AN EXAMINATION OF THE CONCEPT OF COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT AS DISCERNED THROUGH SELECTED LITERATURE IN THE ADULT EDUCATION MOVEMENT IN CANADA AND THE UNITED STATES, 1919-1960 by TIMOTHY PYRCH B.A. , The University of Alberta, 1963 M.A., The University of Alberta, 1966 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF EDUCATION i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Adult Education) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l 1983 © TIMOTHY PYRCH, 1983 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree th a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t permission f o r extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by h i s or her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood th a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission. Department The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date IX far ft?Z~ DE-6 C3/81) i i ABSTRACT This study examines the origins and the evolution of the community development concept i n the Canadian and American adult education movement as discerned through selected l i t e r a t u r e i n the period 1919-60. The concept i s defined as the combination of adult learning and s o c i a l action aiming to educate the c i t i z e n s for c o l l e c t i v e co-operative enterprises i n l o c a l control of l o c a l a f f a i r s . The study was undertaken i n order to explain a fundamental concept i n the movement. The h i s t o r i c a l method of investigation i s employed. The community development concept i n the adult education movement i s i d e n t i f i e d , described, and analysed chronologically, and the main areas of thought and debate that produced the concept are explained thematically. The evidence used i n t h i s study was obtained from a systematic study of the adult education l i t e r a t u r e r e l y i n g i n large part on Canadian and American adult education journals. This was a single archive study i n that a l l sources used are housed i n University of B r i t i s h Columbia l i b r a r i e s . Another l i m i t a t i o n was the t o t a l reliance on the written word. I t was learned that the origins of the concept l i e i n the early years of the movement when adult educators searched for a guide for general s o c i a l improvement i n Canada and the United States. The concept was a product of four themes or subjects of thought—adult education for s o c i a l improvement, the nature of community, the value of socio-economic co-operation, and the relationship between education and s o c i a l action. The concept evolved from a general notion i n the t h i r t i e s into a s p e c i f i c method of adult education i n the lat e f i f t i e s . I t was a recurring i i i theme because many adult educators perceived voluntary co-operative action as the democratic way to get people involved i n p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n s o c i a l change processes during the rapid and broad socio-economic changes that t y p i f i e d the period under review. The concept was controversial p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the t h i r t i e s and i n the f i f t i e s . An emphasis on the c o l l e c t i v e versus the i n d i v i d u a l and a stress on the active involvement i n s o c i a l change versus the n e u t r a l i t y i n s o c i a l change created incompatible divisions i n the movement. This study concludes that the issues associated with the community development concept i n the adult education movement w i l l recur because the values involved are fundamental i n the search for an improved qu a l i t y of l i f e through adult education •. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS v i i Chapter I. INTRODUCTION 1 Purpose 1 The Problem 2 Scope 7 Definition of Terms 13 Procedure 18 Research process 20 Sources of evidence 23 Plan 26 II. FORMATIVE YEARS OF THE MOVEMENT (1919-29) 29 Introduction 29 Beginnings (1919-25) 30 Foreign influences 31 Domestic foundations 36 Adult education discovered. 36 Early goals 42 First Fruits (1926) 45 Literature 45 Organization 50 Expanding Horizons (1926-9) 51 Dual goals 52 Dualistic positions 57 Summary 59 III. EMPHASIS ON SOCIAL IMPROVEMENT (1929-41) 61 Introduction 61 Impact of Depression (1929-32) 63 Issues of Debate (1932-6) 70 Individual or social improvement . 70 Community—the middle way 78 Co-operation—the means 82 Education and social action 87 Social planning trend 88 Social change 92 Education and social action distinguished 94 Search for social significance 99 Social signficance series 99 V Community 102 Co-operation 107 Unresolved matters ' 113 Dual goals 114 Social action 115 Method 119 Summary 123 IV. DEVELOPMENT OF COMMUNITY-WIDE ADULT EDUCATION (1942-51) 125 Introduction 125 Mobilization and Reconstruction (1942-5) 127 Citizen participation 127 Decentralization 132 Revival of Democracy (1946-8) 138 Community regeneration... 138 Education and action 141 Search for Community Methods (1948-51) 146 Need for new methods 147 Concept into method 150 Summary 152 V. COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT—FOR AND AGAINST (1951-60) 154 Introduction 154 Widening Interest in Community Development (1951-4) 155 Citizenship enhancement 156 Interest in community 161 Community focus 161 Social philosophy in the AEA 164 Continuing search for social significance 169 Marginality 169 Emphasis on social action 171 Reaction to the Community Development Emphasis (1954-7) 177 Growing reservations 177 Controversy 181 Dichotomous framework 181 Individual or social improvement 184 Education and social action 190 Community Development Established in Adult Education(1958-60) 196 Community development highlighted 196 Strain on resources 205 Field of study 205 Field of practice 211 Movement 217 Summary , 226 VI. THEMES IN THE COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT CONCEPT (1919-60) 227 Introduction 227 Social Improvement 229 Emphasis and de-emphasis 229 Controversy 233 Community 236 Need for community 236 Meaning of community 239 v i Co-operation 245 The co-operative idea 246 Economic co-operation 248 Soci a l co-operation 249 Education and Soc i a l Action 251 The learning-action l i n k 251 Controversy 254 D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n 257 Summary 260 VII. CONCLUSION 262 Results of the Study 262 Significance of the Study 269 Limitations of the Study 271 Methodology 271 Scope 273 Implications of the Study 275 F i e l d of practice 275 F i e l d of study 276 Research 276 APPENDIX SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 279 280 v i i LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS The body of the study contains some abbreviations for frequently cit e d organizations. The f i r s t time that the organization i s cited i t i s immediately followed by an•abbreviation that i s used subsequently. The following abbreviations are used to s i g n i f y journals, organizations, and i n s t i t u t i o n s c i t e d i n the footnotes and i n the body of the study. AE Adult Education AEA Adult Education Association of the United States of America AEJ Adult Education Journal AL Adult Leadership ALg Adult Learning AAAE American Association for Adult Education CAAE Canadian Association for Adult Education CSLEA Centre f o r the Study of L i b e r a l Education for Adults CDR Community Development Review FFT Food For Thought JAE Journal of Adult Education WAAE World Association for Adult Education WEA Workers' Educational Association 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The community development concept in the adult education movement in Canada and the United States implies a combination of adult learning and social action aiming to educate citizens for collective co-operative enterprises in local control of local affairs. The concept is a fundamental part of adult education and embodies the social improvement goal of the movement. Adult educators have aimed to better society by advocating collective co-operative action involving citizens directly in a l l aspects of local l i f e . They have been primarily interested in the educational processes needed to make such action efficient and effective. That interest was personified in the community development concept. Purpose The purpose of this study is to identify, describe, and analyse the community development concept in the adult education movement chronologically, and to explain thematically the main areas of thought and debate from which the concept evolved. The study is intended to answer three questions— 1. How did the community development concept evolve in adult education? 2. Why has the concept been a recurring theme in the adult education movement? 3. To what extent and in what ways have different views of the community development concept held by adult educators been reconciled? Answers to these questions may explain one dimension of the adult education movement by tracing the origins of a fundamental concept in the movement. That explanation provides a link with the past by identifying the 2 community development concept as an area of adult educations' interest from the beginning of the movement. The l i n k gives adult educators evidence of th e i r predecessors' contributions. In th i s way the knowledge base of present adult educators i s enlarged thereby providing them with more information about the present and a broader experience with which to plan for the future. The Problem Much of the r i c h past of the adult education movement has not been interpreted h i s t o r i c a l l y to help adult educators to f i n d t h e i r professional and philosophical o r i g i n s . Themes i n the movement have not been studied i n the sense of explaining the origins and evolution of an idea over time and place i n l i g h t of the climate of opinion i n the movement and i n society i n general. The closest approximation i s Malcolm S. Knowles' History of the Adult Education Movement i n the United States which i s of p a r t i c u l a r use for the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and description of the many and varied aspects of the f i e l d of adult education that evolved into i n s t i t u t i o n s and organizations."*" It did not claim to be a thematic analysis of the movement. In 1938, Wilbur C. Hallenbeck, assistant professor of education at Columbia University Teachers College, commented on the absence of adult education history and predicted that the movement would be handicapped i f the h i s t o r i c a l background was unknown. He wrote that: Some adult education leaders evidently think there i s nothing to be learned from the past....If adult educators wish to b u i l d on substantial foundations, i f they wish to c a p i t a l i z e gains and to avoid . mistakes, i f they wish to understand the modifications that must be made i n adult education to f i t into the framework of a changed and changing society, i f they wish to concentrate experimentation i n untried areas without repeating f a i l u r e s of the past, then t h i s attitude has no place i n adult education today.2 Hlalcolm S. Knowles, A History of the Adult Education Movement i n the United States, 2nd ed. rev. (Huntington, New York: Robert Krieger Publishing Co., 1977). 9 Wilbur C. Hallenbeck, " H i s t o r i c a l Antecedent," JAE 10 ( A p r i l 1938):168. 3 There has been l i t t l e response to Hallenbeck's appeal. In 1964, Coolie Verner, professor of adult education at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, i d e n t i f i e d shortcomings i n the adult education movement and f i e l d of study that he attributed to the absence of h i s t o r i c a l research. He suggested that: At the moment, adult education here i s so preoccupied with day-to-day tasks that i t has not established s u f f i c i e n t i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with i t s past, and thus has no aff e c t i o n for the l i t e r a t u r e which i t has produced. Such disregard of i t s own materials infect s others so that neither l i t e r a r y scholarship nor the book trade consider the early publications on adult education to be of value.^ In Verner's estimation, one consequence of the apparent d i s i n t e r e s t i n history was the ...persistent recurrence of the same problems generation after generation. In e f f e c t , each generation of adult educators begins anew so that the f i e l d becomes r e p e t i t i v e and c i r c u l a r rather than l i n e a l and developmental.^ He thought that graduate professional education i n adult education was impaired by the absence of h i s t o r i c a l consciousness. In 1978, he wrote that: "Too l i t t l e h i s t o r y on the use of e a r l i e r w r i t i n g i s introduced so that students are h i s t o r i c a l i l l i t e r a t e s even though h i s t o r y i s d i r e c t l y relevant to the present.""' I t appeared that l i t t l e progress had been made i n the forty years spanning the statements of Verner and Hallenbeck. H i s t o r i c a l research has not attracted many adult education scholars. A symposium at the Adult Education Research Conference i n 1978 noted the neglect of the histor y of the adult education movement i n Canada and the United States. There has not been enough interest i n the Adult Education Association of the United States of America (AEA) to warrant a special interest 3 Coolie Verner, A Nineteenth Century Experiment i n Adult Education, Continuous Learning 3 (November-December 1964):255-6. 4 I b i d . p. 256. ^Coolie Verner, "Some Reflections on Graduate Professional Education i n Adult Education," Canadian Journal of Higher Education 8 (1978):47. 4 section on h i s t o r y and historiography such as e x i s t s i n the American Educational Research Association. The eight volume 1980-1 Handbook series of the AEA did not contain one essay on h i s t o r y . ^ The absence of h i s t o r i c a l research i n adult education i s s t r i k i n g i n l i g h t of the claim of Knowles that the roots of American adult education l i e i n c o l o n i a l times and J. R. (Roby) Kidd's suggestion that adult education i n Canada began i n the early seventeenth century.^ Although there are no thematic h i s t o r i e s of adult education that cover Canada and the United States, there are numerous monographs about various i n s t i t u t i o n s and l o c a l h i s t o r y . For example, Alexander F. Laidlaw sketched a hist o r y of the Antigonish Movement i n Nova Scotia with p a r t i c u l a r emphasis on the contribution of u n i v e r s i t i e s to adult education, and Joseph E. Gould g wrote a b r i e f description of the Chautauqua Movement. Norfleet Hardy's histor y of adult education i n South Carolina i s the best example of l o c a l h i s t o r y , wherein adult education i s examined i n the context of the s o c i a l system of the state as i t evolved from the l a t t e r part of the seventeenth 9 century through the f i f t i e s . H i s t o r i c a l essays appear occasionally i n adult education journals. Robert A. Carlson analysed the Americanization campaign of 1875-1925 i n the United States and Harold W. Stubblefield sketched the The one h i s t o r i a n of adult education who contributed to the series wrote an essay on historiography. Robert A. Carlson, "Humanistic H i s t o r i c a l Research," i n Changing Approaches to Studying Adult Education, Huey B. Long, Roger Hiemstra, and Associates, AEA Handbook Ser ies i n Adult Education (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers, 1980), pp. 41-9. ^Knowles, History, p. 3 f f . J . R. Kidd, ed., Learning and Society: Readings i n Canadian Adult Education (Toronto: CAAE, 1963), p. 1. g Alexander F. Laidlaw, The Campus and the Community: The Global Impact of the Antigonish Movement (Montreal: Harvest House, 1961). Joseph E. Gould, The Chautauqua Movement: An Episode i n the Continuing American Revolution (New York: State University of New York, 1961). 9 Norfleet Hardy, Farm, M i l l , and Classroom: A History of Tax Supported Adult Education i n South Carolina to 1960 (Columbia, South Carolina: College of General Studies, University of South Carolina, 1967). role of adult education i n c i t i z e n t r a i n i n g after World War I I i n the same country."^ No h i s t o r i e s have incorporated these surveys into an int e r p r e t i v e whole. Webster E. Cotton provided a useful though threadbare d i v i s i o n of adult education i n the United States into three periods."'"''' He suggested that the f i r s t period from 1919 to 1929 had been t y p i f i e d by an i d e a l i s t i c t r a d i t i o n that included the view that adult education was an instrument of s o c i a l reform. In the second period, from 1930 to 1946, he viewed the i d e a l i s t i c t r a d i t i o n as beginning to fade i n the face of the strains of depression and war, and while adult education was beginning to be i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d and professionalized. The t h i r d period from 1947 to 1964 he characterized as a time when professional adult educators dominated the movement and endeavoured to establish adult education as a d i s t i n c t profession, and to make operational the goals c l a r i f i e d during the f i f t i e s . Cotton made no reference to s o c i a l reform apart from the twenties and the t h i r t i e s . The idea of a s o c i a l reform t r a d i t i o n was taken up by Ronald L. Faris 12 i n a study of adult education i n Canada from 1919 to 1952. He showed that the Canadian Association for Adult Education (CAAE) under the directorship of E. A. (Ned) Corbett had included a vocal minority of members who wanted the Association to become an agent for s o c i a l change. Faris concluded his study by stati n g that the s o c i a l reform element had l e f t the CAAE by 1950 and he gave no in d i c a t i o n whether i t returned subsequently. Robert A. Carlson, "Professional Leadership vs. The Educational Service Station Approach: An H i s t o r i c a l Appraisal," AE 22 (Summter 1972): 291-9. Harold W. Stubblefield, "Adult C i v i c Education i n the Post-World War II Period," AE 24 (Spring 1974):227-37. "''"'"Webster E. Cotton, On Behalf of Adult Education: A H i s t o r i c a l Examination of the Supporting Li t e r a t u r e (Boston: CSLEA, 1968), pp. 3-12. 12 Ron F a r i s , The Passionate Educators: Voluntary Associations and the Struggle for Control of Adult Educational Broadcasting i n Canada 1919-52 (Toronto: Peter Martin Associates, 1975). 6 None of those monographs was intended to trace the origins of concepts i n adult education i n a manner adopted i n th i s study. Moreover, none was concerned about analysing the continuity or discontinuity i n thought between Canadian and American adult educators, between one generation and another, or between i n s t i t u t i o n s and organizations. In the absence of recorded i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , common threads i n adult education that span time and place may be lo s t to present adult educators. For example, i f one were to re l y on Cotton's observation that s o c i a l reform i n adult education had faded after the t h i r t i e s and to rely on F a r i s ' observation that the s o c i a l reform element had l e f t the CAAE by 1950, one might conclude that s o c i a l reform had been, but was no longer, a concern i n adult education. However, as th i s study shows, the community development concept represented the main s o c i a l improvement idea of adult educators during the f i r s t four decades of the movement. Adult education for s o c i a l improvement implied s o c i a l reform. Verner's notion that the f i e l d of adult education may be r e p e t i t i v e and c i r c u l a r rather than l i n e a l and developmental because of the absence of h i s t o r i c a l research can be i l l u s t r a t e d by a study of the community development concept i n the adult education movement. Similar questions and answers about major issues w i t h i n the concept seem to have appeared regularly with no ind i c a t i o n of t h e i r roots. The concept may have been treated as a new phenomenon each time i t appeared i n the l i t e r a t u r e . An awareness of the fact that the community development concept exists i n the adult education l i t e r a t u r e and has existed since the early years of the movement helps to solve the continuing problem of ambiguous terminology i n adult education by showing that whatever the term, the concept was the same. In 1980, Robert D. Boyd and Jerold W. Apps, professors i n the department of continuing and vocational education at the University of Wisconsin, introduced a section i n t h e i r book on the community transactional mode by noting that 7 the term community transactional mode was used synonymously with the terms community development, community problem solving, community learning, community analysis, community decision making, community education, s o c i a l 13 change, community action, resource development, and community organizing. They observed that: The problem of ambiguous terminology i s not new to adult educators. But c l e a r l y we need to develop terms that respect the differences between educational intentions and e f f o r t s at s o c i a l change. Such a d i s t i n c t i o n w i l l allow us to study the relationships between education and s o c i a l change.-^ I t i s suggested here that rather than new terms, what might be more useful i s a recognition of the presence of one concept that incorporates a variety of terms. Scope The adult education movement i s studied here i n the Canadian and American context. The movement i n Canada and i n the United States i s treated as one since the influences between the two are frequent and complementary. The free and easy movement by adult educators between the countries, t h e i r contributions to the l i t e r a t u r e published i n both, and t h e i r readiness to draw on examples from each other's experience to support t h e i r arguments make a d i s t i n c t i o n between Canadian and American movements unsuitable for t h i s s t u d y . ^ The community development concept and the adult education movement transcend 13 Robert D. Boyd and Jerold W. Apps, "The Community Transactional Mode," in Redefining the D i s c i p l i n e of Adult Education, by Robert D. Boyd, Jerold W. Apps, and Associates, AEA Handbook Series i n Adult Education (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers, 1980), p. 88. Ibid. "'"^ The suggestion that some i n t e l l e c t u a l developments i n Canada and the United States were complementary has been made elsewhere. N e i l Sutherland, Professor of Education at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, suggested that there was a "transnational" Canadian-American professional community i n the f i e l d s of education, public health and s o c i a l welfare during the l a t t e r part of the nineteenth century. N e i l Sutherland, Children i n English-Canadian Society: Forming the Twentieth-Century Consensus (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1976) , pp. 234-5. 8 p o l i t i c a l boundaries. Differences between the two countries and within sections i n each are a matter of variance of practice i n the f i e l d of adult education. In this study of the adult education movement that variance i s not a primary concern. The philosophical underpinnings of the community development concept are much the same throughout Canada and the United States with one exception. One-third of a l l Canadians are French-speaking, and influenced by French culture and by developments i n Quebec they have conceived of animation sociale as a notion s i m i l a r to the community development concept. Two commentators about animation sociale have suggested that i t i s unique to Quebec. In 1970, Pierre Gelineau, noted as a member of the I n s t i t u t de Formation Sociale i n Sherbrooke, Quebec, wrote that: " L i t t l e has been written or said i n English on animation, although much l i t e r a t u r e exists on community development.""^ He added that: "S o c i a l Animation has come into existence mainly since the 18 post-war and reconstruction years i n France." Gelineau looked to experiences i n France f o r i n s p i r a t i o n rather than to community development i n the rest of Canada and i n the United States. In 1971, Michel Blondin, who had written extensively on animation sociale and was working at the time i n Lat i n America, 19 noted that "there i s very l i t t l e animation sociale outside Quebec." For example, a g r i c u l t u r a l extension i s organized d i f f e r e n t l y i n Canada and i n the United States. The Co-operative Extension Service i n the United States i s a national system of adult education i n that a c t i v i t i e s between the United States Department of Agriculture, the states, and the u n i v e r s i t i e s are co-ordinated. A g r i c u l t u r a l extension i n Canada varies from province to province and there i s no formal co-operative arrangements between them, or between them and the federal government. "^Pierre Gelineau, "Animation: a Learning Process," Continuous Learning 9 (March-April 1970):83. Ibi d . 19 Michel Blondin, "Animation Sociale," i n C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n : Canada, ed. James A. Draper (Toronto: New Press, 1971), p. 164. 9 According to Blondin and Gelineau, animation sociale i s uniquely French and a product of Quebec. No attempt has been made i n this study to compare animation sociale and community development or to determine the v a l i d i t y of Blondin's and Gelineau's statements. The time covered i s from 1919 to 1960. Many adult educators past and present have taken the 1919 Report of the B r i t i s h Ministry of Reconstruction's Adult Education Committee as the s t a r t i n g point of the adult education movement. Indeed, the authors of the Report said that i t was a beginning. They suggested that adult education had been reborn at the beginning of the twentieth century and was a movement by 1919. They wrote that: The environment, i n t e l l e c t u a l , s o c i a l , and p o l i t i c a l , i s far more favourable to a l l kinds of educational endeavour than i t was f i f t y , or even t h i r t y , years ago. The consequence has been that adult education, though i t s origins can be traced back, has undergone i n the l a s t f i f t e e n years 20 something l i k e a re-birth....Sporadic e f f o r t s have become a movement. The authors i d e n t i f i e d some of those sporadic e f f o r t s i n nineteenth and early twentieth century i n B r i t a i n as the early Adult Schools, the Co-operative Movement, Chartism, the Mechanics' I n s t i t u t e s , and the University Extension 21 Movement. In addition, they noted the educational a c t i v i t y of the Y's, the 22 settlement movement, and the many womens' organizations. Those e f f o r t s plus the large scale educational work among the soldiers of the Great War indicated the scale and d i v e r s i t y of adult education a c t i v i t i e s . The authors of the Report viewed the movement as an in t e r n a t i o n a l phenomenon. In addition to the detailed survey of adult education i n B r i t a i n , they noted adult education work elsewhere i n Europe, i n the Dominions, and i n the United States. The in t e r n a t i o n a l nature of the adult education movement was v e r i f i e d by the establishment of the World Association for Adult 20 F i n a l Report of the Adult Education Committee of the Ministry of Reconstruction to Parliament, by Arthur L. Smith, Chairman (London: His Majesty's Stationery O f f i c e , 1919), p. 37. 2 1 I b i d . 2 2 I b i d . , pp. 38-41. 10 Education (WAAE) i n 1919. The 1919 Report a r t i c u l a t e d a concern for s o c i a l reform and s o c i a l j u s t i c e . In a recent comment on the Report, Harold W i l t s h i r e , emeritus professor of adult education at the University of Nottingham, suggested that "remedial education i n a wider sense—the remedying not j u s t of an educational 23 but a t o t a l s o c i a l and economic disadvantage—is i t s major concern." The Report ref l e c t e d a wide-spread b e l i e f i n B r i t a i n and abroad that the world's problems that had caused the Great War had to be solved. I t was hoped that the massive cost of the war would be j u s t i f i e d i n part by general s o c i a l reform. In that s p i r i t , the authors of the Report pleaded t h e i r case. The hopes for s o c i a l reform captured i n the Report and that personified the general climate of opinion i n the immediate post-war months were short-l i v e d . The Report was published i n November 1919, and "missed the c r i t i c a l l y 24 important tide of post-war euphoria." The B r i t i s h economy slipped into a series of crises s t a r t i n g i n 1920 and the innovative recommendations i n the Report had l i t t l e chance of being implemented. Moreover, according to W i l t s h i r e : "The Ministry of Reconstruction, whose interest i n educational matters had never been welcomed by the Board of Education, was dismantled even before the Report was published, and the Board of Education sought neither to keep the Ministry's Adult Education Committee i n being nor c l e a r l y to 25 associate i t s e l f with that Committee's recommendations." The Report did not have an immediate impact i n B r i t a i n or elsewhere. 23 Harold W i l t s h i r e , "A General Introduction to the Report," i n The 1919 Report: The F i n a l and Interim Reports of the Adult Education Committee of the Ministry of Reconstruction, 1918-19, Reprinted with Introductory essays by Harold W i l t s h i r e , John Taylor, and Bernard Jennings (Nottingham: Department of Adult Education, University of Nottingham, 1980), p. 13. 24 John Taylor, "The Making of the Report," i n The 1919 Report, p. 36. 25 W i l t s h i r e , p. 22. 11 According to Bernard Jennings, professor of adult education at the University of H u l l , i n an essay on the reception of the Report, the Report was ci t e d a few times i n the early twenties and then disappeared from the l i t e r a t u r e u n t i l 26 the f i f t i e s . He concluded that i t became "an instant c l a s s i c without ever 27 becoming news." To some extent then, the significance of the Report has been determined retrospectively. There was renewed interest i n the Report i n the f i f t i e s . I t s significance was shown when an abridged version was published under the auspices of the Canadian, American, and B r i t i s h adult education associations i n 1956. R. D. Waller, professor of adult education at the University of Manchester, credited Canadian and American energy and enthusiasm to the r e v i v a l of- i n t e r e s t i n the Report. In so doing, he observed i n an a n a l y t i c a l introduction to the 1956 e d i t i o n , "the new world herewith giving back to adult 28 education i n the old world i t s most celebrated foundation document." Waller held the Report i n high regard. He stated that: This great report has no p a r a l l e l and now never can have, adult education having become so extensive and many sided. I t s outstanding quality i s comprehensiveness i n conception and execution; i t i s a work on the grand scale, a h i s t o r y , survey and philosophy of adult education. I t i s c e r t a i n l y the most notable and useful monument i n our adult education literature.29 In 1968, Webster Cotton, a member of the department of s o c i a l sciences i n university extension at the University of C a l i f o r n i a at Los Angeles, suggested that the Report "not only introduced a new concept of adult education but also 26 Bernard Jennings, "The Reception of the Report," i n The 1919 Report, pp. 39-44. 27 I b i d . , p. 44. 2 g R. D. Waller, Introduction to A Design for Democracy: An Abridgement of a Report of the Adult Education Committee of the B r i t i s h Ministry of Reconstruction Commonly Called the 1919 Report (London: Published for the AEA, the CAAE, and the National I n s t i t u t e of Adult Education, Great B r i t a i n by Max Parrish & Co., 1956), p. 15. 29 I b i d . , p. 22. 12 30 a new era i n adult education—the era of modern adult education." In h i s estimation: "For the f i r s t time i t was a u t h o r i t a t i v e l y and a r t i c u l a t e l y stated that adult education i s a permanent national necessity and therefore 31 should be both universal and l i f e l o n g . " No other event has been singled out as the seminal moment i n the adult education movement i n Canada and the United States. The significance of the Report was indicated most recently by a 32 reprint e d i t i o n published i n 1980. For the purpose of t h i s study the emphasis of the Report on s o c i a l reform makes i t a useful point from which to commence the search for the community development concept i n the adult education movement. The community development concept as herein defined represents the s o c i a l improvement goal of the movement, a goal a r t i c u l a t e d i n the Report. I t may have been the e a r l i e s t t r e a t i s e i n English on adult education that suggested s o c i a l improvement as a broad goal for the many and varied dimensions of the movement. Of course, by s t a r t i n g the study i n 1919, the r i c h background from 33 which the movement grew has not been covered. The year 1960 i s taken to be the terminal date for t h i s study. The community development concept was a r t i c u l a t e d as an adult education process i n the f i f t i e s and was embodied i n the term community development. The term appeared i n major publications of the AEA i n 1960 and the CAAE i n 1963. The 1960 Handbook of Adult Education i n the United States contained many references to the community development concept i n addition to a chapter on 34 community development. Roby Kidd, editor of the CAAE's anthology published 30 31 Cotton, p. 1. I b i d . 3 2The 1919 Report. 3 3Below, p. 272. 34 Malcolm S. Knowles, ed., Handbook of Adult Education i n the United States (Chicago: AEA, 1960). 13 i n 1963, observed that: "We have now entered an era of 'community 35 development.'" Elsewhere, community development figured prominently i n An Overview of Adult Education Research, an analysis of research i n non-36 vocational adult education published i n 1959. In the same year, Verner presented his conceptual scheme of adult education processes to the Commission of the Professors of Adult Education, an a f f i l i a t e d organization of the AEA, wherein community development was portrayed as an adult education 37 method. Clear l y , the community development concept had been incorporated into the adult education l i t e r a t u r e by 1960. The year 1960 i s a point of demarcation i n another respect. I t separates the experimental and small scale community development a c t i v i t i e s of the f o r t i e s and the f i f t i e s from the large scale community development programs of the s i x t i e s and the seventies. Vast amounts of money were spent i n Canada and i n the United States i n the s i x t i e s and the seventies on a wide range of community development projects that aimed to a l l e v i a t e poverty and inequality. The magnitude of those projects and the role of. adult educators i n them warrants a study of i t s own. D e f i n i t i o n of Terms The basic terms used i n th i s study require d e f i n i t i o n precise enough to guide the reader and abstract enough to be free of the constraints of time and place. D e f i n i t i o n i s problematic because adult education and community development, both m u l t i d i s c i p l i n a r y and multifarious areas of study and 35 Kidd, Learning and Society, p. 80. 36 Edmund de S. Brunner et a l . , An Overview of Adult Education Research (Chicago: AEA, 1959). 37 Coolie Verner, A Conceptual Scheme for the I d e n t i f i c a t i o n and C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Processes (Washington: AEA, 1962), p. 15. The content of the published version i s i d e n t i c a l to the draft presented to the Professors. 14 practice, were emerging rather than established f i e l d s i n the period under review. Nevertheless, i t i s assumed that contributors to the l i t e r a t u r e meant much the same thing when addressing basic concepts despite t h e i r imprecise terminology. The following d e f i n i t i o n s are fundamental assumptions forming the boundary of the inquiry and are the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the author. Adult education i s defined as the study and practice of the processes 38 that a s s i s t adults to learn. The d i s t i n c t i o n between study and practice serves to d i f f e r e n t i a t e two areas of a c t i v i t y . The adult education f i e l d of study i s a d i s t i n c t area of research and t r a i n i n g i n which people are concerned with b u i l d i n g a body of knowledge about the practice of adult education and i n d i f f u s i n g that knowledge to p r a c t i t i o n e r s . The f i e l d of adult education i s a d i s t i n c t area of s o c i a l practice i n which the processes that a s s i s t adults to learn operate within a p a r t i c u l a r socio-economic and c u l t u r a l environment that may be separated p o l i t i c a l l y by national, state, and p r o v i n c i a l boundaries, or i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y by un i v e r s i t y , union, and re l i g i o u s organizations. The adult education movement i s defined as a s o c i a l philosophy that permeates s o c i e t i e s with the notion that learning i s a l i f e l o n g process that must be f a c i l i t a t e d by s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s through provision of opportunities for a l l adults to continue t h e i r education throughout l i f e to the end of "''"There are numerous d e f i n i t i o n s of adult education. The authors of a major UNESCO publica t i o n , after surveying education developments throughout the world, noted that "there are many possible d e f i n i t i o n s of adult education." Edgar Faure et a l . , Learning To Be: The World of Education Today and Tommorrow (P a r i s : UNESCO, 1972), p. 205. The authors, representing several countries, l e f t the term undefined. Wayne L. Schroeder, professor of adult education at F l o r i d a State University, wrote i n 1970 about the d i f f i c u l t i e s involved i n analysing d e f i n i t i o n s of adult education. He analysed a wide-range of d e f i n i t i o n s , drawing upon material w r i t t e n since 1930. He distinguished between adult education as a f i e l d of study and a f i e l d of practice. He did not define adult education as a movement. Wayne L. Schroeder, "Adult Education Defined and Described," i n Handbook of Adult Education, ed. Robert M. Smith, George F. Aker, and J.R. Kidd (New York: Macmillan Co., 1970), pp. 25-43. 