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Growth of non-FISA Christian schools in British Columbia, 1975-1985 1988

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GROWTH OF NON-FISA CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS IN BRITISH COLUMBIA: 1975-1985 By GORDON C. CALVERT B. P. E., The U n i v e r s i t y of Manitoba, 1980 B. Ed., The U n i v e r s i t y of L e t h b r i d g e , 1982 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of S o c i a l and E d u c a t i o n a l S t u d i e s We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA December 1987 © Gordon C. C a l v e r t 1987 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Socx'cx\ q>c| Cdo-CaJh Oruil SJrOfWs, The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date V W . K l , \ W DE-6(3/81) i i ABSTRACT This thes is examines the growth of s m a l l , church-re la ted C h r i s t i a n schools in B r i t i s h Columbia, in p a r t i c u l a r those s c h o o l s , l a r g e l y non-funded, outside of B r i t i s h Columbia's Federat ion of Independent School Assoc ia t ions (FISA). The ear ly chapters provide an overview of the h i s t o r y of pr ivate school ing in Canada and examine the s o c i a l context of the growth of C h r i s t i a n s c h o o l s . They show the importance of pr ivate a l t e r n a t i v e s in both Canadian and B r i t i s h Columbian educat ional h i s t o r y . They demonstrate that the growing disenchantment with publ ic education i s a by-product of s o c i e t a l changes in the l as t twenty-f ive years . Later chapters examine the C h r i s t i a n school parent 's concern with the perceived lack of B i b l i c a l values and with the "secular humanist" phi losophy of the publ ic school curr icu lum, as well as the ra t iona le underlying the growth of Protestant evangel ica l day i schools in B r i t i s h Columbia. Although derived from a wide range of sources, much of the information was obtained from primary sources such as r e p o r t s , d i r e c t o r i e s , enrollment s t a t i s t i c s and, in p a r t i c u l a r , o ra l interviews and quest ionnaires with p r i n c i p a l s and others involved in the Chr is t i a n school movement in B r i t i s h Columbia. Pr iva te C h r i s t i a n schools in Canada have b u i l t the i r reputat ion on an increasing popular d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with publ ic educat ion, i t s "secular humanist" phi losophy and i t s perceived lack of B i b l i c a l va lues . This study demonstrates that the church-re la ted C h r i s t i a n schools are not a phenomenon of any one i i i urban or r u r a l area but rather are spread quite c o n s i s t e n t l y throughout many communities of B r i t i s h Columbia. The major i ty of these schools (64%) were founded between 1977 and 1981 and are s m a l l , employing one to two f u l l - t i m e teachers. Government funding for pr ivate schools began in 1977 but as th is study shows, had l i t t l e to do with the founding of these schoo ls , a s i g n i f i c a n t f ind ing since 80% of the schools were founded a f te r 1977. The C h r i s t i a n s c h o o l ' s popular i ty can be traced to the ph i losophic convic t ions of the parents who view these schools as a bast ion of B i b l i c a l t ruth and moral i ty in a secular world. In e l u c i d a t i n g t h i s phi losophy, the thes is points out the d i v e r s i t y of the Non-FISA C h r i s t i a n schools on such issues as government funding and c o n t r o l , teacher c e r t i f i c a t i o n and c u r r i c u l a . The un i fy ing theme i s that r e l i g i o n was the ra ison d 'e t re for the founding of the schools and that the home and the church were the preferred places in which to teach ch i ld ren how to l i v e . It i s evident that the pr ivate schools , p a r t i c u l a r l y the C h r i s t i a n ones, meet a need for advocates of family choice in our p l u r a l i s t i c Canadian soc ie ty who have become d i s i l l u s i o n e d with the pub l ic school system, and desire a more t r a d i t i o n a l education su i ted to the i r phi losophy. i v TABLE OP CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i TABLES OF CONTENTS iv LIST OF TABLES . . . v i PREFACE v i i Chapter I. PRIVATE SCHOOLS: SETTING THE CONTEXT IN CANADA AND BRITISH COLUMBIA . . . 1 B r ie f History of Pr ivate Schooling in Canada . . . . . . . 6 Funding of Pr ivate Schools 10 Pr ivate and Independent Schools in B r i t i s h Columbia . 13 II. "OURS IS CHRIST-CENTRED EDUCATION... THEIRS IS MAN-CENTRED": CHRISTIAN SCHOOL GROWTH 26 Education in the S i x t i e s and Seventies: The Appeal of the Pr ivate School 26 The Search for T r a d i t i o n a l Values: The Appeal of the Fundamentalist C h r i s t i a n School 33 B r i t i s h Columbia and the Independent Schools Support Act ( B i l l 33) 42 III . "TRAIN UP A CHILD IN THE WAY HE SHOULD GO AND HE WILL NOT DEPART FROM IT" CURRICULUM: AN INTRODUCTION 52 The Essence of the ACE Curriculum 54 IV. "THE HOME AND THE CHURCH ARE THE ONLY DESIGNATED SPHERES OF TEACHING CHILDREN HOW TO LIVE.".: NON-FISA CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 68 Oral Interviews 61 V. CONCLUSION 92 BIBLIOGRAPHY 102 APPENDICES 108 A. Letter to Part i c i p a n t s 108 B. Questionnaire 110 C. Oral Interview 113 v i LIST OP TABLES 1. Canadian Public and Private School Enrollment: 1970-71 to 1984-85 3 2. Legal Status of Separate, Confessional and Denominational Schools 11 3. Enrollment S t a t i s t i c s : B r i t i s h Columbia Independent Schools and Non-FISA Private Schools 1977-1987 19 4. Relationship Between Curriculum Used and Mean Student Enrollment 72 5. Relationship Between Curriculum, Teacher C e r t i f i c a t i o n and Government Funding 78 v i i PREFACE It i s d i f f i c u l t to divorce oneself from one's p o l i t i c a l bias in research. Research i s based on a set of assumptions embedded within a particular context or system. This thesis i s written from the perspective of an advocate of freedom of choice in education. This caveat w i l l help show the reader where t h i s writer i s p o l i t i c a l l y located. Since many Christian.day schools advocate t h i s sort of choice, i t i s important to make clear any possible bias in the text of t h i s study while at the same time acknowledging that the p r i n c i p l e s of academic scholarship have been adhered to. This writer wishes to acknowledge the advice and support of Dr. J. Donald Wilson of the Department of Social and Educational Studies of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Many thanks to Susan for her time and encouragement. 1 Chapter I PRIVATE SCHOOLS: SETTING THE CONTEXT IN CANADA AND BRITISH COLUMBIA Research on formal schooling in North America has a l l too often focused on public schooling. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y evident in Canada where educational studies have displayed narrow i n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m and "public school triumphalism." Such works as Charles E. P h i l l i p s ' The Development of Education in Canada (1957) and P. Henry Johnson's A B r i e f History of Canadian Education (1968) are prime examples of the t r a d i t i o n a l narrative approach to educational studies. Their preoccupation with the r i s e and achievements of the public school system has "tended to obscure the existence of very r e a l private alternatives." 3- They saw the development of the public school system and of mass compulsory education as e s s e n t i a l and inevi t a b l e consequences in the h i s t o r y of Canadian education. The problem with t h e i r accounts, as with contemporary hi s t o r i a n s of t h e i r time, i s that they "tended to accept quite u n c r i t i c a l l y the conventional wisdom equating the expansion of formal schooling with progress."* While providing an extensive account of education in Canada in the t r a d i t i o n a l sense they minimized the importance of h i s t o r i c a l l y based private a l t e r n a t i v e s and f a i l e d to examine the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p of education and society. As Wilson, Stamp and Audet point out: "educational h i s t o r y should be regarded as s o c i a l h i s t o r y . . . education i s at a l l times and everywhere a r e f l e c t i o n of the s o c i a l order." 3 This thesis i s an attempt to examine the private 2 school movement in general and C h r i s t i a n schools in p a r t i c u l a r , within a s o c i a l context. Private a l t e r n a t i v e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y in the l a s t ten years, have attracted increased attention from scholars and those involved i n formulating educational p o l i c y . * The government of Ontario in 1984 found the issue of private schools s i g n i f i c a n t enough to warrant a Royal Commission.8* The private schools, while accounting for only a small proportion of Canada's elementary and secondary enrollment since Confederation, have represented a d i s t i n c t i v e choice for various elements of Canadian society, including B r i t i s h Columbia. Considering the appeal to s p e c i a l groups of these private based a l t e r n a t i v e s , 8 private education deserves a place i n studies of Canadian educational h i s t o r y . As public education experienced enrollment declines, the growth of private education increased dramatically (See Table 1). Prom 1971 to 1985, enrollment i n private schools increased 70.2 percent while public school enrollment f e l l by 17.5 percent. 7 Translated numerically, t h i s means an a d d i t i o n a l 100,176 students educated in private schools while public education enrollment declined by 990,546 students in the same period. This amounts to an average growth of 7155 students per year in the private schools of Canada. Further, the private school enrollment of approximately 242,776 students i n 1984-1985 i s an increase of 6.2 percent over the preceding year as compared to a 0.6% decline in the public school enrollment. Enrollments in private schools have r i s e n s t e a d i l y from 2.5 percent of a l l children in school in 3 TABL1 1 CANADIAN PUBLIC AND PRIVATS SCHOOL ENROLLMENT: 1970-71 to 1984-85 School Public Private Private as Percentage Change Year Schools Schools % of t o t a l * from 1970-71 to 1984-85 Publlc Private Schools Schools 1970-71 5,655,400 142,600 2.5 1971-72 5,628,200 139,900 2.4 - 0.5 - 1.9 1972-73 5,570,300 151,600 2.6 - 1.5 6.3 1973-74 5,491,900 157,900 2.8 - 2.9 10.7 1974-75 5,416,400 175,300 3.1 - 4.2 22.9 1975-76 5,372,000 182,000 3.3 - 5.0 27.6 1976-77 5,384,200 188,300 3.4 - 6.6 32.0 1977-78 5,178,800 189,400 3.5 - 8.4 32.8 1978-79 5,059,000 193,400 3.7 -10.5 35.6 1979-80 4,944,700 198,900 3.9 -12.6 39.5 1980-81 4,855,800 209,400 4.1 -14.1 46.8 1981-82 4,770,300 220,000 4.4 -15.7 54.3 1982-83 4,726,600 225,500 4.6 -16.4 58.1 1983-84 4,700,400 231,844 4.9 -16.9 62.3 1984-85 4,664,854 242,776 5.2 -17.5 70.2 "Total does not Include Federal and Blind and Deaf Schools. SOURCE: s t a t i s t i c s Canada. Education S t a t i s t i c s Service Bulletin/ August 1984 and February 1986. 4 1970-1971 to 5.2 percent In 1984-1985.8 It i s clear that private education has been an increasingly popular choice for parents in Canada since 1971. The province of B r i t i s h Columbia has been no exception to t h i s recent phenomenon. In 1981 alone, an a d d i t i o n a l 1600 students were educated in the private schools of B r i t i s h Columbia, an increase of 6.2 percent over the previous year.* B r i t i s h Columbia's proportion of students attending private schools stands at 6 percent, second only to Quebec. As well, the increase i n enrollment has been 41 percent over the fourteen year period from 1971 to 1985. x o Since the passing of the Independent Schools Support Act ( B i l l 33) in 1977, the number of pupils q u a l i f y i n g for support under the terms of the Act has r i s e n from 16,817 to 27,119 i n 1986.l3- As of December, 1985, there were 247 known independent schools i n B r i t i s h Columbia e n r o l l i n g approximately 30,000 students. Of these schools, about 115 e n r o l l close to 5000-students 3- 2 and either do not receive any government grants or receive minimal support. These are mostly Protestant evangelical day schools with a thoroughly B i b l e - centred curriculum. The two forms of curriculum most often used i n these schools are i n d i v i d u a l i z e d learning packages, namely Accelerated C h r i s t i a n Education (ACE) and Alpha-Omega. The ACE prevales in most schools. These "packages," o r i g i n a t i n g i n the United States, are written from a C h r i s t i a n perspective. The i n d i v i d u a l i z e d learning aspect i s the paramount mode of i n s t r u c t i o n , with the emphasis on mastery l e a r n i n g . 1 3 It i s with 5 these schools, mostly small, church-related schools ( i . e . , operated and/or funded under the auspices of the church) of fundamentalist persuasion, that t h i s thesis i s concerned. Private school attendance has increased s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n B.C. since the passing of B i l l 33 i n 1977. However, the most dramatic growth has been i n the C h r i s t i a n schools, in p a r t i c u l a r those church-related schools that are not part of the Federation of Independent School Associations (FISA) X* and are l a r g e l y non- funded. The tendency i n B. C. for private school students to attend recently founded schools based on r e l i g i o u s values i s representative of the o v e r a l l Canadian s c e n e . 1 9 The purpose of t h i s study i s to investigate why fundamentalist C h r i s t i a n schools in B r i t i s h Columbia have grown so i n numbers. This thesis proposes reasons for t h e i r growth, p a r t i c u l a r l y for schools founded in the l a s t ten years. Why were these schools founded and what larger s o c i a l forces in the l a s t twenty years have contributed to t h e i r growth? Did the passage of B i l l 33 lead to or encourage t h e i r founding? What i s the r e l i g i o u s nature of these schools? Why did they choose t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r curriculum? Do they attempt to hire c e r t i f i e d teachers? Do they l i m i t t h e i r enrollment to members of t h e i r own denomination or to p a r t i c u l a r ethnic groups? What grade l e v e l s do they o f f e r and have t h e i r enrollments increased since t h e i r founding? Are these schools more l i k e l y to be found in p a r t i c u l a r geographic areas? Do they a t t r a c t a normal cross- section of Canadians or cater to one economic group? These questions warrant consideration and answers should provide 6 valuable insights into understanding the growth of these non- funded C h r i s t i a n schools. An extensive examination of the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of these small, church-related fundamentalist schools (Protestant evangelical schools) has not previously been undertaken. Perhaps t h i s i s due to the lack of pertinent resources on the subject and the fact that i t i s such a recent phenomenon. There i s , i n fa c t , a general lack of research on many aspects of B r i t i s h Columbia's educational h i s t o r y . This study may provide a foundation upon which further research could be conducted. The passage of B i l l 33 i n 1977 and i t s provisions for funding private schools prompted i n t e r e s t i n t h i s study. An understanding of the ratio n a l e for non-funded religious-based schools and of t h e i r a ttitudes towards B i l l 33 w i l l prove valuable to those interested in t h i s recent s i g n i f i c a n t development in B r i t i s h Columbian education. Brief History of Private Schooling i n Canada Private schooling i s a long t r a d i t i o n in the educational development of Canada. As Barman points out: "Fee-supported educational i n s t i t u t i o n s at the primary and secondary l e v e l not under d i r e c t government control have existed in Canada from the e a r l i e s t years of white settlement to the present day." 3- 8 For the f i r s t two centuries of European settlement in Canada, schooling - was not considered an established mandate of the state. Education was c a r r i e d out by parents, the church, philanthropists and even business entrepreneurs. 3- 7 Among the e a r l i e s t schools in Canada were those operated by the Jesuits to teach Indian boys in 7 New France (Quebec) as e a r l y as 1633. Petites ecoles. established by parish p r i e s t s , taught childr e n the "3 R's or reading, writing, and r e l i g i o n . " 1 8 The Ursulines established schools for g i r l s i n New France in 1642 as did the S i s t e r s of the Congregation of Notre Dame in Montreal i n 1659. 1 S In 1735 the Notre Dame s i s t e r s "opened t h e i r f i r s t school i n Nova Scotia at Louisburg, and in 1749 the Society for the Promotion of the Gospel i n Foreign Parts sent a schoolmaster to Nova S c o t i a . " 2 0 In Upper Canada (Ontario) private-venture schools were established in Kingston (1785), Frederickburgh (1786), Brnestown (1784) and York (1789) to name a few. "By 1816, rudimentary private schooling had become widespread throughout the province" as evidenced by an American t r a v e l l e r who reported twenty-three schools i n Norfolk County alone; another estimate placed the number of schools in operation at close to 200. 