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The concept of development in adult education literature : Nigerian and Jamaican perspectives, 1976-1986 Bonson, Anita M. J. 1989

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THE CONCEPT OF DEVELOPMENT IN ADULT EDUCATION LITERATURE: NIGERIAN AND JAMAICAN PERSPECTIVES, 1976-1986 by A N I T A M . J . B O N S O N B . A . (The Univers i ty of Victoria) A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D I N P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F M A S T E R O F A R T S in T H E F A C U L T Y O F G R A D U A T E S T U D I E S Adminis t ra t ive , Adul t and Higher Education We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F M a r c h © A n i t a M . J . B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A 1989 Bonson. 1989 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of ft D M / M I s r g r V D M f. fff)HU 4 t\ jCr/f£& foUCfjVctQ The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT Over the last few decades, adult education literature has indicated an increasing interest in the topic of national development. However , in general this literature's conceptualization of "development" is unclear, since i t rarely analyses the concept within any explicit frameworks. One purpose of this study was therefore to bring more clar i ty to the discussion of development as it relates to adult education. A n examination of literature on development thought and on the development/education relationship indicated some reflection by the latter of shifts in development perspectives, though the coincidence was by no means exact. Overa l l , a shift away from the advocation of a linear, Eurocentric development model focussed on economic growth towards more indigenous-based conceptualizations and a greater emphasis on equality was noted. However , this was by no means complete or universal . Because of the suggestion that indigenous approaches to development are l ikely more relevant, a second purpose was to deepen understanding of the development/adult education relationship through an examination of its conceptualization in the adult education literature of a specific context—that of West Afr ican and Caribbean English-speaking nations. A " hermeneutic approach was used to interpret selected literature from Niger ia and J a m a i c a (considered exemplary of the two regions of the context). The four ma in questions addressed to the li terature were concerned wi th the emphasis on: l i teracy education; consistency of national and adult educational goals; reducing inequality; and the need for s tructural change. It was found that l i teracy education was accorded much importance, as was the necessity of harmonizing adult educational wi th national objectives. i i Neither inequali ty nor s tructural change was emphasized, and consideration of both was most often indirect. Li t t le autonomy for adult education was indicated. Since the differences between the two sub-contexts seemed as numerous as the similari t ies , and since none of the exist ing development or development/education frameworks seemed totally adequate to either, the importance of indigenous approaches seemed to be confirmed. However , the persistent influence of Western development values and goals (particularly modernization) was also very evident in the literature. This suggested a tension between the more recent trend to indigenous approaches and the continuing pervasiveness of Western models. Fur ther exploration of the nature and effects of this tension was therefore suggested. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract i i Acknowledgements v i I. I N T R O D U C T I O N 1 A . Background to the Study 1 B . Purposes of the Study 4 C. Focus of the Study 5 D . Organizat ion of Remaining Chapters 9 E . Conclusion 13 II. F O R T Y Y E A R S O F D E V E L O P M E N T T H O U G H T 15 A . Introduction: Approaches to Development Theory 15 B . Origins of Concern W i t h Th i rd World Development 19 C. The L ibe ra l Model 21 D . Dependency Theories 28 E . F r o m Dependence to Interdependence 34 F . The Counterpoint Perspective on Development 39 G . Conclusion 41 III. V I E W S O N T H E D E V E L O P M E N T / E D U C A T I O N R E L A T I O N S H I P 43 A . The Funct ion of Education in Society 43 1. The Functions of Adu l t Education 46 B . Education and Social Change 49 C. Education in Relation to Development 60 1. The H u m a n Capital/Incrementalist Perspective 67 2. The Structural ist Perspective 71 D . Conclusion 81 I V . T H E I N T E R P R E T I V E A P P R O A C H O F T H I S S T U D Y 83 A . Introduction: The Interpretive T u r n 83 B . Philosophical Hermeneutics 85 C. Interpretive Approach of This Study 90 V . N I G E R I A N A N D J A M A I C A N A D U L T E D U C A T I O N L I T E R A T U R E 94 A . Introduction 94 B . The Context 95 C. The Interpretation 98 1. Adu l t Education, L i te racy and Development 98 2. Ha rmony of Adu l t Educational and Nat iona l Objectives 106 3. A d u l t Education and Inequality 114 4. Adu l t Education and Structural Change 121 D . The Li tera ture and Development/Educational Perspectives 128 V I . C O N C L U D I N G R E M A R K S 131 A . S u m m a r y of the Study 131 B . Limita t ions 135 C . Discussion of Implications 136 iv References 141 v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS It is a lways difficult to single out individuals for acknowledgement-during the process of thinking about, researching and wri t ing this thesis, I have received much help and support from many people. I a m grateful to all of them. I would specifically like to thank m y advisors, Vincent D ' O y l e y and Gordon Selman, both for their encouragement and support and for their ability to allow me to dance to m y own drummer. A s wel l , I a m par t icular ly grateful to Shauna Butterwick, Michae l L a w and Doug Simak. Without the various contributions of these people, I may st i l l have made it through the process, but it would certainly have been much more difficult. v i I. INTRODUCTION A. BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY A l l the observations sketched out should also be seen in the context of the worrisome malaise creeping into debates on development thinking, occasioned by the belief that a l l that can be said about development has already been said. While this may be true, the question is whether all that needs to be said about development has in fact been said. (Addo, 1985, p. 13) Dur ing the course of the past th i r ty years, adult education literature has reflected an increasing interest in "national development". The educational lexicon has expanded to include "development education", both in the sense of the study of issues involved in change wi thin societies and also in the sense of educating people in industrialized societies about these issues and their global implications. Mos t of the adult education literature on development has examined, in some capacity, the relationship between adult education and development. There are two general approaches to the scrutiny of this relationship. F i r s t , there is an empirical/practical approach. This approach usually attempts to identify and probe the concrete manifestations of adult education (and perhaps of specific programs) as they relate to some predetermined conception of development, whether that conception be framed in economic, social or political terms. In general, empirical/practical approaches to examining the relationship between education and development tend to assume fairly definite meanings for each of these concepts. (These meanings m a y differ depending on the perspective taken, but they are rarely themselves in question. The question usual]}' is: given a certain conception of development, what is the connection of education-as perceived from the given philosophical standpoint--to its achievement?) 1 2 W i t h i n this approach, education can be viewed in two different ways . It can be viewed as an "object" of which more can be obtained by more people once development itself is obtained-that is, as a pseudo-material result of development. It is often also seen as one of the "tools" which w i l l eventually help bring about development, in which case it is seen as more instrumental and thus endowed wi th its own political and social significance. It is, however, still objectified in that the characterization as a tool implies that it exists in a pure form that can and perhaps should be manipulated to achieve a particular end. Development as a concept is also usually a given in adult education literature, very little of which has examined it in depth or questioned its adoption (in whatever form is accepted) as an ultimate goal. In other words, the tendency is not to perceive the development concept as problematic for adult education. Development is generally considered to be a "good thing"; hence, there is little concern that the use of adult education as a tool for its achievement might be a negative activity. The second approach to examining the relationship between education and development is more l ikel j ' to question the meanings attached to each of the major concepts-indeed, this is generally its purpose. This is the conceptual/theoretical approach which, rather than considering the connection of education to development on the basis of empir ical research, approaches it at a more abstract level. Since this approach examines the conceptual relationship between education and development, i t is usually perceived as more of a philosophical, rather than a scientific, act ivi ty. One important reason for considering the concerns raised wi th in the conceptual/theoretical approach is that such concerns are more fundamental than 3 those involved in the empirical/practical approach. The latter presupposes answers involving the conceptual relationship between adult education and development. A s indicated earlier, in most adult education and development literature, assumptions, either explicit or implicit , are being made about what constitutes "adult education" and "development". Thus, the conceptual/theoretical approach is useful in considering the conceptual frameworks which underlie the empirical/practical approach. This thesis w i l l therefore take the conceptual/theoretical approach to examining the relationship between adult education and development. It is recognized that the pursuit of understanding at a conceptual level in an area like this one ma}' be considered to be mere academic hair-spli t t ing. After a l l , a vast number of words have already been wri t ten in development theory, and the concept has been examined and re-examined. Hettne (1982) wonders: The concept of development has tended to gain in depth and richness as the ugliness and brutal i ty of actual processes of conventional economic growth are revealed. Should this paradox be explained as some k ind of escapism or is there real ly something to be gained from a merely conceptual development of the concept of development? Is not the elaboration of schemes of human needs an insult to the sick in Af r i ca , the s tarving in A s i a and the marginals in L a t i n Amer ica? (p. 89) If this might be the case in the field of development studies in general, is the cri t icism even more applicable to an applied field such as adult education? Would it not be more useful to restrict such a field's attention to the more practical aspects of policy and provision—within whatever conception of development had been accepted by the nation in question? There are several problems wi th such an attitude. F i r s t , as mentioned earlier, it assumes and accepts a view of the development/education relationship 4 as non-problematic, whereas an examination of the history of education in and for development indicates otherwise. Second, it could only work i f the role of education in society in general were undisputed, another easily disproved premise. Th i rd , unless one subscribes to the notion that practice should not be informed by theory, or that no attempt should be made to understand the exist ing theoretical and conceptual underpinnings, this attitude is counterproductive. It could certainly be argued that practice itself is done a great disservice i f inadequate attention is paid to such "abstract" issues. In a 1982 article, Rubenson addresses this last point in the context of adult education research. A n understanding of research methodology is not enough: unless researchers also t ry to develop a clearer view of adult education phenomena as we l l - t ha t is, how they should be conceptualized wi th reference to cri ter ia of adult education~the discipline wi l l not advance, nor wi l l it be able to serve the field of practice in the way hoped for. (p. 66) Rubenson thus sees theory in adult education as "an authorized map over the terr i tory" which wi l l ease the translat ion of research into practical applications. B. PURPOSES OF THE STUDY The lack of a clear conceptualization of phenomena is evident in the plethora of l i terature on the development/adult education relationship. This literature ra re ly utilises explicit frameworks wi th in which to analyse the concept of development; rather, it tends to be only descriptive and eclectic in nature. The concept of development is frequently not defined. Even in those instances where a "definition" is supplied, it is often a technical definition; certainly there is little attempt to examine the concept wi th anything resembling a cri t ical approach. It 5 is part ly for this reason that the role of adult education in the development discussion, and even the point at which i t entered into this discussion, are difficult to ascertain. One basic purpose of this thesis wi l l therefore be to br ing some clari ty to the discussion of development in terms both of the development literature and of the conceptualizations present in adult education literature. Is there evidence of a reflection by adult education literature of whatever shifts may have occurred in development thought? Once some clar i ty exists as to the meanings attached to the concept of development, some insight m a y be gained into the implications of these conceptualizations for an understanding of the development/adult education relationship. The second purpose wi l l thus be to add depth of understanding to clari ty. C. FOCUS OF THE STUDY This section wi l l set some parameters in order to establish a framework for this paper itself. Given the complex nature of the topic, some basic questions should also be addressed at this point. To begin wi th , the study must have a historical focus. The formal study of development has had a relat ively brief history, but this history is very full: as mentioned earlier, the studj r of development issues has become a subfield of special study wi thin several disciplines, creating in each an intense debate which has in turn been the impetus for a voluminous body of wri t ing. Throughout most of this history, the role of education (and of adult education) in development has also been the object of a great deal of scrutiny. Therefore, while some attention w i l l be given to a recounting of the historical development of the concept of 6 development, the specific study in this thesis wi l l concentrate on a narrower time frame. The emphasis wi l l be laid on the ten-year period from 1976 to 1986, for two reasons. F i r s t , an attempt to gain clar i ty would seem most likety to benefit from an examination of the situation in the most recent time period: while there would certainly be value in determining the state of affairs at any earlier period, an evaluation of the current situation would of necessity encompass a recognition of these earlier situations. This is not meant to imply a view that history is necessarily "progressive". This is an issue which certainly underlies any discussion of development, and which wi l l be considered more fully at a later point. Second, a focus on more recent thinking on development is in keeping with a desire to emphasize as much as possible the perspective of those thinkers indigenous to regions commonly considered to be in need of development. The academic study of development has tended to be somewhat Eurocentric; it is only recently that western theorists have begun to acknowledge that the experience of western industrialized nations may not be applicable to the "developing wor ld" . For many, this acknowledgement is manifested in a new emphasis on cultures and on contextually and historically specific and unique modes of development. Thus , there is also a greater recognition of the possibility that the "solutions" in a particular situation are most l ikely to come from wi th in that situation. A real questioning of the western notion of development is a fairly recent phenomenon-both in the western world and in the "periphery"; such a questioning is yet by no means universal . However, it is becoming more of a trend in development thought and there is therefore more mater ia l wri t ten from this perspective available than was formerly the case. This increased avai labi l i ty 7 is par t icular^ ' marked in the case of indigenous writers. Whether or not such indigenous perspectives were propounded wi th in the nations in question, they were not for the most part l ikely to be published in the west. Thus it is only recently that a study such as this one has been feasible. The study should also have a geographical focus. A s already stated, the texts to be examined in the second part of the thesis wi l l be representative of the perspectives of indigenous "Th i rd W o r l d " writers/educators. These wri ters could be drawn from a number of different milieus, or one part icular mil ieu could be chosen. Because this wi l l not be a comparative study, it seems wise to avoid the complexities that might result from examining a wide mixture of contexts. There are innumerable variables which may have an effect on the conceptualizations of individuals wi th in any mil ieu; it is possible only to l imi t these as much as possible, not to eliminate or even control them. While i t is not possible to avoid subjectivity when dealing wi th a topic such as this one, i t is possible to learn much from such subjectivity. The particular milieu represented in this study w i l l be that of West Afr ican and Caribbean nations wi th a Br i t i sh colonial legacy, and focussing on Nige r i a and Jamaica as exemplary of these nations. Keeping in mind that a common experience is never wholly homogenizing, there is sti l l a strong basis for considering these areas to comprise one mil ieu. Not only have they experienced the same colonial power (and have therefore at least one language in common), but also their populations have a largely s imi lar background, as most of the black population of the Caribbean originated in West Af r i ca . Whi le cultural modifications were certainly effected, there is sti l l l ikely to be s imi lar i ty in the imagery evoked--and this imagery wi l l be of great importance to this study. 8 Another aspect of this topic that should be considered at this point concerns the applicabili ty of literature on education in general to adult education in particular. Should a distinction be made between the two? Certa inly there are many credible arguments in favour of making such distinctions; the relationship between schooling and adult education is very much st i l l a matter of debate. However , unless is is- very narrowly and specifically oriented to the formal education system, general education literature wi l l be considered relevant to this study. One reason for this decision is that, while much of what is called "development education" is concerned wi th adult and non-formal education, especially in the areas of l i teracy, health education and vocational education, an overlap in this literature def in i te^ exists. The division between schooling and adult education is often less obvious, or less sharply-drawn, in the Th i rd Wor ld context than i t is in industrialized countries. Another reason to be fairty inclusive of general literature on education is related to the function of education in society-again, a question that w i l l be more fully examined later. While there are those who would argue that adult education does not play a large role in socialization or social t ransmission, this study w i l l subscribe to the broader view propounded in two articles by Rubenson. In the first (1980) he states: we believe that there exists something which could be called a general theory of education and that both pedagogy and adult education rest on this common base. Thus most common principles on the relationship of social structure and social change to education are the same for adult and pre-adult education, (pp. 15-16) Aga in , Rubenson elaborates on this idea in his 1982 article: adult education may be considered to be a sub-discipline which has the a im of studying the role of adult education in the process of cul tural and social t ransmission ... The functions and processes of 9 adult education must be seen in relation to the functions of pre-adult education ... the educational process cannot be separated from its social context, (pp. 59-60) While the complexities of this situation are acknowledged, it is contended that it would not only be difficult in many instances to separate out specific references to adult education, but also unnecessary. The study of the West Afr ican/Caribbean context wi l l examine literature that refers specifically to adult education, but the desire to make this examination in the clearest possible light requires a broader treatment of background mater ia l . One more l imitat ion must be noted: there is a certain unease wi th regards to the use of some of the terms connected with development, as this very use may be considered to imply an endorsement of certain assumptions. However , it would be inappropriate here to offer specific definitions for these terms (such as "development", "progress", "social change", "adult education", to name a few), since the clarification of the various meanings attached to them is one of the central tasks of the stud}'. The terms must st i l l be utilised throughout, but this in no way implies an uncri t ical acceptance of any of the assumptions underlying these meanings—save, perhaps, that what is being discussed is change of some sort. D. ORGANIZATION OF REMAINING CHAPTERS This first chapter serves to set the parameters of the study, in order to establish the framework wi th in which the questions can be formulated. Such questions also cannot be examined without reference to the conceptual frameworks that have been adopted to explain the phenomena connected wi th development; therefore, the second chapter wi l l comprise a discussion of the literature on 10 development thought. To some extent, this discussion w i l l have a historical framework, since in many cases the theories involved are developed at least par t ly in response to an earlier theory; however, it must be borne in mind that there has been no clear succession of theories in the sense of a paradigm shif t -as the discussion in Chapter 2 w i l l indicate. A s an example, the dependency theories respond to and criticize modernization theories, but while their articulation may be the reflection of shifts that have been occurring in development thought, they in no way have replaced the earlier theories. The two remain as contending modes of thought. The general development li terature reviewed in this chapter wi l l be drawn from the rather extensive literature on development economics and the sociology of development. Whi le not exhaustive, this review wi l l be as representative as is possible wi th in the limitations of a brief explication of the major approaches in development thinking. This review wi l l provide the basis for the discussion of views on the development/education relationship, which wi l l be presented in the third chapter. There are many elements that must be considered here. To begin wi th , it is essential to address the question of whether, in dealing wi th development, we are looking at a part icular case of the education/social change question. This question, of course, asks what the role of education in social change might be. If development were to be considered as a form of social change, it would follow that a review of the literature on the education/development relationship must consider literature that deals wi th the role of education in social change. In this regard, different perspectives on the function of adult education in society, as wel l as different theories of social change and their application to education must 11 be examined. This examination wi l l of necessity be brief. After looking at the literature on the role of education in social change, the third chapter w i l l consider literature that deals, explicitly or implici t ly, wi th perspectives on the development/education relationship. By "explici t ly" and " impl ic i t ly" is meant that this literature m a y specifically articulate some theory as to the nature of this relationship, or else it may s imply deal wi th that relationship without calling it such. In the latter case, the assumptions underlying the treatment of the relationship would not be explicated, but should be possible to divine from the text itself. The literature on the development/education relationship wi l l also be examined in the light of the earlier review of literature on development thought. Does the education literature coincide wi th the various schools of development thought? Tha t is, are there shifts in educational thought on development that reflect those in development thought itself? This review wi l l be carried out in order to fulfil one of the purposes of this thesis, which is to determine and clarify the role adult education has played in the development discussion. Given the backdrop of a variety of interested disciplines and the diversity of perspectives each may hold both wi th regards to development and wi th regards to the relationship between development and education, the identification and analysis of the assumptions and meanings which may form the bases of these perspectives takes on some importance. This point has already been touched upon wi th respect to taking a theoretical/conceptual approach as opposed to an empirical/practical one. The basic assumptions and meanings identified wi l l influence the direction taken by research that is specifically geared to practical application, and hence the direction of practice itself. While applied research is 12 certainly very important, there is also a need to clarify and br ing together these different perspectives by means of questioning their basic assumptions and the resultant meanings or understandings. Thus, the approach chosen should have an integrative, as well as an analytic function. This study proposes a philosophical explication of the meanings and assumptions underlying the conception of the development/education relationship as evidenced in adult education literature; the approach taken w i l l be hermeneutic. The part icular hermeneutic approach wi l l be described more fully in Chapter 4; at this point i t is necessary to say only that it can more accurately be termed an interpretive approach which involves a certain process, rather than a method. This point wi l l also be discussed later. However , proponents of a hermeneutic approach consider it to be more, rather than less than a method. A hermeneutic approach is considered appropriate for this study for several reasons. To begin wi th , there has recently been a tendency among many thinkers wi th in the social sciences to move from attempts to model research strictly on the natural sciences to a more interpretive approach. Development theory is an area of concern to several social sciences at once, and each of these disciplines brings its own assumptions and meanings to the study of this area. Education draws much of its knowledge base from all these other disciplines, and adds more assumptions of its own. A l l of this is complicated even more by the fact that the imagery of development evoked is different in al l the various cul tural contexts. Such a complex situation suggests the value and importance of an approach which may be able both to clarify and integrate these assumptions and meanings. This approach, then, w i l l be applied to selected texts from the indigenous 13 adult education literature of the geographical area specified earlier. Chapter 5 wi l l first of al l attempt to explicate the assumptions that underlie the formulation of the development/education relationship in this literature, to examine the imagery evoked and the implications of this imager}'. This , along wi th the discussions in Chapters 2 and 3, wi l l fulfil the "clar i fying" function of the study. The "integrating" function wi l l be fulfilled through the consideration of the questions of whether there are significant discrepancies in this conceptualization among the wri ters or whether there are homogeneous patterns, what these similarit ies or differences may be attributed to and, again, what the implications of these findings might be. It is hoped that, through looking in some detail at this small sampling of li terature, some insight m a y be gained into the basic assumptions that inform the overall conceptualization of the development/education relationship, wi th part icular reference to adult education. The concluding chapter wi l l offer a summary of the study's findings and wi l l discuss the meanings these findings might have in terms of a greater understanding of this extremely complex area of concern—an area in which i t is expected such concern w i l l only increase. E. CONCLUSION This chapter has noted the increasing interest wi th in adult education literature in development and its relationship to adult education. It is suggested that there are two general approaches that can be taken to examine this relationship: an empirical/practical approach and a theoretical/conceptual approach. Fur ther , it has been indicated that, since the concerns raised by the theoretical/conceptual approach are more fundamental, this general approach would 14 be of part icular uti l i ty in this context because the adult education literature presents no clear conceptualization of the relationship. The thesis wi l l attempt to br ing some clari ty to this discussion of adult education and development and to discover how this relationship has been and/or can be conceptualized. II. FORTY YEARS OF DEVELOPMENT THOUGHT A. INTRODUCTION: APPROACHES TO DEVELOPMENT THEORY The complexit}' of development thought is readily apparent. M a n y streams feed into it, and it takes many turns; there is no clear progression of development theory. A s wel l , a great var iety of interpretations of development theory exist. Instead of providing the structure and clarity needed for an understanding of the overall development picture, these interpretations often seem merety increase the confusion of ideas. Bernstein (1976) states, " A single bodj' of theory about development is as unlikely to emerge as it is about an.y other major social theme engendering political conflict and sharp intellectual divergences" (p. 21). These divergences are equally apparent in the li terature about development theory; certainly, the interpretations are as much ideologically informed as are the theories themselves. Some commentators divide the wr i t ing on the Th i rd Wor ld into that which tends to offer endogenous explanations for development (or underdevelopment) and that which "breaks out of the endogenous paradigm" for a closer examination of external influences (Roxborough, 1979). Others categorize approaches to development theory as "positive" or "normative" (Hettne, 1982). Some see "mainst ream" and "counterpoint" alternatives for development, the former characterized as Eurocentric, and the latter as (potentially) non-deterministic and anti-systemic (Addo, 1985; Fr iberg and Hettne, 1985). Fo r others, the division is more traditional: approaches to development invoke either the "myth of growth" (capitalist models) or the "myth of revolution" (socialist models) (Berger, 1976). 