15 enhancing i n d i v i d u a l s e l f - a c t u a l i z a t i o n and developing a better s o c i a l order. Provision of educational opportunities throughout l i f e i s the means to the ends of i n d i v i d u a l and s o c i a l improvement, the c r i t e r i a of which vary according to time and place. The dual goals of the movement were f i r s t • a r t i c u l a t e d i n the 1919 Report wherein the purposes of adult education were 39 said to be personal development and s o c i a l service. There are many references i n the adult education l i t e r a t u r e to the adult education movement as a s o c i a l movement but the nature of the 40 phenomenon i s never explained. For example, Knowles' history of the movement did not make clear whether the movement was of a s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , or philosophical v a r i e t y , or none of these. The movement has been described as a point of view that affects s o c i a l movements and i n s t i t u t i o n s . Two adult educators wrote i n 1941 that: "Adult education, i n short, i s not so much a separate movement carried on by s p e c i f i c i n s t i t u t i o n s as a point of view which F i n a l Report, p. 168. The Report stated that: "Adult education aims at s a t i s f y i n g the needs of the i n d i v i d u a l and at the attainment of new standards of ci t i z e n s h i p and a better s o c i a l order." I b i d . 40 The nature of s o c i a l movements has been studied by a number of scholars. Samuel D. Clark, professor of sociology at the University of Toronto and an h i s t o r i c a l s o c i o l o g i s t , designed a th e o r e t i c a l model of s o c i a l movements that explained t h e i r r i s e and careers. See Samuel D. Clark, "General Introduction," i n Prophecy and Protest: S o c i a l Movements i n Twentieth-Century Canada, ed. Samuel D. Clark, J . Paul Grayson, and Linda M. Grayson (Toronto: Gage Educational Publishing, 1974), p. 5 f f . He suggested that s o c i a l movements usually lasted only for a few years since changing conditions rendered the movement's rationale redundant a f t e r a time. Accordingly, i f the adult education movement i s perceived to have lasted many years i t would not f i t Clark's c r i t e r i a of a s o c i a l movement. Other scholars have suggested that s o c i a l movements can exist over time and may be timeless i n nature. For example, Roland L. Warren, professor of community theory at Brandeis University, suggested that s o c i a l movements existed indepdendent of time constraints. See Roland L. Warren, Social Change and Human Purpose: Toward Understanding and Action (Chicago: Rand McNally College Publishing Co., 1977), pp. 273-4. Since time i s a major factor i n historiography, Clark's perception of s o c i a l movements may be more useful to the h i s t o r i a n than Warren's. 16 41 i s beginning to permeate i n s t i t u t i o n s and practices." The same notion was advanced by Nicholas P. M i t c h e l l , dean of the College of General Studies at the University of South Carolina, who wrote i n 1967 that: The neglect of adult education as an important segment of histor y stems from i t s nature. Although i t i s not a s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n , i t permeates every i n s t i t u t i o n as a marginal function and a c t i v i t y . I t i s not a s o c i a l movement yet i t i s a part of every movement, and indeed i s often the p r i n c i p a l force which makes a s o c i a l movement move. I t i s not a s i g n i f i c a n t event because i t permeates the whole structure of society and i t s significance i n history i s obscured by the events i t produces. That notion r e f l e c t s w e l l the amorphous nature of the adult education movement and yet emphasizes the significance of the movement as a constructive influence on s o c i a l movements. Therefore, for the purpose of t h i s study the adult education movement i s regarded as a s o c i a l philosophy — as a point of view that permeates a l l of society. . One part of the s o c i a l service dimension i n the adult education movement has been an aim to improve society through advocacy of c o l l e c t i v e co-operative enterprises i n l o c a l control of l o c a l a f f a i r s . Adult educators have been primarily interested i n the educational processes needed to make those enterprises e f f i c i e n t and e f f e c t i v e . That interest was captured i n the community development concept, which may be defined as the combination of adult learning and s o c i a l action aiming to educate c i t i z e n s for c o l l e c t i v e co-operative enterprises i n l o c a l control of l o c a l a f f a i r s . That concept was adult education's contribution to the f i e l d of community development. Community development i s defined as the study and practice of the processes of c o l l e c t i v e co-operative management of l o c a l change i n which broad p a r t i c i p a t i o n characterizes planning, organizing, and decision making for the purpose of extending and broadening l o c a l control of l o c a l a f f a i r s . This 41 Harry A. Overstreet and Bonaro W. Overstreet, Leaders for Adult Education (New York: AAAE, 1941), p. 94. 42 Nicholas P. M i t c h e l l , Introduction to Hardy, p. i x . 17 d e f i n i t i o n has been gleaned from the many and varied d e f i n i t i o n s of community development from several f i e l d s of study. Since the f i f t i e s , community development has become recognized as the legitimate concern of s p e c i a l i s t s i n s o c i a l work, sociology, a g r i c u l t u r a l extension, the health sciences, anthropology, and urban planning—to name only a few. Moreover, community development has been an in t e r n a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y and a major concern i n the United Nations. As a r e s u l t , d e f i n i t i o n s and perceptions of community development have varied widely. One frequent contributor to the community development l i t e r a t u r e has been Irwin T. Sanders who was a s o c i o l o g i s t and an early theorist of community development. He believed that community development had evolved f a r enough 43 i n 1957 to permit a statement about "theories of community development." He suggested that community development could be viewed i n four ways: as a process through which communities change; as a method that directs the process to a p a r t i c u l a r end; as a program that adds s p e c i f i c content to the method; and, as a s o c i a l movement or a crusade to stress and promote the "idea' 44 of community development. As a movement, he noted that: It i s more than a mere program, important as programs are, but i s rather a special kind of program that holds unusual promise and one worthy of unabashed commitment by those who want to see r u r a l revolutions take place i n underdeveloped countries or who want to see poverty and i l l n e s s a l l e v i a t e d among the great masses of underprivileged humanity.^ Sanders viewed community development as a reform movement rather than as a revolutionary movement according to the d i s t i n c t i o n made by Herbert Blumer i n 1951, Blumer, a soc i o l o g i s t and a pioneer i n the systematic study of the nature of s o c i a l movements, regarded a reform movement as seeking to change some s p e c i f i c phase or l i m i t e d area of the s o c i a l order while accepting 43 Irwin T. Sanders, "Theories of Community Development," CDR, no. 9 (June 1958):27-39. 4 4 I b i d . , pp. 30-2. 45 I b i d . , pp. 32. 18 46 the basic tenets of that s o c i a l order. The primary function of a reform movement i s "probably not so much the bringing about of s o c i a l change, as i t 47 i s to rea f f i r m the i d e a l values of a given society," Blumer concluded. His notions about reform movements were reflected i n the perception of the community development movement advanced by Sanders. Sanders's interpretation of community development as a s o c i a l movement 48 was unchanged i n 1970. For the purpose of t h i s study his perception of community development as a s o c i a l movement commencing i n the m i d - f i f t i e s and continuing through the s i x t i e s i s assumed to be v a l i d . Therefore, i n addition to being a f i e l d of study and practice, community development may also be viewed as a s o c i a l movement. I t i s further assumed that the movement that Sanders envisaged was a reform movement based on the c r i t e r i a suggested by Blumer. Sanders's interpretation has not been refuted i n the community development l i t e r a t u r e or i n the adult education l i t e r a t u r e on community where he i s often c i t e d . Therefore, the community development movement may be defined as a s o c i a l reform movement committed to decentralization of socio-economic and p o l i t i c a l power i n order to produce l o c a l control of l o c a l a f f a i r s . Procedure The h i s t o r i c a l method of investigation has been employed. The study i s a biography of the community development concept i n the adult education movement and f a l l s within the i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y branch of historiography. I t analyses key concepts that were the d i s t i n c t i v e i n t e l l e c t u a l features i n the views of many adult educators who contributed to the community 46 Herbert Blumer, "Social Movements," i n Pr i n c i p l e s of Sociology, ed. Alfr e d M. Lee, 2d ed. rev. (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1951), p. 212. 4 7 I b i d . , p. 213. 48 Irwin T. Sanders. "The Concept of Community Development," i n Community Development as a Process, ed. Lee J. Cary (Columbia, Missouri: University of Missouri Press, 1970), pp. 9-31. 19 49 development concept. The study examines the community development concept i n the socio-economic and p o l i t i c a l environment i n Canada and the United States, and to the climate of opinion i n the adult education movement. The approach tends to be abstract rather than concrete. I t i s concerned with generalities and p r i n c i p l e s rather than p a r t i c u l a r s . Emphasis i s placed on and l i m i t e d to what has been said about the concept rather than on the d i r e c t study of the practice of community development. Furthermore, emphasis i s placed on and l i m i t e d to what has been said about the adult education f i e l d and movement rather than on a description of i n s t i t u t i o n a l and organizational developments. Historians r e l y on two forms of c r i t i c i s m — e x t e r n a l c r i t i c i s m that addresses the problem of authenticity and i n t e r n a l c r i t i c i s m that addresses the problem of c r e d i b i l i t y . External c r i t i c i s m has not been a major factor i n this study since the a r t i c l e s and books that have been examined are what they purport to be. Internal c r i t i c i s m of the evidence has been directed mainly to selecting what appeared to be a consensus i n the l i t e r a t u r e with regard to the community development concept. The l i t e r a t u r e was surveyed with an eye to the frequency of the concept and to how representative i t was i n r e l a t i o n to other concerns. This was done to determine one i n t e l l e c t u a l feature of adult educators as a group. The ideas presented i n the l i t e r a t u r e and incorporated into t h i s study have been treated equally i n the sense that 49 According to F e l i x G i l b e r t , there are various methods i n i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y . He wrote i n 1971 that: In many respects the methods available for the analysis of the evaluation of the mind of an i n d i v i d u a l and for the establishment of the d i s t i n c t i v e i n t e l l e c t u a l features of a group are the same. But there are also methods p a r t i c u l a r l y appropriate to the one or the other. I f the genetic method i s especially suited for a biographical study, a chief requirement i n the discussion of i n t e l l e c t u a l development and trends i s the analysis of key concepts. F e l i x G i l b e r t , " I n t e l l e c t u a l History: I t s Aims and Methods," Daedalus 100 (Winter 1971):91. 20 there has been no overt evaluation of those ideas by analysing t h e i r origins and evolution i n each i n d i v i d u a l . Individual competency has not been addressed systematically. Research Process There were two parts to the research process—search and re-search. The purpose of the search phase was to describe the subject under investigation and the purpose of the second phase was to analyse and explain the subject thematically. The search phase dominated the early part of the process and the re-search phase was prevalent i n the l a t t e r part although at times the phases occurred simultaneously. The research process commenced with a survey of the national and inter n a t i o n a l l i t e r a t u r e on community development housed at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia i n order to acquire an acquaintance with the many approaches to the subject. Community development had been i d e n t i f i e d as a f i e l d of study and practice i n the lat e f o r t i e s according to Sanders, and the l i t e r a t u r e survey began t h e r e . ^ At the same time adult education journals ""International Encyclopedia of the Soc i a l Sciences, 1968, s.v. "Community Development," by Irwin T. Sanders. The f i r s t large scale organized program i n community development evolved from B r i t i s h plans to withdraw from th e i r colonies. In 1948, the Cambridge Conference on African Administration described community development as ...a movement designed to promote better l i v i n g for the whole community, with the active p a r t i c i p a t i o n of and, i f possible, on the i n i t i a t i v e of, the community, but i f t h i s i n i t i a t i v e i s not forthcoming spontaneously, by the use of techniques for arousing and stimulating i t i n order to secure active and enthusiastic response to the movement. Mass Education embraces a l l forms of betterment. " E d i t o r i a l Note," Mass Education B u l l e t i n 1 (December 1949):2. The emphasis on community development resulted i n the establishment of the Mass Education Clearing House at the University of London's I n s t i t u t e of Education where the Mass Education B u l l e t i n commenced publication i n December 1949. The t i t l e of the journal was changed to the Community Development B u l l e t i n i n June 1951 and the t i t l e of the Clearing House changed to the Community Development Clearing House i n 1952. According to an e d i t o r i a l note: This change of name implies neither a change of policy nor a change i n subject-matter. I t merely brings the name of the B u l l e t i n into l i n e with present day terminology. When i n 1944 the Colonial Office Advisory 21 were included i n the survey i n order to determine when community development appeared i n the adult education l i t e r a t u r e . The survey was the f i r s t part of the search phase. A broad f a m i l i a r i t y was obtained of community development projects and pr i n c i p l e s recorded by s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s i n general and adult educators i n p a r t i c u l a r . The community development l i t e r a t u r e was substantial by 1964 when the f i r s t volume of the Community Development Abstracts was published and assumed even larger proportions i n 1972 when the second volume was published.^"*" However, the Abstracts included few publications by adult educators and ignored many a r t i c l e s related to community development that had been published i n adult education journals. Therefore no reliance was placed on the Abstracts. There has been no attempt to include a l l of the findings of the f i r s t part of the search phase i n this study. Contributions to community development from the many f i e l d s associated with i t and from the many countries that have practiced i t warrant separate studies. Therefore, this study can claim only to be a perspective of community development from the point of view of one group of professionals i n two countries. The second part of the search phase, guided by the descriptor community development, was comprised of a systematic examination of the Canadian and American adult education journals and books published i n the lat e f o r t i e s and i n the f i f t i e s . The term community development was l i t t l e used at the beginning of the f i f t i e s but appeared regularly at the end of the decade. The term had not appeared i n the 1948 Handbook of the American Association Committee issued i t s report on "Mass education i n African s o c i e t y t h e word community development was ce r t a i n l y not i n common use i n the B r i t i s h Commonwealth. Now i t has come to s i g n i f y several of the p r i n c i p a l ideas suggested by the Mass Education Report and i s i n widespread use over a large part of the Commonwealth and the United States. Community Development B u l l e t i n 2 (June 1951):41. "'"'"Alvin S. Lackey, ed., Community Development Abstracts, 2 vols. (New York: Essay Press, 1964-1972). Volumes one and two contained 1108 and 1381 abstracts respectively. 22 for Adult Education (AAAE), the percursor of the 1960 Handbook of the AEA, or 52 i n the CAAE's f i r s t anthology published i n 1950. The second part of the search phase had two r e s u l t s . F i r s t , information was collected about community development from an adult education perspective and an extensive bibliography was compiled. Second, i t was evident that the term community development often was used interchangeably with terms such as community organization and community-wide adult education. The f i r s t part of the re-search phase was another examination of the adult education l i t e r a t u r e guided by the descriptors community development, community, community organization, and community-wide adult education. I t seemed that no matter what the terminology, adult educators i n Canada and the United States shared a s i m i l a r concept. Moreover, that concept appeared to be a major factor i n the adult education movement. During this part of the re-search phase, a d e f i n i t i o n of the community development concept was designed to incorporate the various deminsions attributed to community development by adult educators. The second part of the re-search phase commenced with a bibliography and a d e f i n i t i o n of the community development concept. The adult education l i t e r a t u r e of the f i f t i e s was re-examined i n order to i d e n t i f y the concept and to explain and interpret i t s meaning. The second part of the re-search phase concluded when i t was r e a l i z e d that explanation and interpretation were handicapped by the author's incomplete understanding of the adult education movement p r i o r to the f i f t i e s . There were two results of t h i s phase. F i r s t , the community development concept was more extensively a subject of inquiry i n the l i t e r a t u r e than had been indicated during the f i r s t two parts of the search phase and the f i r s t part of the re-search phase that had been guided by various 52 Mary L. Ely, ed., Handbook of Adult Education i n the United States (New York: I n s t i t u t e of Adult Education, Columbia University Teachers College, 1948). J . R. Kidd, ed., Adult Education i n Canada (Toronto: CAAE, 1950). descriptors. Second, i t was clear that the concept i n the adult education movement could not be explained without a study of the l i t e r a t u r e from the beginnings. The t h i r d part of the search and re-search phase were systematic examinations of the adult education l i t e r a t u r e from i t s beginnings as a d i s t i n c t body of knowledge i n the twenties through the f o r t i e s . A.conscious e f f o r t was made to alternate between reading Canadian and American l i t e r a t u r e i n order to guard against a reliance on the one or the other i n the h i s t o r i c a l analysis. Sources of Evidence The adult education l i t e r a t u r e includes published materials c l e a r l y associated with adult education i n Canada and the United States i n that adult education i s the subject of the documents, as w e l l as materials written by adult educators i n journals and books primarily concerned with other f i e l d s . A l l the materials used i n th i s study are located at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Adult educators are persons associated with the Canadian and American adult education movement. They are i d e n t i f i e d through contributions to the adult education l i t e r a t u r e and through p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the AAAE formed i n 1926, the CAAE i n 1935, and the AEA i n 1951. P r i o r to those years they are i d e n t i f i e d with the assistance of bibliographies i n early books about adult 53 education such as Joseph K. Hart's textbook published i n 1927, and bibliographies and book reviews i n the journals of the adult education associations that began publication i n the United States i n 1929 and i n Canada i n 1936. Five single volume handbooks on adult education were published by the American associations from 1936 to 1970 and an eight volume 53 Joseph K. Hart, Adult Education (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1927). 24 handbook series i n 1980-1. Three anthologies were published by the Canadian association i n 1950, 1963, and 1978. Contributors to the handbooks and 54 anthologies are regarded as adult educators. The largest single source of evidence i n the form of a r t i c l e s , notes, bibliographies, footnotes, book reviews, conference summaries, and biographical sketches on contributors and prominent educators i s i n the journals of the AAAE, the AEA, and the CAAE. Journals of the AAAE were published successively from 1929 to 1950 under the t i t l e s Journal of Adult Education and Adult Education Journal, and by the AEA under the t i t l e s Adult Education since 1951, Adult Leadership from 1952 to 1977, and Lifelong Learning: The Adult Years since 1977. Journals of the CAAE have been published successively since 1936 under the t i t l e s Adult Learning, Food For Thought, Continuous Learning, and Learning. Community development journals began publication i n the United States i n 1956 and contributions from adult educators are included as adult education l i t e r a t u r e . Also included are books about community development written by adult educators. Adult educators who have contributed to the community development concept i n the adult education l i t e r a t u r e may know of documents that have not been i d e n t i f i e d i n t h i s study or who could contribute t h e i r r ecollections and impressions to enrich the data base. However, given the wealth of evidence that e x i s t s i n p r i n t , and given the constraints of time and opportunity to meet those contributors, i t was decided to forego the process of searching out and contacting those adult educators and to r e l y s o l e l y on documents housed i n one l i b r a r y . Therefore, the only procedure employed for c o l l e c t i n g evidence was a l i b r a r y search. This reliance on one research procedure i s a l i m i t a t i o n of the study. 54 A whole range of people undoubtedly e x i s t who might lay claim to being an adult educator but who have been excluded from this study. They include those who have not written i n the l i t e r a t u r e used herein and those who have not written at a l l . 25 H i s t o r i c a l research i n adult education faces a basic l i m i t a t i o n . There i s neither a central depository housing adult education documents nor i s there a published guide to the location of documents.^ Verner's note i n 1964 that adult education "has no a f f e c t i o n for the l i t e r a t u r e which i t has produced" emphasized the d i l e m m a . H e t r i e d to improve the s i t u a t i o n by building a c o l l e c t i o n himself. The product of his e f f o r t , some 3300 items, was transferred to the University of B r i t i s h Columbia Library i n 1976.^ That c o l l e c t i o n i s housed i n the Coolie Verner Memorial Reading Room at the u n i v e r s i t y . I t plus materials housed elsewhere i n the University of B r i t i s h Columbia l i b r a r y system provided a l l the evidence used i n this study. Therefore, t h i s study e s s e n t i a l l y was a single archives study r e l y i n g i n part on one adult educator's judgment on l i b r a r y acquisitions. Coolie Verner was a major contributor to the adult education l i t e r a t u r e i n the f i f t i e s and to 58 the development of adult education as a f i e l d of study i n the same decade. This study i s concerned with the community development concept i n the adult education movement, with a p a r t i c u l a r idea within a s o c i a l philosophy. Wherever the idea appears i n the l i t e r a t u r e , the document i s a primary source. A recent report of Syracuse University's e f f o r t s to establish an adult education archive was welcomed news. See Harold W. S t u b b l e f i e l d , "An Archives for Adult Education," Lifelong Learning: The Adult Years 4 (September 1980):7. 56A, . Above, p. 3. "^The c o l l e c t i o n comprised 605 monographs, 242 bound volumes consisting of 2000 pamphlets, 325 volumes of various government publications, 27 volumes of United States government publications, 12 volumes of reference works, 10 volumes of bibliographies, 192 miscellaneous pamphlets, and 123 issues of p e r i o d i c a l s . This information was supplied by the l i b r a r i a n i n charge of reading rooms at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. 58 Coolie Verner's contributions to adult education and to other d i s c i p l i n e s are outlined i n Gary Dickinson, Contributions to a D i s c i p l i n e of Adult Education: A Review and Analysis of the Publications of Coolie Verner (Vancouver: Centre for Continuing Education, The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1979). Verner was most active i n the AEA i n the f i f t i e s . He established graduate programs i n adult education at F l o r i d a State University and at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. He made 172 contributions to the l i t e r a t u r e of adult education ( I b i d . , p. 6). 26 Wherever the ideas of one are interpreted by another, the document i s a secondary source for t h i s study. For example, James Truslow Adams's history of adult education based on the twenty-seven volume AAAE s o c i a l significance series i s not used to interpret the series because i t i s a secondary source i n 59 r e l a t i o n to- the series. At the same time, Adams's history i s a primary source since i t i s a perspective of adult education at a p a r t i c u l a r time and place. Plan Chapters two through f i v e are arranged chronologically i n four periods. They introduce the l i t e r a t u r e for each period, noting important publications, conferences, and events, with an explanation of how and why the adult education movement developed the way i t did during each period. Chapter I I covers the formative years of the movement from 1919 to 1929. The origins of the movement and i t s early years are sketched with p a r t i c u l a r attention given to adult educators' s o c i a l consciousness. The early l i t e r a t u r e i s introduced and analysed i n order to explain the early goals of the movement. Chapter I I I covers the years 1929-41 when Canadian and American adult educators were preoccupied with s o c i a l improvement i n the face of socio-economic depression. Their solutions for the troubled times are examined. The adult education l i t e r a t u r e grew rapidly i n this period largely due to the f i n a n c i a l support provided by the Carnegie Corporation. The siz a b l e l i t e r a t u r e i s a r i c h source of discussion and debate about fundamental issues i n the adult education movement. Those issues are introduced and analysed i n the context of the times. Chapter IV covers the period 1942-51 when adult educators were mainly involved i n war-time a c t i v i t i e s , and planning f o r and implementing programs for post-war reconstruction. Those plans kept the burgeoning s o c i a l consciousness 59 Below, pp. 135-6. 27 of adult educators at the forefront of inquiry and discussion. I t i s shown that out of that consciousness there grew a wide-spread interest i n adult education working to restore grass roots democracy i n Canada and the United States. The l i t e r a t u r e continued to grow i n these years although there s t i l l was l i t t l e empirical research reported. Chapter V covers the years 1951-60 when adult educators discussed the i r role i n community development and the place of the community development concept i n adult education. The many attempts to a r t i c u l a t e the community development concept are examined, as are the controversies that ensued. By 1960, community development had become the subject of commentary i n many adult education publications and was c l e a r l y established as a part of the adult education movement. Chapter VI examines the themes that commenced i n the twenties and continued through the f i f t i e s , from which evolved the community development concept. Four themes are discussed—adult education for s o c i a l improvement, the nature of community, the value of socio-economic co-operation, and education for s o c i a l action. Each theme i s analysed i n order to show how, when, and why i t was t o p i c a l i n the l i t e r a t u r e and how i t contributed to the community development concept. Chapter VII i s the concluding chapter. The results of the study are explained by answering the three questions posed above, namely: 1. How did the community development concept evolve i n adult education? 2. Why has the concept been a recurring theme i n the adult education movement? 3. To what extent and i n what ways have dif f e r e n t views of the community development concept held by adult educators been reconciled? The significance of the study i s indicated by noting the present state of the community development concept i n the l i t e r a t u r e and by analysing the study's contribution to the history of adult education. The l i m i t a t i o n s of the study are examined i n 28 terms of the methodology and the scope of the investigation. The implications of the study for the adult education f i e l d of practice, for the f i e l d of study, and for further research are explored. 29 CHAPTER I I FORMATIVE YEARS OF THE MOVEMENT (1919-29) Introduction The adult education movement i n Canada and the United States evolved from indigenous v a r i a t i o n s on an in t e r n a t i o n a l theme. I n i t i a l i n s p i r a t i o n came from i n t e r n a t i o n a l interest i n adult education centred i n B r i t a i n after the Great War. Once inspired, Canadians and Americans quickly discovered a vast and varied array of adult education a c t i v i t i e s at home that had existed for some time or that were emerging. The movement was inspired by two events i n B r i t a i n i n 1919. F i r s t was the publication of the 1919 Report. Second was the formation of the WAAE based i n London and stimulated by an int e r n a t i o n a l f e e l i n g among the founders that the new world that was emerging from the destruction of the old order by calamitous war call e d for educational innovation and co-operation. The WAAE provided an inte r n a t i o n a l forum for the dissemination of information through a series of b u l l e t i n s commencing i n 1919 and through a world conference on adult education i n 1929. As part of the in t e r n a t i o n a l e f f o r t to disseminate information about adult education, C. M. Maclnnes, a Canadian resident of B r i t a i n who represented Canada i n the WAAE, compiled the f i r s t description of adult education i n Canada published as part of a larger study i n 1925.^ Maclnnes underlined the newness of the adult education movement i n Canada but noted that several "''C. M. Maclnnes, "Canadian Adult Education i n 1925," i n Kidd, Learning and Society, pp. 4-21. This i s an abridged version of a book edited by Maclnnes e n t i t l e d Adult Education i n the B r i t i s h Dominions published i n London i n 1925. 30 i n s t i t u t i o n s had been engaged for some time i n the education of adults. A s i m i l a r sense of newness and the discovery of a r i c h past was reported i n the f i r s t project to describe adult education throughout the United States. That project was i n i t i a t e d and funded by the Carnegie Corporation commencing i n 1924, and the project's f i r s t - f r u i t s were published i n f i v e books i n 1926. Also i n 1926, and also i n i t i a t e d by the Corporation's largesse, the AAAE was established as the f i r s t national association i n Canada or the United States aiming to co-ordinate inquiry into adult education. The Association's formation of a quarterly journal i n 1929 i n i t i a t e d a regular outlet for American and occasional Canadian views, research, and information about adult education. By the end of the twenties a new journal, association, and rapidly growing body of knowledge i d e n t i f i a b l e as adult education l i t e r a t u r e provided a sense of unity to the numerous adult education a c t i v i t i e s i n Canada and i n the United States. Those events took place during a time of general socio-economic w e l l -being i n Canada and the United States. Economic conditions were stable for most people i n the twenties and i n d u s t r i a l growth continued apace. That growth was directed mainly by individuals and corporations with l i t t l e government interference. The s o c i a l milieu encouraged i n d i v i d u a l free enterprise. Beginnings (1919-25) The adult education movement i n Canada and the United States was i n i t i a l l y inspired from abroad i n the sense that events i n B r i t a i n triggered events at home. Once Canadians and Americans knew what to look for and where to f i n d i t they discovered adult education i n a l l parts of t h e i r countries, i n many i n s t i t u t i o n s and organizations, and i n several forms. Early adult educators believed that educational innovation was demanded by many changes i n the post-war period. In general they viewed t h e i r goal to be the provision of 31 educational opportunities for a l l adults throughout l i f e , although some emphasized s p e c i f i c sections of society as t h e i r p r i o r i t y . Foreign Influences The adult education movement was an outcome of the Great War and of events centred i n London i n the year following i t s conclusion. In the f i r s t sketch of adult education i n the United States printed i n a b u l l e t i n of the WAAE, i t was noted that: Adult education as a conscious national movement, conscious of unique aims and methods and of i t s own i d e n t i t y distinguishable from other forms of education, i s of post-war growth, sprung from the d i s l o c a t i o n i n minds and habits, and the r e s u l t i n g s p i r i t of inquiry and c r i t i c i s m common to a l l countries deeply affected by the World War.2 Canadians and Americans were among the representatives of several countries deeply affected by the war who came together at the inaugural meeting of the 3 WAAE i n London i n March 1919. A l l representatives were enthusiastic about the need for and the p o t e n t i a l of adult education as an educational strategy to revive a shaken world. They had seen e a r l i e r versions of the 1919 Report and were inspired by the Report's optimism about the cen t r a l role of adult education i n a l l forms of future development a l l over the world. Canadians and Americans pledged t h e i r support to the in t e r n a t i o n a l movement a r t i c u l a t e d i n the Report and championed by the WAAE before they had themselves organized a national movement. The events of 1919 were cit e d several times during the twenties as the point of departure for the movement i n the United States. Judson T. Jennings, l i b r a r i a n of the Seattle Public Library and president of the American Library Association (ALA) i n 1923-4, borrowed excerpts from the f i r s t publication of 2 "Adult Education i n the United States," B u l l e t i n of the WAAE 35 (1928):2. 3"The Inauguration of the WAAE," B u l l e t i n of the WAAE 1 (1919). 32 the WAAE issued i n 1919 as his only reference while explaining l i b r a r i a n s 1 interest i n adult education to the 1924 annual meeting of the P a c i f i c 4 Northwest Library Association held i n V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h Columbia. Also i n 1924, Beatrice Winser, assistant l i b r a r i a n of the Newark Public Library, noted the influence of the 1919 Report upon the report of a survey of the role of the l i b r a r y i n Newark's i n d u s t r i a l scene.^ Emma Davis, a l i b r a r i a n i n the Dayton Public Library, gave a paper before the Ohio Library Association i n 1924 about her study of adult education agencies and referred to the Report and i t s recommendations regarding l i b r a r i e s . ^ Frederick P. Keppel, president of the Carnegie Corporation from 1923 to 1949, singled out the Report i n 1926 as the lodestar for adult education i n the United States.^ Likewise, Morse A. Cartwright, director of the AAAE from i t s inception i n 1926 to 1949, noted the importance of the Report i n his survey of adult education i n the United g States published i n 1919. He suggested that "increasing recognition of the B r i t i s h movement" was a major reason for American inquiry into adult education 9 i n the twenties. Commentators on the emerging adult education movement i n Canada drew on the B r i t i s h experiences as a source of i n s p i r a t i o n for l o c a l development, although no reference either to the 1919 Report or to the WAAE has been found 4 Judson T. Jennings, "The New Outlook of the American Library Association, i n Proceedings of Fifteenth Annual Meeting, ed. P a c i f i c Northwest Library Association ( V i c t o r i a : n.p., 1924), p. 65. ^Beatrice Winser, "Results Are Not E a s i l y Measured," Library Journal 49 (November 1924):931. Emma Davis, "What Is Adult Education?" Library Journal 49 (December 1924): 1073. ^Frederick P. Keppel, Education for Adults: And Other Essays (New York: Columbia University Press, 1926), p. 21. g Morse A. Cartwright, "The United States of America," i n International Handbook of Adult Education, ed. WAAE (London: WAAE, 1929), p. 437. 9 I b i d . 