2 1 Secondary education i n Canada may trace i t s roots back to New France in 1636 when the Je s u i t s opened a college classiaue or academic secondary school in Quebec C i t y . At these colleges classiques the Ratio Studiorum or c l a s s i c a l curriculum of the colleges in France was offered. The church had a v i r t u a l monopoloy over education in French Canada. "The role of the state was merely to encourage and support the church in her endeavours by providing occasional subsidies and giving l e g a l sanction to e c c l e s i a s t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s . " 2 2 In A t l a n t i c Canada King's College School opened in 1788 and the Halifax Grammar School in 1789. In Upper Canada, Rev. John Strachan established a grammar school at Cornwall in 1803 and by 8 1812 a handful of grammar or d i s t r i c t schools existed. These schools were denominational i n character. Their schoolmasters were i n v a r i a b l y clergymen and they "were f i r m l y i n the Simcoe t r a d i t i o n of e s t a b l i s h i n g schools for the 1 sons of gentlemen'." a 3 Thus, for those who desired or could a f f o r d a secondary education, there were a handful of grammar schools and denominational i n s t i t u t i o n s which served t h i s s e l e c t minority. The private schools have been c r i t i c i z e d for t h i s e l i t i s t approach to education. However, private i n i t i a t i v e was responsible for founding and operating the schools which existed as i t was not u n t i l the mid-nineteenth century i n Canada that the idea of mass public schooling for a l l c h i l d r e n became r e a l i t y . In the e a r l y h i s t o r y of Canada education was not valued as highly as l i f e s k i l l s and was e s s e n t i a l l y u t i l i t a r i a n in nature. Education, i t was held, should be p r a c t i c a l so as to solve everyday problems. A premium was placed on immediate action rather than theory. In the face of p r a c t i c a l needs, a c e r t a i n scepticism, i f not contempt, existed for book learning, academic t r a i n i n g , and i n t e l l e c t u a l p u r s u i t s . 2 * The influence of the f r o n t i e r on society may have reinforced a p r a c t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n to l i f e . Consequently education was appreciated "only to the extent that i t proved useful in t h i s p r a c t i c a l s e n s e " 2 9 and secondary education was not considered an a l t e r n a t i v e for most people. By mid-nineteenth century private education came under sharp attack by public school promoters whose " v i s i o n of what could be accomplished by educational reform has perhaps never before or a f t e r been p a r a l l e l e d . " 2 * School reformers such as Egerton Ryerson in Upper Canada and his counterparts in Western Europe 9 and the U. S. "were spearheading change made necessary by widespread s o c i a l and technological advance and increasing urbanization." 2 - 7 They argued that t h i s urbanization and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n "needed a more highly schooled c i t i z e n r y in order to advance the public good." 2 0 This movement away from reliance on private education was rooted in the b e l i e f that universal education would provide solutions to c e r t a i n s o c i e t a l problems and that the state should be involved in t h i s venture. Gradually, during t h i s period, c h i l d r e n were schooled for longer and longer periods of time. There was a growing recognition in the nineteenth century, known as the century of schooling, that a l l c h i l d r e n , not just a few, should receive a formalized e d u c a t i o n 2 9 and that i t should be free and compulsory— The common or parish schools soon were e n t i r e l y supported by p r o v i n c i a l and municipal funds ( l o c a l taxation); parents no longer had d i r e c t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to educate th e i r c h i l d r e n ; normal and model schools were established to t r a i n teachers; and in some j u r i s d i c t i o n s schooling was declared compulsory for childr e n up to a c e r t a i n a g e. 3 0 Most common and grammar schools were soon under f u l l public control as private approaches to education diminished. As p r o v i n c i a l departments of education and l o c a l administrative structures emerged to control the burgeoning schools and school systems, government funds were increasingly channeled only to those i n s t i t u t i o n s accepting the controls, and the modern d i s t i n c t i o n between public and private education was gradually forged. Private education, either in the old sense of tutoring in domestic surroundings or in the modern sense of schooling supported independently of taxation or other government fundings, was experienced by the end of the century by very few Canadian c h i l d r e n . 3 1 10 Funding of Private Schools The advent of free public schooling did not si g n a l the collapse of the private school system. Section 93 of the Constitution Act r 1867 declared that the provinces were to have exclusive l e g a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for education. Section 93, subsection I further provided that a l l l e g a l l y established denominational schools p r i o r to Confederation remain in place and be not subject to o f f i c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . Because of the provisions of the B. N. A. Act, "the provinces were free to forge t h e i r own educational statutes, subject to the guarantees for denominational schools already l e g a l l y e s t a b l i s h e d . " 3 2 These schools were in e f f e c t safeguarded for future generations as they were assured of public funds and c o n s t i t u t i o n a l protection. Although the provinces had the freedom to create t h e i r own i n d i v i d u a l educational systems they cannot be viewed as merely independent and i s o l a t e d e n t i t i e s . 3 3 In Canada, f i v e d i f f e r e n t administrative arrangements for denominational schooling emerged among the provinces. Table 2 shows f i v e categories of private schools: non-denominational, administrative leeway, separate schools systems, dual confessional system, and denominational. In the separate schools arrangements in Ontario, Saskatchewan and Alberta, there i s normally a Protestant or Catholic segregated system along with common non-sectarian public schools administered by a Department or M i n i s t r y of Education. The Maritime provinces and Manitoba (from the late 1960's) have adopted informal arrangements for funding denominational schools. O f f i c i a l l y , there i s a single non-sectarian public school system 11 TABLE 2 LEGAL STATUS OP SEPARATE, CONFESSIONAL AND DENOMINATIONAL SCHOOLS Non-Denoai- national (Public Systems Adminls trative Leeway Separate School Systeas Dual Confes- sional Systea (True) Denoai- national Systea B r i t i s h Nova Scotia Ontario Quebec Newfoundland New Brunswick Saskatchewan (Manitoba up to 1890) Prince Edward Alberta Manitoba (from late 1960's) Northwest Territories Yukon Territories SOURCE: J. D. Wilson, "Religion and Education: The Other Side of Pluralism," in J. D. Wilson (ed.), Canadian Education in the 1980's (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises Ltd., 1980), p.102. 12 but p o l i t i c a l compromises and administrative leeway have allowed Roman Catholic schools to receive p r o v i n c i a l funds with varying degrees of supervision attached; The dual confessional public school system i n Quebec i s composed of two separate and independent streams, Catholic and Protestant. The dissentient schools i n each school d i s t r i c t have e s s e n t i a l l y shared a common curriculum since 1964. The t r u l y denominational system of Newfoundland provided support almost e x c l u s i v e l y for denominational schools up u n t i l the late 1960's. In March 1969, various churches signed a "Document of Integration" whereby "each church relinquished i t s r i g h t to operate i t s own school, but retained an executive secretary to advise the Department of Education on denominational q u e s t i o n s . " 3 S F i n a l l y , and of p a r t i c u l a r relevance to t h i s study, i s the province of B r i t i s h Columbia which was the only province not to fund, i n some form, r e l i g i o u s l y based schools. This s i t u a t i o n changed i n 1977 with the passing of the Independent Schools Support Act ( B i l l 33). Some educators in the United States have erroneously assumed that the government of B r i t i s h Columbia, with the passing of t h i s Act, had set up a voucher system for i t s independent schools. They f a i l e d to recognize that the "passage of B i l l 33 brought the province closer to a long-established Canadian practice of funding separate and denominational schools" 3" and amounted to no such thing as a voucher system. The separation of church and state inherent in the American educational system stands in marked contrast to the Canadian 13 pattern of funding, where possible, separate and denominational schools. This i s a key construct to understand e s p e c i a l l y when considering the s i m i l a r i t i e s of the growth of the Protestant C h r i s t i a n day schools in both countries. Therefore, "educational comparisons between the two countries must be made with care" although they may be highly i n s t r u c t i v e both in the academic sense and in the study/execution of p u b l i c p o l i i c y . 3 " 7 Private and Independent Schools i n B r i t i s h Columbia As in other regions of Canada, private schooling was most widespread in the e a r l y educational h i s t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia. Private, p a r t i c u l a r l y church i n i t i a t i v e s , account for the development of the e a r l y schools i n B. C. With the assistance of the Anglican clergy, the Hudson's Bay Company established the f i r s t school at Port V i c t o r i a on Vancouver Island in 1849. Ontarian missionary Miss Emily A. Woodman opened a (Methodist) school at New Westminster i n 1860. Other church-sponsored denominational schools in operation at t h i s time, included Indian mission school's at Hope, Mission C i t y , and Nanaimo on Vancouver I s l a n d . 3 8 In 1860 secondary education became ava i l a b l e under the auspices of the Church of England with the establishment of two private, fee-paying i n s t i t u t i o n s , the Collegiate School for Boys and the Ladies C o l l e g i a t e . In the mainland schools " s o c i a l class had l i t t l e bearing on education; on the Island, under Company rul e , i t was quite prominent, with one kind of schooling for the well-to-do and another for *the labouring and poorer c l a s s e s 1 . " 3 8 14 This d i s t i n c t i o n r e f l e c t e d the Hudson's Bay Company's scheme of s e l e c t i v e c o l o n i z a t i o n on Vancouver Island: ...should be a colony of B r i t i s h landholders who would hold high the s o c i a l and e t h i c a l standards of mid- V i c t o r i a n England and who could be counted on to despise the crasser values of 'the i r r e g u l a r squatters' who flocked to new lands i n search of material b e n e f i t . * 0 With the end of Company rule i n 1858 and the accompanying gold rush on the mainland an i n f l u x of prospectors and others combined not only to increase the populations of the Island and the mainland but to make i t m u l t i - r a c i a l as well. Consequently the r e l i g i o u s - and c l a s s - based schooling gave way to non- sectarian (non-denominational) and free (non-fee-paying) s c h o o l i n g . * x In 1861, a young Ontario school teacher, John Jessop, opened a private school "conducted e x c l u s i v e l y on non^sectarian principles...according to the admirable system of Canada West."* 2 Another non-sectarian school was opened at New Westminster in 1862 by Reverend Robert Jamieson, a Presbyterian minister. This move away from a church-based education in the 1860's was "characterized by the persistent e f f o r t s of a vocal, Canadian- born contingent, including Jessop, to undercut Anglican influence over education in favour of the practices found in Ontario and the Maritimes."* 3 Their campaign led to the Common School Act (1865) which o f f i c i a l l y recognized the practice of denying state aid to denominational schools and "culminated in the passage of the 1872 Public Schools Act which provided for a c e n t r a l i z e d , p u b l i c l y financed system of non-denominational schools."** 15 This by no means signaled the collapse of private schooling in B r i t i s h Columbia although the establishment of a public system made many of the non-Catholic r e l i g i o u s schools unnecessary. Private education now consisted mainly of two independent streams, Catholic schools and private schools based on the B r i t i s h "public" school. The Catholic schools have reroianed a strong t r a d i t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia from the opening of t h e i r f i r s t school in 1858 by the S i s t e r s of Saint Anne to the present day operation of 72 schools. During the f i r s t half of the twentieth century, Barman reports the existence of " f i f t y to s i x t y non-^Catholic private schools for boys, as well as an equivalent number for g i r l s . " * 9 She a t t r i b u t e s the growth of these private boys' schools to three, f a c t o r s : ...the s u r v i v a l of a small but well established support group within the province; the enormous popularity i n B r i t a i n of an educational model amenable to r e p l i c a t i o n ; and the settlement i n B r i t i s h Columbia of a large ethnic community deeply committed before t h e i r a r r i v a l to that model.** I n i t i a l l y i d e n t i f i e d with the B r i t i s h born in the population, these private boys* schools based on the B r i t i s h "public" school model broadened t h e i r c l i e n t e l e during the interwar period "to encompass families at the centre of the province's socio-economic structure."* - 7 "The existence of private a l t e r n a t i v e s to B r i t i s h Columbia's public system of education must not, then, be discounted,"** as fam i l i e s supporting private education have been a d i s t i n c t i v e element in B r i t i s h Columbia s o c i e t y since the early days of settlement. Except for the Catholic school controversies of the 1950's in M a i l l a r d v i l l e / C o q u i t l a m on the issues of busing and 16 taxation, the private schools of B r i t i s h Columbia had been v i r t u a l l y ignored u n t i l 1977 when the p r o v i n c i a l government offered f i n a n c i a l assistance to those private schools w i l l i n g to meet c e r t a i n conditions of operation. B r i t i s h Columbia recognized o f f i c i a l l y three types of schools a f t e r 1977: public, private and independent. Independent schools q u a l i f y for aid under the Independent Schools Support Act. They must meet prescribed standards and are c l a s s i f i e d as either Group I or Group II schools for grant purposes. Group I schools may receive nine percent of the per-pupil operating cost for the previous year in the public schools of the d i s t r i c t in which each i s located. Under the Act, Group II schools may receive 30 percent of the per-pupil operating cost. These subsidy l e v e l s did not change between 1978, when the f i r s t grants were paid out, u n t i l March 1987, when the B. C. government announced increases to ten percent and and t h i r t y - f i v e percent for Groups I and II schools re s p e c t i v e l y . Group I schools must meet c e r t a i n minimum requirements to be e l i g i b l e for the subsidy l e v e l of ten percent. The c r i t e r i a are: 1) absence of any program, e x i s t i n g or proposed, which fosters r a c i a l or ethnic s u p e r i o r i t y , r e l i g i o u s intolerance or persecution, or s o c i a l change through v i o l e n t action; 2) adequate f a c i l i t i e s ; and 3) operation of the school for at least three consecutive school years, including the school year immediately pr i o r to the date of a p p l i c a t i o n . O r i g i n a l l y , a school could not apply for assistance u n t i l i t had completed f i v e consecutive years of operation. Recent government l e g i s l a t i o n in June, 1987 17 has now reduced the waiting period to q u a l i f y for support grants from three years to one. The B. C. government believed that three years was too long considering usages in other provinces such as Quebec (no waiting period) and Alberta (one year waiting period). Both provinces, according to Education minister Tony Brummet, have "shown a good record of orderly growth without undesirable p r o l i f e r a t i o n . M S O The second l e v e l of funding may be extended to schools which meet the following a d d i t i o n a l c r i t e r i a : 1) the establishment of a curriculum which meets minimum i n s t r u c t i o n a l time requirements for course subject areas designated by the Minister of Education; 2) agreement to p a r t i c i p a t e i n an external evaluation committee which examines and assesses programs, operations, and administration i n the school; 3) agreement to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the p r o v i n c i a l learning assessment program; and 4) assurance that a l l teachers are c e r t i f i c a t e d within f i v e years. It i s evident that Group II independent schools must meet more stringent requirements than Group I schools but in return they receive more generous grants.. One can see the intimate r e l a t i o n between the t o t a l subsidy payments granted to independent schools and the public school per-pupil operating costs. Obviously, budgetary r e s t r a i n t s applied to the public schools automatically a f f e c t the independent schools the following year since the independent school grants are t i e d to the public school costs of the previous y e a r . B X Schools which do not come under the provisions of the Independent Schools Support Act are known as private schools. 18 These are mostly small, church-related schools of fundamentalist persuasion. The term private i s not to be confused with the long- established, academically-oriented schools best described as modern Canadian versions of the t r a d i t i o n a l B r i t i s h "public" schools. (The B r i t i s h public schools would be considered private schools in Canadian terms.) These are a group of ten schools, seven of which are boarding i n s t i t u t i o n s , known c o l l e c t i v e l y in B r i t i s h Columbia as the Independent Schools Association (ISA). Therefore, the term private schools i n t h i s study s h a l l designate fundamentalist church-related schools which do not belong to FISA, known as the Non-FISA privafte schools. FISA, as mentioned previously, i s the Federation of Independent School Associations, an umbrella organization for the independent schools of B. C. which i n 1987 represented 28,600 students in 130 s c h o o l s . 