p u b l i c c r i e r appears to be the most important person, but i s i n f a c t sub-ordinate to the proconsul. J u s t as the proconsul's v/ords are i r r e v o c a b l e , so Apuleius* words cannot be r e c a l l e d once spoken. Therefore Apuleius must be c a r e f u l i n what he says, and t h i s not i n j u s t one genre; f o r h i s l i t e r a r y works are more v a r i e d than the craftsman's works of H i p p i a s 1 . There f o l l o w s the exemplum of Hippias' coming to the Olympic games wearing shoes, c l o t h e s , and r i n g , and c a r r y i n g o i l -f l a s k and scraper, a l l of them made by him s e l f . For an account of Hippias (c. 485-415 B.C.) see W.K.C. Guthrie, A H i s t o r y of Greek Philosophy, V o l . I l l (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1969), pp. 280-85. - 6k -The exemplum i s "based on a passage of the Hippias  Minor of Plato ( 3 6 8 a-d). P l a t o begins h i s d e s c r i p t i o n by saying that Hippias once came to the Olympic games wi t h nothing on him he had not himself made. Apuleius f o l l o w s P l a t o by mentioning Hippias' coming to the Olympic games; the second phrase he expands and makes i n t o an a n t i t h e s i s ; H i p p i a s , he saiys, had bought none of the t h i n g s which he was wearing, but had made them a l l w i t h h i s own hands, et indumenta, quibus indutus, et calciamenta, quibus erat inductus, et gestamina, quibus erat conspicatus. the c l o t h e s , i n which he was c l a d , the shoes, w i t h which he was shod, the ornaments, by which he was made conspicuous. ix .17 P l a t o and Apuleius then proceed to catalogue the things that Hippias was wearing; t h e i r l i s t s cor-2 respond c l o s e l y , but d i f f e r i n t h e i r o rdering of the i n d i v i d u a l items; P l a t o begins w i t h the r i n g , s t r i g i l , o i l f l a s k , and shoes, and then mentions the c l o t h i n g proper, the cloak, t u n i c , and b e l t . Apuleius more or l e s s reverses t h i s order; he begins w i t h the c l o t h i n g , p o s s i b l y because i t o f f e r e d him an opportunity f o r a Apuleius does not mention the second r i n g ( s e a l ) l i s t e d by P l a t o . - 65 -second t r i p l e t of p a r a l l e l sentences: Habebat i n d u t u i ad corpus tunicam ' i n t e rulam tenuissimo t e x t u , t r i p l i c i l i c i o , purpura d u p l i c i : ipse earn s i b i solus domi texuerat. Habebat c i n c t u i balteum, quod genus p i c t u r a Babylonica m i r i s c o l o r i b u s variegatum: nec i n hac eum opera quisquam ad i u v e r a t . Habebat amictui p a l l i u m candidum, quod superne c i r c u m i e c e r a t : i d quoque p a l l i u m comperior i p s i u s laborem f u i s s e . Next to h i s s k i n he wore as covering a t u n i c of t r i p l e weave and the f i n e s t t e x t u r e , double-dyed w i t h purple. He had woven i t by himself and f o r h i m s e l f at h i s house. He had f o r g i r d l e a b e l t , embroidered i n Babylonian f a s h i o n w i t h many wonderful c o l o u r s . In t h i s work too no one had a s s i s t e d him. He had f o r outer garment a white cloak cast about h i s shoulder. I am informed that t h i s cloak too was h i s work. ix.20 Apuleius ends the d e s c r i p t i o n by naming the f o u r other items mentioned by P l a t o . He then moves to an augmentation: Hippias i s indeed worthy of p r a i s e , yet Apuleius does not envy him h i s s k i l l i n h a n d i c r a f t s , f o r he i s as v e r s a t i l e himself i n the sphere of l i t e r a t u r e . I n order to produce t h i s augmentation Apuleius i s o b l i g e d to suppress the f i n a l s e c t i o n of P l a t o ' s d e s c r i p t i o n of Hippias; there the great v a r i e t y of Hippias' l i t e r a r y works i s p r a i s e d . - 6 6 -The augmentation complete, Apuleius "begins the 3 encomium of the proconsul . He wishes to o f f e r a l l of h i s works to the proconsul and gain h i s approbation. He has not yet r e c e i v e d any personal favours from him, but the excellence of h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the province has been s u f f i c i e n t to win Apuleius* approval. He has conferred favours on many; to a l l he has given an example of r e c t i t u d e . His a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of j u s t i c e has been remarkable. Menander recommends a s i m i l a r type of f l a t t e r y : TOO T^XDU, 1 0 O p / i M T l K W TvrjOS TOOS TTpoai.OVW TO |x^irp05 xlpw/j jA<\ nOOS W\6v()£i^ K j 9 i V £ i v / In d i s c u s s i n g h i s justness you w i l l mention once again h i s k i n d l i n e s s to h i s su b j e c t s , the mildness of h i s manner, h i s w i l l i n g n e s s to meet w i t h those who come to him, h i s honesty i n t r y i n g cases, h i s r e f u s a l of a l l b r i b e s , h i s judging of cases without favour to h i s f r i e n d s or h o s t i l i t y to h i s enemies, and h i s not fav o u r i n g the r i c h over the l e s s powerful. p. 4 1 6 l i n e s 5 - 1 0 Spengel 3 -'Sex. Cocceius Severianus Honorinus. Syme gives h i s term as 162/J ("Proconsuls d'Afrique sous Antonin l e Pieux," Revue des etudes anciennes. LXI [ 1 9 5 9 ] , pp. 310-19 ) 7 - 67 -The proconsul was r a r e l y absent from Carthage; when he was, h i s son Honorinus remained i n the c i t y , and so they f e l t the proconsul's absence l e s s . Why, Apuleius asks, i s i t necessary that governors be changed v/ith such frequency? That t h i s question was a commonplace i s i n d i c a t e d by a passage i n Menander: QAvjjjfovr&c; A\-rov\/X6$ xpcvci/^ &l$ Let us vote on motions and send them to the kings f s i c 1 p r a i s i n g and m a r v e l l i n g and asking f o r the governor's term to be extended. p. 417 l i n e s 28-Spengel The fragment ends with Apuleius' wish that the son Honorinus might f o l l o w h i s f a t h e r and i n h i s t u r n come to the province as proconsul. uu X EXEMPLA FROM MYTHOLOGY AND ASTRONOMY -FLORIDA I I I & X The fragments of the F l o r i d a that can he assigned to s p e c i f i c types of e p i d e i c t i c oratory have now been discussed; the f o l l o w i n g chapters w i l l deal w i t h the various exempla, anecdotes, and excurses which remain. In F l o r i d a i i i we are given the s t o r y of the defeat of Marsyas by A p o l l o i n . a musical contest. There are references to the s t o r y throughout ancient l i t e r a t u r e ; of i n t e r e s t to the student of the Second S o p h i s t i c are the mentions of i t by P h i l o s t r a t u s the Younger (Images i i ) and Luc i a n (Dialogues of the Gods x v i . 