33 i n the l i t e r a t u r e searched for this study. I t seems l i k e l y that Albert Mansbridge would have made the Report's existence known during his 1922 v i s i t to Canada and the United States. Mansbridge was a member of the committee that wrote the Report, was the founder of the worker's Educational Association (WEA) i n 1903, and was the f i r s t president of the WAAE. Indeed, i t may have been that the r i c h and varied adult education t r a d i t i o n i n B r i t a i n was known i n Canada and the United States. Perhaps i t was known that adult education i n various forms had been established i n B r i t a i n i n the eighteenth century. In that century, adult education had been conceived as a way to reduce poverty and to eradicate s i n by equipping the poor with minimal s k i l l i n l i t e r a c y so that they could read the b i b l e . Adult schools were established during the early nineteenth century. Perhaps the most d i s t i n c t i v e feature of adult education i n B r i t a i n i n modern times was the contribution of the u n i v e r s i t i e s . " ^ B r i t i s h influence i n Canada was clear during the twenties. Father James (Jimmy) Tompkins, who provided the i n s p i r a t i o n for what became known as the Antigonish Movement, referred i n 1921 to B r i t i s h university extension and the WEA as useful guides for a new educational approach i n Nova S c o t i a . ^ E d i t o r i a l s i n the Ontario Library Review i n 1924 and 1925 stressed the importance of l i b r a r i a n s i n the adult education movement and noted that adult education was "a subject of spec i a l interest throughout the English-speaking world of l a t e " and was "receiving s p e c i a l consideration by educators on ^ F o r an analysis of adult education i n B r i t a i n see J . F. C. Harrison, Learning and Liv i n g 1790-1960: A Study i n the History of the English Adult Education Movement (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1961), and Thomas K e l l y , A History of Adult Education i n Great B r i t a i n (Liverpool: University of Liverpool Press, 1970). ''"''"James J. Tompkins, Knowledge for the People: A C a l l to St. Francis Xavier's College (Antigonish, Nova Scotia: n.p. 1921), pp. 6-13. 34 12 both sides of the A t l a n t i c . " Peter Sandiford, professor of educational psychology at the University of Toronto, i n an address before the annual meeting of the P a c i f i c Northwest Library Association i n 1924, commented en t h u s i a s t i c a l l y about adult education i n general and the B r i t i s h and Canadian WEA i n p a r t i c u l a r . He advised the assembled l i b r a r i a n s to "thrash out the question of the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of getting workers out i n r u r a l d i s t r i c t s to form Workers' Educational Associations to foster the reading of the great 13 and good books of the English Language." Sandiford's hopes for the WEA were shared by Maclnnes i n his 1925 description of adult education i n Canada. Above a l l else, Maclnnes believed that the WEA based on the B r i t i s h model and 14 centred i n Ontario would be the model for adult education i n Canada. Adult educators i n the United States also c i t e d the work of the B r i t i s h WEA. Keppel had singled i t out as an influence on him during the early t w e n t i e s . ^ A l f r e d L. Hall-Quest, who undertook a survey of American university extension on behalf of the Carnegie Corporation during 1924-6, referred to a 1920 report prepared at the request of the WEA i n B r i t a i n as an example of what he perceived to be a new thrust i n university extension. He wrote that: "The report refers to twin motives that impel men and women to seek education, one of these being f u l l e r personal development, the other being partly s o c i a l i n the sense that education w i l l help them to understand and aid i n the solution of the common problems of human s o c i e t y . H a l l - Q u e s t 12 " E d i t o r i a l Notes and Comment," Ontario Library Review 9 (August 1924): 2. "Adult Education and the Library," Ontario Library Review 10 (August 1925):8. 13 Peter Sandiford, "Adult Education—The Problem and I t s P o s s i b i l i t i e s , " i n Proceedings, p. 34. 14 15 Maclnnes, pp. 20-1. Keppel, pp. 22-3. "^Alfred L. Hall-Quest, The University A f i e l d (New York: Macmillan Co., 1926), p. 27. The report referred to was Arthur Greenwood's The Education of the C i t i z e n published by the National Adult School Union, London, 1920. Greenwood was one of the secretaries to the Adult Education Committee of the Ministry of Reconstruction. 35 suggested that s o c i a l improvement i n addition to i n d i v i d u a l development exemplified the new goals of university extension. The WEA and other B r i t i s h innovations i n adult education related to organized labour also were cited by Nathaniel Peffer who, l i k e Hall-Quest, spent 1924-6 researching and w r i t i n g about adult education i n the United States at the request of the Carnegie Corporation. According to Peffer, the impulse behind the movement for workers' education i n the United States "undoubtedly has i t s springs i n the English example. I t was clear that Canadians and Americans were influenced by events i n B r i t a i n a f t e r the Great War, i n p a r t i c u l a r the 1919 Report, the formation of the WAAE, and the continuing development of the WEA, but commentators had not dealt on those events and were primarily concerned with where and how adult education functioned i n t h e i r own s e t t i n g . Foreign developments appeared to be symbolically important i n that they demonstrated what could be done and why, rather than how. The only adult educator who emphasized a foreign model for domestic use was Maclnnes who suggested that adult education i n Canada 18 had to await developments i n B r i t a i n . With regard to a national adult education organization, he concluded that: "Such an organization must grow from the bottom—that i s to say, there should f i r s t be a Workers' Educational Association, w e l l supported by working-class opinion and organized labour, 19 i n several provinces before the federal organization comes into existence." His conclusion was incompatible with the r e a l i t i e s of Canadian conditions that were r u r a l with few people i n a vast area with l i t t l e prospect for organized labour on the B r i t i s h scale. No other early commentator on adult education i n Canada and the United States had been as convinced as Maclnnes "^Nathaniel Peffer, New Schools for Older Students (New York: Macmillan Co., 1926), p. 207. 18 19 Maclnnes, p. 20. I b i d . , p. 21. 36 of the u t i l i t y of the WEA model or other foreign design, and most stressed the importance of indigenous developments. Therefore, while Canadians and Americans were inspired by B r i t i s h events and have dated the beginning of t h e i r movement to the 1919 Report, most had been preoccupied with events at home from the outset. They discovered a wealth of adult education i n s t i t u t i o n s and a c t i v i t i e s once they began to look for them. Domestic Foundations The key event i n Canadian and American adult education i n the early twenties was the Carnegie Corporation's decision i n 1924 to fund an inquiry into the state of adult education. I t s significance lay i n the fact that i t was the f i r s t large scale project that aimed systematically to c o l l e c t and analyse data about the new phenomenon c a l l e d adult education. I t was certain that adult education was regarded as new, although once defined and i d e n t i f i e d i t also was certain that i t had existed for some time. Also t o p i c a l was a growing b e l i e f that s o c i a l issues could and should be addressed by adult educators. Adult Education Discovered Cartwright observed i n 1928 that p r i o r to 1924 no one had thought of 20 labeling the extensive educational a c t i v i t y for adults as adult education. Not only were the a c t i v i t i e s extensive but they had a long h i s t o r y since, in his words: " I t i s not a f a r cry from the modern in t e r e s t i n adult education 21 i n America to the New England town meeting." Certainly there were numerous i n s t i t u t i o n s , organizations, and programs engaged i n adult education work throughout the history of the United States, although they had not been 20 Morse A. Cartwright, "The American Association for Adult Education," Adult Education and the Library 3 (October 1928):93. 21 I b i d . , p. 92. 37 interpreted as such or linked together p r i o r to the twenties. The period p r i o r to the Great War back to the C i v i l War had been characterized as the 22 " d i f f u s i o n of organizations." During that period, a number of new i n s t i t u t i o n a l forms of adult education either were created or became fir m l y established—correspondence schools, summer schools, university extension, and national voluntary associations. The general character of adult education content shi f t e d from general knowledge to several s p e c i f i c areas of emphasis—vocational education, c i t i z e n s h i p and Americanization, the education of women, c i v i c and s o c i a l reform, l e i s u r e time a c t i v i t y , and 23 health.' Cartwright detected the roots of adult education i n New England but credited old England with i n s p i r i n g American interest during the early 24 twenties, alluding to "echoes of reawakened B r i t i s h i n t e r e s t . " Inspired by those echoes, "some few Americans, and chief among them Mr. Keppel, became aware of the fact that not only might America be p r a c t i c i n g adult education but that she might also have a genuine contribution to make to 25 this f i e l d of thought." In Cartwright'. s opinion, Keppel was the main force behind adult education i n the United States. He also added an insight into Keppel's motivation: "Mr. Keppel has confessed that his imagination was captured, f i r s t , through the t r a d i t i o n a l Carnegie interest i n l i b r a r i e s , books, and reading, and second, as he l a t e r explained i t , because 'adult 26 education was the only kind of education Andrew Carnegie ever had.'" In Carwright's estimation then, the adult education movement i n the United States stemmed from a B r i t i s h idea and the imagination of Keppel inspired by the example of Andrew Carnegie. In 1924, the Carnegie Corporation i n v i t e d several individuals from 22 23 Knowles, History, p. 36. I b i d . , p. 75, 24T, ., 25 T... 26T, ., I b i d . , p. 93. Ibid. Ibid. 38 prestigous jobs and wide interests to serve as an advisory committee to formulate a strategy to study adult education. Cartwright introduced the committee members as follows: It s chairman i s Dean James E. Russell of Teachers College, Columbia University, who perhaps has been intimately concerned with advanced educational thought i n this country for a longer period than any other i n d i v i d u a l . It includes Dr. Charles A. Beard, w r i t e r , poet, and professor; Everett Dean Martin, at the head of the People's I n s t i t u t e of the Cooper Union of New York; Dr. Alfred Cohn, medical research expert of the s t a f f of the Rockefeller I n s t i t u t e ; C. R. Dooley, personnel manager and educational director of the Standard O i l Company of New Jersey; E. C. Lindeman, secretary of the American Country L i f e Association, teacher and w r i t e r on s o c i o l o g i c a l questions; John Cotton Dana, l i b r a r i a n of the Newark Public Library; Mrs. John C. Campbell, organizer of educational e f f o r t among the southern mountain whites; William A l l e n White of Kansas; Dr. Clark Wissler of the American Museum of Natural History, and some twenty others of equal importance a l l concerned i n e f f o r t i n various sections of the f i e l d of adult education. I t i s uncertain i f there were any Canadians on the committee although Father Michael M. Coady, r e c a l l i n g the early years of the Antigonish Movement of which he was an a r c h i t e c t , remembered the Corporation's " c a l l i n g Jimmy 28 Tompkins to a conference i n New York i n 1924." Upon the advice of the advisory committee, the Corporation authorized a series of f i v e studies into adult education commencing i n the autumn of 1924. Four of the studies were undertaken by individuals and the f i t h by a special commission of the ALA. The most ambitious study i n the series was undertaken by the Commission on the Library and Adult Education appointed by the ALA i n July 1924. There were three dimensions to that study that set i t apart from the other four. F i r s t , the Commission included one Canadian i n addition to s i x Americans and this i n t e r n a t i o n a l flavour led to inquiry about adult education throughout Canada and the United States. Second, as an o f f i c i a l body of the ALA the Morse A. Cartwright, "What i s Adult Education i n the United States?" Library Journal 50 (September 1925):743-4. Michael M. Coady, Masters of Their Own Destiny (New York: Harper & Bros., 1939), p. 9. 39 commissioners were supported by an established professional organization of l i b r a r i a n s i n Canada and the United States. Third, the journal of the ALA was available to disseminate information and encourage feedback, and i n 29 addition, a s p e c i a l b u l l e t i n commenced publication i n November 1924. No other group of adult educators was as w e l l endowed with organization and resources. The journal and b u l l e t i n of the ALA served to disseminate information about adult education throughout Canada and the United States p r i o r to the establishment of an adult education journal i n 1929. Adult education was a major subject of inquiry i n l i b r a r y journals i n the autumn of 1924. A l l commentators regarded adult education as a new phenomenon. Charles F. D. Belden, l i b r a r i a n of the Boston Public Library, observed that: "The problem of adult education i s so comprehensive and so comparatively new to most l i b r a r i e s that we are a l l f e e l i n g our way as best 30 we can." 'A s i m i l a r view was held by E l e c t r a C. Doren, l i b r a r i a n of the Dayton Public Library, who wrote that: "We have done l i t t l e more than to get a goal and to define the phrase 'adult education' i n terms of l o c a l j . • -.31 conditions. Librarians were primarily interested i n the role of the l i b r a r y i n adult education and perceptions of that role varied. Clarence E. Sherman, assistant l i b r a r i a n i n the Providence Public Library, suggested that there were two important groups to consider. F i r s t , were those who possessed an education, whom he called the p r i v i l e g e d , and second, the "great mass of adults" with l i t t l e education including the foreign born and the native born 29 The Commission on the Library and Adult Education of. the ALA published a series of b u l l e t i n s under the heading of Adult Education and the Library from November 1924 to October 1930. They were distr i b u t e d to a l l members of the ALA. 30 Charles F. D. Belden, "Opportunities i n Greater Boston," Library Journal 49 (November 1924):929. 3 1 E l e c t r a C. Doren, "A Threshold," Library Journal 49 (November 1924):932, 40 32 i l l i t e r a t e , whom he termed the underprivileged. Sherman recommended that 33 the second group had to be considered f i r s t because "they need i t most." Davis also grouped adult learners into two categories although she reversed Sherman's p r i o r i t i e s . She suggested that the war on i l l i t e r a c y and the 34 Americanization work among the foreign born already were w e l l established. In addition, she believed that the working classes also were w e l l served by adult education. In her opinion: The American working man i s being taken care of; what about the whole adult world? The white c o l l a r c l a s s , the small merchant, the salesman, the professional man, mothers, the s o c i a l a l i e n who by reason of race or r e l i g i o n l i v e s i n a d i f f e r e n t s p h e r e — i n a community but not of i t , bound by prejudices from which education alone can release him? The answer to t h i s i s the public l i b r a r y . L i b r a r i a n interest i n adult education extended beyond t h e i r own i n s t i t u t i o n and l i b r a r y journals contained a r t i c l e s written by adult educators from other agencies. Some of those agencies were described i n the November 1924 issue of the Ontario Library Review that was devoted to adult education. F. P. Gavin, d i r e c t o r of technical education i n the Ontario Department of Education, sketched the adult education a c t i v i t i e s i n evening classes carried on by l o c a l school authorities and W. J . Dunlop, director of university extension at the University of Toronto, wrote about adult education as 36 "the primary purpose of university extension." In the same issue, E. W. Bradwin outlined the work of Frontier College where he was employed 32 Clarence E. Sherman, "Service to the P r i v i l e g e d and the Underprivileged," Library Journal 49 (November 1924):935. 33 J I b i d . 34 Davis, p. 1073. For an analysis of the Americanization movement see Robert A. Carlson, The Quest For Conformity: Americanization Through Education (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1975). 35 Davis, p. 1073. 36 F. P. Gavin, "Vocational Training for Adults i n Ontario," Ontario Library Review 9 (November 1924):30-2. W. J. Dunlop, "Adult Education— University of Toronto," Ontario Library Review 9 (November 1924):32. 41 37 and which had been founded i n 1900 by Alf r e d F i t z p a t r i c k . F i t z p a t r i c k himself had written a comprehensive description of the college published i n 38 1920, at which time he was i t s p r i n c i p a l . The term adult education had not appeared i n his book, further proof of i t s newness i n the early twenties. A variety of i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the United States were i d e n t i f i e d as adult education agencies by Morse Cartwright when he introduced the Carnegie Corporation's project to the readers of the Library Journal i n 1925, at which time he was employed by the Corporation. He explained that: Adult education, as we view i t , includes everything from the newspaper and radio educational a c t i v i t y up to the more specialized f i e l d s of university attempts to leaven the lump, mechanics' i n s t i t u t e s , people's colleges, open forums, chautauquas, lyceums, lodge and r e l i g i o u s organization i n s t r u c t i o n and the l i k e , and back again to "fake" psychology courses, psycho-analytic c l i n i c s and the "uni v e r s i t y " (heaven protect the name) which for eight do l l a r s w i l l supply the walls of your home with a doctor of philosophy diploma.39 Cartwright suggested that one purpose of the Coroporation's project was to discriminate between legitimate and questionable i n s t i t u t i o n s . A s i m i l a r pot-pourri was i d e n t i f i e d by Maclnnes i n his 1925 description of Canadian adult education. He had been p a r t i c u l a r l y interested i n university extension and WEA a c t i v i t i e s and reported considerable a c t i v i t y i n the one a l l over the country and had hopes for the growth of the other. In addition, he made mention of the Chautauqua, service clubs such as the Rotary, Kiwanis, Gyro and Elks, the Y's, adult schools of the Society of Friends, home 40 and school clubs, and Women's I n s t i t u t e s . He noted the "educational work of 37 E. W. Bradwin, "Adult Education for Men on the Frontier," Ontario Library Review 9 (November 1924):28-30. 38 Alfred F i t z p a t r i c k , The University i n Overalls (Toronto: Hunter-Rose Co., 1920). 39 Cartwright, "What i s Adult Education?", p. 743. 40 Maclnnes, pp. 19-20. 42 a more s p e c i a l i s t or propagandist nature" carried on by the United Farmers of 41 Canada and the Labour Party. Maclnnes concluded that the working classes i n Canada remained under-serviced by adult educators and was " s t i l l i n d i r e necessity. Maclnnes's perception of the educational needs of working class adults was d i f f e r e n t from Davis who had believed them to be w e l l met. Whichever perspective was held, i t was evident that the educational needs of a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l group were noted by two early commentators. Indeed, an a t t r i b u t e of the new phenomenon known as adult education was i t s concern with broad s o c i a l issues. Rapid socio-economic change i n the immediate post Great War years required educational innovation and adult education was perceived to be that innovation. Early Goals The e a r l i e s t message i n the adult education l i t e r a t u r e a f ter the war was that changes i n the provision of education were demanded by a changed and changing society i n Canada and the United States. Adult educators declared that society could no longer function w e l l without provision of educational opportunities throughout l i f e for a l l . At the same time, s p e c i a l attention was given to the working classes. Tompkins i d e n t i f i e d s i x influences i n 1921 that created a f e r t i l e 43 f i e l d for a g r i c u l t u r a l and general u n i v e r s i t y extension. F i r s t , there were many returned soldiers "eager for i n s t r u c t i o n " who could not go to college and would not attend schools. Second, the general increase i n wages and shorter work hours gave people time and money for self-improvement "far beyond what they have ever before enjoyed." Third, rather than spending time and money on 41 I b i d . , p. 20. Ibid. 43 Tompkins, pp. 5-6, 43 "various forms of d i s s i p a t i o n , " the enactment of Pr o h i b i t i o n had removed a major source of temptation. Fourth, the farmers' movement and various labour programs "show c l e a r l y that the people as a whole are seeking for better l i v i n g , and a more active and d i g n i f i e d part i n the nation's l i f e . " F i f t h , the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women i n the war e f f o r t and t h e i r achievement of the Franchise made them especially eager for self-improvement. And s i x t h , there remained a large number of people aged sixteen to twenty-five years who required i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a i n i n g they had missed. According to Tompkins then, a large number of adult learners were ready, w i l l i n g , and able for a new educational experience that could be met through a new approach to extension. Alfred F i t z p a t r i c k also was concerned about extending university resources to Canadians who had l i t t l e chance of u t i l i z i n g those resources on campus. He had founded Frontier College i n 1900 as a'vehicle to extend those resources v i a student-worker volunteers who spent the lengthy summer break from u n i v e r s i t i e s and colleges working with and-instructing new Canadians at t h e i r work-place i n the wilderness. F i t z p a t r i c k described the unique work of the College i n 1920 and declared that "most people w i l l now admit the general p r i n c i p l e that education i s for a l l men, and not for any one 44 p r i v i l e g e d c l a s s . " S i m i l a r l y to Tompkins's observations, F i t z p a t r i c k pointed to universal suffrage and economic changes as the stimulants for a new approach to educating adults. He wrote that: "A new i n d u s t r i a l system c a l l s for new educational development, and p a r t i c u l a r l y for the re-adaptation of the „45 unxversxties. Morse Cartwright, while r e f l e c t i n g on the rapid establishment of adult education as an i n t e g r a l part of the education l i f e of the United States, 44 F i t z p a t r i c k , p. 46. 4 5 I b i d . , p. 107 44 recalled that: Perhaps the chief reason for this auspicious beginning may be discovered i n an examination of the dilemma i n which American general education found i t s e l f i n the years following the close of war. The machinery of school, college and university had commenced to creak under the str a i n of enormous enrolments. Over-emphasis on vocational training had placed an all-too-serious brake on cultural advancement. Over-specialization i n the professions, an overloaded credit system, and an entanglement of education objectives and material prosperity had confronted American education with a possible breakdown. The ultimate aim of any education may be said to l i e i n the enrichment of the li v e s of the individuals who undertake i t . The complexities of our c i v i l i z a t i o n had di r e l y threatened this objective. An educational change was impending, and a tremendous expansion of the period of learning seemed the way out. 4^ Cartwright viewed the adult education movement as the innovation needed to up-grade an educational system that had f a l l e n behind changes i n other areas of society. He joined Fitzpatrick and Tompkins i n perceiving the immediate post-war years as demanding changes to make education l i f e l o n g and available to a l l . In addition to considering the general goal of universal l i f e l o n g education, early commentators gave special attention to the working classes. In part, that attention was due to the emphasis on the working classes i n the 1919 Report and to the a c t i v i t i e s of the WEA that were cited as guides i n 47 Canada and the United States. Furthermore, labour unrest i n the two countries in 1919 focused attention on to working class demands and conditions. There had been massive suppression of strikes ignited by fears i n the Canadian and American governments that labour was dominated by foreigners and Bolsheviks. 4 8 "'"Morse A. Cartwright, "National Report," i n World Conference on Adult Education, Cambridge, 1929, .ed. WAAE (London: WAAE, 1930), pp. 90-1. 4^Above, pp. 29-33. 48 For an analysis of the "red scare" i n western Canada culminating i n the crushing of the Winnipeg General Strike i n 1919 see A. Ross McCormack, Reformers, Rebels, and Revolutionaries: The Western Canadian Radical Movement, 1899-1919 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977), pp. 135-71. Fear of Bolshevism i n the United States culminated i n the "unlawful imprisonment of hundreds of aliens suspected of revolutionary sentiment" late i n 1919: see David Burner, "1919: Prelude to Normalcy," i n Change and Continuity i n Twentieth-Century America: The 1920's, eds. John Braeman, Robert H. Bremner, and David Brody (Columbus: Ohio University Press, 1968), pp. 3-19. Adult educators responded to the labour unrest by suggesting that the extension of educational opportunities to the working classes would f o r e s t a l l the spread of revolutionary ideas while preparing workers to better themselves individually. Maclnnes suggested that the education of working class adults, especially the foreign born, would prevent outbursts such as occurred i n the Winnipeg General Strike i n 1919, and he looked to the WEA to take the lead. 4^ The Workers' Educational Bureau was established i n the United States i n 1921 to co-ordinate the rapidly growing movement for working class education.^ u The new interest i n educational opportunities for the working classes was exemplified i n the establishment of the Bryn Mawr Summer School for Women Workers i n Industry i n 1921."'"'' Davis indicated the extent of the interest i n the working classes during the early twenties when she wrote: The 1924 de f i n i t i o n of "Adult Education" seems to be "Working-Class Education." As interpreted by workers i n the f i e l d of education, the movement i s d e f i n i t e l y connected with, almost limited to, the labor group.52 She believed that adult education had to be directed to a l l sectors of society 53 and not just to one group. In her view, adult education was "too broad a term to be thus limited."-' 4 Moreover, Davis detected a danger i n over-emphasizing the needs of one so c i a l group and cautioned that: "Too much emphasis on working-class education w i l l defeat the ends of education i t s e l f and cannot f a i l to develop class consciousness, i n this case labor class consciousness."^ In her opinion apparently, class consciousness was Maclnnes, p. 8. ^Trade unionism i n the United States reached a high point i n terms of membership i n 1920: see Mark Perlman, "Labor i n Eclipse," i n Braeman, Bremner, and Brody, p. 105. •^Hilda W. Smith, Women Workers at the Bryn Mawr Summer School (New York: A f f i l i a t e d Summer Schools for Women Workers i n Industry and AAAE, 1929). 5 2Davis, p. 1072. 5 3Above, p. 37. 5 4Davis, p. 1072. 5 5 I b i d . undesirable and i n this she reflected the climate of opinion i n Canada and the United States i n the early twenties, opinion that reacted negatively to any suggestion that so c i a l classes existed or should exist. Another reason for down-playing working class education may have been the fact that a strong 56 anti-union sentiment developed i n the two countries i n the early twenties. Canadians and Americans, after being stimulated by events i n B r i t a i n i n 1919, discovered adult education i n many places i n North America once they knew what to look for. Once the search for adult education began, i t was clear that l o c a l conditions called for indigenous approaches. Early emphasis on working class education i n part stimulated by the B r i t i s h example and i n part by domestic conditions had faded by mid-decade. The aim of the adult education movement was perceived to be provision of education throughout l i f e for a l l adults rather than for any one section of society. F i r s t Fruits (1926) The year 1926 stood out for two reasons. F i r s t , several books were published that provided descriptions of various adult education i n s t i t u t i o n s and a c t i v i t i e s plus philosophical observations about the adult education movement. Second, a national organization was formed i n the United States that gave adult educators a vehicle to co-ordinate inquiry and a symbol of the unity:of"their broad interests. The Carnegie Corporation's interest i n and willingness to fund that inquiry was the common thread throughout these events. Literature Eight books were published i n 1926, five of which were the direct result of the Carnegie Corporation's sponsorship of research into adult 56 Perlman, P. 114. Membership i n trade unions i n the United States had f a l l e n dramatically by 1924 ( i b i d . , p. 106). A similar decline took place i n Canada: Edgar Mclnnis, Canada: A P o l i t i c a l and Social History (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1960), p. 454. education that commenced i n 1924; two were written by individual members of the Corporation's advisory committee selected the same year, and one was a collection of essays written by the president of the Corporation. These books contained detailed descriptions of how and where adult education functioned, and why i t was important. The sudden appearance of adult education as a topical subject i n print was not without i t s dangers however, and several commentators warned that adult education might simply be a passing fashion. Five books under the heading "Studies i n Adult Education" were published i n 1926, four under the direct auspices of the Carnegie Corporation and one by a commission of the ALA sponsored by the Corporation. Owen D. Evans described vocational education i n the United States and concentrated on co-operative classes, apprentice training, public evening schools, continuation schools, and guidance a g e n c i e s . H a l l - Q u e s t sketched various aspects of 58 university extension i n the United States. John S. Noffsinger outlined past and present developments i n correspondence schools, lyceums, and 59 chautauquas. Peffer described various in s t i t u t i o n s and their adult education 60 offerings of a cultu r a l nature. He included forums, i n s t i t u t e s , individual schools, national associations, corporation education programs, museums, and workers education. The ALA compiled the most impressive study i n the series. In addition to i t s comprehensive data from across the United States, the 62 study included a chapter that sketched adult education a c t i v i t i e s i n Canada "^ Owen D. Evans, Opportunities for Young Workers (New York: Macmillan Co., 1926). 58 Hall-Quest. 59 John S. Noff singer, Correspondence Schools,^ Lyceums, Chautauquas (New York: Macmillan Co., 1926). ^ P e f f e r , New Schools. ^Above, pp. 35-6. ^^W. 0. Carson, "Canadian Considerations," i n Libraries and Adult Education, ed. American Library Association (New York: Macmillan Co., 1926), pp. 93-102. 48 and an extensive bibliography of American, Canadian, and B r i t i s h materials related to adult education. A l l fi v e books underlined the importance of l i f e -long education to the socio-economic and p o l i t i c a l well being of a l l citizens. The other three books published i n 1926 were less descriptive and more philosophical than the Studies i n Adult Education series. Everett Martin, a member of the advisory committee, described at length his meaning of l i b e r a l education that he defined as "the kind of education which sets the mind free 63 from the servitude of the crowd and from vulgar s e l f - i n t e r e s t s . " He looked to adult education, which he observed was "now becoming an important interest i n American l i f e , " to provide new methods and aims to transform the educational system.^ 4 Keppel's observations were similar to Martin's i n that he suggested that the impetus and f a c i l i t i e s to encourage people to study the arts and sciences continually throughout l i f e for the sheer pleasure of learning was 65 lacking i n the United States. He also noted the newness of adult education and regretted that he could "not quote from any representative American document i n th i s matter, because we have not as yet nationally recognized the , 66 importance of education for adults. In the absence of such a document he found direction i n the 1919 Report. Eduard Lindeman, also a member of the advisory committee, wrote with conviction about the prospects for adult education. He declared that: A fresh hope i s a s t i r . From many quarters comes the c a l l to a new kind of education with i t s i n i t i a l assumption affirming that education i s l i f e — n o t a mere preparation for an unknown kind of future l i v i n g . Consequently a l l s t a t i c concepts of education which relegate the learning process to the period of youth are abandoned. The whole of l i f e i s • learning, therefore education can have no endings. This new venture i s called adult education.67 63 Everett D. Martin, The Meaning of a Liberal Education (New York: Garden City Publishing Co., 1926), p. v i i i . 6 4 T L - J r 65 66 Ibid., p. 5. Keppel, p. 22. Ibid., p. 21. 67 Eduard C. Lindeman, The Meaning of Adult Education (New York: New Republic, 1926), p. 6. L i n d e m a n , K e p p e l , a n d M a r t i n s t r e s s e d t h e n e w n e s s o f a d u l t e d u c a t i o n a n d t h e h o p e t h a t i t w o u l d u s h e r i n a new e r a f o r e d u c a t i o n t h a t e m p h a s i z e d t h e v a l u e o f l i f e l o n g e d u c a t i o n f o r a l l . T h e e i g h t b o o k s w e n t a l o n g w a y t o a l l a y t h e c o n c e r n e x p r e s s e d b y K e p p e l t h a t t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s l a c k e d a d u l t e d u c a t i o n d o c u m e n t s . T h e a u t h o r s c l a i m e d a v a s t d o m a i n f o r a d u l t e d u c a t i o n , p r o v i d e d f a c t s a n d f i g u r e s a b o u t v a r i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s a n d a c t i v i t i e s , a n d w e r e e n t h u s i a s t i c a b o u t p r o s p e c t s f o r t h e f u t u r e . A d u l t e d u c a t o r s p e r c e i v e d two d a n g e r s i n t h e b u r g e o n i n g i n t e r e s t i n t h e i r m o v e m e n t . F i r s t , w a s a f e a r t h a t a d u l t e d u c a t i o n w o u l d b e u s u r p e d b y p a r t i s a n f o r c e s . M a r t i n e x p r e s s e d t h a t f e a r w h e n h e o b s e r v e d t h a t : "We d o n o t k n o w a t p r e s e n t w h e t h e r t h e a l l e g e d g e n e r a l i n t e r e s t i n a d u l t e d u c a t i o n i s e v i d e n c e o f a s p o n t a n e o u s a n d g r o w i n g d e s i r e f o r k n o w l e d g e , o r i s s o m e t h i n g p r o m o t e d , w o r k e d up b y i n t e r e s t s w h i c h w o u l d ' e d u c a t e t h e m a s s e s ' i n o r d e r t o fit? a t t a i n c e r t a i n e c o n o m i c e n d s , i n d i v i d u a l o r s o c i a l . " K e p p e l h a d a s i m i l a r r e s e r v a t i o n . He b e l i e v e d t h a t many p r o j e c t s , w h i c h h e t e r m e d " p o i n t e d e d u c a t i o n , " w e r e r e a l l y m i s s i o n a r y r a t h e r t h a n e d u c a t i o n a l a n d h e c i t e d a s 69 e x a m p l e s A m e r i c a n i z a t i o n , c i t i z e n s h i p , a n d w o r k e r s ' e d u c a t i o n . He w a s c a u t i o u s o f a n y f o r m o f a d u l t e d u c a t i o n t h a t a p p e a r e d t o c o n t a i n a n y h i n t o f p r o p a g a n d a , h o w e v e r w e l l m e a n i n g . A f t e r a l l h e w a r n e d : " I f p o i n t e d e d u c a t i o n w e r e r e a l e d u c a t i o n , we c o u l d l e a r n m o r e f r o m S o v i e t R u s s i a j u s t now t h a n f r o m a n y o t h e r c o u n t r y , f o r M o s c o w i s c o n d u c t i n g a n a t i o n - w i d e c a m p a i g n i n t h e t e a c h i n g o f a d u l t s . " ^ T h e A L A a r t i c u l a t e d t h e p o s i t i o n a d v a n c e d b y K e p p e l a n d M a r t i n . T h e y s u g g e s t e d t h a t t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t f e a t u r e o f a d u l t e d u c a t i o n w o r k w a s : " A f u l l a l l o w a n c e f o r i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s , a l i k e i n ^ ^ M a r t i n , L i b e r a l E d u c a t i o n , p p . 3 1 1 - 2 . 6 9 K e p p e l , p p . 2 0 - 1 . 7 ° I b i d . , p . 2 1 . 50 temperament, outlook and knowledge; the avoidance of any tendency to bring about a conformity to type; the safeguarding against anything savoring of standardization or institutionalism; and the preservation of the voluntary • .