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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Cultural influences upon children’s moral development Neighbor, Edward William 1981

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CULTURAL INFLUENCES UPON CHILDREN'S MORAL DEVELOPMENT by EDWARD WILLIAM NEIGHBOR B..A., The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1981 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES [Education, Department of Social and Educational Studies) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1981 © Edward Wi l l iam Neighbor, 1981 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head o f my department o r by h i s or her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department of \H cA u ca_-Vvcrv\ The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 DE-6 (3/81) ABSTRACT T h i s study examines the e f f e c t s of c e r t a i n c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s - s o c i a l p e r s p e c t i v e , f a m i l y i d e o l o g y and r e l i g i o u s o r i e n t a t i o n - on moral development as d e f i n e d by Lawrence K o h l b e r g . Four groups, c h a r a c t e r i z e d as s e c u l a r w e s t e r n , t r a d i t i o n a l w e s t e r n , s e c u l a r non-western and t r a d i t i o n a l non-western, were i n v e s t i g a t e d t o see i f any d i f f e r e n c e s i n moral development c o u l d be determined and a l s o t o see i f these d i f f e r e n c e s c o u l d be a t t r i b u t e d t o the f a c t o r s l i s t e d above. I t was found t h a t t h e r e was no d i f f e r e n c e between the groups on the moral development f a c t o r . There was some d i f f e r e n c e found between the groups on the s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s f a c t o r s . I t was a l s o found t h a t s o c i a l i z a t i o n s k i l l s and the r e l i g i o u s f a c t o r d i d have s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t upon moral development. i i i Table of Contents Page CHAPTER ONE I. I n t r o d u c t i o n 1 A. P s y c h o l o g i c a l and P h i l o s o p h i c a l Underpinnings . 2 1. P h i l o s o p h i c a l Basis 6 2. P s y c h o l o g i c a l Basis 7 B. Problems with the Post-Conventional Stage 10 I I . The Problem 10 I I I . The Hypothesis 13 CHAPTER TWO I. The C r i t i c a l Response to Kohlberg 16 A. I n t r o d u c t i o n 16 B. E m p i r i c a l Support f o r the L o g i c of the Theory .16 C. Evidence of C u l t u r a l Impact 20 D. The E f f e c t of Role Taking A b i l i t y 23 E. Family I n f l u e n c e s Upon Moral Development 25 F. Peer Influence Upon Moral Development 26 G. S o c i e t a l I nfluence Upon Moral Development 27 I I . The Nature of Western Thouhgt 29 A. The Nature of T r a d i t i o n a l and Secular Thought 38 CHAPTER THREE I. I n t r o d u c t i o n 42 I I . The Sample 43 I I I . Test Instruments 45 A. The T r a d i t i o n a l Family Ideology Scale 46 B. The S o c i a l Value Q u e s t i o n n a i r e ..47 C. The R e l i g i o u s O r i e n t a t i o n and Involvement S c a l e . ..." 49 D. The E t h i c a l Reasoning Inventory 50 i v CHAPTER FOUR P a g £ I. The Fin d i n g s 52 A. I n t r o d u c t i o n 52 B. Question One 53 C . Question Two 53 D. Question Three 55 CHAPTER FIVE I. I n t r o d u c t i o n 58 I I . Summary of Fi n d i n g s 59 I I I . I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Fin d i n g s 60 IV. I m p l i c a t i o n s f o r Fu r t h e r Research 63 APPENDIX I 66 APPENDIX II 68 APPENDIX I I I 71 APPENDIX IV 75 REFERENCES 94 V Tables Page I. Table One - Kohlberg's Moral Stages 3 I I . Table Two - A u t h o r i t y O r i e n t a t i o n i n Moral Dilemma Experiments 31 I I I . Table Three - P l u r a l i s m F a c t o r Scores and Moral Dilemma Scores 35 IV. Table Four - Research Design 42 V. Table F i v e - Sample Si z e 45 VI. Table S i x - R e l i g i o u s Dimensions 49 VII. Table Seven - Group Means and Standard D e v i a t i o n s ... 52 V I I I . Table E i g h t - Group Moral Scores 53 IX. Table Mine - Pearson C o r r e l a t i o n C o e f f i c i e n t s 55 X. Table Ten - Stepwise M u l t i p l e Regression 56 v i F i g u r e s Page I. F i g u r e One - Moral Development Patterns i n F i v e C u l t u r e s . . 18 CHAPTER ONE Introduction During recent years moral/values education has r e c e i v e d a great deal of a t t e n t i o n i n S o c i a l Studies l i t e r a t u r e . (Welton & Mallan 1976, E l l i s 1981, M a r t s o r e l l a 1976) One of the foremost t h e o r i e s that i s r e c e i v i n g widespread a p p l i c a t i o n i n S o c i a l Studies education i s that of Lawrence Kohlberg. Kohlberg has proposed that a l l i n d i v i d u a l s go through an i n v a r i a t e sequence of s i x h i e r a r c h i c a l moral reasoning stages. He a l s o proposes that the stages are a u n i v e r s a l p s y c h o l o g i c a l system. A c e n t r a l i s s u e , and c e r t a i n l y one of the most h o t l y debated, i n determining the l a s t i n g value of Lawrence Kohlberg's theory of moral development i s the degree of i t s u n i v e r s a l a p p l i c a b i l i t y . I f the p h i l o s o p h i c and p s y c h o l o g i c a l b a s i s of the theory - j u s t i c e and r o l e - p l a y i n g r e c i p r o c i t y -are not u n i v e r s a l constants i n moral reasoning, the theory stands i n danger of being v i c t i m of the moral development problem that i t sought to overcome i n the f i r s t place -c u l t u r a l b i a s . I t would a l s o l o s e i t s c l a i m of being a c o g n i t i v e development theory as i t would f a i l to meet the key requirement of p s y c h o l o g i c a l u n i v e r s a l i t y . Over the l a s t two decades a l a r g e body of e m p i r i c a l evidence which supports the c l a i m that i n d i v i d u a l s go through - 2 -h i e r a r c h i c a l s e r i e s of moral stage s t r u c t u r e s i n i n v a r i a t e sequence has been accumulated. ( T u r i e l 1969, Kuhn 1976) Studies have been c a r r i e d out u s i n g samples that r e f l e c t a wide v a r i e t y of f a c t o r s i n c l u d i n g age, sex, n a t i o n a l and r a d i c a l group membership and c u l t u r a l background. These s t u d i e s have c o n s i s t e n t l y found evidence of Kohlberg's stage system o p e r a t i n g b a s i c a l l y as p r e d i c t e d , and have supported what Kohlberg and h i s predecessors were seeking: a u n i v e r s a l system, rooted i n psychology, based upon j u s t i c e and which transcended t r i b a l r u l e s . ( T u r i e l 1973, H o l s t e i n 1976, T u r i e l et a l 1978) Controversy has a r i s e n from these s t u d i e s however, as f i n d i n g s from some c u l t u r e s ( u s u a l l y non-western ones) have i n d i c a t e d l i t t l e , i f any, evidence of p o s t - c o n v e n t i o n a l reasoning. C r i t i c s have r e a c t e d s t r o n g l y to these f i n d i n g s and have i n s i s t e d that t h i s shows that the theory i s c u l t u r e bound. In order to examine the i n f l u e n c e of c u l t u r a l v a r i a b l e s upon moral development t h i s study w i l l examine fo u r groups from v a r y i n g c u l t u r a l backgrounds to determine the degree and nature of c u l t u r a l i n f l u e n c e upon t h e i r moral development. P s y c h o l o g i c a l and P h i l o s o p h i c a l Underpinning It i s f i r s t e s s e n t i a l that Kohlberg's conceptual framework be i l l u s t r a t e d . Stated simply Kohlberg's s t r u c t u r a l system has three l e v e l s sub-divided i n t o s i x stages of moral reasoning. - 3 -Table One Kohlberg's Moral Stages Content of Stage What i s Right Reasons f o r Doing Right S o c i a l P e r s p e c t i v e of Stage LEVEL I - PRECONVENTIONAL Stage 1- Heteronomous M o r a l i t y To avoid breaking r u l e s backed by punishment, obedience f o r i t s own sake, and a v o i d i n g p h y s i c a l damage to persons and property. Avoidance of punish-ment , and the s u p e r i o r power of a u t h o r i t i e s . E g o c e n t r i c p o i n t of view. Doesn't con-s i d e r the i n t e r e s t s of others or recog-n i z e that they d i f f e r from the a c t o r ' s ; doesn't r e -l a t e two p o i n t s of view. Ac t i o n s are considered p h y s i c a l l y r a t h e r than i n terms of p s y c h o l o g i c a l i n t e r e s t s of o t h e r s . Confusion of a u t h o r i t y ' s p e r s p e c t i v e with one's own. Stage 2- I n d i v i d u a l i s m , Instrumental Purpose, and Exchange Fo l l o w i n g r u l e s only when i t i s someone's immediate i n t e r e s t ; a c t i n g to meet one's own i n t e r e s t s and needs and l e t t i n g others do the same. Right i s a l s o what's f a i r , what's an equal exchange, a d e a l , an agreement. To serve one's own needs or i n t e r e s t s i n a world where you have to recognize that other people have t h e i r i n t e r e s t s , too. Concrete i n d i v i d u a l i s -t i c p e r s p e c t i v e . Aware that everybody has h i s own i n t e r e s t to pursue and these c o n f l i c t , so that r i g h t i s r e l a t i v e ( i n the concrete i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c sense). - 4 -LEVEL I I - CONVENTIONAL Stage 3 - Mutual I n t e r p e r s o n a l E x p e c t a t i o n s , R e l a t i o n s h i p s , and I n t e r p e r s o n a l Conformity L i v i n g up to what i s expected by people c l o s e to you or what people g e n e r a l l y expect of people i n your r o l e as son, brother, f r i e n d , e t c . "Being good" i s important and means having good motives, showing concern about othe r s . I t a l s o means keeping mutual r e l a t i o n -s h i p s , such as t r u s t , l o y a l t y , r e s p e c t and g r a t i t u d e . The need to be a good person i n your own eyes and those of o t h e r s . Your c a r i n g f o r others.-B e l i e f i n the Golden Rule. D e s i r e to maintain r u l e s and a u t h o r i t y which support s t e r e o t y p i c a l good behavior. P e r s p e c t i v e of the i n d i v i d u a l i n r e l a t i o n -ships with other i n d i v i d u a l s . Aware of shared f e e l i n g s , agreements, and expectations which take primacy over i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r e s t s . R elates p o i n t s of view through the concrete Golden Rule, p u t t i n g y o u r s e l f i n the other guy's shoes. Does not yet c o n s i d e r g e n e r a l i z e d system p e r s p e c t i v e . Stage 4 - S o c i a l System and Conscience F u l f i l l i n g the a c t u a l d u t i e s to which you have agreed. Laws are to be upheld except i n extreme cases where they c o n f l i c t with other f i x e d s o c i a l d u t i e s . Right i s a l s o c o n t r i b u t i n g to s o c i e t y , the group, or i n s t i -t u t i o n . To keep the i n s t i -t u t i o n going as a whole, to avoid the breakdown i n the system " i f everyone d i d i t , " or the imperative of conscience to meet one's d e f i n e d o b l i g a t i o n s . D i f f e r e n t i a t e s s o c i e t a l p o i n t of view from i n t e r p e r s o n a l agreement or motives. Takes the p o i n t of view of the system that d e f i n e s r o l e s and r u l e s . Considers i n d i v i d u a l r e l a t i o n s i n terms of p l a c e i n the system. - 5 -LEVEL III-POST-CONVENTIONAL, or PRINCIPLED Stage 5- S o c i a l Contract or U t i l i t y and I n d i v i d u a l Rights A sense of o b l i g a t i o n to law because of one's s o c i a l c o n t r a c t to make and abide by the laws f o r the welfare of a l l and f o r the p r o t e c -t i o n of a l l people's r i g h t s . A f e e l i n g of c o n t r a c t u a l commitment, f r e e l y entered upon, to f a m i l y , f r i e n d s h i p , t r u s t , and work o b l i g a t i o n s . Concern that laws and d u t i e s be based on r a t i o n a l c a l c u l a t i o n of o v e r a l l u t i l i t y , "the gr e a t e s t good f o r the gr e a t e s t number." P r i o r - t o - s o c i e t y p e r s p e c t i v e . Per-s p e c t i v e of a r a t i o n a l i n d i v i d u a l aware of values and r i g h t s p r i o r to s o c i a l attachments and c o n t r a c t s . Integrates perspec-t i v e s by formal mechanisms of agreement, con-t r a c t , o b j e c t i v e i m p a r t i a l i t y , and due process. Considers moral and l e g a l p o i n t s of view; recog-n i z e s that they sometimes c o n f i c t and f i n d s i t d i f f i c u l t to i n t e g r a t e them. 6- U n i v e r s a l E t h i c a l P r i n c i p l e s Being aware that people ho l d a v a r i e t y of values and o p i n i o n s , that most values and r u l e s are r e l a t i v e to your group. These r e l a t i v e r u l e s should u s u a l l y be upheld, however, i n the i n t e r e s t of i m p a r t i a l i t y and because they are the s o c i a l con-t r a c t . Some n o n r e l a t i v e values and l i k e l i f e and l i b e r t y , however, must be upheld i n any s o c i e t y and regard-l e s s of m a j o r i t y o p i n i o n . Stage F o l l o w i n g s e l f -chosen e t h i c a l p r i n c i p l e s . Par-t i c u l a r ^ laws or s o c i a l agreements are u s u a l l y v a l i d because they r e s t on such p r i n c i p l e s . When laws v i o l a t e these p r i n c i p l e s , one acts i n accordance with the p r i n c i p l e . P r i n c i p l e s are u n i v e r s a l p r i n -c i p l e s of j u s t i c e : the e q u a l i t y of human r i g h t s and respe c t f o r the d i g n i t y of human beings as i n d i v i d u a l persons. The b e l i e f as a r a t i o n a l person i n the v a l i d i t y of u n i v e r s a l moral p r i n c i p l e s , and a sense of personal commitment to them. P e r s p e c t i v e of a moral p o i n t of view from which s o c i a l arrange-ments d e r i v e . P e r s p e c t i v e i s that of any r a t i o n a l i n d i -v i d u a l r e c o g n i z i n g the nature of m o r a l i t y or the f a c t that persons are ends i n themselves and must be t r e a t e d as such. (Kohlberg 1976 p. 31) - 6 -The key to understanding the theory i s the r e a l i z a t i o n that i t i s a marriage of p s y c h o l o g i c a l and p h i l o s o p h i c theory. As Kohlberg s t a t e s : ...an adequate p s y c h o l o g i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n of c o g n i t i o n or of m o r a l i t y must i n c l u d e an e x p l a n a t i o n of these concepts through out humanity, an e x p l a n a t i o n that cannot be p u r e l y p s y c h o l o g i c a l i n the usual sense... the e p i s t o m o l o g i c a l b l i n d e r s p s y c h o l o g i s t s have worn have hidden them from the f a c t that the concept of m o r a l i t y i s i t s e l f a p h i l o s o p h i c a l ( e t h i c a l ) r a t h e r than a b e h a v i o r a l concept. Kohlberg (1971 p. 52. ) P h i l o s o p h i c a l B a s i s P h i l o s o p h i c a l l y the v a r i o u s l e v e l s of Kohlberg's s t r u c t u r e are i n c r e a s i n g l y e t h i c a l l y adequate i n that each represents p r o g r e s s i v e l y more i n t e g r a t e d and d i f f e r e n t i a t e d views of r e c i p r o c i t y . T h i s p h i l o s o p h i c system can be based upon a r a t i o n a l i s t i c o r i g i n a l form of nature proposal which holds that a l l men i n a s t a t e of nature, with f r e e c h o i c e , would act i n a j u s t manner. Kohlberg claims that the moral d e c i s i o n s , should not allow a r b i t r a r y f a c t o r s such as cultural.dogma to i n f l u e n c e judgement. Kohlberg summarizes h i s argument f o r j u s t i c e as the b a s i c moral p r i n c i p l e as f o l l o w s : 1. P s y c h o l o g i c a l l y , both welfare concerns ... and j u s t i c e concerns are present at the b i r t h of m o r a l i t y and at every succeeding stage. 2. ...welfare... and j u s t i c e concerns take on more d i f f e r e n t i a t e d , i n t e g r a t e d and" u n i v e r s a l i z e d forms at each step of development. 3. ...at the h i g h e s t stage...only j u s t i c e takes on the characture of a p r i n c i p l e , t h at i s , becomes something that i s o b l i g a t o r y , c a t e g o r i c a l , and takes precedence over law and other c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g w e l f a r e . - 7 -4. " P r i n c i p l e s " o t h e r than j u s t i c e may be t r i e d out by those s e e k i n g t o t r a n s c e n d . . . ( s t a g e 5) m o r a l i t y but they do not work because e i t h e r A they do not r e s o l v e moral c o n f l i c t s , or B t hey r e s o l v e them i n ways t h a t seem i n t u i t i v e l y wrong. 5. The i n t u i t i v e f e e l i n g . . . t h a t j u s t i c e i s the o n l y s a t i s f a c t o r y p r i n c i p l e corresponds t o the f a c t t h a t i t i s the o n l y one t h a t "does j u s t i c e t o " the v i a b l e c o r e of lower stages of m o r a l i t y . 6. T h i s becomes most e v i d e n t i n s i t u a t i o n s of c i v i l d i s o b e d i e n c e f o r which j u s t i c e but not o t h e r moral p r i n c i p l e s , p r o v i d e s a r a t i o n a l e which r e s p e c t s and can cope w i t h the stage 5 c o n t r a c t u a l l e g a l i s t i c arguement t h a t c i v i l d i s o b e d i e n c e i s always wrong. 7. . ..(Although) m e t a e t h i c a l l y then w e l f a r e i s a more u l t i m a t e p r i n c i p l e ( t h i s i s not so i n i n d i v i d u a l ) but not i n moral c h o i c e . . . 8. D e n i a l o f the c l a i m s of j u s t i c e as the c e n t r a l p r i n i c p l e of m o r a l i t y , t h e n , c o i n c i d e s w i t h a d e f i n i t i o n of m o r a l i t y which has v a r i o u s gaps and f a l l a c i e s i n terms of m e t a e t h i c a l c r i t e r i a . K o h l b e r g (1971, p. 65) P s y c h o l o g i c a l B a s i s P s y c h o l o g i c a l l y the stages f o l l o w the r u l e s of c o g n i t i v e d evelopmental t h e o r y i n t h a t t hey: 1. Imply d i s t i n c t o r q u a l i t a t i v e d i f f e r e n c e s i n a c h i l d ' s mode of t h i n k i n g . . . 2. ...they form an i n v a r i a n t sequence... Whi l e c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s may speed up, slow down or s t o p development, they do not change i t s sequence. 3. Each...forms a s t r u c t u r e d whole...an u n d e r l y i n g thought o r g a n i z a t i o n . . . 