15 16 The foregoing represent only a few of the ways in which approaches to development have been interpreted. The frameworks in which development theory is analysed do not provide an easy means of understanding the situation; terminology is not consistent, and the perspectives taken may or may not have areas of overlap. A s Hettne (1982) claims: In the social sciences 'paradigms' (if they can be so called) tend to accumulate, rather than replace each other, one reason being that they may fulfil ideological purposes, even after their explanatory power (if there ever was one) has been lost. Thus progress in the social sciences is to a very large extent a matter of subjective views and perspectives ... (p. 10) F o r this reason, L e h m a n n (1979) fears "the study of development ... becoming a ghetto in which embattled ideologies pursue their mutual destruction without offering any prospect of the proclaimed 'new sjmthesis'" (p. 4). Al though such a synthesis is unlikely, and no definitive approach to the study of development theory seems imminent , the literature that attempts to summarize development thought st i l l provides many frameworks that are potentially useful as reference points. Two such frameworks wi l l serve this purpose for the discussion in this chapter. These two have been chosen because, together, they cover a wide range of thought from two fairly distinctive perspectives. The first is found in Hermass i ' s The Th i rd Wor ld Reassessed (1980). The author claims that there are four major approaches to development. The first of these is the L ibe ra l Model of development, which is based on three assumptions: first, that development is linear and that each society follows the same route; second, that development is systematic, wi th changes occurring in a l l aspects of society (from "attributes of tradit ion" to "attributes of modernity"); and third, that development is an endogenous process. The second, or Historicis t Approach to development was a reaction to the rigidities of the l iberal model. Those who take this approach are usual ly social scientists who emphasize the historical specificity of each society's experience as opposed to universal processes of development. On the other hand, the Manager ia l Approach looks at development more narrowly, focussing on the "practical": policy, management and problem-solving. According to Hermass i , bj ' 1980 all three of these approaches were waning relative to the fourth approach, the Neo-Marxis t , largely due to a growing disillusionment wi th the "tradit ional" explanations of the causes and processes of development. The various theories wi th in the neo-Marxist approach responded to this disillusionment with a shift in focus from development to underdevelopment—seen as a process generated simultaneously wi th , and as a product of, the development of the industrialized nations. In other words, underdevelopment was considered a direct result of the processes of capitalism. Al though Hermass i describes four different approaches, he claims that the historicist and managerial approaches are both based on the assumptions and concepts of the liberal model. He further refers to a "polarization" in development studies between the "developmentalist" theorists (those taking any of the first three approaches) and the "dependency" theorists (the neo-Marxists). Hermassi ' s fourfold typology is most useful in that it provides a guide to the variations in emphasis within the major approaches that he describes. He himself claims to believe that the diversity of development experience cannot be understood through "any single intellectual scheme" (p. 40). In Development and the T h i r d World (1982), Hettne argues that what 18 Hermass i calls developmentalist and dependency theories are both situated wi th in a "mainstream paradigm" rooted in a Western evolutionary perspective. These theories can be located along a continuum between capital ism ("Market") and socialism ("State"). The various development strategies of the Western tradition can all be placed along this continuum: Hettne identifies the l iberal strategy, the state capitalist strategy, the Soviet model, Keynes ian i sm and neo-liberalism as fairly distinct strategies. They are varieties of the basic paradigm, expressing different historical possibilities and constraints. Thej ' differ mainly wi th regard to means (i.e. the relative role of state and market) but as far as the ends (the Western conception of modernity) are concerned, they are all basically similar . The differences as regards means can largely be explained by the specific circumstances in which the strategies emerged, (p. 15) Hettne distinguishes this mains t ream paradigm from its "counterpoint". The latter favours "small-scale, decentralized, ecologically sound, human and stable models of societal development" (ibid., p. 15). While he admits that the counterpoint position is difficult to describe, he nevertheless lists the general attributes of a society based on its principles. Such a society would be physiocratic (reflecting ecological concerns), ultrademocratic and structurally undifferentiated. The counterpoint is seen as not only in opposition to, but also in dialectical relationship wi th , the mains t ream. L i k e the mainst ream, the counterpoint contains both market-oriented and socialist perspectives. Hettne states that the overall concern of his study is to examine the impact of the Th i rd Wor ld on the evolution of development theorj'. He argues that this theory originated in Western concerns. The confrontation of these concerns wi th Th i rd Wor ld social realities has resulted in "a process of intellectual emancipation" (p. 99), manifested in the increasing indigenization of 19 development th inking. The discussion of development theory that follows wi l l of necessity be brief and incomplete, as the territory to be covered is vast. It is hoped that the two analyses described above wi l l act as anchors for this discussion. While neither is totally comprehensive, together they represent two important perspectives on development thought. Hermassi ' s focusses on the notion of a split between developmentalist and dependency theories, while Hettne's identifies an approach that could be considered "new" in that it had hitherto been granted scant recognition wi th in the development discussion. B. ORIGINS OF CONCERN WITH THIRD WORLD DEVELOPMENT There can be no doubt that development has become the central organizing concept in terms of which the historical movement and direction of social systems are analyzed, evaluated and acted upon ... It is also the dominant organizing m y t h of our epoch, taking over the role played by the concepts 'progress' in the Enlightenment and 'growth ' in classical economics. (Aseniero, 1985, pp. 54-55) There seems to be little argument that the notion of development is rooted in a Western world view. The idea of development arose out of the connected concepts of "progress" and "growth", where progress connotes movement in a desirable direction and growth relates metaphorically to biological growth (Almond, Chodorow & Pearce, 1982). These two ideas became identified wi th each other during the Enlightenment. In the nineteenth century, the concept of evolution was added to the equation. The "doctrine of progress" became the core of theory dealing wi th the transit ion from tradition to modernity in the West. Thus, as Worsley (1984) points out, "Though development is a post-Second World W a r concept, the whole of human history is the history of development" 20 (p. 1). It was only after 1945 that the West became very interested in the transition to modernity of the Thi rd Wor ld (itself a post-Second Wor ld W a r concept). Decolonization was creating numerous "new nations" and, wi th increasing polarity between the Amer i can and Soviet blocs, the path taken by these nations was a matter of great interest to the industrialized nations. Hettne (1982) notes that development theory began to be developed only after i t became apparent that the transit ion of these societies would not automatically take place as it had in the industrialized countries—in other words, that development problems in the Thi rd Wor ld were different from those that had been faced by the Western nations. Nevertheless, theorists did not believe that the experience of the latter was irrelevant in the new situations. Western societies were considered to be "developed" (generally taken to mean capable of "self-sustaining growth"), and since the post-war economic reconstruction of the West seemed to indicate that the key to development was economic growth, development theorists perceived the West as the obvious model for the rest of the world (Castoriadis, 1984). Moderni ty , the end product of development (or "modernization"), was perceived to comprise Western social and economic systems, political institutions, and so on. Since development theory grew out of a number of social sciences, it quite natural ly inherited their assumptions about tradition and modernity. The social scientists who were interested in the problem of Thi rd Wor ld development were merely extending to a new area the tradit ional concerns of their disciplines, part icularly the concern wi th developing "a theory of society which would also be a theory of social change" (Worsley, 1984, p. 2). According to Giddens (1982), both M a r x i s t and orthodox sociology are informed by, among others, two assumptions that have had a particularly' strong influence on the unfolding of development theory. The first posits that social change "can be conceived above all as the unfolding of endogenous influences within a given society" (p. 58); the second states that the most economically advanced society is the image of al l other societies' futures (ibid., p. 59). C. THE LIBERAL MODEL Modernizat ion theories are often considered to comprise a "diffusionist paradigm". W i t h i n this paradigm development was seen in an evolutionary perspective, and the state of underdevelopment defined in terms of observable differences between rich and poor nations. Development implied the bridging of these gaps by means of an imitative process, in which the less developed countries gradually assumed the qualities of the industrialized nations. The task of analyzing the qualities to be imitated was shared between economists, sociologists and political scientists ... (Hettne, 1982, p. 29) Once it became obvious that the spread of modernity was not an automatic process, the question of how this "natural" process could best be stimulated and carried out had to be dealt wi th . This question was a concern of both market-oriented and classical M a r x i s t theories. The problem with dealing wi th Hermass i ' s (1980) l iberal model is that, as he himself notes, it is "an ideal-type construction, never fully stated by any contemporary theorists" (p. 19). Fo r the most part, the early development theories based on its assumptions are offshoots of the discipline in question, dealing wi th part icular problems related to the major concerns of these disciplines. According to L e h m a n n (1979), most of the theorizing was done not by specialists in the study of development, but rather by social scientists making "forays" into this 22 specialized area. He claims that "modernization theories are adaptations of a specific reading ... of Weber and D u r k h e i m " (p. 4). Economists working in development studies were most influenced by Keynes , who placed increased responsibility for economic growth on government, and by the Harrod-Domar model of growth, which indicated a close relationship between growth and savings and investment. Classical M a r x i s t theorists, of course, were working on applying the principles of M a r x and Engels to the developing field of study. Cer ta in ideas have become part icular ly associated with this period in the development of development thought. P r i m a r y among these, in terms of economics, is the notion of "stages of growth". Rostow (1960) wrote the best-known exposition of this type of theory in relation to Thi rd Wor ld development. A g a i n , his stages indicate, in economic terms, the two opposed states of tradition and modernity (what he terms "maturi ty") . The five stages that al l societies must pass through to reach economic matur i ty are: the tradit ional society, the pre-conditions for take-off, the take-off, the drive to matur i ty and the age of high mass-consumption. O f course, the entire process is perceived as endogenous. Despite the fact that Rostow's was only one among many stages of economic growth theories, Hoseli tz (1960) notes that, on the whole, economists have seen little use in such theories (p. 234). This is par t ly due to the claim of universal val idi ty. L i k e the l iberal model itself, the stages of growth theory is overly reliant on ideal types. Nevertheless, the notion of stages of growth led to the attempt to derive "characteristics" of mature or developed societies which T h i r d Wor ld societies could strive to attain. Fol lowing from this, attention turned to identifying "obstacles" to at taining these when, after the early years of opt imism, the 23 development process did not seem to be unfolding as i t should. This shift in attention more or less coincided wi th a growing recognition that non-economic factors might also be involved. Definitions of development were changing too; they more often included references to the attitudes appropriate to development: Development is both more and less than r is ing real incomes. It has become a platitude to say that development means modernization and modernization means the transformation of human beings. Development as an objective and development as a process both embrace a change in fundamental attitudes to life and work and in social, cultural and political institutions. The difference between economic growth in advanced countries, which, of course is reflected in faster 'development' as measured by growth of income per head, and development in so-called 'developing' countries is that in the former attitudes and institutions are, by and large, adapted to change, and society has innovation and progress built into its system, while in the latter attitudes and institutions and even policies are stubborn obstacles to development. (Streeten, 1971a, pp. 76-77) Development was st i l l considered an endogenous process. The developing country had to overcome the obstacles that blocked its path to modernity, which was usual ly equated with Westernizat ion-since "the content of modernity is given by the experience of those societies which have achieved it" (Bernstein, 1979, p. 78). Above al l , this would include an industrialized economy (capable of self-sustaining growth), and also Westernized social, political and cultural institutions, which implied more specialization or differentiation than was present in tradit ional institutions. Institutions should operate on the basis of rationali ty. This would apply at the level of individuals as wel l . Modernizat ion required people wi th the entrepreneurial spirit , people who were able to fulfil the obligations of a modern society and who would not fear the steps that must be taken to create such a society. Ear l i e r wr i t ing on development tended to identify obstacles that were, i f 24 not mater ial , then at least fair ly tangible: lack of capital , lack of education, archaic agricultural systems and/or family structures, and so on. For many, the overriding obstacle was identified as the lack of a " w i l l " to modernity. Fo r example, H i r schman (1958) "diagnosed" the problem as ly ing not in any one factor, but rather wi th the deficiency in the combining process itself. Our diagnosis is s imply that countries fail to take advantage of their development potential because, for reasons largely related to their image of change, they find it difficult to take the decisions needed for development in the required number and at the required speed ... It ... views the obstacles as reflections of contradictory drives and of the resulting confusion of the w i l l . (p. 25) These contradictory drives were reflected in what came to be known as the "dual ism" in Th i rd World societies-the existence of two societies in one, the traditional and the modern. M a n y theorists began to view the coexistence of these two sectors, and their lack of interaction, as the largest obstacle to development (Streeten, 1971a). In general, they believed that the problem lay wi th traditional attitudes (particularly wi th in social and political institutions) preventing the more progressive economic elements from realizing their potential. Thus, increasing savings or investment, or infusing capital from outside would not be adequate to stimulate development; attention must also be paid to these social, political and cul tural elements. While those who took what Hermass i labels the historicist approach were st i l l operating under the basic assumptions of the liberal model, they differed from it in that they did not necessarily consider these elements of tradition to be totally in imical to the development process. (In fact, many questioned the very notion that dualistic sectors were in conflict in Th i rd Wor ld societies). They entertained the possibility that developing countries could not totally imitate the 25 experience of advanced countr ies-and that there might therefore be more than one route to development. A s an example of this kind of thought, Gerschenkron (1952) states that " in every instance of industrial ization imitation of the evolution in advanced countries appears in combination wi th different, indigenously determined elements" (p. 26). Hermass i claims that with these suggestions that the development of a modern society may be compatible with a number of social and cul tural systems, the liberal model began to break down and development as an "overall process" began to be questioned (p. 23). However , at the same time as "historicists" were questioning the more rigid tenets of the liberal model, others were applying a more atheoretical approach to the perceived problems of development. Hermass i calls them "managerialists"; in essence, they were not concerned wi th the philosophical underpinnings of socioeconomic development, but rather s imply wi th strategies to make it happen. The end point was not real ly questioned. These strategists tended to focus on single objectives, such as industrialization, often without considering the broader societal effects of the policies they recommended. To a large extent, these strategists and policy experts were employed by international bodies such as the Wor ld Bank . They do not seem to represent a distinctive body of development theory, but rather a broader technicist approach to the problems of modern society, one based on the assumption that the answer to any problem is to determine how to "do it r ight". Eventua l l j r , though, even those most committed to the notion of the paramountcy of economic development had to admit that strategies geared towards this alone were not working in the manner anticipated. Seers (1979a) refers to "a well-known, indeed classical, argument that inequality generates 26 savings and incentives and thus promotes economic growth and employment" (p. 18). B y the late 1960s, this argument was given less and less credence, even i f only because inequality in man}' Th i rd Wor ld societies seemed to be increasing (rather than decreasing wi th economic growth, as orthodox opinion had long predicted) and this increasing inequality contributed to a lack of the stability considered so essential to the smooth functioning of the world economic system. "New looks" at "the meaning of development" became common. They tended to reach s imilar conclusions to those stated by Seers (1979a): "It looks as i f economic growth not merely m a y fail to solve social and political difficulties; certain types of growth can actually cause them" (p. 9). These new looks were based on the empirical evidence of studies such as that undertaken by Ade lman and Mor r i s (1973). So strong were the expectations of modernization, the authors express d ismay at their findings: The results of our analyses came as a shock to us. Al though we had believed economic growth to have unfavorable social, cultural , and ecological consequences, we had shared the prevai l ing view among economists that economic growth was economically beneficial to most nations ... Our results proved to be at variance wi th our preconceptions, (p. vii) They concluded that: The frightening implication of the present work is that hundreds of millions of desperately poor people throughout the world have been hurt rather than helped by economic development. Unless their destinies become a major and explicit focus of development policy in the 1970's and 1980's, economic development may serve merely to promote social injustice, (p. 192) The recommended new focus became referred to as "redistribution with growth", also the title of a report to the Wor ld Bank (Chenery, A h l u w a l i a , Be l l , Duloy & Jo l ly , 1974) which promoted the idea "that distributional objectives should be 27 treated as an integral part of development strategy" (p. 209). L i k e Ade lman and Mor r i s , the report found that "i t is now clear that more than a decade of rapid growth in underdeveloped countries has been of little or no benefit to perhaps a third of their population" (p. xii i) . Inequality of distribution was found to be present wi th in countries, wi th in regions and among countries. Hettne (1982) claims that the new strategy of redistribution wi th growth represented a modification of previous strategies and not a break wi th them. It maintained both the sense of opt imism wi th regard to growth and the "social engineering approach to development". Accordingly, the new strategj-seems to be nothing but the old recipe of balanced growth, extended to cover social development as wel l . I f balanced growth was a difficult endeavour, as so many critics have pointed out, balanced economic and social development as a planning strategy' appears rather Utopian. To incorporate social objectives in a growth model is a theoretical-technical problem. To attack mass poverty in its concrete manifestations; on the other hand, is a political problem. (Hettne, 1982, p. 28) The redistribution wi th growth discussion thus opened up the question of political considerations without really addressing them. M a n y eventually began to view the reluctance of elites in Th i rd Wor ld countries to adopt redistributive policies as yet another internal obstacle to development. However , the discussion did have the effect of broadening definitions of development, such that it was no longer l ikely to be spoken of in terms of economic growth only. D u r i n g the twenty-five years since development had become a major concern, modernization theories had been criticized by those who would sti l l place themselves wi th in those parameters. A s a result, development theory had lost some of its innocence and been rethought and modified to include greater social equality as a required component of development. Ye t , throughout this time, there 28 were also dissenting voices that questioned development as a purely endogenous process. These became prominent in the early 1970s. D. DEPENDENCY THEORIES While Hermass i equates dependency theories wi th a neo-Marxis t approach, it should be noted that this equation would not be accepted bj ' most of the dependencj' theorists themselves. Fur thermore, much of the cr i t ic ism of this school of thought comes from a M a r x i s t perspective and, as wi l l be seen, claims that dependency theory is based in the diffusionist paradigm. However, the dependency approach gained populari ty in the late 1960s precisely because i t took issue wi th some of the major assumptions of modernization theories. In particular, it disputed the endogenous nature of development and the idea of a linear and evolutionary progression from tradition (underdevelopment) to modernity (development) (Bernstein, 1979, p. 83). This latter notion posited underdevelopment as an "original state" passed through by al l societies: If there are 'developed' or 'advanced' countries, they must have at some time been 'underdeveloped', and the question m a y properly be asked whether and to what extent the past history of the economic development of the more advanced countries can serve as a model for the present and immediate future of 'underdeveloped' countries. (Hoselitz, 1952, p. v) In opposition to this view, dependency theorj' claimed that underdevelopment was a historical process, as was development. While for the most part not professedly Marx i s t , the dependency school is generally considered to have been originally influenced by neo-Marxism on the one hand, and the L a t i n Amer ican discussion of development generated by the 29 Uni ted Nat ions ' Economic Commission for L a t i n Amer i ca ( E C L A ) on the other. E C L A was established in 1948 and was opposed by the Uni ted States as it appeared to some as a very radical doctrine; it was certainly a manifestation of economic nationalism. The E C L A strateg3 r for economic development recommended "industrialization based on import substitution, by which the import of various consumption articles was replaced by domestic production. This implied protection during an ini t ial phase and also a certain coordinative function by the state" (Hettne, 1982, p. 41). This strategy became the economic doctrine accepted by many L a t i n Amer ican states. It was within the E C L A tradition that development as a universal phenomenon was first questioned, and that underdevelopment was first viewed as "a discrete historical process" (Furtado, 1973, p. 34). Fur thermore, this process of underdevelopment could be seen as being at least indirectly connected to European economic expansion. According to Furtado: underdevelopment is not a necessary stage in the process of formation of the modern capitalistic economies. It is a special process due to the penetration of modern capitalistic enterprises into archaic structures. The phenomenon of underdevelopment occurs in a number of forms and in various stages, (ibid., p. 41) The "hybr id structures" created by this "penetration" are the root of underdevelopment, for the capitalist structure (and the profit it generates) does not become dynamical ly integrated wi th the local ("archaic") structure (ibid., p. 41). The M a r x i s t wri ter Pau l B a r a n , another major influence on the dependency school, saw such capitalist penetration as a block to economic growth in the underdeveloped regions (Baran, 1970). H i s concept of "economic surplus" (Baran, 1957) and its accumulation by various groups would inform much of later 30 dependency wr i t ing , in particular that of Andre Gunder F r a n k and Sami r A m i n . B a r an contended that: the dominant fact of our time is that the institution of private property in the means of production—once a powerful engine of progress-has now come into irreconcilable contradiction wi th the economic and social advancement of the people in the underdeveloped countries .... (Baran, 1957, p. xl) The relationship of the industrialized capitalist world to the underdeveloped regions, far from being one of beneficence, was in reali ty one of imper ia l ism and exploitation: economic development in underdeveloped countries is profoundly inimical to the dominant interests in the advanced capitalist countries. Supplying many important raw materials to the industrialized countries, providing their corporations wi th vast profits and investment outlets, the backward world has a lways represented the indispensable hinterland of the highly developed capitalist West, (ibid., p. 12) Whi le the two major influences on the dependency school came mostly from economics, the dependency theorists themselves tended to be sociologists, who saw development and underdevelopment in a more sociopolitical light than had modernization theorists (Hettne, 1982, p. 43). There is no one dependency position; however, i t is possible to identify a number of ideas and theses typical of this school, even though there m a y be a var ie ty of specific interpretations of each of these. F i r s t , as already mentioned, there is the increased emphasis on underdevelopment as a process, and the view that it is strongly related to the process of development-and that both are simultaneous products of the capitalist system. According to some dependency theorists, the capitalist system has penetrated the entire world since the 1500s; therefore dualist notions of 31 antithetical modern and traditional sectors of underdeveloped societies are false. Development cannot be a question of integrating economies more fully into a capitalist system since the underdeveloped economies are already fully integrated into that system (Frank, 1970). Second, the dependencj' perspective perceived obstacles to development to be external, not internal , to the society in question. They were created by the international division of labour, which was now analysed in terms of centre and periphery regions (rather than industrialized and developing nations). Hence, the external obstacles to development were largely the result of a transfer of economic surplus from periphery to centre—implying a relationship of imperial ism, the study of which would take on new importance in later development theory (Hettne, 1982). Because of this transfer, development was a sort of zero-sum game: development in the centre meant underdevelopment in the periphery. According to F rank (1967), Economic development and underdevelopment are the opposite faces of the same coin. Both are the necessary result and contemporary manifestation of internal contradictions in the world capitalist system. Economic development and underdevelopment are not just relative and quantitative, in that one represents more economic development than the other; economic development and underdevelopment are relational and qualitative, in that each is s tructural ly different from, yet caused by its relation wi th , the other ... One and the same historical process of the expansion and development of capital ism throughout the world has simultaneously generated—and continues to generate-both economic development and structural underdevelopment, (p. 9) F rank is probably the most prominent representative of the strain of dependency theory that conceptualizes the Th i rd Wor ld situation in terms of "the development of underdevelopment". M a n y others, such as Cardoso and Dos 32 Santos, speak of "dependent development". This latter conceptualization is somewhat opposed to F rank ' s . F r a n k (1967) argues that the capitalist system was basically made up of metropoles and satellites. The central metropoles exploited the peripheral satellites, which in turn exploited their own sub-satellites, and so on. According to Dos Santos (1976), however, underdevelopment is a consequence and a part icular form of capitalist development known as dependent capital ism. The process under consideration, rather than being one of satellization as F r a n k believes, is a case of the formation of a certain type of internal structure conditioned by international relationships of dependence ... (p. 76) The concept of dependence was now seen as more useful than that of underdevelopment for analysis of the condition of the T h i r d Wor ld , largely because it implied a greater emphasis on the victimization of the Thi rd Wor ld through its integration into the world system, based as that system was on an unequal division of labour (Hermassi , 1980, p. 31). L i k e underdevelopment, dependence was perceived in more than one way by various dependency theorists. Dos Santos (1976) defines it as a conditioning situation in which the economies of one group of countries are conditioned by the development and expansion of others ... Dependence, then,- is based upon an international division of labour which allows industr ial development to take place in some' countries while restricting i t in others, whose growth is conditioned by and subjected to the power centres of the world, (pp. 76-77) This meant that dependence determined both the limitations and the forms of development in Th i rd World countries (ibid., p. 78). Whether the situation was perceived in terms of the development of underdevelopment or of dependent development, dependency theorists tended to feel that, in order to escape this fate, periphery nations needed to disassociate themselves from the world market . This could not be accomplished under the 33 present conditions wi th in these societies, but rather required a complete transformation of internal structures. In general, this was thought to imply a change to a socialist form of government. The theories of the dependency school have certainly not escaped cri t ic ism; in fact, some would c la im that the approach was so weak theoretically that a fairly swift "demise" was inevitable. Interestingly, much of the critique has come from M a r x i s t theorists, who are becoming more and more evident in this field. For them, the major difficulty wi th the dependency position lies in the fact that it is not different enough from the diffusionist or modernization paradigm. The perspective taken on development is different, but the content of development is basically the same. In particular, it is st i l l evolutionistic (Friberg and Hettne, 1985), and uses the same type of reasoning to justify the courses prescribed: "'problems of development' are justified through reference to some empirically inaccessible (albeit Utopian) future" (Porter, 1980, p. 130). Bernstein (1979) agrees that dependencj' theory (or radical underdevelopment theory, as he terms it), despite its attack on conventional development models, fails