3 2 (See Table 3 for c l a r i f i c a t i o n . ) The Catholic Public Schools Inter-Society Committee (CPS- ISC) i s the largest a s sociation of FISA comprising 72 schools and an enrollment of over 16,000 students i n 1987 situated in f i v e Catholic dioceses. The Independent Schools Association (ISA), composed of the t r a d i t i o n a l private schools based on the B r i t i s h t r a d i t i o n , consists of ten schools with an enrollment of over 4000 students. While representing only 7.7 percent of the FISA independent schools and 15.5 percent of the t o t a l FISA enrollment, the demand for places in the ISA schools is p a r t i c u l a r l y strong at the present time with most schools reporting long waiting l i s t s . 3 3 19 TABLE 3 ENROLLMENT STATISTICS: BRITISH COLUMBIA INDEPENDENT SCHOOLS AND NON-PISA PRIVATE SCHOOLS 1977-1987 Year CPS-ISC Catholic ISA Private SCS-BC InterDen AMG Mixed PISA Total Stats Canada Mon- PISA 77-78 13,264 3,559 2,471 1,357 20,651 23,691 3,040 78-79 13,395 3,556 2,702 1,411 21,064 24,556 3,492 79-80 13,226 3,667 2,946 1,273 21,140 24,827 3,687 80-81 13,712 3,661 3,239 1,498 22,110 26,314 4,204 81-82 14,077 3,839 3,436 2,056 23,408 27,936 4,528 82-83 14,620 3,872 3,592 2,002 24,086 28,280 4,194 83-84 14,620 3,872 3,745 1,518 24,714 29,118 4,404 84-85 15,421 3,886 3,969 1,756 25,032 30,326 5,294 85-86 16,592 4,331 4,149 2,047 27,119 33,553 6,434 86-87 16,934 4,484 4,639 2,563 28,620 34,224 5,604 %age increase over 1977 27.7 25.9 87.7 88.9 38.6 44.5 84.3 CPS-ISC: Catholic Public Schools Inter-Society Committee ISA: Independent Schools Association SCS-BC: Society of Christ ian Schools in Br i t i sh Columbia AMG: Associate Member Group PISA: Federation of Independent School Associations SOURCE: PISA, Enrollment S t a t i s t i c s . June 23, 1987. 20 The Society of C h r i s t i a n Schools i n B r i t i s h Columbia (SCS- BC) consists of 32 schools e n r o l l i n g over 4000 students at present. These are l o c a l l y autonomous schools c o n t r o l l e d by an association of parents, vigorously Bible-centred, and members of the Society of C h r i s t i a n Schools International. The SCS has enjoyed strong growth since 1977 (87.7 percent increase) in part due to the a v a i l a b i l i t y of funding, a contention to be argued l a t e r i n t h i s study. This growth i n the SCS-BC along with that of the non-FISA Protestant evangelical day schools suggests that a Christian-centred education has become an increasingly popular a l t e r n a t i v e in B r i t i s h Columbia since 1977. The Associate Member Group (AMG) has sixteen schools "which do not belong to an association of t h e i r own and c o l l e c t i v e l y have the same r i g h t s as an association with f u l l membership." 9* Some examples of these schools are Credo C h r i s t i a n High School in Langley, Vancouver Talmud Torah, Mennonite Educational I n s t i t u t e in Clearbrook, and Zion Lutheran School i n Surrey.- Located in the Lower Mainland or V i c t o r i a , they have varying educational philosophies but a l l meet p r o v i n c i a l curriculum requirements. The Non-FISA schools include two associations, the Association of Independent Church Schools (AICS) and the Seventh Day Adventist schools (SDA). The schools in AICS are p r i m a r i l y church-operated and use the ACE curriculum. The SDA consists of twenty-seven schools throughout the province which offe r an educational program from a SDA perspective. As well, other schools of varying educational philosophies such as the Vancouver Montessori School Society, Discovery School (for learning 21 problems), and the Vancouver Oral Center for Deaf Children, to name a few, operate as i n d i v i d u a l e n t i t i e s . For the most part, the Non-FISA schools are composed of small church-related fundamentalist schools using a self-paced curriculum. In 1985, the c l o s i n g date of t h i s study, there were approximately 5300 students and over 100 schools which f e l l into t h i s category. The Non-FISA school enrollment further peaked at 6434 students in 1986 and then dipped to 5604 in 1987. There are no exact figures regarding these schools and l i t t l e i s known about them since many schools are informally organized and don't appear on any l i s t i n g s . Further, some of these schools are paranoid about "interference" and do not wish to release any information. From 1977 to 1985 there was a remarkable 63.9 percent increase in attendance in these schools. The remainder of t h i s study i s an attempt to explain the growth of these schools through 1985. 22 NOTES TO CHAPTER I xJean Barman, "Marching to D i f f e r e n t Drummers: Public Education and Private Schools in B r i t i s h Columbia, 1900-1950," B r i t i s h Columbia H i s t o r i c a l News 14 ( F a l l 1980):2. 'Alison L. Prentice and Susan E. Houston, Family, Schools,, and Society (Toronto: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1975), p. 3. 3 J . D. Wilson, R. M. Stamp, and L. P. Audet, eds., Canadian Education: A History (Toronto: Prentice H a l l , 1970), p. v i i i . * J . C. Carper and T. C. Hunt, Religious Schooling in America (Birmingham: Religious Education Press, 1984), p. i x . s F o r a d e t a i l e d report of the findings, see B. J . Shapiro, The Report of the Commission on Private Schools in Ontario (Toronto: The Commission on Private Schools in Ontario, 1985). "Canadian Encyclopedia f 1985 ed., s.v. "Private School," by Jean Barman. ^ S t a t i s t i c s Canada, "Advanced S t a t i s t i c s of Education," Education S t a t i s t i c s Service B u l l e t i n . February, 1986, p. 3. "Ib i d . " S t a t i s t i c s Canada, "Growth in Private Education—1970-71 to 1983-84," Education S t a t i s t i c s Service B u l l e t i n . August, 1984, p. 2. " S t a t i s t i c s Canada, 1984 and 1986, comparing enrollment figures from 1970-71 with 1984-85. " F e d e r a t i o n of Independent Schools, Enrollment S t a t i s t i c s (Vancouver: FISA, 1986). " F e d e r a t i o n of Independent Schools, Annual Di r e c t o r i e s 1977-1987 (Vancouver: FISA, 1977-1987). "Mastery learning, according to Alpha Omega (curriculum publishers), i s based on the premise that optimum learning occurs when students t r u l y "master" the content or s k i l l s taught i n one learning experience before progressing on to the next one. Mastery i s usually evidenced by a minimum score of 80 percent in the tests given. x*For c l a r i f i c a t i o n of the term FISA, refer to "Independent and Private Schools in B r i t i s h Columbia" in Chapter I. " J . D. Wilson, "Religion and Education: The Other Side of Pluralism," in Canadian Education in the 1980's. ed. J . D. Wilson (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises Ltd., 1981), p. 97. 23 "Barman, J . , "Private School," 1985 ed. 1 - rRobert Stamp, "A History of Private Schools in Ontario," in B. J . Shapiro, The Report of the Commission on Private Schools in Ontario. (Toronto: The Commission on Private Schools in Ontario, 1985), p. 4; 193-206. " F . Henry Johnson, A Brief History of Canadian Education (Toronto: McGraw-Hill Co. Ltd., 1968), p. 8. " I b i d . , pp. 8-9. 2°Joseph Katz, Society, Schools and Progress in Canada (Toronto: Pergamon Press, 1969), p. 64. "Stamp, "A History of Private Schools i n Ontario," p. 195. For a more det a i l e d account see J . D. Wilson, "Education i n Upper Canada: Sixty Years of Change," in Canadian Education: A History, eds. Wilson, Stamp and Audet and C. E. P h i l l i p s , The Development of Education in Canada (Toronto: W. J . Gage and Co. Ltd., 1957), pp. 97-114. " L o u i s - P h i l i p p e Audet, H i s t o i r e de 1'enseionement au Quebec. Tane I (Montreal: Holt, Rinehart et Winston, 1971), p. 122 i n E. Brian T i t l e y and Peter J . M i l l e r , eds., Education in Canada: An Interpretation (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises Ltd., 1982), p. 13. 2 3 J . D. Wilson, "Education in Upper Canada: Sixty Years of Change," p. 194. 2 4 I b i d . , pp. 192-193. "Don Dawson and Brian T i t l e y , "The Origins of Schooling in Selected Regions of Canada: An Interpretation," i n Education in Canada: An Interpretation, eds. E. Brian T i t l e y and Peter J . M i l l e r , (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises Ltd., 1982), p. 14. 2 B P r e n t i c e and Houston, p. 55. 2 T J . D. Wilson, "The Ryerson Years in Canada West," in Wilson, Stamp and Audet, eds., p. 214. 2 8Robert Stamp, "A History of Private Schools in Ontario," p. 196. 2 9 J . Barman, "Private School," 1985 (ed.). For a more complete account see J. D. Wilson, "The Ryerson Years i n Canada West," pp. 214-240 and Prentice and Houston, pp. 55-105. " P r e n t i c e and Houston, p. 1. 3 i I b i d . , p. 1. 24 3 a J . D. Wilson, "Religion and Education: The Other Side of Pluralism," p. 101. " I b i d . , p. 101. 3«Ibid., p. 103. " I b i d . , p. 103. " J . D. Wilson and M. Lazerson, " H i s t o r i c a l and Co n s t i t u t i o n a l Perspectives on Family Choice and Schooling: The Canadian Case," i n Family Choice in Schooling: Issues and Dilemmas, ed. M. Manley-Cassinter (Lexington, Mass.: D. C. Heath, 1982), p. 2. 3 7 I b i d . , p. 2. " F o r a more de t a i l e d account of independent and church- sponsored schools in existence at t h i s time see F. Henry Johnson, A History of Public Education in B r i t i s h Columbia (Vancouver: Un i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1964), pp. 20-24. "M. R. Lupul, "Education in Western Canada Before 1873," in Wilson, Stamp and Audet, eds., p. 250. *°M. A. Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: A History (Toronto: Macmillan Co. Ltd., 1958), p. 101. -•̂ M. R. Lupul, p. 252. * 2 F . Henry Johnson, John Jessop: Goldseeker and Educator (Vancouver: M i t c h e l l Press, 1971), p. 38. * 3 J . Barman, "Marching to Different Drummers," p. 3. **Ibid . , p. 3. * 9 J . Barman, "Skimming off the Cream: The So c i a l Impact of Private Education i n B r i t i s h Columbia 1900-1950," History of Education Review 16 (1987):51. 4 a I b i d . , p. 53. * 7 I b i d . , p. 51. * e J . Barman, "Marching to Di f f e r e n t Drummers," p. 10. **L. W. Downey, "Aid-to-Independent Schools Movement in B r i t i s h Columbia," in Schools in the West: Essavs in Canadian Educational H i s t o r y eds. N. Sheehan, J . D. Wilson, & Jones, (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises Ltd., 1986). 25 9°G. Mason, "Waiting Period for Grants Cut for Independent Schools," The Vancouver Sun f 25 June 1987. " F e d e r a t i o n of Independent Schools, "Summary: Status of, and P o l i c y Towards Independent Schools," (Vancouver: FISA, 1984), p. 2. " F e d e r a t i o n of Independent Schools, Annual D i r e c t o r i e s 1977-1987 (Vancouver: FISA), 1987 Directory, p. 2. " F e d e r a t i o n of Independent Schools, "Summary, Status of, and P o l i c y towards Independent Schools," p. 1 and Federation of Independent Schools, Enrollment S t a t i s t i c s f 1986. " F e d e r a t i o n of Independent Schools, Annual Directory 1983- 1984. p. 1. 26 Chapter II "OURS IS CHRIST-CENTERED EDUCATION... THEIRS IS MAN-CENTERED": CHRISTIAN SCHOOL GROWTH (Dr. Paul A. K i e n e l ) 1 Education in the S i x t i e s and Seventies: The Appeal of the Private School In the l a s t decade the impact of the private school movement, in general, and C h r i s t i a n schools, in p a r t i c u l a r , has led to growing i n t e r e s t in non-public schooling in Canada. Parents are increasingly opting out of the public school system in favour of private a l t e r n a t i v e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those schools of more recent o r i g i n , the majority of them founded since the late s i x t i e s and based on r e l i g i o u s values. 2 This chapter seeks to explain t h i s recent phenomenon and to analyze the appeal of the Ch r i s t i a n day schools. The growth of private schools in both number and enrollment i s not simply due to t h e i r supposed focus on t r a d i t i o n a l values and academic ri g o r and disillusionment with public schools. A l b e i t important, there are larger changes in society which have brought about the growth of the private school in Canada. "The recent trend towards increased enrollment in private schools as well as public f i n a n c i a l support of private schools has i t s or i g i n s in the late s i x t i e s . " 3 The decade of the s i x t i e s was characterized by considerable debate about education, with educational c r i t i c i s m and radicalism rampant. "Monographs, c o l l e c t i o n s of readable yet sc h o l a r l y essays, even textbooks and 27 church-sponsored works appeared, making i t easy to be well informed of forces a f f e c t i n g education in a r a d i c a l l y changed s o c i e t y . " 4 Royal commissions such as the Hall-Dennis Report (1968) in Ontario advocated sweeping recommendations " i n the mainstream of t r a d i t i o n a l progressivism such as had been espoused by American reformers in the 1920's." s This John Dewey-type progressivism signaled the emergence in the late s i x t i e s of the child-centred regime which replaced the subject-centered or i e n t a t i o n of the ea r l y s i x t i e s . More r a d i c a l a l t e r n a t i v e s emerged such as that espoused by Ivan I l l i c h , the Catholic educator, who advocated the deschooling of s ociety where schools would be abolished a l t o g e t h e r . 8 Another r a d i c a l and unique reaction to t r a d i t i o n a l education was the establishment of the "free school" movement in the late s i x t i e s . "Inspired by the model of A. S. N e i l l ' s Summerhill and drawing i n s p i r a t i o n from Rousseau and Tolstoy, the "free school" made a d i s t i n c t impact upon education in Ontario and B r i t i s h Columbia with lesser s p i l l o v e r e f f e c t in other provinces." 7 These schools attempted to search out new approaches to learning and one of i t s best known, Everdale Place, outside Toronto, published Canada's l i v e l y educational journal, This Magazine i s About Schools. T e l e v i s i o n and popular magazines l i k e Maclean's and Saturday Review "brought regular educational c r i t i c i s m to a large proportion of the public by pointing to weaknesses in e x i s t i n g schools and by p u b l i c i z i n g new a l t e r n a t i v e s . " 8 Combined with the influence of si m i l a r developments in the United States, "Canadian 28 educators adopted a more r e v i s i o n i s t perspective than ever before." 9 Pitman has referred to the s i x t i e s as the watershed decade in Canadian education characterized by "enthusiastic i n i t i a t i o n and experimentation rather than evaluation.'* 1 0 In the b e l i e f that public education was the panacea for society's problems, a large infusion of public funds entered the educational system. In the period between 1960 and 1975, nationwide expenditures on public education sky-rocketed from $1,706,000,000 to $12,228,000,000. 1 1 Spending was increased in the early s i x t i e s to provide vocational t r a i n i n g and a concentration on math and sciences so that Canada, as a r e f l e c t i o n of the United States, could keep pace in terms of her capacity to become a modern i n d u s t r i a l state. Expenditures in the late s i x t i e s went more to providing for the needs and int e r e s t s of the students, whereby "a c a f e t e r i a of subject choice and a m u l t i - l e v e l system which would accommodate the capacity of every student" was attempted. 1 2 However, by the late s i x t i e s the "exponential" growth of schooling costs had reached i t s l i m i t s as education budgets captured an increasingly larger share of the p r o v i n c i a l revenues. The inevitable reversal came and the euphoria of the s i x t i e s was replaced by the c y n i c a l seventies. Accountability became the watchword of the new decade, but no one was very clear about how schools and teachers could be held accountable in the most i n t e l l i g i b l e use of that term. Accompanying the concern over costs was the clear sense that the schools had f a i l e d in t h e i r promise to create a new s o c i e t y . 1 3 Despite a decade of rampant educational change, the job market tightened, youth unemployment was higher than in other western countries, and Canadian industry was f a l t e r i n g . The anticipated 29 demand for trained and educated manpower as forecast in the s i x t i e s had given way to the r e a l i t i e s of oversupply and unemployment in the seventies. 1'* In the wake of t h i s growing conservatism, many of the innovations of the s i x t i e s had d i s s i p a t e d . The r a d i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y permissive philosophy of many of the free schools led to t h e i r downfall as "almost a l l of them had disappeared by 1973, or else been absorbed into the public system." 1 9 It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that, at the same time, church-run private schools persisted and began to f l o u r i s h during the s e v e n t i e s . 1 6 They rejected the secular l i b e r a l values of s o c i e t y in favour of conservative r e l i g i o u s and moral values. It was increasingly apparent that the parents choosing these private church-run schools found public education s u f f i c i e n t l y t a s t e l e s s as to seek succor elsewhere. Private schools, p a r t i c u l a r l y r e l i g i o u s ones, have benefited from the growing cynicism and conservatism of the 1970's and early 1980's. These schools p r o f i t from a swing to the r i g h t due to t h e i r conservative stance. With the economic base r e s t r i c t e d , a tightening of the belt has occurred in public school spending. Consequently, some parents believe that t h e i r c h i l d i s not receiving the best education that can be afforded them and private a l t e r n a t i v e s seem a t t r a c t i v e e s p e c i a l l y where they recognize the s p e c i a l needs of childr e n and parents. Some private schools offered t r a i n i n g in "such s p e c i a l i z e d areas as dance and remedial education at a more intense l e v e l than i s generally available in the public school system." 