4. . . . ( t h e y ) are h i e r a r c h i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n s . . . ( i n which) each s t r u c t u r e i s i n c r e a s i n g l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d and i n t e g r a t e d . . . P i a g e t (1961, p. 3) T r a n s i t i o n from stage to stage i s a complex and c o n t i n u o u s p r o c e s s which has a d i r e c t b e a r i n g on t h i s s t u d y . T u r i e l (1973, p. 737) h y p o t h e s i z e d t h a t : - 8 -...development i s a process of s e l f r e g u l a t e d " p r o g r e s s i v e e q u i l i b r i a t i o n " . . . T h i s p r i n c i p l e i s an i n t e g r a l component of stage theory i n that a stage d e s c r i b e s the form of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s i n t e r a c t i o n with h i s environment, while i n t e r a c t i o n , i n t u r n , i s the source of p r o g r e s s i v e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s i n stage... Development i s c o n t i n u a l l y d i r e c t e d towards i n c r e a s i n g e q u i l i b r i u m . I t must be a p p r e c i a t e d that the system i s a h i e r a r c h i c a l one that i m p l i e s a p r e f e r a b l e end, complete organism-environmental e q u i l i b r i u m . Achievement of t h i s i s a d i a l e c t i c process. Each stage i s a s t r u c t u r e d whole which i s more e q u i l i b r i a t e d than previous ones and rep r e s e n t s a more adequate way of i n t e r a c t i n g with the environment. U n t i l complete however, t h i s does not imply s t a t e s of s t a t i c p s y c h o l o g i c a l balance. Instead the n a t u r a l tendency a f t e r reaching one l e v e l i s f o r f u r t h e r i n t e r a c t i o n l e a d i n g to awareness of s t r u c t u r a l inadequacy which i n t u r n leads to the s y n t h e s i s of a new s t r u c t u r e . The i n d i v i d u a l then c o n t i n u a l l y tends to r e - e n t e r a s t a t e of d i s e q u i l i b r i u m . S t r u c t u r a l d i s e q u i l i b r i u m can be c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the f o l l o w i n g : 1. A r e c o g n i t i o n of the inadequacies of the e x i s t i n g mode of t h i n k i n g and a concomitant q u e s t i o n i n g of that mode. 2. An attempt to co n s t r u c t a new mode... 3. Only an i n t u i t i v e understanding of the new mode and, t h e r e f o r e a t e n s i o n e x i s t i n g between the o l d and the new which i s manifested i n c o n f l i c t and f l u c t u a t i o n . 4 . A consequent attempt to subordinate the e a r l i e r mode of t h i n k i n g i n t o the new mode which, u l t i m a t e l y , r e s u l t s i n the i n t e g r a t i o n of a new view of the e a r l i e r mode i n t o the more advanced mode. T u r i e l (1973, p. 750) - 9 -T r a n s i t i o n through d i s e q u a l i b r i u m i s a complex matter and i s i n f l u e n c e d by many f a c t o r s . These can be broken i n t o two broad c a t e g o r i e s : 1. the nature of the i n d i v i d u a l — i n t e l l i g e n c e , c o g n i t i v e l e v e l , age, sex and 2. the nature of h i s environment. Problems with the Po s t - c o n v e n t i o n a l stage The p r e - c o n v e n t i o n a l and co n v e n t i o n a l l e v e l s have been observed with only minor v a r i a t i o n s i n a wide v a r i e t y of c u l t u r e s f o l l o w i n g the age-stage p a t t e r n proposed by Kohlberg. I t i s i n the pos t - c o n v e n t i o n a l l e v e l that a problem emerges. Controversy has a r i s e n over the d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e number of i n d i v i d u a l s reasoning at t h i s l e v e l i n western s o c i e t i e s as compared to those i n non-western s o c i e t i e s . (See, f o r example, Simpson 1974) At the po s t - c o n v e n t i o n a l l e v e l as d e f i n e d by Kohlberg: There i s a c l e a r e f f o r t to d e f i n e moral values and p r i n c i p l e s that have v a l i d i t y and a p p l i c a t i o n apart from the a u t h o r i t y of the groups or persons h o l d i n g these p r i n c i p l e s and part from the i n d i v i d u a l ' s own i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with these groups. (Kohlberg, 1973, p. 632) He claims that t h i s l e v e l i s both more advanced p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y and more morally adequate p h i l o s o h p i c a l l y and that each grows out of the other. ...While adequacy standard moral p h i l o s o p h i c a l c r i t e r i a of of moral judgment help d e f i n e a of p s y c h o l o g i c a l adequacy or advance, - 10 -the study of p s y c h o l o g i c a l advance feeds back and c l a r i f i e s these c r i t e r i a . Our p s y c h o l o g i c a l theory as to why i n d i v i d u a l s move from one stage to the next i s grounded on a moral p h i l o s o p h i c a l theory which s p e c i f i e s that the l a t e r stage i s morally b e t t e r or more adequate than the e a r l i e r stage. (Kohlberg 1973, p. 334) The Problem One of the key problems that has developed with Kohlberg's theory o r i g i n a t e d from the r e s u l t s of cross c u l t u r a l s t u d i e s done i n a number of non-western c u l t u r e s ( f o r example Kohlberg 1969). These s t u d i e s i n d i c a t e d a v i r t u a l absence of post c o n v e n t i o n a l reasoners. Several c r i t i c s have i n t e r p r e t e d t h i s to mean that the theory f a i l s i n i t s c l a i m to be u n i v e r s a l and t h a t , i n f a c t , i t i s a s t r u c t u r e based upon western p e r s p e c t i v e s . They hol d that t h i s western s t r u c t u r e i s being superimposed upon environments w i t h profoundly d i f f e r e n t p e r s p e c t i v e s . Lee (1976, p. 20), f o r example, argued that b i a s i s b u i l t i n t o the stage d e f i n i t i o n through having core values of f a i r n e s s , r e c i p r o c i t y , e q u a l i t y and i n d i v i d u a l i t y , values which are western concepts. In Chinese s o c i e t y , he argues, f i l i a l i t y i s the core value and any stage s t r u c t u r e r e f l e c t i n g the Chinese world view would have to be b u i l t around t h i s . Damon (1977, p. 138) r e l a t e d a s i m i l a r view i n which an Indian d o c t o r a l student argues that a key component of Kohlberg's system — no property i s more v a l u a b l e than human l i f e — i s compatible with t r a d i t i o n a l Indian views. - 11 -In t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e c e r t a i n types of s a c r e d p r o p e r t y are indeed more i m p o r t a n t than l i f e which t h r o u g h r e i n c a r n a t i o n i s t r a n s i e n t and renewable. T h i s c o n t r a d i c t i o n , thought the s t u d e n t , showed t h a t the t h e o r y i s c u l t u r a l l y bound s i n c e i t i s u n j u s t t o d e n i g r a t e s u b t l e I n d i a n c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s as i n f e r i o r . Simpson (1974) s i m i l a r l y contended t h a t the whole t h e o r y m i s c o n s t r u e s the moral l e v e l of non-western c u l t u r e s by s u b m i t t i n g them t o a w e s t e r n c r i t e r i a which i g n o r e s b oth t h e i r p s y c h o l o g i c a l and t h e i r p h i l o s o p h i c a l r e a l i t y . She c l a i m s t h a t the d i f f e r i n g c u l t u r a l norms of g i v e n s o c i e t i e s and the f a c t t h a t many c u l t u r e s do not have s u f f i c i e n t e x p e r i e n c e i n such c o g n i t i v e p r o c e s s e s as l o g i c a l r e a s o n i n g , (which are n e c e s s a r y f o r K o h l b e r g ' s system of moral d e v e l o p -ment) makes i t u n f a i r t o judge them on a unidimensional (and western) s t r u c t u r e . She s t a t e s : ...any p h i l o s o p h i c a l system which s u p p o r t s a u n i v e r s a l t h e o r y of development must account f o r c o n c e p t u a l d i f f e r e n c e s which a r i s e i n the v a r y i n g p e r c e p t i o n s and e x p l a n a t i o n s o f r e a l i t y a d h e r i n g t o the customs and broad s o c i a l e n v i r o n -ments of d i v e r s e groups...The r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of t h i s v a r i a n c e i n o r d e r t o b u i l d a u n i t e d s y n t h e t i c t h e o r y o f human moral development would be a d i f f i c u l t t a s k -perhaps even an i m p o s s i b l e one - w i t h o u t major a s s i m i l a t i o n o f one g e n e r a l system by a n o t h e r and the d e s t r u c t i o n of i t s i n t e g r i t y . Simpson (1974, p. 83) She f u r t h e r contended t h a t K o h l b e r g ' s s t r u c t u r e i s not r e a l l y a s t r u c t u r e i n the p s y c h o l o g i c a l sense a t a l l but t h a t i t i s a p h i l o s o p h i c c o n s t r u c t based upon the Judaeo-C h r i s t i a n t r a d i t i o n . She a l s o d i s p u t e s h i s c l a i m t h a t - 12 -p r i n c i p l e d reasoners are "autonomous, i n t e r n a l l y - o r i e n t e d a c t o r s and t h i n k e r s , " s i n c e i t i s impossible i n her view to g e n e r a l i z e a s t r u c t u r e without r e f e r e n c e to s p e c i f i c c u l t u r a l context. She suggests that p r i n c i p l e d reasoners are merely f o l l o w i n g the lear n e d values of a " d i f f e r e n t and smaller r e f e r e n c e group so w e l l i n t e r n a l i z e d that i t s members b e l i e v e themselves to be f u n c t i o n i n g autonomously". Simpson (1974, 93-94). S u l l i v a n (1977, p. 3) approaches the problem from the c r i t i c a l viewpoint. In essence, he claims t h a t the theory i s a c o n s t r u c t based upon t r a d i t i o n a l l i b e r a l i d e o l o g y . T h i s p e r s p e c t i v e has been c h a r a c t e r i z e d by Mannheim (1953, p. 177) as f o l l o w s : A. The contents of n a t u r a l law thought :he " s t a t e of n a t u r e " :he s o c i a l c o n t r a c t . i . The d o c t r i n e o i i . The d o c t r i n e o i i i . The d o c t r i n e o i v . The d o c t r i n e o B. The methodological c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of n a t u r a l - l a w thought i . R a t i o n a l i s m as a method of s o l v i n g problems i i . Deductive procedure from one general p r i n c i p l e to the p a r t i c u l a r cases. i i i . A c l a i m of u n i v e r s a l v a l i d i t y f o r every i n d i v i d u a l i v . A c l a i m to u n i v e r s a l a p p l i c a b i l i t y of a l l laws to a l l h i s t o r i c a l and s o c i a l u n i t s , v. Atomism and mechanism: c o l l e c t i v e u n i t s (the s t a t e , the law, etc.) are c o n s t r u c t e d out of i s o l a t e d i n d i v i d u a l s or f a c t o r s , v i . S t a t i c t h i n k i n g ( r i g h t reason conceived as a s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t , autonomous sphere u n a f f e c t e d by h i s t o r y ) . S u l l i v a n (1977, pp. 11-12) claims that the theory screens r e a l i t y i n basing a p s y c h o l o g i c a l s t r u c t u r e upon a no t i o n of j u s t i c e s i n c e : - 13 -...there i s every reason to r e f l e c t the c l a i m that the r e a l i z a t i o n of Rawl's standard of s o c i a l j u s t i c e would be t o l e r a b l e to a t y p i c a l member of every income group i n every s o c i e t y . . . Now i n s o f a r as Kohlberg argues that h i s theory i s based on an a b s t r a c t u n i v e r s a l p r i n c i p a l , h i s theory of stages of j u s t i c e faces s i m i l a r c r i t i c i s m . In short a case can be made that Kohlberg's stage theory of moral development i s i n nature e s s e n t i a l l y c o n s e r v a t i v e and masks an u n r e f l e c t i v e l i b e r a l i d e o l o g y . L i k e most developmental t h e o r i e s i n contemporary psychology i t a l s o s u f f e r s from a h i s t o r i c i s m . The q u e s t i o n can t h e r e f o r e be posed as to what extent c u l t u r a l v a r i a b l e s i n f l u e n c e moral development. The Hypotheses Question One Do groups from a v a r i e t y of c u l t u r a l backgrounds show a d i f f e r e n c e i n r a t e of moral development? Hypothesis One: The groups designated s e c u l a r western and s e c u l a r non-western w i l l not have s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher moral reasoning scores than those groups designated t r a d i t i o n a l western and t r a d i t i o n a l non-western as based upon scores on the E t h i c a l Reasoning Inventory (Page and Bode 1978). Question Two Are a t t i t u d e s and b e l i e f s i n the s o c i a l , f a m i l y and r e l i g i o u s domain d i f f e r e n t amongst the designated groups? Hypothesis One: The s e c u l a r western and s e c u l a r non western groups w i l l not have s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t - 14 -scores i n the s o c i a l domain than the t r a d i t i o n a l western and non western groups as based upon scores on the S o c i a l Values Questionnaire (Perloe 1967). Hypothesis Two: The s e c u l a r western and s e c u l a r non western groups w i l l not have s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t scores i n the f a m i l y i d e o l o g y domain than the t r a d i t i o n a l western and t r a d i t i o n a l non western groups as based upon scores on the T r a d i t i o n a l Family Ideology Scale (Levinson and Huffman 1955) . Hypothesis Three: The s e c u l a r western and the s e c u l a r non western groups w i l l not have s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t scores i n the communal r e l i g i o n domain than the t r a d i t i o n a l western and t r a d i t i o n a l non western groups as based upon scores on the R e l i g i o u s O r i e n t a t i o n and Involvement Scale (Lanski 1963). Hypothesis Four: The s e c u l a r western and s e c u l a r non western groups w i l l not have s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t scores i n the a s s o c i a t i o n a l r e l i g i o n domain than the t r a d i t i o n a l western and t r a d i t i o n a l non western groups as based upon scores upon the R e l i g i o u s O r i e n t a t i o n and Involvement Scale (Lanski 1963). Question Three Does the degree of adherence to s e c u l a r or t r a d i t i o n a l reasoning p a t t e r n s have any i n f l u e n c e upon moral development? Hypothesis One: There w i l l be no c o r r e l a t i o n between s o c i a l i z a t i o n s k i l l s and l e v e l of moral development as based - 15 -upon scores on the S o c i a l Values Q u e s t i o n n a i r e (Perloe 1967) and the E t h i c a l Reasoning Inventory (Page and Bode 1978). Hypothesis Two: There w i l l be no s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n between f a m i l y i d e o l o g y and l e v e l of moral development as based upon scores on the T r a d i t i o n a l Family Ideology Scale (Levinson and Huffman 1955) and the E t h i c a l Reasoning Inventory (Page and Bode 1978). Hypothesis Three: There w i l l be no s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n between communal r e l i g i o u s o r i e n t a t i o n and l e v e l of moral development as based upon scores on the R e l i g i o u s O r i e n t a t i o n and Involvement Scale (Lanski 1963) and the E t h i c a l Reasoning Inventory (Page and Bode 1978). Hypothesis Four: There w i l l be no s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n between a s s o c i a t i o n a l religious o r i e n t a t i o n and l e v e l of moral development as based upon scores on the R e l i g i o u s O r i e n t a t i o n and Involvement Scale (Lanski 1963) and the E t h i c a l Reasoning Inventory (Page and Bode 1978). - 16 -CHAPTER TWO A Review and I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the L i t e r a t u r e T h i s s e c t i o n i s i n two p a r t s . The f i r s t p a r t w i l l , t h rough r e f e r e n c e t o r e c e n t p e r t i n e n t d a t a , examine the c r i t i c ' s arguments r e g a r d i n g the u n i v e r s a l i t y o f K o h l b e r g ' s t h e o r y . The second s e c t i o n w i l l p r o v i d e the t h e o r e t i c a l r a t i o n a l e f o r the hypotheses through an a l t e r n a t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the d a t a . The C r i t i c a l Response to Kohlberg I n t r o d u c t i o n As was o u t l i n e d i n Chapter One, K o h l b e r g c l a i m s t h a t h i s s i x stage t h e o r y i s u n i v e r s a l . C r i t i c s have re g u t e d t h i s c l a i m . (Simpson 1974, S u l l i v a n 1977) They argued t h a t the t h e o r y i s c u l t u r e bound and based upon Western p r i n c i p l e s which do not and s h o u l d not be a p p l i e d to i n d i v i d u a l s i n o t h e r c u l t u r e s . As w i l l be shown however, these arguments have two weaknesses i n t h a t they do not account f o r the e s s e n t i a l l o g i c of the t h e o r y w i t h i t s c o m p e l l i n g e m p i r i c a l s u p p o r t and they adopt a s u p e r f i c i a l and l i m i t e d meaning o f the concept "western". E m p i r i c a l Support f o r the L o g i c of the Theory The c o g n i t i v e developmental l o g i c of the t h e o r y and i t s e m p i r i c a l u n d e r p i n n i n g s have been d e f i n e d a t l e n g t h by - 17 -Kohlberg and others. A number of studies using instruments based upon Kohlberg's six stage moral reasoning system have tested i t s power of prediction over several years and apparently the data from a wide variety of cultures indicate that the lower stages of the theory are evident in a l l cultures and that, as predicted, the higher stages only appear i n cultures which allow sophisticated role taking experiences for i t s members. Kohlberg (1969) i n his i n i t i a l studies of three cultures, divergent both geographically and i n terms of s o c i a l sophistication, provided the following evidence. Individuals were shown to go through the same moral reasoning stages i n roughly the same pattern. (Figure One) As i l l u s t r a t e d by Figure One, research indicated a strong relationship i n age-stage trends. In the U.S.A., Taiwan and Mexico at age ten there i s a clear preponderance of pre-conventional reasoning while by age sixteen this has reversed so that conventional and post-conventional reasoning is i n the majority. (Figure One A) In Figure One B the more similar levels of c u l t u r a l sophistication point out an even more s t r i k i n g s i m i l a r i t y of age-stage trends than does Figure One with i t s more varied sophistication l e v e l s . Further support for the existence and sequential nature of age stage trends has been provided by a variety of studies. Kramer (1968) i n a twelve year longitudinal study found that a l l but a small proportion of subject who experienced - 18 -Fig u r e One Moral Development Patterns i n F i v e C u l t u r e s (Kohlberg 1969) A. Moral Development i n the U.S.A., Taiwan and Mexico So cO 4-J O H o <u 4-> i - l 4o cn •u £30 e (1) 4-1 ctj 4 J C cu o u cu P-! lO 10 13 Age USA 16 5"0,l 30 20 10 to 13 Age Mexico Turkey Yucatan - 19 -trauma, progressed i n a stepwise sequence. Kuhn (1976) i n a s h o r t e r l o n g i t u d i n a l study (eighteen months) observed the same p r o g r e s s i o n . H o l s t e i n (1976) obtained s i m i l a r r e s u l t s as Kramer with the m a j o r i t y of her subjects going through an i n v a r i a t e sequence. She a l s o found a p r o p o r t i o n who f o r reasons of trauma and of methodological f a u l t i n s c o r i n g the data d i d not f i t the p a t t e r n . B l a t t and Kohlberg (1976) have d e a l t with these short term f l u c t u a t i o n s by arguing that even when they occur they are t r a n s i t o r y . Kramer's (1968) group r e i n f o r c e s t h i s argument by the o b s e r v a t i o n that h i s "traumatized" m i n o r i t y ( c o l l e g e students) had a l l resumed t h e i r spontaneous stage by t h e i r mid twenties. C r o s s - s e c t i o n a l r e s e a r c h has a l s o been done i n v a r i o u s other c o u n t r i e s . Research i n c l u d e s a study i n I n d i a ( P a r i k h , 1975), i n Kenya (Edwards, 1975), and i n Malaysia (Kohlberg, 1968). In these s t u d i e s evidence was provided f o r the presence of the f i r s t f our stages. White's (1975) study i n the Bahamas provided a s i m i l a r evidence but f o r the f i r s t three stages only. In a l l these s t u d i e s same age group samples were used. A s e r i e s of recent s t u d i e s have r e i n f o r c e d the f i n d i n g s of these e a r l i e r works. I t i s c o n s i s t e n t l y shown that more t r a d i t i o n a l and s t a t i c