to break wi th them theoretically (p. 94). This theoretical shortcoming is considered to be the reason for the dependency perspective's l imited usefulness to the understanding of the dynamics of global processes. Thus, Browet t (1980) claims that "the study of unequal development now finds itself trapped in a theoretical cul-de-sac" (pp. 95-96). Dependency theory is but the "mirror image" of conventional development theory in that it attempts "to create a new paradigm through direct, polemical opposition to the old (diffusionist) one" (ibid., p. 99). Browett 's argument is based on an examination of the "domain assumptions" of both perspectives and the 34 assertion that dependency s imply opposes the assumptions of the diffusionist paradigm without generating any that are t ruly new. Dependency theory can therefore never have an autonomous theoretical base -a claim also put forward by Bernstein (1979). The differences between the two approaches are seen as ideologically, rather than theoretically based. Despite the fairly common view that the dependency school failed to establish a separate paradigm of development thought, it is sti l l considered by man}' to have had a great deal of impact. It is thought to have played an important role in pointing out the weaknesses of the modernization paradigm, to have stimulated the development debate (particularly with regard to the N e w International Economic Order and new M a r x i s t directions), and to have influenced emerging development strategies such as basic needs and collective self-reliance (Hettne, 1982, pp. 50-53). Perhaps above a l l , it came out of the "periphery" and was therefore an influence away from the Eurocentr ism of development theory to that point. E. FROM DEPENDENCE TO INTERDEPENDENCE Post-dependency approaches have tended to emphasize global interdependence; accordingly, one of their expressed purposes is to understand and explain the "djmamics of global processes" (Friberg and Hettne, 1985, p. 214). The concept of interdependence can, of course, be interpreted in different ways , a fact which is evident in the var ie ty of theories and approaches put forward since the mid-1970s. The world-systems approach is one of the trends that emerged at about that time. This approach, largely identified wi th Immanuel Wallerstein, has its 35 origin at least par t ly in the dependency school, and shares some of the positions of that school. In particular, it claims that the world is capitalist and that the world system has been expanding since the sixteenth century. It differs from the dependency school in that the entire world, rather than the individual state, is seen as the unit of analysis. B y posing the world as the unit of analysis, Wallerstein avoids the pitfalls dependency theory fell into wi th regard to the exact nature of the interconnections between internal and external factors to underdevelopment (Roxborough, 1979, p. 51). Wallerstein does not make the distinction between development and underdevelopment, or central and peripheral capital ism, that dependency theorists make; the world sys tem is "economically unified but p o l i t i c a l ^ decentralized" (Alexander, 1980, p. 116). Real change (development) would have to involve the entire world-system and would, in Wallerstein 's perspective, require a revolutionary change to a socialist world-government (Friberg and Hettne, 1985, p. 213). Wallerstein 's theory does not emphasize the concept of imperial ism as an element in the framework for understanding global processes. However, other world-systems theorists, notably A m i n and Emmanue l , see imper ia l i sm as the key relationship contributing to "unequal exchange" in the world capitalist system. Production obtains a lower reward in the Th i rd Wor ld than it does in the centre, making trade a fundamental aspect of underdevelopment; this unequal exchange is the basis of the international division of labour and is the mechanism for the transfer of surplus from poor to r ich countries (Johnstone, 1980). Al though world-systems theories are often considered to come from a M a r x i s t perspective, mainstream M a r x i s t thought has been quite cri t ical of the 36 world-systems conception of global development. World-systems theorj' sees the entire world as a capitalist system of exchange, whereas Marx i s t s see it as composed of many different "modes of production", of which capital ism is only one. W i t h i n each social formation, several of these modes of production m a y be present, and the manner in which they are "articulated" (and the extent of the capitalist mode's domination over other modes) is key to the understanding of development. M a r x i s t theorists would also insist on a larger emphasis on class relationships than is found in world-systems theory. Roxborough (1979) maintains that there are two sets of contradictions and struggles present in underdeveloped countries: the external struggle against dependence and exploitation and the internal class struggle against local rul ing classes. The manner in which the two are interconnected is dependent upon the specific social formation in question. Class analysis is therefore an essential element in the analysis of development and/or underdevelopment: It is not simply a matter of societies being different merely in matter of degree; they are different in kind, and to explain the transi t ion from one kind of society to another we must deal w i th s t ructural change ... such structural changes are best explained by reference to the changing relationships between social classes. (Roxborough, 1979, p. 22) Development, then, implies "transformative change in the structure of the mode of the production of life" (Peet, 1980, p. 2). M a n y see a return to a M a r x i s t theoretical framework based on the essential elements of c lass . analysis and imper ia l ism as one of two possible responses to the "crisis in development thought" of the 1970s. The second alternative is "reformism"-at tempts to provide a viable "revision of diffusionist 37 paradigm theory in the light of its previous failures ... and of the critiques levelled against i t by the dependency paradigm wri ters" (Browett, 1980, p. 110). Reformism could include a number of different strategies: examples are the "basic needs" approach adopted by the International Labour Organizat ion, the Wor ld Bank ' s "redistribution with growth" policy, and the Uni ted Nat ions ' proposed " N e w International Economic Order" (NIEO) . According to Streeten (1982), the call for a N I E O originated from three sources: the disappointment of developing countries wi th the economic and political consequences of development aid, the fact that political independence had not generally' entailed economic independence, and the success of O P E C , which seemed to indicate that there could be alternatives for dealing wi th the industrialized nations. In essence, the N I E O is a set of proposals to alter the economic relationships between the states which make most of their income from manufacturing goods and providing specialized services (the industrialized countries) and the states which make most of their income from agricultural produce and/or from min ing minerals, have little industr ial capacity but are t ry ing to industrialize (the developing countries). The industrialized states tend to be richer than the developing. Current relationships are claimed to make it rather difficult for most developing states to reach the levels of wealth and well-being already attained by the industrialized. (Streeten, 1982, p. 408) The N I E O ' s major proposals included stabilization of commodity prices, transfer of resources to poor nations, access of poor nations to technology and markets, reform of the international money system, and, underlying a l l these, a greater voice for developing nations in the international arena. Not surprisingly, the idea of the N I E O met w i th a good deal of resistance from the industrialized nations. M u c h of this attacked 38 the logically untenable inference that, because the international economic order, in the sense of the distribution among countries of the world's income and wealth, was unjust, the causes of this . injustice are to be found in the nature of the international economic order. (Arndt, 1982, p. 432) Fur thermore , A r n d t claims that the more radical versions of the N I E O platform have reflected an ideological position widelj ' , but by no means universal ly, held in the Th i rd Wor ld , which is generally and on principle hostile to private enterprise and free markets, (ibid., p. 433) Nevertheless, since the industrialized capitalist nations were themselves experiencing an economic crisis, the need for some kind of compromise was recognized. The 1980 Brand t report was one result of the perceived necessity to offer some reform of the international order in order to avoid more profound structural changes (Tomlinson, 1982). The report stressed the "shared responsibili ty" and "common destiny" of humankind: We believe that nations, even on grounds of self-interest, can join in the common task of ensuring surv iva l , to make the world more peaceful and less uncertain ... The world is a unity, and we must begin to act as members of it who depend on each other. (Independent Commission on International Development Issues, 1980, p. 47) Hettne (1982) remarks that the report embodies a Keynes ian approach to world poverty, advocating resource transfers from r ich to poor countries. The payoff to the r ich nations would be the maintenance of the capitalist world economic system, for "the poor w i l l not make progress in a world economy characterized by uncertainty, disorder and low rates of growth" (Independent Commission on International Development Issues, 1980, p. 270). Hettne (1982) claims that "the 'strategy of su rv iva l ' is in fact a strategy for the surv iva l of capi ta l ism" (p. 73). This might not necessarily be considered a negative development for the 39 proponents of the N I E O , for the question of who would actually benefit from the implementation of such a proposal has been raised: Wha t do the cries for ' a new international economic order' represent? They express a plea by the classes that control the state in the Thi rd Wor ld that their share of the surplus value appropriated from the workers and peasants be increased ... This ... stems from ... the contradictions of their reproduction as classes which play a role in exploitation but cannot accumulate so as to compete effectively in the conditions of contemporary imperia l ism. (Bernstein, 1976, p. 10) Thus, while some might see the call for a N I E O as a radical strategy for development, others would locate it among the more conservative attempts at reform. F. THE COUNTERPOINT PERSPECTIVE ON DEVELOPMENT While both M a r x i s t and capitalist development theorists were focussing on the world-sj 'stem, others were beginning to c la im that the best approaches to dealing wi th the "global problematique" were, in fact, anti-systemic (United Nations Univers i ty , 1985). These approaches proposed "another development" or "alternative development". Hettne (1982) calls them explicit ly normative approaches to development in that their focus is on the content rather than the form of development. Ma ins t r eam development theory had taken for granted the desirablity of development as the attainment of the characteristics of industrialized societies. Proponents of "another development" come from the romantic/utopian tradition, and have been influenced by neo-populism, Gandhian thought and Buddhist economics (ibid., pp. 75-76). They question the assumptions of mainstream perspectives on development, par t icular ly the evolutionary thrust of most of these. The old concept of development is seen as itself the cause of problems: 40 A new stream of thought has emerged in the development debate in the 1970s ... Al ternat ives which were considered as Utopian no more than a decade ago are now taken seriously, even by members of the establishment. The reason is that more and more people are beginning to realize that it is the development process itself which engenders most of our problems ... I f we have a l l been floating along the stream of evolution, we are now starting to doubt whether it w i l l car ry us to the promised land. Instead we hear the roaring from the approaching waterfall . A lmos t a l l the tradit ional indicators of development have changed their emotional loading from positive to negative. (Friberg and Hettne, 1985, pp. 214-15) Fr iberg and Hettne call these alternatives the "Green" view, which assumes that the future is ult imately a product of our own choices. It introduces a normative concept of development which defines development in human terms and it works out a voluntaristic strategy of development, which is ult imately carried out by individual human beings, (ibid., p. 264) These two authors have attempted to develop a "non-deterministic model of global processes", the major elements of which are consonant w i th the 1975 D a g Hammarskjold report on development. The Hammarskjold report characterizes development in the following way: Development is a whole; it is an integral, value-loaded, cultural process; it encompasses the natural environment, social relations, education, production, consumption and well-being. The plural i ty of roads to development answers to the specificity of cul tural or national situations; no universal formula exists. (Dag Hammarskjold Report, 1975, p. 6) Above a l l , development should be oriented to meeting human needs ("basic human needs" as opposed to simply "basic needs", the latter referring only to mater ial needs), ecologically sound, and self-reliant. The last point refers to the need for development to be based on each society's strengths and resources. Not only national, but also regional and "collective" self-reliance is implied. Self-reliance is not meant to imply autarchy, but rather the right balance of independence and 41 l inks wi th the rest of the world, a goal that requires a strategy of "selective participation" in the international system. Al ternat ive development ul t imately requires a structural transformation of the world system. Such a transformation is envisioned as the cumulative result of the forces of various anti-systemic movements, both in the Th i rd W o r l d and in industrialized nations (Aseniero, 1985). Some examples of such movements would be the environmental movement, peace movement, human rights movement, women's movement and solidarity movements (Friberg and Hettne, 1985, p. 258). This struggle takes many forms, assumes a variety of names, receives different theoretical formulations, pursues diverse goals through diverse means, and poses a mult ipl ici ty of meanings to those involved. B u t the fundamental principle underlying the great diversity of anti-systemic movements is the same: the refusal by the oppressed and the exploited to continue to suffer the injustice, inequali ty and degradation that define their social reali ty wi th in the exist ing global order, and their struggle for an alternative social order. (Aseniero, 1985, p. 78) G. CONCLUSION Despite the obviously ideological nature of much of its discourse, development theorj' cannot be neatly divided into opposing sides—not even i f these are charcterized as "capitalist" and "socialist". Al though there are certainly vast divergences, there are also many overlaps. Furthermore, even while old approaches are decried, some of their elements are very resistant to change-indeed, the approaches can be recycled: Cu l tu ra l lags protect paradigms long after they have lost relevance. The neo-classical growth paradigm has been remarkably tenacious- in fact, i t s t i l l survives in places ... It has not been fundamentally unacceptable to economistic - modernisers across a broad political spectrum, including Marx i s t s as well as members of the Chicago school. Above al l , as a paradigm it is very simple. (Seers, 1979b, p.26) 42 Nevertheless, profound changes have occurred in the perception of development, both in the Thi rd Wor ld and in the industrialized nations. A r e these shifts reflected in perceptions of the relationship between education and development? III. VIEWS ON THE DEVELOPMENT/EDUCATION RELATIONSHIP A. THE FUNCTION OF EDUCATION IN SOCIETY Before the role of education in development is examined, the general societal functions that have been ascribed to education should be considered. This area of concern belongs to the sociology of education, a sub-discipline that has as yet had a relatively short life. Fo r the most part, there is a close correspondence between theory about the role of education in society and general sociological theorj' about the nature of society itself. Thus, there is a tradit ional structural-functionalist or "consensus" view as well as a "conflict" view of this function. Education can be seen as a neutral , a reproductive, or a transformative force in society. While a belief in the possibility of educational neutrali ty does exist among some educators, modern sociology of education is mainly concerned wi th the latter two possibilities. Whatever may be thought of its knowledge content, education is considered to have some kind of purpose (explicit or implicit) in modern society. For Emi le Durkhe im, one of the founders of the sociology of education, this purpose was quite clear, and fair ly simple. According to Wil l iamson (1979), Durkhe im believed that education was to "consolidate in each successive generation the values, norms and habits of thought which are embedded in its culture" (p.4). It was the socialization process by which children were fitted to their future roles in fulfilling the needs of society. The "function" of each individual would, of course, va ry according to "aptitude". This process was essential for the surv iva l of society (Demaine, 1981, pp. 17-18). 43 44 Structural-functionalism, until the 1960s the predominant school in sociology and the sociology of education in N o r t h Amer i ca , was largely influenced by Durkhe im, and contained the same notion of education as socialization. Aga in , this school was based on the concept of consensus. Talcott Parsons, a major voice of structural-functionalism, saw the school class as a social system which functioned as an "agency of socialization" to engender commitment both to the shared values of society (through the mechanism of "internalization") and to the roles allocated each individual in adult society (through the mechanism of "differentiation"). Through this process, the reproduction of the "socio-technical division of labour" was made possible (ibid., pp. 19-27). Education was thus given a large role in legit imating the existing social order. B y the 1960s, this conceptualization was increasingly criticized, largely due to the view that "functionalist theory, par t icular ly as formulated by Amer ican scholars, placed undue emphasis on consensus and equil ibrium in society" (Karabel and Halsey , 1977, p. 11). N e w sociological theories of education, rooted in the theories of M a r x and Weber, put more stress on conflicting interests in society and hence were often labelled "conflict theories". According to conflict theory derived from the Weberian tradition, education reflected the struggles for power among "status groups" (ibid., p. 31). Since neo-Marxists believed status to derive from class, they perceived the education system as "a crucial element in the reproduction of a division of labor that is itself largely a reflection of the hegemony of the capitalist class" (ibid., p. 33). The function of education was st i l l seen to be reproductive, but, whereas the functionalist viewed this as the reproduction of a properly functioning social system working to the common good, the M a r x i s t saw it as the reproduction of a system of institutionalized inequality. 45 The means by which this reproduction occurs has been the subject of much M a r x i s t theorizing. Originally' , the reproduction of the "forces and relations of production" was believed to take place str ict ly in the arena of the economic "base" of society. La te r M a r x i s t theories would recognize a role for the "superstructure" in the reproduction of the relations of production. The State is considered to be one of the major elements of the superstructure; education is seen as merely an "epiphenomenon" of the State. However , Gramsc r s development of the concept of hegemony beyond the strictl j ' political (and coercive) level would eventually lead to a reconsideration of the importance of education to reproduction (Hal l , L u m l e y and M c L e n n a n , 1977, pp. 48-49). A s well as the direct political domination of one group by another, hegemony also comprised the 'spontaneous' consent given by the great masses of the population to the general direction imposed on social life by the dominant fundamental group; this consent is 'historical ly ' caused by the prestige (and consequent confidence) which the dominant group enjoys because of its position and function in the world of production. (Gramsci , 1971, p. 12) Hegemony thus "operates persuasively rather than coercively through cultural institutions" (Entwistle, 1979, p. 12). Al thusser (1972) proposed the "mechanism of ideology" as the major means by which hegemony was achieved. He saw the two major aspects of the State as its Repressive State Appara tus (RSA)- the government, a rmy, police, prisons, and so on~and the Ideological State Apparatuses (ISAs). The latter included the religious I S A , the political I S A , the legal I S A and the educational I S A , among others (pp. 252-54). Al thusser believed the dominant I S A in mature capitalist societies to be the educational I S A . Thus, education would have a prominent role 46 in maintaining the status quo in these societies. 1. The Functions of Adult Education In general, the sociology of adult education has not been paid as much attention as has the sociology of childhood education--at least not until fair ly recently (Jarvis, 1985, p. 3). There has been a tendency to view adult education as more ad hoc and less institutionalized and therefore perhaps more neutral in the role it plays. According to Griff in (1983), adult education has usually been conceptualized in terms of technique and strategy, rather than of knowledge and power (p. 38). Moreover, as Keddie (1980) notes, it was sometimes suggested that, because it was based on "meeting the needs" of its clientele, adult education's functions were entirely different from those of schooling (Keddie, 1980). Cer ta in ly , schooling's major function of socialization was considered to be absent from adult education except in special cases, such as the "Americanizat ion" programs in the early part of this century and some vocational t ra ining programs. In these instances the "pragmatic" intent of adult education was emphasized. Ja rv i s (1985) identifies six functions that adult education might fulfil. These are: maintenance of the social system and reproduction of the existing social relations; transmission of knowledge, and the reproduction of the cul tural sj^stem; individual advancement and selection; second chance and legitimation; leisure time pursuit and institutional expansion to fi l l non-work time; development and liberation, (p. 135) E a c h of these functions could be interpreted in terms of reproduction and/or legitimation of the status quo. Fo r example, the "second chance" function "is st i l l a function that reinforces the status quo, in as much as the structures of the 47 social system remain unquestioned" (ibid., p. 143). Or , in the case of "leisure time pursuit", it could be argued that "its latent function is the retention of stability in the social system at a time when many people do not have work to occupy their time and their minds" (ibid., p. 147). Even "development and liberation" might not be the transformative function seemingly implied. This is because it is generally interpreted in terms of individual development and/or l iberation-development can mean professional or personal development, and education for liberation, whatever its intent, can only work wi th individuals: "whenever education liberates, it can result in agents who might, but also need not, seek structural reform" (ibid., p. 149). In recent years, more adult educators have raised the question of the ideological nature of their pursuits. M a n y of them have been influenced by Paulo Frei re , whose concepts of the "culture of silence" and "conscientization" have obvious relevance for adult education as well as for education in general. These educators criticize their colleagues for assuming "a posture of neutrali ty ... The result is programming which serves our vocational needs and provides indoctrination and domestication of our adults in support of our exist ing system" (London, 1972, p. 31). Fre i re himself was profoundly influenced by M a r x i s m , and the ideas of M a r x i s t thinkers such as Gramsc i and Al thusser are now finding their way into adult education literature. Indeed, Gramsci "believed the achievement of working-class hegemony to be an essentially educational enterprise" (Entwistle, 1979, p. Ill), an enterprise undertaken mainly through the political education of adults. However , adult education seldom fits this ideal. Several wri ters identify a middle-class bias in adult education, pointing out that working-class adults do not 48 participate in adult education precisely because of this market-driven orientation. Westwood (1980) claims that "adult education wi th its middle-class bias ... can be seen to have a much clearer role in maintaining the status quo, engendering a state of consensus and contributing positively to the mechanisms whereby hegemony is maintained" (p. 43) than in challenging bourgeois hegemony through political education for the working-class. The same kind of thinking is evident in Lloyd ' s (1972) statement that, in adult education's "unreflective serving of middle-class interests, it m a y become a tool for social control" wi th the "implici t goal: education to adapt the poor as objects, resources for society" (p. 16). The wri ters referred to above would argue that this describes an actual, not potential, situation. However , thej' would share wi th L l o y d a belief that society needs to be radically restructured in order to change this situation, and that adult education has a potential role in such a restructuring. Y e t i f education's major existing role is perceived by functionalists and Marx i s t s alike to be societal reproduction, then the question of how it could also have a potential transformative role must be raised. Here, the operative word m a y be "potential". The functionalist would see no need to transform the relations of production, but would nevertheless grant to education a role in social change. It would be related par t icular^ ' to the technological changes that occur as society evolves-again, education would prepare people to "fit" into a changing society, but the basic structure of society would remain largely the same (Karabel & Halsey, 1977, p.9). The Marx i s t s , on the other hand, consider a complete change in the relations of production to be both desirable and necessary. Y e t i f education is "'condemned' to reflect, justify and reproduce" the existing structures (Pena-Borrero, 1984, p. 3), how can it be considered to have any part to play in 49 social change? B. EDUCATION AND SOCIAL CHANGE Ja rv i s (1985) states that "education is probably more l ikely to be affected by social forces than it is to be a force for change, although this does not preclude education from being an agent in structural change", and also that "change is the norm in society" (p. 17). H e identifies two major perspectives on the nature of societal change: the first holds that it is evolutionary and the second that it is caused by conflicts wi th in society. W i t h i n the first perspective are located Toennies's theory of two ideal types of society, Gemeinschaft (homogeneous, rigid, conforming societies) and Gesellschaft (heterogeneous, fluid, rationalized societies), as well as Durkhe im 's notion of societies wi th either "mechanical" or "organic solidarity" (the latter being more differentiated and individualistic) (ibid., pp. 18-19). Each of these sets can be correlated loosely to "tradit ional" and "modern" societies, and the theory in each case is that there tends to be an evolutionistic movement from the former to the latter. The conflict perspective is represented most obviously by M a r x i s m , which holds that societies w i l l ult imately move through several stages, culminat ing in the achievement of socialism. It is also represented by various forms of "radical ism", which m a y differ as to the desired results of change, but which al l envision some sort of structural change and not just reform or rationalization of existing structures. There have been several attempts towards developing a conceptual framework in which to analyse the role of education in social change, two of which w i l l be discussed here. In the first, Thomas and Harr ies-Jenkins (1975) 50 describe a "continuum of attitudes" towards the role of adult education in change, ranging from "revolution", through "reform" and "maintenance", to "conservation". Placement of attitudes along this continuum is determined not only by the conflict or consensus "interpretations of social interests" (p. 1), but also by "the distinction between value-oriented and norm-oriented perceptions" (p. 3). A value-orientation is concerned wi th changing the goals or ends of society, whereas a norm-orientation "seeks to retain exist ing goals although it aims to change the rules that govern the pursuit of basic objectives and the detailed operation of basic forms of social order" (ibid., p. 3). It is worth noting one major aspect of Thomas and Harr ies-Jenkins 's interpretation of conflict and consensus theories: conflict theories are characterized as p r imar i ly concerned with the interests of "various individuals and groups wi th in society" (ibid., p. 1), and consensus theories with "the needs and requirements of the total system" (ibid., p. 2). Whi le the authors acknowledge the role of ideology in their models (ibid., p. 9), their characterizations remain problematic, for the.y mainta in throughout an emphasis on the "sectional interests" of the conflict model without really questioning the consensus c la im to represent the interests of society at large. In fact, they base placement in their four major categories largely wi th regard to this distinction. Pauls ton (1977) offers a perhaps more openly biased approach to the role of education in social change. He states his "predisposition to view ideology, power, and perceived group self-interest as key factors in influencing planning and implementation of basic educational reforms" (p. 371). Given this predisposition, he presents eight theoretical orientations to social and educational change, situated wi th in two paradigms, the "equi l ibr ium" and the "conflict" paradigms. The equil ibrium paradigm contains evolutionary, neo-evolutionary, 51 structural-functionalist and systems theories; the conflict, M a r x i a n , neo-Marxian, cultural revital ization and anarchistic-utopian orientations (ibid., pp. 372-73). Since systems theory is largely based on evolutionist and structural-functionalist principles and concepts, attention is focussed on these latter two in the equilibrium paradigm. Both regard societies as systems which natural ly tend to mainta in stability and balance, and posit "the undesirability of all but 'adaptive' change" (ibid., p. 379). In evolutionary theory, societies are viewed as "organisms": as parts of them grow (and progress), other parts wi l l adapt to this growth and grow in their turn. Thus, "education as an ' integrative' structure, functions to mainta in stability and changes from 's imple ' or 'pr imit ive ' forms to more complex 'modern' forms in response to change in other structures" (ibid., p. 376). M a n y of the earlier modernization theories of development would be the counterpart to this orientation. Structural-functionalist theories "focus on the homeostatic or balancing mechanisms by which societies mainta in a 'uniform state'" (ibid., p. 379). Inequality is seen as "a necessary condition to mainta in the existing normative order" (ibid., p. 380) (consistent wi th development perspectives that claimed inequality led to greater economic growth). A g a i n , education's role in societal change is adaptive: when a need arises in society, the educational system wi l l change in whatever way is necessary to meet that need (for example, placing more emphasis on computer literacy); eventually these "new educational functions" w i l l create changes wi th in society (computer literacy wi l l become the norm, more jobs w i l l require it, and so on) (ibid., pp. 380-81). Paulston notes that human capital theory, popular in the 1960s and