2 ) . Menander recommends tha t music be prominently mentioned i n the e p i d e i c t i c o r a t i o n : scj\.nctv £U))OK[JJ.UJ\/. . . TtX^^crx^v yip i)o**\v TAGTX. You should know the names of the famous playe r s of the c i t h a r a , of Orpheus, A r i o n , Amphion, and those famous f o r p l a y i n g the - 69 -f l u t e . . . t h i s gives the speech a very-pleasant appearance. p. 392 l i n e s 18 -20 and 23-24 Spengel Fragment' x i s concerned w i t h a s t r o l o g y and demon-ology. I t begins w i t h two hexameter l i n e s d e s c r i b i n g the sun; there f o l l o w s ( i n prose) a l i s t of the moon and the f i v e planets then known and the p r o p e r t i e s a t t r i b u t e d to each. But there are, Apuleius says, other intermediate d i v i n e powers who cannot be seen but whose e f f e c t s can be f e l t . One of them i s Amor,;-, Love, who formed the mountains and the p l a i n , put meadows and streams everywhere, gave wings to b i r d s , c o i l s to r e p t i l e s , the power of running to beasts, and of walking to man. Here the fragment breaks off.. The whole of F l o r i d a x bears a c l o s e resemblance to the opening of Apuleius' t r e a t i s e On the God of Soc-r a t e s . Apuleius begins t h i s work by d i v i d i n g the universe i n t o three s e c t i o n s . The highest of them i s occupied by those gods v i s i b l e to us as heavenly bodies, the sun, moon, p l a n e t s , and other stars''". There i s a l s o a second c l a s s of gods whose existence we know of, but whom we "'"Apuleius begins h i s d i s c u s s i o n of the gods by quoting two hexameter l i n e s d e s c r i b i n g the s t a r s . I t i s a tempting conjecture that the two l i n e s d e s c r i b i n g the sun which begin F l o r i d a x !are from the same source. - 70 -cannot ourselves observe. Apuleius gives the t r a d i t i o n a l pantheon of twelve as an example of t h i s second c l a s s of gods. In the lowest s e c t i o n of the universe Apuleius places the t e r r e s t r i a l c r e a t u r e s , of which man i s the g r e a t e s t , although even h i s existence i s not very happy. The t h i r d s e c t i o n , the a i r which l i e s between men and the gods, i s populated by s p i r i t s , daemones. The gods take no d i r e c t i n t e r e s t i n human a f f a i r s ; i t i s the daemons' who have men as t h e i r concern. Not only are they p h y s i c a l l y s i t u a t e d between gods and men, but they also..have some of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of both. They are immortal, l i k e the gods; l i k e men, they have emotions,-.arid can f e e l anger or p i t y . Apuleius then proceeds to a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the daemons. The f i r s t s o r t i s the genius, the g u i d i n g s p i r i t of each man, who watches and cares f o r him from b i r t h . The second i s the human s o u l ^ which has f i n i s h e d i t s time on earth and l e f t the body i t had been a s s o c i a t e d w i t h . There i s a t h i r d type of daemon, smaller i n number but of greater importance than the two c l a s s e s mentioned, which has never been connected w i t h a p h y s i c a l body. Of t h i s c l a s s are the daemons Amor-(Love) and Somnus (Sleep); the f i r s t has the power of keeping one awake, the second of causing one to sleep. Here Apuleius' demonology ends - 71 -and he proceeds to that c o n s i d e r a t i o n of Socrates' daemon promised by the t i t l e of h i s t r e a t i s e . I t w i l l be c l e a r enough from my summary that F l o r i d a x and the f i r s t part of On the God of Socrates are both e x p o s i t i o n s of the same system. The immediate sources of the two passages i s unknown; the demonology expounded i n them goes back at l e a s t to the e a r l y Academy. The c r u c i a l P l a t o n i c passage i s i n the Symposium, where Socrates r e p o r t s a conversation he had once had w i t h Diotima, a p r i e s t e s s at Mantinea: TUV To OJ-KA.I (yVn-fflU - 72 -T 6 TT>V Ko^io C ^ T U J OU\J oed ecr®^. O^J T o u r e r 'What then i s Love?' I asked; 'Is he mortal?' 'No.' 'What then?' 'As i n the former in s t a n c e , he i s n e i t h e r mortal nor immortal, but i n a mean between the two.' 'What i s he, Diotima?' 'He i s a great s p i r i t (daimon), and l i k e a l l s p i r i t s he i s intermediate between the d i v i n e and the mortal.' 'And what,' I s a i d , ' i s h i s power?* 'He i n t e r p r e t s , ' she r e p l i e d , 'between gods and men, conveying and t a k i n g across to the gods the prayers and s a c r i f i c e s of men, and to men the commands and r e p l i e s of the gods; he i s the mediator who spans the chasm which d i v i d e s them, and therefore i n him a l l i s bound together, and through him the a r t s of the prophet and p r i e s t , t h e i r s a c r i f i c e s and mysteries and charms, and a l l prophecy and i n -cantation-, f i n d t h e i r way. For God mingles not wi t h man; but through Love a l l the i n t e r c o u r s e and converse of god w i t h man, whether awake or asleep, i s c a r r i e d on. The wisdom which understands t h i s i s s p i r i t u a l ; a l l other wisdom, such as tha t of a r t s and h a n d i c r a f t s , i s mean - 73 -and.vulgar. Now these s p i r i t s or i n t e r -mediate powers are many and d i v e r s e , and one of them i s Love.' 202 d - 203 a (t r a n s . Jowett) Here P l a t o gives us a system that corresponds c l o s e l y to that of Ap u l e i u s , but with one major omission: P l a t o does not name any s p e c i a l part of the universe as the h a b i t a t i o n of the daemons. For t h i s element of Apuleius' demonology we must t u r n elsewhere. There i s i n the P l a t o n i c corpus a dialogue c a l l e d the Epinomis, which forms a k i n d of pendant to the Laws. I t s authorship i s a>matter of dispute; i f not by P l a t o , i t was c e r t a i n l y w r i t t e n by a member of h i s school not 2 long a f t e r h i s death . Here we f i n d a f u l l expression of the p h y s i c a l system given by Apul e i u s : *~It was known to Aristophanes of Byzantium ( c . 