„ „71 s p i r i t . The second danger was that adult education would simply be regarded as a fad i n an era when fashionable phenomena were p l e n t i f u l . Lindeman observed that adult educators were developing programs, organizations, and in s t i t u t i o n s without s u f f i c i e n t knowledge and i n the absence of resources and influence to bring their plans to f r u i t i o n . In his words: We have become habituated to a method of achievement which i s i n essence a n t i t h e t i c a l to intelligence. We measure results quantitatively. We could have an adult education movement i n America almost overnight; advertising psychologists and super-salesmen could "put i t over" for us for a cash consideration. But, what gets "put over" never stays "put." The chief danger which confronts adult education l i e s i n the p o s s i b i l i t y that we may "Americanize" i t before we understand i t s meaning.72 Peffer had similar concerns i n the United States of 1926. He wrote that: A l l the i n t e l l e c t u a l l y restless, uprooted, unadjusted and over-energetic who give motion and momentum to our fads or make fads of ideas seriously conceived and modestly broached—psycho-analysis, Americanism, Nordicism, reformism or c a l o r i e s — a l l such have taken notice of adult education....Like any other idea, adult education i s i n as great danger from over-enthusiasm as from apathy. It w i l l grow fast enough; what i s to be feared i s that i t w i l l grow too fast.73 Peffer and Lindeman thought that time, experiment, and much re f l e c t i o n was required to prevent adult education from going the way of a l l fashions. Thus adult educators i n the year 1926 had cause for concern as well as reason for enthusiasm about the dimensions of and poten t i a l i t y for the i r newly discovered movement. What seemed to be missing was a means to direct the enthusiasm and to co-ordinate the a c t i v i t i e s that had been i d e n t i f i e d throughout Canada and the United States. The formation of the AAAE i n the American Library Association, p. 21. Lindeman, Meaning, pp. x v i i i - x i x . Peffer, New Schools, pp. 249-50. same year seemed to supply the missing element. Organization The WAAE was the f i r s t adult education association to provide a forum for the various i n s t i t u t i o n s and a c t i v i t i e s engaged i n the education of adults i n Canada and the United States. Perhaps inspired by the World Association, and clearly inspired by the development of schools for adult workers i n Europe, the Workers' Education Bureau was established i n 1921 as "a coordinating agency for the whole movement" for the education of i n d u s t r i a l workers. 7 4 Davis noted that: "Nothing approximating a national organization for adult education" had existed prior to the formation of the Bureau.7"* Again perhaps inspired by European events, and Keppel acknowledged the influence of those events, the Carnegie Corporation sponsored the formation of a national association for adult education i n the United States i n 1926. The establishment of the AAAE, i t s purposes, goals, p o l i c i e s , membership, organizational structure, program, and finance have been outlined elsewhere. 7^ Three points stood out. F i r s t , the influence of the Carnegie Corporation was pervasive during the events leading up to and i n the actual design of the AAAE.77 Second, the individuals who moulded the Association were selected by the Corporation and represented an i n t e l l e c t u a l e l i t e rather than the average adult education practitioner. Third, the Association pledged to represent a l l types of adult education while remaining non-partisan, 78 although excluding "adult education for p r o f i t . " The Carnegie Corporation's efforts on behalf of the newly discovered adult education movement were rewarded i n 1926 with the publication of 7 4Smith, p. 246. 7 5Davis, p. 1073. 7 6Knowles, Movement, pp. 190-210. 7 7 I b i d . , pp. 192-3. 7 8 I b i d . , p. 195. several books and the formation of a national association i n the United States. Within a year, i n effect, adult education had been brought to the attention of people across Canada and the United States through the medium of the printed word. Expanding Horizons (1926-9) Adult educators claimed a hotchpotch of subjects, techniques, organizations, and i n s t i t u t i o n s . Subject areas ranged widely—parental education, alumnae education, workers' education, leisure education, and the more t r a d i t i o n a l l i t e r a c y education and vocational education. New techniques such as group discussion were introduced, while new devices such as f i l m and radio were believed to hold great potential. Adult education organizations grew rapidly i n the United States and several states established state-wide associations following the lead of the AAAE. Cartwright reported the Association " i n active contact on adult education matters with about 400 79 organizations, each of more than l o c a l scope" i n 1928. Institutions grew and established i n s t i t u t i o n s were interpreted as adult education agencies— co-operative extension, university extension, voluntary associations, l i b r a r i e s , museums, and trade unions; plus spe c i f i c i n s t i t u t i o n s l i k e Frontier College, Women's Institutes, Chautauqua, and the Y's. Adult educators also began to write about the goals of their movement. I n i t i a l emphasis was placed on individual self-actualization although older notions of crass individualism were outmoded. More and more attention was directed to co l l e c t i v e improvement i n so far as so c i a l units were seen to be capable of improvement through adult education. By 1929, most: adult educators perceived their goals to be both individual and so c i a l improvement, although some stressed one over the other. 70 Morse A. Cartwright, "Annual Report of the Director for 1927-8," i n Digest of the Proceedings of the Third Annual Meeting of the AAAE (New York: AAAE, 1928), p. 142. Dual Goals The general aim of the adult education movement was the provision of educational opportunities for a l l adults throughout l i f e . The primacy of the individual pervaded that aim although the old Social Darwinian notion of individualism had a l l but disappeared. Keppel emphasized the primacy of the individual when he defined adult education as "the process of learning, on the i n i t i a t i v e of the indi v i d u a l , seriously and consecutively undertaken 80 as a supplement to some primary occupation." The idea of individuals as ends i n themselves was the consensus at the annual conference of the AAAE held at Swathmore College, Pennsylvania i n 1928. Robert J. Leonard, of Columbia University Teachers College,. suggested that the; major area of needed research pertained to the individual and Charles R. Mann, director of the American Council of Education, emphasized the "special personal s k i l l of 81 individual students" as the main concern for adult education. According to George W. Coleman, president of the Open Forum National Council and director of Ford H a l l Forum i n Boston, "the aim of adult education i s the continuing development of the individual and his satisfactory adjustment to the l i f e 82 of his time and place." At the same time, other adult educators warned against over-emphasizing the individual. Lindeman observed i n 1926 that: "From many sources of so c i a l theory and so c i a l practice comes the insistent appeal to bring people together, 83 to overcome individualism." He saw a challenging opportunity to improve 8 QKeppel, p. 11. "^*"Robert J. Leonard i n Digest of the Proceedings, p. 11. Charles R-. Mann i n Digest of the Proceedings, p. 33. 82 George W. Coleman i n Digest of the Proceedings, p. 84. ^Lindeman, Meaning, p. 94. American i n t e l l e c t u a l s moved away from the nineteenth century emphasis on individualism during the early years of the twentieth, emphasizing the notion of soci a l responsibility. According to Henry Steele Commager: It i s s u f f i c i e n t to note that the phenomenon of so c i a l i z a t i o n was a 54 collective as well as individual enterprises since, he argued, intelligence was a duality of the individual and the s o c i a l . He explained that: Adults who go forth on the long road which leads to intelligence w i l l discover before they have traveled far that mere self-improvement i s a delusion....Functional intelligence i s social i n i t s origins, i n • i t s materials and i n i t s uses. Consequently, we do not pursue the path of learning solely for the purpose of putting more knowledge into our own behavior. Knowing-behavior, which i s intelligence, i s soci a l i n two directions: i t takes others into account and i t c a l l s forth more i n t e l l i g e n t responses from others. If then learning adults wish to l i v e i n a s o c i a l environment i n which their i n t e l l e c t u a l alertness w i l l count for something they w i l l be as eager to improve their c o l l e c t i v e enterprises, their groups, as they are to improve themselves. 8 4 Joseph Hart joined Lindeman i n viewing the age as too-demanding and complicated to be approached solely by individual e f f o r t s . Hart, professor of education at the University of Wisconsin, wrote i n 1927 that: "We s h a l l need education not merely of the deficient individual alone, but of the deficient community 85 and of the deficient s o c i a l order." Neither Hart nor Lindeman suggested that emphasis on the collective should replace emphasis on the individual; rather, they believed that adult educators should serve both the co l l e c t i v e and the individual. Lindeman valued the i n d i v i d u a l i t y , uniqueness, and difference of i n t e l l i g e n t personalities, and believed they could develop best when participating i n a l o g i c a l expression of the American temperament i n the new century. It reflected that decline of the importance of individualism and that growing awareness of so c i a l responsibility that could be noted, s i m i l a r l y , i n law, education, business, and l e g i s l a t i o n , and i t paralleled a similar s h i f t i n philosophy from Spencer and Sumner to Ward and Dewey. Henry S. Commager, The American Mind (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1950; Yale Paperbound, 1965), pp. 176-77. However, there were few indications that the i n t e l l e c t u a l s h i f t suggested by Commager had made any impact on the socio-economic and p o l i t i c a l systems during the presidencies of Calvin Coolidge and Herbert Hoover i n the mid and late twenties. One consequence of the f a i l u r e of the i n t e l l e c t u a l s to influence those systems was an alienation from democracy that Arther M. Schlesinger called "The Revolt of the In t e l l e c t u a l s . " Arthur M. Schlesinger, J r . , The C r i s i s of the Old Order: 1919-33 (Cambridge, Mass.: Riverside Press, 1957), pp. 145-52. Lindeman, Meaning, pp. 164-5. Hart, p. 25. 86 so c i a l environment. He had reservations about emphasizing the collective at the expense of the individual and insisted on a balance between individual and c o l l e c t i v e . He declared that: "Changing individuals i n continuous adjustment to changing s o c i a l f u n c t i o n s — t h i s i s the b i l a t e r a l though unified 87 purpose of adult learning." The individual and socia l dimensions i n the adult education movement were i d e n t i f i e d by others as well. Hall-Quest suggested that university 88 extension must prepare people for s o c i a l and individual r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . Peffer saw a similar purpose i n workers' education. He reported that i n addition to self-improvement, "workers' education i s adult education 89 arising out of a so c i a l impulse and having a so c i a l purpose." Also commenting on workers' education, Hilda W. Smith, f i r s t director of the Bryn Mawr Summer School for Women Workers i n Industry from i t s inception i n 1921 to 1926 when she became the director of the Summer Schools for Women Workers in Industry based i n New York, noted i n 1929 that the aim of the Schools was to make workers more responsible "for the solution of their problems through individual and group a c t i o n . " ^ American contributors to international events i n 1929 acknowledged the dual goals of the movement. A major topic of discussion at the World Conference on Adult Education held at Cambridge, England was whether adult education should stress the improvement of the individual or society. William H. K i l p a t r i c k , professor of education at Columbia University Teachers College, i n a paper read at the opening session of the conference, argued that individual and so c i a l factors were both important i n adult education. He said that: "There i s to be admitted no essential or theoretical opposition ^Lindeman, Meaning, pp. 56-7. 8 7 I b i d . , p. 166.3 8Hall-Quest, p. 29. 8 9 P e f f e r , New Schools, p. 203. 9 0Smith, p. 247. between present and individual r i c h l i v i n g , on the one hand, and the best preparation for future and group r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and relationships on the 91 other." John A. Lapp, professor of sociology at Marquette University, during a discussion on settlements and educational work, suggested that the role of s o c i a l service agencies i n adult education was to "provide access to the knowledge upon which s o c i a l reforms are based" and to "give a chance for 92 the development of personality." Elsewhere, Cartwright wrote i n the International Handbook of Adult Education that adult education i n the United States sought "to impress upon public consciousness the basic idea of continuous mind expansion and adjustment as necessary for personal growth and 93 • so c i a l progress." The notions of personal growth, development of personality, individual r i c h l i v i n g , and self-improvement were descriptors of the self-actualization goal of the movement. The s o c i a l improvement goal was more ambiguous. It was unclear i f adult educators meant the same thing by s o c i a l progress, soc i a l reform, group re s p o n s i b i l i t y , and group action. One point of agreement seemed to be that adult education could not and should not aim to develop class consciousness i n Canadian and American adults. Rather, adult educators alluded to the development of group and community consciousness as a way to help to improve society. Lindeman stressed the necessity for adult education to f a c i l i t a t e learners' participation i n their communities. He had a profound interest i n the community as the most important unit of human association. He wrote i n hopeful anticipation of the a r r i v a l of the "community movement" that he viewed i n 1921 as "an attempt on the part of the people who l i v e i n a small 9 1 W i l l i am H. K i l p a t r i c k i n World Conference, p. 67. 92 John A. Lapp i n World Conference, p. 234. 9 3Morse A. Cartwright, "United States of America," p. 436. compact group to assume their own re s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and to guide their own 94 destinies." He was joined i n that hope, as i n other areas of inquiry, by Hart who wrote i n 1927 that "the basis of education i s community 95 experience." One form of such experience was the process of organizing adult education agencies for co l l e c t i v e co-operative action. Cartwright reported i n 1928 that the "development of the f i e l d of community organization for adult education has taken place with satisfying rapidity during the year 96 just closed." Community organizations referred to the link i n g of agencies interested i n adult education to form councils or associations on a c i t y or state-wide basis to co-ordinate a c t i v i t i e s . Cartwright noted such a c t i v i t y i n Cleveland, Buffalo, Chicago, St. Louis, Brooklyn, Pittsburgh, Washington, 97 Portland, Dallas, and state-wide p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Michigan and Cal i f o r n i a . Yet despite the consensus that adult education aimed to enhance individual self-actualization and s o c i a l improvement, and the growing interest i n the community as the best location for the implementation of the goals, there were signs of disagreement. Some adult educators feared that radical s o c i a l change might be attempted under the guise of s o c i a l improvement. Davis, 98 Martin, and Keppel had expressed that fear. Hart believed that such fears had already produced a wave of intolerance i n the United States. He reported that the search for the ultimate aim of adult education had led to a "region 99 of controversy." He observed that: Some of us have become afraid that our millions are going to be captured by "bolshevism" and we want to start campaigns to make sure that no one s h a l l be caught i n that f a l l a c y . (At any rate we are going to make sure 94 Eduard C. Lindeman, The Community (New York: Association Press, 1921), p. 58. 9 5 Hart, p. 205. 96 97 Cartwright, "Annual Report 1927-8," p. 149. Ibid. 98 99 Above, pp. 42, 45-6. Hart, p. 256. 58 that our i l l i t e r a t e s can read—safe books.) Some even hold that adult education i s to be nothing more than teaching people to read good books, to vote on a l l occasions, to take some interest i n public a f f a i r s (but not too much) and to express themselves on matters of l o c a l and general p o l i c y . 1 0 0 He cited fundamentalism i n r e l i g i o n and chauvinistic organizations l i k e the Ku Klux Klan as examples of intolerance within adult education agencies. Hart suggested that: " I t i s so much easier to teach people to be pr o v i n c i a l , afraid, and p r e j u d i c i a l than to be cosmopolitan, courageous, and humane, that i t seems an enormous task now to try to educate the adult generation to a world-mind. "-'-01 Lindeman took up the theme of a world-mind at the World Conference i n Cambridge. "How can we substitute for the worn-out methods of force the new methods of tolerance?" he asked during a speech in which he analysed the 102 problems of world co-operation. His answer was that humankind's natural communal ins t i n c t s had to be encouraged i n order to safeguard groups and communities. Therefore, he concluded, "one of the functions of an education movement for adults would be to teach us how to make this c o l l e c t i v e 103 machinery operate without the use of force and coercion." Lindeman made his appeal for co-operation after summarizing the functions of the WAAE and re f l e c t i n g on i t s future. Dualistic Positions Lindeman detected a number of inconsistencies during the conference that he feared were potential sources of c o n f l i c t i n the adult education movement. He said that: We have had the habit i n this Conference of speaking as though extensive and intensive education were i n opposition. We have spoken at times as though the functional point of view as d i s t i n c t from the i n t e l l e c t u a l was exclusive, or that the one excluded 100_. ., 101_,., Ibid. Ibid. 102 Eduard C. Lindeman i n World Conference, p. 510 103 Ibid. 59 the other. We have talked at times as though adult education, unlike any other form of learning, was to be somehow purer and unpractical, unrelated to immediate need. At other times we have talked of i t as though i t were the means and the medium for creating other ends. We have talked at times as though you could have order without freedom, or freedom without order, as though to some people the value of orderliness was more important than that of freedom. We have also spoken about adult education as being the means of personality development, and i n the next breath about i t s use i n s o c i a l adjustment. We have made dual statements of our purposes and re-statements which, i t seems to me, need to be cleared up before we go much further. I do not believe the ecl e c t i c point of view i s adequate. There i s , of course, truth i n a l l these d u a l i s t i c positions, but a movement, i f i t i s really to move, must follow some sort of gradient; i t must be made up of principles which have something i n common, which are inter-related, which, do not deny each other or cancel each other o u t . l ^ He concluded that adult educators had to search for basic unity of purpose within a variety of methods and goals, "but somehow a basic unity, not . e .,105 uniformity. Lindeman's perception of d u a l i s t i c positions at the conference was shared by E r i c J. Patterson, head of the department of extra-mural studies at University College Exeter, and John W. Herring, f i e l d representative of the AAAE. They observed differences i n ways of thinking about adult education among the four hundred people i n attendance. One difference was i n the r e l a t i v e emphasis on individual and society. They wrote that: Groups of Scandinavians, Germans, and others expressed themselves as committed to the theory of adult education as a training for citizenship....While these countries can not f a i r l y be said to hold that the individual exists for the state, nevertheless the growth of adult education has been stimulated primarily by an appreciation of the importance of the individual as a functioning unit of a p o l i t i c a l society. Such an attitude contrasts sharply with that of other groups who see education as a good i n i t s e l f and regard the educated individual as an end i n himself worthy of every e f f o r t . ^° 10 4T, ., 10 5T, ., Ibid. p. 509. Ibid. 10 6 Eric J. Patterson and John W. Herring, "Adult Education Abroad," JAE 1 (October 1929):401. Herring also was executive secretary of the West Chester Health and Welfare Council i n Pennsylvania. 60 Another difference, according to the Anglo-American observers, was a dis t i n c t i o n between the individual as an individual and the individual i n a so c i a l role. They reported that: A s l i g h t l y different, although related, contrast may be drawn between those who see adult education as preeminently desirable for the in d u s t r i a l worker and those who view the educative process as something to be desired for the enrichment of a l l members of society. The object of the adult education movement may be i n the c i t i z e n or the individual , i n the worker or i n the individual. Again, these 400 educationists s p l i t between two groups, one seeing adult education as the instrument for the propagandist, the s o c i a l reformer, the builder of states, and the other viewing adult education simply as the means to richer l i v i n g . 1 0 7 Patterson and Herring grouped Americans with those primarily concerned with the individual and with the view of adult education as a means to richer l i v i n g . "American adult education i s grinding fewer and fewer partisan axes and becoming more concerned with the various p o s s i b i l i t i e s of leading the 108 Platonic 'good l i f e , ' " they suggested. The dual goals of the adult education movement were clear at the World Conference and i n the view of American commentators about adult education i n the United States. However, while the goals were seen to be dichotomous and incompatible abroad, they were not perceived the same way at home. The p o l i t i c a l climate i n Europe i n 1929 was alive with c o n f l i c t i n g philosophies and growing hatreds. The climate of opinion i n the United States was i n the twilight of the prosperous, individually oriented free-enterprise business dominated s o c i a l milieu of the twenties. The soci a l improvement goal was acknowledged but not emphasized i n that milieu. Then came the crash of 1929. Summary In a sense, the formative years of the adult education movement i n Canada and the United States ended where they began—in an international conference i n B r i t a i n . The main issues during those years seemed to be 10 7T,., 108T, Ibid. Ibid., p. 402. largely European—social reconstruction after the Great War and d u a l i s t i c positions about the aims of the movement. Canadians and Americans discovered a wealth of adult education in s t i t u t i o n s and a c t i v i t i e s once stimulated to do so. That discovery had been made possible by Carnegie Corporation direction and financing, and had si g n i f i c a n t results i n the formulation of a d i s t i n c t i v e l i t e r a t u r e and a national adult education organization i n the United States. Adult education was regarded as a new phenomenon by a l l commentators and a good deal of energy was devoted to determining the goals of the movement. Those goals were id e n t i f i e d as the enhancement of individual self-actualization and a better so c i a l order. 62 CHAPTER I I I EMPHASIS ON SOCIAL IMPROVEMENT (1929-41) Introduction The second decade of the adult education movement was characterized by adult educators' efforts to help to overcome the socio-economic depression that overwhelmed Canada and the United States. This period was dominated by the Depression. M i l l i o n s of Canadians and Americans were rendered unemployed and, on parts of the prairies i n Canada and the United States, a period of drought destroyed farms and farm income. Local governments struggled to implement and keep up r e l i e f supplies to long lines of destitute people. The federal governments i n both countries were obliged to spend more and more on r e l i e f , and became involved as never before i n planning and directing make-work projects to keep people occupied. Nevertheless, the Depression lingered through the t h i r t i e s and the economies of Canada and the United States remained weak u n t i l stimulated by the demands of World War I I . The p r i o r i t i e s i n the adult education l i t e r a t u r e shifted during the t h i r t i e s from an emphasis on individual improvement to an emphasis on individual and s o c i a l improvement. That s h i f t was the result of a growing socia l consciousness i n many adult educators that they had a responsibility to prepare learners to take over the management of their own environment and to overcome the Depression themselves. The s h i f t i n adult education's p r i o r i t i e s was accomplished only after lengthy and sometimes heated debate. The two main topics of debate were: the relat i v e importance of individual and society, with growing numbers of adult educators suggesting that both individual and society could be improved through co-operative a c t i v i t i e s i n communities; and, the relationship between education and so c i a l action i n the face of increasing pressures to t i e adult education d i r e c t l y to s o c i a l planning and change. Adult educators emphasized so c i a l improvement during the late t h i r t i e s when socio-economic problems continued and as the threat of war grew. The need to co-operate during depression and war kept the debates i n check although fundamental differences of opinion were always near the surface of discussion. The community development concept was i m p l i c i t i n the notion of education and s o c i a l action combining to direct s o c i a l improvement through co-operative a c t i v i t i e s i n communities. The concept reflected the aspirations of adult educators who sought a strategy to guide and a method to implement the s o c i a l improvement goal of the movement. The concept was not incapsulated i n a particular term or phrase during these years. The term community development seldom appeared i n the adult education l i t e r a t u r e and was not used to describe a general program or idea. Adult education i n Canada and the United States was remarkably well off when the Crash occurred and throughout the t h i r t i e s i n the sense that the Carnegie Corporation continued i t s generous support of organizations, a c t i v i t i e s , and publications. Information about adult education had been fragmentary during the f i r s t decade of the movement despite the many publications and the emergence of a d i s t i n c t adult education l i t e r a t u r e . With the creation of the Journal of Adult Education by the AAAE i n .1929, information became available on a regular basis i n a publication that averaged 500 pages per volume. Canadian contributions also were regularly recorded commencing i n 1936 with the establishment of the journal Adult Learning by the CAAE. Both associations r e l i e d on Carnegie funding for their operations. Corporation support had been a connecting thread during the twenties and became the l i f e - l i n e during the t h i r t i e s when funds were scarce enough for a l l educational endeavours. A major r e s u l t of that support was the publication of a twenty-seven volume s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e series by the AAAE from 1937 to 1941. Impact of Depression (1929-32) Adult educators faced an immense challenge with the outbreak of the Depression and i n the serious s t r a i n on the socio-economic and p o l i t i c a l systems that accompanied i t . They saw an active role for t h e i r emerging movement i n r e l i e v i n g the stress of the times. In p a r t i c u l a r , they looked to the idea of the co-operative society to guide th e i r a c t i v i t i e s . As the Depression s e t t l e d i n , some adult educators commented on the general despair they saw around them but also expressed an optimism about the contribution t h e i r movement could make to r e l i e v e socio-economic d i s t r e s s . Nathaniel Peffer noted the despair i n the United States i n 1930 upon his return from a two year v i s i t to China as a Guggenheim Fellow. He wrote that: A glance at recent American l i t e r a t u r e i s revealing. It i s a l i t e r a t u r e of perplexity....Our t r a d i t i o n a l standards shattered, we grope for new ones, and i n vain. The sanctions of our forefathers are inoperative; the controls which worked without question are either i n e f f e c t i v e or flouted. We move i n chaos, following impulse but deriving no s a t i s f a c t i o n s . Mostly we have l o s t d i r e c t i o n . 1 Morse Cartwright also recorded h i s impressions of the mood of the country. The United States was i n the midst of "a vast, forbidding and p o t e n t i a l l y 2 dangerous economic change," he warned i n 1931. He predicted that " t h i s upheaval undoubtedly w i l l carry i n i t s wake s o c i a l changes of far-reaching 3 portent." At the same time, Cartwright and Peffer thought that adult 1Nathaniel Peffer, "We May Yet Be Saved," JAE 2 (February 1930):28. 2 Morse A. Cartwright, "We Face a New Res p o n s i b i l i t y , " JAE 3 (January 1931):5. 3 I b i d . education was new, innovative, and energetic enough to serve as a guide through the troubled times. Peffer regarded education as an essential ingredient for su r v i v a l , not t r a d i t i o n a l education v i a colleges and u n i v e r s i t i e s , but " i f i only by process of elimination, by informal, unorganized, extra-mural, and 4 uninstitutionalized agencies that we c a l l adult education." Cartwright introduced the encouragement of solutions to the problems inherent i n s o c i a l and economic change as a new policy of the AAAE i n 1931.-Alvin S. Johnson, director of the New School for Social Research i n New York, suggested that changes were necessary before adult education could assume a direct role i n soc i a l improvement. He warned i n 1930 that adult education was not comparable i n importance to primary, secondary, or professional education."' He maintained that adult educators were characterized by a "sense of i n f e r i o r i t y " while feeling themselves i n "a class with the repairman."^ Nevertheless, argued this energetic supporter of the movement, because problems of the time were "vastly more subtle and complex" than an e a r l i e r age that had believed i n a democratic solution of p o l i t i c a l problems through universal elementary education, demands on citizens "transcend the ordinary l i m i t s of the adolescent mind."7 Johnson concluded with the plea that: "Unless we can develop an adequate scheme of adult education we s h a l l be compelled sooner or late r to give up the ideal of democratic control and surrender the direction of our l i v e s to the specially 4 P e f f e r , "Saved," p. 30. "'Alvin S. Johnson, "Repairmen or Artisans? A Statement' of Adult Education Objectives," JAE 2 (June 1930):237. 6 I b i d . 7 I b i d . , p. 239. Johnson was the f i r s t chairman of the e d i t o r i a l board of the JAE. In 1938 he was appointed professor of economics and director of general studies at the Yale Graduate School. .8 trained minority."" Drawbacks i n adult education and recommended changes were outlined i n 1931 by Frank Lorimer, formerly a lecturer i n s o c i a l theory at Wellesley College and research d i r e c t o r of a large scale survey of adult education i n Brooklyn funded by the Carnegie Corporation and undertaken i n 1929-30. "Adult education i n America, at least i n urban d i s t r i c t s , has remained highly i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c i n character, and for the most part narrowly limited i n i t s objectives, 1 1 he concluded a f t e r the survey of adult education needs and 9 resources i n the second largest urban centre i n the United States. He suggested that adult education was neither a s o c i a l movement, as he thought i t to be i n England and Denmark, nor was i t a f a r reaching force i n American communities. "Perhaps i t i s j u s t beginning to become such a force," Lorimer added and, i f so, "the test i s the extent to which educational motives are becoming v i t a l i n community organizations. He recommended the development of four types of i n s t i t u t i o n s for adults ranging from those with i n d i v i d u a l to those with s o c i a l group emphasis. The f i r s t type of i n s t i t u t i o n was the academic and vocational school, "adapted to the needs of individuals who have well defined educational objectives and who w i l l seek out such schools for systematic study usually with a d e f i n i t e view to i n d i v i d u a l advancement."'*"''' That was the most developed part of the f i e l d of adult education according to Lorimer. The second type of i n s t i t u t i o n was comprised of "more or less impersonal instruments of mass culture" such as the 12 media, l i b r a r i e s , and museums. Noting the vast importance of these "agencies" Lorimer suggested that " t h e i r e f f i c i e n c y i s dependent upon more 8 Ibid. Frank Lorimer, The Making of Adult Minds i n a Metropolitan Area (New York: Macmillan Co., 1931), p. 194. 10. Lorimer, p. 194. 11 Ibid p. 219. 12 Ibid., p. 220. intimate types of educational service which w i l l develop the i n t e l l e c t u a l 13 interests and c r i t i c a l judgment of individuals." He labelled the third type "public neighborhood educational centers for adults" that offered learners programs other than those offered by the t r a d i t i o n a l educational i n s t i t u t i o n s . The idea was to devote public funds to such centres, "a f a i r l y r adical 14 innovation i n American adult education policy" Lorimer added. F i n a l l y , he suggested, because "the intimacy of spontaneous group discussion, the s o c i a l advantages of homgeneous groups, and comradeship of individuals knit together by like-mindedness, perhaps i n the face of common opposition, are values that can seldom, i f ever, be developed i n public school programs," the fourth type of i n s t i t u t i o n was essential."^ That type included independent community centres, educational clubs, study groups, church educational programs, and "other informal a c t i v i t i e s . " Lorimer concluded by emphasizing the necessity for the provision of funds to support adult education that aimed at s o c i a l improvement. He reasoned that: In general, people w i l l pay for types of education which lead to quick pecuniary returns or which answer to hobbies or interests that are already well developed. Where the public interest dictates the a d v i s a b i l i t y of education along broader l i n e s , some subsidy, either by the government, by other agencies, or by individuals i s essential. The individual w i l l pay for training which he recognizes to f i t his individual needs. Education for s o c i a l welfare must be subsidized by so c i a l funds.16 Lorimer believed that adult education had to serve the individual and the s o c i a l group, and suggested that new f i n a n c i a l arrangements were needed to accommodate the l a t t e r . No other adult educator had his experience of and data on the i n i t i a l impact of the Depression on a large section of the population. His documentation was timely as were his recommendations for adult education for so c i a l improvement. Other adult educators suggested strategies with which to tackle socio-1 3 I b i d . 1 4 I b i d . 1 5 I b i d . , p. 223. "^Lorimer, p. 225. 68 economic problems. John Herring became convinced of the benefits of combining education and s o c i a l planning after having directed the Chester County Health and Welfare Project i n Pennsylvania, a project that was funded by the Carnegie Corporation under the auspices of the AAAE. The project, which operated from 1929 to 1932, combined county, s o c i a l planning with adult education and i l l u s t r a t e d " i n a nutshell, that planning, the most comprehensive of s o c i a l tasks, should be undertaken with education."'*'7 Herring concluded that: "Educational processes take on a vibrant r e a l i t y , possible i n no other way, through the wedding of planning and education by which the problems of the common l i f e become the students' curriculum and the educational process becomes 18 the hand-maiden of the s o c i a l planner." The notion of a co-operative society as the ideal way to survive the strains of socio-economic depression attracted several adult educators. According to Alvin Johnson i n 1932: It i s d i f f i c u l t to l i v e i n t e l l e c t u a l l y today. The war, and the post-war readjustment, the fever of the boom and the wasting plague of the depression have thrown into confusion the whole cosmos of fundamental values and principles. Many of them are good salvage, but they are taken as such only after a rational examination....Rugged individualism i s s t i l l admirable i n i t s place, but not on the dance floor or i n the cooperative society. 1^ George B. Neumann, professor of sociology at the State Teachers College i n Buffalo, introduced the notion of co-operation as a guide for both goals of the adult education movement during a debate on the relative importance of individual and society at the annual conference of the AAAE i n 1932. He "*"7John W. Herring, Social Planning and Adult Education (New York: Macmillan Co., 1933), p. v i . 1 8 I b i d . , p. 105. 