early 1970s, is one of the best examples of an attempt to apply structural-functionalist 52 principles. This theory, very strongly oriented to economics, emphasized "human resource development" as an investment and means to economic development. Since human capital theory figures largely in the discussion of the role of education in development, it w i l l be more fully discussed at a later point in this chapter. A s noted earlier, the conflict paradigm and its critique of the equil ibrium or consensus paradigm has gained increasing prominence in the last twenty years. Whereas the equil ibrium paradigm focusses on the maintenance of social harmony through adaptive change only, the conflict paradigm is concerned with change as a neccessarj' condition for a more just social order. However , different theories wi th in this paradigm differ as to the role which education does or can play in social transformation. In classical M a r x i s m , formal education, as part of the superstructure that serves to keep the hegemony of the rul ing classes intact, "cannot be ' a pr imar j ' agent of social transformation" (ibid., p. 386). According to studies like those in Thompson (1980), most forms of adult education also serve this strictly reproductive function. On the other hand, Thompson also claims that "whilst adult education shares the overall insignificance of schooling, i f it is to be judged in its capacity to promote major changes, it does not share its total insubordination to the dominant system of values" (p. 27), par t ly because it tends to be paid less heed by the "system". This leads back to the question of how change might occur wi th in a social system, short of a revolutionary takeover, i f the forces and relations of production are being constantly reproduced through elements such as education. F r o m a M a r x i s t point of view, can education have any kind of pos i t ive- in the 53 sense of changing the status quo--effect in capitalist society? Althusser ' s notion of ideological state appara tuses-wi th the educational apparatus dominant -as the means by which the forces and relations of production are reproduced has been viewed by many M a r x i s t and neo-Marxis t educators as a realistic analysis of the major function education serves in capitalist societies. However , it has also proved troublesome to those who believe that education also has the potential to be a force for social transformation. Demaine (1981) believes that Althusser 's position is theoretically incoherent: "the possibility of transition is excluded since the mechanisms of the reproduction of relations of production always secures the eternal reproduction of the mode of production and the relations of production specific to the mode of production" in question, but "on the other hand Al thusser insists on the possibility of transit ion and on the effectivity of class struggle in transit ion" (p. 85). Pena-Borrero (1984) claims that Al thusser ' s theory ignores the role that human beings can play in historical processes. She believes, along wi th other critics of Althusser , that "the role of education in the process of social change is ... one of making expl ic i t - through awareness- the contradictions existing in social real i ty" (ibid., p. 5) (a notion to which this discussion wi l l re turn later in this chapter). Education is "one of the arenas in which the class struggle takes place" (ibid.). This again is related to Gramsci ' s concept of hegemony. While Gramsc i believed that the task of M a r x i s m was to see the "subaltern classes" establish their hegemony over the present ru l ing classes, he also felt that "resort to violence by a subaltern class is not a sufficient condition for establishing its own hegemony; this requires a profound change in mass consciousness" (Entwistle, 1979, p. 13). The "counter-hegemonic task" was clearly 54 an educational one (ibid., pp. 14-15). However , Gramsc i also believed that the schools supported "the hegemonic status quo (ibid., p. 110); education as a counter-hegemonic force could only be possible in the education of adults, perceived p r imar i ly as political education in the occupational context. "Development of working-class consciousness required the education of intellectuals organic to the working class itself ... these would provide leadership in the counter-hegemonic movement (ibid., pp. 112-13). Thompson (1980) agrees wi th the necessity of "placing adult education f i rmly in the context of a stratified society and wi thin the realities of political struggle" (p. 27). This cannot take the form of "remedial" education for the "disadvantaged", education to help them "adapt" or "cope" with a changing society and their role within it. Lovett , Clarke and K i l m u r r a y (1983) feel that adult education has lost some of its potential to be an agent for change, precisely because it has become less margina l due to this adaptation function that has been ascribed to it: adult education can no longer be so cri t ical of the sj'stem's institutions, since it is increasingly being co-opted by them (p. 3). Educators wri t ing from a neo-Marxis t perspective have tended to take the view that, while education cannot be a p r imary agent for change, it might sti l l make some contributions to the cause of societal transformation. However , since "the schools of a society serve to reproduce the economic, social, and political relations ... the only way that schools can change these relations is through their unforeseen consequences rather than through planned and deliberate change" (Carnoy and L e v i n , 1976, p. 4). This idea is based on the "correspondence principle" proposed b}' Bowles and Gint is , which suggests that the activities and outcomes of the educational sector correspond to those of society generally. That is, al l educational 55 systems serve their respective societies such that the social, economic, and political relationships of the educational sector w i l l mir ror closely those of the society of which they are a part. (Levin , 1976, p. 26) Nevertheless, change can and does take place, but not due to reform policies; i t comes about through the "contradictions" that occur in education as well as in other sectors of society (ibid., pp. 38-39). A n example of a contradiction could be the way increased formal schooling creates expectations that ul t imately cannot be met (Carnoy, 1976a, p. 278). In order to capitalize on such contradictions, Carnoy suggests that the school should be viewed as a workplace (a Gramscian idea) in which an "encroachment strategy" could be carried out. The thrust of this would be to organize students, teachers and parents for increasing control over school management. Such a strategy would take full advantage of a l l contradictions and inefficiencies wi th in the system. The school would thus take its place as one workplace among many, each presumabty p laying its part in bringing about a change in society (ibid., pp. 280-88). Approaches to education and change that fall wi th in Paulston's last two categories would disagree wi th the tendency to equate education wi th schooling and thus to ignore the transformative potential of education outside the formal system. For the cul tural revital ization orientation, education is part of a cul tural or social movement and is generally considered to have a large role in advancing the movement's interests among the relevant groups. V e r y often, the formal educational system is rejected because it is viewed as a means of acculturation to the dominant culture (Paulston, 1977, p. 389). Zachariah (1986) examines two movements which seek revolutionary changes in society-"to construct a more satisfying culture" (p. 4) -and which 56 place emphasis on persuasion or education: Sarvodaya in India and conscientization in L a t i n Amer i ca . He claims that "revitalization movements usually pay much attention to education, whether informal or formal, precisely because of its perceived abili ty to change attitudes, values, and behaviors in individuals" (ibid., p. 69). While Zachariah gives conscientization as an example of a cul tural revitalization movement, Pauls ton places it among anarchistic-utopian theories of social change. This is not real ly contradictory, for the latter "often share the M a r x i a n goal of radical social transformation, and concerns of cul tural rev iva l and revitalization movements for individual renewal" (Paulston, 1977, p. 390). They are "concerned wi th conflict ar is ing from oppressive institutions and imperfect human nature" (ibid., p. 376). Frei re (1972) believes that education fulfils two possible purposes: it is either education for "domestication" or education for "liberation". In the former, which Freire terms "banking education", passive students are integrated into the oppressive social system; in the latter, through a dialogical process, students develop a cr i t ical consciousness in which they "problematize" their present real i ty, resulting in empowerment for both personal and social liberation. While it has been criticized on many points, Freire 's work has been highly influential in educational theory and practice. Il l ich, another major figure of the anarchistic-utopian orientation, has also had some considerable impact on theory. However , in the practical arena, he is most often considered a purely "utopian" thinker. Illich's conception of social change is based on the idea of a shift from the "manipulat ive" institutions, of which schooling is the best example, to more "convivia l" institutions, over which people themselves would have more 57 control. This shift presupposes a change in human consciousness towards an awareness of essential human freedom (Demaine, 1981, pp. 94-97). Changing awareness is also a keynote of work by A d a m Curie, whom Paulston also cites as an example of a Utopian orientation. Curie (1973) came to the conclusion "that education, as it is mostly practised, does not so much free men from ignorance, tradition, and servi l i ty, as fetter them to the values and aspirations of a middle class which many of them are unlikely to jo in" (p. 1). Curie 's view is of interest because it in many ways seems to reflect the "counterpoint" in development theory. He advocates a society that "would value equality, justice, compassion, the idiosyncrasy of every human being, the possibility of personal evolution" (ibid., p. 8). This society can be brought about through increasing awareness by means of an education which does not support the system, but which is part of the "counter-system". Curie claims to have no patience wi th those who mainta in that the society cannot be changed unless the economic system is changed and the economic system cannot be changed unless the labour unions are changed and the labour unions cannot be changed until the law is changed, and so on. Changes are brought about by people who t ry to influence the segment of life they are involved wi th , strengthening the relationships and institutions that promote the counter-system (ibid., p. 11) The process is thus basically anti-systemic. Other alternatives to restructure education have been proposed, notably non-formal education and lifelong education. Both of these can be conceptualized in contrasting ways , so they do not easily fit wi th in any of Paulston's orientations. S i m i l a r ^ , their perceived relationship with social change is variable. Since much of the theory on the reproductive function of education has focussed on formal education, it might be thought that education organized outside 58 the formal system may not necessarily serve this function-though the contributors to Thompson (1980) would argue with this idea. Non-formal education has part icular ly been advocated by Phi l ip Coombs of the International Council for Educational Development as a less expensive and more logistically workable counterpart of the formal system, especially for rura l development in the Thi rd Wor ld (Ireland, 1978, pp. 11-12). It is proposed not as a replacement, but rather as an augmentation, for formal education. However , some critics perceive this as a potential problem: a "dual system" can emerge, in which formal education serves the wealthy and middle classes and non-formal education serves the poor. Non-formal education may then simply reinforce existing socioeconomic inequalities. Whether or not non-formal education can be viewed as a factor in social change depends largely on the kind of social change being sought. A s L a Belle (1982) points out, " i f individuals are in need of basic skills or i f society is viewed as a system in need of adaptation, then nonformal education might well be viewed as a contributor" (p. 170). He has little hope that it can make a contribution to social change though, "since access to opportunities is tied so f i rmly to schooling ... what nonformal education m a y be impar t ing is skills but not the cultural characteristics and legitimacy needed for access to the opportunity structure" (ibid., p. 173). Of course, this statement assumes that the "opportunity structures" themselves are not an object of social change; it reflects the predominant "functionalist" view of non-formal education. Pauls ton (1980) characterizes this as "top-down" non-formal education; he believes that non-formal education can be effective for social change only insofar as i t is "bottom-up", wi th "a dynamic social movement context and movement control" (p. 257). Even so, i t has more chance for effectiveness if " i t seeks concrete reformist goals ... 59 that do not radical ly transcend the parameters of tolerance in any given society" (ibid., p. 257). The possibilities for non-formal education as a means to liberating change are thus seen as limited. The same kind of dual potential can be seen in lifelong education. Gelpi (1979) notes that 'Lifelong education' could result in the reinforcement of the established order, increased productivity and subordination, but a different option could enable us to become more and more committed to the struggle against those who oppress mankind in work and in leisure, in social and emotional life. (p. 1) Ireland (1978) identifies two trends i n lifelong education literature: the view mentioned above, and an "optimistic model" which tends to describe lifelong education in rather Utopian terms. This latter trend is more abstract, and tends to ignore potential practical ramifications of a lifelong education policy (pp. 22-23). Both Ireland and Griff in (1983) feel that Gelpi 's view of lifelong education transcends the limitations of these two trends. Griff in claims that "Gelpi 's view of lifelong education is dialectical and is capable of accounting both for the reproductive and the transformational potential of lifelong education" (p. 186). Lifelong education, like education itself, can have both a manipulative and a liberating function. Gelpi (1979) insists that lifelong education's policies cannot be neutral (p. 2), but he does not believe that it can only be effective in its liberating function in societies in which revolutions have already taken place (ibid., p. 11). He believes that social change can take place through "the co-ordination of grass-roots activities into new systems and cul tural movements" (ibid., p. 4), because " in every society there is some degree of autonomy for educational action, some possibility of political confrontation, and at the same 60 time an inter-relation between the two" (ibid., p. 11). He sums up: If we think of lifelong education in terms of this dialectic, we shall be able to escape the false choice between the idealised approach (lifelong education seen as a global new response to the educational and cultural needs of our society) and the negative approach (lifelong education seen as a new form of manipulation), which is in fact also an idealist approach, (ibid., p. 11) C. EDUCATION IN RELATION TO DEVELOPMENT The way in which the relationship of education to development is perceived wi l l obviousty be affected by the definition of development adopted, and also by the functions ascribed to education and/or adult education in society, par t icular ly as these relate to social change. In the early years of development theory, there was little argument wi th the notion that development meant economic growth, and that it referred to a universal process. La ter , as questioning of this equation became more common, development was often taken to mean economic growth plus more equality within each social sj'Stem—or sometimes, liberation from oppressive political and economic structures both nationally and in te rna t iona l^ . N o w there are also some who would question the val idi ty of any notion of development, or who at least would point out that there can be no ideal of development va l id for each and every society. In any case, it is now much more difficult to discuss development without considering the question "which development?". Thus, i t would seem imperative that educational literature on development be very clear as to what is meant by the term; unfortunately, however, the meanings are often only implici t . Pradervand (1982) complains that "we are so busy producing documents, documents and documents, we rarely take the time to wonder what we are wr i t ing about" (pp. 450-51). He himself suggests that, while development educators need to be clear on what it is they are discussing, "definitions are nothing more than hypotheses in which are necessarily embedded particular philosophical, epistemological and sociological points of view" (ibid., p. 454), and can only be temporary, given that understanding of the idea w i l l inevitably change. Furthermore, they wi l l va ry according to the society in question. A l l of this wi l l have an effect on the ways in which education is perceived: as Wi l l i amson (1979) remarks, educational patterns and responses have to be seen as the outcomes of part icular models of development coming to terms wi th particular structures of internal and external constraints faced by different types of society in the grip of their own unique historical experience, (p. 25) Mos t wri ters who examine the broad question of the development/education relationship tend to identify two major streams of thought; sometimes these indicate a historical progression and sometimes not. A s an example of the former, A d a m s (1977) categorizes the "changing assumptions ... regarding education's contribution to social and economic change" (p. 298) in terms of the "romantic '60s" and the "cynical '70s". D u r i n g the first period, expectations of education were high. It was considered a potential miracle worker wi th a definite effect on economic growth- through the production of technological knowledge and skilled "manpower". It would also develop "tradit ional" people into "modern" people, and would provide the opportunities that would eventually br ing about greater equality (ibid., pp. 298-99). A l l in a l l , "education, viewed as an economic investment, a social equalizer, and itself a measure of societal advance, was seen as a high prior i ty in development planning" (ibid., p. 300). Such euphoria contrasted s tark ly wi th the views prevalent in the 1970s. B y this time many educators and theorists were disillusioned about the earlier expectations: "the 62 conventional wisdom of the social sciences by 1970 was that economic and political structures generate educational change rather than vice versa" (ibid., p. 301). Some theorists even argued that education acted as a form of "cultural imper ia l i sm"; far from reducing inequality, i t perpetuated it. S i m k i n (1981) identifies a s imilar shift in perspective, which he relates to the increasing influence of dependencj' as opposed to modernization theories of development. The dominance of modernization theory during the 1960s fit in wi th human capital theories then being applied to education in the Thi rd World; together they justified an emphasis on, and expansion of, education. However, S i m k i n believes that modernization theories were not very clear about the relationship between education and development. He claims that the only relevant common ground among the major modernization theorists would appear to be the notion that, during modernization, technological development requires an increasing division of labour, resulting in the transference of man}' aspects of socialisation from the family (or the tribe) to formal educational institutions, (p. 429) Whi le educational planning became ubiquitous, "the linkages between educational provision and economic development ... proved to be extremely difficult to specify" (ibid., p. 430). The failure of Th i rd Wor ld countries to reach their educational goals led to a greater interest in non-formal education by the early 1970s, and eventually to a decline in the influence of modernization theory. Nevertheless, S i m k i n does not c laim that dependency theory has replaced modernization theorj'; rather, he sees them as "competing theoretical perspectives" (ibid., p. 435). The dependency perspective does not deal directly wi th the role of education, so educational theorists have had to develop parallels from the sociology of education: 63 Concepts such as legitimation, hegemony, mystification, the social reproduction of knowledge, cultural imper ia l ism, educational colonialism, and many others, have been employed in explanations of how education contributes to T h i r d World dependency, (ibid., p. 436) S imk in does not believe that the influence of dependency theory is necessarily any more beneficial that that of modernization theory, both because it is no less an "imposition of a Western intellectual tradition onto the Th i rd Wor ld" (ibid., p. 438) (at least in its neo-Marxis t form) and also because of its l imited explanatory power wi th regard to education. It does not determine whether or not development is possible and therefore leaves the question of education's role unsolved (ibid., p. 438). Zachar iah (1985) asserts that there has been less consensus overall wi th regard ^to the role of education in development than has been the case in development economics; hence he does not see these shifts in educational theory as directly related to development theory (p. 2). Rather, he speaks of a "metaphor challenge"-the predominant educational metaphor ("people as cla3 r") of the 1950s and 1960s being challenged by a new metaphor ("people as growing plants") in the 1960s and 1970s. Education was invested wi th a transformational function in the early 1950s: the institutions of schooling had to help forge and support newly created national identities, participate in the task of economic reconstruction, and inculcate new values and attitudes in people. The transformational role assigned to formal education bolstered the view that i t had a molding mission, (ibid., p. 4) The "molding mission" to form the "lumps of c lay" was based on several premises: for example, education as an animating and enlightening process, the benefits of universal (primary) education, the necessity of some "wastage" or differential rates of progress, the desirability of educational differentiation, the 64 superiority of Western experience and the priority of the formal educational system, as opposed to any adult education programs (ibid., pp. 4-9). The challenge to this metaphor grew out of a crisis that began developing in the mid-1960s. According to Zachariah, this crisis was related not only to the increasing problems brought on by the expansion of formal education (such as urban/rural imbalances, high dropout rates, unemployment of graduates, and so on), but also to a questioning of the role of the U . S . as an imperial power (ibid., p. 11). Western society as an end state was no longer universal ly accepted; neo-Marxist interpretations of society were becoming more prevalent. Because economic growth seemed to coincide wi th increasing inequality, some now questioned its equation wi th "development". The question of "who benefits" became relevant in terms of educational reform, as wel l as in terms of development itself, where the redistribution wi th growth and basic needs policies indicated this new concern. Some maintained a basic faith in education in the face of this crisis; for example, Coombs (1968) proposed reformed systems that would integrate formal and non-formal education and make both more relevant to the economic structures (an idea he would elaborate on more fully in later works). Others began to view it in a different light. The "growing plants" metaphor was based on the following premises: that formal education tends to stifle creativity and to support the existing political hegemony; that education should idealty provide opportunities for people to reach their potential (and that, for this to occur, their mater ia l conditions must also be changed); that no society or culture is inherently superior; and that education can play a smal l role in "promoting genuine learning that leads to the creation of a more humane cultural order" (ibid., p. 15) and in creating "environments in which incipient forms of new liberating social arrangements can be tried out" (ibid., p. 15). Zachar iah notes a compatibili ty between the growing plants metaphor and dependency theory, but he does not see this as definitive. Works wi th in this metaphor indicate a concern wi th human "liberation", which could be interpreted in a variety of ways (Zachariah cites Freire 's , Il l ich's and Carnoy 's works as exemplary of the metaphor), not just in terms of dependency. Nevertheless, like dependency theory, this metaphor has encountered some challenges, i n particular wi th regard to the experiences of educational reforms in new socialist states. Educators are faced with the conundrum of how to br ing about meaningful change through education when the State sti l l has so much influence, even in the non-formal sector. Given these circumstances, Zachariah 's suggestion for a metaphor for the present is "the struggling plant in mostly claybound soil" (ibid., p. 21). The positions implied by Zachariah 's metaphors can also be related to two basic theoretical perspectives identified by Simmons (1980): the human capital , or incrementalist, theory and the structuralist theory. The incrementalist theory holds that education has a definite and positive effect on society. Increased skills and knowledge produce greater labour productivity, leading eventually to reduced inequalities (p. 24). In contrast, the structuralist theor3' maintains that • the purpose of educational systems is to mainta in the status quo. The educational system is closely connected to the political and economic systems; therefore, "to change or improve, for example, the egali tarian aspects of schools requires an attack not only on education but also on political and perhaps economic life as we l l " (ibid., p. 25). Simmons does not c laim that these two theories have any 66 particular historical relationship; however, he does state that " in the past few years ... the balance of evidence appears to have tipped in favour of the structuralists ' position" (ibid., p. 27). These two theories quite natura l ly have opposed outlooks on educational reform in the context of development, and these in turn are associated with two different "development goals". Since the incrementalist school sees education as "relatively independent" of political and economic structures, effective reform is deemed possible wi th the appropriate technical improvements. The development goal most strongly associated wi th this school of thought is economic growth. On the other hand, the structuralist theory asserts that real educational reform is impossible without profound political and economic changes. Its development goal is increased equality for the poor in Th i rd Wor ld societies. Not su rp r i s i ng^ , the basic reform proposals of these two schools conflict wi th each other. The incrementalist school proposes a "dual system", wi th the majority of the population receiving p r imary and vocational t ra ining and a smal l minori ty receiving secondary and higher education. The structuralists would have redistributive changes in economic structures and then "a closer integration between schooling and working", which would involve a longer period of p r imary education, a period of work, and then a period of part-time work and education (ibid., pp. 236-37). Aga in , Simmons claims that "the history of educational reform, both in the developed and developing countries, provides weighty evidence for the structuralist position" (ibid., p. 237), for incrementalist reforms have not had the kinds of effects sought. The divisions in thought about development and education identified by Adams , S i m k i n , Zachar iah and Simmons cover roughly the same ground, wi th 67 some variations in theme and emphasis. They can also be seen to correspond to some extent wi th the equil ibrium and conflict perspectives on education and social change. They can therefore form the basis for the following discussion on literature dealing with the relationship of education and adult education to development. Because it is most specifically related to this discussion and because it does not c la im a definite chronological progress, the terminology of Simmons 's analysis w i l l be used. 1. The Human Capital/Incrementalist Perspective H u m a n capital theory originated as a response to questions about the efficiency and effectiveness of the massive expansions of formal education in the 1950s, both in industrialized and in Th i rd Wor ld nations. In the most famous exposition of this theorj', Schultz (1977) declares that education was not only a form of consumption, but also an investment—an "investment in human capital" (p. 313). In this sense, "laborers have become capitalists ... from the acquisition of knowledge and ski l l that have economic value" (ibid., p. 314). The adequacy of their investment in education and health w i l l determine their eventual incomes (ibid., p. 321). This generalization can also be applied on a national scale: This knowledge and ski l l are in great part the product of investment and, combined wi th other human investment, predominantly account for the productive superiority of the technically advanced countries, (ibid., p. 314) The continued expansion of education—politically attractive to many different groups (Karabel and Halsey, 1977, pp. 12-13)-was thus justifiable, since education was definitely a contributor to economic growth. Bowen (1968) identifies four major approaches to measuring education's contribution. The "simple correlation 68 approach" suggests correlating indices of educational activities wi th indices of economic activities (such as enrolment ratios wi th G N P per capita) (p. 68). The "residual approach" attributes to education (and some other "inputs") any increased outputs that could not be accounted for from measurable inputs (ibid., p. 74). The "direct returns-to-education approach" compares the aggregate lifetime incomes of "more-educated" to "less-educated" people. This is also considered to have a direct relation to national productivity (ibid., p. 78). F ina l ly , the "forecasting-manpower-needs approach" projects future economic needs so that educational planners can determine what kinds of t ra ining (or human capital) are required to fill these needs (ibid., p. 96). Bowen states that this last approach does not actually assess education's economic contribution; however, such forecasting is considered to be a qualitative contribution to economic development. F r o m the perspective of manpower planning, education could be seen as the "scheduling of flows of human raw material through educational agencies and out into the econonry" (Anderson and Bowman , 1968, p. 364). Anderson and B o w m a n also point out that educational planning must correspond to a society's "stage of economic development". Therefore, resources for development should be concentrated on efficiency because in developing countries equity and efficiency are conflicting ideals (ibid., pp. 359-63). O f course, the concept of human capital investment was not without its critics. Some argued the differences between physical and human capital investment and the resultant difficulty of applying the capital concept to human beings (Shaffer, 1968). Others mocked the notion that unaccounted for economic growth could s imply be attributed to education: Balogh and Streeten (1968) characterized this idea as a "pseudo-scientific formulation" (p. 395). In general, 69 assumptions about the correlation of productivity and educational investment came under fire, as did the notion that educational investment in the poor would be sufficient to overcome poverty. This latter idea was based on the belief that the labour market functioned so that individuals would be paid according to what their ski l l was worth: On the basis of their reasoning and the assumption that labor markets were workably competitive, the human-capital theorists concluded, in essence, that those who earned little, those who were involuntar i ly employed part time, and those who ended up wi th no employment at al l were unskilled and unproductive by definition. The responsibility of the economic structure itself for low wages and unemployment was rarely considered. (Bluestone, 1977, p. 337) In the eyes of critics like Bluestone, job development was more pertinent (at least in terms of reducing poverty) than manpower t raining or human resource development. H i s thoughts are echoed by Foster (1977), who states that "it may be easy enough to increase the output of the schools but it is far more difficult to expand employment opportunities" (p. 362). Educational expansion m a y or may not have merit , but it would not be functional in the expected manner unless it corresponded wi th expansion of access to real opportunities in the labour market. Acceptance of human capital theory in its purer forms was inevitably affected by the "educational problems" that had become very clear by the late 1960s. Simmons (1980) groups these into three major categories: "internal inefficiency" in the educational S3 7stem (dropouts, lack of resources); lack of correspondence between the "product" of education and what is "needed" in society (in terms of employment and of other elements such as health care); and inequality both of opportunity and of outcomes of education (p. 7). H u m a n capital theory's emphasis on increasing educational spending seemed untenable to most; even those who took the incrementalist approach were less l ikely to advocate 70 such measures. Instead they began to look for other solutions to the problems of education and development. Because they basically believed the aforementioned problems to result from the irrelevance of educational systems to the realities of developing countries, many incrementalists eventually proposed educational cutbacks and the focussing of resources on a short period of p r imary schooling and vocational training. The idea of non-formal education thus gained an increasing popularity. It could be seen as par t icular ly important because "technical education has become a lifelong process and necessity for an increasing proportion of each nation's labor force" (Coombs, 1985, p. 172). However , non-formal education has been resisted both by the formal educational sector, which fears i t wi l l drain off resources, and by those who oppose the dual education system they feel i t implies (Simmons, 1980, p. 9). Nevertheless, many theorists sti l l look favourably on a large role for non-formal education, both as a means of alleviating the unemployment problem and as a wa y to increase educational opportunity and equality for the poorer population without greatly increasing expenditure. B l aug (1980) declares that "the remedy for the school-leaver problem, at least in the short run , lies in the provision of out-of-school education" (p. 152). In the long run, this and other problems must be overcome through reformative measures; this could be a slow process, but '"piecemeal social engineering' m a y prove to be the eventual solution" (ibid.p. 152). Not to take such measures could be disastrous, for " in the absence of sweeping readjustments and innovations in both educational and economic systems, the world of education and the world of work w i l l become increasingly unbalanced and maladjusted" (Coombs, 1985, p. 204). 