260-184 B.C.), who inc l u d e d i t i n h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of P l a t o ' s works. For a f u l l d i s c u s s i o n of the question of authorship see Leonardo Taran, Academica: P l a t o , P h i l i p of Opus, and the Pseudo-Platonic Epinomis ("Memoirs of the American P h i l o s o p h i c a l S o c i e t y , " v o l . 107 ; P h i l a d e l p h i a : American P h i l o s o p h i c a l S o c i e t y , 2 1975), pp. 3-47. - 74 -But as our v i s i b l e gods, greatest and most honourable and having keenest v i s i o n every way, we must count f i r s t the order of the s t a r s and a l l e l s e that we perceive e x i s t i n g w i t h them; and a f t e r these, and next below these, the d i v i n e s p i r i t s [daemons], and air-borne race...the heaven being f i l l e d f u l l of l i v e c r e a t u r e s , they i n t e r p r e t a l l men and a l l things both to one another and to the most e x a l t e d gods, because the middle creatures move both to earth and to the whole of heaven w i t h a l i g h t l y r u s hing motion. Xenocrates, ?:a/ d i s c i p l e * of sPlato.- andl-eventual successor to him- ( a f t e r Speusippus) as head of the Academy, i s known to have constructed a s i m i l a r system: Xenocrates of Chalcedon, son of Agathenor, says that the heaven i s a god, the f i e r y s t a r s 984 d - 985 b (t r a n s . W.R.M. Lamb) - 75 -the Olympian gods, and that there are other daemons beneath the o r b i t of the moon who are i n v i s i b l e . Fragment 15 Heinze I t i s c l e a r that i n F l o r i d a x and the f i r s t part of On the God of Socrates Apuleius was not present i n g a system of h i s own, but expounding a by then long-e s t a b l i s h e d d o c t r i n e of the P l a t o n i c school . -'Tor s i m i l a r demonologies i n the time of Apuleius c f . P l u t a r c h , The Obsolescence of the Oracles 4 1 7 E, The Daemon of Socrates 5 9 3 D, On I s i s and O s i r i s 360 D-F, and e s p e c i a l l y A l b i n u s , Epitome 1 5 . 1 - 2 . - 76 -XI EXEMPLA FROM NATURAL HISTORY -FLORIDA I I , X I I , & X I I I F l o r i d a i i begins i n the middle of a d i s c u s s i o n of which i s the more valuable sense, s i g h t or hearing. Apuleius quotes a u t h o r i t i e s f o r the two sides of the question. Socrates, he says, on seeing a handsome youth, expressed a wish to hear him, so that he might t r u l y see him; a character i n Plautus"*" says, "The testimony of one s i g h t i s worth more than ten hearings." But, Apuleius continues, i f greater weight be given s i g h t than hearing, the eagle must be considered the wisest of l i v i n g crea-t u r e s . He then gives a lengthy encomium of the eagle. There i s a s i m i l a r comparison i n the N i n t h Discourse 2 of Dio Chrysostom . Here Dio t e l l s of a conversation the Cynic philosopher Diogenes had w i t h an a t h l e t e who had j u s t won a race: "Well,":*sadld Diogenes, " i f the s w i f t e s t t h i n g i s the best, i t i s much b e t t e r , perhaps, to be a l a r k than to be a man." The question of the s u p e r i o r i t y of man over beast was i n any case a common-"''Truculentus 489. The l i n e i n f a c t means, "One's own observation of a t h i n g i s worth ten repor t s from others." 2 i x . 1 9 . Dio was a sophist and popular philosopher of the f i r s t century. Cf. P h i l o s t r a t u s , L i v e s of the Sophists 48' - 77 -place of ancient l i t e r a t u r e . The p r a i s e of a b i r d or land animal was recognized by Menander as a type of e p i d e i c t i c speech: There are encomiums of l i v i n g t h i n g s , some of the creature with pov/er of speech, man, and some of those creatures that are dumb...of encomiums of creatures that are dumb, some are of the creatures of the dry land, others of sea animals. We s h a l l delay our d i s c u s s i o n of sea animals; of those of the dry land there i s a twofold d i v i s i o n , those that are winged, and those that move on f o o t . The most famous encomium of t h i s type i s probably Lucian's The F l y . Another encomium of a b i r d i s found i n F l o r i d a x i i ; here^givesja.l6ng3de.seripti6n o f ^ t h e p a r r o t based on JQf-. Arthur^O--.c-,Love joy, andc:.George Boas, P r i m i t i v i s m  and Related Ideas i n A n t i q u i t y ["A Documentary H i s t o r y of P r i m i t i v i s m and Related Ideas," v o l . I ; Bal t i m o r e : 1935 ] , ch. 13, "The S u p e r i o r i t y of Animals" (pp. 3 8 9 - ^ 2 0 ) . p. 332 l i n e s 11 -17 Spengel - 78 -that of P l i n y the E l d e r ( N a t u r a l H i s t o r y x.5 8 - 5 9 ) . P l i n y and Apuleius "both begin by s t a t i n g that the parrot i s a b i r d from I n d i a ; P l i n y adds that i n that country i t i s known as the s i p t a c e n . They then move to describe the p h y s i c a l appearance of the b i r d : v i r i d e m toto corpore, torque tantum miniato i n c e r v i c e d i s t i n c t a m . I t s whole body i s green, only v a r i e d by a red c i r c l e t at the neck. Nat u r a l H i s t o r y i n s t a r i l l i minimo minus quam columbarum, sed c o l o r <non> columbarum; non enim l a c t e u s i l l e v e l l i v i d u s v e l utrumque, subluteus aut sparsus e s t , sed c o l o r p s i t t a c o v i r i d i s et i n t i m i s plumulis et e x t i m i s p a l m u l i s , n i s i quod s o l a c e r v i c e d i s t i n g u i t u r . Enimvero c e r v i c u l a eius c i r c u l o mineo v e l u t aurea t o r q u i p a r i f u l g o r i s circumactu c i n g i t u r et coronatur. I t i s s l i g h t l y s m aller than a dove, but does not have the col o u r of the dove. For i t i s not white, or dark b l u e , or both; n e i t h e r i s i t yellow or mottled, but the parr o t i s green at the roots of i t s f e a t h e r s and at the t i p s of i t s wings except f o r the markings on the neck. For i t s neck i s c i r c l e d and crowned w i t h a crimson ban l i k e a c o l l a r of gold i t shines throughout i t s l e n g t h . F l o r i d a x i i . 