1 7 C h r i s t i a n day schools offered a B i b l i c a l l y - b a s e d r e l i g i o u s education and 30 private schools, often of the B r i t i s h t r a d i t i o n , offered a strong academic education. These a l t e r n a t i v e s to public education were appealing to those parents who f e l t that t h e i r c h i l d ' s unique needs could not be met within the public system. Parents had become better educated, more c r i t i c a l l y aware and thus more apt to seek a l t e r n a t i v e s more in l i n e with t h e i r values and b e l i e f s . A study c a r r i e d out in B r i t i s h Columbia in the late seventies revealed parental choice for private schooling was motivated by the following reasons: 54.4 percent for r e l i g i o u s reasons, 51.2 percent for s t r i c t d i s c i p l i n e , 30.4 percent for academic q u a l i t y , and 13.1 percent for the i n d i v i d u a l attention offered by a smaller s c h o o l . 1 8 The study, Public Attitudes Toward Education in Ontario (1980) revealed that "lack of d i s c i p l i n e " was the most commonly perceived problem i n the public schools; there was a " c o r r e l a t i o n between the rapid growth in private school enrollments and the emphasis of most of these schools on student d i s c i p l i n e . " 1 9 Dr. James Coleman found s i m i l a r r e s u l t s regarding the key problems facing U.S. public schools in the seventies; the extreme loss of the schools' authority, p a r t i c u l a r l y in maintaining d i s c i p l i n e ; and reduced l e v e l s of academic achievement were ci t e d as two major problems. 2 0 By the end of the seventies the value of investing in public education was questioned. " C r i t i c a l works by Christopher Jencks in the U. S. and B a s i l Bernstein and A. H. Halsey in B r i t a i n contributed in the seventies to an increasing sense of uncertainty about the p o s i t i v e impact of s c h o o l s . " 2 1 Public education was c l o s e l y monitored and i t s inadequacies made p a i n f u l l y evident. The cry for more academic structure and 31 firmer d i s c i p l i n e measures in education had become more pronounced. This "back-to-basics" movement was characterized by an emphasis on a "formal, ordered structured mode of teaching with the ' b a s i c s ' " 2 2 — i n e f f e c t a return to a subject-centered o r i e n t a t i o n around the "Three R's" of reading, writing and arithmetic and a d i s t a s t e for the alleged permissiveness of the public schools. Private schools, both academic and r e l i g i o u s , became an increasingly popular a l t e r n a t i v e for many parents who i n s i s t e d that t h e i r c h i l d r e n be trained in the "basics." In B r i t i s h Columbia and Ontario some public school supporters were sending t h e i r c h i l d r e n to Catholic and C h r i s t i a n s c h o o l s . 2 3 Wilson reports that the "alleged undermining of standards" in the public schools has become one of the d i s t i n g u i s h i n g themes of the public debate about s c h o o l s . 2 4 C r i t i c s were alarmed over the pervasiveness of functional i l l i t e r a c y in Canada among those over the age of f i f t e e n . "In 1974 nearly half of the population of Canada over the age of f i f t e e n had eight or fewer years of schooling, that i s to say, by North American standards, they were f u n c t i o n a l l y i l l i t e r a t e . " 2 9 The f a i l u r e rate on u n i v e r s i t y entrance English compositions has become a convenient measuring s t i c k in Canada for assessing the r e s u l t s of public school graduates. According to Wilson, 46 percent of 3500 f i r s t - y e a r students at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia writing the two- hour English composition examination in the f a l l of 1980 f a i l e d . Many f a i l i n g students had not only passed high school English but some had done quite w e l l . 2 6 This concern over the alleged decline in l i t e r a c y led to a move in the public sector towards 32 greater a c c o u n t a b i l i t y of schools. This i s best exemplified in B r i t i s h Columbia by the reintroduction of province-wide grade twelve examinations by the p r o v i n c i a l government in 1983. Although met with open h o s t i l i t y by the B. C. Teachers' Federation, the examinations were i n s t i t u t e d supposedly as a response from concerned c i t i z e n s that high school students in B.C. should be achieving more rigorous academic standards. 2 7 Obviously, there i s more to schooling than r e s u l t s on standardized tests and entrance examinations. Such aspects as c r i t i c a l thinking, mental health, p o s i t i v e self-image, and democratic ideals, for example, are very important but d i f f i c u l t to measure. The point i s that more and more parents wanted the basics of a strong academic education in a d i s c i p l i n e d environment and were w i l l i n g to pay for i t . This d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with public schooling i s reminiscent of the 1930's in B r i t i s h Columbia. P a r t i c u l a r l y in the e a r l y years of depression when c u l p r i t s were being sought to explain seemingly uncontrollable s o c i a l and economic disruption, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of private schools gave wealthy B r i t i s h Columbians a ready educational a l t e r n a t i v e and made i t easy to hold the public system responsible for society's i l l s . 2 8 The t r a d i t i o n a l e l i t i s t independent schools emphasized academic excellence and character development. They have survived the lethargy and low enrollments of the post-World War II era and have enjoyed renewed popularity in the l a s t twenty years. Ontario e l i t i s t schools were established with increasing frequency--St. George's College (1960), Rosseau Lake School (1967),and the Country Day School (1972). 33 The t r a d i t i o n a l schools retained a c e r t a i n popularity through t h e i r age-old emphasis on small classes and dedicated teachers, plus the implied s o c i a l advantages of children rubbing shoulders with others from p r i v i l e g e d backgrounds. 3 0 These t r a d i t i o n a l e l i t i s t schools are but a singular aspect of private education in Canada which has experienced a quantitative growth. Catholic schools, p a r t i c u l a r l y at the secondary l e v e l , have enjoyed modest growth, in part due to a r e v o l t against a perceived Protestant bias i n the public schools and a desire to ensure a commitment to the Catholic f a i t h in i t s young. Fundamentalist and evangelical C h r i s t i a n groups, inspired for example by the success of the A l l i a n c e of C h r i s t i a n Schools in Ontario(a Protestant group with Dutch Reformed roots) increased t h e i r private school JLnvolvement. 3 1 Since the e a r l y seventies these types of schools have become an increasingly popular a l t e r n a t i v e for many parents. What i s the rationale underlying t h i s appeal? The Search for T r a d i t i o n a l Values; The Appeal of the Fundamentalist C h r i s t i a n School Prominent among the f i r s t C h r i s t i a n schools established were, those of C h r i s t i a n Reformed immigrants from the Netherlands in the late 1940's and 1950's. "Parents often started C h r i s t i a n schools because of the unarticulated and unproven perceptions that public schools were ungodly" and to ensure a "protected environment that inculcated C a l v i n i s t m o r a l i t y . " 3 2 Other C h r i s t i a n schools, often fundamentalist, were "established as a protest against the supposed absence of r e l i g i o u s and moral 34 i n s t r u c t i o n in the 'public school* systems." 3 3 Those who founded such schools had become increasingly d i s s a t i s f i e d with the secular l i b e r a l values espoused by the public schools and t h e i r emphasis on "secular humanism." The Humanist magazine defines humanism as: "..a product of t h i s world--of evolution and human history--and acknowledges no supernatural purpose." 3 4 Secularism is defined as "the b e l i e f that morality should be based on the well-being of mankind without any consideration of r e l i g i o u s systems and forms of worship." 3 9 Secular humanism, then, i s a philosophy rooted i n a b e l i e f that ignores or denies the existence of God which i s the tenet of atheism. Some C h r i s t i a n parents believe that atheism has usurped C h r i s t i a n i t y as the r e l i g i o n of the public schools and often c i t e the 1961 Supreme Court r u l i n g in the United States of Torcaso vs. Watkins which declared that secular humanism was a r e l i g i o n . 3 8 In e f f e c t , they argue, the Bible, prayer and C h r i s t i a n influence in the public classroom and curriculum have been eliminated and replaced by secular humanism. This attitude i s shared by many conservative denominations in Canada who argue that the public schools, as a r e f l e c t i o n of secular society, have become less acceptable to many parents. 3 - 7 Whether by parent or church i n i t i a t i v e or linked with s i m i l a r denominationally-based educational movements in the United States, the C h r i s t i a n schools that emerged were "premised on the b e l i e f that a C h r i s t i a n atmosphere should permeate a l l aspects of s c h o o l i n g . " 3 S They in s i s t e d upon the "primacy of God and Judaeo-Christian values" and the c e n t r a l i t y of the Bible in the school curriculum. The 35 public school, with i t s underlying secular humanist philosophy, was viewed as a worldly i n s t i t u t i o n not concerned with God which is unacceptable to the fundamentalists, since education for them, is being trained in the ways of the Bi b l e . The desire for a more t r a d i t i o n a l education based on B i b l i c a l values i s evident both in Canada and the United States. The alleged lack of r e l i g i o u s and C h r i s t i a n moral i n s t r u c t i o n in the public schools has become a springboard for advocates of a " C h r i s t i a n " based education. Of p a r t i c u l a r concern to C h r i s t i a n parents i s the Values C l a r i f i c a t i o n education approached used in many state and p r o v i n c i a l s o c i a l studies c u r r i c u l a . They suggest that there i s a "moral vacuum" in our society, p a r t l y a t t r i b u t e d to the teaching of values c l a r i f i c a t i o n in our s c h o o l s . 3 3 This concern i s shared by prominent educators such as Dr. Kathleen Gow who writes: The developers of Values C l a r i f i c a t i o n maintain that the fundamental f a i l i n g of t r a d i t i o n a l approaches to such behavior as l y i n g , cheating, and s t e a l i n g i s that they deal i n " i n d o c t r i n a t i o n " : asserting to children that there are " r i g h t " and "wrong" ways of thinking and acting. These t r a d i t i o n a l approaches, they say, have the e f f e c t of a r r e s t i n g the development of a c h i l d ' s r a t i o n a l judgement, and can only be described as " t o t a l i t a r i a n " . 4 0 Proponents of Values C l a r i f i c a t i o n prescribe a seven step valuing process to free c h i l d r e n to choose and create t h e i r own values. "Right" and "wrong" are r e l a t i v e depending on the s i t u a t i o n and the c h i l d ' s point of view. C r i t i c s of values c l a r i f i c a t i o n claimed that the absolute standards and r e l i g i o u s values of t r a d i t i o n a l Canadian and American society had been supplanted by r e l a t i v e standards and humanistic values. Humanism, they argued, 36 had severed the i n f l u e n c e of C h r i s t i a n m o r a l i t y from e d u c a t i o n and o f t e n c h a l l e n g e d and r e p u d i a t e d the v a l u e s taught i n the home and c h u r c h . 4 1 S e c u l a r humanism has been blamed f o r the d e s t r u c t i o n of fundamental b e l i e f s , moral standards and r e l i g i o u s c o n v i c t i o n s of the t r a d i t i o n a l American f a m i l y through the mode of s c h o o l c u r r i c u l a and programs. The p u b l i c s c h o o l c u r r i c u l a i s p e r c e i v e d to be the v e h i c l e f o r humanist propaganda and i n d o c t r i n a t i o n a g a i n s t p a r e n t s ' b e l i e f s and v a l u e s . In Canadian e d u c a t i o n t h i s concern over v a l u e s e d u c a t i o n and moral i n s t r u c t i o n has been an ongoing t o p i c of d e b a t e . 4 2 The e a r l y s c h o o l promoters of Canada r e a l i z e d t h a t common s c h o o l i n g r e p r e s e n t e d a c r i t i c a l compromise. " R e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n was c e n t r a l to V i c t o r i a n concern f o r moral t r a i n i n g and p r e p a r a t i o n f o r c i v i c , and C h r i s t i a n r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . What would be l e f t to C h r i s t i a n i t y i f i t were s t r i p p e d of i t s s e c t a r i a n i d e n t i t y ? " 4 3 T h i s concern w i t h r e l i g i o u s and moral i n s t r u c t i o n has been renewed with i n c r e a s e d f e r v o u r by e v a n g e l i c a l and f u n d a m e n t a l i s t C h r i s t i a n s i n the s e v e n t i e s and e i g h t i e s i n t h e i r e f f o r t s to combat s e c u l a r humanism. How d i d s e c u l a r humanism become such an i n t e g r a l component of the p u b l i c s c h o o l c u r r i c u l a ? The crux of the matter l i e s i n the growing s e c u l a r i z a t i o n of s o c i e t y . A c c o r d i n g t o Dr. F r a n c i s A. S c h a e f f e r , s o c i e t y has undergone a fundamental change i n i t s world view, from one t h a t was a t l e a s t vaguely C h r i s t i a n "toward something c o m p l e t e l y d i f f e r e n t - - t o w a r d a world view based upon the idea t h a t the f i n a l r e a l i t y i s impersonal matter or energy shaped i n t o i t s p r e s e n t form by impersonal m a t t e r . " 4 4 Henry B l e m i r e s , i n h i s book The 37 C h r i s t i a n Mind, states that the C h r i s t i a n mind or world view has been eradicated and the "modern C h r i s t i a n has succumbed to s e c u l a r i z a t i o n . " He believes that the r e l i g i o u s perspective of l i f e "which sets a l l earthly issues within the context of the e t e r n a l " has been r e j e c t e d . 4 * The influence which evangelical Protestantism held upon nineteenth century society declined i n the early decades of the twentieth century as i t no longer was the "moving force behind c u l t u r a l and behavioral p a t t e r n s . " 4 8 By the 1960's, "the once dominant evangelical s t r a i n in American c i v i l r e l i g i o n had been superseded by the more s e c u l a r i s t i c Enlightenment theme." 4 7 Evangelicals, in both the United States and Canada have gradually become disturbed over t h i s growing influence of secularism. Bombarded with t h i s s e c u l a r i s t philosophy in the public schools and the media and concerned over the eradication of the C h r i s t i a n world view, Christians of evangelical and fundamentalist persuasion have in m i l i t a n t fashion voiced t h e i r concern over such issues as permissiveness, pornography, homosexuality, the breakdown of the family, and abortion. Perhaps, the area of greatest concern has been the growth of secular humanism in the public schools, p a r t i c u l a r l y in the United States. H i s t o r i c a l l y , Canada has been heavily influenced by the educational innovations, curriculum practices and teaching strategies emanating from the United States. Although educational comparisons between the two must be made with care, Canada cannot be viewed as an i s o l a t e d i d e n t i t y unaffected by s i m i l a r happenings to the south. Proponents of C h r i s t i a n 38 e d u c a t i o n t r a c e t h e i r d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the p u b l i c e d u c a t i o n system back to the p r o g r e s s i v e educators of the 1930's who supposedly were h e a v i l y i n f l u e n c e d by John Dewey. They b e l i e v e t h a t the p r o g r e s s i v e educators of the time "promised S o c i a l S a l v a t i o n through the e l i m i n a t i o n of B i b l i c a l p r e s u p p o s i t i o n s and t r a d i t i o n a l v a l u e s . " 4 0 However, i n the 1950's i n the U.S. "the C h r i s t i a n e t h i c — a b s o l u t e , God-derived moral v a l u e s — w a s s t i l l acknowledged i n the handbooks and p u b l i c a t i o n s of t e a c h e r - t r a i n i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s and s c h o o l s . " 4 9 By the 1960's,- common m o r a l i t y which acknowledges concern f o r o t h e r s and s o c i e t y but e l i m i n a t e s d i v i n e a u t h o r i t y had r e p l a c e d a b s o l u t e C h r i s t i a n m o r a l i t y . T h i s s h i f t was r e f l e c t e d i n the Un i t e d S t a t e s Supreme Court d e c i s i o n s i n 1962 and 1963 which r u l e d u n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l mandatory prayer and B i b l e r e a d i n g i n p u b l i c s c h o o l s . 3 0 T h i s development marked the c u l m i n a t i o n of over a f i f t y - y e a r long process of the " d e - P r o t e s t a n t i z a t i o n " , o f p u b l i c e d u c a t i o n - - a move seen by many e v a n g e l i c a l s as "yanking" God out of the s c h o o l s and c o n t r i b u t i n g to the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of s e c u l a r humanism as the r e l i g i o n of the p u b l i c s c h o o l s . 