71 While Simmons (1980) believes that the human capital/incrementalist school of thought m a y be on the wane, its assumptions st i l l underlie much of development policy and strategy. In a 1985 book based on research supported by the Wor ld Bank, Psacharopoulos and Woodhall restate a belief in the assumptions of human capital theory: "that investment in education contributes to economic growth" (p. 19), so that spending on education is not s imply consumption but is investment in human capital, and that education is not only a basic human right but also a means of enhancing the productive capacity of developing countries and increasing the profitability of investment in physical capital and basic infrastructure, (ibid., p. 313) This position is considered to be justified both by research and by the experience of Wor ld Bank projects. Therefore, "the Wor ld Bank has expressed renewed interest in human development, par t icular ly education" (ibid., p. 16). This interest is reflected in the Bank ' s pattern of educational investment: investment concentrated on basic education (both formal and non-formal), vocational education and teacher training. Psacharopoulos and Woodhall claim that "there is as much concern wi th the equity as wi th the efficiencj' of educational investment" (ibid., p. 5), although they concede that "educational investment cannot, by itself, equalize incomes and employment opportunities" (ibid., p. 319). However, an attempt to distribute investment socially and geographically can improve the present inequitable situation. 2. The Structuralist Perspective In general, the structuralist school of thought does not view "readjustment" and "innovation" as adequate to bring about increased equality and decreased poverty, the development goals it regards as most important. More profound 72 change is necessary for that to occur. There are differences wi th in this perspective as to how extensive such change should be and what form it should take: theorists coming from a neo-Marxis t or dependency point of view argue the necessitj' of a revolutionary change to a socialist government; others merely desire "l iberation" from individual and societal "oppression" to a more humane society. M u c h of Carnoy 's work is representative of the first position. H e (1974) describes education in the present world system as "cul tural imper ia l i sm". This is the case in the industrialized countries where "schooling was organized to develop and mainta in ... an inherently inequitable and unjust organization of production and political power" (p. 3), and even more so in the Th i rd World since Western formal education came to most countries as part of imperial is t domination. It was consistent wi th the goals of imper ia l i sm: the economic and political control of the people in one country by the dominant class in another, (ibid., p. 3) Carnoy subscribes to the thesis that education in capitalist society functions to reproduce the social relations of production and to minimize opposition to the structure of society. The reproductive function effective^' retards economic growth and social development because of its legitimizing effect-elites (and industrialized nations) avoid having to redistribute wealth and thus do not maximize the country's own human and physical resources (Carnoy et a l . , 1982, p. 42). The maintenance of poliltical legitimacy is seen as perhaps the most important reason for educational expansion: Carnoy et a l . (1982) c la im that education is a "symbol of development" and in this sense is demanded as a "public right". Expansion of education is a much cheaper way to ensure this legitimacy than making structural changes would be (p. 54). Less expensive 73 approaches such as non-formal education are the "standard answer" to the problem of providing education to the poorer classes, but it is less l ikely to furnish its graduates wi th employment than is formal t ra ining impart ing the same skills. Carnoy (1982) concludes that "i t is very l ikely that such training fortifies the class division of labor rather than promoting social mobility for lower-social-class groups" (p. 167). A s wel l , a human capital perspective can "legitimize the international class structure by putting the onus on nonindustrialized peoples for fai l ing to manage their own institutions efficiently or to mobilize adequate resources for economic growth" (Carnoy, 1976b, p. 257). Since "the development process, the educational process, and the schooling process are part and parcel of the same whole" (Carnoy, 1982, p. 171), a radical transformation in the relations of production is necessary before education can be a t ruly liberating force. However, "expanded schooling could be a force for radical change, par t icular ly i f set in the context of political struggles elsewhere in society" (ibid., p. 173) because, again, it could "exacerbate contradictions" inherent in the political system. The "legitimacy gap" between what education symbolizes and the reality of what it can actually deliver is even greater in Th i rd Wor ld countries than in the industrialized nations. While "one of the principal functions of schooling in Th i rd Wor ld countries is to substitute for political rights and for increased mater ial consumption" (ibid., p. 173), this eventually leads to political tensions-which governments tend to t ry to resolve by making concessions to the groups they feel to be most dangerous to their stability (Carnoy et a l . , 1982, p. 64). These ideas are echoed by Bowles (1980), who claims that in Th i rd Wor ld countries 74 the expansion of the capitalist mode of production undermines the tradit ional mode, and thus tends to weaken the political and ideological forces which served to perpetuate the old order. The capitalist class is thus faced wi th difficult problems of reproduction as well as production, (p. 213) A s a result, "the ever-present contradiction between accumulation and reproduction must be repressed, or channeled into demands easily contained wi th in the structure of capitalist society" (ibid., p. 215). Education has played an important role in such "channeling" strategies; it acts as "both recruiter and gatekeeper for the capitalist sector" (ibid., p. 215). A s recruiter, i t produces the necessary labour force and, through the "correspondence principle", reproduces the social relations of production (ibid., p. 216). A s gatekeeper, it balances meeting public demands for educational expansion with increasing credential requirements (ibid., p. 217). Educat ional policy is thus used as a tool to l imit potential workers. The clash between pressures from the poorer classes and the desires of the "capitalist classes" to mainta in hegemony results in a dual education system. The need to preserve the capitalist class structure thus effectively l imits education's contribution both to economic growth and to socioeconomic equality. Bowles believes that, "as part of a popular movement to challenge the class structure and the uneven development of the capitalist social formation", educational programs could promote social equality (ibid., p. 226). H e cites Freire 's work as one example of this possibility. However, he concludes that to discuss these possible functions of education, in the absence of rebellion against the capitalist order, is worse than idle speculation. It is to offer a false promise, an ideological palliative which seeks to buy time for capitalism by envisioning improvements where little can be secured, and by obscuring the capitalist roots of inequality and economic irrat ionali ty, (ibid., p. 226) In response to analyses like those of Carnoy and Bowles, Velloso (1985) 75 warns against a simplistic interpretation of dependency leading to the view that education may do little more than eternally reproduce an unequal system. On the contrary, educational institutions are viewed as a dialectical unitj ' , in which the movements that reproduce patterns of inequality and domination occur simultaneously wi th the production of equalizing and counter-domination effects ... The education system, as any other social system, is not completely determined from the outside. It possesses a certain degree of autonomy in its interactions wi th society at large, (p. 212) M u c h of what has been wri t ten from the structuralist perspective about education and development does not take the specifically revolutionary stance of dependencj' or neo-Marxist approaches. These works are representative of structuralist theory in that thej' are most concerned wi th reducing poverty and inequalky and recognize a need for s tructural change of some sort—though not necessarily a revolutionar3' change to socialism. They generally stress education as a transformative agent contributing to the attainment of cul tural autonomy and to liberation from oppression. In terms of development theory, they probably correspond most fully wi th thought that emphasizes the interdependence of societies and reform of political and economic structures both wi th in and among societies. These educators do not define development strictty in economic terms and therefore see education as more than an investment. Development is "defined in wider, more humanistic terms" (De Vr i e s , 1973, p. 234) and the roles of education and adult education, as wel l as their goals, are also viewed very differently: they are "liberalizing processes in which] success is measured in humanistic returns such as individual freedom and increased knowledge and awareness" (ibid., p. 234). 76 M a n y of the participants in the 1976 International Conference of Adu l t Education and Development in D a r es Sa laam express this k ind of sentiment. K i d d (1978) remarks that, despite the possibilities for confusion regarding the meanings of both development and adult education, there was at least a growing consensus regarding both: Everyone accepted some notion of 'balanced development'; that there is a component or aspect of adult education in every economic or social or political project, that adult education can never remain neutral about the issues of development, that the institutions of adult education should enlarge and focus their energies on development tasks which are of such importance that delay cannot be tolerated, (p. 7) The conference's "Design for Ac t ion" specifies what kinds of "development tasks" carry this importance. They would be strategies that are oriented to meeting basic human needs, that, through increased participation, lead to more egalitarian societies, that create and support structures and infrastructures allowing productive work and individuals ' control over "their lives and their environments" (Hal l and K i d d , 1978, p. 287). Adu l t education is to become "a more central component of development" (ibid., p. 287). Indeed, Stensland (1976) suggests that " in a l l development there is an educational core ... Whether overtly or not, development always is interwoven with education" (p. 68). He criticizes the human capital perspective both because it oversimplifies the relationship of education to economic and social processes and because it avoids the issue of what ends educational investment should lead to (ibid., p. 70). Since development and education are perceived as "related processes of purposeful and organized change" (ibid., p. 74), the idea of causal relations between the two should be replaced by an emphasis on an "integrated approach". This can be achieved par t ia l ly through adult education that functions to promote 77 "participation in development and preparation for development" (ibid., p. 79) and part ial ly through increased emphasis on non-formal education and its integration wi th the formal education sj^stem. Furthermore, consciousness-raising for self-reliance and control, rather than remedial programs, should be the main focus for adult education (Kidd, 1978, p. 10). Even granting that some structural changes need to occur, the notion of integrating adult education into national development plans seems to presuppose some faith that existent governments are also committed to a "balanced development". Referring specifically to his own country, Senegal (a "revolutionized" society), Cisse (1978) declares that in development "the role of catalyst belongs to the State" (p. 55) and "the foremost authority in charge of development is the State which serves the interests of all the people" (ibid., p. 56). The State must also develop educational plans for development. Rahnema (1978) is more sceptical about the goodwill of most governments in this regard: It is naive to believe that a liberating, human-centred, equality-oriented education system can operate or succeed within a society geared to different and conflicting objectives. It is equally naive to suppose that an elite-ruled, technocratic and modernizing society w i l l for long tolerate an education system which threatens to become a powerful instrument of internal subversion, (p. 66) A humanizing and liberating education needs to be nurtured by a society committed to humanistic principles, but "few countries are prepared to adopt such a revolutionary and ' radical ' position" (ibid., p. 66). Rahnema is no more optimistic about the potential of lifelong and non-formal education in the absence of profound structural change. This potential has often been overestimated: a "l iberat ing" education can at most be a "catalyst" for societal transformation, and then only i f it is "an integral par t of 78 a much wider effort to achieve social and economic l iberation" (ibid., p. 64). Paulston and LeRoy (1980) agree that non-formal education has tended to be used to further "the priorities set hy the dominant ideologues in society" (p. 6). Furthermore, models of non-formal education which stress human resource and manpower development assume "that governments are benevolent and magnanimous enough to mandate the structural changes required to maximize the development and utilization of human resources" (ibid., p. 9) and also that, if they were wi l l ing , they would be able to do so, given "the context of international dependency relationships" (ibid., p. 9). Any change promoted w i l l be incremental and in the interests of the society's elites (ibid., p. 12). Pauls ton and LeRoy do not believe in the necessity of revolution for development, however: F o r m a l schooling in conservative/liberal societies wi l l no doubt continue to reproduce social and economic relations and minimize deviance, and so too wi l l the vast majority of nonformal educational programs. Thus i f one seeks to ascertain under what conditions educational programs can significantly contribute to structural change in conservative/liberal societies, the most fertile area for inquiry wi l l be, we contend, in those large-scale collective social class and ethnic efforts using alternative N F E programs, (ibid., p. 19) These would be "locally initiated N F E programs to help facilitate the aims of collective movements seeking to negotiate new personal and collective identities and behaviors, or seeking to alter structural arrangements i n order to alleviate specific perceived grievances" (ibid., p. 5). Duke (1987) is also cautious about adult education's potential contribution to "authentic" development. H e notes that, despite professed interest in increasing equality, "the 'old paradigm' of development through infrastructure investment, wi th a spoken or unspoken assumption that wealth and benefit w i l l trickle down to a l l sectors of the community, prevails unchecked" (p. 323). Since the 79 contribution of adult education to development depends largely on the meaning ascribed to development, in the context of the "old paradigm", it may only serve to increase inequalities. In the findings of studies on adult education and poverty commissioned by the International Council for A d u l t Educat ion, it was generally the smaller, non-governmental programs that had explicit ly social change or conscientizing goals (ibid., p. 324). Duke also cautions that " in some circumstances adult education is v i r tua l ly ineffectual"--for example, in disaster-stricken areas or those under very repressive regimes (ibid., p. 327). M a n y adult educators concerned wi th development endorsed the concept of the N I E O as a prerequisite to the restructuring necessary for l iberating development. Al though the Brandt report and similar documents gave little attention to education, their educational implications were discussed nevertheless. The Brandt report was criticized for its apparent implication that education was irrelevant as both a means to, and an end of development (Will iams, 1981). However , the "basic needs model" recommended by the report suggested a reorientation of educational, as well as economic, priorities and programs (Gordon, 1982, p. 97). A l l e n and Anzalone (1981) argue that the "basic needs doctrine" is part of a "new orthodoxy" in development thinking (including calls for "redistribution wi th growth" as wel l as for the N I E O ) , which questions some of the hypotheses of traditional development theory without necessarily rejecting it. The authors fear that "the basic needs doctrine is perhaps too closely linked to a prevai l ing technocratic view of the w o r l d - a view that reduces complex social, economic, political, and cul tural issues to the category of ' technical ' problems" (ibid., p. 216). This reductionism also besets the notion of "education for basic needs", 80 which tends to become identified wi th "basic education" to impar t the min imum skills necessary to function in society. A l l e n and Anzalone suggest that "the problem of human needs is more complex than the basic needs doctrine seems to recognize" (ibid., p. 224). In addition to those who question the optimistic view of education as a contributor to either socioeconomic or human development/liberation, there are some who reject as negative values both education and development, as they are commonly understood. Illich (1984) believes that the bond between education and development (which he calls " E & D") "is becoming an evil of an unrecognized k ind" (p. 5). The assumption of scarcity underlies this bond: Both the inner void that calls for educational furniture and the scarce environment that must be softly and steadily turned into economic values are two politically homogeneous illusions ... E & D are mighty motors creating scarcity: expanding the assumption of it, intensifying the sense of it and legit imising institutions built around it. (ibid., p. 12) Illich describes two possible negative responses to this bond, the "yellow signal" and the "red signal". Those who "see yel low" believe it necessary to slow down the growth of E & D , although this growth remains the goal-as in the "new orthodoxy". They "have not lost faith i n education as a basic necessity and hope to provide it in a better form and to more people ... [but] while they continue to hope they have learned to question yesterday's fundamental 'veri t ies '" (ibid., p. 6). I l l ich criticizes this position because it questions "means and goals" but cannot question "fundamental assumptions"; analysis of these is left to those who "see red" (ibid., p. 8). The red light stands for a methodical prejudice that urges us to a continued comparison of an institution's stated purpose and its 81 directly counter-purposive effects ... In the red light education directly threatens non-formal learning by legit imating the removal of learning opportunities from the environment and by t ra ining people to depend on programmed information, (ibid., p. 7) The term "development" must take on a new meaning i f it is to preserve any significance: it should indicate "a changeover from growth to a steady state" (ibid., p. 9). Curie (1973) does not think that education and development are necessarily evi l , but does insist that both need to be drast ically rethought. Development should create a society that ensures conditions of safety, sufficiency, satisfaction and stimulus for all human beings (pp. 118-119). Educat ion for this k ind of development would need both economic and cultural/social goals and both indigenous and universal elements (ibid., p. 120). It would emphasize "building the capacity to achieve sufficiencj'" (ibid., p. 120), as wel l as the development of awareness and would work towards the transformation of the system into the counter-system. "Education for liberation is education which is itself liberated from an improper servitude to a system which values it less for what it contributes to the mind of m a n than for its service to his greed for power and possessions" (ibid., p. 128). D. CONCLUSION The perception of education's relationship to development is influenced by many factors, the functions ascribed to education and the meaning given to development being the two most obvious. While many views on the role of education are a lways simultaneously evident, the prevai l ing opinion has shifted several times: from a relative disregard of education to an almost evangelical 82 belief in its power to cause economic, social and political change, to an acknowledgement of its negative and/or counterproductive capacities, to the belief that, while it is not nearly so powerful as once thought, it m a y stil l have some positive role to play. To some extent, this progression of views can be related to the development of development thought, although i t often lags behind the latter and takes a tangential line. The period of disregard coincides wi th the belief that development would be a natural ly occurring process. H u m a n capital theory fits in wel l wi th modernization theorj'. Neo-Marx i s t denunciations of the reproductive role of education are consistent wi th dependency perspectives on development. M u c h of the non-Marxis t structuralist educational thought seems to be in the tradition of interdependence and reform approaches to development. Even the counterpoint perspective on development can be recognized, at least in part, in the essence of some educational literature—certainly in Ill ich's and Curie 's . To a lesser extent, the social and ethnic movements discussed by Paulston and L e R o y could fit into this category, as could writ ings dealing wi th basic needs, to the extent that thej' concentrate on "human development" rather than "manpower" needs. None of this is very clearly defined; again, there is considerable overlap among perspectives on the nature of the development/education relationship. S t i l l , there are definite connections between development theories and theories about education's role in development. The shifts in approach (as well as the "resistances" to such shifts) evident in the former are indeed reflected in the latter, at least to some extent. IV. THE INTERPRETIVE APPROACH OF THIS STUDY A. INTRODUCTION: THE INTERPRETIVE TURN This chapter wi l l comprise an explanation of whj ' a hermeneutic approach to literature on adult education and development can be considered conducive to the development of a deeper understanding of the situations involved. It wi l l begin wi th a discussion of what has been called the "interpretive turn" in the social sciences, that is, the increasing interest in non-positivistic attitudes and methods of analysing data. The nature and development of modern philosophical hermeneutics w i l l then be explicated briefly. F i n a l l y , the specific process that wi l l be used in the interpretation of texts in Chapters 5 wi l l be described. Giddens (1982) notes that social science in the English-speaking world has been unfamil iar wi th the term "hermeneutics" until very recently (p. 1). He attributes this unfamil iar i ty to the domination of Anglo-Amer ican social science by what he calls the "orthodox consensus": "views of social science drawing their inspiration from positivistic or naturalistic philosophies of natural science" (ibid., p. 1). According to Giddens, the orthodox consensus had three major elements. F i r s t , positivistic philosophy was the accepted framework for analysis , emphasizing ' the belief that the social sciences should be modelled on the natural sciences. Second, the methods of social science were profoundly influenced by functionalism. Th i rd , the content of the social sciences was dominated by the concepts of the "theory of industrial society" (or "modernization") (ibid., pp. 1-3). W i t h regard especially to the first of these elements, Popkewitz (1984) further points out that "a part icular and narrow conception of science has come to dominate social research. Tha t conception gives emphasis to the procedural 83 84 logic of research by making statistical and procedural problems paramount to the conduct of research" (p. 2). The definition of "empir ical" is narrowed so that i t tends to mean that which is quantifiable. "Objectivity", to which positivistic science is committed, is l ikewise given a narrower meaning: i t refers to a procedural rather than a philosophical characteristic (ibid., p. 21). A s a result, "many ... consider only those questions and problems that conform to [science's] procedures rather than ... having methods and procedures respond to and develop from theoretical interests" so that "the root assumptions about the world embedded i n scientific practices are not examined but are crystal l ized" (ibid., p. 21). Giddens (1982) considers the orthodox consensus to be no longer in existence. It has been undermined both by unexpected "transmutations in the social world i t s e l f and also by "crit ical attacks" upon its basic assumptions (p. 3). The latter have come both from wi th in the social sciences, in the form of the critique of functionalism, and from philosophy: The principal philosophical development of the twentieth century is the thoroughgoing attack on the subjectivism of modern thought wi th its foundation in self-conscious reflection and on the corresponding reduction of the world to an object of scientific investigation and control. (Gadamer, 1976, Linge 's introduction, p. xli) Rabinow and Sul l ivan (1979) also note "the almost de rigueur opposition of subjectivit}' and objectivity" in the social sciences, as wel l as in the natural sciences (p. 5). The social sciences have since their beginning sought the status of "paradigmatic science", in which they would have achieved the methodological "matur i ty" of "hard" sciences, thus r idding themselves of their "dependence on value, judgment, and individual insight" (ibid., p. 1). This elusive expectation has contributed to the present crisis in social science. A s a response, the "interpretive 85 turn" is seen to involve a refocussing of attention: "the aim is not to uncover universals or laws but rather to explicate context and wor ld" (ibid., p. 13). Interpretation wi l l go beyond the anatysis of scientific objects to an understanding of the underlying problems of human existence. A s the theory of interpretation, hermeneutics is particularly' relevant to the study of these problems as they are revealed in linguistic texts. A text should not be viewed as "an object we understand by conceptualizing or analj 'zing it; it is a voice we must hear, and through 'hearing' (rather than seeing) understand" (Palmer, 1969, p. 9). Such an understanding is "both an epistemological and an ontological phenomeneon ... not a scientific kind of knowing which flees away from existence into a world of concepts; it is an historical encounter which calls forth personal experience of being here in the world" (ibid., p. 10). B. PHILOSOPHICAL HERMENEUTICS The term hermeneutics originally referred to techniques for the interpretation of biblical texts. This remained its status unti l the early nineteenth century, when Schleiermacher conceived of i t as the "scientific" study of understanding, involving systematic and coherent principles, rather than s implj ' as a collection of ad hoc rules (Palmer, 1969, p. 40). La te r in the same century, Dil they attempted to establish hermeneutics as the methodological foundation for the Geisteswissenschaften (which can be loosely translated as the "human sciences"); he hoped to make i t the counterpart to the methodology of scientific explanation of natural phenomena. The two sciences were perceived as entirely distinct; thus Dil they saw a dichotomy between the "explanation" that occurred in the na tura l sciences and the "understanding" of the human sciences. The latter 86 had to be based in the consciousness of human "historicali ty", and was unconcerned wi th causali ty as such (ibid., pp. 101-105). According to Howard (1982), three "forces" are largely responsible for the formation of present-day hermeneutics. The first of these was a reaction to K a n t i a n epistemology, and part icularly to the views that a l l "logics of inquiry" must follow the same pattern and that the subject in al l such inquiry is essentially ahistorical in relation to the object of analysis and can thus take on a point of view external to it (p. 8). The second of these forces was the work of Di l they, building on Schleiermacher. A s a result of their contributions, the hermeneutical problem began to be perceived as a basically epistemological (what constitutes reliable knowledge in the human sciences?), and hence philosophical one, rather than a purely practical and methodological one, as had previously been the case (ibid., p. 11). Dil they presented hermeneutics as "a metatheory of the understanding of life-experiences as they are given in linguistic expression" (ibid., p. 22). It may stil l be understood in this way today, although the hermeneutical problem is now perceived differently by many thinkers. The third force shaping modern hermeneutics was its