19 Alvin S. Johnson, Deliver Us From Dogma (New York: AAAE, 1934), p. 58. This book i s composed of a number of brief essays o r i g i n a l l y published as forwards i n the weekly bulletins of the New School for Social Research. The essays are dated from 1929 to 1933 and the collection provides a useful preception of the depression years. The words cited above were taken from a forward dated December 1932. stated that: It seems to me there i s a word that has not been used and that i s the word "cooperation." There i s a difference between a team made up of fine individual players and a team made up of players who, i n addition to their own s k i l l , know how to play the game with one another. I think as individuals we can gain a far richer program of l i v i n g i f we learn how to work together. There i s a v i t a l question; namely to what extent does adult education contribute to superior cooperation for the securing of greater values than can be secured by the i n d i v i d u a l ? ^ Neumann and Johnson i d e n t i f i e d a need for and the obstacles before a co-operative society. The concept of co-operation had i t s most p r a c t i c a l implications i n economics, and economic co-operation i t s most publicated success i n the Antigonish Movement. The Antigonish Movement, as the extension program of St. Francis Xavier University was known, was based on projects that linked educational effort with co-operative economic action-, a formula often credited to the inspiration of Jimmy Tompkins and Father Coady. The extension program began organizing study groups among the fishermen, farmers, and miners of eastern Nova Scotia by 1929 for the purpose of teaching the principles of economic co-operative a c t i v i t y to encourage the formation of credit unions and co-operative stores and factories. "Economic cooperation i s the instrument by which the people could have piped down to themselves some of the wealth that flowed so generously i n other directions," Coady suggested i n 21 his 1939 analysis of the Movement. Several years planning by Coady, Tompkins, and their colleagues at St. Francis Xavier to devise a strategy to raise the r u r a l people of Nova Scotia from years of economic depression that had dogged them from the beginning of the century, had resulted i n the 22 establishment of the program i n 1929 prior to the Great Crash. Tompkins's 20 George B. Neumann i n "An Exemplification of the Panel Discussion Technique," JAE 4 (June 1932):247. 21 Coady, Masters, p. 122. 22 Events leading to the establishment of the program are outlined i n i b i d . , p. 8ff. 70 optimism i n 1921 about better conditions for the people of Nova Scotia had 23 proved to be unjustified, especially i n the rural areas of the province. The Antigonish program was well under way when the Depression shattered the Canadian and American economies, and was viewed as a model by adult educators attracted to the concept of economic co-operation. Benson T. 24 Landis, a student of co-operation for many years, v i s i t e d Antigonish to 25 study the program on behalf of the Carnegie Corporation i n 1931. Canadians and Americans hosted Antigonish emissaries or v i s i t e d St. Francis Xavier to view the program f i r s t hand throughout the t h i r t i e s . Interest i n the notion of co-operation was a manifestation of adult educators' general concern with s o c i a l planning and s o c i a l welfare during the early years of the Depression. They were led by socio-economic conditions to direct most of their attention to the s o c i a l improvement goal of their movement. Thus, by 1932, the dual goals of the adult education movement were more of a r e a l i t y than they had been at the end of the twenties when individual self-actualization was the more apparent concern i n Canada and the United States. 23 Above, pp. 39-40. The depressed conditions i n Nova Scotia are sketched in Laidlaw, pp. 60-1. 24 According to C. E. Silcox,. Landis was closely associated with the co-operative movement for many years having seen his f i r s t co-operative i n 1911 i n a purchasing association among Mennonite farmers i n Pennsylvania. After v i s i t i n g Antigonish i n 1931, Landis told Silcox that he had just witnessed the finest piece of co-operative endeavour on the North American continent. C. E. Silcox, Review of A Cooperative Economy: A Study of Democratic Economic Movements, by Benson Y. Landis, FFT 4 (September 1943):18-9. 25 The Corporation had shown an interest i n the Anigonish Movement some years e a r l i e r . Coady noted that i t had invited Tompkins to a conference i n 1924, and that i t had contributed funds to support the extension department "i n a time of great f i n a n c i a l stress." Coady, Masters, p. 9. According to Alexander Laidlaw: Early i n 1932 an important recognition of the work came from outside. The Carnegie Corporation of New York made a grant of $35,000 to the University for the Extension Department, the amount to be distributed i n payments over fiv e years. In the depression years this Issues of Debate (1932-6) Lively debate highlighted the years 1932 to 1936. Adult educators sought answers to two broad questions. F i r s t , should the focus of adult education be individual needs or societal needs?' Some adult educators stressed the one, some the other, and several perceived them to be equally important. Some commentators suggested that adult education centred i n the community was the best way to serve both needs. Second, should adult educators prepare learners for s o c i a l action? The question was an important one i n these years when Canadians and Americans were interested i n s o c i a l planning and planned s o c i a l change. Some adult educators answered i n the affirmative, some i n the negative. I t seemed that the potential source of con f l i c t that Eduard Lindeman had perceived at the World Conference i n 1929 26 were appearing i n Canada and the United States three years l a t e r . Individual or Social Improvement The interest i n so c i a l improvement by some adult educators i n the early years of the Depression was matched by an affirmation of the primacy of the individual by others commencing i n 1932. The points of view were debated during the seventh annual conference of the AAAE held i n Buffalo i n May 1932, at a time when deepening depression demanded innovation on a l l fronts. The debate set the tone i n adult education for the rest of the t h i r t i e s . The editors of the Journal of Adult Education provided a summary of was assistance of incalcuable value; i t assured that the new program would not be starved out i n the beginning years. The Carnegie grant was given to St. Francis Xavier because of the confidence which the heads of the Corporation had i n the men at Antigonish, and because they wished to encourage a unique educational experiment that would have application to other areas i f i t succeeded. This was the beginning of a friendly bond between the Corporation and the University that has continued to the present day. Laidlaw, p. 73. Above, pp. 55-6. 72 five discussions held during the conference, noting that two "clashes" deserved special mention because "they took place at every discussion, no 27 matter what the subject or who the leader." They wrote that: The f i r s t of these was the clash between those who believe that the perfection of the individual i s the supreme end of education and those who believe i t to be the functioning of a perfectly coordinated society. The second was the clash between those who would "educate by r i t u a l " for predetermined ends and those who, putting their f a i t h i n intelligence would educate for freedom and l e t the outcome be what i t may. The r i t u a l i s t s w i l l always be known by their insistence upon teaching something or doing something to change people; the advocates of freedom speak of education as a process of development that takes place, necessarily, from w i t h i n . 2 8 Either the issues were unclear or the printed summary made them appear so. Presumably the " r i t u a l i s t s , " a negative term at best, wished to change people's s o c i a l roles along predetermined and by implication undesirable paths. The "advocates of freedom," a positive term at least, wished simply to enhance development from within along no path whatsoever. Assuming that "development from within" meant individual change, the wish "to change" on the part of the r i t u a l i s t s meant s o c i a l change. The clashes bore a s t r i k i n g resemblance to the issues that Eric Patterson and John Herring viewed during the World Conference, suggesting that two and a half years of depression had created within the United States divisions similar to those perceived e a r l i e r to distinguish American from European adult education. The main question before one of the panel discussions debating "social values i n adult education" was: Can we educate for s o c i a l values by trying to develop the finest type of individual and by giving him every possible opportunity to express his ideals i n both his personal and his soci a l l i f e ? Or must we make "Exemplification," p. 240. There was no indication of who wrote the summary and that was normal procedure i n the JAE, and responsibility i s assumed to rest with the editors. Ibid. 73 a l l individuals consciously aware of s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and problems and i n c i t e them to active p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the e f f o r t s to solve these problems. 2 9 A l l participants reportedly agreed that the values i n adult education were both i n d i v i d u a l and s o c i a l . After a l l , said Mary L, Ely, j o i n t editor of the Journal, "we are talking about the education of human beings, and they are 30 s o c i a l animals." Some participants wanted to extend Ely's notion. The chairman of the panel, Elmer Scott, who was executive secretary of the C i v i c Federation of Dallas, suggested that the s o c i a l values of adult education should not teach people to be sociable, or merely to s o c i a l i z e the group, but should "make sure that the i n d i v i d u a l s h a l l function for the sake of humanity 31 i n general." Neumann added another dimension to the discussion when he declared that: Every i n d i v i d u a l i s t i e d up rather intimately with the s o c i a l group, but there i s a tremendous difference between the socially-minded i n d i v i d u a l and the individually-minded i n d i v i d u a l . In the one case the socially-minded i n d i v i d u a l thinks i n terms of "we." He talks about what we s h a l l do i n order that l i f e may be r i c h e r for us, while the i n d i v i d u a l thinks i n terms of " I " and what " I " would be interested i n doing.32 Individuals had to acquire a s o c i a l consciousness according to Neumann, a notion that meant something more than Ely's view of the i n d i v i d u a l as a s o c i a l animal. Ralph Epstein used stronger language. Epstein, professor of economics at the University of Buffalo, saw a d i s t i n c t i o n between s o c i a l and i n d i v i d u a l values. He asked: "Should we not say to adult classes and i n adult education 29 "Exemplification," p. 241. 30 Mary L. Ely i n i b i d . , p. 243. Morse A. Cartwright was j o i n t editor of the JAE during i t s existence from 1929 to 1941, as was Mary Ely with the exception of the years 1936-8 when she was employed d i r e c t l y by the AAAE. 31 Elmer Scott i n "Exemplification," p. 143. Scott was noted as executive secretary i n 1928, 1932, and 1941, so i t seems he held the p o s i t i o n for at least t h i r t e e n years. 32 Neumann, p. 244. work, we are not going to try merely to give information asked for and to stimulate thought, but we are going to try to indoctrinate people with a 33 be l i e f i n and a desire for better s o c i a l ideas?" Lyman Bryson opposed that suggestion, viewing the notion of indoctrination as a n t i - s o c i a l and drastic. Bryson, a forum leader i n Des Moines on leave from the directorship of the Ca l i f o r n i a Association for Adult Education, declared that: "I want to l i v e i n 34 a society where everybody i s himself i f that i s possible." Ely agreed with Bryson and voiced a fear of any emphasis i n education "that makes us more concerned with what we do with other people than with what we are able to 35 develop i n ourselves." None of the participants i n the Buffalo debate discounted the individual although Scott, Neumann, and Epstein emphasized so c i a l values while Bryson and Ely stressed individual values. Even though the two sides did not appear too far apart, at least as recorded i n the summary of the debate i n pr i n t , the editors of the Journal concluded that definite divisions existed. In their words: "the two points of view—emphasizing respectively the individual and society—were never reconciled either i n the panel discussion or i n that of the combined panel and audience.""^ 33 Ralph Epstein i n "Exemplification," p. 244. Epstein's views were similar to those held by George S. Counts who wrote i n 1932 that: "The control of the machine requires a society which i s dominated less by the ideal of individual advancement and more by certain far-reaching purposes and place of s o c i a l construction." See: George S. Counts, Dare the School Build a New Social Order? (New York: John Day Co., 1932), p. 27. 34 Lyman Bryson i n "Exemplification," p. 246. 35 Mary L. Ely i n "Exemplification," p. 246. 36 "Exemplification," p. 241. The extent of the d i v i s i o n between proponents of individual and society i s not clear i n the adult education l i t e r a t u r e and w i l l have to await analysis elsewhere. A systematic search of education and so c i a l science journals published i n the t h i r t i e s might be f r u i t f u l ; for example, the journals Progressive Education and Social Forces. C r i t i c i s m of individualism continued throughout the t h i r t i e s as adult educators emphasized soci a l needs and the New Deal demanded more and more that l i f e be planned c o l l e c t i v e l y . The basic value of the individual as an individual was never abandoned however, and the debate i n the li t e r a t u r e concerning individual and society was one of relative emphasis rather than absolute difference. Lindeman again recorded his thoughts about the nature of individual and society i n 1933, at which time he was professor of soc i a l philosophy at the New York School of Social Work, as a part of his "interpretation of the principles and methods developed by the 'Inquiry' 37 during the years 1923-33." In his view, the Inquiry's d u a l i s t i c conception of progress had to be invoked once more. He wrote that: "Social progress cannot be attained by emphasizing either the individual or the group but by 38 regarding the two as being parts of an interacting whole." The notion of interaction offered a compromise between individual and society, and was adopted by others during the t h i r t i e s . After two years of New Deal large scale centralized economic planning and growing s o c i a l welfare programs i t was clear that times indeed had changed. Collective action for s o c i a l goals was the order of,the.day. Bryson, who ea r l i e r had made known his stand for the primacy of the indi v i d u a l , wondered Eduard C. Lindeman, Social Education: An Interpretation of the Principles and Methods Developed by the Inquiry During the Years 1923-33 (New York: New Republic, 1933). Lindeman was commissioned by his fellow Inquirers to write this book and to explain their purpose and practice. The Inquiry, o r i g i n a l l y known as the Conference on the Christian Way of L i f e began i t s career i n New York as an attempt by a number of i n t e l l e c t u a l s "to discover the chronic co n f l i c t s i n American l i f e , to reveal why the so-called Christian solutions were not applied, and thereafter to c a l l the nation to an accounting." Ibid., p. 3. Contributors to the Inquiry included Robert H. Maclver, Bruno Lasker, William K i l p a t r i c k , Alfred D. Sheffield, Joseph K. Hart, Julius Drachsler, and James T. Shotwell. Ibid., p. 11. 38 Ibid., p. 140. A similar point was made the same year by John Dewey, professor emeritus of philosophy at Columbia University, and John L. Childs, assistant professor of education at Columbia University Teachers College, i n a "joint product of thought" written by Dewey. According to them, education " i s a process of so c i a l interaction carried on i n behalf of consequences which i n 1935 i f "further expansion by the restless and clumsy methods of individual 39 freedom may cost us too much." Bryson, who at the time of writing had l e f t Des Moines and was v i s i t i n g professor of education at Columbia University Teachers College, a position that was changed into a permanent one lat e r the same year, suggested that "compromise" was "the most desirable solution to the 40 c o n f l i c t " between c o l l e c t i v e organization and individual freedom. He remained cautious however. He warned that " i t i s s t i l l necessary to see that the organization for co l l e c t i v e action does necessarily restrain the i n i t i a t i v e 41 of those personalities who are capable of origination." Bryson added another <) dimension to the debate by stating that the choice was not between coll e c t i v e action and individual energy but rather "a choice between coll e c t i v e action by the direction of the state, and co l l e c t i v e action i n the volunteer associations 42 that men build up for themselves." He was prepared to accept collective action agreed to by a number of individuals and not imposed by the state. Bryson remained uncertain about the s o c i a l improvement dimension i n the adult education movement, reaffirming the primacy of the individual i n his text-book published i n 1936. In his typology of adult education functions, an imprecise term incorporating mode of action with purpose, he noted that "a constant growth i n independent thinking power and i n the capacity for the management of one's own program i s an essential aim, i m p l i c i t i n a l l other ,,43 purposes. are themselves s o c i a l — t h a t i s , i t involves interactions between persons and includes shared values." John Dewey and John L. Childs, "The Underlying Philosophy of Education," i n The Educational Frontier, ed. William H. K i l p a t r i c k (New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1933), p. 290. Dewey and Childs argued that " s o c i a l cannot be opposed i n fact or i n idea to individual,' and, moreover, "society i s individuals-in-their r elations." Ibid., p. 291. 39 Lyman Bryson, "Security and/or Liberty," JAE 7 (January 1935):69. 40T, ., 41 T, ., 42_,., Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. 43 Lyman Bryson, Adult Education (New York: American Book Co., 1936), p. 31. 77 Other adult educators had less d i f f i c u l t y i n accepting the dual goals of the movement. The "dominant American hope" was to achieve "the unique blend of individual effectiveness and collective responsibility that w i l l rescue democracy from dissolution" declared C a r r o l l H. Wooddy, Bryson's 44 colleague at the Des Moines forum project who served as a forum leader 45 from 1932 u n t i l his death i n 1935. William H. Stacy also was interested i n democracy and adult education's dual goals as he made clear i n the published version of his doctoral dissertation i n 1935. Stacy, who shared with Wilbur Hallenbeck the d i s t i n c t i o n of being the recipient of the f i r s t doctorate degrees i n adult education awarded i n the United States, wrote that: In a democratic society education has a dual function....If we are to have integration of adult education i n America i t must be stated i n terms of progress which contribute to the welfare and happiness of individuals and at the same time strengthen and advance the so c i a l groups, the state, and nation, of which the individual i s a member.46 He maintained that adult education " i s basically a program for advancing individual welfare and s o c i a l progress" through the development of seven great a r t s — p e r f e c t i n g philosophies, advancing co-operation, using science, increasing income, improving uses of income, improving uses of time, and 47 advancing beauty. In Stacy's view, development of those arts would give adult education an integrated philosophy that would lead to the integration 44 Below, p. 79. 4 5 C a r r o l l H. Wooddy, "Forum Facts," JAE 7 (June 1935):290. An obituary note i n the JAE referred to Wooddy as having taught at Dalhousie University, Reed College, Washington State University, and the University of Chicago. 46 William H. Stacy, Integration of Adult Education (New York: Columbia University Teachers College, 1935), p. 6. Stacy worked as an extension sociologist at Iowa State College from 1922 at least u n t i l 1948, with time off to complete his doctorate, at Teachers College i n 1935. He claimed seventeen years of experience i n adult education i n a note i n his book. 4 7Stacy, p. 64. 78 of adult education i n s t i t u t i o n s and agencies. Similar to Wooddy's unique blend of i n d i v i d u a l and society and Stacy's integration of adult education to serve i n d i v i d u a l and society, Robert A. Falconer stated i n 1936 that adult education sought ideas to create "wholeness" i n society, a "unified human society i n the welfare of which each 48 i n d i v i d u a l w i l l f i n d his highest s a t i s f a c t i o n . " Falconer, president emeritus of the University of Toronto, offered those thoughts to the readers of the Journal of Adult Education as "A Canadian Point of View." Indeed, by 1936 Canadians had joined the debate i n part through the Journal but more frequently i n a journal formed that year by the CAAE, which had been 49 established i n 1935. The notion of wholeness was the basis of the adult education movement according to Henry F. Munro, president of the CAAE from 1936 to 1938. Munro, borrowing Lawrence P. Jacks' often quoted view of adult education's aim as "the development of the whole man i n a world of whole men," suggested that within t h i s notion lay "an i d e a l which implies a close in t e r a c t i o n between the i n d i v i d u a l and society, each being incomplete without the wholeness of the other.""^ Munro's idea of int e r a c t i o n was 'similar to Lindeman's v i s i o n of s o c i a l progress as an i n t e r a c t i o n between i n d i v i d u a l and group. The consensus i n the adult education l i t e r a t u r e i n the mid-thirties was that the dual goals of the movement were both important even though 48 Robert A. Falconer, "A Canadian Point of View," JAE 8 (January 1936):20. 49 Events leading up to the establishment of the CAAE are sketched i n W. J. Dunlop, " E d i t o r i a l , " ALg 1 (November 1936):3-4. The Carnegie Corporation provided a good portion of the funding for the association during i t s formative years. E. A. Corbett r e c a l l e d that the assistance that the CAAE received from the Corporation amounted to annual grants from 1936 to 1944 of from $7000 to $10,000 per annum. E. A. Corbett, We Have With Us Tonight (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1957), p. 176. 5 0Henry F. Munro, " E d i t o r i a l , " ALg_ 1 (December 1936):3. the times demanded that the s o c i a l improvement goal be emphasized. There also were some adult educators who believed that the goals could and should be viewed as compatible rather than as mutually exclusive. Community—The Middle Way Lindeman suggested i n 1933 that the community was the middle way between individualism and collectivism wherein individual and s o c i a l goals could act i n harmony at the ideal l e v e l of human a s s o c i a t i o n . ^ He i d e n t i f i e d the centralized control of many aspects of l i f e as the main reason for his interest i n community. He had f i r s t expressed his fear of that control during the presidencies of Warren G. Harding and Calvin Coolidge when the ideal of minimal government control was a guiding policy i n the White House. With the coming of the New Deal i n 1933, the guiding policy was one of massive government intervention thus changing the centralization d r i f t into a t i d a l wave. Lindeman was joined by other adult educators i n fearing centralized control and they encouraged l o c a l self-help programs to strengthen community resources as an alternative to that control. Cartwright warned that centralized control could lead to fascism although he acknowledged the necessity for vigorous government action to fight socio-economic depression. "Observers of American s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s have noted i n the l a s t few months an unparalleled transfer of democratic rights and privileges to the executive arm of the government," 52 he reported i n 1933. He was p a r t i c u l a r l y f e a r f u l of the impact on education, and wrote that: It i s inevitable that changes i n our p o l i t i c a l practices, even though temporary i n nature, should have an immediate effect upon our educational "^Lindeman, Social Education, pp. 138-43. 52 Morse A. Cartwright, "Annual Report of the Director for 1932-3," JAE 5 (June 1933):340. 80 procedures. The introduction into the educational structure of principles d e f i n i t e l y Fascist i n nature i s already taking place....Already we are hearing the cry among supposedly enlightened people that "too many people are being educated" and that "our economic structure can not stand the expense of free education for a l l " . . . . I n self-protection, we should i n s i s t that a l l steps taken away from democratic principles i n education, l i k e the corresponding steps taken i n c i v i l government, be merely temporary. They are to be retraced i n the opposite direction at the e a r l i e s t opportunity.53 The e a r l i e s t opportunity grew ever more distant. Bonaro W. Overstreet, lecturer, author, and frequent contributor to the Journal of Adult Education, commented i n 1936 that "American adults do not l i k e the extent to which p o l i t i c a l and economic power has, as i t were, slithered from their grasp and lodged i t s e l f i n places that seem well'beyond the influence of the f a i r l y 54 i n t e l l i g e n t and industrious c i t i z e n . " "The crux of the whole matter," suggested William B. Duryee i n the same year, " i s to develop l o c a l leadership of the good-citizen and the good-neighbor type.""'"' Duryee, secretary of the New Jersey Department of Agriculture, believed that the best way to prevent increased centralization was to organize the "grass-roots" since "permanent good can come only i f the effort i s made on the basis of getting enlightened 56 action by the people of the community themselves." Interest i n l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e had prompted adult educators to establish community organizations to co-ordinate adult education a c t i v i t i e s , a process well underway i n 1 9 2 8 . A special conference on community organizations for adult education was held i n conjunction with the ninth annual conference 58 of the AAAE at Washington, D.C. i n May 1934. Jacques Ozanne was puzzled 53Ibid. Cartwright did not reference the quotations. 54 Bonaro W. Overstreet, "Three Roads to Somewhere," JAE 8 ( A p r i l 1936):158. 5 5 W i l l i a m B. Duryee, "Government by the People," JAE 8 (October 1936):464. "^Ibid. "^Above, p. 49. 5 8 Abstracts of addresses and a brief summary of discussions are recorded i n JAE 6 (June 1934):333-6. 81 by the interest i n community adult education councils and wondered i f they were more than simply a new form of organization. Ozanne, a f i e l d representative of the AAAE i n 1934, asked: Of what significance are these organizations? Do they perhaps mark a turning point i n the adult education movement, a change of emphasis from the i n s t i t u t i o n to the community and the beginning of a period of more conscious growth? W i l l these new organizations bring about closer ties between agencies of education and the new s o c i a l and economic forces that are remaking American l i f e ? Or do they ref l e c t nothing more than the common American tendency to p i l e organization upon organization with l i t t l e regard to either need or function.59 He answered the questions and provided an early analysis of one phenomenon that interested adult educators throughout the t h i r t i e s aad beyond—the community adult education council. Ozanne noted that councils were inspired, "not without a tinge of sentimentality," i n part by the idea of the old New England town meeting 60 that held "a certain fascination for American s o c i a l thinkers." Whenever a community a c t i v i t y of any sort i s projected," he continued, "some i d e a l i s t i s almost certain to utter the hope that the new venture w i l l succeed i n recapturing that valuable element long lost to American l i f e — a community-61 wide approach to s o c i a l problems." Ozanne touched a significant point. The search for community had occurred i n the United States periodically 62 throughout i t s history. However, rather than simply "some i d e a l i s t " i n Ozanne's words, i t may be that many people have at times perceived a need to find security i n communal relationships especially i n times of socio-economic stress. In addition to philosophical reasons, Ozanne perceived encouragement 59 Jacques Ozanne, "Counsel for Councils," JAE 6 ( A p r i l 1934):161. 60_.., 61 Ibid. Ibid. 62 For an analysis of community i n American history see Thomas Bender, Community and Social Change i n America (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1978). for the community-wide approach and councils i n the s p i r i t of the New Deal. He observed that: "One can not escape the impression that a b e l i e f has been gaining currency that the council's duty i s to mobilize existing f a c i l i t i e s , 63 preparatory to meeting a new situation arising throughout the country." The new situation was the New Deal's plan to organize a l l facets of American l i f e to combat the Depression, and i n this Ozanne saw an important role for adult education. Community adult education councils were seen as useful organizations to mobilize community resources; as settings where new approaches to adult education could be studied experimentally, and where a common philosophy for the adult education movement might evolve. For those reasons, Ozanne concluded that the councils were more than simply new organizations. Adult educators' interest i n community wide programs and councils resulted i n the Des Moines forum project experiment. The purpose of the project was "to work out i n one community a pattern that w i l l show how the functions of organized public education i n any community may be extended to 64 include a v i t a l program of adult education." The basic strategy of the project, set up i n 1932 for a five-year period, sponsored by the AAAE and funded by the Carnegie Corporation, was to organize and conduct neighbourhood forums i n a l l parts of the c i t y of Des Moines where people were to meet regularly throughout the school year to study and discuss current economic and p o l i t i c a l problems. The experiment was supervised for the f i r s t year by John W. Studebaker, superintendent of schools i n Des Moines, prior to his appointment as United States Commissioner of Education i n July 1934. Studebaker remained enthusiastic about forums after he moved to Washington ^^Ozanne, p. 161. 64 "The Clearing House," JAE 5 (January 1933) :92. The Clearing House i n the JAE comprised short notes about adult education a c t i v i t i e s i n the United States and abroad. The notes were contributed by unnamed members of the journal's s t a f f . 83 and undoubtedly was a factor i n the spread of the forum idea across the United States, a phenomenon studied by Ely and explained i n print i n 1937.^ An adult education council was formed i n Des Moines at the termination of the project i n 1937 to encourage and co-ordinate a c t i v i t i e s by integrating adult education agencies i n a fashion that had been recommended by Stacy i n 1935.^ By mid-decade, the energies directed to adult education i n communities were extensive and well supported by Carnegie funding. It seemed that Lindeman's notion of the community as the middle way between the individual and the col l e c t i v e i n which individual and s o c i a l goals could act i n harmony had been taken up by others. Adult educators devoted more and more attention to the community as the decade wore on. Co-operation—The Means Adult educators perceived the notion of co-operation as a means to the end of individual and s o c i a l improvement i n the community setting. That notion had been of interest to them from the beginning of the Depression and e a r l i e r . ^ 7 There were formidable obstacles however. William K i l p a t r i c k was concerned about the needs of a co-operative society i n an era dominated by ideas a n t i t h e t i c a l to that society. "While cooperation i n thought and action on the largest possible scale are thus inherently demanded for the success of our economic l i f e , " he stated i n 1933, "our s t i l l dominating outlook and our business practice alike embody and express an older contradictory 68 individualism. 1 1 According to the authors of the f i r s t survey of Canadian 6 5Mary L. Ely, Why Forums? (New York: AAAE, 1937). 66 Above, pp. 74-5. Establishment of the council i s outlined i n A. W. M e r r i l l , "Des Moines Meets a Dilemma," JAE 9 (October 1937):396-9. ^^Above, pp. 64-7. 68 William H. K i l p a t r i c k , "The New Adult Education," i n Educational Frontier, ed. K i l p a t r i c k , p. 124. 84 adult education i n 1935, " i t i s almost a commonplace to say that s c i e n t i f i c progress has outrun s o c i a l progress; that i n our s o c i a l thinking and s o c i a l 69 behaviour we are s t i l l i n the age of the cave-man." The problem was that soc i a l inventions required co-operation whereas s c i e n t i f i c inventions appealed to individual i s o l a t i o n . Peter Sandiford and his colleagues i n the Canadian survey made a comparison to i l l u s t r a t e their point: Compare, for instance, a s o c i a l invention such as cooperative marketing or s e l l i n g , or community chests for the support of s o c i a l welfare organizations, with a s c i e n t i f i c invention such as the radio. A l l of them are of undoubted value, but there i s no comparison between their r e l a t i v e successes. Radio was a success from the start because i t appealed to individual and family welfare; cooperation and community chests have had a hard row to hoe because they demand acceptance by a s o c i a l group.^0 The medium had broader potential however, and s i x years lat e r the Farm Radio Forum u t i l i z e d the radio as part of a program to encourage co-operation i n rural Canada.7"'' The point made i n the survey was useful nevertheless. The media serviced people i n the privacy of their homes and i n the darkness of the cinema rather than i n community centres and tent chautauquas. The most visable experiment i n co-operation reported i n the adult education l i t e r a t u r e continued to be the Antigonish Movement. Coady traveled across Canada with the Antigonish message. For example, he spent two weeks organizing study clubs for co-operation and self-help at Clandonald, Alberta i n 1934. His i n i t i a l work there was followed up and expanded by 72 Donald Cameron of the department of extension at the University of Alberta. H. H. Hannan, president of the Canadian Federation of Agriculture, reported Peter Sandiford et a l . , Adult Education i n Canada—A Survey (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1935), Introduction, p. 13. The survey was printed as a collection of chapters each numbered separately. 7 0 I b i d . 7 1Below, p).. 105. 72 Sandiford et a l . , Chapter 6, p. 10. 85 in 1936 that " v i s i t o r s from a l l over America" were "dropping i n " to see the 73 work of the Antigonish Movement i n Nova Scotia. Gustav F. Beck, a f i e l d representative for the AAAE i n Canada i n 1935, was one of those v i s i t o r s . He explained the origins of the Movement by rec a l l i n g the history of economic depression i n Nova Scotia and the emigration to mid-Canada and the United States of "many of the sturdy Scots whose forebearers had t o i l e d on her farms and i n her fisheries for three 74 centuries." "As the old stock weakened" coal miners and steel workers arrived from B r i t a i n and Central Europe bringing with them "new and disconcerting ideas that profoundly disturbed the bucolic peace."7"' The new ideas included s o c i a l i s t and communist views about the nature of economic depression, and they found a ready audience i n Nova Scotia. Beck suggested that the appeal from the l e f t was a reason for the priests of St. Francis Xavier embarking on their innovative extension program. He added that: "The movement may, as one of the leaders told me, issue i n a new c i v i l i z a t i o n i n which the rura l and i n d u s t r i a l elements of Nova Scotia w i l l be wisely interrelated and i n which an entire economic transformation s h a l l have been achieved through education instead of dogmatic propaganda or bloodshed." 7^ Coady la t e r confirmed Beck's interpretation of the Movement's aim to f o r e s t a l l radical appeals from the l e f t . He recalled the d i f f i c u l t y i n competing with those appeals that he had experienced before an audience of Cape Breton 73 H. H. Hannan, "The Cape Breton Experiment: A Bird's-Eye View," ALg 1 (December 1936):4. 74 Gustav F. Beck, "The Men of Antigonish," JAE 7 ( A p r i l 1935):158. Beck had a broad education. He was born i n San Francisco and took a Ph.D. at the University of Marburg after which he studied for three years under Lawrence P. Jacks at Oxford. For fourteen years prior to 1929, he had been a lecturer for the WEA and for the Adult School Movement i n the west of England. He was director of the Labor Temple School i n New York that had been disbanded i n 1935, just prior to his journey to Antigonish. 7 5 I b i d . , p. 159. 7 6 I b i d . , p. 162. 86 workers i n 1933: It was d i f f i c u l t to get a hearing. Large numbers of the i n d u s t r i a l workers had been f l i r t i n g with leftwing theories and i n some cases they were beginning to be pronounced revolutionaries. The Communist propaganda was doing i t s work....It was hard to hold an audience with a program that called for evolutionary and constitutional methods.^7 The Antigonish Movement's message was that co-operative study and action was necessary to revive democratic traditions to deflect the ra d i c a l appeal. Adelaide M. Plumptre, editor of Adult Learning, anticipated the Movement's u t i l i t y throughout Canada as a shield against radical appeals. "In days when democracy seems to be steadily retreating before the advancing forces of Fascism and Communism," she delcared i n 1937, "the self-imposed d i s c i p l i n e of voluntary study appears to offer some hope of maintaining the individual 78 l i b e r t y which underlies p o l i t i c a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l freedom." The Antigonish Movement, and by implication the co-operative movement generally, was seen to have two purposes during the Depression. Economically depressed people could learn the techniques of co-operation to manage their resources more effective l y through a program of study and action, and, while doing so, acquire renewed f a i t h i n the democratic system and reject the appeals from the l e f t and the right. Social benefits through economic co-operation exemplified i n the Antigonish Movement's commitment to the deflection of radical appeals for so c i a l change gave the notion of co-operation broader meaning. Stacy suggested that co-operation was more than simply an economic strategy. He wrote that "cooperation affects a l l types of human relationships," and "only as i t i s developed can there be worthwhile family l i f e , progressive communities, 79 e f f i c i e n t governments, and s o c i a l l y useful i n d u s t r i a l enterprises." 