3 1 Most e v a n g e l i c a l P r o t e s t a n t s "who had always found the p u b l i c s c h o o l s u f f i c i e n t l y P r o t e s t a n t i n va l u e s and o r i e n t a t i o n to make p r i v a t e s c h o o l i n g s u p e r f l u o u s , " now viewed p u b l i c s c h o o l i n g "as s u f f i c i e n t l y godless and v a l u e l e s s t o seek succor e l s e w h e r e . " 3 2 T h i s " d e - P r o t e s t a n t i z a t i o n " of p u b l i c s c h o o l i n g was not as evi d e n t i n Canada. Since C o n f e d e r a t i o n , some Canadian p r o v i n c i a l systems made s p e c i a l p r o v i s i o n s f o r the p r o t e c t i o n and funding of 39 some denominationally-based schooling for those who found the public system unacceptable for r e l i g i o u s reasons. The concept that church and state are partners, not h o s t i l e and incompatible forces..., has made i t possible for educational a u t h o r i t i e s in Canada to subsidize Jewish schools in Quebec and Hutterite schools on the p r a i r i e s , to condone Amish schools in Ontario, and to permit the Salvation Army to develop i t s own public schools in Newfoundland. 3 3 However, by the late s i x t i e s in Canada fundamentalist C h r i s t i a n groups as with t h e i r counterparts in the U. S. "charged that the public system had become too s e c u l a r . H B 4 Evangelical Protestants who had been avid supporters of the public school system had become increasingly aware of secular l i b e r a l values. In society and the alleged dominance of humanism in the public school curriculum. Wanting "schooling for t h e i r c h i l d r e n f i r m l y grounded in evangelical and fundamentalist C h r i s t i a n v a l u e s , 1 , 5 9 they c r i t i c i z e d the child-centred, permissive and progressive approach of the public schools and charged that the convictions underlying the public schools were based on secular humanism. s s The expansion of C h r i s t i a n schools in the 1970's followed a period of disillusionment with public schooling and the new morality. Crime and vandalism were on the increase; young people were drinking more and the drug problem had extended downward to the elementary school. The abandonment of t r a d i t i o n a l family values was manifest in the increased divorce rate, the number of common-law marriages and the,near epidemic proportions of venereal d i s e a s e . 9 7 The education system, which i s perceived to shape society according to one commentator, "has come under increasing scrutiny and attack" in the past twenty years, not 40 o n l y by P r o t e s t a n t f u n d a m e n t a l i s t s but by Jews, C a t h o l i c s , and other groups who " f e e l t h a t the pres e n t p h i l o s o p h y and o r g a n i z a t i o n of p u b l i c e d u c a t i o n i s not g i v i n g r e l i g i o n , as they know i t , a chance to s u r v i v e . " 9 0 Since s c h o o l i n g f o r longer p e r i o d s of time has become the norm, the s c h o o l s have an even g r e a t e r o p p o r t u n i t y to mold c h i l d r e n . " I f r e l i g i o n i s o n l y taught i n the home, church, or synagogue" many f e a r t h a t i t w i l l become "di s c o u n t e d or second c l a s s i n the minds of y o u t h . " 3 9 T h e r e f o r e s e c t a r i a n s c h o o l s which a l l o w f o r the t r a n s m i s s i o n of p a r t i c u l a r r e l i g i o u s v a l u e s have enjoyed i n c r e a s e d p o p u l a r i t y i n Canada with C h r i s t i a n s c h o o l s e n j o y i n g the most r a p i d growth. In e f f e c t , a p e r v a s i v e c r i t i c a l s p i r i t and d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t with the nature and f u n c t i o n of p u b l i c s c h o o l i n g i n Canada developed. T h i s d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t was p a r t i c u l a r l y m a nifest i n the c r i t i c i s m s of p u b l i c s c h o o l i n g which has been c h a r a c t e r i z e d s i n c e the 1960's as s e c u l a r , i r r e l i g i o u s , a c a d e m i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y p e r m i s s i v e . 0 0 Consequently, C h r i s t i a n s c h o o l s with t h e i r emphasis on Judaeo- C h r i s t i a n v a l u e s , the importance of the f a m i l y , and a d i s c i p l i n e d , o r d e r l y environment have become an a t t r a c t i v e a l t e r n a t i v e f o r many C h r i s t i a n p a r e n t s . The a v a i l a b i l i t y of s e l f - p a c e d c u r r i c u l u m packages produced i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s i s a f a c t o r which has promoted the growth of f u n d a m e n t a l i s t C h r i s t i a n s c h o o l s . The most p r e v a l e n t c u r r i c u l u m used i s A c c e l e r a t e d C h r i s t i a n E d u c a t i o n (ACE) which i s an i n d i v i d u a l i z e d l e a r n i n g package which w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n more d e t a i l i n the next c h a p t e r . The primacy of God and Judaeo- C h r i s t i a n v a l u e s i n these s c h o o l s i s r e f l e c t e d i n t h e i r usage of 41 a C h r i s t i a n curriculum. They believe that moral absolutes have been "undermined by an evolutionary framework and s i t u a t i o n e t h i c s . " 6 1 Thus, they deplore the values c l a r i f i c a t i o n and evolutionary theory since these teachings do not recognize the supremacy of God and His creation of mankind. In the C h r i s t i a n school, educators teach a l l matter from a C h r i s t i a n context and the students are exposed to the c e n t r a l i t y of God in a l l of l i f e . The popularity of these self-paced learning packages can be attri b u t e d to four main fa c t o r s : they are b u i l t upon fundamental B i b l i c a l p r i n c i p l e s ; they are inexpensive to implement; they are suitable for small classes with many grade l e v e l s ; and they have been perceived to be academically superior by the schools u t i l i z i n g them. 6 2 Alan Peshkin, professor of education at the University of I l l i n o i s believes that the "increasing a v a i l a b i l i t y of textbook and i n s t r u c t i o n a l materials from C h r i s t i a n publishers" i s evidence of the v i t a l i t y of C h r i s t i a n schools in the United S t a t e s . 6 3 Many of these textbooks and i n s t r u c t i o n a l materials are ava i l a b l e in Canada as well. In B r i t i s h Columbia, many of the fundamentalist C h r i s t i a n schools in t h i s study u t i l i z e d curriculum materials published in the U. S. This is one of the dis t i n g u i s h i n g features d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g these schools from the Society of C h r i s t i a n Schools in B r i t i s h Columbia (SCS-BC) who teach the B. C. Ministry of Education core curriculum supplemented with C h r i s t i a n materials and suggested course outlines. For the fundamentalists, the use of a humanist- centered public school curriculum i s , of course, unacceptable. 42 B r i t i s h Columbia and the Independent Schools Support Act ( B i l l 33) Since 1977, C h r i s t i a n day s c h o o l s i n B r i t i s h Columbia and t h e i r e n r o l l m e n t s have grown at a phenomenal r a t e . The two complementary s t r a n d s , SCS-BC and the Non-FISA f u n d a m e n t a l i s t s c h o o l s both emphasize "a s e c u r e , r e l i g i o n - b a s e d a l t e r n a t i v e to a p u b l i c system t h a t i s weak on d i s c i p l i n e and moral v a l u e s . " 6 4 The SCS-BC s c h o o l s are by-products of postwar Dutch C a l v i n i s t immigration; v i r t u a l l y a l l of them r e c e i v e Group II fu n d i n g , and have i n c r e a s e d the-ir e n r o l l m e n t from a p p r o x i m a t e l y 2500 i n 1977 to j u s t over 4600 i n 1987. The s m a l l e r c h u r c h - r e l a t e d f u n d a m e n t a l i s t s c h o o l s have enjoyed the l a r g e s t growth i n terms of the number of s c h o o l s e s t a b l i s h e d . Between 1977 and 1980, s i x t y - f i v e P r o t e s t a n t e v a n g e l i c a l s c h o o l s were e s t a b l i s h e d ; yet p a r a d o x i c a l l y , these s c h o o l s do not r e c e i v e funding s i n c e many are i d e o l o g i c a l l y opposed to government c o n t r o l . While both the SCS-BC and Non-FISA p r i v a t e s c h o o l s each e n r o l l over 4500 st u d e n t s , the former c o n s i s t s of 32 s c h o o l s and the l a t t e r of over 100. Fundamentalist C h r i s t i a n s c h o o l s are p r o l i f e r a t i n g without the use of government funds while the SCS-BC with i t s s m a l l e r number of s c h o o l s has enjoyed l a r g e i n c r e a s e s i n e n r o l l m e n t made p o s s i b l e , i n p a r t , by government s u b s i d i e s to i t s e x i s t i n g s c h o o l s . The i n f u s i o n of government monies i n t o the p r i v a t e s c h o o l system of B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1977 through the passage of B i l l 33 not o n l y p r o v i d e d f i n a n c i a l support f o r independent s c h o o l s but served n o t i c e t h a t the government intended to r e c o g n i z e a l t e r n a t i v e s such as C h r i s t i a n s c h o o l s and 43 to support some freedom of choice in e d u c a t i o n , S B a declared government goal from the.election of 1975. The goal of the Federation of Independent School Associations (FISA) at i t s inception in 1966 was "to create a p o l i t i c a l climate in the province hospitable to the existence of independent schools and supportive of t h e i r public funding" through "the dissemination of information and p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i s m . " 8 6 FISA's increased p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y in the 1960's and e a r l y 1970's had important r a m i f i c a t i o n s . F i r s t , t h i s active p o l i t i c k i n g gave c r e d i b i l i t y to the p l i g h t of the independent schools and second, led to the h i s t o r i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t passage of B i l l 33 in 1977. However, as L. W. Downey points out, the active lobbying of FISA was only one of several contributing factors which allowed B i l l 33 to succeed. Other factors included the leadership and determination of the Socred Education Minister, Dr. Pat McGeer, who became the chief a r c h i t e c t of the b i l l ; the e f f e c t i v e functioning of FISA, the supporting lobby and the "not-so-effective functioning" of the BCTF, the competing lobby; "divisiveness in the ranks of the [NDP] Opposition" as the issue of public support of private education " i s not one which takes shape along the l i n e s of t r a d i t i o n a l party ideologies"; and f i n a l l y , a decided s h i f t in the public attitude toward schooling whereby " h o s t i l i t i e s toward non-public schools had given way to greater tolerance." 8" 7 This tolerance was a r e f l e c t i o n of the growing d i v e r s i t y in Canadian society and i t s "corresponding acceptance of pluralism in v a l u e s . " 6 8 Gerry Ensing, former Executive Director of FISA, believes that t h i s increased 44 acceptance by s o c i e t y of a p l u r a l i s m i n v a l u e s was not o n l y one of the main f a c t o r s which allowed the passage of B i l l 33 but a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d to the opening of C h r i s t i a n s c h o o l s . 6 9 Many P r o t e s t a n t e v a n g e l i c a l s had become concerned over the use of drugs, s e x u a l p e r m i s s i v e n e s s , r e b e l l i o n , and v a l u e s advocated by the c o u n t e r - c u l t u r e movement of the 1960's. With the opening of " s o c i a l l y p e r m i s s i v e " f r e e s c h o o l s and the p e r c e i v e d growth of s e c u l a r humanism i n the p u b l i c s c h o o l s , many c o n s e r v a t i v e P r o t e s t a n t s f e l t a need f o r s c h o o l s where the environment was more i n l i n e with t h e i r b e l i e f s and v a l u e s . As mentioned, they r e j e c t e d the s e c u l a r l i b e r a l v a l u e s of s o c i e t y f o r more c o n s e r v a t i v e r e l i g i o u s and moral v a l u e s . As a r e s u l t , a c h a i n r e a c t i o n was c r e a t e d : because of the s h i f t from C h r i s t i a n e t h i c s t o s e c u l a r humanism and the fundamental ..questioning of t r a d i t i o n a l v a l u e s and b e l i e f s , P r o t e s t a n t e v a n g e l i c a l s wanted a change i n the e d u c a t i o n of t h e i r c h i l d r e n which was manifested i n the opening of C h r i s t i a n s c h o o l s . I t i s i r o n i c i n t h a t the acceptance of a p l u r a l i s m i n v a l u e s t h a t decreased p u b l i c h o s t i l i t i e s towards p r i v a t e s c h o o l i n g was e x a c t l y what the P r o t e s t a n t e v a n g e l i c a l s were p r o t e s t i n g . Mr. E n s i n g makes a v a l i d p o i n t on the C h r i s t i a n p r o t e s t a g a i n s t the s e c u l a r l i b e r a l v a l u e s of s o c i e t y . However, he o v e r e s t i m a t e s the i n f l u e n c e of the c o u n t e r - c u l t u r e movement as i t d i d not have as s t r o n g an impact i n Canada as i t d i d i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s . Perhaps a more s a t i s f a c t o r y e x p l a n a t i o n f o r the i n c r e a s e d t o l e r a n c e of v a l u e s i n Canadian s o c i e t y i s c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m . 45 C u l t u r a l pluralism in Canadian society became o f f i c i a l in October, 1971 with the development of a federal multiculturalism p o l i c y . - 7 0 M u l t i c u l t u r a l ism, then, i s associated with pluralism, d i v e r s i t y , and va r i e t y , which, i t i s confidently maintained, are the essence of Canada's national i d e n t i t y . " - 7 1 The creation of a federal m u l t i c u l t u r a l ism p o l i c y by the Trudeau government and the "Li b e r a l government's consistent advocacy since 1967 of entrenching i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s in the C o n s t i t u t i o n " - 7 2 c u l t i v a t e d a consciousness of e t h n i c i t y and a greater awareness of minority r i g h t s . Perhaps t h i s was one of the factors that gave c r e d i b i l i t y to the wishes of various minority groups to e s t a b l i s h schools based on t h e i r r e l i g i o u s and c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t i e s . Stamp, in his analysis on the schools of Ontario, argues that m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m was one of the major forces that produced the "private school explosion." He explains that "the increasing ethnic and r e l i g i o u s d i v e r s i t y of Ontario's post-war population was no longer content and comfortable within the confines of a public school system that was seen as serving the c u l t u r a l needs of only the t r a d i t i o n a l WASP mainstream." 7 3 Consequently, these ethnic and r e l i g i o u s groups, such as members of the Dutch Reformed Church and the Jewish r e l i g i o n , for example, sought educational a l t e r n a t i v e s outside the mainstream of public education. They "saw t h e i r own private schools as e s s e n t i a l in preserving p a r t i c u l a r r e l i g i o u s and c u l t u r a l values in the midst of a m u l t i c u l t u r a l North American m i l i e u . " - 7 4 The perceived lack of some kind of "fundamental moral content" in the public system persuaded many parents to opt for 46 private a l t e r n a t i v e s such as the t r a d i t i o n a l e l i t i s t schools and C h r i s t i a n schools with t h e i r emphasis on d i s c i p l i n e and conservative moral values. The growing disenchantment with public school education i s e s s e n t i a l l y a by-product of s o c i e t a l changes in the l a s t twenty-five years. It i s impossible to give one major reason why C h r i s t i a n schools are f l o u r i s h i n g as t h e i r growth i s a r e s u l t of a combination of f a c t o r s . The back-to- basics movement, the growing secularism in society, the perceived lack of r e l i g i o u s and moral values in the public school system and i t s emphasis on secular humanism, and the m u l t i c u l t u r a l d e f i n i t i o n of Canadian society were e s p e c i a l l y important. It i s within t h i s context the evangelical and fundamentalist C h r i s t i a n groups, with increasing fervor, have promoted C h r i s t i a n education beyond the home and the Sunday School in t h e i r " r e l i g i o u s war" against secular humanism and in f u l f i l l m e n t of the s c r i p t u r a l command to " t r a i n up a c h i l d in the way he should go.""73 47 NOTES TO CHAPTER II 1 - P a u l A. K i e n e l , "The Forces Behind the C h r i s t i a n School Movement," C h r i s t i a n School Comment (1977), p. 1 as quoted i n James C. Carper and Thomas C. Hunt, R e l i g i o u s S c h o o l i n g i n America (Birmingham, Alabama: R e l i g i o u s E d u c a t i o n P r e s s , 1984), p. 114. 2 J.Donald Wilson, " R e l i g i o n and E d u c a t i o n : The Other Side of P l u r a l i s m , " i n Canadian E d u c a t i o n i n the 1980's f ed. J . D. Wilson ( C a l g a r y : D e t s e l i g E n t e r p r i s e s L t d . , 1981), p. 97. 3 I b i d . , p. 104. ••Hugh A. Stevenson, " C r i s i s and Continuum: P u b l i c E d u c a t i o n i n the S i x t i e s , " i n Canadian E d u c a t i o n : A H i s t o r y , eds. J . D. Wilson, R. M. Stamp and L. P. Audet (Toronto: P r e n t i c e H a l l , 1970), p. 498. 'George S. Tomkins, " T r a d i t i o n and Change i n Canadian E d u c a t i o n : H i s t o r i c a l and Contemporary P e r s p e c t i v e s , " i n P r e c e p t s , P o l i c y and P r o c e s s : P e r s p e c t i v e s on Contemporary Canadian E d u c a t i o n , eds. H. A. Stevenson and J . D. Wilson (London, Ont.: Alexander, Blake A s s o c i a t e s , 1977), p. 11. 6See Ivan I l l i c h , D e s c h o o l i n g S o c i e t y (New York: 1971). 7 J . Donald Wilson, "From the Swinging S i x t i e s to the Sobering S e v e n t i e s , " i n E d u c a t i o n i n Canada: An I n t e r p r e t a t i o n , eds. E. B. T i t l e y and P. J . M i l l e r ( C a l g a r y : D e t s e l i g E n t e r p r i s e s L t d . , 1982), p. 201. SH. A. Stevenson, " C r i s i s and Continuum," p. 499. ' I b i d . , p. 498. 