response to logical posit ivism. Logical posi t ivism emphasized the possibility of discovering general laws for the operation of al l phenomena—and therefore, the applicabili ty of the scientific model to al l areas of inquiry. Although there is more than one understanding of hermeneutics in existence today, al l modern hermeneutical theories share a rejection of this "monomethodological thesis" (ibid., p. 32) and its reduction of a l l understanding to explications of causal relationships. Ricoeur (1981) sees two basic movements in the history of modern hermeneutics. The first of these is the movement from a "regional" to a 87 "general" hermeneutics. This was the shift from hermeneutics as a set of techniques used to interpret isolated texts to hermeneutics as a generalized philosophical theory of interpretation; i t was accomplished through the work of Schleiermacher and Di l they. The second is the movement from an epistemological to an ontological preoccupation, a transit ion that has occurred wi th the twentieth-century work of Heidegger and Gadamer. W i t h this transition, the task of hermeneutics is seen in a different light: rather than a major concern with the "knowing relation between subject and object" and part icularly wi th the avoidance of misunderstanding of texts, there is a questioning of the conditions of understanding, that is, a questioning of the foundations of epistemological hermeneutics (Hoy, 1982, p. 47). Ontological hermeneutics is thus not p r imar i ly concerned with developing a methodology for the human sciences; rather, "i t wi l l dig beneath the methodology in order to lay bare its foundations" (Ricoeur, 1981, p. 55). Furthermore, the subject-object dichotomy is effectively denied, for "the foundations of the ontological problem are sought in the relation of being with the world and not in the relation wi th another" (ibid., p. 55). The understanding that results from the hermeneutical process is i tself "a condition for the possibility of human experience and inquir j '" (Hoy, 1982, p. vii). Thus, in the ontological hermeneutics of Heidegger and Gadamer, there can be no "presuppositionless" or "one right" interpretation, no "absolute standpoint" from which to enter into interpretation, for the interpreter is never free from "the ontological condition of a lways already having a finite temporal situation" (Gadamer, 1976, Linge 's introduction, p. xlvii) wi th in which the object of interpretation, the text, has its " ini t ia l meaning". Thus , the interpreter a lways has a non-objective (in the usual scientific sense) relationship to the text. 88 However, the inevitable "prejudice" is not simply a regrettable fact, the impact of which should be lessened as much as possible. Gadamer (1976) argues that prejudice should also be seen as a positive force in interpretation: Prejudices are not necessarify unjustified and erroneous, so that they inevitably distort the t ruth. In fact, the historicity of our existence entails that prejudices, in the l i teral sense of the word, constitute the ini t ia l directedness of our whole ability to experience. Prejudices are biases of our openness to the world. They are s imply conditions whereby we experience something—whereby what we encounter says something to us. (p. 9) It is these prejudices (or "prejudgements" or , "preknowledge") that allow a dialogue to take place between the interpreter and the text. "Interpretation ... institutes a circular movement between the interpreter's expectations and the meanings residing within the text. These l imit ing 'forestructures' are the prejudices that work toward understanding" (Howard, 1982, p. 147). Understanding thus takes place by means of the "hermeneutical circle", rather than through a linear, methodical approach. Mean ing is unfolded through a part-whole-part process: some preunderstanding of the whole is necessary in order to understand the parts; in turn , the whole cannot be thoroughly understood without an understanding of the parts. Both interpreter and text are active participants in this process, which takes the form of a question-and-answer dialogue. The assumptions of the interpreter challenge the text and are in turn challenged by it. The interpreter is thus not a detached observer and analyst, but instead a partner in a dialogue. The interpreter's own "historical situation" is as much at play as is the situation being interpreted. A deeper "self-understanding", in the sense of an understanding of the situation out of which interpretation occurs, is as much the goal of interpretation as is the understanding of the text and the meanings which underlie it. 89 In understanding a text, then, the interpreter is not p r imar i ly engaged in an act of reconstruction of the world of the text-al though this m a y be a necessary part of the process (Palmer, 1969)~but rather in an act of mediation "between the text and all that the text implies" (Gadamer, 1979, p. 147), par t icular ly for the "world" in which the interpreter is situated. W h a t occurs is a "fusion of horizons": the creation of one common horizon or view of the meanings in question from the par t ia l and l imited horizons of both the text and the interpreter. This new understanding did not exist before (Palmer, 1969, p. 209), but has been created through the tension between the interpreter's "famil iar" situation and the "foreign" situation of the text (Gadamer, 1979, p. 155). Given the non-empirical nature of hermeneutical processes, it is not surprising that critics have raised concerns that the understanding produced b37 them may be subjectivistic and relativistic. Hoy (1982) argues that i t is at least possible to avoid "radical re la t iv ism". In a radical or subjectivistic relat ivism, there is no possibility of rational discourse: the meaning of the text would be taken to be its meaning to the interpreter. However , there is also a contextual form of re la t ivism, in which interpretation is dependent on its context—which can include interpretive frameworks, concepts, and so on. There is no unquestionable method, or context, but a l l cannot be equally justified, and the interpreter must provide reasons for the choice of one context over others (Hoy, 1982, p. 69). Gadamer 's position is that the conditioning context of interpretation is comprised of the "preunderstandings" ar is ing from the interpreter 's "hermeneutical situation" (ibid., p. 70). These can be made conscious, through self-reflection, for the purpose of just i fying the interpretation. 90 Al though interpretation w i l l inevitably be "part ial and contextual", it can nevertheless lay some claim to val idi ty . Gadamer (1976) draws a parallel between hermeneutics and the tradition of rhetoric, and states that the "theoretical tools" of the former are largely informed by the latter (p. 24). Both are "argumentative disciplines". L i k e rhetoric, hermeneutics defends a t ruth based on probability, on "that which is convincing to the ordinary reason", rather than on demonstrability: Convincing and persuading, without being able to prove—these are obviousty as much the a im and measure of understanding and interpretation as they are the a im and measure of the art of oration and persuasion, (ibid., p. 24) Hermeneutics is thus in the tradition of the coherence theory of t ruth, a theory no less phi losophica l^ val id than the correspondence theorj' of t ruth espoused by scientific empir ic ism. C. INTERPRETIVE APPROACH OF THIS STUDY Although cri t ical of any methodology's c laim to epistemological status, Gadamer 's work is not "anti-methodological"; it wishes to "make clear, beneath method, the fundamental conditions for truth's coming to light not s imply as the result of a technique-of something that the subject does-but as a result of something that 'happens to us over and above our want ing and doing'. (Howard, 1982, p. 122) In this sense, "the task of philosophical hermeneutics" must be seen as prior to methodology per se (ibid., p. 126). The process employed in this hermeneutical task must then be phenomenological—descriptive of the interpreter's experience (not conceptual knowledge) of the text itself. Rather than attempting to master or control the 91 phenomenon, the interpreter w i l l be "seized" and "altered" by the text, in that openness to the experience of the text wi l l create a new hermeneutical situation (Palmer, 1969, pp. 248-49). A t the end of the process, a new set of preunderstandings wi l l have emerged. The process of interpretation thus begins wi th "reflections on the preconceptions which result from the 'hermeneutical s i tuation'" in which the interpreter is found (Gadamer, 1979, p. 150). These preconceptions must then be "legitimated", which may mean simply determining their "origin and adequacy" (ibid., p. 150). One set of preunderstandings present in the case of this particular study wi l l be the point of view resulting from the surveys of development and education literature carried out in Chapters 2 and 3. Another set would include the patterns of thinking developed by the interpreter's own tradition and culture (even as these have been modified by exposure to different traditions). Al though these m a y be more difficult to identify accurately, they are the basis of the expectations which the interpreter brings to the task. The interpreter sketches a picture of the whole text as soon as an ini t ial meaning begins to appear. To the extent deemed necessary, the reconstruction of the world of the text wi l l constitute part of this sketch. Describing the ini t ia l picture can be seen as "nothing other than elaborating a pre l iminary project which w i l l be progressively corrected in the course of the interpretative reading" (ibid., p. 149). It is in this manner that "legitimate prejudices" can be seen as "aids to understanding". The distance between interpreter and text (whether temporal, cul tural , or of any other sort) may serve to allow the text's meaning to emerge, but in order for this to occur the interpreter's expectations or prejudices must be 92 exposed and thus put at r isk of being falsified. The prejudice or forestructure that the interpreter has in mind at the beginning of the process is used as a question addressed to the texts. If the texts resist the question addressed to them, then [the] 'forestructures' are exposed in their l imitations. If the texts respond in a new way to this new question, then the historical l imitations of the text are overcome. (Howard, 1982, p. 134) In the case of the texts on adult education and development that w i l l be interpreted in this study, there is an expectation that the assumptions on which the individual works are based w i l l be s imilar enough that questions can be addressed to them as a whole. If this should prove an inadequate preunderstanding, its rejection w i l l st i l l have a positive effect in that it w i l l open up a new line of interpretation (Ho.y, 1982, pp. 77-78). Since the hermeneutical process is dialectical, the text must be allowed to become a "ful l partner" in dialogue. In fact, "the hermeneutical experience should be led by the text", although the interpreter must help the text to "speak" (Palmer, 1969, p. 244). This can be achieved through keeping in mind that the task of interpretation is understanding and not analysis; the latter would place the text in the position of an . object for study (ibid., p. 244). In attempting to t ruly understand the text, the interpreter must remain open to the text and allow it to pose its own question. H o w a r d (1982) explains that the basic question put by the text does not ask what the author originally intended, but instead "What t ruth shows up i f m y 'prejudices' and yours confront each other on the occasion of this text?" (p. 149). Throughout this dialectical process, there is also a constant movement between "the whole conceived through the parts which actualize it and the parts conceived through the whole which motivates them" (Geertz, 1979, p. 239). Thus, 93 the interpretation of the West Afr ican and Caribbean texts wi l l alternate between a general and a more specific focus. A t the end of this "advancing spi ra l" of questions asked and answered, the "fusion of horizons" results; this is the creative moment of the interpretive process. The interpretation ends where it begins, wi th "the ' thing i t se l f " (Gadamer, 1979, p. 159). However, while the text itself does not change, the understanding, and therefore the hermeneutical situation, of the interpreter does. The meaning of the text must be made explicit in light not only of its own horizon, but also in l ight of the interpreter's horizon. "Appl ica t ion" is a lways involved in interpretation. This "does not mean applying something to something ... but is rather a question of perceiving what is at stake in a given situation" (Hoy, 1982, p. 58). In this study, this application does not take the form of an appropriation of past meanings by the present, but of an appropriation of meanings attached to adult education and development in one context and tradition by another context and tradition. It is hoped that the fusion of horizons w i l l lead to a new and deeper understanding of the assumptions underlying the conceptualization of the development/adult education relationship. V. NIGERIAN AND JAMAICAN ADULT EDUCATION LITERATURE A. INTRODUCTION This chapter undertakes the interpretation of selected adult education literature from West Afr ica and the West Indies, wi th the focus on Nige r i a and J a m a i c a t from 1976 to 1986. A s stated in the preceding chapter, the hermeneutic process should begin with the justification of the context, that is, of the preunderstandings from which the interpretation wi l l proceed. This justification consists of the interpreter's reflection on, and consequent expression of these preunderstandings and the bases on which they rest. In order to better understand this process, it m a y be helpful to consider an example of a less justifiable preunderstanding. One such might be the assumption that Niger ian adult education literature would not emphasize the reduction of inequality, based on the premise that all Niger ians are wealthy since Niger ia is an oil-producing nation. It should be noted that the assumption is not unjustifiable because it is "incorrect", but because i t is based on a very questionable premise. In fact, the assumption itself could be justified i f it were based on more credible premises. To be judged credible, a premise would simply have to meet the conditions of logic that would make i t appear possible to the "ordinary reason", given the knowledge available to the interpreter. Proceeding on the basis of preunderstandings such as the above example would take the interpretation in a direction l ikely to be misleading, and would ul t imately result tSome of the literature on the latter nation takes a broader B r i t i s h Caribbean point of v iew- there seems to be more basis for a generalized point of view in this region than in West Af r i ca . However , these texts wi l l be considered only insofar as they can be related to the Jamaican situation, and w i l l be referred to as the " Jamaican literature". 94 95 in a less "va l id" interpretation. What , then, are the ini t ial preunderstandings (or assumptions) of this interpretation? The basic premises and the assumptions following from them are arr ived at in the course of the interpreter 's ini t ia l "sketch of the whole". The next section wi l l present this sketch. B. THE CONTEXT The interpreter 's ini t ia l assumptions are based par t ly on the analyses of developmental and educational thought presented in Chapters 2 and 3 and part ly on some limited background reading on the areas in question. It is also expected that the interpreter 's cultural and personal patterns of organizing and analysing this type of information wi l l be in play. Some basic information considered potentially relevant to the interpretation can be outlined here. To begin wi th , both Nige r i a and J a m a i c a have the largest national population in their respective regions. (Of course, the numbers are vast ly different: J ama ica has a population of approximately 2.5 mil l ion, whereas estimates of Niger ia ' s population range as high as 100 million). A m o n g the populations of both there exist large disparities both in socioeconomic status and in educational attainment. There is high unemployment and a rural /urban split wi th regards to most of the commonly supposed benefits of prosperity and development. The i l l i teracy rate in both nations is high, though considerably more so in Niger ia , where it is estimated at around 80% of the adult population. The figures for J a m a i c a are more disputed, but do not seem to range much higher than around 50%. A s already noted, Engl ish is the official language of both countries, as 96 they were both Br i t i sh colonies, gaining independence in the early 1960s--1960 for Niger ia , 1962 for Jamaica . Since independence, there has been a considerable amount of political instability' in both nations, though this is quite different in character. Niger ia ' s national governments have been preponderantly mi l i t a ry , wi th onlj ' two brief periods of c iv i l ian rule. J amaica has maintained a par l iamentary democracy; instabili ty has taken the form of wide swings in support for the two major parties and in political violence between the supporters of these parties. In the international arena, both are "non-aligned" states. Economically, both Niger ia and Jamaica could be said to fit into the "neo-colonial" mould. They are both still mainly resource-based economies (oil in Niger ia and bauxite in Jamaica); in both countries, the most important economic sectors are heavily influenced and dominated by foreign interests. It would be safe to say that both are definitely capitalist-oriented economies, though there is a stronger degree of "democratic socialist" influence in Jamaica , at least in the rea lm of social po l icy . ! In many of the above points, Niger ia and J a m a i c a could be considered fair ly typical of Th i rd Wor ld nations. However, neither is among the very poorest of the world's countries. They can be considered to be middle-income Th i rd World countries, part of the "semi-periphery" rather than the "periphery", strictly speaking. The interpretation's in i t ia l preunderstandings can best be described as a set of expectations wi th regards to the emphases and concerns articulated in the literature. To begin wi th , it is expected that the attitudes (implicit or explicit) t T h e democratic socialist influence in Jamaica was at its strongest dur ing the 1972-80 Man ley government. A description of this government's policies is found in Man ley (1982); this m a y be of considerable interest, given Manx 's return to power in February , 1989. 97 towards development and the development/adult education relationship wi l l reflect not one of the orientations discussed in Chapters 2 and 3, but rather a mixture of elements from several different orientations. Specifically, some elements of the dependency/neo-Marxist critique of development and of education's reproductive functions are l ikely to be present, as is the influence of the interdependence/non-Marxist structuralist perspective. A s wel l , the concerns of the earlier modernization/incrementalist perspective w i l l probably be evident. Such a mixture is expected because of the political and economic situations of the two countries. They know the experience of neo-colonialism and foreign ownership and possess many of the political, social and economic difficulties and dilemmas typical of Thi rd Wor ld nations struggling in the peripherj ' or semi-periphery of the global economic order. A t the same time, they have to this point chosen to follow a more or less "capitalist path", and must therefore, as nations, have some commitment to capitalist values and ideology—though thej' follow this path wi th less ease than do the industrialized nations. It is therefore expected that emphasis w i l l be placed on adult education as a "tool for development"—as a means to an end rather than an end in itself. A s a corollary to this, there should be some concern wi th adult education's potential role in the reduction of inequalitj ' . Since i l l i teracy is generally considered to be an indicator of poverty and underdevelopment, and since both countries have high il l i teracy rates, i t is also expected that considerable attention w i l l be paid to adult literacy education. Fol lowing from these expectations, four questions have been formulated. F i r s t , how much importance is accorded to adult literacy education and what is l i teracy's significance to development? Second, is a harmony assumed (and 98 considered beneficial) between adult educational and national aims and objectives? Th i rd , is the reduction of inequality a major concern of adult education and, i f so, what is adult education's perceived role in this task? A n d fourth, what degree of importance is attached to "structural change", either internal or international, and what role is adult education expected to play in this regard? It is difficult to convey on paper the sense of the interpretive process. There is a continual shifting from the general to the more specific which cannot easily be expressed without appearing forced. This shifting happens wi th in the discussion of each question and also when each new question is considered. The insights gained from the examinations of the previous questions can alter the original expectations with regards to the new question. After al l of the four questions have been considered, the cumulative results wi l l hopefully give some insight into the broader, underlying questions: what functions are attributed to adult education in these societies? and what orientation towards development and the development/adult education relationship seems to be represented? The question involving adult education and literacy w i l l be considered first because it is felt that in such a concrete and "practical" issue many assumptions ly ing at the root of the other questions maj ' be uncovered. C. THE INTERPRETATION 1. Adult Education, Literacy and Development Looking at the literature as a whole, it is undeniable that l i teracy education is accorded much importance, i f only because of the amount wri t ten about it. Indeed, several of the articles examined deal ma in ly wi th the specific 99 question of l i teracy. Li te racy campaigns and their attendant problems are the focus of three articles (Akinde & Omolewa, 1982; Oduaran, 1984; Omolewa, 1984); the impact of literacy education on women is the major concern, of one other (Ell is , 1984). While not focussed on literacj ' education in part icular, many of the other texts sti l l refer to i t as the basis of al l adult education endeavours. A survey of adult educators (Okeem, 1985) regarding the nature of programs offered in Niger ia and the problems they face indicated that literacy education was the one type of program offered in every state. A n y a n w u (1978) and Fasokun (1980) stress the importance of literacy education efforts to the potential . success of national agricul tural programs. ! The problem of overcoming the difficulties of communicating health education to illiterate populations is considered by Osuhor and Osuhor (1978). They concede the necessity of a p r imary preoccupation wi th l i teracy in adult education programs, while maintaining that health education could be incorporated into li teracy t ra ining (p. 65). Mos t of the other works at least refer to i l l i teracy as one of the "major problems" of their countries; only two make no specific reference either to i l l i teracy or to l i teracy education. While the importance of literacy education is overwhelmingly acknowledged, the idea that it should involve more than teaching reading, wr i t ing and simple arithmetic skills is also strongly advocated. Thus, "functional" literacy rather than basic literacy is the goal. Omolewa (1981) defines functional l i teracy as "traditional l i teracy (reading and writing) and a programme of education geared to social, political and economic development of an area" (p. 41). The latter component involves the abil i ty of learners to apply their learning to the new situations t i n these two articles, respect ive^, Niger ia ' s "Operation Feed the Na t ion" and "Green Revolution", neither of which was part icularly successful. 100 confronting them. Li te racy t ra ining must be linked to the learner's "economic act ivi ty"; however, "i t should be borne i n mind that functional l i teracy is more than production-oriented l i teracy" (Akinde & Omolewa, 1982, p. 80). It "must be linked wi th the fundamental needs of the learners, namely food, habitat, clothes, and health" and must therefore occur wi th in a framework of lifelong education (ibid., p. 81). Tak ing this idea one step further, M u s a (1985) claims that literacy "becomes meaningful only to the extent that such competencies facilitate the acquisition and effective utilisation of political literacy ski l ls" (p. 118). Gordon (1985) echoes this emphasis on "political l i teracy", claiming that l i teracy education must give people "the basic skills that w i l l enable them to participate in national life" (p. 47). Because of the stress on functionality, it is usualty recommended that literacy t ra ining be one part of some k ind of "fundamental adult education" program, or that attention be paid to "post-literacy" programs. Li te racy education should "serve as a prelude" to "education geared to the emancipation of the individual , community and society in general" (Omolewa, 1981, p. 91). In more pragmatic terms, Akinde and Omolewa (1982) advocate two stages for the Niger ian l i teracy campaign: "the first would be to educate every adult into l i teracy in the mother-tongue; the second stage would be to provide training in vocational sk i l l s" (p. 90). S imi la r ly , functional literacy is considered as the first step of Jamaica ' s "reclamation education"; the other two are basic skills t raining and then more advanced technical t ra ining (Gordon, 1985, pp. 48-49). The lack of a high level of functional literacy is generally seen as an impediment to national development. Significant progress in rais ing this level must either precede or accompany the development process. Illi teracy is referred to as 101 one of "the most cri t ical indicators of under-development" (Mair , 1978. p. 44), as wel l as an "Achi l les heel, weakening and inhibit ing ... social, economic and political development" (Akinde & Omolewa, 1982, p. 79). Gordon (1985) cites a Jamaican government statement that describes i l l i teracy as an impediment to national progress because it restricts the human resources available for development (p. 50). If high levels of ill i teracy are viewed as a negative factor in development, the opposite also holds true. Funct ional literacy is perceived as a "requirement" for (ibid., p. 3) or "concomitant" of (ibid., p. 58) development, and as an "inescapable infrastructural necessity" for cul tural development (Nettleford, 1978, p. 142). Omolewa (1981) ascribes a great potential to l i teracy. It "has been identified as one of the essential ingredients for obtaining personal, community and societal development and growth" (p. 87). It is "an important tool" for liberation for those who have newly become literate (ibid., p. 30). Furthermore, a well-developed literacy program has the capacity to br ing to the developing country "the miracles existing in the advanced countries" (ibid., p. 43). Al though it is easy to see general patterns wi th regards to the overall importance accorded to functional l i teracy in development, there are also some clear differences in the treatment of l i teracy education in the literature of the two countries. To begin wi th , while the Jamaican literature acknowledges the importance of l i teracy education, it does not show the same level of preoccupation wi th or sense of urgency towards the subject as does the Niger ian li terature. The necessity of literacy education appears more as a "given", a basis for other concerns requir ing more particular attention. The problems to be overcome do not seem to be perceived so much as the immense obstacles they appear to be in 102 the Niger ian literature. This difference in the sense of urgency is very evident in the imagery employed. The Jamaican imagery is much less extreme than the Niger ian . In reading the Niger ian literature, it would be difficult to miss the images of war and battle and, to a lesser extent, of disease. It tends to refer to the attempts to reduce illi teracy explicitly as a "war" , a notion reinforced by the name of the national literacy programs: the "Nat ional M a s s Li te racy Campaign" . (In contrast, Jamaica ' s program is called the "Jamaican Movement for the Advancement of Li teracy") . The images of war carry over into the discussion of the means by which to execute the "campaign". Okeem (1985, p. 255) and Omolewa (1984, p. 58) call for concerted efforts at "mass mobilization". "Propaganda" is necessary to generate the proper spirit of "sacrifice" and effort in the service of "national greatness" (Akinde & Omolewa, 1982, pp. 85 & 82). In order for such propaganda to be effective in motivat ing the general public, it must appeal to "national ideals" (in the case of Niger ia , these would be national unity and economic self-reliance) (ibid., p. 85). Above al l , this is not a war in which peace should come without victory. Omolewa (1984) decries a situation in which "more time is spent on peace talks than on planning effective moves" (p. 62). There are a few state "battalions" which are digging in to "sustain their command", but "the overall Nat iona l M a s s Li te racy Campaign is in desperate need of a field commander" (ibid., p. 62). If i l l i teracy is an enemy, this enemy is often also described in terms of disease. It is "endemic" in underdeveloped areas (Akinde & Omolewa, 1982, p. 72), a part of "the disease posed by ignorance and lack of enlightenment" (Omolewa, 1981, p. 98) that needs to be "eradicated" or "wiped out". 