7 7Coady, Masters, p. 56. 78 Adelaide M. Plumptre, "Never Too Old to Learn," ALg_ 1 ( A p r i l 1937) :2. 79 Stacy, p. 68. 87 Advancing co-operation was the second of his seven great arts to guide adult 80 education'. He reasoned that "because modern society has achieved new degrees of specialization and interdependence without adequate types of social management we have become involved, deeper than ever before, i n problems of 81 human relationships." Stacy thought that rur a l development plans had to include socio-economic and c u l t u r a l components. He described a program of the Iowa State College extension service as composed of major projects, such as home and community recreation, rur a l organization, and community planning; numbers of groups and agencies, such as churches, schools, and welfare agencies; and, numerous program a c t i v i t i e s including music f e s t i v a l s , farm organization techniques, 82 and community programs. Stacy e n t i t l e d that program i n 1935, The Rural Community Development Program. That was the f i r s t time that the term community development had appeared i n the adult education l i t e r a t u r e and i t was used i n passing with no emphasis. I t was used simply to describe a r u r a l program i n one college extension service. The co-operative notion was appealing i n the urban setting as well. For example, Paul M. Pearson, assistant director of housing i n the Federal Emergency Administration of Public Works, viewed co-operative action i n housing developments as an opportunity to promote healthier human relations. Commenting on housing development plans i n the United States i n 1936, he wrote that: Nothing i n the plan i s more important than that i t gives people, who have often had no place or opportunity to become acquainted with other people, an incentive to make acquaintances under the age-old neighborhood conditions. It i s hoped furthermore that these neighborhoods w i l l stimulate a desire for fellowship, for recreation and pasttimes, 8 0 ^ 7/ Above, p. 74. 81 82 Stacy, p. 67. Ibid., p. 30. 88 for self-improvement; a desire to notice and be noticed, to appreciate and be appreciated.83 In Pearson's estimation, neighbourhood co-operation could f i l l a s o c i a l void. Generally then, adult educators were attracted to the concept of co-operation for socio-economic, c u l t u r a l , and p o l i t i c a l reasons. Citizens were to be encouraged to j o i n together i n t h e i r communities to work as a team to solve t h e i r own problems. In that way, adult educators could contribute to the betterment of Canadian and American society and r e a l i z e the s o c i a l improvement goal of the adult education movement. Education and S o c i a l Action Interest i n s o c i a l improvement through co-operative community action inevitably led adult educators to address the relationship between education and s o c i a l action. Their consideration of that relationship involved a threefold inquiry. F i r s t , adult educators wished to respond to the s o c i a l planning trend that had assumed national proportions i n the United States and Canada with the establishment of the New Deal i n the former and a s i m i l a r attempt at national planning i n the l a t t e r . Second, they debated the role of the educator i n the s o c i a l change process, some believ i n g the role should be direct and vigorous, others arguing that the educator had no part i n the process. Third, they designed a formula combining education and s o c i a l action that was a compromise between advocates of d i r e c t involvement of education i n s o c i a l action and those who believed that education must be divorced from such action. The compromise was an interpretation of education as a process to prepare learners f or s o c i a l action but not action of a predetermined nature. That interpretation was the essence of the community development concept. 83 Paul M. Pearson, "Building Houses and a S o c i a l Program," JAE 8 ( A p r i l 1936):187. Pearson was noted as former Governor of the V i r g i n Islands, and was the founder of the Swathmore Chautauqua. 89 S o c i a l Planning Trend New Deal enthusiasm ushered i n an optimism and confidence that the Depression could be defeated by large scale socio-economic planning 84 co-ordinated and funded by government. Enthusiasm for s o c i a l planning generated i n Washington was matched i n the adult education l i t e r a t u r e i n 85 1933. In K i l p a t r i c k ' s opinion, the times offered adult education a unique opportunity to a s s i s t i n the task of national mobilization of resources. He wrote that: " P r a c t i c a l l y a l l aspects of l i f e must be studied but at present our social-economic s i t u a t i o n seems to furnish the most pressing problem, on the one hand to get possession of our own s o u l — t o e f f e c t an integrated s o c i a l outlook and f i n d s a t i s f a c t o r y objects of a l l e g i a n c e — a n d on the other, to find how our society may by continual planning better and better harness our ever 86 growing technology to the best interests of society." "The role of adult education takes i t to the very center of s o c i a l planning on a wide scale," Ruth Kotinsky declared i n her 1933 analysis of the 87 contemporary scene. Kotinsky, who at the time was employed by the National Council of Parent Education i n New York, detected three functions of adult education. F i r s t adult education should concern i t s e l f with the important r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of adult l i f e — " t o w a r d the devising of means for the solution 84 According to Schlesinger: "With past p o l i c i e s of exhortation and d r i f t d i scredited, with state socialism undesired and p o l i t i c a l l y excluded, there remained the prospect of a mighty attempt, organized by government, to halt the decline through a massive experiment i n national cooperation." Arthur M. Schlesinger, J r . , The Coming of the New Deal (Cambridge, Mass: Riverside Press, 1958), p. 94. 85 New Dealer enthusiasm i n 1933 i s outlined i n i b i d . , pp. 16-7. 86 K i l p a t r i c k , "New Adult Education," p. 131. John Dewey and John Childs made a s i m i l a r point: "We believe profoundly that society requires planning; that planning i s the alternative to chaos, disorder, and i n s e c u r i t y . " John Dewey and John L. Childs, "The Socio-economic Situation and Education," i n Educational Frontier, ed. K i l p a t r i c k , p. 72. 87 Ruth Kotinsky, Adult Education and the Soci a l Scene (New York: Appleton-Century Co., 1933), p. xi v . This book was based on her doctoral d i s s e r t a t i o n written at Columbia University. 90 of current s o c i a l problems; toward meeting new and emergent problems; and 88 toward defining and determining new and ever more desirable goals." Second, adult education had to eradicate "notions about the f i x i t y of adulthood, the unchangeability of human nature, and the u n c o n t r o l l a b i l i t y of large s o c i a l 89 events." Third, adult education had to "plan changes i n major s o c i a l 90 events which w i l l lead to more educative l i v i n g . " Kotinsky emphasized the pre-eminence of education i n s o c i a l planning for long term c i t i z e n improvement. So c i a l planning was a major topic i n Lindeman's analysis of the 91 Inquiry published i n 1933. He i d e n t i f i e d a "need to learn how to control the vast mechanism of modern technological society: through s o c i a l education as a strategy by which people could regain some influence over the socio-92 economic and p o l i t i c a l planning process. He thought that Americans had l o s t control of t h e i r l i v e s and had to regain i t . In his words: The key-words for the future, i t seems to me are to control, to r e l a t e , and to p a r t i c i p a t e . The f i r s t constitutes the s o c i a l compulsion of our time; we must either learn how to control our society, or become subject to increasingly i r r a t i o n a l and coercive forces. But we can only control r a t i o n a l l y by bringing f r a c t i o n a l parts of the whole into functional relationships; and, i n the end, t h i s means some method which w i l l allow us to p a r t i c i p a t e with each other i n a creative manner.93 Lindeman underlined the need for a method to enhance c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e i r environment. Other adult educators commented on s o c i a l education and planning. A l a i n LeR. Locke, professor of philosophy at Howard University, wrote i n 1934 94 that " s o c i a l education i s an unavoidable aspect of adult education." In 1935, Glenn Frank, president of the University of Wisconsin, expressed a concern 88 89 90 Kotinsky, S o c i a l Scene, p. 68. Ibid. Ibid., p. 69. 91 92 Above, p. 72. Lindeman, S o c i a l Education, p. x i v . 9 3 I b i d . , p. 186. 94 A l a i n Locke, "Reciprocity Instead of Regimentation," JAE 6 (October 1934):419. that over-specialization i n education hampered the a b i l i t y and willingness of educators to respond to the s o c i a l needs of the time. He stated that: "The unpardonable s i n of educational leadership, as I see i t , was committed when education was permitted to become, to such an extent as i t has, an accumulation of r e l a t i v e l y unrelated specialisms instead of being made to center around a coherently planned attack upon the problems of creating, comprehending, and c o n t r o l l i n g a workable p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , and economic 95 order." Since adult education was unencumbered by "vested interests and t r a d i t i o n s " l i k e the rest of education, Frank looked to the newer branch of education to set the pace i n the quest for s o c i a l understanding through s o c i a l management aiming to stimulate s o c i a l and economic r e v i v a l . ^ Bryson noted that adult educators generally supported the need for s o c i a l planning although he saw a complication. "Paradoxically enough," he observed i n 1935, "most educators of adults w i l l f e e l that i t i s th e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , even though "approving the general idea of planning, to be sk e p t i c a l of every plan as such, to keep reason detached from the headlong rush of p o l i t i c s and partisanship, to stand f a s t by general ideas i n the hope of making the inevitable action of the body p o l i t i c as reasonable as 97 possible." Bryson had an overriding reservation about adult educator involvement i n s o c i a l planning. He sensed a s i m i l a r i t y between planning and indoctrination. He slipped into the emotion of debate when he noted the " b a t t l e " between two groups of educational t h e o r i s t s : one "captained by George S. Counts" of Columbia University Teachers College that believed that educators should take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r determining the pattern of the 95 Glenn Frank, "Dead Sea F r u i t s of Overspecialization," JAE 7 (June 1935):271. 96 Ibid., p. 269. 97 Lyman Bryson, review of Redirecting Education, v o l . I: The United States, by Rexford G. Tugwell and Leon Keyserling, eds., i n JAE 7 (October 1935):443. 92 future, and, the other which by advancing c r i t i c a l thinking would help society to e f f e c t i t s changes as " f r i e n d l y counselors rather than as p o l i t i c a l 98 agents." Bryson i d e n t i f i e d with the l a t t e r view. "We may accept the f a c t " that a l l education i s indoctrination, he reasoned, "but s t i l l i n s i s t that what we wish to indoctrinate i s a largeness of thought and an a l e r t skepticism against the propaganda of our time; not a passionless abstraction, but on the contrary, a very l i v e l y passion for c r i t i c a l thinking, for 99 s c i e n t i f i c caution, for independence." The b a t t l e was l i v e l y between the sides i d e n t i f i e d by Bryson.. There were affirmative and negative answers to Counts' S i questi.on-;-"Dare the. schools b u i l d a new s o c i a l order?" Educator influence on s o c i a l change was a healthy prospect to some; to others i t was d a n g e r o u s . T h e controversy attracted wide attention and, as Edmund de S. Brunner r e c a l l e d a f t e r his retirement as professor of education at Columbia University Teachers College, led to sensational reports i n the popular press about r a d i c a l professors at the College.'''^"'' S o c i a l planning aroused fundamental questions that struck at the heart of s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l philosophy. Notes and a r t i c l e s i n the Journal 98 99 Bryson, review of Redirecting Education, p. 442. Ibid., p. 444. ^^Edmund Brunner found the controversy "meaningless and s t e r i l e " i n retrospection. He r e c a l l e d that: It stood to reason that the schools and any other p u b l i c l y supported i n s t i t u t i o n s were bound to r e f l e c t the culture of the society that created them. I t seemed equally clear to me that any but the most s t a t i c culture was constantly changing and that one of the most potent sources of change was education. Edmund De S. Brunner, As Now Remembered—The Interesting L i f e of an Average Man (New York: By the author, 1968), p. 173. "^"''Brunner r e c a l l e d being approached at r e g i s t r a t i o n time by "alleged students" who asked to be enrolled i n classes "where they teach the red hot s t u f f . " Ibid., pp. 173-4. Apparently the "alleged students" were reporters from the Hearst papers. Brunner continued: The American Legion magazine did somewhat better. They got one or two properly registered students into a large class on s o c i a l foundations of education, taught by a panel of professors. Among other pedagogical devices we t r i e d to expose our students to some of the major proposals for ending the depression of the 1930s. The panel members then analysed of Adult Education a f t e r 1935 suggested a need for adult education involvement i n national reconstruction although there was an underlying hesitancy to i d e n t i f y with either r a d i c a l or conservative plans. Social Change Soci a l planning inferred s o c i a l change and adult educators 1 views about such change were varied, divergent, and s p i r i t e d . Those views resulted i n a perception of a closer relationship between education and s o c i a l change than had existed i n past. According to Bryson i n 1936, "educators of adults the world over," i f given the chance of posing one question would ask: "What makes desirable 102 s o c i a l change possible?" Answers to the question were e s s e n t i a l i f the s o c i a l improvement goal of the adult education movement was to be pursued. Answers hinged on the notion of d e s i r a b i l i t y . Miles Horton and Don West, founders of the Highlander Folk School i n the mountains of Tennessee i n 1932, believed that seminars on methods of s o c i a l change combined with courses i n psychology, c u l t u r a l geography, "revolutionary" l i t e r a t u r e , and s o c i a l and economic problems prepared the unemployed and depressed to decide what was 103 desirable for themselves. The avowed purpose of the school was "to educate leaders f o r a labor movement i n the South with the ultimate purpose of using and/or c r i t i c i z e d these proposals. Af t e r one such presentation that would have done credit to an IWW agitator, I remarked that i n order to succeed the program advanced would require an e f f e c t i v e community organization i n every c i t y and county i n America, which would be an obvious i m p o s s i b i l i t y . An a r t i c l e by one of the students i n t h i s course appearing i n the American Legion magazine conveniently l e f t out the "obvious i m p o s s i b i l i t y " phrase i n quoting me....It was undoubtedly because of the American Legion a r t i c l e that I had the honor of being ci t e d i n Reducators, a publication that l i s t e d the names of hundreds of educators alleged to belong to communist or communist front organizations. Ibid., p. 174. 102 Lyman Bryson, "Social Betterment How?" JAE 8 (January 1936):83. Notes on the establishment of the School appear i n "The Clearing House," JAE 5 (January 1933):111. 104 an i n t e l l i g e n t informed working class to b u i l d a new s o c i a l order." George Counts might have approved. According to Lucy W. Adams, executive directo r of the C a l i f o r n i a Association for Adult Education, various groups . were considering a new s o c i a l order as well. She reported i n 1935 that: Groups began boldly and even g l i b l y to discuss the a b o l i t i o n of the p r o f i t motive, the creation of a c o l l e c t i v e society, and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth. Unfamiliar phrases, such as menace of overproduction, economy of abundance, manufacture for use instead of p r o f i t , studded t h e i r discourse. Educators coined another slogan, "Education for a new s o c i a l order." If there was a word that summed up the pre v a i l i n g mode of expression, i t was the word "new." New Deal, new dawn, new day, new s o c i a l order. Muriel J. Lutes advocated peaceful change while explaining the educational needs of people i n New Brunswick i n 1936. Lutes, a member of the advisory council of the CAAE, outlined a number of weaknesses i n the r u r a l education system and t h e i r e f f e c t on a disintegrating r u r a l l i f e s t y l e . She hoped that innovative adult education programming would be designed to trigger "a mental revolution of leaders and laymen that would usher i n a s o c i a l revolution sans bloodshed."^^^ Enthusiasm for a new s o c i a l order i n some quarters aroused skepticism i n others. Cartwright regularly cautioned members of the AAAE and readers of i t s journal about the appeals from ra d i c a l s and conservatives a l i k e . He argued the virtues of l i b e r a l i s m i n h i s annual report as director of the AAAE in 1934, lamenting the loss of "former l i b e r a l s who, s n i f f i n g the wind of economic change, have deserted the philosophy of open-mindedness i n education for the more popular cause of immediate and profound s o c i a l change."'*"^7 104 "The Clearing House," JAE 8 (January 1936):83. 1 0 5 L u c y W. Adams, "A Mirror of Minds," JAE 7 (January 1935):23. 106 Muriel J. Lutes, "New Brunswick's Educational Needs," ALg 1 (December 1936): 15. Lutes was noted as l i v i n g on a farm near Moncton and a long time leader i n the movement for better educational f a c i l i t i e s for farmers. "^^Morse A. Cartwright, "Annual Report of the Director for 1933-4," JAE 6 (June 1934):345. Cartwright explained that h i s views were his own and not necessarily representative of the executive board of the association, although he added that "the views herein expressed coincide i n the main with those held by a 108 considerable majority of the Board and the o f f i c e r s . " If there were adult educators who disagreed with Cartwright, co-editor of the Journal of Adult Education as well as d i r e c t o r , t h e i r arguments were not recorded in'the , 109 journal. Cartwright never discounted the importance of s o c i a l change to adult education. Rather, he opposed the enthusiasts who believed that constructive s o c i a l change could and should be brought about quickly. He objected to the notion that educators could and should educate for s o c i a l change. Education and S o c i a l Action Distinguished Adult educators were compelled by the enthusiasm for s o c i a l planning and s o c i a l change to attend to the relationship between education and s o c i a l action. The acceptable stance was that education should prepare learners for s o c i a l action rather than d i r e c t such action. S o c i a l change that might re s u l t from s o c i a l action was not perceived to be the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the educator. There was a fine d i s t i n c t i o n between education for s o c i a l action and education i n preparation for s o c i a l action. Education for s o c i a l action inferred rapid s o c i a l change and a predetermined plan. Education i n preparation for s o c i a l action implied time enough for learners to acquire knowledge and experience to enable them to design a plan of action themselves. S e l f - d i r e c t i o n , experience, knowledge, and time were major factors i n adult 108 Cartwright, "Annual Report 1933-4," p. 348. 109 According to Ruth Kotinsky, the Inquirers were "not commonly included i n the l i t e r a t u r e of adult education." She added that: "There has been an almost stubborn persistence i n keeping any undertakings closely related to the r e a l , important, and growing a f f a i r s of adult l i f e outside i t s pale." Kotinsky, S o c i a l Scene, p. 177. Lyman Bryson i d e n t i f i e d the editors of the journal So c i a l Frontier as members of Counts' team so the journal might be searched for the r a d i c a l view. Bryson, review of Redirecting Education, p. 442. 96 educators' perceptions of the notion of education i n preparation for s o c i a l action. Those perceptions began to take shape i n the early t h i r t i e s . There were many and varied appeals for d i r e c t action i n the United States i n 1932-3, r e f l e c t i n g the Depression and the growing a t t r a c t i o n of r a d i c a l p o l i t i c a l philosophies p r i o r to the hope i n s t i l l e d by the New Deal."''"''^ Cartwright observed i n 1933 that: "The pressing demands for concerted thought and action i n regard to current national problems, together with the f e e l i n g that quick results are imperative have suggested to many minds the d e s i r a b i l i t y of a country-wide dictatorship of ideas and a regimentation of thought to meet the present crisis.""'""''"'' He warned of the dangers of propaganda replacing education, reminding h i s peers of the importance of developing the capacity 112 for "considered thought and action." K i l p a t r i c k also wrote about considered thought and action. He suggested i n 1933 that adult education's "guiding motive and j u s t i f y i n g cause" was to encourage "suitable study" leading 113 to "concerted action" i n communities throughout the United States. He explained that: This way of study and action, many, many times repeated throughout the country, furnishes the democratic hope for remaking our economic system and otherwise rebuilding our s o c i a l l i f e . In the degree that c i t i z e n s can so unite for study and action, i n l i k e degree can best expert thinking be better spread on i t s merits and defensible action taken. According to Arthur Schlesinger, "a c u l t of direct action was beginning to grow" i n 1932-3. He added that: And i n the distance, as Americans d r i f t e d i n the great void, more ominous formations gathered—Minute Men and S i l v e r S h i r t s , Khaki Shirts and White Shirts and American N a t i o n a l i s t s . The nation was evidently on the brink of an abyss. The Moody Bible Ins t i t u t e Monthly even detected eschatological portents i n the winter's t r i b u l a t i o n s : the l a s t days might be on hand, the f i n a l c r i s i s before the milennium. Schlesinger, Old Order, p. 461. 1 1 : LCartwright, "Annual Report for 1932-3," p. 362. 1 1 2 I b i d . 113 K i l p a t r i c k , "New Adult Education," pp. 135-6. 97 In the same degree can each p a r t i c i p a t i n g c i t i z e n f i n d for himself a cause worthy of thought and e f f o r t . H ^ K i l p a t r i c k viewed study and action as a process whereby communities could engage i n t h e i r own reconstruction. S i m i l a r l y , Lindeman viewed s o c i a l education as "a process and a goal, but not necessarily a technique for a preconceived goal.""^"' Lindeman, K i l p a t r i c k and Cartwright acknowledged the demands for immediate action by emphasizing the necessity for study and thought p r i o r to action, action determined during the process rather than before or apart from i t . It was necessary to distinguish directed action from action that resulted n a t u r a l l y from education, according to Kotinsky i n 1933 i n her argument i n support of the notion of education leading to s o c i a l action. She wrote that: It i s not the action which i s to be scorned, but the determination by the teachers i n advance of what the action i s to be. It i s the d i f f i c u l t task of the adult educator to help persons to become conscious and good schemers of t h e i r own destinies without determining these destinies for them.H6 Jean Carter and Eleanor G. Coit added a s i m i l a r q u a l i f i c a t i o n i n t h e i r 1934 report of the program of the A f f i l i a t e d Schools for Workers, a program, they said, that was consciously directed toward s o c i a l change. Both had lengthy experience i n workers' education. They suggested that the Schools performed an e s s e n t i a l service by preparing workers to make an i n t e l l i g e n t contribution K i l p a t r i c k , "New Adult Education," p. 135. John Dewey and John Childs made a s i m i l a r point: The problem of the r e l a t i o n of knowledge and action equals i n importance that of the i n d i v i d u a l and the s o c i a l . For we l i v e i n a world wherein we have to act, where action i s imperative and unescapable but where knowledge i s conditional, dependent upon ourselves. And the consequences of action, that i s , what comes from i t and remains as a permanent deposit, depend— within l i m i t s at least—upon whether or not action i s informed with knowledge and i s guided by adequate i n t e l l i g e n c e . Dewey and Childs, p. 299. "'""''^ Lindeman, S o c i a l Education, p. xv. Kotinksy, S o c i a l Scene, p. 180. 98 to s o c i a l change but without d i r e c t i n g the nature of that change. In the i r words: The schools...do not attempt to prescribe the formula for action for thei r students. Their work i s organized on the p r i n c i p l e that education should serve as a basis for l i v i n g and should equip the i n d i v i d u a l to take an active and i n t e l l i g e n t part i n solving his own problems, but should leave him free to determine for himself the channels through which he can work most e f f e c t i v e l y . H 7 Coit, Carter, and Kotinsky ref l e c t e d the contemporary interest i n direct action but tempered the appeal for directed action by i n s i s t i n g that t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y as educators ended when learners acquired the s k i l l to determine t h e i r own course of action. The climate of opinion i n the United States had changed by 1935 as New Deal p o l i c i e s offered a middle way between the extremes of l e f t and r i g h t . There was room for those who recognized the necessity for a l i n k between education and s o c i a l action, but who wished to avoid any association with r a d i c a l change. Cartwright wrote with open s a t i s f a c t i o n about the "death of the movement" that had argued that the school should be an agency for s o c i a l action: It i s with g r a t i f i c a t i o n that the writer of th i s report pens a b r i e f obituary i n passing, t r u s t i n g that his observations may be heard amid the l a s t gasps of the expiring formula by which our l i v e s were to have been made over; amid the wailing, the gnashing of teeth, and the s e l f - f l a g e l l a t i o n s of the diminishing body of watchers and mourners.... The successful growth and maturing of this now dying idea would have meant inevitably the death and destruction of whatever quality of open-mindedness adult education has stood f o r . x 1 ^ Cartwright maintained that i n t e l l i g e n t s o c i a l action was dependent on a thorough understanding of a l l sides of a question. The educator's r o l e was Jean Carter and Eleanor G. Coit, "The A f f i l i a t e d Schools Establish Experimental Projects," JAE 6 (October 1934):506. Carter was noted as a member of the s t a f f of the Schools with several years teaching experience at the Bryn Mawr Summer School for Women Workers i n Industry. Coit was the dir e c t o r of the A f f i l i a t e d Schools and of the Summer School for Office Workers at Oberlin College. Morse A. Cartwright, "Annual Report of the Director for 1934-5," JAE 7 (June 1935):345. to f a c i l i t a t e that understanding and to allow and to encourage the learners to decide t h e i r own action plans. "His i s not the part to lead them i n that 119 s o c i a l action," he concluded. Bryson made a useful d i s t i n c t i o n between education and s o c i a l action. He observed i n 1936 that "there must be some leaders who w i l l c r y s t a l l i z e thought into those cruder and more simpler forms by which men can move 120 stea d i l y toward overt r e s u l t s . " Those people of action "have a place i n the s o c i a l movement for progress of which adult education i s a part," but, he 121 added, "they are not the best teachers." He thought that teachers needed d i f f e r e n t q u a l i t i e s . He wrote that: "The one to whom we can give the name of teacher i s he who w i l l maintain i n his own thinking, and against the hurried s i m p l i f i c a t i o n s of more dominant and less i n t e l l e c t u a l leaders, the 122 skepticism that serves as a s o c i a l c o r r e c t i v e . " Yet despite the d i s t i n c t i o n between teaching and leading, Bryson concluded that "many workers i n the f i e l d play both roles, not at once, but i n r e l a t i o n to d i f f e r e n t 123 students, or at d i f f e r e n t times, or i n di f f e r e n t a c t i v i t i e s . " That role d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n had accommodated the notion of a dispassionate educator working hand i n glove with the s o c i a l a c t i v i s t even when the roles were assumed by one i n d i v i d u a l . By 1936, several adult educators had come to share the notion of education i n preparation f o r s o c i a l action and, led by Bryson, began to ar t i c u l a t e t h e i r role within the education and s o c i a l action symbiosis. Their notion of education i n preparation for s o c i a l action was a product of much thought and debate about the role of adult education i n s o c i a l change that had been stimulated by the emphasis on s o c i a l planning to overcome the Depression. 119 Cartwright, "Annual Report 1934-5," p. 347. 120 121 Bryson, Adult Education, p. 66. Ibid., p. 67, 122 123 Ibid., pp. 67-8. Ibid., p. 68. 100 Adult educators' interest i n s o c i a l issues i l l u s t r a t e d t h e i r growing s o c i a l consciousness and the i r continuing e f f o r t s to achieve a measure of s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e for t h e i r r e l a t i v e l y new f i e l d . Search for Soc i a l Significance (1937-41) Adult education for s o c i a l improvement c l e a r l y was a major topic of inquiry during the Depression, and was influenced more and more by the concepts of community and co-operation. The national emergencies caused by depression and approaching war directed adult educators' attention to s o c i a l issues although there continued to be debates about the aims of adult education. Some feared that the emphasis on s o c i a l improvement had undermined the i n d i v i d u a l s e l f - a c t u a l i z a t i o n dimension of the movement, and others objected to the close l i n k between education and s o c i a l action that had gained some currency i n the movement. Another unresolved matter was the determination of a method to organize learners f o r s o c i a l improvement. Soci a l Significance Series The i n t e r e s t i n s o c i a l perspectives was apparent i n the announcement i n l a t e 1936 of a five-year study of the s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of adult education i n the United States to be undertaken by the AAAE, a project originated and directed by Cartwright and funded by the Carnegie Corporation. Ely introduced the project to the readers of the Journal of Adult Education i n early 1937, noting that: "The ultimate object of the five-year study as a whole i s to discover the meaning and estimate the worth of adult education as a s o c i a l 124 movement among the other s o c i a l movements of our time and place." There were speedy results and books i n the s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e series were published by the AAAE beginning i n 1937 and at the termination of the project i n 1941 numbered twenty-seven. 124 Mary L. Ely, " E d i t o r i a l , " JAE 9 (January 1937):75. 101 A l l contributors to the series were concerned primarily with adult education for s o c i a l improvement but did not ignore i n d i v i d u a l s e l f -a c t u a l i z a t i o n . Gaynell Hawkins, who was a f i e l d representative for the AAAE on leave from her Dallas work while researching the educational aspects of s o c i a l settlements for the s e r i e s , suggested i n 1937 that the settlements were anomalies. She described a settlement as ...a highly i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c organization increasingly committed to c o l l e c t i v e or cooperative action. With no awareness of inconsistency, i t speaks for the people of i t s neighbourhood and at the same time encourages them to speak for themselves.125 The Overstreets viewed adult educators as "deliberately trained leaders to whom society entrusts the task of harmonizing i n d i v i d u a l rights with s o c i a l 126 r i g h t s . " Harry A. Overstreet, on leave from a professorship of philosophy at the College of the City of New York, and Bonaro Overstreet offered t h e i r impressions a f t e r serving as f i e l d representatives for the AAAE charged with the task of reporting on leadership i n adult education. The dual goals of the movement were evident i n t h e i r report of that leadership; they were "to provide adults with opportunities for entering into groups where they can both 127 s a t i s f y t h e i r private hungers and acquire s k i l l i n s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n . " Most contributors to the s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e series perceived a close relationship between the s o c i a l goal of adult education and the preservation of democracy as war clouds were growing throughout the world. Kotinsky, another f i e l d representative for the AAAE i n 1940-1 while c o l l e c t i n g data for her books, viewed adult education councils as useful agencies for the development of people i n d i v i d u a l l y and i n t h e i r larger and smaller s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . She believed that such development was "the essence of 125 Gaynell Hawkins, Educational Experiments i n S o c i a l Settlements (New York: AAAE, 1937), p. 16. Hawkins was noted i n 1940 as the educational director of the C i v i c Federation of Dallas. 126 127 Overstreet and Overstreet,; p. 2. Ibid., p. 59. 102 democracy i t s e l f , " and that " i t may very well be that the ultimate purposes common to a l l adult education workers are closely related to fundamental 128 democratic p r i n c i p l e s and values." Thomas R. Adam considered museums to be an adult education i n s t i t u t i o n with s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . In his second book about museums i n the se r i e s , published i n 1939 j u s t before he l e f t f o r B r i t a i n for war service, Adam suggested that "increasing threats of h o s t i l e forces within and without the state" produced a tendency toward popularization of knowledge, a tendency that "marks the growth of a concept of s o c i a l 129 education; of learning as an instrument of democratic action." Ralph A. Beals, assistant l i b r a r i a n at the Public Library of the D i s t r i c t of Columbia, and Leon Brody, both serving as f i e l d representatives of the AAAE, also reported adult education's growing concern with s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and democracy. That theme was one of many with s o c i a l connotations noted by Beals and Brody i n t h e i r 1941 report on the l i t e r a t u r e of adult education mainly covering the years 1929-39. They wrote that: The s p e c i f i c s o c i a l ends that have been set for adult education are both multitudinous and various: the creation of attitudes and concepts i n adults that w i l l ensure for the young a type of education i n tune with changed and changing conditions; establishment of a t h i r d party; the inc u l c a t i o n of temperance; dependable peace; freeing public welfare from p o l i t i c s ; the prevention of lynchings and s t r i k e s ; and the preservation, achievement, or overthrow of democracy at home and abroad.130 128 Ruth Kotinsky, Adult Education Councils (New York: AAAE, 1940), p. 19. Her second contribution to the series was: Ruth Kotinsky, Elementary Education of Adults: A C r i t i c a l Interpretation (New York: AAAE, 1941). 129 Thomas R. Adam, The Museum and Popular Culture (New York: AAAE, 1939), p. v i . His f i r s t book i n the series was: Thomas R. Adam, The C i v i c Value of Museums (New York: AAAE, 1937). In 1937, Adam was noted as a f i e l d representative of the AAAE on loan from Occidental College i n Los Angeles where he had been assistant professor of history and government. He was noted as professor of government at New York University i n 1947. 130 Ralph A. Beals and Leon Brody, The Li t e r a t u r e of Adult Education (New York: AAAE, 1941), p. 21. Beals joined the s t a f f of the AAAE as administrative assistant to the d i r e c t o r i n 1933, and was noted as holding degrees from the University of C a l i f o r n i a and Harvard. He was j o i n t editor of the JAE during Ely's absence i n 1937-8. 