groups tend to reason at lower l e v e l s and to go through the stage sequence more slowly. Indeed, even the degree of adherence to t r a d i t i o n a l - 20 -ways w i t h i n such t r a d i t i o n a l groups i s an important f a c t o r . As r e p o r t e d by Maqsud (1977 a ) , even w i t h i n the p r i m a r i l y Muslim House c u l t u r e , boys l i v i n g i n a heterogeneous environment ( r e l a t i v e l y modern) are more advanced i n moral judgment than ones l i v i n g i n a homogeneous one (more t r a d i t i o n a l ) . T u r i e l , Edwards and Kohlberg (1978) a l s o found v a r i a t i o n of r a t e and change through the sequence of stages i n c r o s s - s e c t i o n a l and some l o n g i t u d i n a l T u r k i s h data. In t h i s case the samples were from urban and r u r a l groups. They r e p o r t that the d i f f e r e n c e s were the same as have p r e v i o u s l y been found i n western and non-western samples by Kohlberg (1969). Maqsud (1977 b) i n another study showed that moral reasoning was g r e a t l y e f f e c t e d by the d i f f e r e n t non-western c u l t u r a l values of N i g e r i a and P a k i s t a n . Z i v , Green and Guttman (1978) a l s o showed that s o c i a l i z a t i o n d i f f e r e n c e s between r u r a l and urban groups can have profound e f f e c t . In t h i s case the more modern urban students reasoned at a higher stage of moral judgment than d i d the more t r a d i t i o n a l r u r a l Kibbutz group (western) and r u r a l Arab group (non-western). Evidence of C u l t u r a l Impact When a n a l y z i n g such data Kohlberg's c r i t i c s dwell upon the apparent absence of p o s t - c o n v e n t i o n a l reasoners and argue that the theory i s n ' t u n i v e r s a l but f a i l to account f o r the powerful l o g i c a l u n i t y of the theory as a developmental sequence. This argument dismisses p r e d i c t e d r e s u l t s without r e f u t i n g the l o g i c and support evidence of those p r e d i c t i o n s . - 21 -Merely p r o v i d i n g an a l t e r n a t i v e r a t i o n a l e f o r a p a r t i a l segment of the data does not accomplish t h i s . An e x p l a n a t i o n of why lower stage reasoners i n non-western c u l t u r e s are going through the same c o g n i t i v e processes as i n western c u l t u r e s i s needed i f the argument of the c r i t i c s i s to be accepted. C r o s s - c u l t u r a l s t u d i e s have provided evidence that c u l t u r e can have a profound e f f e c t upon the r a t e and extent of moral development. In terms of moral reasoning such f a c t o r s as c u l t u r e and r e l i g i o n are not c a u s a t i o n a l . They do not d e f i n e s t r u c t u r e s or determine change. This i s not to say that they are not a major i n f l u e n c e upon aspects of the developmental process such as r a t e of t r a n s i t i o n and the stage l e v e l reached. In f a c t c u l t u r e can act as a damper.' strong enough to impede development and i n some circumstances cause apparent r e g r e s s i o n through the teaching of c u l t u r a l content. In t h i s regard r e f e r e n c e to the dream sequence of the A t a y a l t r i b e of Formosa i s p e r t i n e n t as i t shows how a n a t u r a l s t r u c t u r e can be d i s t o r t e d through superimposed learned responses. There i s i n a l l c u l t u r e s a c c o r d i n g to T u r i e l (1969), a s e q u e n t i a l development of the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of dreams by c h i l d r e n . S i x stages of comprehension have been i d e n t i f i e d . 1. Dreams are p e r c e i v e d as r e a l . 2. They are p e r c e i v e d as i n v i s i b l e . 3. They are p e r c e i v e d as being of i n t e r n a l o r i g i n . - 22 -4. Dreams are thought to take place i n t e r n a l l y . 5. They are immaterial and are thought only. 6. I t i s r e a l i z e d they are s e l f caused. On average the f i n a l concept i s r e a l i z e d by American c h i l d r e n at the age of seven. With A t a y a l s stages are reached more slowly because of t h e i r "impoverished" c u l t u r e but by age eleven they are normally r e a c h i n g stage f i v e . At t h i s time however, a d u l t t e a c h i n g begins to a l t e r the normal sequence by the i m p o s i t i o n upon boys of the b e l i e f of the t r i b e that dreams are a m a t e r i a l t h i n g and that the soul leaves the body d u r i n g dreams only to r e t u r n l a t e r . This i m p o s i t i o n of the content of A t a y a l c u l t u r e upon a n a t u r a l development s t r u c t u r e has, by the age of twelve, the e f f e c t of lowering the l e v e l of boys to stage four and by age twenty to stage three. ( T u r i e l 1969, p. 107). In a d d i t i o n , c u l t u r e , even when not a c t u a l l y d i s t o r t i n g n a t u r a l sequence of s t r u c t u r e can s t i l l have a major e f f e c t i n determining the s t y l e of response i n moral matters. Kohlberg (1971 b p . 36) o f f e r s an example showing how the response to the famous Heinz's dilemma can i n d i c a t e d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l values but at the same time i n d i c a t e the same reasoning s t r u c t u r e . The s t r u c t u r e of "pragmatic" t h i n k i n g i s shown by a boy of Taiwan who, i n response to Heinz's dilemma, recommends s t e a l i n g the drug because " i f she (the wife) d i e s , he (Heinz) have to pay f o r the f u n e r a l and that c o s t s a l o t . " I t i s a l s o shown by the American - 23 -boy from a c u l t u r e where f u n e r a l s are no great expense who recommends t h e f t because "there w i l l be no one to cook the food i f she d i e s . " The reasoning i s the same'(pragmatic) but the content (as i n f l u e n c e d by c u l t u r e ) i s d i f f e r e n t . The E f f e c t of Role Taking A b i l i t y Another element of c u l t u r a l e f f e c t on t r a n s i t i o n i s the nature of experience w i t h i n any given c u l t u r e . I t has been shown e m p i r i c a l l y i n a number of s t u d i e s that r o l e t a k i n g a b i l i t y i s a necessary dimension of moral reasoning development. (Hoffman 1970, Keasy 1971, Selman 1971, Selman, Damon and Gordon 1973, Irwin and Amoron 1973, Selman and Byrne 1974, Selman 1975, and Marsh and S e r a f i c a 1977). Since an i n d i v i d u a l ' s t r a n s i t i o n from stage to stage i s l a r g e l y determined by h i s a b i l i t y i n r o l e t a k i n g i n r i c h s o c i a l envrionments the o p p o r t u n i t y f o r , and nature of r o l e t a k i n g w i t h i n c u l t u r e s i s c r i t i c a l . In nature an i n d i v i d u a l ' s r o l e t a k i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s are determined by i n t e r a c t i o n with f a m i l y , peer groups and the l a r g e r s o c i e t y . The developmental power of t h i s three way environmental i n t e r a c t i o n i s h e a v i l y dependent upon c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . An example of t h i s s o r t of c u l t u r a l i n f l u e n c e might be the d i f f e r e n c e s i n the r a t e and extent of change i n moral reasoning between males and females i n v a r i o u s c u l t u r e s . There have been a v a r i e t y of r e s u l t s r e p o r t e d with some st u d i e s r e p o r t i n g sex d i f f e r e n c e s and others r e p o r t i n g none. - 24 -While at f i r s t glance t h i s might seem c o n t r a d i c t o r y i n f a c t such r e s u l t s are to be expected as the r o l e and expectations placed upon women i n v a r i o u s c u l t u r e s i s v a r i e d . In many c u l t u r e s the i n f e r i o r s t a t u s and h e a v i l y d i r e c t e d r o l e e x p e c t a t i o n placed upon females i s determined by r i g i d dogma. In others t h i s i s not so s t r o n g l y pronounced and i n a few c u l t u r e s women are rea c h i n g a l e v e l of e q u a l i t y i n opp o r t u n i t y and are being almost t o t a l l y f r e e d from t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t a l r o l e e x p e c t a t i o n s with the r e s u l t that females now e x h i b i t scores s i m i l a r to males. An example of a study examining a c u l t u r e with a r i g i d r o l e d etermination f o r females was done i n Iran by S a l i l i and others (1977). As w e l l as other expected i n f l u e n c e s upon moral development such as Socio-Economic Status and c o g n i t i v e l e v e l they found sex to be a major modifying f a c t o r , with g i r l s s c o r i n g s i g n i f i c a n t l y lower than boys. S i m i l a r l y White's (1975) cross c u l t u r a l study of a Bahamian school showed that boys reached much high e r moral maturity than g i r l s . A p o s s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n f o r these r e s u l t s i s not that g i r l s are i n n a t e l y l e s s able to develop to high moral l e v e l s but r a t h e r that t h e i r c u l t u r e s t h r u s t them i n t o r o l e s which l i m i t t h e i r f a m i l y , peer and s o c i e t a l r o l e p l a y i n g i n t e r a c t i o n s . In r e l a t e d s t u d i e s t h i s c u l t u r a l c o n d i t i o n i n g of g i r l s was shown to be very potent. C l i n d y , L i e f and Young - 25 -(1977) r e p o r t e d a s i g n i f i c a n t v a r i a t i o n i n moral development between g i r l s from t r a d i t i o n a l schools and those from p r o g r e s s i v e , p a r o c h i a l and t r a d i t i o n a l s c h o o l s . In the p a r o c h i a l schools where s p e c i f i c dogma was taught the r a t e of development was slowest. In t r a d i t i o n a l schools with t h e i r g e n e r a l l y a u t h o r i t a r i a n and c o n s e r v a t i v e nature and yet no overt dogma development r a t e s were higher. In the p r o g r e s s i v e school the r a t e of development was the f a s t e s t . Family I n f l u e n c e s Upon Moral Development The type of r i c h s o c i a l environment that leads to f u l l moral developmeng begins at home. Several s t u d i e s ( H o l s t e i n 1972, S c h o f f e i t t 1971, White 1973, Denny and Duffy 1974) have i d e n t i f i e d the s o r t of parents that tend to provide such environments. These parents are v e r b a l , o v e r t l y r a t i o n a l people who encourage warm and c l o s e r e l a t i o n s h i p s with c h i l d r e n and who promote democratic f a m i l y l i f e . S e v eral s t u d i e s have found a s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n between the nature of f a m i l y i n t e r a c t i o n and moral m a t u r i t y . Peck and Havighurst (1960) found that p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n f a m i l y a c t i v i t i e s , s h a r i n g of confidences, d i s c u s s i o n and the g r a n t i n g of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y were r e l a t e d to moral understanding. H o l s t e i n (1972) found s i m i l a r r e s u l t s . She argued that a p p r o p r i a t e r o l e t a k i n g models must be provided and subsequent p r a c t i c e i n these r o l e s must be allowed. She a l s o found that p r i n c i p l e d mothers would be more l i k e l y to have c h i l d r e n who reasoned at the c o n v e n t i o n a l l e v e l . Kohlberg and Kramer - 26 -(1969) found that middle c l a s s f a m i l i e s , which tend to r e l y on democratic f a m i l y p r a c t i c e s , advance f a s t e r and f u r t h e r i n moral reasoning than t h e i r lower c l a s s c o u n t e r p a r t s . Although i n more t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e s the l e s s i n t i m a t e , l e s s r a t i o n a l and more a u t h o r i t a r i a n s t y l e of f a m i l y i s more l i k e l y to be found, i t i s c r i t i c a l to note that not only "middle c l a s s " western f a m i l i e s d i s p l a y such c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . P a r i k h (1975) conducted a study of p r o f e s s i o n a l urban Indian f a m i l i e s . She found a s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n between the s o r t s of f a c t o r s mentioned above, and moral development. S i m i l a r l y i n Kenya, Edwards (1974, 1978) and Kohlberg and Kramer (1969) found that students from more modernized backgrounds (as determined by parent education, occupation and marriage type) showed higher stages of moral development than d i d those from t r a d i t i o n a l f a m i l i e s . Peer I n f l u e n c e Upon Moral Development Peer i n f l u e n c e upon moral development i s a l s o profound and the s o r t s of i n t e r a c t i o n s between peers i s very d i f f e r e n t i n v a r i o u s c u l t u r e s . I d e a l l y , c h i l d r e n should engage i n v a r i o u s role-exchange s i t u a t i o n s with a v a r i e t y of c h i l d r e n . In experimental s i t u a t i o n s peer r o l e - p l a y i n g has been found to be very e f f e c t i v e i n changing l e v e l s of moral development. (Matiland and Goldman 1974, S u l l i v a n 1975, B l a t t and Kohlberg 1975, Arbuthnot 1975, S a l t z s t e i n 1975, W i l k i n s 1976). Again, however, such v a r i e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s tend to be more a v a i l a b l e to school c h i l d r e n i n modern urban s o c i e t i e s - l i -as i t i s i n these c u l t u r a l s e t t i n g s that heterogeneous e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s e x i s t . Studies i n which t h i s tendency was examined i n c l u d e that by Z i v , Green and Guttman (1978). They found t h a t urban I s r a e l i c h i l d r e n (who l i v e i n a westernized yet extremely heterogeneous s o c i e t y ) had higher moral scores than those of Kibbutz and t r a d i t i o n a l Arab v i l l a g e c h i l d r e n (who had lower scores) Edwards (1978) and Maqsud (1977 a) found s i m i l a r r e s u l t s i n Kenya and N i g e r i a . S o c i e t a l I n f l u e n c e s Upon Moral Development The e f f e c t that the l a r g e r s o c i e t y has on i n d i v i d u a l s shows the same p a t t e r n of r o l e p l a y i n g o p p o r t u n i t y l e a d i n g to g r e a t e r moral development. In "face to f a c e " v i l l a g e s o c i e t i e s where simpler forms of a u t h o r i t y , law and human r e l a t i o n s h i p s are a l l that i s r e q u i r e d f o r s o c i e t a l c o n t r o l only stages 1 to 3 as d e f i n e d by Kohlberg's stage assessment are to be found. Such low l e v e l s are adequate to t h e i r needs because i s o l a t e d r u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , t r i b a l l o y a l t i e s , s u b sistence economies and general i s o l a t i o n from c e n t r a l p o l i t i c a l , economic and l e g a l systems deny such groups s u f f i c i e n t s o c i a l s t i m u l a t i o n of a nature adequate to extend t h e i r moral reasoning l e v e l . Some s t u d i e s that p o i n t out the power of a p l u r a l i s t i c environment to e f f e c t moral development i n c l u d e those by Z i v , Avner and others (1975). I s r a e l i boys were found to have a more reasoned approach to moral i s s u e s while S o v i e t educated - 28 -b o y s were f o u n d t o r e l y upon t a u g h t v a l u e s . Boys i n b o t h g r o u p s r e l i e d more upon s e l f r e a s o n i n g t h a n g i r l s . The a u t h o r s a t t r i b u t e d t h e s e r e s u l t s t o d i f f e r e n c e s i n s o c i e t a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n p r o c e s s e s . G o r s u c h and B a r n e s (1973) f o u n d s i m i l a r r e s u l t s w i t h C a r i b y o u t h s . Boys i n towns were more a d v a n c e d t h a n r u r a l b o y s . The a u t h o r s s u g g e s t e d t h a t l e v e l s o f m o r a l r e a s o n i n g were i n f l u e n c e d by t h e s t a g e two c o l l e c t i v i s t m e n t a l i t y o f l o c a l c u t l u r e . I n a n o t h e r s t u d y K r i s h t a and Mays (1978) compared s u b j e c t s f r o m t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s and J o r d a n and c o n c l u d e d t h a t m o r a l d e v e l o p m e n t was e f f e c t e d by c u l t u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t . J o r d a n i a n s u b j e c t s s c o r e d w e l l i n c o n v e n t i o n a l r e a s o n i n g , a f a c t o r s t r e s s e d i n t h e i r c u l t u r e . B a r Yam, M i r i a m and o t h e r s (1979) i n a s t u d y o f a c r o s s - s e c t i o n o f I s r a e l i y o u t h s , f o u n d t h a t s u c h f a c t o r s as d e m o c r a t i c and s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n m u t u a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and a c t i v e d e c i s i o n m aking f r o m an e a r l y age c o r r e l a t e d -with h i g h e r m o r a l s c o r e s f o r c e r t a i n g r o u p s . They f o u n d t h a t K i b b u t z y o u t h s had t h e h i g h e s t s c o r e s , m i d d l e c l a s s g r o u p s were h i g h e r t h a n l o w e r c l a s s g r o u p s and C h r i s t i a n and Moslem m i d d l e c l a s s g r o u p s had s i m i l a r s c o r e s t o p r e v i o u s l y r e p o r t e d T u r k i s h m i d d l e c l a s s , O r i e n t a l , J e w i s h and A m e r i c a n l o w e r w o r k i n g c l a s s g r o u p s . W h i l e Moslem g i r l s had l o w e r s c o r e s t h e n Moslem boys and C h r i s t i a n g i r l s , t h e r e was no d i f f e r n e c e between K i b b u t z b o ys and g i r l s . S t a g e f o u r i s f o u n d i n n o n - w e s t e r n c u l t u r e s b u t o n l y amongst e d u c a t e d u r b a n e l i t e s who f u n c t i o n i n a c o n d i t i o n o f u r b a n d i v e r s i t y i n complex l e g a l i s t i c s t a t e r o l e s . S t a g e f i v e and s i x a r e f o u n d o n l y r a r e l y i n n o n - w e s t e r n c u l t u r e s e v e n amongst t h e e d u c a t e d e l i t e s . - 29 -Based upon t h i s m u l t i - c u l t u r a l evidence i t seems evident that the e s s e n t i a l t h r u s t of Kohlberg's argument i s c o r r e c t . I n d i v i d u a l s from a l l c u l t u r e s have the p o t e n t i a l to pass through the complete sequences of stages. I t i s the nature of t h e i r environment that e i t h e r enhances or impedes t h i s development. While c u l t u r a l teachings were v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t they have only a l i m i t e d e f f e c t on the r a t e and extent of moral development. Rather i t i s the l e v e l of s o c i a l s o p h i s t i c a t i o n i n the areas of f a m i l y , peer and s o c i e t a l i n t e r a c t i o n s that has the more profound i n f l u e n c e . The Nature of Western Thought The c u l t u r e b i a s argument that claims that there i s a u n i t a r y and unique western mode of thought from which non-westerners are excluded i s adequate. To be sure an i n c r e a s i n g l y r a t i o n a l i s t i c f l a v o u r has marked western philosophy. Beginning with the Renaissance and e s p e c i a l l y d u r i n g and s i n c e the Enlightenment t h i s general trend has been marked by a tendency to see the workings of the world i n u n i v e r s a l terms and to seek to understand the s t r u c t u r e s that underly these u n i v e r s a l s . The e r r o r that c r i t i c s , such as Simpson'(1976), make i s to assume that t h i s i m p l i e s that r a t i o n a l i s m has, or more imp o r t a n t l y must have, some uni q u e l y western c u l t u r a l f l a v o u r and