1 0 W a l t e r Pitman, " U n r e a l i s t i c Hopes and Missed O p p o r t u n i t i e s - - T h e 60's i n Canadian E d u c a t i o n , " i n Canadian E d u c a t i o n i n the 1980's. ed. J . D. Wilson (Calgary, 1981), p. 17; 21. l x Q u o t e d i n J . D. Wilson, "From the Swinging S i x t i e s to the Sobering S e v e n t i e s , " p. 197. " P i t m a n , " U n r e a l i s t i c Hopes and Missed O p p o r t u n i t i e s , " p. 24. " I b i d . , p. 22. 1'*See Pitman, " U n r e a l i s t i c Hopes and Missed O p p o r t u n i t i e s , " p. 22; Wilson, "From the Swinging S i x t i e s to the Sobering S e v e n t i e s , " pp. 199-200; and R. Gould, The Changing P a t t e r n of E d u c a t i o n (London: Epworth P r e s s , 1965), p. 15. 48 1 S J . D. W i l s o n , " R e l i g i o n a n d E d u c a t i o n , " p. 104. i e I b i d . , 0. 1 04. ^ C a n a d i a n E n c y c l o p e d i a , 1985 e d . , s . v . " P r i v a t e S c h o o l , " b y J e a n Barman. 1 S J . D. W i l s o n , " R e l i g i o n a n d E d u c a t i o n , " p. 104. " Q u o t e d i n i b i d . 2 0 J a m e s C o l e m a n , U. S. News a n d W o r l d R e p o r t f S e p t . 1 2 , 19 7 7 . 2 1 J . D. W i l s o n , " I n t r o d u c t i o n : An O v e r v i e w , " i n C a n a d i a n E d u c a t i o n i n t h e 1 9 8 0 ' s . e d . J . D. W i l s o n ( C a l g a r y , 1 9 8 1 ) , p. 9. 2 2 J . D. W i l s o n , "From t h e S w i n g i n g S i x t i e s t o t h e S o b e r i n g S e v e n t i e s , " p. 206. 2 3 J . D. W i l s o n , " R e l i g i o n a n d E d u c a t i o n , " p. 1 0 5 . 2 < l J . D. W i l s o n , " I n t r o d u c t i o n : An O v e r v i e w , " p p . 7-8. " A l a n M. Thomas, " E d u c a t i o n : R e f o r m a t i o n a n d R e n e w a l i n t h e " 8 0 ' s ? , " i n C a n a d i a n E d u c a t i o n i n t h e 1 9 8 0 ' s . e d . J . D. W i l s o n ( C a l g a r y , 1 9 8 1 ) , p. 252. 3 ° J . D. W i l s o n , " I n t r o d u c t i o n : An O v e r v i e w , " p. 8. 2 7 S e e P a t C l a r k e , "The T e a c h e r i s t h e B e s t J u d g e o f a S t u d e n t ' s P e r f o r m a n c e , " B. C. T e a c h e r , ( N o v . - D e c . 1983) :61-63; J a c k H e i n r i c h , "Why P r o v i n c i a l E x a m i n a t i o n s ? " B. C. T e a c h e r ( N o v . - D e c . 1983) :59-60. 2 S J e a n Barman, " S k i m m i n g o f f t h e Cream: The S o c i a l I m p a c t o f P r i v a t e E d u c a t i o n i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 1 9 0 0 - 1 9 5 0 , " H i s t o r y o f E d u c a t i o n R e v i e w 16 ( 1 9 8 7 ) :56. 2 9 R o b e r t M.Stamp, "A H i s t o r y o f P r i v a t e S c h o o l s i n O n t a r i o , " i n The R e p o r t o f t h e C o m m i s s i o n on P r i v a t e S c h o o l s i n O n t a r i o , B. J . S h a p i r o ( T o r o n t o : The C o m m i s s i o n on P r i v a t e S c h o o l s i n O n t a r i o , 1 9 8 5 ) , pp. 2 0 2 - 2 0 3 . 3°Ibid., p. 2 0 3 . 3 1 ° S e e R o b e r t M. Stamp, " G o v e r n m e n t and E d u c a t i o n i n P o s t - war C a n a d a , " i n C a n a d i a n E d u c a t i o n : A H i s t o r y , e d s . J . D. W i l s o n , R. M. Stamp, and L. P. A u d e t , p. 447; R o b e r t Stamp, " A H i s t o r y o f P r i v a t e S c h o o l s i n O n t a r i o , " pp. 2 0 1 - 2 0 2 . 3 2 H a r r o Van B r u m m e l e n , T e l l i n g t h e N e x t G e n e r a t i o n (Lanham, MD: U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s o f A m e r i c a , 1 9 8 6 ) , p p . 2 6 3 - 2 6 4 . 49 " R o b e r t M. Stamp, "Government and E d u c a t i o n i n Post-War Canada," p. 447. 3 4 Q u o t e d i n Paul A. K i e n e l , Reasons f o r C h r i s t i a n Schools , p. 23. " F u n k and Waanalls Standard C o l l e g e D i c t i o n a r y , Cdn. ed. (1976), s.v. " s e c u l a r i s m . " 3 8 E . Baxter and H. C a r t e r , S e c u l a r Humanism: Man S t r i v i n g to be God (Mobile, AL: I n t e g r i t y P u b l i c a t i o n s , 1980), p. 53. 3 7 S e e L a r r y B r e i t k r e u t z , " P r i v a t e S c h o o l s : A S o c i a l A s s e t , " B. C. Teacher,3 (January 1984) :30-32. " R o b e r t M. Stamp, "A H i s t o r y of P r i v a t e Schools i n O n t a r i o , " p. 202. " G . S t i l l , "The 'Heroes of D e s p a i r ' a t Root of Moral Vacuum," The Vancouver Sun. J u l y 19 85. 4°Kathleen M. Gow, Yes V i r g i n i a . There i s Right and Wrong! (Toronto: John Wiley and Sons, 1980), p. 14. ••^-Paul A. K i e n e l , "Reasons f o r C h r i s t i a n S c h o o l s , " p. 32. 4 2 S e e Nancy M. Sheehan, " I n d o c t r i n a t i o n : Moral E d u c a t i o n i n the E a r l y P r a i r i e School House," i n Shaping the Schools of the Canadian West, eds. Jones, Sheehan, and Stamp ( C a l g a r y : D e t s e l i g E n t e r p r i s e s L t d . , 1979), pp. 222-235. 4 3 A . L. P r e n t i c e and S. E. Houston, eds., F a m i l y . School and S o c i e t y i n Nineteenth-Century Canada (Toronto: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1975), p. 128. 4 4 D r . F r a n c i s A. S c h a e f f e r , "The A b o l i t i o n of T r u t h and M o r a l i t y , " i n A C h r i s t i a n M a n i f e s t o ( I l l i n o i s : Crossways Books, 1981) . 4 S H a r r y B l e m i r e s , The C h r i s t i a n Mind (London: S. P. C. K., 1966), pp. 3-4. 4 aJames C. Carper, "The C h r i s t i a n Day S c h o o l , " i n R e l i g i o u s S c h o o l i n g i n America, eds. J . C. Carper and T. C. Hunt (Birmingham, AL: R e l i g i o u s E d u c a t i o n P r e s s , 1984), p. 112. 4 7 I b i d . , p. 112. 4 B I n f o r m a t i o n Pamphlets ( D a l l a s : B a s i c E d u c a t i o n , 1986). 4 9 J . M. W a l l i s , Chaos i n the Classroom ( B u l l s b r o o k , Western A u s t r a l i a : V e r i t a s P u b l i s h i n g Co., 1984), p. 4. 50 " J . C. Carper, " The C h r i s t i a n Day S c h o o l , " p. 116. " I b i d . , p. 116. " B . Cooper, D. McLaughlin and B. Manno, "The L a t e s t Word on P r i v a t e School Growth," Teachers C o l l e g e Record 85 ( F a l l 1983) : 88-98. " J . D. Wilson, " R e l i g i o n and E d u c a t i o n , " p. 100. "Stamp, "A H i s t o r y of P r i v a t e Schools i n O n t a r i o , " p. 201. " I b i d . , p. 201. " S e e Robert F. Cummings, " R e l i g i o u s P l u r a l i s m i n E d u c a t i o n : P r e s s u r e s f o r P u b l i c F i n a n c i n g , " i n P r e c e p t s , P o l i c y and P r o c e s s , eds. J . D. Wilson and H. A. Stevenson, pp. 100-102; J . D. Wilson, " R e l i g i o n and E d u c a t i o n , " p. 109. " J . D. Wilson, "From the Swinging S i x t i e s to the Sobering S e v e n t i e s , " p. 206. " R o b e r t F. Cummings, " R e l i g i o u s P l u r a l i s m i n E d u c a t i o n , " pp. 100-101. " I b i d . , p. 101. " S e e , f o r example, Robert F. Cummings, " R e l i g i o u s P l u r a l i s m i n E d u c a t i o n " ; James C. Carper, "The C h r i s t i a n Day S c h o o l " ; and C a r l B e r e i t e r , Must We Educate? (Englewood C l i f f s , N. J . : P r e n t i c e H a l l , 1973). 8 1James C. Carper, "The C h r i s t i a n Day S c h o o l , " p. 117. " L a r r y B r e i t k r e u t z , " P r i v a t e S c h o o l s : A S o c i a l A s s e t , " pp. 30-32. " A l a n Peshkin, God's Choice: The T o t a l World of a Fundamentalist C h r i s t i a n School (Chicago: The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1986), p. 27. s * J e a n Barman, Growing up B r i t i s h i n B r i t i s h Columbia: Bovs i n P r i v a t e School (Vancouver: U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia P r e s s , 1984), p. 169. " L . W. Downey, "The Aid-to-Independent Schools Movement i n B r i t i s h Columbia," i n Schools i n the West: Essays i n Canadian E d u c a t i o n a l H i s t o r y ( C a l g a r y : D e t s e l i g E n t e r p r i s e s L t d . 1986), p. 305. " I b i d . , p. 313. " I b i d . , pp. 320-321. 51 S 8 I b i d . , p. 321. " P e r s o n a l communication from Gerry E n s i n g , E x e c u t i v e D i r e c t o r of the F e d e r a t i o n of Independent School A s s o c i a t i o n s , March 1985. ' T Q J . D. Wilson, " R e l i g i o n and E d u c a t i o n , " p. 110. 7 a-Manoly R. L u p u l , " M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m and Canadian N a t i o n a l I d e n t i t y : The A l b e r t a E x p e r i e n c e , " i n E d u c a t i o n i n Canada: An I n t e r p r e t a t i o n , eds. E. B. T i t l e y and P. J . M i l l e r ( C a l g a r y : D e t s e l i g E n t e r p r i s e s L t d . , 1982), p. 211. 'TZR. Romanow, J . Whyte, and H. Leeson, Canada ...Notwithstanding: The Making of the C o n s t i t u t i o n (Toronto: Carswell/Methuen, 1984),^ p. 225. 7 3 R o b e r t Stamp, "A H i s t o r y of P r i v a t e Schools i n O n t a r i o , " p. 204. • ? 4 I b i d . , p. 204. 7 S P r o v e r b s 22:6. 52 Chapter I I I "TRAIN UP A CHILD IN THE WAY HE SHOULD GO AND HE SHALL NOT DEPART PROM IT." (Proverbs 22:6) CURRICULUM: AN INTRODUCTION From 1953 with H i l d a Neatby's " p o l e m i c a l , root-and-branch i n d i c t m e n t of Canadian e d u c a t i o n , " So L i t t l e f o r the Mind to the more r e c e n t A Common Countenance by George S. Tomkins, the h i s t o r y of c u r r i c u l u m i n Canada has become an important f i e l d of academic i n q u i r y . 1 Harro W. Van Brummelen i n h i s book, T e l l i n q the Next G e n e r a t i o n , p r o v i d e s an e x t e n s i v e account of c u r r i c u l u m developments i n North American C a l v i n i s t C h r i s t i a n S c h o o l s . 2 Accounts such as these have p r o v i d e d a b e t t e r understanding of how the course of Canadian c u r r i c u l u m development has been a f f e c t e d by the changing p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l c l i m a t e of the l a s t c e n t u r y . P r i v a t e C h r i s t i a n s c h o o l s i n Canada have b u i l t t h e i r r e p u t a t i o n on an i n c r e a s i n g d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with p u b l i c e d u c a t i o n , i t s " s e c u l a r humanist" p h i l o s o p h y a n d - i t s p e r c e i v e d lac k of B i b l i c a l v a l u e s ; some parents have adopted C h r i s t i a n s c h o o l s as a v i a b l e e d u c a t i o n a l a l t e r n a t i v e : a b a s t i o n of B i b l i c a l t r u t h and m o r a l i t y i n a s e c u l a r world. At the r o o t of t h i s a l t e r n a t i v e i s the c u r r i c u l u m , as embodied i n the textbooks u t i l i z e d and the methods by which the c h i l d r e n are i n s t r u c t e d . What should be taught to c h i l d r e n and who should determine what i s taught are two fundamental q u e s t i o n s whose responses hinge 53 upon one's p h i l o s o p h i c u n d e r p i n n i n g s . C h r i s t i a n s c h o o l s u p p o r t e r s b e l i e v e i t i s t h e i r r i g h t as parents to determine what i s taught to t h e i r c h i l d r e n and c o n s e q u e n t l y u t i l i z e c u r r i c u l a which are more i n l i n e with t h e i r b e l i e f s and v a l u e s . T h e i r concern with the more l i b e r a l , s e c u l a r , and c r i t i c a l views of s o c i e t y i s remarkably s i m i l a r t o the s h i f t t h a t o c c u r r e d i n B r i t i s h Columbian s o c i e t y between 1872 and 1925. During t h i s p e r i o d the " u n i v e r s a l moral a u t h o r i t y of C h r i s t i a n i t y " g r a d u a l l y d e t e r i o r a t e d and was r e p l a c e d by a more s e c u l a r i s t p e r s p e c t i v e r e f l e c t e d i n Canadian and B.C. textbooks of the t i m e . 3 "The c u r r i c u l u m , both o v e r t and hidden, as d e t a i l e d i n p o l i c y and as implemented i n classrooms i s the v e h i c l e s o c i e t y has used to pass on i t s h e r i t a g e and to prepare i t s c i t i z e n s f o r the p r e s e n t and future.""* With the g r a d u a l breakdown of the J u d a e o - C h r i s t i a n i m p e r a t i v e i n e d u c a t i o n , many P r o t e s t a n t e v a n g e l i c a l s no longer f e e l t h a t the C h r i s t i a n h e r i t a g e i s being imparted i n the p u b l i c s c h o o l s . By the l a t e 1970's i n Canada " m o n o l i t h i c a n g l o - c o n f o r m i t y and t r a d i t i o n a l P r o t e s t a n t m i d d l e - c l a s s m o r a l i t y no longer r e p r e s e n t e d r e q u i r e d norms i n a s e c u l a r i z e d p l u r a l i s t i c s o c i e t y . " 3 T h i s was r e f l e c t e d i n the s c h o o l s and t h e i r c u r r i c u l a i n ways r a n g i n g from m u l t i c u l t u r a l programs to v a l u e s e d u c a t i o n . 8 E v a n g e l i c a l and f u n d a m e n t a l i s t C h r i s t i a n s who f e l t t h a t C h r i s t i a n m o r a l i t y was no longer e v i d e n t i n the p u b l i c s c h o o l c u r r i c u l a took s o l a c e i n the r e l i g i o u s haven o f f e r e d by the emerging C h r i s t i a n s c h o o l s of the 1970's. I n . B r i t i s h Columbia, the most popular a l t e r n a t i v e among the c h u r c h - r e l a t e d C h r i s t i a n s c h o o l s 54 were those u t i l i z i n g the A c c e l e r a t e d C h r i s t i a n E d u c a t i o n (ACE) program, an i n d i v i d u a l i z e d l e a r n i n g program. T h i s chapter w i l l focus on the ACE c u r r i c u l u m because of i t s more widespread usage i n r e l a t i o n t o other C h r i s t i a n c u r r i c u l a and i t s emphasis on the primacy of God and J u d a e o - C h r i s t i a n v a l u e s . The Essence of the ACE C u r r i c u l u m ACE's f i r s t s c h o o l was founded i n Texas i n 1970 by Dr. Donald Howard, an American f u n d a m e n t a l i s t preacher. The f i r s t ACE s c h o o l i n B r i t i s h Columbia was e s t a b l i s h e d i n the Lower Mainland i n the e a r l y 1970's. Since then, ACE c l a i m s t h a t a p p r o x i m a t e l y 5000 s c h o o l s have taken up t h e i r m a t e r i a l s e n r o l l i n g one-half m i l l i o n c h i l d r e n i n over 50 c o u n t r i e s . To meet t h i s demand "an e d i t o r i a l p r o d u c t i o n s t a f f of over 100 people with a s e r v i n g s t a f f of over 250 experienced p e r s o n n e l " was employed i n 1986. 7 In B r i t i s h Columbia, almost h a l f of the ( c h u r c h - r e l a t e d ) p r i v a t e C h r i s t i a n s c h o o l s surveyed i n t h i s study were ACE s c h o o l s . T h i s w r i t e r was a b l e to o b t a i n some audio tapes of a f i v e - d a y " c r a s h " t r a i n i n g program f o r the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of an ACE s c h o o l i n the e a r l y 1970's i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The f o l l o w i n g i s a summary of those tapes and the key p r i n c i p l e s h i g h l i g h t e d a l o n g with promotional m a t e r i a l s from ACE's p u b l i s h i n g c e n t r e . The seminar was conducted by Dr. Donald Howard. Those proponents of A c c e l e r a t e d C h r i s t i a n E d u c a t i o n b e l i e v e t h a t e d u c a t i o n a l p h i l o s o p h y must be s t r u c t u r e d upon a sound t h e o l o g i c a l base i n order to develop academic e x c e l l e n c e and, more i m p o r t a n t l y , moral a b s o l u t e s . Another key concept i s t h a t 55 parents are u l t i m a t e l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the e d u c a t i o n and development of t h e i r c h i l d r e n . The g e n e r a l purpose of the s c h o o l s u t i l i z i n g ACE i s to a s s i s t parents with t h i s "God-given" mandate and to a s s i s t the c h i l d i n d i s c o v e r i n g and d e v e l o p i n g h i s i n d i v i d u a l uniqueness and t a l e n t s . T h e r e f o r e , an i n d i v i d u a l i z e d l e a r n i n g format i s q u i t e o f t e n the paramount mode of i n s t r u c t i o n . The r a t i o n a l e u n d e r l y i n g t h i s t e n e t i s the r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t God has c r e a t e d each person as a unique i n d i v i d u a l , endowed with s p e c i a l t a l e n t s f o r " s e r v i n g and g l o r i f y i n g God." There i s a s t r o n g emphasis i n the c u r r i c u l u m on the mastery of the b a s i c s k i l l s i n r e a d i n g , w r i t i n g and a r i t h m e t i c a l o n g with the development of C h r i s t i a n moral c h a r a c t e r and p r o d u c t i v e c i t i z e n s h i p . In e f f e c t , the o b j e c t i v e s of these c u r r i c u l a are t h r e e f o l d : 1) to r e t u r n the e d u c a t i o n of the c h i l d to the c o n t r o l of the parents i n the l o c a l community; 2) to master the b a s i c s k i l l s of l e a r n i n g ; and 3) to b u i l d v a l u e s of c h a r a c t e r , r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and knowledge of r i g h t and wrong so t h a t the c h i l d may develop to h i s or her f u l l p o t e n t i a l as a p r o d u c t i v e c i t i z e n . There are c e r t a i n p r e s u p p o s i t i o n s which c o n s t i t u t e the t h e o l o g i c a l base around which the a t t r i b u t e s of C h r i s t i a n c h a r a c t e r b u i l d i n g and academic achievement are developed. The f i r s t p r e s u p p o s i t i o n i s t h a t God has c r e a t e d a l l t h i n g s ; t h e r e f o r e the e d u c a t i o n a l p h i l o s o p h y of ACE i s based on man as a s p i r i t u a l b e i n g . A c c o r d i n g to Psalm 24:1 "the e a r t h i s the Lord's and the f u l l n e s s t h e r e o f . " Man i s g i v e n dominion over the e a r t h as charged by God and t o l d to subdue the e a r t h . He 56 therefore must be educated and trained in the ways of God so that he may act wisely i n t h i s capacity. Second, God has communicated to man through the "Written Word: the B i b l e " and the "Li v i n g Word: Jesus C h r i s t . " Consequently, the Bible as God's word to man i s viewed as the main textbook of the ACE system since i t communicates the truths and p r i n c i p l e s necessary for godly l i v i n g . This i s reminiscent of the e a r l y pioneer days i n the United States and B r i t i s h North America. For Egerton Ryerson, the f i r s t Superintendent of Education in Upper Canada (Ontario), r e l i g i o n and morality were equated with the "general system of truth and morals" as taught in the Holy Scriptures and "the schools were proper vehicles for the dissemination of C h r i s t i a n p r i n c i p l e s . " 8 The t h i r d presupposition declares that the fear of the Lord i s the beginning of knowledge, understanding and wisdom; thus, a l l knowledge must be placed within the context of B i b l i c a l t r u t h . F i n a l l y , a r e l a t i o n s h i p with God must be established by the i n d i v i d u a l through s a l v a t i o n in Jesus C h r i s t as man i s born with a " s i n f u l " nature which he needs to be "redeemed" from. The primary purpose of ACE i s to "save" young people and have them become subordinate to God and His w i l l for t h e i r l i v e s . In t h i s vein, the teacher must r e f l e c t the teachings of Jesus Christ so that the "created beings" (students) of God may be brought to f u l f i l l m e n t in C h r i s t . ACE believes i n " t r a i n i n g l i v e s for e t e r n i t y " and that man has a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to learn wisdom which comes from God—the source of a l l knowledge. 