103 Adult education had assumed a multitudinous and various realm indeed i n the aim to improve society. Community Adult educators' interest i n the community had begun i n the twenties and i n the early t h i r t i e s , and increased during the l a t e t h i r t i e s . That int e r e s t was inspired by a concern that the continuing c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of socio-economic and p o l i t i c a l power would s t r i p l o c a l i t i e s of a l l control and leave the people alienated from democracy. Cartwright again expressed h i s fear of the c e n t r a l i z a t i o n trend i n 1939. He commented on the negative e f f e c t s of large federal government contributions to adult education that had been made as part of the depression r e l i e f program in the United States. He observed that centralized control made i t s e l f f e l t "not by f i a t or edict but i n s i d i o u s l y , and perhaps even i n large part 131 unconsciously." According to the director of the AAAE, the b u i l d up of community control of l o c a l a f f a i r s was closely connected to the question of l o c a l self-determination and freedom. The need to revive community was stressed by a number of participants i n a panel discussion on the problems of r u r a l l i v i n g at the 1939 annual conference of the AAAE, held for the f i r s t time outside the United States at Niagara F a l l s , Ontario. Joseph McCulley, headmaster of Pickering College, declared that "a sense of community, of 'togetherness,' of belonging, i s the 132 great need of our c i v i l i z a t i o n at the present time." McCulley was convinced that development of a concept of community would encourage l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e that i n turn would r e s u l t i n a healthier society. Leonard Harman, president of the United Farmers of Ontario Young People's Organization, also underlined ^"'"Morse A. Cartwright, "Tolerance i n a Democracy," JAE 11 (June 1939):239. 132 Joseph McCulley i n " M i n o r i t i e s — a n d Democracy: A Report of the Fourteenth Annual Meeting, May 1939," JAE 11 (June 1939):298. 104 the importance of l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e during the same panel discussion, voicing the f a m i l i a r concern with centralized control. He stated that: "I think the pro b a b i l i t y of developing l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e and o r i g i n a l i t y i s greater i n and through organizations that function on the i r own i n i t i a t i v e , without 133 superimposed government d i r e c t i o n . " According to Carl C. Taylor, i n charge of the Di v i s i o n of Farm Population and Rural L i f e i n the United States Department of Agriculture, i t was not just government but a variety of organizations that were destroying the r u r a l community, including two adult education agencies. In h i s words: I believe that i f the market, the farm organizations, the government, the extension service, the Women's In s t i t u t e s , and other agencies have brought ideas and concerns i n from the outside that have tended to destroy the age-old community int e r e s t of the people, they should take some r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for re-creating that i n t e r e s t before the community gets too exclusively attached to outside concerns. Our l o c a l communities have always had t h e i r own arts, t h e i r own recreation, t h e i r own t r a d i t i o n s , as an i n t e g r a l part of t h e i r l i f e . But these other things have come i n and have tended to destroy the indigenous culture. 1-^ 4 Taylor, Harman, and McCulley agreed that r u r a l communities had to be encouraged to develop t h e i r own resources themselves. Community r e v i v a l also was important to a healthy urban environment. Kotinsky suggested i n 1940 that adult education councils held the pot e n t i a l to f a c i l i t a t e urban and r u r a l community r e v i v a l " i n that they represent a conscious attempt to b u i l d into society a type of structure which now i t 135 lacks." Her view of the s o c i a l u t i l i t y of councils to f i l l a gap i n i n d u s t r i a l i z e d society accentuated the importance of a sense of community s i m i l a r to that advanced by McCulley. According to Kotinsky, community was necessary to give people some control over t h e i r l i v e s and thereby reduce 133 Leonard Harman i n " M i n o r i t i e s — a n d Democracy," p. 299. 134 Carl C. Taylor i n " M i n o r i t i e s — a n d Democracy," p. 299. 135 Kotinsky, Adult Education Councils, p. 5. 105 136 s o c i a l confusion. Watson Thomson, of the department of extension of the University of Alberta, shared that view. He declared i n 1939 that the mass of people could be "re-personalized" by "various economic and educational processes which aim at erecting those smaller s o c i a l units i n 137 which the i n d i v i d u a l can f e e l himself 'somebody' again." Adult educators came more and more to perceive the community adult education council as a useful vehicle for l o c a l co-ordination of l o c a l a f f a i r s . 138 Ozanne had detected t h e i r importance i n 1934. A council had been 139 formed i n Des Moines at the conclusion of the forum project i n 1937. In the same year, a five-year project funded by the General Education Board had entered i t s second year i n Greenville County, South Carolina, aiming at " i n i t i a t i n g and d i r e c t i n g a program of community improvement."^4^ The Greenville County Council for Community Development was composed of "about f i f t y persons who represent a l l sections and a l l interests of the population," and was the brain c h i l d of the president of Furman College and the superintendent of d i s t r i c t schools. Edmund Brunner served as project consultant and explained i t s philosophy i n this way: Its broad objective i s the greatest possible use of the county's assets, known and discoverable, i n means and leadership, to secure the best possible s o c i a l l i f e for a l l the c i t i z e n s of the county. It recognized that the only sure means to an e f f e c t i v e and enduring program i s to be found by helping c i t i z e n s discover the needs of the community, by bu i l d i n g the service program only as the demand for i t grows from the constituency, i n short by the democratic method of sharing both facts and decisions .I4-'-Ibxd., p. 6. ^ 137 Watson Thomson, "This 'Group' Business," ALg 3 ( A p r i l 1939):2. 138 139 Above, pp. 78-9. Above, pp. 79-80. 140 Ralph Lynn and Margaret Lynn, "Economic and C u l t u r a l Reconstruction," JAE 9 (June 1937):245. 141 Edmund de S. Brunner c i t e d i n i b i d . , p. 246. ' 106 Emphasis was on the a c q u i s i t i o n of the knowledge and s k i l l s necessary to f a c i l i t a t e l o c a l control of l o c a l development through adult education, a process termed community improvement and/or community development. As was the case with Stacy i n 1935, the community development term appeared i n 1937 i n passing with no emphasis and was undefined. The Greenville project was more ambitious than the Des Moines experiment i n that i t involved r u r a l and urban areas, and sought to i d e n t i f y a process by which broad p a r t i c i p a t i o n by large numbers of c i t i z e n s could govern a l l aspects of l o c a l growth rather than simply organizing adult education agencies for community-wide educational planning that had t y p i f i e d the other. Community adult education councils were the most frequently cited agency at the end of the t h i r t i e s that aimed to co-ordinate community a c t i v i t y . Cartwright predicted a bright future for them when he wrote i n 1939 that: "I t would seem that they are growing and w i l l continue to grow both i n numbers 142 and importance i n the s o c i a l and educational scene." In the same year, Ralph McCallister, d i r e c t o r of the Adult Education Council of Chicago, added his optimism about the councils. He wrote that: What we hope i s that, through the Council, the educational organizations i n the c i t y may become a dynamic influence i n the growth of community l i f e . We f e e l that the role of the adult education council i s p a r t i c u l a r l y important i n these times when many agencies, p a r t i c u l a r l y those under private auspices, are t r y i n g to f i n d t h e i r place i n a changing s o c i a l scene.143 Kotinsky lauded the s o c i a l value of the pioneering venture of the councils and, l i k e Ozanne's example of the New England town meeting, she stated that "some modern substitute must be found for the town meeting where opinion was formed and action taken a f t e r the f u l l sharing of the opinion and interest of 142 Cartwright, "Tolerance i n a Democracy," p. 241. 143 Ralph McCallister i n "The Community: A Symposium," JAE 11 (June 1939):293. 107 144 a l l concerned." As the l i k e l i h o o d of war grew, Cartwright observed that the growing number of adult education councils was a major means of "bringing 145 the resources of adult education to bear on the national emergency." The entry of Canada into World War II i n 1939 and the entry of the United States i n 1941 gave a new impetus to adult educators who championed the community approach. Interest i n community during the t h i r t i e s had been triggered i n part by a fear of centralized control and i n part by a hope that the socio-economic depression could be a l l e v i a t e d by l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e and s e l f - h e l p . The need to mobilize l o c a l resources for national s u r v i v a l and post-war reconstruction spurred the i n t e r e s t i n the early f o r t i e s . Dorothy Rowden, a s t a f f member of the Journal of Adult Education, and Ruth Kotinsky summarized a colloquy and panel discussion on community organization and national unity held i n 1941 by noting a growing preoccupation with the community approach to augment democracy. "A lack of s u f f i c i e n t connective s o c i a l t i e s constitues one of the potential menaces of the present c r i s i s , " 146 they reported. In order to eradicate that menace i t was necessary "to organize the community for action" i n l i g h t of a l l pertinent facts of l o c a l l i f e and not simply the concerns of some sections of the population. They explained that: This implies, i n the f i r s t place, that the i n t e r e s t s and resources of less-known and minority groups within the community must be discovered and mobilized, as well as those of better-known "high-class" prestige groups. The lack of psychological a f f i n i t y among individuals l i v i n g 144 Kotinksy, Adult Education Councils, p. 158. 145 Morse A. Cartwright, "Annual Report of the Director for 1940-1," JAE 13 (June 1941):332. 146 Dorothy Rowden and Ruth Kotinsky, "Community Organization and National Unity: A Colloquy and Panel Discussion," JAE 13 (June 1941):332. Participants were: Helen Gregory, Charles A. Hogan, Herbert Hunsaker, Ruth Kotinsky, Clarence B. Loomis, Howard Y. McClusky, John J . McGrath, H. W. Nisonger, Elmer Scott, and George B. Zehmer. 108 i n close geographical proximity can be counteracted only by taking i n a l l the p e o p l e . 1 4 7 According to Rowden and Kotinsky, the panel concluded that the exclusion of . parts of the community from l o c a l a f f a i r s impaired the f u l l marshalling of resources. War-time demanded innovation. That demand was a main reason behind the establishment of the Farm Radio Forum i n Canada. Commencing broadcasting i n 1941, the Forum aimed at reviving a depressed a g r i c u l t u r a l industry by encouraging r u r a l communities to take action and solve t h e i r own problems. "The main motive for leadership i n the forums was the hope of laying a foundation for action to be taken very soon to improve the economic and s o c i a l conditions of the farm people," wrote N e i l M. Morrison who had been employed j o i n t l y by the CAAE and the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation to 148 develop projects that led to the establishment of the Forum. Edward Bayne, a member of the AAAE e d i t o r i a l s t a f f , suggested that another medium held pot e n t i a l for an educational program to establish and enhance the concept of community i n r u r a l and urban centres. In h i s opinion: Film, then, to serve as a teaching instrument i n a democracy, must be based upon and b u i l t around the idea of community. It must teach what the community can do for i t s e l f through planning and adjustment. 1 4^ Teaching community self-help was the order of the day. Co-operation Socio-economic co-operation continued to be advanced as a useful strategy to help Canadian and American democracy through the hard times. A 147T, ., Ibid. 148 N e i l M. Morrison, "Farmers A i r Their Problems—An Experiment i n Rural Adult Education," FFT 1 (June 1941):6. 149 Edward A. Bayne, "Film and Community," JAE 13 (January 1941):19. Bayne wrote t h i s a r t i c l e a f t e r having completed a year's study of documentary films as a fellow of the Rockefeller Foundation. 109 co-operative society was e s s e n t i a l to the s u r v i v a l of democracy i n the opinion of Harry Overstreet who shared i t with those i n attendance at the AAAE annual conference i n 1939 in a speech delivered at a session on "adult education and democracy." He said that: We are j u s t beginning to r e a l i z e that democracy perhaps may not amount to much unless we transform i t into a profound human experience; make i t a way of l i f e ; care deeply about i t as a way of thinking with other people who may think d i f f e r e n t l y from us; as a way of changing our minds in the presence of other people and of l i v i n g generously and cooperatively with other people. It i s t h i s deeper meaning of democracy that some of us are now beginning to grasp.150 Father Coady's view of a close relationship between democracy and co-operation was akin to Overstreet's with the addition of a strong Christian flavour. "We are confident that our program i s i n conformity with the fundamental ideas of Christian democratic society," Coady a v o w e d . S p i r i t u a l r e v i v a l was a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the Antigonish Movement. George Boyle, editor of The Maritime Cooperator, the extension b u l l e t i n of St. Francis Xavier, emphasized that c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i n 1940 while reporting on the Movement's impact on Newfoundland's p o l i c y of s o c i a l reconstruction. He declared that "the people i n the Antigonish Movement are decidedly i n accord with the Christian Fathers who proclaim that redemptive love must be the motive 152 force making true cooperators." With s i m i l a r enthusiasm, although drawing from the philosophy of John Dewey rather than the C h r i s t i a n Fathers, author Wendell Thomas wrote that: "God i s the end; a cooperative s o c i a l order i s a means to the end; while the method by which the end i s experienced i s 150 ''Coady, Masters, p. 2. Harry A. Overstreet i n " M i n o r i t i e s — a n d Democracy," pp. 320-1. 151, 152 George Boyle, "Out of the Drain, Into the Study Club," JAE 12 ( A p r i l 1940):161. 110 153 i n t e l l i g e n t cooperation among i n d i v i d u a l s . " In addition to s p i r i t u a l and philosophical reasons for co-operation, Harry and Bonaro Overstreet found a p r a c t i c a l example of co-operation i n action i n the Danish Folk Schools. In t h e i r contribution to the s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e series i n 1941, they observed that: Adult educators have real i z e d how l i t t l e the s p i r i t of i n t e l l i g e n t cooperation can be engendered among people who l i v e c h i e f l y i n s e l f -centered separateness. Hence t h e i r envy of the folk high schools, and t h e i r wish that something of l i k e nature might take root i n America.154 The Antigonish Movement was more accessible and perhaps more impressive to American enthusiasts of co-operation. Land i s noted i n 1939 that the Co-operative League of the United States "every year conducts a tour to Nova Scotia i n order that, cooperative .leaders and educators may observe the work of the cooperatives that have l i t e r a l l y flowed out of the study groups organized by the Extension D i v i s i o n of St. Francis X a v i e r . " ^ ^ Antigonish " i s quite a Mecca now," he observed i n 1940, and " a l l summer long there come to Antigonish, teachers, government o f f i c i a l s , clergymen of many f a i t h s , and 156 leaders of cooperatives, to see the work that i s being done there." Canadians from various walks of l i f e also continued to be impressed. William Feltmate declared that: "When everyone i s l e f t alone to work out his own destiny, i t r e s u l t s i n thousands of human beings tearing at one another's throats and t h i s w i l l continue u n t i l the masses of the people are shown how to raise themselves out of the depths of misery and become educated and 153 Wendell Thomas, "Reflections on Dewey's Philosophy," JAE 12 (January 1940) :25. Thomas was simply cited as the author of Democratic Philosophy. 154 Overstreet and Overstreet, p. 114. "^Benson Y. Landis, "Schools i n Economic Democracy," JAE 11 ( A p r i l 1939):148. 156 Benson Y. Landis, "Antigonish Revisited, 1 1 JAE 12 (January 1940):73. I l l C h ristianized and reach a l e v e l worthy of a l l men."^ 7 Feltmate, a fisherman of White Head, Nova Scotia, made this statement during a testimonial explaining the workings of lobster co-operatives to l i s t e n e r s of the CBC i n 1938. He a r t i c u l a t e d the Antigonish message well. The "remarkable stimulation" provided to the co-operative movement by Antigonish was acknowledged by Gordon M. Shrum, director of extension at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, who claimed i n 1940 that "areas that were formerly i n the process of becoming 'depressed areas' of economic stagnation have become centers of vigorous cooperative endeavor. The concept of co-operation had been appealing to adult educators for philosophical, economic, and s o c i a l reasons, but fundamental obstacles also existed. Kotinsky interpreted the increase i n adult education council a c t i v i t y as a "conscious attempt to b u i l d into society a type of structure which now i t lacks." a structure to f a c i l i t a t e the l o s t arts of communication 159 and co-operation. She admired the advances made through economic co-operation but detected an i n a b i l i t y to extend the notion of co-operation to other aspects of l i f e i n the United States of 1940. In her opinion: "By cooperation Americans have moved material mountains; they allow themselves to be stopped by i r r i t a t i n g gnats when i t comes to cooperative e f f o r t s at improving the quality of l i f e , because actually they do not know how to work f r u i t f u l l y together i n this sphere and are looking about for excuses to c a l l q u i t s . " ^ ^ Enthusiasts of co-operation faced some opposition from a questioning and fear that co-operation contained within i t the seeds of r a d i c a l s o c i a l change. There was a hesitancy latent i n the commentary about the Antigonish 1 5 7 W i l l i a m Feltmate, "Adult Education and Lobsters," ALg 2 (May 1938): 7-8. The testimonial was broadcast over the CBC under the auspices of the CAAE. 158 Gordon M. Shrum, "Among Canada's West Coast Fishermen," JAE 12 (October 1940):390. 159 160 Kotinsky, Adult Education Councils, p. 5. Ibid. 112 Movement i t s e l f . In 1939, Coady recalled a lengthy delay i n the establishment of the extension department at St. Francis Xavier that had occurred because "the idea of launching out into this movement was now and, i n those days, revolutionary.""''^''' In h i s estimation, the main problem was the opposition from "the people of means" who the university r e l i e d on for support to some 162 extent. He continued: Events proved, to some extent, that i f St. Francis Xavier authorities had any fears i n the matter they were well founded. Opposition did a r i s e and the support and l o y a l t y of many of those who backed the i n s t i t u t i o n i n i t s pre-Extension days i s now lacking.1^3 Coady did not explain further but he had made his point. Adult education innovations that implied a hand i n s o c i a l change were unlikely to f i n d support from t r a d i t i o n a l sources. S. F. Maine registered h i s skepticism of the St. Francis Xavier program and suggested that university extension should s t i c k to t r a d i t i o n a l methods of extending university c r e d i t and non-credit courses through classes, correspondence, and discussion groups. Maine, a member of the faculty at the University of Western Ontario and vice-president of the CAAE at the time of writing i n 1937, noted the more " l i b e r a l " interpretation of extension at St. Francis Xavier but suggested that the Antigonish program was unique and 164 limited i n appeal to areas where extraordinary conditions prevailed. In his words: Only a private i n s t i t u t i o n would be quite free to undertake such work which inevitably s t r i k e s at the source of income of a considerable segment of the community. Even i f the economic results were not as r a d i c a l as expected, t h i s type of a c t i v i t y i s l i k e l y to be r e s t r i c t e d to a r e l a t i v e l y small number of i n s t i t u t i o n s which find themselves i n the midst of unusual conditions. ^ 5 '^"'"Coady, Masters, p. 13. "'"^Ibid. "*"^Ibid., p. 14. 164 S. F. Maine, "The U n i v e r s i t i e s and Adult Education," ALg 1 (January 1937) :6. 165T, ., Ibid. 113 University extension was and should be e s s e n t i a l l y conservative i n Maine's judgment, a conclusion s i m i l a r to that reached by James Creese i n his survey of university extension i n the United States published i n 1941. X^ Landis reported deep seated opposition to the St. Francis Xavier extension program from the vested interests i n the province. After v i s i t i n g Antigonish i n 1940, he wrote that: I f you are a member of a university faculty and become interested i n teaching farmers and fishermen and miners, you must pay a price for being d i f f e r e n t and daring. If you star t to create an economic democracy, some of the people at the top of the present s o c i a l structure w i l l raise t h e i r eyebrows—and more. You run r i s k s , and no small ones, when you embrace the cause of the people. Opposition to the program came from the resident students at the university who, according to Landis, "echo too f a i t h f u l l y the table talk of t h e i r parents, 168 most of whom do not l i v e i n the humble cottages on the coast." There was no a r t i c u l a t e opposition to the "cooperative gospel" i n Prince Edward Island, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia according to Ned Corbett i n 1940, despite St. Francis Xavier's experiment i n "education for s o c i a l action" that he c a l l e d "as r a d i c a l i n i t s implications as any educational program i n Canada." x^ 9 Indeed, Corbett, d i r e c t o r of the CAAE jfrom 1935 to 1951, suggested that the program had gained a fresh impetus from wartime demands that encouraged co-operative e f f o r t s on a l l fronts. The concept of co-operation had been a t t r a c t i v e to adult educators during the s t r a i n s of depression and war for philosophical, economic, and 166 James Creese noted, i n a survey of university extension that was the l a s t publication i n the s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e series of the AAAE, that conventional forms persisted and "extension i s old enough now to have i t s own t r a d i t i o n s and codes and to depart from these only r e l u c t a n t l y . " James Creese, The Extension of University Teaching (New York: AAAE, 1941), p. 57. X ^ 7 L a n d i s , "Antigonish R e v i s i t e d / ' p. 74. X ^ 8 I b i d . 1 6 9 E . A. Corbett, "In Wartime Canada," JAE 12 ( A p r i l 1940):154. Pr i o r to h i s appointment as d i r e c t o r of the CAAE, Corbett had been professor and d i r e c t o r of extension at the University of Alberta. He had taken up his Alberta position i n 1920. From 1943 to 1946 he served on the executive board of the AAAE. 114 s o c i a l reasons. Nothing seemed more sensible than c i t i z e n s j o i n i n g together i n t h e i r communities to work as a team to solve t h e i r problems. Nothing was more democratic. Co-operation was interpreted i n a number of ways from simple teamwork to get a job done quickly within the confines of the s o c i a l system to a more ambitious view of doing the job and at the same time amending that system. The l a t t e r perspective was hinted at i n the Antigonish Movement's insistence that the best education was that which led to immediate s o c i a l action. Education of the depressed fishermen, farmers, and miners leading to s o c i a l action meant a change i n a s o c i a l system that had accommodated depression i n the past. The reservations about the notion of co-operation as a lodestar i n Canada and the United States had i l l u s t r a t e d the dilemma faced by adult educators who wished to introduce innovations to enhance the s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h e i r movement. They had been led by the requirements of depression and war to emphasize the s o c i a l improvement goal of the adult education movement but not at the expense of the i n d i v i d u a l s e l f - a c t u a l i z a t i o n goal. They had been led by the same requirements to search for the means to p a r t i c i p a t e i n s o c i a l planning without committing adult education to d i r e c t i n g s o c i a l change. There were indications at the end of the t h i r t i e s that they were unable to resolve the fundamental differences of opinion about the r e l a t i v e importance of i n d i v i d u a l and society, and about the relationship between education and s o c i a l action. Unresolved Matters Adult educators were concerned about three matters i n the l a t e t h i r t i e s i n connection with the emphasis on s o c i a l improvement. F i r s t , some were f e a r f u l that that emphasis had been made at the expense of the i n d i v i d u a l s e l f - a c t u a l i z a t i o n goal. Second, some were reluctant to accept the notion of an i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between education and s o c i a l action. Third, adult educators were uncertain about the method to organize learners for s o c i a l improvement. Dual Goals Bernard E. Meland, a f i e l d representative:: for- the AAAE: ini the l a t e t h i r t i e s , provided a clear statement about the debate over the dual goals of the movement i n a study of the church and adult education published for the s o c i a l significance series i n 1939. "From the point of view of one group of educators," he observed, "the s o c i a l scene i s an order of r e l a t i o n s beyond the range of educational activity.""'" 7^ To that group, education was a process of developing individuals so that they might understand and cope with the s o c i a l environment but not a process of promoting s o c i a l change. "From the opposing standpoint," he continued, "no education i s worth doing unless i t leads to s o c i a l action. To t h i s group, education was a "creative process committed not simply to releasing the powers and capacities of individuals to l i v e i n the world as i t i s , but also to fashioning an order of l i v i n g that 172 must, i n turn, be shaped by creative p e r s o n a l i t i e s . " In Meland's estimation, i n d i v i d u a l and society were not two d i s t i n c t and r i v a l r e a l i t i e s , 173 but rather "the plant-and-soil context of one organic scene." The image of one organic scene was reminiscent of Lindeman's idea of i n t e r a c t i o n , Wooddy's unique blend, Stacy's integration, and Falconer's wholeness. Meland had not anticipated any leasening of the tension between the s o c i a l and i n d i v i d u a l emphases i n adult education. He concluded that: "In t h e i r present forms the two can not be harmoniously correlated, f or the 174 tensions, h i s t o r i c i n o r i g i n , at present remain strong." Nevertheless, he thought .'thatr adult' education would" be: impoverished i f either i d e a l ' dropped 1 7 0 B e r n a r d E. Meland, The Church and Adult Education (New York: AAAE, 1939), p. 104. 1 7 1 I b i d . , p. 105. 1 7 2Meland, p. 105. 1 7 3 I b i d . 1 7 4 I b i d . , p. 108. away. He ended with a note of optimism: "There i s some hope that we may yet f i n d the way to encourage the complete growth of the i n d i v i d u a l and at the same time further the well-being of the people of the nation.""*'7'' The dual goals of the movement were discussed during the 1939 annual conference of the AAAE. Ely published a summary of the symposia and discussions held at the conference and noted that a common question throughout was: "Shall adult education seek to create a common culture throughout a nation or s h a l l i t aim rather to safeguard and foster i n d i v i d u a l , l o c a l , group, and class differences?"'*' 7^ There was no common answer to the question. Ely suggested that the complexity and importance of the issues involved i n the question were profound and had been "propounded, debated, l e f t unsettled, year af t e r year."^" 7 7 There the matter rested at the end of the f i r s t generation of the adult education movement. Soci a l Action The notion of education i n preparation f o r s o c i a l action was wide-spread i n the lat e t h i r t i e s . Cartwright had introduced the AAAE five-year s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e project by c i t i n g , as a basic guideline accepted by a l l those working on the project, the assumption that: "The educational process i s something apart and d i s t i n c t from s o c i a l action, stopping short thereof, but vastl y important as a preliminary to the evolvement of s o c i a l change and 178 espec i a l l y of s o c i a l betterment." Education and s o c i a l action attracted attention at the annual conference of the AAAE i n 1938. A colloquy addressed the question: "To what extent do we educate f o r s o c i a l action?" Gaynell 175T, ., Ibid. 1 7^Mary L. Ely i n "M i n o r i t i e s — a n d Democracy," p. 289. 177 T,., Ibid. 178 Morse A. Cartwright, "Annual Report of the Director for 1936-7," JAE 9 (June 1937):346. Hawkins put the question into perspective and suggested that: I can think of no other country i n which a conference on adult education would bother with such a subject. That adult education i s for s o c i a l action would be taken for granted i n the countries where i t has a notable h i s t o r y , or any hist o r y at a l l . In t h i s country adult education, from i t s e a r l i e s t beginnings, has been so highly colored by c u l t u r a l courses that most people think of adult education as a c u l t u r a l rather than as a s o c i a l movement. The topic therefore i s pertinent.179 A consensus i n the colloquy perceived education as preparation for s o c i a l action. Ely commented on the educational work of the League of Women Voters, suggesting that " t h e i r education i s for some kind of action, but what kind 180 i s not dictated." "As educational agents, our primary concern i s with the enlightenment of the individuals i n the groups with which we are operating," added William A. Neilson, president of Smith College, but "the di r e c t i o n that t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s w i l l take them a f t e r that i s t h e i r a f f a i r 181 rather than ours." S i m i l a r i l y , Robert Hoppock, assistant to the directo r of the National Occupational Conference, stated that: "It seems to me that one purpose of adult education should be to make those who are about to take s o c i a l action conscious of the consequences of what they propose to do, and to provide them with the tools and the understanding that w i l l make their 182 s o c i a l action as well considered and as e f f e c t i v e as possible." These statements about education as preparation for s o c i a l action were much the same as those made by Coit, Carter, Kotinsky, Lindeman, K i l p a t r i c k , and Cartwright e a r l i e r i n the t h i r t i e s . There was general agreement during the colloquy that adult educators had a duty to prepare learners f o r s o c i a l action but l i n g e r i n g fears that had 179 Gaynell Hawkins i n "Summary of Colloquy V on "To What Extent do we Educate for S o c i a l Action?" JAE 10 (June 1938):271. 180 1 8 1 W i Mary L. Ely i n "Summary of Colloquy V," p. 272. l l i a m A. Neilson i n "Summary of Colloquy V," pp. 272-3. 182 Robert Hoppock i n "Summary of Colloquy V," p. 274. 118 been aroused during discussions i n the early and mid-thirties re-emerged. . Neilson anticipated opposition from the vested interests i n the s o c i a l system to the suggestion that education had a r o l e to play i n s o c i a l action. He cautioned that: We may ourselves, a l l of us, be strongly i n favor of action that w i l l be i n the d i r e c t i o n of s o c i a l betterment as we understand i t . We don't understand i t i n the same way as do the Chambers of Commerce, for the most part, but i f we e s t a b l i s h i n the public mind the idea that adult education always re s u l t s i n action toward the l e f t , we are going to s t i r up a great deal of antagonism that i n many cases may block us.183 Jess S. Ogden thought that the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of adult education with the l e f t was i n e v i t a b l e simply because in t e r e s t i n s o c i a l improvement natu r a l l y aroused conservative suspicion. Ogden, engaged i n a study of adult education i n churches for the s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e s e r i e s , declared that: It seems to me that the status quo has forced upon the educator the necessity of smashing much of what i s i n existence. There i s scarcely anyone i n this room who has not been a smasher of t r a d i t i o n i n some degree. Now, that makes us seem to be toward the l e f t simply because we are attempting to r e s i s t e x i s t i n g pressures from the right.184 Ogden and Neilson suggested that education for s o c i a l action had been interpreted by some unnamed c r i t i c s to l i n k adult education with the l e f t wing of the p o l i t i c a l spectrum. Also i n 1938, Everett Martin, who had moved on from the People's In s t i t u t e of New York to become professor of s o c i a l philosophy at Claremont College, feared that the education f o r s o c i a l action notion could l i n k adult education to the opposite end of that spectrum. He wrote that: "The theory of education for s o c i a l action leads l o g i c a l l y to Fascism and hence to the x 8 3 N e i l s o n , p. 274. 184 Jess S. Ogden i n "Summary of Colloquy V," p. 274. Ogden was noted as having brought v i t a l i t y to adult* education a f t e r a career as a s o l d i e r , a businessman, the di r e c t o r of church community a c t i v i t i e s , a teacher, and a forum leader. 185 authoritarian state." The issues involved i n the education and s o c i a l action symbiosis c l e a r l y aroused deep seated and diverse concerns. On the one hand, i t was feared that the r e s u l t would be a swing to the r i g h t ; on the other hand, a fear of a swing to the l e f t . The subject reappeared during the 1939 conference i n Niagara F a l l s . "Shall we, or s h a l l we not, educate for p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l action?" asked 186 those i n attendance. A consensus was not forthcoming. M c C a l l i s t e r , drawing on the experience of the Adult Education Council of Chicago, warned of the dangers of educator's involvement i n s o c i a l action. He explained during the conference that: Owing to the very nature of the Council's organization, representing as i t does so many diverse i n t e r e s t s , we are limited i n the range of our a c t i v i t y . We are joined together by a common inte r e s t i n community welfare and i n promoting education. We can not be an action group except i n the in t e r e s t of extending educational opportunities. Were we to attempt to sponsor a group whose dir e c t purpose i s s o c i a l reform, except as reform applies to education, there would immediately be a break-off of a faction opposed to the policy that the majority was seeking to c r e a t e . 1 8 7 McCallister's balancing of education on the fringes of s o c i a l reform suggested an uncertainty about the ro l e of education i n s o c i a l action apart from the notion that i t should be h e l p f u l and non-directive. His observations i l l u s t r a t e d the d i f f i c u l t y that adult educators faced when responding to the demands of the times. The war emergency f o r e s t a l l e d any attempt to resolve the issues involved i n the relationship between education and s o c i a l action. Bryson r e c a l l e d the lengthy debate about the issues during a panel discussion on "adult education i n c r i s i s " i n 1941. He noted that e a r l i e r questions had remained unanswered 185 Everett D. Martin, "The Revolt Against Reason," JAE 10 (January 1938):18. 186 Ely statement i n " M i n o r i t i e s — a n d Democracy," p. 289. Ely summarized the conference i n t h i s statement. McC a l l i s t e r , p. 292. 120 when he wrote that: Should disucssion of a question eventuate i n action? If so, how much action? Action when? Action at what distance from decision as to the r e l a t i v e merits of the various facts and preferences presented?188 There were no commonly agreed to answers. Adult education i n c r i s i s was a f i t t i n g topic i n 1941. The Depression had created a demand for s o c i a l planning on a scale of unheard of proportions and the newly a r t i c u l a t e d s o c i a l improvement goal was the p r i o r i t y for most adult educators i n the l i t e r a t u r e . S o c i a l planning inferred s o c i a l change and adult educators thought that change, although of an undetermined nature, was best managed i n communities where a s p i r i t of co-operation could be i n s t i l l e d as a philosophical guide for self-help projects. Such projects required s o c i a l action and adult educators struggled to define a suitable strategy to accommodate the demand. Many had s e t t l e d on a perception of education as preparation for s o c i a l action, thereby deflecting c r i t i c i s m by arguing that they were s o l e l y concerned with providing the learner with the tools to make i n t e l l i g e n t decisions and unconcerned with the substance of the decision. However, because the place of s o c i a l action i n education continued to be reported as troublesome, i t appeared that that perception was not shared by a l l adult educators. Method Adult educators were uncertain about the method of methods with which to implement the s o c i a l improvement goal of the movement i n the sense of knowing how to organize learners for education i n s o c i a l betterment. Individual methods i n the form of correspondence study, directed i n d i v i d u a l study, and apprenticeship, and group methods i n the form of the class, 188 Lyman Bryson i n "Adult Education i n C r i s i s : A Panel Discussion," JAE 13 (June 1941):270. 