that i t i s , or should be e x c l u s i v e to the west. This n o t i o n ignores important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of western thought. - 30 -Although l o g i c a l r a t i o n a l i s m i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of much of western philosophy t h i s i s transcended by the numerous c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s and l e v e l s of group s o p h i s t i c a t i o n that markedly d i s t i n g u i s h people who f i t the l a b e l "western". Large segments of the peoples of the west l i v e with the same p a u c i t y of experience and i n r o l e s where such important c o g n i t i v e s k i l l s as l o g i c a l reasoning are as under-developed as i n non-western groups. In f a c t , t r a d i t i o n a l and even segments of modern western c u l t u r e s are e q u a l l y as fragmented, dogmatic, and i n t o l e r a n t as any other b a s i c a l l y t r i b a l o r i e n t a t i o n . And yet they are c l e a r l y of a s i m i l a r i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n as t h e i r f e l l o w westerners. I l l u s t r a t i o n of t h i s b a s i c a l l y u n i - c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y can be gained through an examination of v a r i o u s e m p i r i c a l sources. Kohlberg (1976 p. 50) o f f e r s an example of how, even i n two g e n e r a l l y h i g h l y s o p h i s t i c a t e d c u l t u r e s a d i f f e r e n c e i n experience and i n t e r a c t i o n l e d to s t a r t l i n g l y d i f f e r e n t developmental r e s u l t s . I s r a e l i Kibbutz c h i l d r e n who have a l i m i t e d amount of time a v a i l a b l e f o r a d u l t - c h i l d i n t e r a c t i o n had a very h i g h stage attainment and r a t e of change. This was a t t r i b u t a b l e to the r i c h n e s s of the Kibbutz experince d u r i n g the i n t e r a c t i o n time that they d i d have, time i n which a p p r o p r i a t e a c t i v i t i e s such as r o l e t a k i n g e x e r c i s e s were encouraged. In c o n t r a s t , s t u d i e s of an orphanage i n the United States r e s u l t e d i n some of the lowest r a t e s and l e v e l s of - 31 -moral development ever. In t h i s case there were no q u a l i t y experiences such as r o l e t a k i n g a c t i v i t i e s or r i c h i n t e r a c t i o n s a v a i l a b l e to the c h i l d r e n being s t u d i e d . They were i s o l a t e d from each other and from a d u l t s . Another i n t e r e s t i n g study, by Scheibe and Spaccaquerche (1976, p. 445) t e s t e d the degree of a u t h o r i t a r i a n o r i e n t a t i o n i n moral choices i n B r a z i l i a n c h i l d r e n . The r e s u l t s showed that B r a z i l i a n c h i l d r e n were very s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by a u t h o r i t y - more so than any other western n a t i o n o u t s i d e of the communist b l o c . The authors suggest that the s t r o n g l y a u t h o r i t a r i a n nature of B r a z i l i a n i n s t i t u t i o n s such as church, school of government and s o c i e t a l norms and conventions as w e l l were the cause of these r e s u l t s . Table Two A u t h o r i t y O r i e n t a t i o n i n Moral Dilemma Experiments (Schreibe (Spaccaquerche, 1976) Soviet Boarding 14. 83 U.S.A. ( I t h i c a ) 2.22 Soviet Day 12. 20 Canada (Ukranian O r i g i n ) 1.60 Hungary 14. 06 I s r a e l (Kibbutz) 1.56 Czechoslovakia 9. 46 Canada (Large C i t y ) 1.54 B r a z i l 7. 98 I s r a e l ( C i t y ) 1.50 Canada (Small Town) 7. 10 H o l l a nd 1.18 Poland 6. 14 Canada (B.C.) 1.15 Japan 3. 99 Scotland 0.40 Japan (Rural) 3. 21 S w i t z e r l a n d -2.09 Canada (German O r i g i n ) 2. 83 Showing s i m i l a r r e s u l t s from other samples u s i n g Brofenbrenner's (1972) model t h i s t a b l e i n d i c a t e s that there i s a wide v a r i a t i o n i n t h i s important dimension of moral development w i t h i n a wide v a r i e t y of western c u l t u r e s . - 32 -These f i g u r e s on Table Two represent the degree of a u t h o r i t y o r i e n t a t i o n while responding to dilemma choices which p i t s the c h i l d ' s s e l f i n t e r e s t a g a i n s t that of s o c i e t a l a u t h o r i t y . Higher scores r e f l e c t a g r e a t e r conformity to adu l t standares while lower ones correspond to a stronger peer and s e l f i n t e r e s t standard. Scores are d e r i v e d by a s s i g n i n g a value ranging between +2.5 and -2.5 depending upon the degree of adherence to a d u l t standards (+ scores) as opposed to the degree of adherence to peer and s e l f i n t e r e s t standards (- s c o r e s ) . Canada has, f o r i n s t a n c e , very d i f f e r e n t scores depending upon which segment of her s o c i e t y i s measured. In f a c t a l l of the key f a c t o r s that i n f l u e n c e moral development are evident i n unequal p r o p o r t i o n s throughout western s o c i e t y as a whole and w i t h i n s i n g l e c u l t u r a l groupings and even subgroupings w i t h i n those c u l t u r e s . Kohlberg (1969, p. 401) pointed out that the d i s p a r i t y between middle c l a s s Americans and slum dwellers made the l a t t e r group more synonymous i n moral reasoning with groups i n Mexico than with t h e i r f e l l o w Americans. That r a t i o n a l i s t i c views f i r s t appeared i n the west i s an h i s t o r i c a l phenomenon which i s r e l a t e d to the t e c h n o l o g i c a l advances, e d u c a t i o n a l changes and s o c i e t a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s , of the past two or three c e n t u r i e s . . To assume that t h i s o r i e n t a t i o n i s , has been and always w i l l be somehow uniquely western i s c u l t u r a l condescensation. - 33 -Such an assumption c o u l d only be based, upon the premise that r a t i o n a l i s m i s a l o g i c a l c o n t i n u a t i o n of western t r a d i t i o n a l thought. This i m p l i e s that there i s a l i n e a r p r o g r e s s i o n from the Greco-Roman and J u d a i c - C h r i s t i a n r o o t s of western thought through to the c u r r e n t r a t i o n a l i s m and that t h i s continuum i s both i n h e r e n t l y l o g i c a l and e x c l u s i v e . The r a t i o n a l viewpoint represents a q u a l i t a t i v e change i n o r i e n t a t i o n from t r a d i t i o n a l norms western and o t h e r w i s e ^ change that has only come about through long and b i t t e r s t r u g g l e with t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t a l f o r c e s . Even now there i s a profound t e n s i o n that e x i s t s between t r a d i t i o n a l and s e c u l a r a t t i t u d e s , even i n the most advanced groups of modern western c u l t u r e s . I t must f o r a s t a r t be r e c a l l e d that i n non-western c u l t u r e s the p r o p o r t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s i n v o l v e d i n complex s o c i e t a l r o l e s , that enable them to evolve i n t o even stage 4 reasoners i s very s m a l l . In h i s s t u d i e s i n such d i v e r s e c u l t u r e s as those of Taiwan, Mexico, Turkey and Yucatan, Kohlberg (1969) found only a r e l a t i v e l y small amount of the p o p u l a t i o n (15-307 o) was at the f o u r t h stage of reasoning. Even sm a l l e r , and d e s p i t e the much more favoured c o n d i t i o n s of the west, are the numbers of post c o n v e n t i o n a l reasoners (107o) to be found i n these p l a c e s . Moral development i s dependent upon experience through i n d i v i d u a l s i n t e r a c t i n g with t h e i r environment, the d i s e q u i l i b r i u m t h i s w i l l tend to cause and subsequent r e s t r u c t u r i n g of thought p a t t e r n s . I f t h i s d i a l e c t i c process i s imperfect i n d i v i d u a l s - 34 -w i l l tend t o be l i m i t e d i n t h e i r stage growth. A key component of e n v i r o n m e n t a l c o m p l e x i t y i s exposure t o h i g h e r forms of r e a s o n i n g . I n many of the " u n s o p h i s t i c a t e d " c u l t u r e s t h a t have been s t u d i e d , such o p p o r t u n i t y f o r e x p e r i e n c e and c o n t a c t w i t h h i g h l e v e l r e a s o n e r s i s l i m i t e d . Movement through the stages i s t h e r e b y slowed down and the l e v e l reached by most i n d i v i d u a l s i s l o w e r . Over the p a s t two hundred y e a r s a t r a d i t i o n of r a t i o n a l i s m has been n u r t u r e d by the g r e a t w e a l t h of the west which has a l l o w e d the time and p h y s i c a l r e s o u r c e s , such as u n i v e r s a l e d u c a t i o n t o a h i g h l e v e l , t o f r e e i n d i v i d u a l s t o d e v e l o p much more f u l l y . The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of stage t r a n s i t i o n which i n d i c a t e s t h a t h a v i n g a c o r e of h i g h e r stage r e a s o n e r s ( i n t h i s case p o s t - c o n v e n t i o n a l ones) f o r people t o emulate i s a l s o a f a c t o r . Without t h i s c o r e , as i s the case i n most non-western c u t l u r e s , f u l l development i s even more d i f f i c u l t i f not i m p o s s i b l e . In most non-western c u l t u r e s a s m a l l number of i n d i v i d u a l s may r e a c h stage f i v e by q u e s t i o n i n g the b e l i e f s of t h e i r s o c i e t y w i t h o u t moving t h a t s o c i e t y t o q u e s t i o n i t s fundamental b e l i e f s . I f post c o n v e n t i o n a l l e v e l s are t o be reached by h i g h numbers however, then exposure t o h i g h e r l e v e l r e a s o n i n g such as e x i s t s i n the west must be p r e v a l e n t . At t h i s time the " s n o w b a l l " e f f e c t j u s t d e s c r i b e d may e v e n t u a l l y a c c o m p l i s h t h i s r e s u l t i n non-western c u l t u r e s as i t has i n i t s l i m i t e d f a s h i o n i n the west. - 35 -In f a c t there i s probably an i n c r e a s i n g tendency away from t r a d i t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n i n areas a l l over the world. The e f f e c t s of modern c i v i l i z a t i o n through such f a c t o r s as modern communications u r b a n i z a t i o n and the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n of many p r e v i o u s l y undisturbed s o c i e t i e s i s bound to have a profound e f f e c t upon how those s o c i e t i e s view the world. A major non-western c u l t u r e which can give some i n d i c a t i o n of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t y g i v i n g way to a s e c u l a r i z e d one i s Japan. One i n d i c a t o r of s e c u l a r i z a t i o n and of moral advance i s the degree of s o c i o -p o l i t i c a l p l u r a l i s m (which allows more moral p l u r a l i s m ) . Broefenbrenner (1970, p. 82) has found scores i n Japan that are e q u i v a l e n t to most major i n d u s t r i a l n a t i o n s and are h i g h e r than many. Table Three P l u r a l i s m F a c t o r Scores and Moral Dilemma Scores (Brofenbrenner 1970) Country P l u r a l i s m Score Moral Dilemma Score U.S.A. 1.25 2.22 West Germany 1.18 2.83 . S w i t z e r l a n d 1.13 -2.09 Netherlands 1.11 1.18 Sweden 1.08 .41 Japan ' 1.05 3.75 United Kingdom .94 2.63 I s r a e l .83 1.50 Canada .78 4.32 U.S.S.R. -1.63 13.52 Czechoslovakia -1.73 9.46 Hungary -1.79 14.06 Poland -1.83 6.14 - 36 -In Table Three Moral Dilemma scores were d e r i v e d by r a t i n g i n d i v i d u a l s upon responses to dilemmas based upon a s c a l e from -2.5 to +2.5. Scores r e f l e c t e d the degree of acceptance of a d u l t ( a u t h o r i t a r i a n ) or peer o r i e n t a t i o n . P l u r a l i s m scores were d e r i v e d from the degree of acceptance of s e v e r a l loaded p l u r a l i s m v a r i a b l e s . A high + score i s i n d i c a t i v e of stronger adherence -to "democratic" s o c i o -p o l i t i c a l p l u r a l i s m . There i s c o r r e l a t i o n of -.89 between the two sets of scores which i n d i c a t e s that g r e a t e r p l u r a l i s m c o r r e l a t e d with a l e s s e r a u t h o r i t y o r i e n t a t i o n . Any understanding of the moral development v a r i a t i o n between c u l t u r e s must i n c l u d e the awareness that the stage typology does not imply i n f e r i o r i t y . Levy-Strauss (1969, p.86) has objected that what i s a reasonable way of f u n c t i o n i n g i n one s i t u a t i o n may be non-adaptable i n another thus making i t impossible to compare or evaluate c u l t u r e s on u n i v e r s a l norms. To accept that p o s t - c o n v e n t i o n a l reasoning i s a more adequate form of reasoning does not imply that c o n v e n t i o n a l modes of thought are inadequate or that the c u l t u r e s that employ them are i n some way i n f e r i o r . I t must be assumed that the r e a l i t i e s of a s o c i e t y ' s s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l n a t u r e . w i l l have major i n f l u e n c e on the l e v e l s of i t s members, and that those l e v e l s w i l l be a p p r o p r i a t e to the needs of that s o c i e t y . No s o c i e t y even the most p r i m i t i v e one, i s i n a s t a t i c s t a t e . The profound power of modern technology and communications to a l t e r t r a d i t i o n a l - 37 -ways of l i f e i s e f f e c t i n g v i r t u a l l y everyone. These new c o n d i t i o n s w i l l c o n f r o n t t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s everywhere with the same s o r t s of environmental changes r e q u i r i n g the same s o r t s of s t r u c t u r a l e v o l u t i o n as has been faced by the west. We i n the west were merely the f i r s t to be faced with t h i s r e a l i t y . Regional p a r t i c u l a r i s m i s n a t u r a l and not unreasonable i n s p e c i f i c s i t u a t i o n s but not i n the long view. Lee (1976) i s undoubtedly c o r r e c t when he s t a t e s that the core value of Chinese s o c i e t y i s f i l i a l i t y . To s i t back and assume that i t must, or more i m p o r t a n t l y , should remain so i s another matter. The degree of China's s e c u l a r i z a t i o n has determined t h i s r e a l i t y but i n the end t h i s o r i e n t a t i o n i s u n j u s t and t h e r e f o r e inadequate. I t , as a l l other t r a d i t i o n a l modes of reasoning, must be supplanted by a more adequate value o r i e n t a t i o n i f f u l l moral development i s to be r e a l i z e d . To e x p l a i n the r a r i t y of p o s t - c o n v e n t i o n a l reasoners i n non-western c u l t u r e s r e q u i r e s a f a r more complex argument than merely p o i n t i n g to d i f f e r e n t i n t e l l e c t u a l r o o t s . I t has been shown that c u l t u r e has a profound e f f e c t on the r a t e and eventual development of i n d i v i d u a l moral development. Accounting f o r the apparent west, non-west dichotomy n e c e s s i t a t e s r e f e r e n c e to f a c t o r s t h a t , although r e l a t e d , go beyond'the framework of Kohlberg's s t r u c t u r e . To do t h i s i t i s f r u i t f u l to move from examination of i n d i v i d u a l sequences of change and t h i n k i n terms of whole s o c i e t i e s undergoing t r a n s i t i o n . - 38 -The Nature of T r a d i t i o n a l and Secular Thought I t i s h e l p f u l to c h a r a c t e r i z e c u l t u r e s not on a g e o c u l t u r a l b a s i s but r a t h e r on the b a s i s of a c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n o r i g i n a l l y c o n c e p t u a l i z e d by European s o c i o l o g i s t s e a r l y i n t h i s century. They determined that s o c i a l groupings c o u l d be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d as being e i t h e r the Gemeinschaft (community) or the G e s e l l s c h a f t ( c i v i l s o c i e t y ) . ( S u l l i v a n 1977) In t h i s paper the Gemeinschaft w i l l be r e f e r r e d to as T r a d i t i o n a l c u t l u r e and the G e s e l l s c h a f t w i l l be r e f e r r e d to as Secular c u l t u r e . A T r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e i s one i n which modes of thought and behavior are s t i l l b a s i c a l l y d e r i v e d from t r a d i t i o n a l sources. S o c i e t a l i n f l u e n c e s i n such c u l t u r e s would be c h a r a c t e r i z e d by f e u d a l s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l systems and h i e r a r c h i c a l , r i g i d l y dogmatic r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s . F a m i l i a l i n f l u e n c e i s t y p i f i e d by the extended f a m i l y i n which a u t h o r i t y i s male dominated and r i g i d l y h i e r a r c h i c a l and i n which such f a c t o r s as sex and age s t a t u s are b a s i c r o l e determiners. Such c u l t u r e s would a l s o be t y p i f i e d as having low or no s o c i a l m o b i l i t y , l i t t l e i f any p o l i t i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n , l i t t l e p h y s i c a l m o b i l i t y , low e d u c a t i o n a l l e v e l s , and they would probably be r u r a l i n nature. In such a m i l i e u , moral development would be profoundly i n f l u e n c e d by dogmatic content and by heavy s o c i a l s anctions f o r d e v i a t i o n from s o c i a l conformity. The above f a c t o r s , - 3 9 -as w e l l as being a d i r e c t hamper to post c o n v e n t i o n a l moral development through the l i m i t e d o p p o r t u n i t y f o r a broader s o c i a l p e r s p e c t i v e , a l s o o f t e n p e r s o n i f y , through d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t t e a c h i n g s , the f o u r t h stage c o n v e n t i o n a l l e v e l of reasoning. Obviously t h i s double i n f l u e n c e w i l l l e a d to conventional p a t t e r n s of thought and a c t i o n . In c o n t r a s t , a Secular c u l t u r a l i d e o l o g y i s one which has ca s t o f f t r a d i t i o n a l dogmatic thought and behavior patterns and has r e p l a c e d i t with more r a t i o n a l i s t i c o r i e n t a t i o n s i n a c i v i l s o c i e t y . Such a c u l t u r e would be c h a r a c t e r i z e d as f o l l o w s . S o c i o - p o l i t i c a l systems would be mainly n o n - h i e r a r c h i c a l and democratic. R e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s , i f they s t i l l e x i s t e d , would r e l y more on non-dogmatic means of persuasion. F a m i l i a l i n f l u e n c e s , although p o s s i b l y s t i l l extended, would probably have cast o f f c e r t a i n t r a d i t i o n a l f e a t u r e s such as h i e r a r c h i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and male centeredness. Family l i f e i n s t e a d would be noted by the s o r t s of f a c t o r s l i s t e d e a r l i e r i n t h i s chapter. S o c i a l m o b i l i t y would be l e s s impeded by such f a c t o r s as sex, race or c l a s s . S e c u l a r c u l t u r e s w i l l probably be urban although, due to both p h y s i c a l and e l e c t r o n i c communication, r u r a l populations should be able to d i s p l a y these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . High e d u c a t i o n a l l e v e l s and f u l l access to p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n making would a l s o be key c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a Secular c u l t u r e . C l e a r l y , the much r i c h e r and more v a r i e d experiences — e s p e c i a l l y as they r e l a