1 - 2 P l i n y then b r i e f l y mentions the p a r r o t ' s a b i l i t y to mimic people. This Apuleius omits. They then des-c r i b e the hardness of the b i r d ' s head and beak. The parrot uses i t s beak to l e s s e n the shock of l a n d i n g ; as f o r i t s head, i t s hardness i s such that the b i r d must be d i s c i p l i n e d w i t h an i r o n rod while being t r a i n e d ; otherwise i t w i l l not f e e l the blow. This rod, Apuleius says, i s f o r the parrot equivalent to the master's cane. P l i n y concludes h i s remarks by saying that a l l b i r d s that i m i t a t e human speech have broad tongues. Apuleius incorporates t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n i n t o h i s advice on the s e l e c t i o n and t r a i n i n g of the p a r r o t . I t must be l e s s than!two years of age, and have f i v e toes on each f o o t . I t s d i e t should have c o n s i s t e d of acorns. The parro t i m i t a t e s the human voice more p l e a s a n t l y than does the raven. I f you teach the b i r d words of abuse, i t w i l l repeat them i n c e s s a n t l y , t h i n k i n g them a song; to escape the i n s u l t s you w i l l be obliged e i t h e r to cut the b i r d ' s tongue out or l e t i t go f r e e . Here the fragment ends. F l o r i d a x i i i c o n s i s t s of a b r i e f augmentation. Philosophy, Apuleius says, d i d not give him the type of eloquence which i s observed i n b i r d s , which i s only heard b r i e f l y and at c e r t a i n times. He then gives a lengthy d e s c r i p t i o n of the songs of var i o u s b i r d s , ending • - 80 -w i t h the statement that the wise speech of the philosopher i s of a l l tones and u s e f u l at a l l times. The sentiment iserepeated at x v i i . 1 6 - 1 8 , where Apuleius s t a t e s that various b i r d s s i n g songs appropriate to the various times of l i f e , and they do t h i s i n the w i l d , but when one's song i s u s e f u l to people of a l l ages, i t should be per-formed not when one i s alone but when many -people are present. In the F i r s t Discourse of Dio Chrysostom there i s a s i m i l a r d i s c u s s i o n of the r e l a t i v e values of the f l a u t i s t and the philosopher . Music, Dio says, cannot r e p a i r defect of character; the words of a philosopher are considerably more u s e f u l . 1.8-10. X I I ANECDOTES OF THE PHILOSOPHERS -FLORIDA VI, XIV, XV, XIX, M X X I I We have P h i l o s t r a t u s ' testimony f o r the close con-n e c t i o n between philosophy and r h e t o r i c i n the Second S o p h i s t i c s I have w r i t t e n f o r you^ i n two Books an account of c e r t a i n men who, though they pursued philosophy, ranked as s o p h i s t s , and a l s o of the sophists p r o p e r l y so c a l l e d . Gordian, consul and futu r e emperor (d. 238). The men of former days a p p l i e d the name " s o p h i s t , " not only to o r a t o r s whose surpassing eloquence won.them a b r i l l i a n t r e p u t a t i o n , but a l s o to philosophers who expounded t h e i r t h e o r i e s with ease arid f l u e n c y . Of these l a t t e r , then, I must speak f i r s t , because, although they were not a c t u a l l y s o p h i s t s , they seemed to be so, and hence came to be so c a l l e d . L i v e s of the Sophists 479, 484 ( t r a n s . W.C. Wright) Apuleius must be classed among these philosopher-s o p h i s t s . Throughout h i s works he r e f e r s to himself as a philosopher; at only one p o i n t does he c a l l h i mself an o r a t o r 1 . In a passage of the F l o r i d a he makes i t c l e a r which of h i s a b i l i t i e s he most value s : Ego et a l i a s c r e t e r r a s Athenis b i b i : poeticae commentam, geometriae limpidam, mu s1cae dulcem, d i a l e c t i c a e austerulam, iam vero universae p h i l o -sophiae i n e x p l e b i l e m s c i l i c e t <et> nectaream. I , however, have drunk yet other cups at Athens - the imaginative draught of poetry, the c l e a r draught of geometry, the sweet draught of music, the austerer draught of d i a l e c t i c , and the nectar of a l l philosophy, whereof no man may ever d r i n k enough. xx.4 ( t r a n s . H.E. B u t l e r ) Cf. Apology i v . l , i x . 4 , x i i i . 5 , x v i i . l l , x v i i i . 1 ; On the God of Socrates v. - 8 3 -There survive two of h i s p h i l o s o p h i c a l works, On 2 the God of Socrates and On the Doctrine of P l a t o . The la r g e number of p h i l o s o p h i c a l exempla i n the F l o r i d a r e f l e c t s the fundamental o r i e n t a t i o n of Apuleius' a c t i v i t i e s . We begin w i t h F l o r i d a v i . I t s t a r t s w i t h a l i s t of the wonders of I n d i a , i t s i v o r y , pepper, cinnamon, f o u n d r i e s , gold and s i l v e r mines, the s k i n colour of i t s i n h a b i t a n t s , i t s r i v e r , the Ganges, and i t s elephants. Apuleius completes h i s augmentation by saying that above a l l these 3 things he admires the gymnosophists . He does not admire The a t t r i b u t i o n to Apuleius of the L a t i n t r a n s l a t i o n of the p s e u d o - A r i s t o t e l i a n t r e a t i s e On the World (De Mundo) i s disputed. For a f u l l d i s c u s s i o n of the question see pp. i x - x x i x of Beaujeu's e d i t i o n . vThe gymnosophists are h i s t o r i c a l . Known as the digambaras, "those who are c l o t h e d i n the quarters of the sky," they are one of the two c h i e f sects of J a i n i s m , a modified Hinduism developed i n the s i x t h century B.C. and s t i l l e x i s t i n g today. Cf. Hermann J a c o b i , "Digambaras" and "Jainism," Encyclopaedia of R e l i g i o n and E t h i c s , ed. James Hastings, IV ( 1 9 1 2 ) , 7 0 4 and VII ( 1 9 1 5 ) , 4 6 5 - 7 ^ - . They became known to the Mediterranean world through the conquests of Alexander; the account of them i n Strabo's Geography ( x v . l . 