57 The e v a n g e l i s t i c nature of ACE i s paramount as the goal of i t s program i s to "create a nation-wide r e v i v a l that w i l l make fundamental Christians the dominant force in the c u l t u r e . " 9 Each student i s to bear witness in the world to accomplish his or her evangelical mandate. Therefore, schools are a means to an end with both an educational and evangelical function. "The C h r i s t i a n school i s part of the church in action, not a separate e n t i t y . " 1 0 In order for an educational program to be academically sound and i n s t r u c t i o n a l l y e f f e c t i v e , they argue, i t must be founded upon C h r i s t i a n educational p r i n c i p l e s that recognize the true nature of God. They believe that the C h r i s t i a n school curriculum should provide a learning experience which prepares the student for a l i f e committed to God. Accordingly, each subject i s presented in the l i g h t of God's truth from a B i b l i c a l viewpoint which implements a C h r i s t i a n world and l i f e view. Therefore, t h e i r curriculum emphasizes that a l l l i f e ' s values come from absolute presuppositions based on God's Word, the B i b l e . The methodology u t i l i z e d in the ACE system i s "mastery learning" with the emphasis on mastery of the basic s k i l l s . 1 1 This methodology extends through both elementary and secondary education. The curriculum consists of Reading, Math, Social Studies, and Science with various e l e c t i v e s for high school students. The program s p e c i a l i z e s in i n d i v i d u a l i z e d i n s t r u c t i o n with pupils working.at th e i r own l e v e l of a b i l i t y rather than by chronological age. This "personalized" approach to learning u t i l i z e s u n i v e r s a l l y prescribed tests in English and Math to 58 d e t e r m i n e t h e a c a d e m i c l e v e l o f t h e s t u d e n t s o t h a t t h e y may work a t t h e i r a p p r o p r i a t e l e v e l u n t i l a m a s t e r y s c o r e ( 8 0 % ) h a s b e e n a c h i e v e d . The s t u d e n t t h e n p r o g r e s s e s t o t h e n e x t a c a d e m i c l e v e l w h i c h c o u l d c o n c e i v a b l y be d i f f e r e n t i n e a c h s u b j e c t . The c u r r i c u l u m i s v i e w e d a s a n a c a d e m i c p r e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e s t u d e n t s ' n e e d s a s t h e y may b y - p a s s m a t e r i a l t h e y a l r e a d y know a n d p r o g r e s s i n s e q u e n c e t h r o u g h t h e c u r r i c u l u m s k i l l s t h e y n e e d . The p r o g r a m p r o v i d e s f o r s y s t e m a t i c r e v i e w o f t h e l e a r n i n g m a t e r i a l s t h r o u g h r e i n f o r c e m e n t w i t h i n e a c h l e a r n i n g u n i t a n d r e v i e w o f t h e s u b j e c t m a t e r i a l a t h i g h e r g r a d e l e v e l s . I n t h i s way t h e c o n c e p t o f m a s t e r y l e a r n i n g i s b a s e d on t h e p r e m i s e t h a t o p t i m a l l e a r n i n g o c c u r s when s t u d e n t s - . t r u l y " m a s t e r " t h e c o n t e n t o f s k i l l s t a u g h t i n one l e a r n i n g e x p e r i e n c e b e f o r e p r o g r e s s i n g on t o t h e n e x t o n e . 1 2 E a c h u n i t o f l e a r n i n g o r " s e l f - t e x t " c o n t a i n s s u f f i c i e n t i n s t r u c t i o n a n d a c t i v i t i e s s o t h a t t h e s t u d e n t s c a n c o n t i n u e t h r o u g h e a c h c h a p t e r a l o n e a t t h e i r own a b i l i t y a n d s p e e d . ACE c l a i m s t h a t t h r o u g h a c o m b i n a t i o n o f e x p l a n a t i o n s , e x a m p l e s , a c t i v i t i e s , d r i l l , a n d r e v i e w a maximum o f l e a r n i n g a n d a c h i e v e m e n t c a n be p r o v i d e d , s u f f i c i e n t f o r a c h i e v e r s a n d u n d e r - a c h i e v e r s a l i k e . 1 3 T h e r e a r e some p r o b l e m s w i t h t h i s a p p r o a c h . ACE's c o n c e p t o f i n d i v i d u a l i s m e n a b l e s s t u d e n t s t o p r o c e e d t h r o u g h t h e c u r r i c u l u m a t t h e i r own r a t e . T h i s s t r a t e g y c o u l d p o s s i b l y accommodate i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n r a t e s o f l e a r n i n g . H o w e v e r , no a t t e m p t i s made t o i n d i v i d u a l i z e t h e s c o p e o f t h e c u r r i c u l u m o r t h e a p p r o a c h t o l e a r n i n g . The s y s t e m i s g e a r e d t o c o n t r o l l e d , m o t i v a t e d l e a r n i n g , w i t h e m p h a s i s on a " u n i f o r m a n d 59 s t r i c t system of d i s c i p l i n e " to insure compliant behavior. "ACE, i t seems, i s very concerned with appearance, behavior, and end- product"3-'* rather than personal growth and development. Although systematic review of the curriculum occurs, no subject i s studied i n t e n s i v e l y beyond objective r e c a l l . The higher l e v e l cognitive processes such as analysis and synthesis are neglected. F i n a l l y , under-achievers may have d i f f i c u l t y assuming r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for t h e i r own learning and working independently with minimal guidance. The education that the public schools provide i s considered to be academically i n f e r i o r to that provided by the ACE curriculum according to i t s promoters. They f i r m l y believe that the academic s k i l l s of American students have eroded r a p i d l y , p a r t i c u l a r l y over the l a s t fourty years and that the American educational system i s s u f f e r i n g from academic anemia as they put i t . The evidence for t h i s theory i s rooted in the information supplied by American studies such as the Coleman (1981) report which showed that students in private schools scored approximately two grade-levels higher on standardized achievement tests than t h e i r public school counterparts. 3- 3 Coleman maintained that only half of t h i s achievement difference was a t t r i b u t a b l e to s e l e c t i o n of p u p i l s . The other half was "at t r i b u t a b l e to the fact that, in general, private schools exhibit more of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that make a difference in achievement than do schools in the public sector." 3- 6 A further study conducted by McGraw-Hill and ACE in May 1983 concluded that students from the ACE curriculum "scored well above the national 60 [U.S.A.] average on standardized achievement tests." 3-" 7 Whether the high scores were based on fa c t u a l r e c a l l or reasoning i s not stated. Along with many other C h r i s t i a n schools, ACE promotes the concept of academic excellence i n the wake of the "academic lethargy" supposedly besetting the public schools. ACE promotional l i t e r a t u r e features information which exposes the alleged academic problems besetting the American educational system. Consider some of the following examples: The need [to improve educational standards] i s seen in the eight to f i f t e e n percent of American's teenagers and 23,000,000 of her adults being c l a s s i f i e d as f u n c t i o n a l l y i l l i t e r a t e . *If an unfriendly power had attempted to impose on America the mediocre educational performance that e x i s t s today, we might have viewed i t as an act of war.' 1 8 ACE counters t h i s information with impressive academic r e s u l t s of t h e i r students and the consequent p o s i t i v e learning experiences achieved. This, of course, i s quite a t t r a c t i v e to parents, p a r t i c u l a r l y those whose chi l d r e n have had d i f f i c u l t y i n the public school system and those with a fundamentalist C h r i s t i a n outlook. While ACE's c r i t i c i s m s of the academic achievement l e v e l s of public schools i s leveled at the American educational system, i t would appear that many parents have assumed that some of these same problems e x i s t in the public schools of B r i t i s h Columbia. ACE seeks to i n s t i l l d i s c i p l i n e and s e l f - c o n t r o l in i t s students through "proper" t r a i n i n g — a c o n t r o l l e d , motivated learning environment. The mode of t r a i n i n g i s one of obvious behaviourism—a system of rewards and punishments based on demerits. Their philosophy i s based upon the premise that a 61 c h i l d needs control through continuous and consistent d i s c i p l i n e . Control and love are considered the two key ingredients; s e l f - control must be learned by the c h i l d i n an atmosphere of d i s c i p l i n e and love. The rules established for each school are "debatable, not negotiable" and are viewed as a s c r i p t u r a l imperative. ACE advocates the use of the "rod" or corporal punishment when a student's behaviour represents a d i r e c t challenge to authority and in keeping the c h i l d in subjection to his or her parents so that the student's " w i l l can be brought under c o n t r o l . " They claim that a c h i l d with controls i s happier and more s e l f - c o n f i d e n t ; the key to e f f e c t i v e t r a i n i n g i s respect which must be earned and maintained through consistency and strong character. The students must learn to submit themselves to those in authority and become subordinate to God in order to discover " t h e i r d i s t i n c t i v e purpose for serving God"—the ultimate purpose of the ACE school. Some sound educational p r i n c i p l e s underlie the ACE philosophy on d i s c i p l i n e . P r i n c i p l e s such as not r i d i c u l i n g or embarrassing the c h i l d e s p e c i a l l y i n front of his or her peers, never punishing in anger, and never " t a l k i n g down to a c h i l d " are stressed. The recognition that each student i s an i n d i v i d u a l and the desire for the development of his or her f u l l p o t e n t i a l in an atmosphere of love and learning are admirable t r a i t s . However, ACE's motives are somewhat questionable given further material presented in the tapes. For example, they dramatize the problems of the public school with such statements as, "they bring witches into classes and expose students to seances." ACE proponents 62 stress the i n d i v i d u a l i t y of the c h i l d yet advocate the wearing of uniforms and s t r i c t adherence to the "system". ACE i s a very regimented system with demerits recorded against the c h i l d for dis r u p t i v e behaviour; serving a detention i s deemed "serving t h e i r sentence" for committing an "offense"; and a student's desk i s referred to as his " o f f i c e " . If the offense i s serious enough, then "punishment" occurs in the form of " l i c k s " — a frequently used term to describe the strap. The speaker made i t clear that students at an ACE school should not dance, l i s t e n to rock and r o l l , or drink, and boys should have "proper" haircuts, as these common types of youthful behavior are*not consistent with C h r i s t i a n p r i n c i p l e s . This regimented approach to learning was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the material presented and somewhat overshadows the goal of character development although they would argue that the c o n t r o l l e d , r e s t r i c t i v e environment fosters character building.. ACE does not claim to represent any p a r t i c u l a r denominational viewpoint in i t s curriculum but provides for "character development based upon t r a d i t i o n a l values and B i b l i c a l p r i n c i p l e s that are acceptable to a wide range of C h r i s t i a n backgrounds." 1' Basic Education, a s i s t e r production of ACE, makes t h i s claim as well. Although claiming non-denominational status, in actual practice t h i s i s not very r e a l i s t i c since i t i s hard to imagine t h i s type of curriculum and o v e r a l l atmosphere as acceptable to the average United Church or Anglican parent in Canada. Rather, these types of c u r r i c u l a would appeal more to ri g h t wing fundamentalist denominations. ACE i s more than a 63 curriculum; i t i s a complete learning package which d i c t a t e s the educational philosophy and structure of the school. To use ACE, the school must enter into a contract with the organization i n Texas and agree to abide by i t s rules and regulations. ACE i s not a v a i l a b l e to schools which refuse to do so or to the general p u b l i c . 2 0 Basic Education i s a second e d i t i o n ACE with i d e n t i c a l p h i losophical and methodological bases but a contract i s not required and i t i s a v a i l a b l e to the general p u b l i c . Currently, grades one through nine u t i l i z e the t h i r d e d i t i o n of ACE curriculum. In grades ten through twelve, both ACE and Basic share the same curriculum. They purport to o f f e r a q u a l i t y education i n basic values and s k i l l s from a non-denominational B i b l i c a l perspective in an e f f o r t to help bring education back to the control of the parents in the l o c a l community. This i s i r o n i c i n that the c u r r i c u l a are pre-packaged in another country and those parents who choose ACE are subject to s t r i c t rules and regulations by which they must agree to abide. For those churches or groups of parents wishing to s t a r t a school, s t a r t up and operational manuals, consultation, t r a i n i n g in classroom procedures, curriculum and in-service t r a i n i n g w i l l be provided. Basic Education materials are designed i n the s e l f - i n s t r u c t i o n a l , i n d i v i d u a l i z e d mode with support material so that parents can use them to teach t h e i r c h i l d r e n at home. The Basic Education curriculum i s intended as a supplement to e x i s t i n g curriculum, an aid to teaching g i f t e d and learning problem students, and as a home study program. 64 The ACE curriculum i s b u i l t upon a Scope and Sequence that consists of major topics generally covered in most state and p r o v i n c i a l school systems. However, the basic pedagogy i s rote memorization, f i l l in the blanks, and t r u e - f a l s e t e s t s . The Scope and Sequence provides a section-by-section breakdown of the curriculum content i n each subject area from grades one through twelve. Modeled a f t e r the general objectives of various state c u r r i c u l a i n the United States, many schools using ACE i n B r i t i s h Columbia claim that i t more than meets the p r o v i n c i a l curriculum requirements except in the area of s o c i a l studies. A government evaluation of curriculum i n the private schools of Alberta found that the ACE curriculum contained " s i g n i f i c a n t l y less content and development of required learning s k i l l s than the approved Alberta curriculum in language art s and mathematics." 2 1 Content i n science and s o c i a l studies varied widely from the Alberta c u r r i c u l u m . 2 2 In Alberta and B r i t i s h Columbia, the American s o c i a l studies program has been replaced by some ACE schools with a "comprehensive" Canadian program that has been integrated at various grade l e v e l s . This program i s s e l f - i n s t r u c t i o n a l and i s published in Edmonton, Alberta by Stonehouse Educational Consultants, a Christian-based publishing company. The program i s not based on the Alberta Social Studies curriculum but i s an attempt to provide a regional analysis and comprehensive overview of Canadian h i s t o r y and geography. It i s a workbook curriculum as well with a heavy emphasis on simple r e c a l l and memorization. In e f f e c t , the ACE curriculum claims to incorporate basic s k i l l s , 65 learning p r i n c i p l e s , and academic concepts with fundamentalist B i b l i c a l b e l i e f s . There was a strong fundamentalist approach evident in the tapes. ACE proponents believe i t i s t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and opportunity to f i l l the void l e f t by both the public education program and the moral vacuum in societ y . The home, church, and school must speak i n one consistent voice, they argue, i n r e l a t i o n to absolute value patterns that come from God. Since the students are "destined for e t e r n i t y " each generation must be trained d i l i g e n t l y i n the p r i n c i p l e s of God's Word. ACE believes that humanism has replaced the Bible, that B i b l i c a l p r i n c i p l e s have been a l l but destroyed in the public schools and that the importance of the Bible i s recognized only in the p u l p i t i n America. This concern over the apparent eradication of the Bible and i t s precepts i n American s o c i e t y i s a key to understanding the ACE mission of t r a i n i n g c h i l d r e n in "they way they should go" and why i t s proponents pursue t h i s endeavour with such fervour. In B r i t i s h Columbia the success of ACE schools may be due to the influence of American fundamentalist pastors who started many of the schools and e f f e c t i v e promotional and marketing techniques by ACE. The r e l i g i o u s aspect of ACE ( l i f e a f t e r death) has superceded i t s American o r i e n t a t i o n for many private schools in B r i t i s h Columbia. 