t e to s o c i a l p e r s p e c t i v e t a k i n g — as wel l as the s t r e s s upon i n d i v i d u a l reasoning, as opposed to - 40 -dogmatic d i r e c t i o n i n s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l - m o r a l matters, w i l l c o n t r i b u t e to po s t - c o n v e n t i o n a l reasoning p a t t e r n s . Pure forms of e i t h e r the s e c u l a r or t r a d i t i o n a l mode probably do not e x i s t except perhaps upon a very small s c a l e i n i s o l a t e d circumstances. A l l c u l t u r e s and s u b - c u l t u r e s , however, are l o c a t e d at some point on the continuum between one mode and the other. I t i s from t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e that the v a r i a t i o n s i n p r o p o r t i o n s of post c o n v e n t i o n a l reasoners could be viewed not from a simple west/non-west one. A l s o , there must be an awareness that i n d i v i d u a l c u l t u r e s themselves have p o r t i o n s of t h e i r populations spread over some d i s t a n c e on the continuum. A good example of t h i s would be the Un i t e d S t a t e s . In s p i t e of i t s i d e a l r a t i o n a l i s t i c o r i g i n s and i t s o f f i c i a l l i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t i c values i t has a wide a r r a y of s o c i o -c u l t u r a l groupings and an e q u a l l y wide a r r a y of moral development l e v e l s amongst these groups. In f a c t , only 5-107, of the American p o p u l a t i o n reasons p o s t - c o n v e n t i o n a l l y and pockets can be found i n urban slums which have moral reasoning p a t t e r n s s i m i l a r to p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t i e s . (Kohlberg 1969). The i s s u e between Kohlberg's theory and i t s c r i t i c s e s s e n t i a l l y r e v o l v e s around the apparent f a c t t h a t f u l l moral development i n i n d i v i d u a l s seem dependent upon undergoing a c e r t a i n type of environmental stimulus. F u r t h e r t h i s type of stimulus appears to be found p r i m a r i l y i n the h i g h l y developed n a t i o n s of the west. In the view of the c r i t i c s - 41 -t h i s r e s u l t s i n non-western and p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t i e s being at l e a s t i m p l i c i t l y l a b e l l e d inadequate. T h i s , as has been argued, i s not the i s s u e unless i t i s assumed that c u l t u r a l norms are, or w i l l become, s t a t i c . In the long view the c o n d i t i o n s and s o c i e t a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that have allowed mor development to reach the dimensions that they have i n the west w i l l be a v a i l a b l e to other peoples because these are human developments, not c u l t u r a l ones. - 42 -CHAPTER THREE A Description of the Study Introduction The purpose of t h i s study was to analyze the nature of c u l t u r a l background and i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p upon the moral development of i n d i v i d u a l s i n a m u l t i c u l t u r a l s o c i e t y . The primary o b j e c t i v e was to i n v e s t i g a t e whether the e f f e c t of s e c u l a r or t r a d i t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n s , as opposed to c u l t u r a l background, i s the more important i n f l u e n c e of h i s moral l e v e l . Table Four  Research Design C u l t u r a l Background Secular Western T r a d i t i o n a l Western Secular Non-Western T r a d i t i o n a l Non-Western I Leads to ^  A t t i t u d e s and B e l i e f s (Measures of) S o c i a l - P o l i t i c a l - The T r a d i t i o n a l Family Ideology Scale R e l i g i o u s - R e l i g i o u s O r i e n t a t i o n and Involvement Scale Role P l a y i n g - S o c i a l Values Q u e s t i o n n a i r e Which Influe n c e s ^ Secular L e v e l Which I n f l u e n c e s ^ Moral Development L e v e l - 43 -The Sample As the nature of t h i s study was to assess the i n f l u e n c e of f a c t o r s upon p a r t i c u l a r groups, schools were s e l e c t e d from l o c a t i o n s i n Vancouver, B.C. i n which p o p u l a t i o n s d i s p l a y e d the d e s i r e d T r a d i t i o n a l Western, S e c u l a r Western, T r a d i t i o n a l Non-Western and Secular Non-Western c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Due to the s e n s i t i v e nature of t h i s study sample s e l e c t i o n was d i f f i c u l t . Several schools which had p o p u l a t i o n s d i s p l a y i n g the d e s i r e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were approached. Although some chose not to take part i n the study s e v e r a l d i d and from these the most a p p r o p r i a t e samples were s e l e c t e d . As Vancouver has f a i r l y d i s t i n c t e t h n i c neighbourhoods and i s i t s e l f a t y p i c a l Canadian metropolis i t was b e l i e v e d that any r e s u l t s would r e f l e c t Canadian contemporary urban thought p a t t e r n s . The age l e v e l (11-12 years) was s e l e c t e d as t h i s i s an age which corresponds to the period of t r a n s i t i o n from pre-conventional to co n v e n t i o n a l modes of reasoning, and that d i s c e r n a b l e d i f f e r e n c e s i n r a t e of development would be developed by t h i s time. As the nature of sex d i f f e r e n c e s has been i n v e s t i g a t e d q u i t e thoroughly a l r e a d y i t was decided not to i n c l u d e sex as a v a r i a b l e i n t h i s study. ( S a l i b and others 1977, White 1975, C l i n d y , L e i f , and Young 1977) T r a d i t i o n a l Western subjects comprised a l l grade seven students of European and North American of European - 4 4 -e x t r a c t i o n as determined by l a s t names and p l a c e of b i r t h i n a Vancouver elementary s c h o o l . T h i s s c h o o l was s e l e c t e d because of i t s l o c a t i o n i n an area of d e f i n i t e e t h n i c g r o u p i n g s and i t s low Socio-Economic S t a t u s (SES). S t u d e n t s i n t h i s s c h o o l were g e n e r a l l y p a r t of non-Northern European o r i g i n s and t h e i r community s t i l l d i s p l a y s s t r o n g communal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s Most s u b j e c t s were a l s o e i t h e r f i r s t o r second g e n e r a t i o n s Canadians. T r a d i t i o n a l Non-Western s t u d e n t s c o n s i s t e d of a l l o f the grade seven s t u d e n t s from a non-European o f N o r t h American background i n the same s c h o o l . These s u b j e c t s were s e l e c t e d f o r the same reasons as were the group one s u b j e c t s - r e c e n t a r r i v a l i n Canada, low SES and s t r o n g community i d e n t i t y . S e c u l a r w e s t e r n s u b j e c t s c o n s i s t e d o f a l l grade seven and one c l a s s o f grade s i x s t u d e n t s who f i t t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f a Vancouver elementary s c h o o l . I t was n e c e s s a r y t o i n c l u d e the grade s i x s t u d e n t s t o o b t a i n s u f f i c i e n t numbers. T h i s s c h o o l was s e l e c t e d because of i t s l o c a t i o n i n a s t r o n g middle c l a s s a r e a o f h i g h SES. Students t h e r e were of d i v e r s e Euroepan-North American backgrounds and were g e n e r a l l y m u l t i -g e n e r a t i o n a l Canadian. Community l i f e was f o r the most p a r t of a t y p i c a l m i d d l e c l a s s urban n a t u r e w i t h vague t i e s t o e t h n i c background. The a f f l u e n c e of t h i s n eighborhood meant t h a t the s u b j e c t s from t h i s a r ea would p r o b a b l y have been exposed t o a l l the d i v e r s e s e c u l a r i z i n g agents i n modern s o c i e t y . - 45 -Secular Non-Western subjects were the most d i f f i c u l t to l o c a t e i n a group as i t i s usual that as e t h n i c immigrant groups d i s p e r s e d amongst the general middle c l a s s p o p u l a t i o n they adopt a Canadian i d e n t i t y . Although not an i d e a l sample, subjects of t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n were to be found i n s u f f i c i e n t numbers i n the same school as group three. They c o n s i s t e d of a l l the grade seven students and one grade s i x c l a s s who f i t t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n the s c h o o l . Although of recent a r r i v a l i n Canada, they are of a very h i g h SES i n Canada and they had t h i s s t a t u s i n t h e i r c o u n t r i e s of o r i g i n . There i s undoubtedly some sense of community amongst t h i s group but i t i s more of a shared background than a formal network of community o r g a n i z a t i o n s . Any s u b j e c t s that were excluded from the groups j u s t d e s c r i b e d were done so as a r e s u l t of p r o c e d u r a l problems such as absence at the time of a t e s t i n g s e s s i o n . Table F i v e Sample Si z e Secular Western 41 Secular Non-Western 27 T r a d i t i o n a l Western 25 T r a d i t i o n a l Non-Western 25 Test Instruments Since t h i s was a c o r r e l a t i o n a l study a l l s u b j e c t s r e c e i v e d the same measures. A l l t e s t i n g was done over a - 46 -two week p e r i o d i n the l a t e s p r i n g . T e s t i n g was done on two sessions with each group being given the a t t i t u d e s c a l e s on the f i r s t s e s s i o n and the E t h i c a l Reasoning Inventory i n the second. A l l t e s t s were administered by the r e s e a r c h e r . To measure the i n f l u e n c e of t r a d i t i o n a l thought patterns upon i n d i v i d u a l s three a t t i t u d e measures were given to the s u b j e c t s . These were intended to i n d i c a t e the nature of the s u b j e c t s t h i n k i n g i n the three b a s i c dimensions of f a m i l y , s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s growth. The T r a d i t i o n a l Family Ideology Scale The f i r s t t e s t used was the T r a d i t i o n a l Family Ideology Scale (TFI) (Levinson and Huffman 1955) (Appendix I ) . Thi s s c a l e attempts to assess d i f f e r e n c e s i n f a m i l y i d e o l o g y along an a u t o c r a t i c - d e m o c r a t i c continuum. I t i s based upon f i v e p e r s o n a l i t y f a c t o r s - conventionalism, a u t h o r i t a r i a n submission, exaggerated m a s c u l i n i t y and f e m i n i n i t y , extreme emphasis on d i s c i p l i n e and a m o r a l i s t i c r e j e c t i o n of impulse l i f e . The s c a l e c o n s i s t e d of twenty-one L i k e r t response items. Of the twenty-one items eighteen were s t a t e d i n the a u t h o r i t a r i a n mode and three i n the democratic. The l a t e r were r e v e r s e d scored. A high score would i n d i c a t e an a u t h o r i t a r i a n o r i e n t a t i o n and a low score a democratic one. The authors of t h i s s c a l e r e p o r t i t s c o r r e c t s p l i t -h a l f r e l i a b i l i t y as .84. (The Kuder-Richardson r e l i a b i l i t y equivalence f o r t h i s study was .59) The c o n s t r u c t v a l i d i t y - 47 -of t h i s instrument was t e s t e d by c o r r e l a t i n g i t with s t a t i s t i c a l l y v a l i d shortened forms of the E and F (Rokeach 1967) s c a l e s . Values of .65 and .73 were obt a i n e d . TFI scores a l s o v a r i e d across an a u t h o r i t a r i a n versus e q u a l i t a r i a n continuum, i n d i c a t i n g that the c a t e g o r i e s which d i f f e r e n t i a t e high and low scores r e f l e c t the v a r i a b l e s on which the s c a l e was c o n s t r u c t e d . The instrument was o r i g i n a l l y designed f o r c o l l e g e students and v a r i o u s o c c u p a t i o n a l groups. From there the r e l i a b i l i t y r e s u l t s r e p o r t e d were d e r i v e d . I t has s i n c e been used with f i v e groups t o t a l i n g 507 s u b j e c t s i n c l u d i n g p a r t time and f u l l time c o l l e g e students at v a r i o u s l e v e l s , and r e g i s t e r e d nurses. O v e r a l l c o r r e l a t i o n s with these groups between the TFI Scale and other s c a l e s which measure the same f a c t o r s were h i g h . The S o c i a l Values Q u e s t i o n n a i r e The second instrument used was the S o c i a l Values Questionnaire (SVQ) developed by Perloe (1967). The SVQ was designed to assess student o r i e n t a t i o n s r e l e v a n t to t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a democratic s o c i e t y . The two major o r i e n t a -t i o n s i n v o l v e d were s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n o u t s i d e groups. The s c a l e (Appendix II) c o n s i s t e d of forty-two L i k e r t type items which r e f l e c t e d two f a c t o r dimensions. These are: 1. The degree of acceptance of the moral o b l i g a t i o n - 48 -to p r o t e c t and promote the welfare of others o u t s i d e one's primary group. 2. The degree of cooperation and conformity i n secondary groups. C o r r e l a t i o n between the f a c t o r s was i n the low or middle 20's. The authors r e p o r t a f a i r l y h i g h homogeneity f a c t o r . The author claims c o n s i d e r a b l e s t a b i l i t y to f a c t o r scores over a nine month p e r i o d . (The Kuder-Richardson r e l i a b i l i t y estimate f o r t h i s study was .73) Two sources of evidence were r e p o r t e d r e g a r d i n g c o n s t r u c t v a l i d i t y . A sample of f i f t y subjects ( c o l l e g e freshmen) was i n t e r v i e w e d . Responses were coded i n t o q u e s t i o n n a i r e f a c t o r s and then used to estimate f a c t o r scores. C o r r e l a t i o n s were computed between SDQ scores and the i n t e r v i e w s : these were .46 and .25 between the f a c t o r s . Both were s i g n i f i c a n t at the .05 l e v e l . Construct v a l i d i t y was t e s t e d by comparing a sample of Peace Corps Volunteers and science and e n g i n e e r i n g students. These groups d i f f e r e d on the two f a c t o r s , the Volunteers scored h i g h e r i n d i c a t i n g a more s o c i a l w e l f a r e o r i e n t e d , l e s s conforming, more a f f i l l a t i v e , and more s o c i a l support o r i e n t e d . Although he does not r e p o r t p r e c i s e r e s u l t s the author claims t h a t r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the SDQ and MMPI and the F Scale (Rokeach 1967) were a l s o found i n a l o n g i t u d i n a l study of a men's c o l l e g e . In a l l , e i g h t separate a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s of the SVQ were c a r r i e d out to provide the above data. - 49 -The R e l i g i o u s O r i e n t a t i o n and Involvement S c a l e The t h i r d instrument used was the R e l i g i o u s O r i e n t a -t i o n and Involvement. (Lanski 1963) (Appendix I I I ) . In t h i s instrument two v a r i a b l e s are considered. They are whether subjects p a r t i c i p a t e i n corporate worship ( a s s o c i a t i o n ) and the degree to which primary group o r i e n t a t i o n i s r e s t r i c t e d to members of h i s own r e l i g i o n (communal). No i n f o r m a t i o n i s given as regards the r e l i a b i l i t y of t h i s instrument. Face v a l i d i t y i s claimed and i t i s suggested that the user can assess t h i s e a s i l y as the i n d i c e s are q u i t e simple. Lenski claims some c o n s t r u c t v a l i d t y though many of h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s are post hoc and thus r e q u i r e f u r t h e r study. The Kuder-Richardson r e l i a b i l i t y estimate f o r t h i s study was .80(A) and .65(B). A s s o c i a t i o n a l and communal dimensions are u n c o r r e l a t e d but p a t t e r n s have been e s t a b l i s h e d amonst s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s groups Table Six R e l i g i o u s Dimensions (Lanski 1963) Strength S o c i o - r e l i g i o u s Group A s s o c i a t i o n a l Communal Jewish weak strong White C a t h o l i c strong medium White P r o t e s t a n t medium medium Black P r o t e s t a n t medium strong - 5 0 -A s s o c i a t i o n a l involvement c o r r e l a t e d with upward m o b i l i t y among White P r o t e s t a n t s ; with a c a p i t a l i s t i d e ology f o r White and Black P r o t e s t a n t s ; with v o t i n g Republican f o r Whites and Democratic f o r Blacks, and with v o t i n g r a t e s with a l l groups. Communal involvement was i n v e r s e l y r e l a t e d to m o b i l i t y , e s p e c i a l l y f o r C a t h o l i c s and was r e l a t e d to v o t i n g Democratic among C a t h o l i c s . A l l t o l d t h e i r seven hundred f i f t y s u b j e c t s from D e t r o i t , r e p r e s e n t i n g a cross s e c t i o n of the SES p a t t e r n of that c i t y , represented the sample f o r L e n s k i ' s study. T h i s instrument was chosen i n s p i t e of i t s l a c k of s t a t i s t i c a l c o n f i r m a t i o n because of i t s e s s e n t i a l l y s u r f a c e measurement. The s e n s i t i v i t y a s s o c i a t e d with r e l g i o u s i s s u e s made i t imperative that t h i s measurement be c a u t i o u s . I t was assumed that strong a s s o c i a t i o n a l and communal involvement would e f f e c t s u b j e c t reasoning i n t h i s area and that a surface measurement would s u f f i c e . Ethical Reasoning Inventory The f o u r t h instrument used was the E t h i c a l Reasoning Inventory. (Page and Bode 1978). The purpose of t h i s t e s t was to i d e n t i f y a s u b j e c t ' s moral reasoning l e v e l . T h i s was accomplished by having the subjects f i r s t read short dilemmas and then choose from s e v e r a l s e r i e s of proposed responses on v a r i o u s aspects of the dilemmas which r e f l e c t e d h i s r e a s o n i n g . In a l l , three dilemmas were presented. (Appendix IV) 51 -The i n t e r n a l c o n s i s t e n c y of the t e s t was r e p o r t e d as being an alpha c o e f f i c i e n t of .75. T h i s i s comparable with .89 f o r the Moral Judgement Interview (Kohlberg 1975) and i s much higher than s i m i l a r t e s t s (such as the D e f i n i n g Issues Test .49). (Rest et a l 1974) The Kuder-Richardson r e l i a b i l i t y equivalence f o r t h i s study was .48. The concurrent v a l i d i t y of the t e s t was analyzed by comparing i t to s e v e r a l other measures of moral judgement. Pearson c o r r e l a t i o n s with other measures i n c l u d e an r of .57 with the D e f i n i n g Issues Test (Rest 1974), and .43 with the Moral Judgement Survey (Maitland and Goldman, 1974). In a l l f o u r of the above measures the vocabulary of the t e s t s was adjusted i n order to s i m p l i f y the r e a d i n g l e v e l . These adjustments were l i m i t e d to s u b s t i t u t i n g simpler e q u i v a l e n t words f o r complex ones. T h i s was done with care not to a l t e r the meaning of the o r i g i n a l statements. I t was f e l t t h a t t h i s was necessary as the Instruments being used with young s u b j e c t s had been designed f o r o l d e r samples. P i l o t i n g was done i n a previous small s c a l e study to determine which instruments a v a i l a b l e would be adequate to the purposes of t h i s study. This p i l o t i n g r e s u l t e d i n the r e j e c t i o n of c e r t a i n measurement instruments as being u n s u i t a b l e f o r the age group under study. As a r e s u l t the measures d e s c r i b e d above were s e l e c t e d . - 52 -CHAPTER FOUR The F i n d i n g s I n t r o d u c t i o n Means and standard d e v i a t i o n s were computed on a l l t e s t s f o r each group. Table seven gives a summary of these r e s u l t s . Table Seven  Group Means and Standard D e v i a t i o n s Groups x and SD Moral S o c i a l Family R e l i g i o n A Religion B Secular X 31.1 37.9 33.3 4.5 7.6 Western SD 3.9 3.5 6.7 3.0 2.4 Secular X 29.0 37.7 33.0 4.5 5.9 Non-Western SD 4.7 3.2 7.7 3.3 3.2 T r a d i t i o n a l X 29.8 34.4 36.2 5.4 7.4 Western SD 4.2 4.0 5.5 2.7 2.1 T r a d i t i o n a l X 29.0 35.5 36.0 3.8 6.1 Non-Western SD 4.3 4.1 6.3 2.4 2.9 On the moral reasoning f a c t o r a hig h e r score i n d i c a t e s a higher moral reasoning l e v e l . A higher score on the s o c i a l o r i e n t a t i o n f a c t o r i n d i c a t e d a more democratic o r i e n t a t i o n . On the f a m i l y i d e o l o g y f a c t o r a higher score i n d i c a t e d a more a u t h o r i t a r i a n f a m i l y ideology and on the two r e l i g i o u s o r i e n t a t i o n f a c t o r s a higher score i n d i c a t e d a l a r g e r involvement with formal r e l i g i o u s groups and i n s t i t u t i o n s . - 53 -Table Ei g h t Test Group Mean SD F df F Prob Moral Secular Western Secular Non Western T r a d i t i o n a l Western T r a d i t i o n a l Non Western 31.1 29.0 29.8 29.0 3.93 4.37 4.25 4.36 1.84 3,114 .1443 S o c i a l S e cular Western Secular Non Western T r a d i t i o n a l Western T r a d i t i o n a l Non Western 37.0 37. 