6 0 f f . ) . i s largely^drawnifEomrthesmem:oirs of h i s companions. The gymnosophists were subsequently incorporated i n t o the Alexander Romance. Cf. P l u t a r c h , L i f e of Alexander 6k and Leben und Taten Alexanders von  Makedonien; Der Griechische Alexanderroman nach der Hand-s c h r i f t L, ed. H. von T h i e l ("Texte zur Forschung," Band 1 3 ; Darmstadt: W i s s e n s c h a f t l i c h e B u c h g e s e l l s c h a f t , 1 9 7 ^ 0 , pp. 1 2 8 - 3 3 (3'k-6) and the appendix of the same volume, "Alexanders Gesprach mit den Gymnosophisten," pp. 2 4 2 - 4 7 . Apuleius' anecdote of the d i s c i p l e s ' being sent away without dinner preserves something of the t r u t h ; f a s t i n g i s h i g h l y regarded i n the s e c t , and d e l i b e r a t e s e l f -s t a r v a t i o n not unknown. - 84 -t h e i r a g r i c u l t u r a l e x p e r t i s e , but r a t h e r t h e i r s i n g l e -minded search f o r knowledge. They hate l a z i n e s s . Before meals are served, t h e i r students are asked what good deeds they have done that day. Those who have none to recount are sent away without dinner. There are two fragments of the F l o r i d a having to do w i t h the Cynic philosopher Crates . In x i v we l e a r n how, a f t e r l i s t e n i n g t o Diogenes, he gave away a l l h i s wealth and gave himself over to p h i l o s o p h i c a l poverty. Once e s t a b l i s h e d i n t h i s new mode of l i f e , he i n s p i r e d such passion that a g i r l of good f a m i l y made advances to him. Crates removed h i s cloak and i n v i t e d the g i r l to i n spect him. The g i r l was s t i l l w i l l i n g , so Crates l e d her o f f to a stoa f o r the consummation of the marriage, which would have taken place i n p u b l i c had h i s d i s c i p l e Zeno not spread an o l d cloak i n f r o n t of them. In x x i i we have the opening of a s i m i l a r account of Crates. He was, we are informed, honoured at each household i n Athens as though he were a domestic god, ^His dates are c. 365-285 B.C. His wife Hipparchia was h e r s e l f a noted philosopher; an account of her l i f e i s given by Diogenes L a e r t i u s , L i v e s of the Philosophers v i . 9 6 - 1 0 1 . The anecdote given by Apuleius i s a l s o t o l d of Crates' teacher Diogenes (Diogenes L a e r t i u s v i . 6 9 ; Augustine, C i t y of God x i v . 2 0 ) . - 85 - ; and, much as Hercules had r i d the earth of e v i l monsters, so Crates r i d the human soul of e v i l f e e l i n g s . Before becoming h i s true s e l f Crates was a notable c i t i z e n of Thebes, the c i t y of Hercules. But when he understood th a t r i c h e s were of no a i d f o r l i v i n g v i r t u o u s l y . . . Here the fragment breaks o f f before the t a l e of h i s r e n u n c i a t i o n of r i c h e s can be t o l d . Fragment xv begins w i t h a d e s c r i p t i o n of the i s l e of Samos. The i s l a n d i s , according to Ap u l e i u s , r a t h e r i n f e r t i l e ; a reason f o r t h i s u n f l a t t e r i n g d e s c r i p t i o n being allowed i n the speech i s suggested by a passage of Menander: h ^(j)0{)OS TC- rC* N ^ocrcjo^, OT\ \o t°r o \f T£ t o o WpT6p<&7v dibfcrpoucr/. I f [the country] i s u n f r u i t f u l and i n f e r t i l e , say that i t teaches one p h i l o -sophy and endurance. p. 346 l i n e s 7-8 Spengel Apuleius moves on to a d e s c r i p t i o n of the port of Samos and i t s temple of Juno w i t h i t s r i c h t r e a s u r y . Among the treasures i s a statue of B a t h y l l u s dedicated by the t y r a n t P o l y c r a t e s , wrongly b e l i e v e d by some to be a statue of PythagorasJ The statue i s described at len g t h ; we are then given a b r i e f account of the l i f e - 86 -of Pythagoras, of how he f l e d the i s l a n d and went to study i n Egypt, Babylonia, and I n d i a , where he s t u d i e d w i t h the Brahmans and more e s p e c i a l l y w i t h the gymno-s o p h i s t s . The Babylonians f u r n i s h e d him w i t h i n f o r m a t i o n on a s t r o l o g y ; the Brahmans gave him the b a s i s of h i s philosophy, the s p i r i t u a l e x e r c i s e s , the d i v i s i o n of the parts of the soul-,, the stages of l i f e , and the torments and rewards reserved f o r those who have d i e d ^ . Pherecydes, the f i r s t w r i t e r i n prose, was another of h i s teachers, and when he had died (eaten by worms) i t was Pythagoras who p i o u s l y buried him. He i s a l s o s a i d to have studied w i t h Anaximander, Epimenides of Crete, and Laodarnas. Once he had r e c e i v e d t h i s formidable education, Pythagoras taught the r u l e of s i l e n c e above a l l t h i n g s . The period of s i l e n c e he imposed on h i s f o l l o w e r s was -^ The mystery surrounding the l i f e and d o c t r i n e s of Pythagoras i s complete. The s t o r y of h i s s t u d i e s i n Egypt and Mesopotamia i s a l s o found i n Iamblichus, L i f e of  Pythagoras i v , but c f . G.vScN:KirR and -J.E. Raven, The  P r e s o c r a t i c Philosophers (Cambridge t Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 5 7 ) , P- 224, "He [Pythagoras] i s s a i d by d i f -f e r e n t l a t e w r i t e r s to have v i s i t e d , and to have l e a r n t from, peoples as various as the Chaldaeans, the Indian-Brahmins, the Jews, and even the Druids and the C e l t s ; but a l l the such t r a d i t i o n s t e l l us i s that c e r t a i n , s i m i l a r i t i e s were l a t e r detected between the teaching of Pythagoras and the b e l i e f s h eld i n . c o u n t r i e s other than Greece." Evidence f o r h i s s t u d i e s w i t h any of the men named by Apuleius i s s i m i l a r l y u n r e l i a b l e . - 87 -adjusted according to need. The value of h i s p h i l o -sophy i s i n d i c a t e d "by the f a c t that P l a t o was g r e a t l y i n f l u e n c e d by him. Apuleius i s himself a d i s c i p l e of Pythagoras; h i s opportune s i l e n c e s have been much appreciated by the predecessors of the magistrate he i s addressing^. The f i n a l fragment of the F l o r i d a to be discussed i n t h i s chapter, x i x , r e c a l l s some of the episodes of the Metamorphoses. I t i s an anecdote of Asc l e p i a d e s , a p h y s i c i a n ^ at Rome i n the e a r l y part of the f i r s t century B.C. Coming back from h i s country home, Asclepiades happened to see a f u n e r a l i n progress. The body was already prepared f o r burial.} but Asclepiades n o t i c e d some signs of l i f e in' the man, took him back Q to h i s house, and there r e v i v e d him . °Cf. the beginning of x v i i , where Apuleius excuses himself f o r having been p r e v i o u s l y s i l e n t and having p r a i s e d the proconsul S c i p i o O r f i t u s i n s u f f i c i e n t l y . 