103 None of this imagery of war and disease is evoked in the Jamaican literature. Here , i l l i teracy is s imply a "problem" that nations must make a "concerted effort to come to grips w i th" (Gordon, 1985, p. 49). There is even evidence of some disagreement as to how serious the problem is. (This disagreement may , of course, be reflective of differing definitions of "literacj'"). E l l i s (1985) claims that the Jamaican literacy level is at least comparatively high for the Th i rd Wor ld , although a special national literacy program is sti l l needed (p. 78). On the other hand, Gordon (1985) declares that J a m a i c a possesses "a legacy of widespread i l l i teracy" that hampers its development program (p. 47). H i s reference to the need to plan strategies to attract "hardcore il l i terates" suggests, however, that the resistance of the illiterates themselves may be a factor in the i l l i teracy rate. The difference in extremity of imagery can certainly be related to differences in the magnitude of the problems and obstacles to be overcome in the progress of l i teracy education (and perhaps somewhat to a mi l i ta ry "mindset" created by military' governments in Niger ia , but absent in Jamaica) . Nevertheless, some types of specific implementation problems referred to are the same. For instance, the question of language is of some significance in both countries. Niger ia is faced wi th the difficulties of a mul t i l ingual society. E a c h state may have several indigenous languages, though Engl i sh is the official national language and literacy in Engl i sh has decidedly more status than literacy in the local languages (Akinde & Omolewa, 1982, p. 86). Ak inde and Omolewa c la im that the choice of a policy regarding language of instruction is a political as wel l as a pedagogical issue, beset by the same dilemmas that plague the setting of national language policy (ibid., p. 87). However , they do not believe that i t is necessary 104 to decide upon one language in either instance, and feel that Niger ia ' s literacy program should a im at literac,y in the mother tongue (ibid., p. 90). In Jamaica , the language question is rather different i n nature. Here, there is no question of literacy education in any language other than Engl i sh . However, Gordon (1985) mentions the "radical viewpoint ... that Eng l i sh should be regarded and taught as a second language" because "standard Engl i sh , the formal language, is not clearly understood or used by the majority of the population", who use their "creole" language (p. 211). The cultural , as well strictly educational, implications of this neglect of the population's "learning needs" is of increasing concern to Jamaican educators. There is one "obstacle" to effective literacy education that is of great concern to the Niger ian writers but seemingly less so to the Jamaicans: the lack of government "commitment" to the reduction of i l l i teracy. There seems to be little questioning of the sincerity of the various governments' statements of commitment to l i teracy education and support for the Jamaican Movement for the Advancement of L i te racy ( J A M A L ) , which is considered to be meeting wi th at least some measure of success (Gordon, 1985, p. 58). F a r from decrying a general lack of government concern, Gordon avers that the 1972-80 government, at least, was overly optimistic in its "ill-considered commitment to achieve total literacy in four years" (ibid., p. 50). The comments in the Niger ian literature are of a vast ly different nature. They are fair ly scathing in their condemnation of recurr ing government disinterest, which is often in contradiction to stated aims and priorities. Omolewa (1984) complains that the mi l i ta ry government that took power in 1984 had not listed "the eradication of i l l i teracy" as one of its priorities (p. 55). He feels that 105 lack of government (or political) commitment is l ikely the major reason for the failures of Niger ia ' s literacy campaigns, for strong government involvement has played an important role in successful campaigns, such as those in Cuba and Tanzania (ibid., p. 57). Okeem (1985) also believes that "the lack of political w i l l " underlies a l l other constraints (such as lack of funds, mater ia l resources, personnel, and so on) (p. 253). Moreover, Oduaran (1984) attributes to this lack of commitment a l l the problems that plague Niger ian l i teracy education, and states that it is caused not by benign neglect, but rather by "overt inaction characterized by callousness" (p. 169). According to Omolewa (1984), the government's "slow and half-hearted approach to the elimination of i l l i teracy" (p. 58) is not l ikely to change unless the state and/or federal governments obtain revolutionary leaderships, which might introduce the essential element of ideology into the l i teracy campaign. The promise of economic gain is not enough (ibid., p. 60). Thus , while it is evident that the adult education literature of both Niger ia and J a m a i c a links l i teracy to national development in a fundamental way , the experience of the two nations is sufficiently different to effect marked differences in emphasis. Cer ta in ly , Niger ia would seem to be in a far more serious situation, wi th its massive population and massive i l l i teracy rate. Its progression of l i teracy campaigns has met w i th little success, despite the urgent pleas of its educators and perhaps because of the neglect of successive governments wi th different interests to pursue . ! O n the other hand, Jamaica , wi th a much smaller population, much higher literacy rate, and an at least t A t present, attempts to eradicate i l l i teracj ' seem doomed to failure. The campaign that began in 1982 has also failed, and yet another one was launched in 1988 (Omolewa, 1988, p. 46). 106 moderately successful literacy program, appears to be in a better position not to dwell on the problems of il l i teracy. Instead, more attention can be devoted to other issues of development, though the claims that l i teracy is essential to development are no less pronounced. 2. Harmony of Adult Educational and National Objectives The literature considered here indicates an assumption that "development" is the overall national goal, though what comprises national development may va ry from nation to nation. The individual goals expressed by the state are thought to collectively form this overall goal. Mos t of the wri ters examined put a great deal of effort into emphasizing the ways in which the educational objectives of adult education programs are at least implici t ly based on, and therefore compatible wi th , these goals of national development. The belief indicated is that, in pursuing its own educational objectives, adult education is at the same time contributing to the ultimate realization of the national goals. The stress on literacy education as a necessary tool for development is an example of this. The concord of adult education and development aims is explicit ly confirmed by Gordon (1985): It has to be recognized that the purposes of adult education in the developing world are at least in some ways different from those in developed countries ... in the developing Thi rd Wor ld countries, adult education is increasingly regarded as p r imar i ly a tool for development ... (p. 3) Adu l t education must therefore be "more a national than a personal undertaking" (ibid., p. 8). Omolewa (1981) also states the belief that "the furtherance of development and growth" is "the primary' concern of adult education" (p. 13) which, in order to be relevant in Niger ia , "must seek to serve not only the 107 individual but the wider society as wel l " (ibid., p. 87). Accordingly, adult education must be compatible wi th government development policy. Okeem (1985) suggests that there is a consensus to the effect that, in order to be successful, Thi rd Wor ld education systems (including non-formal systems) "must be within the stated policy of the government, supported by appropriate legislation" (p. 246). Omolewa (1981) concurs that adult education must "address ... itself to the priorities established by the government as guidelines for development" (p. 87). The same position is evident in the Jamaican literature, par t icular ly in exhortations for adult education to "continually reorient [itself] to better serve the national objectives of the Caribbean" (Gordon, 1981, p. 58) as these change with changing government priorities. In Niger ia , therefore, it is recommended that adult education programs be based on the guidelines of the 1977 Nat ional Policy on Education ( N P E ) and its more recent modifications. These in turn are based on the national objectives stated in the Second Nat ional Development P l a n (Okeem, 1985, p. 240). The N P E was the first policy of its kind in Niger ia (Akinde & Omolewa, 1982, p. 79); Okeem (1985) suggests that it might indicate the government's new realization that education is essential to the attainment of the national objectives (p. 240). There seems to be more comprehensive (and explicit) policy on adult education in Jamaica . A d u l t education was officially included in educational policj ' in 1966, and has been an integral part of educational planning since then (Gordon, 1985, pp. 17-20). It would seem that the goals of adult education are viewed as an extension of the goals of the formal system. This would fit wi th E l l i s ' s (1984) observation that the government's new economic goals at the beginning of the 1960s "necessitated a re-evaluation and expansion of the formal 108 education system to meet new needs of increased production, economic growth and national development" (p. 45). However , since the formal system was often seen as inadequate in its promotion of development, it was felt that more attention should also be paid to adult and non-formal education. In both countries, many adult education programs clearly seem tailored to meeting the needs both of specific government projects and of broader government concerns. A g a i n , in general these concerns are all considered to be contributors to the overall goal of development. The discussions of adult education's role in Niger ia ' s Operation Feed the Nat ion and Green Revolution provide an example of the former type of situation. The role of adult education was, above a l l , to help farmers understand the best ways to implement the government policy (Anyanwu, 1978, pp. 21-22). In this regard, l i teracy education was par t icular ly useful in that it could enable farmers to read the policies for themselves and could also "prepare the ground for an effective introduction of technology into the farms of N ige r i a " (ibid., p. 23). Aside from its role in meeting the needs of national projects and campaigns, adult education is also expected to contribute to the solution of problems in areas of continuing concern. In its skills t ra ining aspects it is certainly expected to help ease unemployment in both Nige r i a and J a m a i c a - a n d "to foster in workers the proper attitudes for the modern working wor ld" (Gordon, 1985, p. 47). Ski l ls t ra ining for increased production and decreased unemployment is discussed in some detail in Omolewa (1981) and Gordon (1985). In some instances, adult education is thought to include community development (eg., Okeem, 1985); in others, it is considered an instrument for community development. The Jamaican literature pays considerably more attention 109 to this aspect of adult education. Gordon (1985) states that J ama ica was among the first Th i rd Wor ld countries to have an institutionalized community development program, of which "grassroots adult education" has a lways been an important component (p. 139). Communi ty development has been viewed as "essential to decolonization" (ibid., p. 138), a process sti l l considered to be a national development objective. In the Th i rd Wor ld the term generally describes the whole of the collective processes whereby communities "improve" their conditions and are thus "integrated" into overall national development plans. The organization responsible for Jamaica ' s community development program "has a lways related adult education and community development to national objectives" which "have changed wi th governments" (ibid., p. 139). A s a lways, responsiveness to government objectives is the first consideration for these programs. In much of what has been discussed so far, there is at least an implication that adult education's role tends to be seen in terms of "human resource development". The Niger ian literature does not usual ly refer to this process as such, but the emphasis on li teracy and skills t ra ining as the basis for national development certainly reflects the view that posits human beings as the most valuable resource for Th i rd Wor ld nations and as the essential building-blocks of their development. Thus, Urevbu (1985) states that "it is widely accepted that national development begins wi th education and t ra ining of people" (p. 323). (His own part icular argument involves the need to t ra in more indigenous scientists and technologists). Akinde and Omolewa (1982) also argue that "for Niger ia , the p r imary a im is to foster national uni ty, and its pedagogical objective is to provide education such that the individual wi l l be a useful ci t izen" (p. 87). 110 The emphasis is the same in the Jamaican literature, but it is somewhat more explicit. Gordon (1985) explains that it is now recognized that human resource development must "take a parallel place" wi th natural resource development; this recognition is the reason for a new stress on building skills at al l levels (p. 89). H u m a n resource development is also described as "one of the classic objectives in the framework of development strategy", and education is essential to the realization of this particular objective (Nettleford, 1978, p. 93). Critiques of development efforts emphasize this aspect of development as wel l . E l l i s (1984) claims that the Caribbean nations' "greatest resource is their people" and therefore "the question of how this human capital is harnessed and used is crucial to the economic growth and development process of each country" (p. 45). O f particular concern to both El l i s and Antrobus (1980) is the situation of women and "the barriers that inhibit their full involvement in the process of development" (p. 60). Increased adult education provisions would be necessary in order for Caribbean women to fulfil their potential as contributors to their countries' development (Ell is , 1984, p. 46). However, such provisions would have to focus as much on women's role as producers as on their reproductive role (Antrobus, 1980, p. 60). In Jamaica , cultural development is seen to be l inked to human resource development, and is thus considered another essential factor in national development. In the Niger ian literature, there is no specific reference to cul tural development; however, there are many references to the need to build "national uni ty" (along wi th economic self-reliance, one of the two "national ideals") and i t could be assumed that there would be some cultural elements to such efforts. More specifically, M u s a (1985) declares that "what is miss ing from national life is ... a personal-cum-public conscience ... an identifiable positive national trait that is characterist ically Niger i an" (p. 118). He further states that the lack of a sense of national identity means that "there is not yet a desirable political culture to guide national development" (ibid., p. 125). A considerable amount of attention is given to the need to strengthen national identity, and to the place of cul tural development in this task, in the Jamaican literature. Jamaican governments have emphasized cul tura l development as a part of national awareness and have instituted policy regarding its importance in "total" education (Gordon, 1985, pp. 65-66). Nettleford (1978) believes that cul tural identity should have the same priori ty as political independence and economic self-sufficiency in the decolonization processes of nations like J ama ica (p. xv), for "cultural development is but one aspect of the overall development imperative too frequently seen in terms purely of economic growth and political modernisation" (ibid., p. 83). It is seen as an integral part of the indigenization process that, it is hoped, wi l l banish the sense of inferiority that seems to be a legacy of Jamaica ' s colonial past. Cul tu ra l development is thought best l inked to overall national development through educational policy (ibid., p. 90). "Nation-building" is a term often used synonymously wi th "national development". However , "education for nation-building" is frequently equated wi th citizenship education or political education. A s such, it is a subject of some concern in the literature. Okeem (1985) asserts that a growing recognition of adult education's potential contribution to nation-building is manifested in the fair ly recent phenomenon of national adult education programs (p. 242). The Niger ian li teracy campaign is obviously a part of this phenomenon, and it has 112 already been noted that l i teracy is considered to be strongly linked to "personal, community, and societal development and growth" (Omolewa, 1981, p. 87). However, Musa ' s (1985) belief that basic literacy skills are meaningful only insofar as they lead to the development of political l i teracy skills leads h i m to propose a political education program which would heighten Niger ians ' "national consciousness" and make them aware of their political rights and responsibilities (pp. 120-122). S imi la r programs of political or citizenship education appear to have been part of J ama ican adult education for some time. In part icular, universi ty adult education has had a "self-imposed guideline of 'education for nationhood'" (Gordon, 1981, p. 52). The Univers i ty of the West Indies E x t r a - M u r a l Department 's citizenship education programs changed as the political agenda of J ama ica changed. Fo r instance, at the time of independence, there were programs to educate the public about the new constitution and the nature and implications of the independent government; after the 1972 change of government, there was a public education program on democratic rights and responsibilities (Gordon, 1985, pp. 161-162). Interestingly, Gordon notes that, during the period 1962-1972, "mutual suspicion existed between the government and the Univers i ty , which latter was perceived as a purveyor of alien and subversive ideas" (ibid., p. 163). This would seem, then, to be one area in which the general harmony of governmental and educational aims is not always present. Gordon notes that the department's public education program has been suspended, but feels that its "part isan" positions had eroded its influence in any case (ibid., p. 180).t However , he does c la im that t lncidental ly , Gordon points out that the West Afr ican universities did not develop this same kind of "education for nationhood" commitment. H e believes this may have been because "Br i t i sh universi ty education" was "grafted" onto the indigenous culture in West Af r i ca (ibid., p. 167). 113 there is evidence that the ease and success wi th which Caribbean territories have progressively assumed greater consititutional responsibili ty wi th increasing administrative and political responsibility was facilitated by the Department 's nation-building programs, (ibid., p. 167) According to Shorey (1983), in order to enable people to participate fully in national life, education should not only help them to understand "the structure and functioning of the society in which they l ive" but should also encourage them to think crit ically about their society (p. 59). He admits that, in making this assertion, he is "assuming that the society is one which really wants thinking citizens rather than robots" (ibid., p. 59). Th is m a y not be a part icular ly safe assumption, even though s imilar statements of ideal aims can be found throughout the literature examined, and perhaps even in government policies on education. It is interesting to consider that, despite the almost universal agreement of the authors examined here that adult educational objectives should match national ones, and the apparent attempt to link practically al l aspects of adult education programs to some of these overall goals, there is also a ubiquitous complaint of "low prior i ty" given to adult education. It seems that adult educators put a great deal of energy into attempting to convince their national governments that their objectives are i n harmony, but to little ava i l . W h a t are the implications of this situation? One inescapable possibility is that, while adult educators may believe that their ultimate goals are the same, their interpretation of development may , in fact, be quite different from their governments' . Another is that, even i f the goals are identical, the governments m a y not hold adult education to be as important to their real izat ion as the adult 114 educators c la im it to be. These are possibilities which could not possibly be verified in this study. However , they have added another aspect which w i l l affect the rest of this interpretation. 3. Adult Education and Inequality Given the preceding discussion, it would seem reasonable to suppose that the reduction of inequality would be a major concern of the adult education literature only to the extent that it was a specific national objective. Overa l l , little explicit or direct attention is paid to the issue of inequality in the literature; as a corollary, the role adult education might play in reducing inequality is also seldom addressed directly. However, a concern for the fate of those who are "disadvantaged" in a var iety of ways is evident in much of what is writ ten, and this could certainty be taken as an implication of concern about inequality per se. It is certainly possible that these educators, in their desire to emphasize the consistency of educational and national goals, are not wi l l ing to jeopardize the potential goodwill of the government by "overstepping" their bounds. To state goals that go beyond (at least in terms of explicitness) those of the government could be interpreted as implici t criticism—and in general it appears that adult educators do not want to be in conflict wi th theiir governments i f they can avoid it. Whether or not they would like to deal wi th objectives more explicit ly focussed on the reduction of inequality, the adult educators whose work is examined here seem wi l l ing to work within the national guidelines set. They m a y believe that some or a l l of the objectives that are stated may encompass the goal of reduction of inequa l i ty - in other words, that a "trickle down" principle 115 maj ' be in operation. Adu l t education m a y then be working towards the reduction of inequality through playing its part in the achievement of these other objectives. This kind of belief is suggested in most of the literature. W h a t kinds of national aims do seem to hold the promise of reduced inequality? This is in some ways a difficult question to answer, since aims are often couched in very vague t e rms-and since governments could easily argue that all their aims are directed towards forming a society in which conditions conducive to equality w i l l be created. However , wi th regards to this particular question, it is probably wise to disregard those objectives-such as "economic growth and self-sufficiency"-which do not at least imply the development of a w i l l towards equality. (It has certainly been seen that economic growth in itself has not only failed to reduce inequality but also in some cases has increased it). W i t h this in mind, there appear to be two relevant national objectives among those stated in Nigeria 's Second Nat iona l Development P l a n of 1981. These are "the bulding of ... a just and egali tarian society" and "a land of bright and full opportunities for a l l citizens" (Okeem, 1985, p. 240). However , the mi l i ta ry government that took over in 1984 announced its priorities as the maintenance of unity and stabili ty, better management of resources and the economy, self-sufficiency in food and raw materials, and the eradication of corruption (Omolewa, 1984, pp. 55-56). These latter would seem to imply that the two objectives listed above, while perhaps worthy and important in the long run, would definitely have to wai t until other things had been accomplished. Niger ian adult education literature certainly acknowledges the "imbalances" in Niger ian society, but is more than cautious when mak ing claims in this regard. Li t t le direct reference is made to the stratification of society, to possible 116 reasons for this stratification, or to possible means of addressing it. Nevertheless, the presence of inequality is attested to by the literature's overwhelming orientation to the problems of providing educational opportunities to those members of society who have previously "missed out" on them. The task then is to make these provisions attractive to the government, through the promise that they w i l l eventually maximize these individuals ' contributions to national development. The recognition of poverty and inequality as major problems to be specifically addressed seems to have been more pronounced in Jamaica . Nettleford (1978) refers to "the declared thrust of the popularly elected government since 1972 towards 'social justice, equality and participatory democracy'" (p. 124) and to "the positive thrust since the early seventies towards a J a m a i c a that wi l l serve the common man and have the c o u n t y ' s institutions of growth reflect this thrust" (ibid., p. 48). He himself is explicit enough about the socioeconomic and cultural inequities in J ama ica and their roots. Of course, he is wr i t ing during the period of power (1972-80) of the government to which he refers, a government avowedly "social democratic" in principle, and this may make a difference. However , Gordon (1985) remarks that "a l l recent Jamaican governments to va ry ing extents have sought to accelerate" the process of changing the inequitable structure of Jamaican society (p. 20), imply ing that they have a l l had "social democratic aspirations", at least to some degree (ibid., p. 27). It is therefore not surpris ing that there is considerably more frequent and more specific reference to socieconomic injustice and inequity and societal stratification in the Jamaican literature as a whole than there is in the Niger ian literature. Nevertheless, the major theme of adult education p r imar i ly as a means to increasing educational 117 opportunities occurs in the literature of both countries. A s has been noted, the increase of educational opportunities "for a l l " has been declared a prerequisite for national progress—especially to the extent that such opportunities help people acquire the skills considered necessary to increase their "productive" capacities and to develop them into "useful" and responsible citizens. There is almost as much emphasis on the benefits of education to the individuals themselves. It is stressed that adult education can bring to disadvantaged adults the chances they missed out on earl ier-chances to improve their status and quali ty of life. In general, the literature seems to suggest that this is the main way in which adult education could eventually help to reduce inequality. Thus, Omolewa (1981) claims that "adult education is the only tool that can t ruly guarantee equality' of educational opportunities for a l l Niger ians" (p. 2); it "helps to salvage the waste in the formal school S3 ' s t em" (ibid., p. 7). In so doing, adult education transcends the business of obtaining bread and butter. It involves the enrichment of one's knowledge. It can also be used for the liberation of the recipients from the bondage of political and social inequalities, (ibid., p. 66) This is usual ly considered l ikely to be achieved through the adult learners ' "bettering" of themselves through their increased knowledge and skills. A s Omolewa (1984) points out, it is the economic advantages of literacy education that are generally' stressed (p. 60). However , Akinde and Omolewa (1982) note that i t is wise to be cautious in promising these advantages (p. 84). Given the Niger ian literature's preoccupation wi th li teracy, it is not surprising that much of the discussion of equality of opportunity and its potential 118 benefits of improved l iv ing standards focusses on the provision of literacy education for a l l . Illiteracy is, of course, viewed as the p r imary impediment to greater opportunities in the economic and social world. In J a m a i c a as well , there is an emphasis on adult education's role in "increasing the opportunities, scope, and educational provisions for the underprivileged 'sufferers'" (Gordon, 1985, p. 187). Shorey (1983) notes that the a im of continuing education is to enhance individuals ' quality of life as much as it is to gain their contributions to societal development (p. 59). E l l i s (1985) claims that increased educational opportunities, along wi th other "social changes", have brought about improved socioeconomic status for many people in the Caribbean (p. 77). The provision of literacy is again given a major place in this effort, as J A M A L ' s program is said to be "clearly designed to provide the disadvantaged wi th basic skills deemed crucial to economic (and social) self-advancement" (Nettleford, 1978, p. 55). W i t h these basic skills in place, adults may not only be more "employable", but also more able to effect changes and to deal wi th those changes occurring in society (Gordon, 1985, p. 110). These are expected to be the generally positive changes that should be forthcoming from Jamaica 's improved (and modernized) condition and from the altered social structures being sought. The literature of both nations mentions regional and rural /urban imbalances in educational opportunity as part icularly pertinent. Women's education is also a matter of concern. However, the latter receives a fair ly perfunctory treatment in the Niger ian literature; Omolewa (1981) merely mentions that "the situation of the education of women is par t icular ly disturbing" (p. 39), and the rest of the literature examined here says little, i f anything, more. 119 The interest in women's education i n J ama ica has already been mentioned. Gordon (1985) gives as one of the most important reasons for this interest the fact that "especially in low-income groups, many households are headed by women, who therefore have the sole responsibility for their economic maintenance" (p. 134). Al though El l i s (1984) notes that l i teracy rates are higher among women than among men in the Caribbean, she stresses that this should not provide an excuse to "overlook women's special educational needs", as existent women's programs are rare ly "planned wi th any long-term objectives in mind, nor do they address the fundamental issues of women's relationships to the larger developmental and social issues" (p. 48). According to Antrobus (1980), the aforementioned emphasis on women's reproductive role "has placed 'women's programmes' wi th in the social welfare sector" and excluded them from the economic sector (p. 60). There is no discussion of possible reasons for the inequalities and disparities in educational opportunities in Niger ia . One could conjecture that many of today's inequities stem from disparities in regional wealth along wi th a system of local elites that developed in the colonial era; however, the writers whose work is examined here do not discuss these possibilities. O n the other hand, considerable attention is given to this question in the J ama ican literature, evident in the recurr ing theme of education to help people understand socioeconomic structures. It is clear that race is considered an important element in the equation of socioeconomic and cul tural inequality. Gordon (1985) comments: The structure of the ear ly J ama ican society has largely determined the structure which exists now ... Bas ica l ly , colour, class, and race have been synonymous, wi th whites at the top of the pyramid and reflecting European culture, the Chinese and ' l ight-skinned' ranking next, and the blacks on the bottom reflecting 'folk culture' . At ta inment of universal adult suffrage in 1944 conferred political 120 power on the predominantly black population, but the legacies of colonialism persisted, (p. 20) The process of indigenization of J ama ican culture is thus of great importance because, in J ama ica economic exploitation went hand in hand wi th cultural subjugation by way of deracination, psychological conditioning around to a superordinate-subordinate determinism in the European-Afr ican relationship, systematic cultural denigration and institutional colonization. (Nettleford, 1978, p. 2) Thus, indigenous cultural development is needed to cause a "revaluing" of the Afr ican side of Jamaican culture, so that the attitude that sees only the manifestations of "European" culture as "legitimate" wi l l be changed. Such a revaluing is "the requirement of the self-confidence that some 90% of the people of J a m a i c a must have in order to become the resourceful productive citizens they are required to be for effective national development" (ibid., p. 71). A s has been seen, both formal and adult education are considered essential to this kind of cultural development. While the separation of cultural experience rooted in collective tradition, from the process of formal education is part of the alienation and schizophrenia that grip the nation in its search for identity[,] (ibid., p. 95) the incorporation of indigenous cultural values and "sensibilities" into educational programs could contribute much to the alteration of attitudes and the benefits that m a y follow from this. Except insofar as it is considered as a means for individuals to "better" themselves, adult education seems to be ascribed an indirect role in the reduction of inequality. It is considered to be a contributor to or facilitator of the "changes" that wi l l hopefully br ing about a more egali tarian society. The question 121 of change is thus closely linked to the question of adult education and inequality. 