7 34.4 35.5 3.48 3.17 4.03 4.14 6.552 3,114 .0004 Family Secular Western Secular Non Western T r a d i t i o n a l Western T r a d i t i o n a l Non Western 33.3 33.0 36.2 36.0 6.73 7. 75 5.52 6.39 1.883 3,114 .1364 R e l i g i o n A Secular Western Secular Non Western T r a d i t i o n a l Western T r a d i t i o n a l Non Western 4.5 4.5 5.5 3.8 3.00 3.33 2.74 2.44 1.333 3,114 .2672 R e l i g i o n B Secular Western Secular Non Western T r a d i t i o n a l Western T r a d i t i o n a l Non Western 7.6 5.9 7.4 6.1 2.40 3.28 2.12 2.93 2.959 3,114 .0354 Question One With an F value of 1.84 (df=3,114; p> .05) the d i f f e r e n c e between the mean scores of the groups was not s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t . The n u l l hypothesis was not r e j e c t e d f o r hypothesis one which s t a t e d t h a t : The groups designated s e c u l a r western and s e c u l a r non-western w i l l not have s i g n i f i c a n t l y h igher moral reasoning scores than those groups designated t r a d i t i o n a l western and t r a d i t i o n a l non-western as based upon scores on the E t h i c a l Reasoning Inventory (Page and Bode 1978). Question Two Question Two, that asks whether b e l i e f s and a t t i t u d e s i n the s o c i a l , f a m i l y and r e l i g i o u s domain are d i f f e r e n t amongst - 54 -the designated groups, may be answered i n the a f f i r m a t i v e f o r two of i t s f o u r f a c t o r s . The n u l l hypothesis was r e j e c t e d on the b a s i s of an F value ( F = 6 . 5 5 2 df = 3,114; p=<.05) f o r Hypothesis One which s t a t e d t h a t : The s e c u l a r western and s e c u l a r non western groups w i l l not have s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t scores i n the s o c i a l domain than the t r a d i t i o n a l non western groups as based upon scores on the S o c i a l Values Questionnaire (Perloe 1967). The n u l l hypothesis f o r Hypothesis Four was a l s o r e j e c t e d on the b a s i s of a F value (F=2.959, df=3, 114; p=<.05). The s e c u l a r western and s e c u l a r non western groups w i l l not have s i g n f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t scores i n the a s s o c i a t i o n a l r e l i g i o u s domain that the t r a d i t i o n a l western and non western groups. The data f a i l e d to support r e j e c t i o n of Hypothesis Two, on the b a s i s of an F value (F=1.883, df=3, 114; p=).05), which s t a t e d t h a t : The s e c u l a r western groups and s e c u l a r non western groups w i l l not have s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t scores i n the f a m i l y i d e o l o g y domain than the t r a d i t i o n a l western and t r a -d i t i o n a l non western groups. S i m i l a r l y the data f a i l e d to support r e j e c t i o n of Hypothesis Three on the b a s i s of an F value (F=1.333, df=3,114, p=>.05) . The s e c u l a r western and non western w i l l not have s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t scores i n the communal r e l i g i o u s domain than the t r a d i t i o n a l western and t r a d i t i o n a l non western groups. - 55 -Question Three Question Three asked i f the degree of adherence to t r a d i t i o n a l or s e c u l a r norms help to e x p l a i n any v a r i a t i o n s i n r a t e of moral development. To answer t h i s q u e s t i o n Pearson C o r r e l a t i o n C o e f f i c i e n t s were computed from the data (SPSS V e r s i o n 8.00). The r e s u l t s can be seen i n Table Nine. Table Nine Pearson C o r r e l a t i o n C o e f f i c i e n t s (SPSS V e r s i o n 8.00) Moral S o c i a l Family R e l i g i o n A S o c i a l 0.1544* Family 0.0773 0.1757 R e l i g i o n A 0.0939 0.1887 0.1801 R e l i g i o n B 0.1780 0.0385 0.0431 0.3015 *With a df=3,114, r=.30 i s s i g n i f i c a n t at the 0.05 l e v e l and r=.23 i s s i g n i f i c a n t at the .01 l e v e l . From t h i s a n a l y s i s i t emerged that s o c i a l p e r s p e c t i v e and the communal f a c t o r of r e l i g i o n (Rel. B.) were c o r r e l a t e d with moral reasoning l e v e l at the p=.05 s i g n i f i c a n c e l e v e l . No s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p was found between f a m i l y b e l i e f patterns and moral development. A r e l a t i o n s h i p between the a s s o c i a t i o n a l f a c t o r of r e l i g i o n (Rel. A.) and moral development was a l s o not shown. Fur t h e r a n a l y s i s was done by s u b j e c t i n g the data to an a n a l y s i s of v a r i a n c e . (BMDP2R 1979) Stepwise m u l t i p l e r e g r e s s i o n a n a l y s i s produced the f o l l o w i n g r e s u l t s . - 56 -Table Ten Stepwise M u l t i p l e Regression (BMDP2R 1979 V a r i a b l P r - s q Increase i n r - s q F - r a t i o cO • H S-i CO > 4-) CO c u 0) O c OJ a cu Q R e l i g i o n B R e l i g i o n B S o c i a l R e l i g i o n B S o c i a l Family R e l i g i o n B S o c i a l Family R e l i g i o n A .0317 ,0535 2572 2593 .0317 0218 2037 3.80 3.25 2.69 0021 2.04 <^  .05 <^  .05 ( . 0 5 ) .05 *With a df=3,114, F=2.70 i s s i g n i f i c a n t at the .05 l e v e l , F=3.98 i s s i g n i f i c a n t at the .01 l e v e l . Hypothesis One The data supports r e j e c t i o n of the n u l l hypothesis i n Hypothesis One which s t a t e d : There w i l l be no s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n between s o c i a l i z a t i o n s k i l l s and l e v e l of moral development as based upon the S o c i a l Values Questionnaire and the E t h i c a l Reasoning Inventory (Page and Bode 1978) Table Ei g h t shows a s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n (r=.1544) between these two v a r i a b l e s and an e x p l a n a t i o n of t o t a l i n g .0317 r e g r e s s i o n i n Table Nine. Hypothesis Two The data f a i l s to support r e j e c t i o n of the n u l l hypothesis i n Hypothesis Two which s t a t e s t h a t : - 5 7 -There w i l l be no c o r r e l a t i o n between f a m i l y i d eology and l e v e l of moral development as based upon scores on the T r a d i t i o n a l Family Ideology Scale (Levinson and Huffman 1955) and the E t h i c a l Reasoning Inventory (Page and Bode 1978) Only .2037 of the r e g r e s s i o n was e x p l a i n e d i n Table Nine and there was a non s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n i n d i c a t e d i n Table E i g h t . Hypothesis Three The data f a i l s to support r e j e c t i o n of the n u l l hypothesis i n Hypothesis Three, which s t a t e s t h a t : There w i l l be no c o r r e l a t i o n between communal r e l i g i o u s o r i e n t a t i o n and l e v e l of moral development as based upon scores on the R e l i g i o u s O r i e n t a t i o n and Involvement Scale (Lanski 1963) and the E t h i c a l Reasoning Inventory (Page and Bode 1978) In t h i s case there was a n o n - s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n (r=.09) i n Table E i g h t , and only .0021 of the r e g r e s s i o n was e x p l a i n e d by t h i s f a c t o r i n Table Nine. Hypothesis Four The data does support r e j e c t i o n of the n u l l hypothesis i n Hypothesis Four which s t a t e d t h a t : There w i l l be no c o r r e l a t i o n between a s s o c i a t i o n a l r e l i g i o u s o r i e n t a t i o n and l e v e l of moral develop-ment as based upon scores on the R e l i g i o u s O r i e n t a t i o n and Involvement Scale (Lanski 1963) and the E t h i c a l Reasoning Inventory (Page and Bode 1978) In t h i s f a c t o r there was a s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n (r=.1780) i n Table E i g h t and .0218 of the r e g r e s s i o n was e x p l a i n e d i n Table Nine. - 58 -CHAPTER FIVE Summary and Discussion of Results Introduction The purpose of t h i s study was to i n v e s t i g a t e the r e l a t i o n s h i p of c e r t a i n s o c i e t a l f a c t o r s with c h a r a c t e r i s t i c c u l t u r a l groups. I t was hypothesized that c u l t u r a l i n f l u e n c e s i n the s o c i a l , f a m i l y and r e l i g i o u s domains would be r e l a t e d to moral development. F u r t h e r i t was hypothesized that the s e c u l a r - t r a d i t i o n a l nature of these i n f l u e n c e s , would be an important f a c t o r i n i n c r e a s i n g or d e l a y i n g moral reasoning advance. To t h i s end four groups which were designated S e c u l a r Western, S e c u l a r Non-Western, T r a d i t i o n a l Western, and T r a d i t i o n a l Non-Western were i d e n t i f i e d . Each group was analyzed to assess the e f f e c t of s o c i a l , f a m i l y and r e l i g i o u s teaching. They were a l s o t e s t e d to determine moral l e v e l . No s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e was found between groups on the moral development dimension although some d i f f e r e n c e was found between groups on the s o c i a l and a s s o c i a t i o n a l r e l i g i o n f a c t o r s . The f i n d i n g s suggested that c e r t a i n of the c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s , ( s o c i a l i z a t i o n s k i l l s and a s s o c i a t i o n a l r e l i g i o n ) i n f l u e n c e the s e c u l a r - t r a d i t i o n a l l e v e l of i n d i v i d u a l s are of s i g n i f i c a n c e . S o c i a l p e r s p e c t i v e and the communal r e l i g i o u s f a c t o r re s i g n i f i c a n t at the p^.05 l e v e l . A l s o there were s e v e r a l we other i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s that t i e d these f a c t o r s together. The f a m i l y v a r i a b l e had a s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n with the s o c i a l v a r i a b l e . (r=.18 p^.05) The s o c i a l v a r i a b l e a l s o c o r r e l a t e d with the a s s o c i a t i o n a l r e l i g i o u s v a r i a b l e . (r=.19 p .05) The a s s o c i a t i o n a l r e l i g i o u s v a r i a b l e c o r r e l a t e d with the f a m i l y v a r i a b l e (r=.18, p ^.05) and the communal r e l i g i o u s f a c t o r c o r r e l a t e d with the a s s o c i a t i o n a l r e l i g i o u s v a r i a b l e (r=.30, p^. 05) The premise of t h i s study — that the moral l e v e l of c u l t u r a l groups s i g n i f i c a n t l y r e l a t e d to c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s — was not borne out. Nevertheless, t h i s study r e i n f o r c e s many p r e v i o u s l y d i s c u s s e d s t u d i e s which have shown c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s to be major i n f l u e n c e s upon moral development. This i n t u r n r e i n f o r c e s the b a s i c premise of K o h l b e r g 1 s c l a i m f o r a u n i v e r s a l l y o p e r a t i v e p s y c h o l o g i c a l theory i n that i t supports h i s c o n t e n t i o n that a l l i n d i v i d u a l s have the p o t e n t i a l f o r complete moral development and t h a t c u l t u r a l teachings are a major f a c t o r i n l i m i t i n g the extent of t h i s development. Summary of F i n d i n g s The f o l l o w i n g questions were i n v e s t i g a t e d i n t h i s study. Question 1 Do i n d i v i d u a l s from a v a r i e t y of c u l t u r a l back-grounds show a d i f f e r e n c e and extent of moral development? Findings I t was determined that there was no s t a t i s t i c a l s i g n f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e among the groups. - 60 -Question 2 Are b e l i e f s and a t t i t u d e s i n the s o c i a l , f a m i l y and r e l i g i o u s domain d i f f e r e n t among the designated groups? Findings I t was found that there was a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e i n two of the f o u r f a c t o r s ( s o c i a l and a s s o c i a t i o n a l r e l i g i o n ) . No d i f f e r e n c e was found i n the f a m i l y and communal r e l i g i o n f a c t o r s . Question 3 Does the degree of adherence to s e c u l a r or t r a d i t i o n a l reasoning patterns have any i n f l u e n c e upon moral development? Fi n d i n g s I t was found that c e r t a i n f a c t o r s (Family, S o c i a l A s s o c i a t i o n a l R e l i g i o n ) had i n f l u e n c e upon moral development. I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the F i n d i n g s The key problem to be analyzed i s the reason why there were no d i f f e r e n c e s found i n the groups as the e n t i r e study was p r e d i c a t e d upon previous s t u d i e s that i n d i c a t e d that there were d i f f e r e n c e s i n moral scores between v a r i o u s c u l t u r a l groupings. There are s e v e r a l suggestions that may e x p l a i n these f i n d i n g s . F i r s t i t may be t h a t there are d i s t i n c t c u l t u r a l groupings with s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s i n the areas s t u d i e d i n a Canadian s e t t i n g and t h i s study f a i l e d to i s o l a t e them. A l t e r n a t e l y i t may be that even though the c h i l d r e n s t u d i e d have d i s p a r a t e backgrounds the p r e v a i l i n g Canadian m i l i e u that they have i n common i s powerful enough to overcome the d i f f e r e n c e s that have been found i n s t u d i e s elsewhere (e.g. Kohlberg 1969, Z i v et a l 1975). Both of these p o s s i b i l i t i e s w i l l be examined i n t u r n . - 61 -There were v a r i o u s methodological problems which may have adve r s e l y e f f e c t e d the study. S i z e may have been a f a c t o r as, although the groups were analyzed u s i n g unequal sample s i z e s , there were only approximately t w e n t y - f i v e s u b j e c t s i n each sample. T h i s may have been inadequate. Ary, Jacobs and Razavich (1972 p. 167), f o r example, suggest that t h i r t y s ubjects be an i d e a l minimum. Further a n a l y s i s employing randomly e q u a l i z e d group s i z e s a l s o f a i l e d to produce d i f f e r e n t r e s u l t s . Age may have been a l i m i t i n g f a c t o r . The age of the subjects was s e l e c t e d as i t was assumed that at t h i s l e v e l they would be subj e c t to the maximum i n f l u e n c e of t h e i r f a m i l i e s , peers and immediate s o c i a l f o r c e s . Independent t h i n k i n g , i t was assumed, would be minimal and c u l t u r a l teachings paramount. However, at t h i s age i t may be that the development of group d i f f e r e n c e s was as yet too small to be measurable. Based upon previous r e s e a r c h however t h i s seems the l e a s t l i k e l y e x p l a n a t i o n . Kohblberg (1969), f o r example, found c o n s i d e r a b l e d i f f e r e n c e amongst ten year o l d s i n h i s l o n g i t u d i n a l study of Taiwan, Mexico and the U n i t e d States aand t h i s spread continued on throughout the remainder of h i s study. The a v a i l a b i l i t y of s u i t a b l e candidates was another problem. The s e n s i t i v e nature of the t e s t s a d m i n i s t e r e d made school a u t h o r i t i e s l o a t h to grant pe r m i s s i o n to use p u b l i c school c h i l d r e n f o r t h i s study. I t was p r i m a r i l y through personal contact that the samples used were made a v a i l a b l e . Vancouver has va r i o u s communities with e t h n i c - 62 -c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The ones s e l e c t e d were as d i s t i n c t as was p o s s i b l e but i t may be that these were inadequate i n t h e i r d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s to provide a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e . I d e a l l y samples from p a r o c h i a l schools and school d i s t r i c t s other than Vancouver would have been d e s i r a b l e . For example, the Steveston Japanese-Canadian community may have been a b e t t e r sample of s e c u l a r i z e d non-westerns and a p a r o c h i a l school may have provided a b e t t e r sample of t r a d i t i o n a l western s u b j e c t s . Another p o s s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n f o r the r e s u l t s i s that inadequate i n s t r u m e n t a t i o n was employed. Although the instruments were modified to s u i t the readi n g l e v e l of the sample i t may be that t h e i r conceptual l e v e l was too d i f f i c u l t and t h e i r focus not p r e c i s e enough to measure the d e s i r e d f a c t o r t r a i t s . Another p o s s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n f o r the r e s u l t s i s that i n the standard s e t t i n g of a Vancouver elementary s c h o o l , w i t h i n the broader Canadian m i l i e u with i t s powerful s t a n d a r d i z i n g agents of popular c u l t u r e such as the media, p o t e n t i a l d i f f e r e n c e s may have been overwhelmed. The three primary s o c i a l i z a t i o n agents are f a m i l y , peers, and the l a r g e r s o c i e t y . C h i l d r e n may experience f a m i l y p r a c t i c e s and b e l i e f s and at l e a s t some peer i n f l u e n c e s which are i n the t r a d i t i o n a l mode. The s e c u l a r nature of schools and other s o c i a l agencies with which they deal as w e l l as exposure to n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l peers, may w e l l be a s u f f i c i e n t l y s e c u l a r i z i n g i n f l u e n c e to overcome t h i s . Added to a powerful popular c u l t u r e i t may be that among main stream - 63 -p u b l i c school c h i l d r e n , d i s t i n c t c u l t u r a l groups do not e x i s t i n Vancouver. I m p l i c a t i o n s f o r F u r t h e r Research 1. C e r t a i n problems arose dur i n g the course of t h i s study which would provide f r u i t f u l study i n the f u t u r e . The f i r s t of these i s the problem of t e s t i n g . Of a v a i l a b l e t e s t s on moral development and r e l a t e d s o c i a l i z a t i o n f a c t o r s very few are designed f o r younger samples. Those used i n t h i s study proved adequate a f t e r minor a l t e r a t i o n f o r r e a d i n g l e v e l i n terms of vocabulary d i f f i c u l t y but n e v e r t h e l e s s were not i d e a l . The c o g n i t i v e l e v e l r e q u i r e d to d e a l with the t e s t s was o f t e n q u i t e high and undoubtedly reduced t h e i r u s e f u l -ness. While a d m i n i s t e r i n g the t e s t s i t was necessary to r e s t a t e c e r t a i n s e c t i o n s o r a l l y f o r the students to f u l l y comprehend them. A l s o , i n some cases, the d i f f e r e n t o r i g i n a l purposes f o r which the t e s t s were designed l e d to them not being p r e c i s e enough i s a s s e s s i n g the problem under study. Since much of S o c i a l Studies r e s e a r c h i s f o r the purpose of improving the i n s t r u c t i o n of young c h i l d r e n i t would be most u s e f u l to have assessment instruments that were designed f o r them. 2. There are many dimensions to the problem of moral development r e s e a r c h which would b e n e f i t from more r e s e a r c h . Dogmatism has been shown to be a s i g n i f i c a n t p r e d i c t o r of moral development. I t would be of i n t e r e s t to assess the i n t e r e s t of c u l t u r a l teachings upon the l e v e l of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s dogmatism. - 64 -3. Further study i n this area of investigation on a larger scale would also be useful. Rather than re l y i n g upon one milieu such as the Vancouver school system i t would be useful to study parochial schools and other alternative schools. Also, more s t r i c t l y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c communities such as rural areas with d i s t i n c t c u l t u r a l patterns could be assessed and compared to urban samples. On a larger scale cross-cultural comparisons of societies from other nations could be analyzed s p e c i f i c a l l y to determine the precise nature of c u l t u r a l influence upon moral development. Communal groups could be compared to t h e i r counterparts in their native s o c i e t i e s . These measurements should be done on a variety of cultures of dif f e r e n t levels of sophistication as they appear here and abroad. A multi-aged approach should be u t i l i z e d so that data can be analyzed for rate and extent of moral development within comparison groups with a corresponding analysis of correlational factors. 