7 'I i n c l u d e x i x i n my treatment of the p h i l o s o p h i c a l exempla because there i s evidence that during the Second S o p h i s t i c medicine was often regarded as being a p a r t of philosophy. Cf. chapter 5 of Bowersock's Greek So p h i s t s , "The P r e s t i g e of Galen" (pp. 5 9 - 7 | ) , and B.P.^Reardon, Courants l i t t e r a i r e s grecs des I I et I I I s i e c l e s apres  J.rC. ("Annales l i t t e r a i r e s de l ' u n i v e r s i t e de Nantes," F a s c i c u l e 3; P a r i s : Les B e l l e s L e t t r e s , 1 9 7 1 ) . pp. 46-63' The i n c i d e n t i s apparently h i s t o r i c a l and i s recounted by P l i n y the E l d e r (Natural H i s t o r y vii.24) and Celsus (On Medicine ii.6. 1 5 ) . - db -X I I I THE FALSE PHILOSOPHER -• FLORIDA VII The f r a u d u l e n t philosopher, a commonplace of ancient l i t e r a t u r e 1 , i s the subject of F l o r i d a v i i . The fragment begins w i t h a eulogy of Alexander who, says A p u l e i u s , was the noblest of kings and r i c h l y deserved the t i t l e "the Great." Here Apuleius i s using a technique recognized by Q u i n t i l i a n : Ponunt i n persona et nomen: quod quidem accidere e i necesse e s t , sed i n argumentum raro c a d i t , n i s i cum...ex causa datum e s t , ut Sapiens, Magnus, P i u s . Names a l s o are t r e a t e d as accidents of persons; t h i s i s p e r f e c t l y t r u e , but names are r a r e l y food f o r argument, unless indeed they have been given f o r some s p e c i a l reasons, such as the t i t l e s of Wise, Great, or Pious. V.10.30 ( t r a n s . H.E. B u t l e r ) Alexander founded the g r e a t e s t empire the world """It was e s p e c i a l l y frequent i n the Second S o p h i s t i c ; Boulanger ( A e l i u s A r i s t i d e pp. 261-65) gives an impressive l i s t of those known to have attacked d i s r e p u t a b l e p h i l o -sophers, among them Dio Chrysostom, A r i s t i d e s , and Herodes A t t i c u s . Domitian's expulsions*©! the philosophers from I t a l y i n 89 and 95 perhaps i n d i c a t e the s t r e n g t h of popular f e e l i n g against them. - 89 -had ever seen; h i s v i r t u e was the equal of h i s good for t u n e ; he has no r i v a l , no one could hope f o r h i s v i r t u e , no one could wish f o r h i s fortune. To t h i s we can compare a passage of Q u i n t i l i a n : Sciamus g r a t i o r a esse audientibus quae solus quis aut primus aut cer t e cum paucis f e c i s s e d i c e t u r , s i quid praeterea supra spem aut expectationem. We must bear i n mind the f a c t that what most pleases an audience i s the c e l e -b r a t i o n of deeds which our hero was the f i r s t or only man or at any r a t e one of the very few to perform; and to these we must add any other achievements which surpassed hope or expectation. i i i . 7 . 1 6 ( t r a n s . H.E. B u t l e r ) Alexander d i d many notable t h i n g s , but the gr e a t e s t 2 of h i s deeds was h i s e d i c t that only P o l y c l e t u s might s c u l p t u r e , A p e l l e s p a i n t , or Pyrgoteles engrave h i s p o r t r a i t . I t i s not p o s s i b l e to determine Apuleius' source.with c e r t a i n t y ; the s t o r y i s mentioned q u i t e often i n ancient l i t e r a t u r e , most notably by Horace, P l i n y the 3 E l d e r , and P l u t a r c h . P l u t a r c h was of t he s e ? t hr e e I the w r i t e r c l o s e s t to Apuleius i n time; i f i t was h i s v e r s i o n ''Polycletus l i v e d a century before Alexander; the other sources f o r t h i s anecdote give the name of the famous fourth-century s c u l p t o r Lysippus. -^Epistles i i . 1 . 2 3 7 - 4 1 ; N a t u r a l H i s t o r y v i i . 1 2 5 ; L i f e of Alexander 4. - 90 -t h a t Apuleius drew on, we f i n d Apuleius conforming to another of Menander's recommendations: The L i v e s of P l u t a r c h :are most u s e f u l f o r speeches, as tending to a l a r g e and v a r i e d c u l t u r e , f u l l of h i s t o r i e s and apo-phthegms and proverbs and moral tags. A l l t h i s i s u s e f u l to mix i n t o one's o r a t i o n s . Alexander issued h i s decree i n order that a c o r r e c t l i k e n e s s be handed down to p o s t e r i t y , and he succeeded i n h i s o b j e c t . A s i m i l a r e d i c t should be i n force f o r This type of argument i s recognized by Q u i n t i l i a n : -Est argumentorum locus ex s i m i l i b u s : ' s i c o n t i n e n t i a v i r t u s , utique et a b s t i n -e n t i a ' : ' s i fidem debet t u t o r , et pro-cu r a t o r ' . Hoc est ex eo genere quod epagogen Graeci yocant, Cicero inductionem. . . Arguments are a l s o drawn from s i m i l a r i t i e s : " I f s e l f - c o n t r o l i s a v i r t u e , abstinence i s a l s o a v i r t u e . " To t h i s c l a s s belongs the type of argument c a l l e d epagoge by the Greeks, i n d u c t i o n by C i c e r o . . . p. 392 l i n e s 28 -32 Spengel philosophers, as they produce: ;images of Philosophy. v . 1 0 . 7 3 ( t r a n s . H.E. B u t l e r ) - 91 -XIV . FLORIDA IV, X I , & XXIII There remain three fragments of the F l o r i d a which, having proved r e s i s t a n t to c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , have not been examined i n any of the preceding chapters. We s h a l l f i r s t look at fragment i v , which deals w i t h the f a c t that the same name i s o f t e n a p p l i e d to things v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t . A n t i g e n i d a s , Apuleius t e l l s us, was a p l a y e r of the f l u t e 1 ; he complained, when at the height of h i s fame, that f u n e r a l musicians shared w i t h him the t i t l e of t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n . He would be less^annoyed i f he looked at the mimes, where the a c t o r s wear the same purple c l o t h as those p r e s i d i n g at t h e i r performance, or i f he looked at the p u b l i c games. The toga i s worn at marriages and at f u n e r a l s ; the bodies of the dead are covered w i t h the p a l l i u m of the philosopher. Fragment i i e v i d e n t l y forms part of a comparison. He (unknown) s u f f e r s the same problem as those who c u l t i v a t e an i n f e r t i l e f i e l d ; they are unable to grow "^"A famous musician of the f o u r t h century B.C. Cf. Theophrastus, Enquiry i n t o P l a n t s i v . l l . 