121 laboratory, assembly, workshop, and i n s t i t u t e a l l were employed by adult educators by the end of the t h i r t i e s . The development of the discussion group method was more important than the other methods from the standpoint of growing int e r e s t i n adult education for s o c i a l improvement. Human inter a c t i o n i n groups seemed to be a way to stimulate c o l l e c t i v e co-operative action. Various terms were assigned to the notion of groups gathering for a learning experience. In 1937, Gaynell Hawkins emphasized the importance of "group-work p r i n c i p l e s " to adult education as a t o o l for mobilizing 189 neighbourhoods to an awareness of democratic functions. Maria Rogers made a s i m i l a r point the next year. Rogers, a c t i v e l y involved i n the New York Adult Education Council for several years and interested p a r t i c u l a r l y i n developing group methods for adult education, was convinced that these methods would bring more people into the movement. Furthermore, she suggested that "many groups w i l l turn to the adult education enterprise that i s sens i t i v e to 190 t h e i r peculiar needs, to educators who have the "community point of view." "Education i n group l i v i n g " was the most important d i r e c t i o n of growth i n adult education, observed B. A. Fletcher, professor of education at Dalhousie University, because "the i n d i v i d u a l needs to f e e l that h i s work f i t s i n with 191 the work of others." Fletcher drew his examples and i n s p i r a t i o n from a neighbouring educational i n s t i t u t i o n i n Nova Scotia. He and others i n Canada and the United States continued to be impressed with the approach developed by the extension program at St. Francis Xavier University. Coady noted i n 1939 that the program had three distinguishing f e a t u r e s — t h e small study club, discussion issuing i n economic group action, 189 Hawkins, S o c i a l Settlements, p. 107ff. 190 Maria Rogers, "Come and Be Educated," JAE 10 (October 1938):412. 191 B. A. Fletcher, "Growing Points i n Adult Education," ALg 4 (February 1939):3. and the willingness of the more i n t e l l i g e n t members of the group to place 192 t h e i r a b i l i t i e s at the disposal of the slower members. Group study, discussion, and action were the e s s e n t i a l ingredients of the Antigonish Movement. The Farm Radio Forum combined the same ingredients i n i t s program 193 that commenced broadcasting i n 1941 based on the " l i s t e n i n g group method." The study group, "our d u l l name for a process of s o c i a l i ntegration," was i n s u f f i c i e n t according to Thomson i n 1938. In h i s opinion, "we have to overcome, not just the habits of an o v e r - i n d i v i d u a l i s t century, but of aeons of native "unregeneracy,'" and he suggested that new approaches i n adult 194 education were required to organize learners c o l l e c t i v e l y . He pursued that l i n e of thought the next year when, i n the face of the growing world c r i s i s , he stressed c o l l e c t i v i s m as e s s e n t i a l to the s u r v i v a l of democracy. He maintained that: In short, C o l l e c t i v i s m i s i n e v i t a b l e but enforced C o l l e c t i v i s m i s not. We have our sporting chance to create what can c e r t a i n l y never be handed out to us by an Act of Parliament, a voluntary C o l l e c t i v i s m of organically related individuals i n s o c i a l c e l l s and with many c e l l s integrated into a l i v i n g Community. Thomson's notion of voluntary c o l l e c t i v e action i n communities r e c a l l e d a 196 s i m i l a r point that had been made by Bryson i n 1935. C o l l e c t i v e action was acceptable to Bryson and Thomson so long as i t was voluntary, and inspired and directed by communities. Thomson was t y p i c a l of many adult educators writing on the eve of war i n viewing c o l l e c t i v e action as required by the times, and i n perceiving the community as the unit of human association where 1QT Coady, Masters, p. 10. 193 N e i l Morrison, p. 6. 1 9 4Watson Thomson, "More Study Than Group," ALg. 3 (October-November 1938):19. 1 9 5Thomson, "This 'Group' Business," p. 4. 196., „ 7 , Above, p. / J . 123 such action could best take place. Many adult educators were committed to working to revive democracy through programs of education i n preparation f o r s o c i a l action based i n the community. They knew what to do and why. The question of how was unanswered and there was l i t t l e empirical evidence to guide the inquiry. Most of the l i t e r a t u r e contained abstract statements of educational philosophy while adult educators were trying to define the s o c i a l improvement goal of the movement. At the same time, they i d e n t i f i e d a need for new methods to organize learners for community-wide adult education. In his t h i r d contribution to the s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e s e r i e s , Adam wrote i n 1940 that: Education linked to a s o c i a l purpose needs to develop methods and teaching techniques p e c u l i a r l y i t s own. The old rules and narrow d i s c i p l i n e s required for general c u l t u r a l t r a i n i n g seldom lead to e f f e c t i v e s o c i a l action. They belong to a t r a d i t i o n which views the development of the i n d i v i d u a l mind as the f i n a l end of l e a r n i n g . 1 ^ 7 Individual and group methods were well developed but were i n s u f f i c i e n t . Integration of those methods into a whole was needed to organize learners for adult education for s o c i a l improvement. At the termination of the AAAE s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e series i n 1941, the notion of adult education f or s o c i a l improvement through c o l l e c t i v e co-operative action i n Canadian and American communities had been well established i n the l i t e r a t u r e . The series had confirmed the s o c i a l improvement goal of the movement as the p r i o r i t y of the moment. At the same time, there were lin g e r i n g fears that the needs of the i n d i v i d u a l had been s a c r i f i c e d to the needs of the c o l l e c t i v e , and there were li n g e r i n g doubts about the propriety of an i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between education and s o c i a l action. In addition, adult educators had not devised a method to implement adult education for s o c i a l improvement. 197 Thomas R. Adam, The Worker's Road to Learning (New York: AAAE, 1940), p. 104. 124 Summary In the face of economic depression and resultant pressures on the s o c i a l order i n Canada and the United States, many adult educators had adopted a commitment to the idea of education as preparation for s o c i a l action i n order to equip learners with the knowledge, s k i l l s , and attitudes necessary for co-operative self-help programs to adjust to hardship through c o l l e c t i v e e f f o r t s at the l o c a l l e v e l . That commitment represented the s o c i a l improvement goal of the adult education movement. The community was seen as the i d e a l s o c i a l unit wherein that goal could best be achieved. The concept of socio-economic co-operation deemed necessary to reform an outmoded system had been heralded as the lodestar for an improved quality of l i f e within the community setting. Inevitably, inquiry into s o c i a l improvement, community, and co-operation had led adult educators to address t h e i r role i n s o c i a l change. The notion of education i n preparation for s o c i a l action was a compromise between education d i r e c t i n g s o c i a l change and education divorced from s o c i a l change. A decision about education and s o c i a l change was necessary because the extremes of the t h i r t i e s had forced educators to adopt a more active s o c i a l presence than they had done i n the past. The kind of s o c i a l change they envisaged was reformist although i t s precise nature was never clear. In the face of i d e o l o g i c a l extremism, adult educators were attracted to the community development concept as a strategy to encourage s o c i a l reform as a counter to the appeal for s o c i a l revolution. Encouragement of s o c i a l reform had been e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y accepted by some who believed that an age of grass roots democracy was near, i n which s o c i a l and philosophical malaise would be replaced by a he a l t h i e r society governed by mutual aid and s e l f - h e l p . Social reform had been re l u c t a n t l y accepted by others as a temporary measure to combat short term problems. 125 The community development concept had been i m p l i c i t i n the discussions about the r e l a t i v e importance of the i n d i v i d u a l and society, the nature of community and co-operation, and the relationship between education and s o c i a l action. However, i t had neither been a r t i c u l a t e d i n the adult education l i t e r a t u r e i n the sense of being represented i n a single term nor had i t been expressed as a s p e c i f i c method by which learners could be organized for s o c i a l improvement. Nor had those subjects of discussion been resolved to the s a t i s f a c t i o n of a l l adult educators. 126 . CHAPTER IV DEVELOPMENT OF COMMUNITY-WIDE ADULT EDUCATION (1942-51) Introduction Adult educators continued to emphasize socio-economic co-operation i n the war years as they had done increasingly during the Depression. They were as one i n the commitment to a s s i s t i n g the war e f f o r t and at the same time to planning the course of post-war reconstruction. Generally concern with economics declined as the war economies helped to a l l e v i a t e economic depression, and concern with s o c i a l issues and democratic s u r v i v a l increased. Adult educators' emphasis on s o c i a l improvement by the regeneration of Canadian and American communities and the r e v i v a l of grass roots democracy that had evolved during the t h i r t i e s continued through the f o r t i e s and into the f i f t i e s . That emphasis resulted i n the development of community-wide adult education as a major focus of research and commentary, and i n a search for new methods to organize learners for community-wide programs. Morse Cartwright summed up the mood i n the United States i n the f i r s t part of h i s report as di r e c t o r of the AAAE i n 1944. He predicted that: A return to unbridled individualism—every man out for himself and his family alone—would seem to be unthinkable and d e f i n i t e l y a contradiction of the democratic i d e a l , which i s a s o c i a l concept. Wherein l i e s a j u s t i f i c a t i o n between these two points of view and— importantly—what kind of an adult education can be devised to bring together these two c o n f l i c t i n g ideologies that the whole people may be bettered? C i t a l i c s mine3 ....There w i l l be no lack of public interest i n the education and tr a i n i n g for a changed s o c i a l scene and s o c i a l outlook. The signs already are present that there i s developing i n the United States a new and compelling interest i n the functioning of our democratic society. Truth to say, p r i o r to 1939, we had become a b i t b l a s e . 1 In Cartwright's opinion the dual goals of the adult education movement were well established and he saw a need for a new method to accommodate i n d i v i d u a l and s o c i a l improvement. Cartwright's reference to c o n f l i c t i n g ideologies rec a l l e d the debates of the t h i r t i e s . However, the issues of debate were absent i n the l i t e r a t u r e during 1942-51. The period was free of controversy as adult educators were preoccupied with national mobilization and reconstruction. They were optimistic about the prospects for a revived democracy based on grass roots p a r t i c i p a t i o n and much of t h e i r energy was directed to preparing for that eventuality. Rather than controversy, the period ref l e c t e d a consensus that the goals of the movement could best be achieved ini the community se t t i n g . Cartwright's question about the kind of adult education needed to achieve the goals might have been amended to read—what kind of an adult education can be devised to bring together i n d i v i d u a l and s o c i a l improvement i n the community? E f f o r t s to answer this question led to the a r t i c u l a t i o n of community-wide adult education as a strategy to organize adult learners i n c o l l e c t i v e co-operative action i n l o c a l a f f a i r s . Community development gradually became the term used to describe that strategy. The time frame covered i n t h i s chapter commences with the publication of Edmund Brunner's report on the Greenville County Council for Community Development i n 1942, the f i r s t substantial account of a project described as community development i n Canada or the United States written by an adult Hlorse A. Cartwright, "New Mandates for Adult Education," AEJ 3 (July 1944):111-3. The annual reports of the director of the AAAE were i n two sections. The f i r s t comprised the director's personal observations; the second was a detailed account of the association's business and a c t i v i t i e s . The f i r s t section of Cartwright's report f o r 1943-4 was printed for the f i r s t time separately from the second i n the AEJ as "New Mandates for Adult Education. 128 educator. The period ends with the f i r s t conceptual statement incorporating community development and adult education. Paul L. Essert was the f i r s t adult educator to a r t i c u l a t e the community development concept i n adult education i n a book published i n 1951, at which time he was professor and head of the 2 adult education department at Columbia University Teachers College. Mobilization and Reconstruction (1942-5) Adult educators emphasized the value of co-operation and community i n t h e i r contributions to the war e f f o r t . In addition, they stressed the same notions i n t h e i r suggestions for post-war reconstruction with which they had been concerned from the beginning of the war. The objective was to encourage the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of a l l c i t i z e n s i n t h e i r communities for the purpose of building a healthy democracy by decentralizing decision making to l o c a l d i r e c t i o n . C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n Many adult educators correlated the mobilization of resources with c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l o c a l a f f a i r s . They experimented with a number of innovations designed to f a c i l i t a t e c i t i z e n mobilization and drew upon t h e i r experiences of encouraging c o l l e c t i v e co-operative action that had begun during the Depression. Reports of those experiments provided a growing base of information about community-wide adult education. The need for a t o t a l c i t i z e n e f f o r t i n the United States was urgent a f t e r Pearl Harbor and was highlighted by Emily Graves, e d i t o r i a l assistant at 3 the I n s t i t u t e of Adult Education at Columbia University Teachers College, 2 Paul L. Essert, Creative Leadership of Adult Education (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1951). 3 The Carnegie Corporation withdrew i t s d i r e c t support of the AAAE in 1941 and transferred i t i n the form of a $350,000 ten-year grant to Columbia University Teachers College, which formed the Institute of Adult Education. The AAAE moved i t s o f f i c e s to the I n s t i t u t e where i t remained u n t i l 1949. 129 i n her notes taken during one workshop held at the annual conference of the AAAE i n 1942. She wrote that: Today, i n the United States, we have two great urgent reasons for pressing forward with our own e f f o r t s toward community organization as never before, people must be conscious of what the i r neighbours are thinking and doing and f e e l i n g ; also the pr o b a b i l i t y of bombing makes necessary very care f u l preparation for dealing, on a community basis, with the resultant devastation. 4 According to Cartwright, the "apotheosis of the war time service of the adult educator" was the "building of c i t i z e n s h i p i n a community.""' Isaac L. Kandel, professor of education at Columbia University Teachers College, made a s i m i l a r point i n 1944 when he suggested that the future of democracy depended on c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and co-operation. He added that: "The major aim of adult education i n these days of c r i s i s and of planning for reconstruction should be to provide for the a c q u i s i t i o n of that knowledge which i s gained by discussion preparatory to a c t i o n . " 7 Adult educators i n Canada also were aware of the need to enhance c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . At a conference on education for reconstruction organized by the CAAE and held at Macdonald College i n Montreal i n 1943, they expressed a concern about the lack of such p a r t i c i p a t i o n . An outcome of the At the same time the JAE was changed to the AEJ. The Corporation's policy change i s outlined i n Morse A. Cartwright, "Annual Report of the Director for 1941-2," AEJ 1 (July 1942):123-36. With the establishment of the I n s t i t u t e , Teachers College seems to have assumed an even greater leadership r o l e i n the investigation into the community development concept than i t had played during the t h i r t i e s . Much of the research germane to the concept either emanated from the College or from i t s graduates during the t h i r t i e s and f o r t i e s , and into the f i f t i e s . The role of Teachers College i n the adult education movement has not been analysed i n p r i n t . 4 Emily Graves, "Community Organization and C i v i l i a n Defense," AEJ 1 (July 1942):104. 5Cartwright, "Annual Report for 1941-2," p. 127. Isaac L. Kandel, "Adult Education and the Future of Democracy," AEJ 3 (January 1944):25. 7 I b i d . , p. 26. 130 conference was the establishment of the Citizens' Forum i n the following g year. The C i t i z e n s ' Forum, s i m i l a r to the Farm Radio Forum that had begun broadcasting i n 1941, aimed to encourage c i t i z e n discussion and p a r t i c i p a t i o n v i a a series of radio broadcasts. There were e f f o r t s to mobilize c i t i z e n a c t i v i t y throughout the country. In 1944, Leonard Bercuson, secretary of the Alberta Adult Education Association, reported that the f i r s t year's a c t i v i t y of the Association that had been formed i n 1943 was largely directed to organizing and co-ordinating l o c a l projects that aimed to t r a i n people for 9 good c i t i z e n s h i p . R. Alex Sim, d i r e c t o r of the Rural Adult Education Service at Macdonald College, observed i n 1945 that national e f f o r t s had succeeded i n mobilizing large numbers of people to the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of c i t i z e n s h i p . He thought that the same re s u l t was possible i n peace time and was e s s e n t i a l to a healthy democracy. Sim concluded that: "The post-war problem i s to decide how educators and others who would mould public opinion can make unemployment, slums, and poverty seem as dreadful an emergency as Dunkirk, Pearl Harbor, and the seige of Leningrad."'"''"' The community adult education council continued to be used to co-ordinate l o c a l development and to encourage p a r t i c i p a t i o n during the war as i t had been since the l a t e twenties, and was assigned an important role i n reconstruction plans. Those plans were bolstered by a growing supply of empirical research. Reports about the Greenville, South Carolina project were useful to adult educators i n that they were provided with detailed analyses and data about a community-wide experiment i n adult education as well as the philosophical underpinnings of the community movement and the s o c i a l improvement Q "Education for Reconstruction," FFT 4 (October 1943):11. The conference was attended by 165 people representing 120 educational organizations. o Leonard Bercuson, " F i r s t Step i n Alberta," FFT 4 (June 1944):14. 1 0R. Alex Sim, "Patriotism Is Enough If ," FFT 6 (September 1945):24. 131 dimension of the adult education movement. Much of the c r e d i t for the careful c o l l e c t i o n and recording of the data must be given to Edmund Brunner, project consultant and professor of education at Columbia University Teachers College, who published a report of the five-year project i n 1942.^ In addition, Clarence B. Loomis, executive secretary of the Greenville Council, provided 12 a pot-pourri of data about the project i n 1944. The combination of Brunner's analysis and Loomis's data was the best research on community-wide 13 adult education available at the time. The year p r i o r to the publication of Brunner's report, the extension d i v i s i o n of the University of V i r g i n i a had i n i t i a t e d a five-year project i n community development, the results of which emphasized the value of community adult education councils and the p o s i t i v e role, of adult education i n a s s i s t i n g communities to work co-operatively. The project was a result of an idea of William A. Smith, direct o r for V i r g i n i a f i r s t of the Federal Emergency Relief Administration and then of the Works Progress Administration, who had sought new approaches to solving the problems of the Depression. He believed that Edmund de S. Brunner, Community Organization and Adult Education (Chapel H i l l , North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 1942). Brunner had been appointed an associate of the I n s t i t u t e of Adult Education i n 1941 and was chairman of the a g r i c u l t u r a l extension and r u r a l interests committee of the AAAE i n 1941-2. Brunner, as many of hi s contemporaries, had entered the f i e l d of adult education by chance. He r e c a l l e d that: Providence unexpectedly took a hand i n my career at Teachers College i n the death of John Wil l a r d , professor of adult education. Morse Cartwright ...had agreed to f i l l i n u n t i l the end of the academic year C19317J. Dean Russell asked me to head up t h i s f i e l d . Under some pressure I agreed, provided that when and i f a functioning department had been b u i l t I could return to r u r a l sociology f u l l time....I had no professional experience whatever with adult education, but I was far from unique i n this respect, since adult education was a very new d i s c i p l i n e . In fact, Teachers College was the f i r s t academic i n s t i t u t i o n to accord adult education a place i n i t s curriculum. Brunner, As Now Remembered, pp. 174-5. 12 Clarence B. Loomis, An Experience i n Community Development and the P r i n c i p l e s of Community Organization (Clayton, Georgia: Rabun Press, 1944). 13 For example, the surveys that comprised the s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e series of the AAAE had been based on data each author collected over a year or two communities possessed the resources to manage the i r a f f a i r s co-operatively and should be encouraged to do so i n order to keep as much control as possible at the l o c a l l e v e l rather than to succumb to the trend toward c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of 14 power to the state and federal l e v e l s . C i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l o c a l development to reverse the c e n t r a l i z a t i o n trend was the cornerstone of the University of V i r g i n i a ' s program throughout the war years and beyond.1"' Pamphlets describing successful community development projects i n V i r g i n i a and i n neighbouring southern states were published regularly during the war and provided a substantial data base for students of community-wide adult education and co-operation. 1^ Closely akin to the adult educators' desire to enhance c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n was a continuing in t e r e s t i n co-operation. The co-operative idea had been discussed i n the l i t e r a t u r e ever since socio-economic depression had begun to preoccupy Canadian and American adult educators. Benson Landis continued to stress the importance of co-operation i n the United States. He suggested i n 1943 that co-operation l i k e democracy " i s an idea that, l i k e the wish for j u s t i c e , l i v e s within us, as a 'great l o n g i n g . ' " l 7 He added that: To many people the creation of the cooperative, democratic economy looms up as a great unfinished task. It i s a necessity, i f continued from observation and interview rather than on substantial empirical evidence. Ruth Kotinsky .explained to the readers of Adult Education Councils that councils were for the most part too young to be treated other than i n a general way with the emphasis on p o t e n t i a l i t i e s rather than performance. Kotinsky, Adult Education Councils, p. 8. 14 Jean Ogden and Jess Ogden, These Things We Tried ( C h a r l o t t e s v i l l e : University of V i r g i n i a Extension, 1947), p. i v . 1 5Below, pp. 137, 139-40. 16 The project was continued beyond the i n i t i a l f i v e year experimental period and i n 1954, the New Dominion Series, by which the pamphlets were known, issued i t s 155th and f i n a l report. l 7Benson Y. Landis, A Cooperative Economy: A Study of Democratic Economic Movements (New York: Harper & Bros., 1943), p. 170. 133 progress i s to be made toward the democratic i d e a l . The co-operative economy w i l l help insure the future of p o l i t i c a l democracy. 1 8 Although the context of many co-operative endeavours stressed economics, the underlying meaning had broad s o c i a l implications that emphasized co-operative action f or an improved society. After a l l , observed Ned Corbett i n 1942, "b a s i c a l l y cooperation i s an attitude, a way of l i v i n g , rather than a smart 19 way of doing business." He suggested that the co-operative enterprises of the t h i r t i e s had been innovative i n so far as they had placed major emphasis on "the necessity of thorough education i n the philosophy and techniques of 20 cooperation." Co-operatives had not been a creation of the t h i r t i e s . What Corbett found to be unique and what had been emphasized i n the Antigonish Movement was the accent on education. That accentuation was another sign of the complexity of the age i n which co-operative endeavours had become as complicated as other areas of l i f e , requiring more study than i n an e a r l i e r age. The war years made demands on a l l sections of society and adult educators responded by trying to enhance c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and co-operation i n Canadian and American communities. More and more information was available to them about successful projects that mobilized l o c a l resources through l o c a l e f f o r t s . Prospects seemed good for the r e v i v a l of grass roots democracy. Decentralization Hopes for and plans to f a c i l i t a t e the b u i l d up of l o c a l control of l o c a l a f f a i r s was a major subject i n the l i t e r a t u r e throughout the war years. Adult educators generally thought that the ce n t r a l i z a t i o n trend of the t h i r t i e s and early f o r t i e s that had been a part of Canadian and American strategy to E. A. Corbett, "Agriculture Looks to the Future," FFT 3 (December 1942):10. lb i d . combat depression and fight a war would end. They hoped that the return to peace and prosperity would be accompanied by a flow of socio-economic and p o l i t i c a l power to the community where c i t i z e n s would work co-operatively to b u i l d democracy. The p r i o r i t y even during the war was to design the means by which adult education could a s s i s t Canadian and American society to that end. Plans for post-war reconstruction emphasized adult education i n the community. "I t i s to the communities that the men i n the armed services w i l l return i n overwhelming numbers af t e r the war," Cartwright reasoned i n 1942, and furthermore "the absorption process can take place without disruption only 21 i f a gigantic process of re-education i s undertaken." He welcomed the challenge with indefatigable optimism i n the future of adult education. In 1943, with the outcome of the war by no means certain, he wrote with reference to the average community resident that: The warp and woof of the f a b r i c of h i s new world education must be manufactured at home, out of the materials of his own culture. To a s s i s t him, the p l a i n c i t i z e n , i n the expression and development of his ideas and i d e a l s — i n terms of community, state, national, and world l i v i n g — i s the breath-taking opportunity of the adult educator of the future.22 The need for community-wide organization to help c i v i l i a n s and veterans to adjust to the conditions of post-war l i v i n g was stressed throughout the meeting of one of the three sessions that made up the Working Conference on Post-War Adult Education Problems held i n l i e u of the annual conference of the AAAE i n New York i n 1944. Participants emphasized the educational aspects involved i n planning community organizations, concluding that " p a r t i c i p a t i o n 23 i n the planning process was i n and of i t s e l f an educational process." 21 Cartwright, "Annual Report 1941-2," p. 127. 22 Morse A. Cartwright, "Annual Report of the Director for 1942-3," AEJ 2 (July 1943):148. 23 The proceedings of the conference were summarized i n AEJ 3 (July 1944) 135 Howard Y. McClusky, professor of educational psychology at the University of Michigan and an active member of the AAAE, underlined the importance of broad p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n community a f f a i r s i n a speech delivered at the conference. He said that: No state or national policy has r e a l i t y unless i t does something to the people, and that people have the i r primary experience i n communities. It i s i n the community, therefore, that the problems of a l l these groups must ultimately be faced. And i f the community i s to meet these problems, i t must be organized.24 McClusky and like-minded adult educators imagined the community as the centre of post-war reconstruction. The legacy of the community movement, the movement that Eduard Lindeman 25 had welcomed i n 1921, with i t s emphasis on decentralization of socio-economic and p o l i t i c a l power to l o c a l control was inherent i n adult educators' perception of the community as the l i f e l i n e of democracy. Their views were unchanged during the war and i t s inevitable c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of control for maximum co-ordination of national resources. They believed that control would f a l l to the community a f t e r the emergency ended. Cartwright regularly made known his opposition to any i n t r u s i o n on community control of adult education. He predicted i n 1943 that the education of people for a future free world 81-92. A wide range of interests were represented at the conference as indicated by the l i s t of participants of one panel discussion that debated the meaning of community organization. Those p a r t i c i p a t i n g were: Mary L. Ely, National Federation of Business and Professional Women's Clubs; Wilbur Hallenbeck, associate professor of education, Columbia University Teachers College; Glen Burch, editor of AEJ; Winifred Fisher, executive director of the New York Adult Education Council; Dorothy Hewitt, direct o r of the Boston Center for Adult Education; Herbert C. Hunsaker, dean of Cleveland College, Western Reserve University; Jean Carter Ogden, University of V i r g i n i a Extension D i v i s i o n ; Hilda W. Smith, Federal Public Housing Authority; and, Paul Sheats, d i r e c t o r of New Tools for Learning. Ibid., p. 85. 24 A summary of McClusky's speech was printed i n AEJ 3 (July 1944):82. McClusky was a member of the university extra-mural relations committee of the AAAE from 1941 to 1944, and a member of the executive board of the Association from 1943 to 1946. Above, pp. 53-4. 26 would begin "of course" i n the community. His views were consistent with one of the s i g n i f i c a n t trends i n adult education l i s t e d i n an e d i t o r i a l note i n the Adult Education Journal i n the same year. That trend was "a tendency toward program decentralization, with added emphasis l a i d on the small 27 community, d i s t r i c t or neighborhood." Canadian adult educators were equally hopeful that the future would bring more community involvement i n l o c a l a f f a i r s . Confronted by the "challenge of world events," those p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the 1943 annual meeting of the CAAE unanimously approved a manifesto of p r i n c i p l e s for adult 28 education. The manifesto emphasized the need for s o c i a l controls, planning, e f f i c i e n c y , and security. One of the seven p r i n c i p l e s read: "Planning must be combined with such l o c a l and community p a r t i c i p a t i o n and democratic v i g i l a n c e as to present the regimentation and frustrations of the human 29 personality." Another p r i n c i p l e stated that: Neither the old individualism nor the newer mass-collectivism but a relationship of voluntary co-operation, which balances rights with r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , i s the basic pattern of the emergent s o c i a l order. Such a relationship of voluntary co-operation has a place for central planning and control as well as for the legitimate l i b e r t i e s and enterprises of the individual.30 Watson Thomson, who was then the direct o r of the University of Manitoba Rural Adult Education Committee, reported that the manifesto had been accepted 26 Cartwright, "Annual Report 1942-3," p. 148. 2 7 " E d i t o r i a l Note," AEJ 2 (October 1943):158. 28 The unanimous approval was reported by Watson Thomson, "The London Conference," FFT 3 (June 1943):10. 29 "Manifesto of the Canadian Association for Adult Education," FFT 3 (June 1943):4. 30T, ., Ibid. 137 e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y at the conference. He said that: We did something we a l l wanted to do, some more consciously than others. We took a stand. We gave ourselves a moral and i d e o l o g i c a l basis from which to act.31 Canadian adult educators were convinced, a f t e r a decade of depression and three and a h a l f years of war, that the times demanded that t h e i r eight-year old association make a clear and firm commitment to the dual goals of the adult education movement while stressing the u t i l i t y of voluntary co-operative planning i n t h e i r communities. The position taken i n 1943 was that a balance was required between i n d i v i d u a l and s o c i a l emphasis and between central and l o c a l planning, with the concept of co-operation conceived as the means to make the balance work. In 1944, James Truslow Adams, h i s t o r i a n of American adult education at the request of the AAAE and the Carnegie Corporation, suggested that the free p a r t i c i p a t i o n of individuals working co-operatively and without compulsion i n 32 t h e i r communities was the essence of American democracy. He thought that the planning and administration of a l l aspects of American l i f e had to be decentralized as much as possible to allow democracy to function properly. Adams, basing h i s information on the twenty-seven volume s o c i a l significance series of the AAAE, viewed centralized control as an e v i l i n the United States, an e v i l that adult education had to avoid i n order to remain f l e x i b l e and responsive to l o c a l needs. He recommended that "the general 'system,' or perhaps rather, to use our old word, 'jumble,' of Adult Education should s t i l l 31 Thomson, "London Conference," p. 11. 32 Morse Cartwright wrote a forward to Adams's: book i n which lie noted that part of the plan for the s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e series of the AAAE had included an omnibus volume to interpret American adult education. He attributed the decision to employ an author without professional or technical knowledge of adult education to Frederick Keppel, and the sele c t i o n of Adams because of the historian's broad knowledge of American history. Morse A. Cartwright, Foreward to Frontiers of American C u l t u r e — A Study of Adult Education i n a Democracy, by James Truslow Adams (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1944), pp. ix-x. 138 33 be allowed to work f l e x i b l y . " He also suggested that there should be " i n every community, as far as may be practicable, a central agency of some sort to which the returning veteran, or discharged war-plant operative, might turn for guidance as to the various ways i n which he or she can re-orient 34 themselves." Adams emphasized the overriding value of individualism while decrying c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and viewed the community as the setting where the one could be enhanced and the other f o r e s t a l l e d . At the same time he saw some u t i l i t y i n a c e n t r a l planning agency based i n the community. Adams was prepared to accept the necessity for some centralized planning i f i t were agreed to by individuals i n t h e i r communities and not imposed by the state, a p o s i t i o n that had been suggested by Lyman Bryson i n 1935 and by 35 Thomson i n 1939. For that purpose, Adams concluded, "I leave i t to the professionals whether, or how, the e x i s t i n g methods of Adult Education 36 can be improved or new ones created." Improvement and creation of methods for community-wide adult education to enhance c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l o c a l control of l o c a l a f f a i r s became a major a c t i v i t y a f t e r the war. Paradoxically, adult educators lauded the past, present, and future worth of the community while witnessing a continuing trend to centralized control and increasing physical mobility of people mainly into urban areas due to depression and war. Nevertheless, they anticipated the return to peace with plans to emphasize adult education as a community based a c t i v i t y and were confident that this approach would s u i t peace-time adjustments. They believed that c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e i r communities for the purpose of assuming more control over l o c a l a f f a i r s was the bulwark of democracy. 33 James Adams, p. 348. Ibid. 3 5Above, pp. 72-3, 118-9. 36 James Adams, p. 348. 139 Revival of Democracy (1946-8) Adult educators i n Canada and the United States emerged from the war years reinforced i n t h e i r a
UBC Theses and Dissertations
An examination of the concept of community development as discerned through selected literature in the… Pyrch, Timothy 1983
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