4. If the f a i l u r e of this study to i d e n t i f y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c c u l t u r a l groupings i s explanable by the premise that they tend not to exist i n public school systems, important implications are suggested for further study. Since the foundation of Kohlberg's moral system i s that universal systems of thought exist world wide and that variations are as a result of c u l t u r a l teachings, the p o s s i b i l i t y of a change agent such as exposure to a secular school system being s u f f i c i e n t l y powerful to modify patterns which have - 65 -been observed i n numerous stu d i e s i s w e l l worth i n v e s t i g a t i o n . I d e n t i f i c a t i o n and a n a l y s i s of the nature of s e c u l a r exposure with i n d i v i d u a l s of a t r a d i t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n may help e x p l a i n and suggest methods of e l i m i n a t i n g the d i f f e r e n c e s found amongst s o c i e t i e s . APPENDIX I R e l i g i o u s O r i e n t a t i o n and Involvement Scale - 67 -Opinion Test B About how o f t e n , i f ever, have you attended r e l i g i o u s s e r v i c e s i n the l a s t year? a) Once a week or more b) Two or three times a month c) Once a month d) A few times a year or l e s s e) Never Do you take part i n any of the a c t i v i t i e s or o r g a n i z a t i o n s of your church (synagogue, temple) other than a t t e n d i n g s e r v i c e s ? Yes No (I f Yesl How o f t e n have you done these things i n the l a s t year? a) Once a week or more b) Two or three times a month ZZZZ! c) Once a month ZZZZZ d) A few times a year ZZZZZ e) Never 1. What i s (was) your parents' r e l i g i o u s preference? 2. Of those r e l a t i v e s you r e a l l y f e e l c l o s e t o , what p r o p o r t i o n are the same r e l i g i o n as you? a) A l l of them b) Nearly a l l of them c) More than h a l f of them _____ d) Less than h a l f of them e) None of them 3. T h i n k i n g of your c l o s e s t f r i e n d s , what p r o p o r t i o n are the same r e l i g i o n as you? a) A l l of them b) Nearly a l l of them c) More than h a l f of them d) Less than h a l f of them _______ e) None of them - 68 -APPENDIX II T r a d i t i o n a l Family Ideology Scale Opinion Test -C A c h i l d should not be allowed to t a l k back to h i s parents,or e l s e he w i l l l o s e r e s p e c t f o r them. There i s a l o t of evidence i n the newspaper which shows we have to crack down harder on young people to save our moral standards. There i s h a r d l y anything lower than a person who does not f e e l a great l o v e , g r a t i t u d e , and r e s p e c t f o r h i s parents. A w e l l - r a i s e d c h i l d i s one who does not have to be t o l d twice to do something. A woman whose c h i l d r e n are messy or rowdy has f a i l e d i n her d u t i e s as a mother. It i s not h e a l t h y f o r a c h i l d to l i k e to be alone, and he should be discouraged from p l a y i n g by h i m s e l f . A c h i l d who i s unusual i n any way should be encouraged to be more l i k e other c h i l d r e n . The saying "Mother knows b e s t " s t i l l has more than a g r a i n of t r u t h . Whatever some teachers may say, "Spare the rod and s p o i l the c h i l d " s t i l l h o lds, even i n these modern times. It helps the c h i l d i n the long run i f he i s made to go along with h i s parents i d e a s . A teen-ager should be allowed to decide most things f o r h i m s e l f . In making f a m i l y d e c i s i o n s , parents ought to take the o p i n i o n s of c h i l d r e n i n t o account. It i s important to teach the c h i l d as e a r l y as p o s s i b l e good manners and morals. Women who want to remove the word obey from the marriage s e r v i c e don't understand what i t means to be a w i f e . Some e q u a l i t y i n marriage i s a good t h i n g , but mostly the husband ought to have the main say-so i n f a m i l y matters. - 70 -16. I t i s only n a t u r a l and r i g h t f o r each person to th i n k t hat h i s f a m i l y i s b e t t e r than any other. 17. A man who doesn't provide w e l l f o r h i s f a m i l y ought to co n s i d e r himself p r e t t y much a f a i l u r e as husband and f a t h e r . 18. In choosing a husband, a woman should put ambition at the top of her l i s t of d e s i r a b l e q u a l i t i e s . 19. A wife does b e t t e r to vote the way her husband does, because he probably knows more about such t h i n g s . 20. I t takes away from a husband's manhood i f h i s wife works. 21. Women should take an a c t i v e i n t e r e s t i n p o l i t i c s and community problems as w e l l as i n t h e i r f a m i l i e s . - 71 -APPENDIX I I I S o c i a l Values Questionnarie - 72 -Opinion Test A 1. People should be ready to do without t h e i r own pleasure i f these inconvenience o t h e r s . 2. People who t r y but cannot provide f o r t h e i r own welfare have a r i g h t to expect help from o t h e r s . 3. People should give up a c t i v i t i e s which make them happy i f these a c t i v i t i e s cause s e r i o u s discomfort to o t h e r s . 4. Whether a person acts to p r o t e c t the welfare of persons beyond h i s c i r c l e of f r i e n d s and r e l a t i v e s i s a matter of p e rsonal choice not moral o b l i g a t i o n . 5. The mere f a c t that one group i s wealthy and another i s poor places no moral o b l i g a t i o n on the "have" group to h e lp the "have not" group. 6. Not only does everyone have an unchangeable r i g h t to l i f e , l i b e r t y and happiness, he a l s o has an e q u a l l y unchangeable moral duty to p r o t e c t others from having these r i g h t s taken from them. 7. A person who has not caused another person's misfortune has no moral debt to help the other person. 8. I t i s wrong f o r a person to ignore the w e l f a r e of persons with whom he has no personal connection. 9. A c t i n g to p r o t e c t the r i g h t s and i n t e r e s t s of other members of one's community i s a major duty f o r a l l persons. 10. A person's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the welfare of others does not go f u r t h e r than h i s personal c i r c l e of f r i e n d s and r e l a t i v e s . 11. You should not r e s p e c t a man f o r h i s achievements i f he obtained them by i n t e r f e r i n g with the welfare of o t h e r s . 12. Although others may be as important, there i s no value more important than compassion f o r o t h e r s . 13. I t i s sympathetic love among persons which alone makes l i f e worthwhile. 14. Although u n s e l f i s h n e s s and f e e l i n g s of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the welfare of others are u s u a l l y thought to be good q u a l i t i e s , a person should not have to have them i n order to f e e l good about h i m s e l f or to be w e l l thought of by o t h e r s . - 73 -15. Except f o r one's f a m i l y and c l o s e s t f r i e n d s , people have a p e r f e c t r i g h t to go a f t e r what they want without worrying about the comfort of o t h e r s . 16. A l l men have a duty to work f o r not only the welfare of t h e i r c l o s e s t r e l a t i v e s but a l s o to work f o r the w e l l being of a l l the members of the community i n which they l i v e . 17. Things work best when people concern themselves with t h e i r own welfare and l e t others take care of themselves 18. One's major duty to other men i s to l e t them alone so that they may s i n k or swim by t h e i r own e f f o r t s . 19. Minor c o n f l i c t s between one's comfort and that of a neighbour should be decided i n favour of the neighbour more o f t e n than not. 20. A person most deserves to f e e l good about h i m s e l f a f t e r he has done something to help someone e l s e . 21. A person who watches an unlawful or immoral a c t , such as p h y s i c a l a s s a u l t or s a d i s t i c t e a s i n g , and who does not t r y to do what he can to stop i t shares p a r t of the g u i l t with the person committed. 22. People should f e e l r e s p o n s i b l e f o r encouraging improve-ment of moral conduct as w e l l as the p h y s i c a l welfare of o t h e r s . 23. Every person should be h i s brother's keeper i n the p h y s i c a l and moral sense. 24. People should leave the p r e v e n t i o n of immoral acts up to those whose job i t i s to prevent such t h i n g s . 25. One should avoid t r y i n g to make people more moral and c o n s i d e r a t e than they g e n e r a l l y are. 26. I t i s b e t t e r to ignore a person i n need when one f e e l s no personal sympathy f o r him than to act compassionately out of a sense of duty, or g u i l t . 27. People cannot r e l y s o l e l y upon m i n i s t e r s , policemen and judges to make sure that people act m o r a l l y ; they must each act to convince others not to be immoral. 28. When one i n d i v i d u a l behaves u n j u s t l y toward another, i t i s wrong f o r a t h i r d person to i n t e r f e r e to c o r r e c t the i n j u s t i c e u nless he has been asked to do so. - 74 -_29. There i s nothing wrong i n the members of a group t r y i n g ~ to convince not c a r i n g or d i s a g r e e i n g members to go along with the group. 30. A person should be w i l l i n g to cooperate with d e m o c r a t i c a l l y s e l e c t e d group l e a d e r s , even though they are not the ones he p e r s o n a l l y wanted to be l e a d e r . 31. Going along with the r u l e s of your group when you do not ~~ agree completely with them i s wrong, even when the r e s u l t of a democratic process inwhich you are f r e e to take p a r t . 32. A person should not f e e l he has to f o l l o w the d e c i s i o n s of the groups to which he belongs i f these d e c i s i o n s are not i n accord with h i s personal b e l i e f s . 33. Groups and communities which r e f u s e to c o n t r o l the behaviours of t h e i r members encourage the weak being taken advantage of by the strong. _34. I t i s proper f o r a group to decide to punish group members who won't go along with the goals and r u l e s of the group. _35. A person i s r i g h t i n f e e l i n g annoyed or angry when other members of h i s group ignore j u s t i f i a b l e group demands. _36. A d e m o c r a t i c a l l y organized group has the r i g h t to decide what should be thought of as proper behaviour i n areas to do with the group. _37. Group members should not be c r i t i c i z e d when they r e f u s e to do something i n which they have no i n t e r e s t even when the a c t i o n i s necessary f o r t h e i r group to reach i t s g o a l s . 38. People damage themselves as i n d i v i d u a l s when they change t h e i r behaviours as a r e s u l t of the r u l e s of the groups to which they belong. _39. Regardless of how d e m o c r a t i c a l l y a group sets up i t s r u l e s , i t stops being a democratic group once i t begins to pressure i t s members to go along with these r u l e s . _40. When d e m o c r a t i c a l l y organized groups begin to i n f l u e n c e and c o n t r o l the behaviours of t h e i r members, they e i t h e r f a l l apart or change i n t o undemocratic groups. -41. In the long run, people should c o n t r o l t h e i r own ~~ behaviour r a t h e r than have the group make up r u l e s and punishments. _42. I t i s o f t e n b e t t e r f o r a group to agree upon specific r u l e s to c o n t r o l behaviour than to leave the c o n t r o l to the i n d i v i d u a l d e c i s i o n s of the group members. - 75 -APPENDIX IV E t h i c a l Reasoning I n v e n t o r y Joe i s a fo u r t e e n year o l d boy who wanted to go to camp very much. His f a t h e r promised him he could go i f he saved up the money f o r i t h i m s e l f . So Joe worked hard at h i s paper route and saved up the $40 i t cost to go to camp and a l i t t l e more besi e d s . But j u s t before camp was going to s t a r t , h i s f a t h e r changed h i s mind. Some of h i s f a t h e r ' s f r i e n d s decided to go on a s p e c i a l f i s h i n g t r i p and Joe's f a t h e r was short of the money i t would c o s t . So he t o l d Joe to give him the money he had saved from the paper route. Joe d i d n ' t want to give up going to camp, so he thought of r e f u s i n g to give h i s f a t h e r the money. 1. Should Joe r e f u s e to give h i s f a t h e r the money? Yes Turn to page 2 No Turn to page 3 - 7 7 -answer: "yes" Why? (check a box) Joe wants to go to camp and he and he alone owns the money because he worked f o r i t and earned i t so i t ' s h i s money; i t i s u n f a i r of the f a t h e r to ask - he should save h i s own money. A f a c t u a l a n a l y s i s of the s i t u a t i o n r e v e a l s that presumptive l e g a l i s m can be invoked i n t h i s i n s t a n c e . Because h i s f a t h e r doesn't have good reasons or motives f o r wanting the money, he's not a c t i n g i n Joe's best i n t e r e s t s and i s s e t t i n g a poor example f o r h i s son. I f he was a good f a t h e r and loved h i s son, he wouldn't make Joe give him the money. Although h i s f a t h e r has c e r t a i n l e g a l r i g h t s because-Joe i s s t i l l a c h i l d , Joe should r e f u s e because h i s f a t h e r doesn't have the r i g h t to demand the money i n t h i s case; Joe w i l l not be a good f u t u r e member of a d u l t s o c i e t y i f h i s property i s taken from him since that w i l l make him t h i n k i t i s not important to keep one's promises. Because money i s the root of a l l e v i l . Joe should r e f u s e to give h i s f a t h e r the money f o r two reasons: because the f a t h e r ' s u n f a i r n e s s i n t h i s s i t u a t i o n cancels what a son u s u s a l l y owes a f a t h e r and a l s o to uphold property r i g h t s which are general r i g h t s and are not pa r t of what parents and c h i l d r e n owe each other. Turn to page 4 . page 2 - 78 -answer "no" Why? (check a box) Joe can give him the money i f he wants to - i t ' s h i s d e c i s i o n . I f he does h i s f a t h e r may do something f o r him i n exchange; h i s fa t h e r has supported him, clothed him, and given him things i n the past. Joe does have a r i g h t to the money but could give i t to hi s f a t h e r i f he expects to get paid back. Because i t would probably r a i n the whole time Joe was at camp anyway. Joe should give him the money because as a son he i s expected to l o v e , respect, and honor h i s parents and al s o he could show a p p r e c i a t i o n and g r a t i t u d e f o r a l l h i s f a t h e r has done i n the past. A l s o , he should give him the money i f i t i s needed f o r a r e a l n e c e s s i t y or emergency. Joe should give him the money because a son has a duty to respect and obey h i s f a t h e r . There i s an unsaid r e s p o n s i b i l i t y on both s i d e s : the parent takes on the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of b r i n g i n g up a c h i l d and the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r a l l the c h i l d ' s a c t i o n s , so the c h i l d has the res p o n s i -b i l i t y of obeying the parent. He w i l l be punished i f he refuses - h i s fa t h e r i s i n charge, i s o l d e r , more powerful and therefore Joe should obey because h i s fa t h e r owns h i s son's property. Even though Joe's normal o b l i g a t i o n s to h i s f a t h e r do not hold because of the father's u n f a i r n e s s , he could consider g i v i n g h i s f a t h e r the money because the long-term r e s u l t s would be best f o r a l l concerned. Turn to page 4. page 3 - 79 -2.. What i s the most important thing a good father should r e a l i z e i n his dealings with his son and why? That i n the father-son relationship there are unsaid duties and obligations on both sides; the father i s responsible for the moral tr a i n i n g and character development of his son and therefore should see this and do what i s best for him. That he i s older and i s i n charge and knows more than his son; therefore, his son should obey him. That the complexity of kinship interrelationships extends beyond the boundary of nuclear family as well as extended family t i e s . That both father and son deserve the same respect as free and equal individuals; the father should respect his son's rights the same as any person respects the rights of another i n d i v i d u a l . A good father l e t s his son lead his own l i f e , do what he wants to do, make his own decisions, and recognizes his son's personal property as well as his son's needs and desires. A father should do things for his son because his son w i l l do things for him i n return and vice-versa. A good father recognizes that being a good father involves setting a good example for his son; mutual understanding and honest communication i s necessary so he can complete his role i n guiding his son. The main thing i s mutual f a i t h and trust between them as well as love, respect and mutual concern for the welfare of others just because i t i s r i g h t . Turn to page 5. page 4 - 80 -What i s the most important t h i n g a good son should r e a l i z e i n h i s d e a l i n g s with h i s f a t h e r and why? (check a box) That h i s f a t h e r probably l i k e s to eat f i s h a l o t . A good son i s