3 » P l u t a r c h , On Music x x i , Aulus G e l l i u s , x v . 1 7 -- 92 -anything, -and are f o r c e d to r a i d the f i e l d s of t h e i r neighbours. The case i s the same wi t h someone who has no v i r t u e of h i s own; he must go to others. The comparison of mind w i t h garden i s a r h e t o r i c a l commonplace: Ut, s i animum d i c a s excolendum, s i m i l i t u d i n e u t a r i s t e r r a e , quae neg-l e c t a sentes ac dumos, c u l t a f r u c t u s c r e a t . I l i a v u l g a r i a v i d e r i possunt et u t i l i a tantum ad conciliandum fidem: 'ut terram c u l t u , s i c animum d i s c i p -l i n i s meliorem uberioremque f i e r i . ' For i n s t a n c e , i f you wish to argue that the mind r e q u i r e s c u l t i f v a t i o n , you would use a comparison drawn from the s o i l , which i f neglected produces thorns and t h i c k e t s , but i f c u l t i v a t e d w i l l bear f r u i t . The f o l l o w i n g type [of s i m i l e ] may be regarded as commonplace and u s e f u l only as h e l p i n g to create an impression of s i n c e r i t y : "As the s o i l i s improved and rendered more f e r t i l e by c u l t u r e , so i s the mind by education." Q u i n t i l i a n v.11.2k; viii. 3>75 ( t r a n s . H.E. B u t l e r ) We come f i n a l l y to fragment x x i i i , another com-pa r i s o n . ''[No matter how b e a u t i f u l l y a ship i s out-f i t t e d , i f i t has no steersman, or i f a tempest comes up, i t w i l l e a s i l y be wrecked. Doctors, when they come to v i s i t a s i c k man, pay no a t t e n t i o n to the beauty of h i s house, but only to h i s own c o n d i t i o n ; he may have to f a s t while the slaves f e a s t . " The s i m i l e of - 93 -the s h i p i s a commonplace of ancient l i t e r a t u r e , and i s mentioned once by Menander (page 379 l i n e s 28-29 Spenge I have been unable to f i n d any p r e c i s e p a r a l l e l to the second part of the passage. We have now completed the d e t a i l e d examination of the F l o r i d a . A b r i e f c o n c l u s i o n f o l l o w s . - 94 -XV CONCLUSION The second century a f t e r C h r i s t was the age of the Greek l i t e r a r y mov/ement known as the Second S o p h i s t i c . This movement was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the complete dominance of r h e t o r i c a l technique; i t s t y p i c a l f i g u r e was the p r o f e s s i o n a l o r a t o r or soph-i s t , i t s t y p i c a l genre the e p i d e i c t i c o r a t i o n . In the F l o r i d a of Apuleius we have a c o l l e c t i o n ! of fragments of j u s t such o r a t i o n s . The longer f r a g -ments r e v e a l themselves as belonging to such e p i -d e i c t i c subgenres as the encomium of the c i t y and the propemptic o r a t i o n , the sh o r t e r as being the exempla and other ornaments th a t Menander and Quint-i l i a n recommend f o r use i n the e p i d e i c t i c speech. In t h e i r content a l s o we f i n d the preoccupation w i t h the Greek past that i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the Second S o p h i s t i c . Apuleius was p o s s i b l y of Greek f a m i l y ; i n any case, Greek was c e r t a i n l y f o r him a language of everyday use. At Athens he r e c e i v e d a thorough education i n the l i t e r a r y and p h i l o s o p h i c a l c u l t u r e of h i s time. Of h i s works, the Metamorphoses i s a reworking of - 95 -a Greek o r i g i n a l , and On the God of Socrates and On  the Doctrine of P l a t o are e x p o s i t i o n s of the Greek Middle Platonism of h i s day. But i t i s the e p i d e i c t i c oratory preserved i n the F l o r i d a which shows t h i s A f r i c a n philosopher-s o p h i s t to he as f u l l y a part of the Greek l i t e r a r y movement of h i s time as any of the s o p h i s t s i n the pages of P h i l o s t r a t u s . J\J — BIBLIOGRAPHY - 97 -BIBLIOGRAPHY I . E d i t i o n s and T r a n s l a t i o n s Apulee. Apologie et F l o r i d e s . Texte e t a b l i et t r a d u i t par Paul V a l l e t t e . ( C o l l e c t i o n des u n i v e r s t i e s de France publiee sous l e patronage de 1 ' A s s o c i a t i o n Guillaume Bude) P a r i s : Les B e l l e s L e t t r e s , 1924. The t e x t used i n t h i s t h e s i s . A p uleius. F l o r i d a . Ed. Rudolf Helm. ("Apulei P l a t o n i c i Madaurensis Opera quae Supersunt," v o l . I I f a s c . 2) 1st ed. r e p r . w i t h suppl. ( B i b l i o t h e c a Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana) L e i p z i g : E.G. Teubner, 1959 . Apulee. Opuscules philosophiques et fragments. Texte e t a b l i , t r a d u i t , et commente par Jean Beaujeu. ( C o l l e c t i o n des u n i v e r s i t e s de France publiee sous l e patronage de 1 ' A s s o c i a t i o n Guillaume Bude) P a r i s : Les B e l l e s L e t t r e s , 1973* [A p u l e i u s . ] The Apologia and F l o r i d a of Apuleius of Madaura. Trans. H.E. B u t l e r . Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1909. A r i s t o t e l e s . Ars R h e t o r i c a . Ed. W.D. Ross. (Scriptorum Classicorum B i b l i o t h e c a Oxoniensis) Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1959. A r i s t o t l e . The " A r t " of R h e t o r i c . Ed. and t r a n s . J.H. Freese" (Loeb C l a s s i c a l L i b r a r y ) London: W i l l i a m Heinemann, 1926 . Menander. T r e a t i s e s on E p i d e i c t i c Oratory. P r i n t e d i n Spengel, Leonardus (ed.), Rhetores G r a e c i . ( 3 'vols.;? L e i p z i g : B.G. Teubner, 1856), v o l . I l l , pp. 329-446. Menander. T r e a t i s e s on E p i d e i c t i c Oratory. P r i n t e d i n B u r s i a n , Conrad, "Der Rhetor Menandros und seine S c h r i f t e n , " Academie der Wissenschaft Munchen: Abhandiungen der p h i l o s o p h i s c h - p h i l o l o g i s c h e s [ s i c ] Classe 16.3 (1882). . The two most recent e d i t i o n s of Menander. I have - 98 -c i t e d from that of Spengel; Bursian:'s, which was un a v a i l a b l e to me, i s s a i d by Kennedy (The A r t  of Rhetori c i n the Roman World, p. 6 3 7 ; I reproduce h i s entry) to be s u b s t a n t i a l l y s u p e r i o r . I do not know of any t r a n s l a t i o n s of the t r e a t i s e s i n t o any modern language. P h i l o s t r a t u s . L i v e s of the S o p h i s t s . Ed. (wi t h Eunapius, L i v e s of the Philosophers) and t r a n s . Wilmer Cave Wright. 