4. Adult Education and Structural Change The literature as a whole frequently mentions "social change". This is certainly a term that can be taken to have a variety of meanings, and the meanings ascribed to it here are most often left implicit . However, it is fair ly safe to c la im that the greater percentage of the time the authors have in mind the kinds of changes that a society inevitably must undergo in the process of modernization or development. Sometimes this carries an implication of changes towards a more egali tarian society, but this is most often couched in terms of equalizing opportunities to share in the benefits of modernizat ion-seldom in terms of redistribution of wealth or of a deliberate dismantl ing of the social, economic and political structures already in place. The question under consideration now is mainly concerned wi th the li terature's treatment of social change in the latter sense. However , because this issue is not often addressed directly and explicit ly, the possible implications of some references to the former wi l l also be examined. The Niger ian literature makes almost no direct reference to any potential for deliberate transformation of the structures governing where the benefits of development go, but several remarks in the Jamaican literature appear to fall into this category. M a i r (1978) refers to the "Tanzanian philosophy" in which "the goal of the national good replaces the unrestrained right of the individual to operate wi th in a free market system guided by the law of m a x i m u m profit", a principle she feels is most val id in Thi rd Wor ld societies (p. 42). Gordon (1981, 1985) claims in more than one instance that "social and economic restructuring" is seen as a necessary component of "nation-building" in Jamaica . He offers 122 some concrete examples of government efforts in this direction-for instance, attempts to change "patterns of land ownership and use" (Gordon, 1985, p. 118) and to increase workers ' share of control in their companies (ibid., p. 126). He also admits that these efforts have so far met wi th min imal success. In 1978, Nettleford was certain a "revolution" was underway in Jamaica , a continuing dynamic revolt against external political and economic domination, against internal exploitation reinforced by the ascriptions of class/colour differentiation, against the dehumanizing evils of poverty and joblessness, disease and ignorance and in defiance of al l that would conspire to perpetuate among us a state of dependency and self-repudiation~in short a process of decolonisation of self and society by the conscious demolition of old images and the deliberate explosion of colonial myths about power, status and the production process, (p. 181) A n d in 1985, Gordon was call ing for a "mass education movement", which would be "the central agent for revolutionary transformation of the societj'" (p. 186). Nevertheless, concern wi th structural change is generally more indirectly stated in the cases of both Niger ia and Jamaica . For instance, such a concern may be found by implication in the many Niger ian references to the need for "political w i l l " and to the issue of "ideology". The belief that a lack of political wi l l or government commitment is the major obstacle to a successful literacy campaign (and other adult education programs) has already been described. In addition, Omolewa (1981, 1984) and Oduaran (1984) both cite examples of other Th i rd Wor ld nations where literacy and adult education movements have been relat ively successful--in part icular Tanzania , Cuba and Ethiopia . It is claimed that these nations are characterized by political commitment; it could as easily be claimed that the)' are characterized by "socialist" forms of government. Omolewa (1981) suggests that an answer to the question "what contributions has adult education to make to the much needed drive for economic and political 123 emancipation of a l l the peoples of the country?" (p. 88) m a y be held in Nyerere of Tanzania 's model of adult education. Adu l t education's goals should be to liberate "from al l social, political and economic constraints", both in terms of internal inequities and of external domination (ibid., p. 88). The lack of government commitment is deemed the major factor in Nigeria 's inabil i ty to implement such a model. The idea of political wi l l also seems to be linked to that of ideology. Omolewa (1984) concludes that a mass literacy program " in a nation devoid of ideological orientation and lacking in a popularist approach to the elimination of i l l i teracj ' has a limited chance of success" (p. 56). The several references to Nigeria 's lack of a "national ideology" seem to indicate the equation of ideology wi th only "socialist" or "radical" ideology.! Fo r instance, Omolewa avers that "Niger ia requires at least a revolutionary party or a revolutionary' leadership" in order to mount t ruly successful adult education programs (ibid., p. 60). Both Omolewa and Oduaran (1984) cite K a n o State as a potential model. Kano , governed by a "revolutionar}' and socialist inclined" party, has had li teracy and other adult education programs that are much more successful than those anywhere else in the nation. These observations are hardly a clarion call for profound structural changes, however. Indeed, for the most part they are quite vague or tentatively expressed. Fur thermore, there are warnings against going too far wi th attempts to motivate people. While Akinde and Omolewa (1982) state that there is a "min imum social change" which must occur in order for mass education to succeed, they also caution that promises of benefits must be made wi th care: "It t i t certainly seems clear that the Niger ian government does operate out of a distinct ideology-a capitalist one--but an examination of the uses of this term is beyond the scope of this studj'. 124 is necessary to avoid assigning as rewards for l i teracy, features which depend on other political and social reforms such as the restructuring of society and the redistribution of income" (p. 85). They (and the other Niger ian authors) do not specifically state whether or not such changes should occur -and certainly give no indication that they see adult education as a potentially causative factor in bringing them about. Their concern is rather to ensure that such benefits as can accrue from literacy and adult education wi l l not be jeopardized by disillusionment (ibid., p. 84). A concern wi th structural change could also be inferred from discussions of adult education for "crit ical th inking", "democratization" and "consciousness-raising". For instance, M u s a (1985) focusses on the need for education about political rights and responsibilities and seems to base his suggested program on a kind of F re i r i an approach. The purpose is to encourage a broader and deeper democratic participation (beyond s imply voting in elections) than is currently encountered. Omolewa (1981) also cites the potential of l iberal education to foster crit ical thinking, but points out that Niger ians ' standard of l iv ing must be greatly improved before this type of education can become widespread. Before then, the "basic needs" of the masses are too compelling to allow for resources to go towards realizing what he obviously considers a less necessary goal (pp. 81-82). Al though they too emphasize the priori ty of basic education, the Jamaicans seem more inclined to view this kind of "consciousness-raising" as a part of such basic education. Thus, Shorey (1983) argues that teaching people "to look crit ically at their society, to ask searching questions about it and to get some real understanding of its strengths and weaknesses" is an essential part of adult 125 education (p. 59). The stress on "education for nationhood" seems to fit into this niche as wel l . While political independence was the main focus for much of this education unt i l recently, now political independence has been achieved and much effort is being directed towards ensuring financial and economic self-determination while restructuring society. Ideas relat ing to decolonization, liberation, and socialism are l ikely to be the main concern of the Caribbean peoples and governments during the eighties and well into the future. (Gordon, 1985, p. 168) The new "ra l ly ing c ry" may be "education for liberation", and this w i l l be largely concerned with creating a "new consciousness among the people" of their specific identity and situation (Goi'don, 1981, p. 56). Structural change can refer as well to alterations in international relationships. A s alreadj r seen, "decolonization" is a catchword in the Jamaican literature. The term is not part icularly prominent in the Niger ian literature. However , the stress on the need for economic self-reliance—the second national ideal, after national unity, according to Akinde and Omolewa (1982)-seems indicative of the same general attitude, though it certainly does not imply the range of processes covered by "decolonization" as it is used in the Jamaican literature. The several citations of Nyerere also emphasize the economic aspects of independence, as do the exhortations regarding adult education's potential role in the government's agricul tural programs for self-sufficiency (Anyanwu, 1978; Fasokun, 1980). The Jamaican writer M a i r (1978) also focusses on self-reliance, but goes a little further than her Niger ian counterparts. She insists that developing countries must come to terms wi th the "dependency syndrome" and suggests that they unhinge themselves from existing international economic arrangements at the same time that they construct their own on a foundation of 126 collective self-reliance, (p. 40) W i t h respect to this process, education " in its widest meaning" is crucial , since it must be used to reinforce the new national goals as i t has in the past reinforced "the colonial establishment" (ibid., p. 40). This means that the educational infrastructure—like the developmental models it supports—has to be re-shaped once its essentially political character and purpose are identified and fully understood, (ibid., p. 41) The need for "a relevant educational structure rooted in a relevant philosophy of development" (ibid., p. 42) is echoed in Nettleford's (1978) discussion of cultural development. Jus t as the cul tural education of "Jamaicans of Af r ican descent" to a sense of pride in their heritage must be the "top priority in the ' ra is ing of consciousness'" (p. 204), so alternatives to development models that assume Western values (such as the overriding importance of industrialization) must also be found (ibid., p. 218). Insofar as a "socialist solution" is deemed appropriate, it too "must be expected to accommodate variables as are dictated by the realities of Caribbean history and experience (ibid., pp. 194-195). The development of an indigenous science and technology is viewed as part of cultural development. Both Urevbu (1985) in Niger ia and Gordon (1985) in J ama ica argue the importance of t raining for indigenous personnel, as "only by the application of science and technology can the quality of life of the poorer nations be improved" (Gordon, 1985, p. 172). However , again Nettleford (1978) warns that "the 'universal ' goods of scientific and technological development must be made to work wi th in the framework of political and cultural experience specific to this or that people" (p. 217). Objective realities, such as limited natural resources and the exploitation of transnational companies, must be 127 creatively dealt wi th; these are "the imperatives of change in the groping Thi rd Wor ld and these imperatives have a way of transcending ideological boundaries" (ibid., p. 218). Routes that are unique to each nation, neither strictly capitalist nor strictlj ' socialist, may be most appropriate. Al though adult education is described as "the main agency for social change" in many developing countries (Gordon, 1985, p. 3) and as "a weapon for effecting change" (Omolewa, 1981, p. 12), it is clearly most often the case that its role is perceived more in terms of a response to change. Fo r instance, because of the rapid changes J a m a i c a has been undergoing, adult citizens need to be taught how to initiate, direct, and control change and also how to prepare themselves to accept and adjust to change and its consequences. (Gordon, 1985, p. 110) In Niger ia , functional literacy' education is pursued in order "to enable [the people] to participate effectively in the evolving version of the Niger ian democratic process" (Musa , 1985, p. 117) and to help them to take their place in the nation's changing economic situation. A n d adult education programs "must also help women to understand and cope wi th their changing role, status and relationships in terms of the rapid changes taking place" (Ell is , 1984, p. 47). Whether the "social change" under discussion refers s imply to the changes of modernization and industrial ization or whether it means structural change for equality or freedom from external domination, i t is clear that adult education is not seen as an instigating factor. It may serve to "raise the consciousness" of people, but, at least as far as these writ ings are concerned, i t certainly has no subversive function. On the contrary, adult education seems above all to be expected to respond to the shifts in political, social and economic winds. 128 D. THE LITERATURE AND DEVELOPMENT/EDUCATIONAL PERSPECTIVES Although there are many differences in emphasis and degree, the major role of adult education in these two societies, insofar as i t can be determined from an interpretation of their adult education literature, seems to be very similar . Whether it is discussed in terms of literacy or skills training, human resource development, or citizenship education, adult education's m a i n role seems to lie in its capacity to respond to national objectives, whatever these may be. A t least the literature indicates an apparent overriding need to try to persuade the respective governments that adult education does have this capacity. E v e n where the objective is some kind of "social change", it is usually only whatever kind of change the government is promoting. Y e t there are some puzzling points in this analysis . There is certainly evidence in both situations that adult educational and national objectives may not always be harmonious. F i rs t , even when governments express a belief in the importance of adult education, their professed interest does not seem to be matched by support—either moral or mater ia l . Indeed, many obstacles are placed in the way of adult education programs. Second, while voicing only a fair ly toned-down cri t icism of this lack of support, the literature st i l l manages to imply a level of concern (particularly wi th inequality) beyond that to which the government might want adult education to adhere. The possibility that adult educators may tend to interpret "development" differently or to value certain aspects of it, such as equality or autonomy, more highly than do their governments seems somewhat more likely than that a true paradox exists: that the objectives of both parties are entirely consistent, despite the fact 129 that their words and actions seem to do anything but convey a sense of harmony. O f course, it is impossible to ascertain which is the true situation (or whether both are true to some degree) through an interpretation of the literature. Perhaps it is impossible even for the principal players in these situations. W h a t can be said is that, even i f these educators do desire structural change to overcome inequalities, they sti l l seem to feel they must focus on the "practical" issues such as literacy education, for the role of adult education in such structural change is perceived to be at most an indirect one. Expectations regarding the development perspectives that might be represented in the literature do not seem to have been entirely borne out, perhaps part ly because of this need to be cautious in discussing objectives. Cer ta inly there is an interest in "modernization", and in adult education's potential for developing the "human capi tal" necessary to this process-though there is also evidence of dissatisfaction wi th this perspective and of a somewhat broader view. On the other hand, there is little critique of education's reproductive functions, and what there is is usually directed at the formal system, not at adult education. Adu l t education is sti l l perceived as a means to overcoming the reproduction of inequalities reinforced by formal education—particularly through its opening up of educational opportunities for those who might otherwise "miss out" on them. There is no evident concern that in doing this adult education may itself be "legit imating" governments which have no intentions of radically altering the society's structure of rewards. The dependency and interdependence/non-Marxist structuralist perspectives can be seen in the concern for "self-reliance" and "self-sufficiency", but this is 130 not prominent. The Jamaican literature writ ten during the period of the 1972-80 government is the most openly cri t ical of dependencj' and neo-colonial relations; otherwise, the nation's desire for caution in this regard seems to be reflected in the adult education literature. In terms of internal s tructural change, the degree of consideration is more variable. The Niger ian literature does not deal wi th the question directly at all and, while the Jamaican literature occasionally directly expresses the need for such change, it too more often addresses it in a fairly indirect manner and is generally vague with regards to the nature of the desired changes. On the whole, although the modernization/incrementalist perspective is most evident, none of the frameworks that have been devised in which to view the development process and education's role in this process seem to be clearly represented in this literature. This could certainly be interpreted as an indication that these frameworks are inadequate to the specific contexts in question. Each nation appears to have its own agenda, one that does not necessarily fit well wi th development theory as it has thus far been articulated. This would seem to be in accord wi th the observations made in Chapter 1 regarding the relatively recent recognition of the need to cede to indigenous conceptions of development. VI. CONCLUDING REMARKS This study was undertaken at least par t ia l ly from a sense of frustration wi th the state of the literature in an area of great personal interest. A l l too frequently, it seemed that the relationship between adult education and development was a question about which "much is writ ten; little is said". It was hoped that, as a result of the research for the thesis, some more definitive connections might be established among what appeared to be fairly scattered (and often confusing) elements. Thus, two purposes were set for the studj'. The first was to attempt to br ing more clar i ty to the existing discussion of adult education and development. This was to be done on a conceptual/theoretical level, under the assumption that c lar i ty at this level would also potentially shed more light on empirical/practical issues. The second purpose was to add some depth of understanding to the topic, through an examination of some of the implications of conceptualizations of the development/adult education relationship in a specific context. A. SUMMARY OF THE STUDY The first purpose was undertaken most specifically in Chapters 2 and 3. Chapter 2 comprised a survey of development theory, while Chapter 3 examined the ways in which the development/adult education relationship has been viewed. The points at which the latter seemed to be connected to or reflective of the former were also noted. In the course of the overview of changes in development theory since the 1940s, it was noted that the major change involved a shift from conceiving of development purely in terms of economic growth to recognizing that, alongside 131 132 such growth, development should also involve the reduction of inequality or poverty. E v e n the modernization perspective was modified and broadened to include aspects such as "redistribution"; dependency and interdependence approaches tended to have equality as their major development goal. In addition to this shift, the history of development thought also revealed an increasing crit icism of the tendency to "Eurocentr ism", as wel l as a questioning of the very concept of development i tself-and certainly of its easy applicability to al l Th i rd World nations, regardless of specific context. However, it was also noted that, despite al l the changes that have occurred, manj ' elements steadfastly resist change, and continue to influence development strategies throughout the political s t ratum-one such element being the "classical growth paradigm". The part icular meaning attached to "development" was found to be one of the major factors influencing perceptions of the development/adult education relationship as discussed in Chapter 3. The other major factor considered was the function in society ascribed to education in general and to adult education in particular. In general, this function is viewed from either a consensus (or equilibrium) or a conflict perspective, wi th education considered to be either a reproductive or a transformative force. In terms of education's role in development (considered as a form of social change), approaches were generally found to fall into two categories, which could be labelled the human capital or incrementalist and the structuralist perspectives. The former sees education as an institution which can be reformed so that it can work wi th in the existing structures of society to bring about the benefits of development, and is most associated wi th the development goal of economic growth. The latter, on the other hand, maintains that political, economic and social structures must 133 themselves change before educational reforms can have any hope of working towards the major development goal of increased equality. While there appears to be no definite correlation between the different views on the development/adult education relationship and development theories, these views can still be seen to fit more or less into one or another of the development perspectives. Thus, the incrementalist perspective is consistent wi th modernization theories, while the structuralist perspective is in accord wi th dependency or interdependence approaches that focus on the goal of increased equalitj ' . Even the questioning of development as a value is echoed in the wr i t ing of some educators, who are equally uncertain of the value of education, such as it is. Ye t , as is the case wi th development theory, even with a shift in prominence from incrementalist to structuralist positions, the influence of the former has decidedly not disappeared. The fourth chapter explicated the interpretive approach that would be used in order to take a closer look at the implications of this discussion in a specific context -West Af r ican and Caribbean English-speaking nations, wi th a focus on Niger ia and J a m a i c a as exemplar} 1 , of the two regions of the context. A hermeneutic approach was chosen, largety because it emphasizes a "fusion of horizons" between interpreter and text: the interpreter does not claim any first-hand experience wi th regards to the regions examined. In a hermeneutic approach, the interpreter's own expectations or preunderstandings are the starting-point for the interpretation and continue to form an integral part of it . The interpretation is thus carried out in a way that requires an openness to wha t the text is "saying", while at the same time also va lu ing the interpreter's own point of view. The interpretation was described in Chapter 5. In order to determine what functions were perceived for adult education in society and what conception of the development/adult education relationship was most influential, four ma in questions were posed to the adult education texts under consideration. These questions were concerned wi th the significance of literacy education, the degree of consistency between adult educational and national goals and objectives, the emphasis on reducing inequality, and the emphasis on a need for s tructural change. W i t h al l four questions, there were differences as wel l as similari t ies between the two sub-contexts. Li te racy education was given considerable attention and was considered of great importance to the development process in both, but this was most pronounced in the Niger ian l i terature-not surprisingly, given that country's much higher il l i teracy rate. Whether or not a harmony of objectives t ruly existed, the literature certainly attempted to persuade the reader that it did, despite (or perhaps because of) a lack of government support, which again appeared to be a greater problem in Niger ia . Overa l l , there was less emphasis on inequality than had been expected, but more in the Jamaican literature than in the Niger ian . The same situation was found wi th regards to the question of structural change. For both of these last two questions, the subject was more often indirectly than directly addressed. These findings seemed to indicate that the need to demonstrate consistency wi th national objectives tends to dictate the role that adult education wi l l take, in both its reproductive or potentially transformative functions. If adult education has any autonomy, there is little indication of i t here. A s for development perspectives represented, elements of most were found. However , none of the 135 frameworks that have been delineated appears to answer adequately the concerns either of the region or of the two countries. B. LIMITATIONS Other than those set out in the first chapter, the l imitations of this study fall main ly into two categories. The first group has to do wi th the scope of the analysis of the development and development/education thought in Chapters 2 and 3. In both cases, the amount of literature is vast; the analysis here has been necessarily brief and selective. Some lines of inquny have not been tapped at all—for instance, the feminist critique of development, an increasingly influential approach to the issue which could easily be the basis of another entire thesis. The second set of limitations are those connected with the nature and scope of the interpretation. It has already been noted that al l interpretations are incomplete and that they are also subjective in the sense that they encompass the interpreter's vision as well as that of the 'text and can only be validated through their persuasiveness rather than through demonstr ability. Th is interpretation is also limited in terms of the literature examined. Only that literature which was readily available was considered, in part because this was thought to be more reflective of the usual situation that would be presented to someone looking for insight into a foreign "horizon". This is in keeping wi th a hermeneutic approach. The limitations of interpretation also mean that i t m a y be very difficult, or even impossible, to make any claims to "certainty". Fo r one thing, it is not known how much influence the political situation has on what is wri t ten (although it can be assumed that there is some influence): whether what is left 136 unsaid is more important than what is said, or whether what is said is deliberately misleading. However , the point of hermeneutic interpretation is not to recreate an author's intention, but to create a new understanding, and the very consideration of such possibilities can certainly contribute to such a new understanding. C. DISCUSSION OF IMPLICATIONS Certa inly , the expectations that began the interpretation were transformed in some ways . For instance, the expectation of s imi lar i ty between the Afr ican and Caribbean sub-contexts was only par t ia l ly confirmed; there were definitely at least as many differences as there were similari t ies. There are man) ' possible explanations for this. One compelling set of reasons is that, in Jamaica , both the implications of the colonial experience and the path taken since independence were strongly influenced by the development of an entirely new culture there, by the legacy of slavery, and by the separation of the black population from the Afr ican context. The differing geo-political realities of the two regions are l ikely another important factor. The case of the legacy of slavery provides a good example of how one of these factors can result in a different emphasis in the adult education literature of the two countries. The slave trade, as part of the overall "drain" of Afr ican resources, certainly has had a long-term impact on Afr ican development. The removal by the metropolitan powers of substantial quantities of both na tura l and human resources was one large factor in the underdevelopment of Af r i ca (Rodney, 1972). In the West Indies, of course, the impact of s lavery was quite different in nature. K inca id (1988) speaks of "an appropriate obsession wi th s lavery" (p. 137 43). Y e t she does not perceive a widespread recognition by West Indians of the "relationship between their obsession wi th slavery and emancipation" and the current situation in which they st i l l in many ways allow themselves to be exploited (ibid., p. 55). The Jamaican literature's emphasis on cultural development is probably largely a result of this historical development. Whatever the combinations of factors that lie at the root of these various differences, what they point to is the unarguable importance of contextuality. Specifically, approaches to development and to the development/adult education relationship should be informed by the realities of the part icular context in question. However , despite the seemingly inadequate (or at least incomplete) applicabilitj ' of the existing approaches to the contexts examined here, these approaches st i l l appear to have a great deal of influence. This is especially so wi th regards to the concept of "modernization", which st i l l carries an implication of "Westernization". In much of the literature examined in this study, the acceptance of Western-based development and educational goals is quite apparent. The Niger ian authors base much of their critique on Western notions that m a y be quite irrelevant to the Niger ian situation. F o r instance, they decry the lack of "a sense of national identity'", but do not consider the point that the nation-state and the kind of "nationalism" they presumably seek are both European constructs (Giddens, 1987). While nation-states have been created in Af r i ca , a sense of national identity does not necessarily follow. Some kind of cohesive identity might be more l ikely to emerge from the tapping of at least some of the tradit ional elements in society. Omolewa (1981) devotes a chapter to traditional education in Niger ia . Here, he expresses a desire 138 not to romanticize the past: traditional education systems were too closed and l imited to offer much to the reali ty of modern Niger ia (pp. 23-28). Omolewa is probably r ight to be wary of glorifying the traditions of the past. Cer ta inly , the tradit ional systems could not fully accommodate the realities of present-day Nige r i a . Nevertheless, it does not seem wise to go too far in the other direction. The educational goals espoused by the Niger ian writers do not seem to take traditional education into consideration at a l l . Rather, they focus on another concept that at this point has much more meaning to Western industrialized societies-li teracy. In this regard, A l l e n and Anzalone (1981) point out that The uncrit ical commitment to literac3' as a prerequisite for a l l other learning ... represents a basic misunderstanding of both cognition and culture ... an education for basic needs would have to treat the role of literacy in the learning process not as a prerequisite ordained by external sanction but as a possible educational goal that becomes meaningful for people at such time that it relates to the social frameworks of satisfaction for their needs, (p. 223) In Jamaican literature too, a denigration of traditional ways of thinking, as opposed to Western ways , is sometimes apparent. Gordon (1985) states that "the cultivation and development of a scientific attitude on the part of our people w i l l do much to reduce the incidence of careless thinking and mindless mediocrity which, sad to say, afflicts most members of the Jamaican population" (p. 174). O f course, the "scientific attitude" is a Western value, and therefore more conducive to the achievement of that other Western value, modernity. Because modernity is a Western condition that grew out of the context of Western traditions, Af r ican (or other indigenous) traditions m a y be viewed as in imical to its realization. The possibility of a reconciliation between tradit ional culture and values and the desire for the benefits of modernization should be explored, especially by 139 indigenous researchers. This would probably entail a rethinking of the applicability of "modernity" (as it is presently understood) to the contexts in question. The questions of possible roles for adult education in such a reconciliation and of relevant adult educational goals should also form a part of this exploration. The relationship of adult education to political structures should also be more specifically examined. It has been assumed here that the political situation has some influence on what is wri t ten, but what is the exact nature of that influence? It is recognized that such research is potentially both a "dangerous" and a difficult act ivi ty. It would probably require a much closer proximity to the context in question than exists in the present study, since it is l ikely that most of the adult education literature that gets published is more reflective of "establishment" viewpoints than not. If this is the case, the picture of adult education that emerges from the li terature may be only a "par t ia l" one. In that they continue to exert considerable influence on indigenous Thi rd Wor ld thought about development and adult education (and, indeed, have become a part of this thought), the exist ing models for conceptualizing the development/adult education relationship should not be "abandoned". 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