someone who l i s t e n s to and obeys h i s f a t h e r because he i s o l d e r and has had more experience; obedience i s e s s e n t i a l . A good son should r e a l i z e that the f a t h e r - s o n r e l a t i o n s h i p means d u t i e s on both t h e i r p a r t s ; the f a t h e r has the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of b r i n g i n g up the c h i l d and the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r a l l the c h i l d ' s a c t s while the c h i l d has the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of doing what h i s f a t h e r t e l l s him to do. A good son r e a l i z e s that h i s f a t h e r loves him and has h i s son's best i n t e r e s t s at heart and should a ct so as to show a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r a l l h i s f a t h e r has done f o r him; he should r e s p e c t , and t r u s t i n h i s f a t h e r . T h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p should be based on honesty with both a c t i n g out of a f f e c t i o n f o r each other. In the f a t h e r - s o n r e l a t i o n s h i p , the same re s p e c t i s due to both the f a t h e r and son as i n d i v i d u a l s ; c h i l d r e n do not owe parents complete obedience. A parent who acts u n f a i r l y toward a c h i l d has l o s t h i s r i g h t to r e s p e c t ; people who don't r e s p e c t o t h e r s ' r i g h t s are confused and narrow. A good son should be good, r e s p e c t , and do favors f o r h i s f a t h e r because h i s f a t h e r has done things f o r him i n the past and w i l l do things f o r him i n the f u t u r e ; you shouldn't b i t e the hand that feeds you". The son should a l s o recognize h i s f a t h e r i s not God-like but has f a u l t s and weaknesses l i k e everyone e l s e . Turn to page 6. page 5 - 81 -4. Why i s i t important to keep a promise, even to someone you don't know w e l l or are not c l o s e to? (check a box) You should keep a promise to show you are t r u s t -worthy and make a good impression on others as w e l l as to avoid h u r t i n g them; one expects and t r u s t s another to keep a promise and i t always hurts when one's t r u s t i s shown to be wrong. One should not break a promise and cause another person's disappointment i n not g e t t i n g what was promised. I f you broke your promise, the other person would not t r u s t you anymore. Someday you may need him and f i n d that you would not be able to count on him any longer to keep promises to you. Promises c o n s t i t u t e a p o r t i o n of h y p o t h e t i c o -deductive process which renders s o c i e t y p o s s i b l e . T r u s t i s necessary f o r an i d e a l or j u s t s o c i e t y and keeping a promise comes from p r i n c i p l e s of j u s t i c e ; keeping a promise shows that each person regards the other as an equal. One keeps promises to b u i l d a t r u s t f u l world and maintain as much l i b e r t y as i s p o s s i b l e . One should keep promises to keep one's i n t e g r i t y and s e l f r e s p e c t ; promises represent a commitment or a keeping of one's word and are somewhat sacred i n nature. Promises are part of general s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s and s o c i e t y depends on and expects people to keep t h e i r word; Joe's f a t h e r should set the example that commitments should be kept as a member of s o c i e t y . Simply because i t ' s a promise; i f you keep a promise you won't get i n t o t r o u b l e , but i f you break i t you can expect to be punished. page 6 - 82 -Two young men, b r o t h e r s , had gotten i n t o s e r i o u s t r o u b l e . They were s e c r e t l y l e a v i n g town i n a hurry and needed money. K a r l , the o l d e r one, broke i n t o a stor e and s t o l e $500. Bob, the younger one, went to a r e t i r e d o l d man who was known to help people i n town. Bob t o l d the man that he was very s i c k and he needed $500 to pay f o r the o p e r a t i o n . R e a l l y he wasn't s i c k at a l l , and he had no i n t e n t i o n of paying the man back. Although the man d i d n ' t know Bob very w e l l , he loaned him the money. So Bob and K a r l skipped town, each with $500. 1. Which would be worse, s t e a l i n g l i k e K a r l or c h e a t i n g l i k e Bob? s t e a l i n g l i k e K a r l c h e a t ing l i k e Bob (t u r n to page 2) ( t u r n to page 3) page 1 answer "c h e a t i n g l i k e Bob" Why? (check a box) Because c h e a t i n g i n v o l v e s b e t r a y i n g a personal t r u s t and t h i s w i l l d estroy the o l d man's f a i t h i n human nature and he might not want to help others i n need anymore. Cheating i s worse because i t goes a g a i n s t the b a s i c value of the human person and v i o l a t e s a t r u s t ; t r u s t i s the b a s i s ' t o human r e l a t i o n s h i p s and i n t e r a c t i o n . Because c h e a t i n g e n t a i l s a fundamental d e c i s i o n concerning b a s i c determinates of pr e c a u t i o n a r y a c t i o n s and motives. In the end you wouldn't gain anything from i t and i f you cheat people, they w i l l do i t r i g h t back to you or won't b e l i e v e i n you any longer and would r e f u s e to help you out i n the f u t u r e . R e l a t i o n s h i p s of t r u s t have an i n v i o l a b l e c h a r a c t e r and breaking a t r u s t shows a l o s s of personal i n t e g r i t y or weakness i n one's c h a r a c t e r and leads to s o c i a l d i s o r d e r . One who cheats causes hardship to many people and not j u s t to those cheated. I t ' s a crime to do e i t h e r but one could get i n t o more t r o u b l e c h e a t i n g l i k e Bob. Suppose Bob had gotten the loan from a bank with no i n t e n t i o n of paying i t back. Is borrowing from the bank or the o l d man worse? the bank the o l d man (turn to page 4) ( t u r n to page 5) page - 84 -answer: "the bank" Why? (check a box) Because banks were made to be robbed and not borrowed from. Because the bank i s simply more important. Because you would never be able to get c r e d i t or a loan anywhere. Borrowing from the bank would probably be worse because the bank a f f e c t s more people but the e f f e c t s of borrowing from the o l d man w i l l not a f f e c t as many people. The banker based h i s lo a n on the b e l i e f that a l l men are (or should be) honest and that he was going to be r e p a i d f o r the l o a n — t r u s t i s fundamental to a l l human r e l a t i o n s h i p s and to v i o l a t e i t i s to show l i t t l e or no r e s p e c t f o r the people. Breaking a t r u s t i n v o l v e s going a g a i n s t the banker's expectations and w i l l r e s u l t i n the banker being very d i s a p p o i n t e d . Turn to page 6 . page4 - 85 -answer: "the o l d man" Why? (check a box) Simply because j u s t i c e i n the t r a d i t i o n a l sense r e q u i r e s a l o g i c a l d e c i s i o n based on the s o - c a l l e d " p o s i t i v e a b s o l u t i s m . " The o l d man may be more powerful than even the bank and could use h i s money to see that you were punished. The o l d man needs the money and w i l l have a more d i f f i c u l t time making up h i s l o s s than the bank with i t s money. We depend upon honesty i n s o c i e t y and borrowing from the o l d man i n v o l v e s v i o l a t i n g a v a l u a b l e and honorable t r u s t ; s o c i a l order depends upon t r u s t . Cheating the o l d man i s worse because he i s a person r a t h e r than an i n s t i t u t i o n l i k e the bank; the person should be valued over the i n s t i t u t i o n because they're the reason i n s t i t u t i o n s e x i s t . T r u s t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s are s a t i s f y i n g to each person and should be preserved f o r t h e i r b a s i c v alue; v i o l a t i n g a t r u s t w i l l r e s u l t i n disappointment and a l o s s of t r u s t i n mankind f o r the o l d man. Turn to page. 6. page 5 - 8 6 -3. Why shouldn't someone s t e a l and what i s the value or importance of property r i g h t s ? (check a box) Property r i g h t s are p a r t of what i t means to be a human and must be r e s p e c t e d — t h e y come from other human r i g h t s . They recognize the i n d i v i d u a l , h i s d e s i r e s , and hard work, and are an extension of r e s p e c t f o r h i s i n d i v i d u a l w e l f a r e . The property i s simply not yours. I f a person has worked f o r h i s property then he should be allowed to do as he pleases with i t . I f one person s t e a l s i t w i l l cause other people to s t e a l j u s t to get even. One should r e s p e c t property r i g h t s because s t e a l i n g i s a g a i n s t the law and w i l l r e s u l t i n punishment. People have a r i g h t to property because they have worked hard f o r i t and earned i t ; t h e r e f o r e , i t should be p r o t e c t e d . S t e a l i n g leads to disappointment i n others and causes people to f i g h t . Property as a p o s s e s s i o n i s by i t s very nature not d e f i n a b l e i n a q u a l i t a t i v e f a s h i o n nor can i t be q u a n t i f i e d on any known dimension. Property r i g h t s are necessary to maintain s o c i a l order; Property r i g h t s i n v o l v e t r u s t and breaking that t r u s t threatens s o c i e t y . I f everyone s t o l e a l l the time s o c i e t y would break down completely. Turn to page 7 . page 6 - 87 -4. What do people mean by conscience and what does i t do? Conscience i s an inn e r v o i c e of self-blame that bothers you u n t i l you confess or a p o l o g i z e f o r having hurt one's f e e l i n g s or caused disappointment i n o t h e r s . I t not only t e l l s you what i s r i g h t but a l s o i s a pa r t of you that has f e e l i n g s about r i g h t and wrong — the morally s e n s i t i v e p a r t of your f e e l i n g s . Conscience i s a f e e l i n g of f e a r about being punished f o r having done something wrong. Conscience i s one's i n t e r n a l i n t u i t i v e immediate or emotional moral response which need not be r a t i o n a l and needs to be i n t e g r a t e d with reason or l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s . V i o l a t i o n of one's own p r i n c i p l e s r e s u l t s i n s e l f -condemnation and g u i l t ; such g u i l t i s , however, not an unquestioned or f i n a l reason f o r moral a c t i o n . Conscience i s s e l f t h i n k i n g or t a l k i n g to y o u r s e l f , much l i k e a l i t t l e v o i c e t e l l i n g you r i g h t from wrong. Conscience would bother one f o r l y i n g , c h e a t i n g , s t e a l i n g , e t c . Conscience i s a set of inn e r standards which one t r i e s to l i v e up t o . I t i s the b a s i s f o r moral d e c i s i o n s on what i s r i g h t or wrong. I t means resp e c t f o r people, i n t e g r i t y , a sense of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , o b l i g a t i o n and duty. Going a g a i n s t conscience r e s u l t s i n g u i l t from not l i v i n g up to your d u t i e s and o b l i g a t i o n s . Conscience i s the sci e n c e of studying the r e l a t i o n s h i p between cons. page 7 - 88 -In a country i n Europe, a poor man named V a l j e a n could f i n d no work, nor could h i s s i s t e r and b r o t h e r . Without money, he s t o l e food and medicine that they needed. He was captured and sentenced to p r i s o n f o r s i x years. A f t e r a couple of years, he escaped from the p r i s o n and went to l i v e i n another part of the country under a new name. He saved money and slowly b u i l t up a b i g f a c t o r y . He gave h i s workers the h i g h e s t wages and used most of h i s p r o f i t s to b u i l d a h o s p i t a l f o r people who couldn't a f f o r d good medical care. Twenty years had passed when a t a i l o r recognized the f a c t o r y owner as being V a l j e a n , the escaped c o n v i c t whom the p o l i c e had been l o o k i n g f o r back i n h i s home town. 1. Should the t a i l o r r e p o r t V a l j e a n to the p o l i c e ? Yes No (tu r n to page 2) ( t u r n to page 3) page 1 - 89 -answer "Yes, the t a i l o r should r e p o r t V a l j e a n . " Why? I t would be a l r i g h t to r e p o r t i f he f e l t he must because the o f f i c i a l s c ould see f o r themselves what good V a l j e a n was doing. Because V a l j e a n s t o l e t h ings and should pay f o r what he has s t o l e n . We must p r o t e c t s o c i e t y and we do i t through law. Even i f once i n a while one i n d i v i d u a l must s u f f e r , the p r i n c i p l e of law must be kept. Because none of the c l o t h e s the t a i l o r made f i t him. V a l j e a n s t o l e and then broke out of j a i l . C o n v i c t s are dangerous. Even i f there are unusual circumstances as there are here, i t i s best f o r the courts to decide and not an i n d i v i d u a l . I f i n d i v i d u a l s made the d e c i s i o n s you would have d i f f e r e n c e s i n treatment and no s i n g l e standard of j u s t i c e . Turn to page 4. page 2 - 90 -answer: "No, the t a i l o r shouldn't r e p o r t V a l j e a n . " Why? I t ' s none of h i s business. V a l j e a n i s not committing crimes now; he i s not doing any harm to the t a i l o r or h i s b u s i n e s s . Besides, the t a i l o r might get h i m s e l f i n t o the same k i n d of t r o u b l e someday and need V a l j e a n to help him out. I t wouldn't help the t a i l o r much to t e l l on V a l j e a n . I t ' s up to V a l j e a n to t u r n h i m s e l f i n . The s i t u a t i o n here i s between s o c i e t y and a member of that s o c i e t y . P r i s i o n i s to p r o t e c t s o c i e t y and s o c i e t y would be hurt more than helped i f V a l j e a n went to j a i l . V a l j e a n has o b v i o u s l y worked o f f h i s "debt" to s o c i e t y many times over. The t a i l o r should r e a l i z e that t e l l i n g the p o l i c e would help no one. Not the people he s t o l e from, c e r t a i n l y not V a l j e a n , who has no doubt "reformed" h i s " e v i l " ways. So a l l the reasons f o r punishment have been f u l f i l l e d . I t i s p r e f e r a b l e on t e l e o l o g i c a l grounds to r e f u s e to p a r t i c i p a t e i n a c t i o n s with r u l e o r i e n t e d j u s t i f i c a t i o n s . He's not a c r i m i n a l now. He's b u i l t a h o s p i t a l and a f a c t o r y ; he's h e l p i n g other people more than they helped him. He got i n t o t r o u b l e , d i d what he d i d because he had no money even though he t r i e d to get a job. So i t wasn't r i g h t to put him i n j a i l i n the f i r s t p l a c e , so the t a i l o r shouldn't t e l l . Turn to page 4. page 3 - 91 -The law says c i t i z e n s are supposed to r e p o r t escaped c o n v i c t s . What should guide a good c i t i z e n i n cases where there i s a c o n f l i c t between the law and h i s own judgment? Answer: "A good c i t i z e n would c o n s i d e r . . . " Does i t help the person who would be punished? Does i t help the s o c i e t y form which that person would be separated? We must r e a l i z e that u n i v e r s a l a c t i o n s c r e a t e d i s t i n c t l y d i f f e r e n t problems f o r a l l concerned. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between a c t i o n and non-action i s not c l e a r i n t h i s case. What V a l j e a n had done. He was doing good and he had only s t o l e n so he could l i v e . I t ' s a good c i t i z e n ' s duty to r e p o r t him, but you should remember what good he was doing. That i f he d i d n ' t r e p o r t V a l j e a n , he would be g u i l t y too and would be put i n j a i l . A c i t i z e n should r e p o r t every crime that could i n t e r f e r e with r i g h t s . He should have s o c i e t y ' s b e t t e r i n t e r e s t s at h e a r t — n o t the merely f o l l o w i n g the l e t t e r of the law. I t ' s h i s duty to r e p o r t V a l j e a n s i n c e he has done something wrong. Turn to page 5 . page 4 - 92 -3. From s o c i e t y ' s p o i n t of view, what would be the best reason f o r the judge to have V a l j e a n f i n i s h h i s sentence? Answer: "The best reason to have him f i n i s h h i s sentence would be..." That you should f o l l o w the law to the l e t t e r and go s t r i c t l y by the book. That's not a good reason even though i t ' s the best you can g i v e . To a v o i d having people g e n e r a l i z e to s i t u a t i o n s where s t e a l i n g i s a r e a l o f f e n s e . I t i s a s t r i c t l e g a l code that guarantees order i n s o c i e t y . To f l a u n t t h i s code i s to make i t p o i n t l e s s . We must present a d e t e r r e n t to f u t u r e p o t e n t i a l t h i e v e s — a n example that the law h o l d s . To be f a i r . I f he l e t s V a l j e a n go j u s t because he has gotten b e t t e r , i t wouln't be f a i r to anyone e l s e . He d i d s t e a l . I f he hadn't b e t t e r e d h i m s e l f , i f he had j u s t gone back to h i s o l d ways of robbing and s t e a l i n g , there would be no other p l a c e f o r him but i n j a i l . But s i n c e he's gotten b e t t e r there can't be any reason to put him i n j a i l . The best reason would be that making an e x c e p t i o n here would s t a r t t r o u b l e . There's always someone breaking out and g e t t i n g captured, then someone would say, " I f you l e t V a l j e a n go, why not my son or so-and-so..." e t c . He broke out of j a i l and t h a t ' s i l l e g a l ; he has to f i n i s h h i s sentence. Turn to page 6. page 5 - 93 -4. From s o c i e t y ' s p o i n t of view, what would be the best reason f o r the judge to l e t V a l j e a n go free? Answer: "The best reason to l e t him go f r e e would be..." There wouldn't be o n e — h e s t o l e from people and should pay, should f i n i s h h i s sentence. That Tuesday i s v i s i t i n g day. Because he's b u i l d i n g a h o s p i t a l . He's donating a l l h i s p r o f i t , paying h i g h wages and h e l p i n g people get back on t h e i r f e e t . Besides the reason he s t o l e i n the f i r s t p l a c e was to h e l p people. P r i s o n i s f o r the c o r r e c t i o n of people who go wrong. V a l j e a n has already found t h i s out; he can show others what they can do with t h e i r l i v e s — t h a t one wrong a c t i o n doesn't mean they're a l l bad. He d i d n ' t r e a l l y do anything wrong i n the f i r s t p l a c e and c e r t a i n l y i s n ' t h u r t i n g anyone now. To show that the law i s not of an unreasoning absolute nature, to show that the p a r t i c u l a r circumstances of an i n d i v i d u a l are taken i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n and one i s not simply judged a c c o r d i n g to g e n e r a l i z e d , harsh standards. That V a l j e a n was c o n v i c t e d w r o n g l y — a n d even then served more than enough time. He should a l s o r e a l i z e that f o u r years of imprisonment would probably prevent or s p o i l V a l j e a n from c o n t i n u i n g h i s good works. S o c i e t y has b e n e f i t e d because he has been reprimanded and he's p a i d e v e r y t h i n g back. I t would be an example to s o c i e t y as a p o s s i b l e a l t e r n a t i v e to p r i s o n . page 6 - 94 -References Arbuthnot, J . M o d i f i c a t i o n of moral judgment through r o l e p l a y i n g . 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