2nd. ed. (Loeb C l a s s i c a l L i b r a r y ) London: W i l l i a m Heinemann, 1 9 5 2 . P l a t o . Opera. Ed. J . Burnet. 5 v o l s . (Scriptorum C l a s s -i c orum B i b l i o t h e c a Oxoniensis) Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1 9 0 0 - 0 7 . [ P l a t o . ] The Dialogues of P l a t o . Trans. B. Jowett. 2 v o l s . New York: Random House, 1937-A r e p r i n t of Jowett's t h i r d and l a s t e d i t i o n ( 1 8 9 2 ) . P l a t o . Works, V o l . V I I I . Ed. and t r a n s . W.R.M. Lamb. (Loeb C l a s s i c a l L i b r a r y ) London: W i l l i a m Heinemann, 1 9 2 7 . Q u i n t i l i a n u s . I n s t i t u t i o O r a t o r i a . Ed. M. Winterbottom. 2 v o l s . (Scriptorum Classicorum B i b l i o t h e c a Oxoniensis) Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1 9 7 0 . Q u i n t i l i a n . I n s t i t u t i o O r a t o r i a . Ed. and t r a n s . H.E. B u t l e r . 4 v o l s . (Loeb C l a s s i c a l L i b r a r y ) London: W i l l i a m Heinemann, 1 9 2 0 - 2 2 . Heinze, Richard. Xenokrates: D a r s t e l l u n g der Lehre und Sammlung der Fragmente. L e i p z i g : B.G. Teubner, 1 8 9 2 . I I • The Second S o p h i s t i c Armstrong, A.H. (ed.) The Cambridge H i s t o r y of Later Greek  and E a r l y Medieval Philosophy. Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1967• Apuleius i s t r e a t e d on pp. 7 0 - 7 3 , Middle P l a t o n i c demonology on pp. 3 2 - 3 6 . Baldwin, Barry. Studies i n Aulus G e l l i u s . Lawrence, Kansas: Coronado Press, 1 9 7 5 . - 99 -Barnes, Timothy David. T e r t u l l i a n ; A H i s t o r i c a l and L i t e r a r y Study. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1971. See e s p e c i a l l y chapters X I I I and XIV, "A Pagan Education" and "The C h r i s t i a n Sophist" (pp. 187 - 2 3 2 ) . Bompaire, J . Lucien e c r i v a i n : i m i t a t i o n et c r e a t i o n . ( B i b l i o t h e q u e des ecoles f r a n g a i s e s d'Athenes et de Rome, f a s c i c u l e 190) P a r i s : E. de Boccard, 1958 . The f i r s t p a r t , "La d o c t r i n e de l a mimesis," and the f i r s t three chapters of the second p a r t , "La c r e a t i o n r h e t o r i q u e " (pp. 1 3 - 3 7 8 ) , are con-cerned w i t h the whole Second S o p h i s t i c . Boulang'er, Andre. A e l i u s A r i s t i d e ; e t l a sophistique dans l a province d'Asie au Ilieme s i e c l e de  notre ere. ( B i b l i o t h e q u e des ecoles f r a n g a i s e s d'Athenes et de Rome, f a s c i c u l e 126) P a r i s : E. de Boccard, 1923. Par t I (pp. 1-108) deals with the background and nature of the Second S o p h i s t i c . Bowersock, G.W. (ed.) Approaches to the Second S o p h i s t i c : Papers Presented at the 105th Annual Meeting of  the American P h i l o l o g i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n . U n i v e r s i t y Park, Pennsylvania: The American P h i l o l o g i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , 197k. 1 See p a r t i c u l a r l y George Kennedy's paper ":The| Sophists as Declaimers," pp. 17 - 2 2 . Bowersock, G.W. Greek Sophists i n the Roman Empire. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1 9 6 9 . Bowie, E.L. "Greeks and t h e i r Past i n the Second S o p h i s t i c , " Past and Present, k6 (1970), pp. 1-41. An examination of the a r c h a i z i n g movement i n s i d e the Second S o p h i s t i c . Brown, Peter. Augustine of Hippo: A Biography. Berkeley and Los Angeles: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1967 . Brzoska, [ C h r i s t i a n name unknown]. "M. Co r n e l i u s T.f. Qu i r i n a Fronto," Paulys Realencyclopadie der Cl a s s i s c h e n Altertumswissenschaft, 2nd. e d i t i o n , ed. Georg Wissowa, IV : 1 (1900), pp. 1 3 1 2 - 1 3 4 0 . - 100 -Farquharson, A.S.L. Marcus A u r e l i u s : h i s L i f e and h i s ' World. Ed. D.A. Rees. Oxford: B a s i l B l a c k w e l l , 1951-Pages 89-121 deal with the l i t e r a t u r e of the emperor's time, and pages 97-101 w i t h A p u l e i u s . Kennedy, George. The A r t of Rhetoric i n the Roman World: 300 B.C. - A.D. 3 0 0 . ("A H i s t o r y of R h e t o r i c , " V o l . I I ) P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 7 2 . The time of Apuleius i s t r e a t e d i n chapter 8 , "The Age of the SophistsT i (pages 5 5 3 - 6 1 3 ) . Reardon, B.P. Courants L i t t e r a i r e s grecs des I I e et I I I e  s i e c l e s apres J.-C. (Annales l i t t e r a i r e s de l ' u n i -v e r s i t e de Nantes, f a s c i c u l e 3) P a r i s : Les B e l l e s L e t t r e s , 1 9 7 1 . Pages 1-199 are p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned w i t h the Second S o p h i s t i c . Rohde, Erwin. Der Griechische Roman und seine V o r l a u f e r . 4th. ed. Hildesheim: Georg 01m, I960. A r e p r i n t w i t h new i n t r o d u c t i o n by K a r l Kerenyi of the t h i r d e d i t i o n (1914) of Rohde's work, which f i r s t appeared i n 1876. P a r t I I , "Die g r i e c h i s c h e S o p h i s t i k der K a i s e r z e i t , " pp. 3 1 0 - 8 6 , i s concerned w i t h the Second S o p h i s t i c . van Groningen, B.A. "General L i t e r a r y Tendencies i n the Second Century A.D.," Mnemosyne XVIII ( 1 9 6 5 ) , 41-46. I l l . E p i d e i c t i c Oratory Burgess, Theodore C. E p i d e i c t i c L i t e r a t u r e , (pp. 8 9 - 2 6 1 of "Studies i n C l a s s i c a l P h i l o l o g y , " v o l . 3 ; separately bound) Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1 9 0 2 . Kennedy, George. The A r t of Persuasion i n Greece. P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1963• Pages 152-202 deal with e p i d e i c t i c oratory i n the p e r i o d before A r i s t o t l e . Marrou, H.I. A H i s t o r y of Education i n A n t i q u i t y . Trans. George Lamb. New York: Sheed and Ward, 1 9 5 6 . Part I I , chapter X "Higher Education i i -R h e t o r i c " (pp. 1 9 4 - 2 0 5 ) deals i n part w i t h the reasons f o r the p r e s t i g e that e p i d e i c t i c oratory had during the Roman Empire. 

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