66 NOTES TO CHAPTER III xSee Hilda Neatby, So L i t t l e for the Mind: An Indictment of Canadian Education (Toronto: Clarke Irwin, 1953); George S. Tomkins, A Common Countenance: S t a b i l i t y and Change in the Canadian Curriculum (Scarborough: Prentice-Hall Canada Inc., 1986) and George S. Tomkins, "Tr a d i t i o n and Change in Canadian Education: H i s t o r i c a l and Contemporary Perspectives," i n H. A. Stevenson and J. D. Wilson (eds.), Precepts. P o l i c y and Process: Perspectives on Contemporary Canadian Education (London, Ont.: Alexander, Blake Associates, 1977). 2Harro W. Van Brummelen, T e l l i n g the Next Generation: Educational Development in North American C a l v i n i s t C h r i s t i a n Schools (Lanham, MD: Uni v e r s i t y Press of America, Inc., 1986). 3Harro W. Van Brummelen, " S h i f t i n g Perspectives: E a r l y B r i t i s h Columbia Textbooks from 1872 to 1925," i n N. M. Sheehan, J. D. Wilson, and D. C. Jones (eds.), Schools in the West: Essays i n Canadian Educational History (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises Ltd., 1986), p. 17. ••Nancy M. Sheehan, "Education, the Society and the Curriculum in Alberta, 1905-1980: An Overview,"in Sheehan, Wilson and Jones (eds.), Schools in the West, p. 39. 'George S. Tomkins, A Common Countenance, p. 437. "Ibid., p. 437. 7 B a s i c Education, "Information pamphlets" (Dallas, TX: Basic Education, 1985). 8 J . Donald Wilson, "The Ryerson Years in Canada West," in Wilson, Stamp and Audet (eds.), Canadian Education: A History (Scarborough: Pre n t i c e - H a l l of Canada, Ltd., 1970), p. 217. *Ne i l J . Bramble, "An Evaluation of Accelerated C h r i s t i a n Education" (M. A. t h e s i s , Regent College, 1984), p. 70. x o I b i d . , p. 82. x x F o r a more d e t a i l e d account of mastery learning see J . F. Lee and K. W. P r u i t t , Providing for Individual Differences in Student Learning; A Mastery Learning Approach ( S p r i n g f i e l d : Charles C. Thomas, 1984) and James H. Block (ed.), Mastery Learning; Theory and Practice (Toronto: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1971). X 2Alpha-Omega, "Information pamphlets," (Tempe, AZ: Alpha- Omega Publications, 1984). " B a s i c Education information pamphlets. 67 1 4 I b i d . , p. 224. " S e e J. Coleman, T. Hoffer and S. Kilgore, Public and Private Schools: An Analysis of High School and Bevond (Washington: National Center for Education S t a t i s t i c s , 1981). "James Coleman as quoted in Larry Breitkreutz, "Parents have a r i g h t to C h r i s t i a n Schools," Canadian School Executive (February 1984): 31. " L a r r y Breitkreutz, "Parents have a r i g h t to C h r i s t i a n Schools," p. 31. " B a s i c Education information pamphlets. See "A Nation at Risk: The Imperative for Educational Reform," National Commission on Excellence i n Education, Education Week, A p r i l 27, 1983, pp. 12-16. " I b i d . " P e r s o n a l communication from Dan Severtson, Academic D i s t r i b u t i o n Center, New Westminster, September 2, 1987. 2 1"A Study of Private Schools in Alberta," Government of Alberta (Edmonton, Alberta, March 1985), p. 15. " I b i d . , p. 15. 68 Chapter IV •'THE HOME AND THE CHURCH ARE THE ONLY DESIGNATED SPHERES OF TEACHING CHILDREN HOW TO LIVE" 1: NON-FISA CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS IN BRITISH COLUMBIA The r i s e of church-related private schools, many of which do not receive government funding, i s a recent phenomenon in B r i t i s h Columbia with many of the schools being founded in the l a s t f i f t e e n years. The exact number of these schools i s unknown since many are not registered with any p a r t i c u l a r organization such as FISA and do not report school s t a t i s t i c s . However, i t i s estimated that there are approximately 115 schools in operation, the majority of which are l i s t e d as Non-FISA schools. A l i s t i n g of these church-related private schools was obtained from FISA which publishes an annual l i s t of i t s members as well as those private schools which do not belong to an association a f f i l i a t e d with FISA. Consequently, evidence for t h i s chapter was obtained from questionnaires sent out to p r i n c i p a l s of 100 schools whose addresses could be obtained from the Non-FISA l i s t . A covering l e t t e r (Appendix A), questionnaire (Appendix B), and self-addressed postage-paid envelope was sent to each of the subjects i n the study. A follow-up phone c a l l was made to schools not responding within four weeks of posting. In a previous smaller study employing a s i m i l a r methodology, 13 of 20 questionnaires were returned, representing a 65% return r a t e . 2 This suggested that t h i s procedure was v i a b l e . This e a r l i e r 69 p i l o t study provided some valuable information on the r a t i o n a l e of these schools, t h e i r philosophy towards government funding, the curriculum used, and teacher c e r t i f i c a t i o n . The questionnaire for the current study was expanded to include items that addressed the number of students e n r o l l e d , the grade l e v e l s offered, the number of f u l l and part-time teachers employed, and whether the school was open to members of other denominations. As well, f i f t e e n o r a l interviews were conducted in person and by phone with i n d i v i d u a l s r e l a t e d to these schools. These in d i v i d u a l s were selected randomly and from those contacted by mail and were asked questions r e l a t i n g to the p o l i t i c a l , economic, s o c i a l , r e l i g i o u s , and education motives for the founding of t h e i r schools. (See Appendix C) Therefore, the evidence forming the basis of t h i s study has been obtained p r i m a r i l y from primary sources. Additional information was. gathered from reports, b u l l e t i n s , response documents from the M i n i s t r y of Education, a r t i c l e s and books in an attempt to synthesize the various factors contributing to the growth of these church-related C h r i s t i a n schools. Additional correspondence was received from 53 schools. Due to the v a r i e t y of responses and for the sake of c l a r i t y each item of the questionnaire w i l l be dealt with separately. The i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the responses w i l l then be discussed, followed by a synthesis of the information c o l l e c t e d from the o r a l interviews with that provided by the questionnaire. The r e s u l t s obtained from t h i s study corroborate many of the findings of the p i l o t study conducted by the writer in 1985. 70 Of the 53 returned questionnaires, 3 disclosed that t h e i r school had ceased operation in 1986. Respondents represented a wide sampling of schools ranging from Greater Vancouver, the Lower Praser Valley, Vancouver Island, Central B r i t i s h Columbia, and into the Okanagan-Kootenay region. From t h i s fact alone, i t i s evident that these church-related C h r i s t i a n schools are not a phenomenon of any one urban or r u r a l area but rather are spread quite c o n s i s t e n t l y throughout many communities of B r i t i s h Columbia. It i s d i f f i c u l t to determine whether t h i s sample i s representative of the entir e population of Non-FISA C h r i s t i a n schools since some schools may choose not to be l i s t e d in the FISA Directory. A d d i t i o n a l l y , respondents were guaranteed anonymity in order to encourage frank responses. This was done at the expense of determining whether the respondents represented the group sampled. The following r e s u l t s should be examined with t h i s in mind. Only three of the schools which responded were founded before 1970 and two of these schools were from the Canadian Reformed and Seventh Day Adventist churches which have a h i s t o r y of providing C h r i s t i a n education to t h e i r youth. 3 Between 1977 and 1981, 64% of the schools were founded. Only 18% of these schools were established before 1977, the year of the passage of B i l l 33. Since 1981, the number of C h r i s t i a n schools that are church-related have been established at a much slower rate. Added to t h i s i s the discontinued operation of these types of schools each year as evidenced by the closure of 5.7% of the responding i n s t i t u t i o n s . 71 The majority of these schools were small, often v a r i a t i o n s of the one classroom s i t u a t i o n although there were other schools in the sample which did not f i t t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n . The mean number of students enrolled i n these church-related private schools was 47, ranging from a low of 5 to a high of 227 students. Twenty-four percent of the schools enrolled less than 20 students while only 10% of the schools enrolled more than 100 students. Table 4 shows the mean number of students enrolled according to the curriculum used. Only four schools or 8% of the sample did not o f f e r either kindergarten or grade one. Twenty schools (40%) offered kindergarten and 30 schools (60%) enrolled students r i g h t through to grade 12. There were nine schools (18%) which provided i n s t r u c t i o n through to grade 10 only. There were a v a r i e t y of reasons given why grades 11 and 12 were not offered and included lack of expertise in the subject area and lack of resources, such as money and equipment. However, one of the main considerations was the requirement of p r o v i n c i a l examinations for u n i v e r s i t y entrance i n B r i t i s h Columbia which would mean the adherence to a p r o v i n c i a l curriculum. It would seem that those students i n grades 11 and 12 who wish to pursue u n i v e r s i t y education do so at C h r i s t i a n schools u t i l i z i n g the B r i t i s h Columbia core curriculum or transfer to a public school.* Those schools that offered grades 11 and 12 suggested that university-bound students e n r o l l at a community college for a year before u n i v e r s i t y entrance or attend a Christian-based i n s t i t u t i o n such as T r i n i t y Western Univ e r s i t y . 72 TABLE 4 RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CURRICULUM USED AND MEAN STUDENT ENROLLMENT Curriculum No. of Percentage Mean Student Schools of Total Enrollment ACE 23 46 37.0 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l 8 16 37.8 Mix 7 14 57.7 A-Beka 2 4 30.0 Alpha Omega 1 2 36.0 Others 9 18 37.8 Overall mean 47.0 73 To give credence to the statement that the majority of schools were of the one classroom v a r i e t y or v a r i a t i o n s thereof, 56% of the schools had 2 or fewer f u l l - t i m e teachers with 32% having only one f u l l - t i m e teacher. The mean number of f u l l - t i m e teachers employed per school was 3.14. Only 26% of the schools surveyed had more than 3 f u l l - t i m e teachers with the largest school having 18, which was, i n c i d e n t a l l y , a funded school. The mean number of part-time teachers employed was 1.86 with 30% of the schools employing no part-time help at a l l although volunteer assistance was used at some of these schools. Fourteen percent of the schools employed more than 3 part-time teachers which suggests a matter of c o s t - e f f i c i e n c y and expertise for subject matter i n areas such as music and physical education. Less than hal f (40%) of the schools had some form of graduated fee l e v e l that responded to the parent's a b i l i t y to pay. Some of the schools which stated they had no graduated fee l e v e l had s p e c i a l provisions. Examples of these s p e c i a l provisions were free attendance for c h i l d r e n of church members i f the parents could not a f f o r d the fees or in large f a m i l i e s , the fourth and f i f t h c h i l d may attend t u i t i o n - f r e e . There were four schools which were completely church-supported and charged no t u i t i o n fees whatsoever. As a n t i c i p a t e d , the majority of the schools (80%) were evangelical C h r i s t i a n . Some examples were Baptist, Evangelical Free, F u l l Gospel C h r i s t i a n Fellowship, Mennonite, Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada, and the Church of God. Closely related to these churches and comprising 10% of the sample were schools led 74 by the Seventh Day Adventists (S.D.A.) who believe in the imminent return of Jesus C h r i s t and the Bible as the Word of God. Therefore, only 10% of the schools belonged to denominations other than those c l a s s i f i e d as evangelical C h r i s t i a n or S.D.A. Some of the schools represented i n t h i s study i d e n t i f i e d themselves as non-denominational. These s t a t i s t i c s substantiate the statement that the majority of the Non-FISA schools are Protestant evangelical church-related day schools. Eighty-six percent of the schools surveyed enrolled c h i l d r e n of other denominations. Some of the schools had a s t i p u l a t i o n that the parents would have to accept precepts taught i n chapel and the statement of f a i t h espoused by the sponsoring church i f they wanted t h e i r c h i l d r e n to attend. Of the 7 schools which were not open to ch i l d r e n of other denominations, 2 said they were not averse to the idea and would consider i t . The s i g n i f i c a n t question of whether the passage of B i l l 33 ( i n i t i a t i o n of government funding for private schools in 1977) had any influence on t h e i r d ecision to found t h e i r school provided an i n t e r e s t i n g response. Of the 50 schools which responded, 40 had been founded since the passage of the Independent School Support Act in 1977 yet, i r o n i c a l l y , a l l 50 of the schools stated that B i l l 33 had nothing to do with t h e i r d ecision to s t a r t t h e i r school. Examples of the reasons c i t e d for the founding of the school were: No, the Academy was founded because of Christ's love for people. Train up a c h i l d in the knowledge and d i s c i p l i n e of the Lord (Ephesians 6:4)... No, our church f e l t a need to provide our chi l d r e n with a Ch r i s t i a n education. 75 No, [ i t was] founded upon a B i b l i c a l conviction that the home and church are the only designated spheres of teaching c h i l d r e n how to l i v e . Of the responding schools, 34 (68%) were not c u r r e n t l y receiving any form of government funding and 29 of these 34 schools were not planning to seek any government a id in the future. Consider some of the responses: With government funding comes government curriculum. We desire to provide a humanistic free curriculum based on the Bible and C h r i s t i a n morals and standards. We wish to r e t a i n our i d e n t i t y and freedom of operation as long as we can on our own system. We have always f e l t that funding and control would ultimately evolve to a disagreeable conclusion. The question of seeking or not seeking government funding i s an i n t e r e s t i n g issue. There were 16 (32%) of schools who received government funding, of which only two received Group II funding. However, there were 8 (16%) schools who were interested in seeking Group II funding at some point in the future. From t h i s information i t can be concluded that a small contingent of the Non-FISA church-related schools are interested in some form of government funding but the majority wish to remain free from any form of government control which i s attached to Group II funding. Regarding c e r t i f i c a t i o n of teachers, 68% of the schools did not require p r o v i n c i a l c e r t i f i c a t i o n although some schools encouraged t h e i r teachers to do so to enhance the school's c r e d i b i l i t y and to foster high academic standards. This area w i l l be discussed in greater d e t a i l in reference to the c u r r i c u l a used. 76 Table 4 presents the curriculum used in the responding schools. The roost prevalent curriculum used was ACE (23 schools) with 8 schools u t i l i z i n g the B r i t i s h Columbia p r o v i n c i a l curriculum and 9 schools using a curriculum designated as "others". Other c u r r i c u l a included self-developed units, Society of C h r i s t i a n Schools material, S.D.A.-developed curriculum, and material from Bob Jones U n i v e r s i t y . The Alpha Omega and A-Beka s c u r r i c u l a were used quite infrequently on t h e i r own, but were often "mixed" together or used as a supplement to ACE, suggesting that t h e i r usage i s more widespread than Table 4 would in d i c a t e . In e f f e c t , they were u t i l i z e d i n one form or another i n 20% of the schools. Examination of teacher c e r t i f i c a t i o n i n greater d e t a i l indicated that the response was re l a t e d to the type of school. F i r s t , the ACE schools i n general were more lenient in c e r t i f i c a t i o n requirements than other schools. Consider the following responses from selected ACE schools: Our preference i s that they be c e r t i f i e d . At t h i s point i n time, we require our teachers to be c e r t i f i e d . But i f i t came to the place of choosing between an unrighteous c e r t i f i e d teacher and a righteous non- . c e r t i f i e d teacher, we would choose the n o n - c e r t i f i e d . We require them to be q u a l i f i e d for t h e i r area of teaching (no to c e r t i f i c a t i o n ) . God c e r t i f i e s them—not the government. Our teachers exceed government q u a l i f i c a t i o n s as related to B i b l i c a l standards. In contrast, here are selected responses from non-ACE schools: We f e e l that our teachers need to be c e r t i f i e d to give our school c r e d i b i l i t y . We believe there i s value to higher education, teacher t r a i n i n g , and wish to have a l e v e l of professionalism in our school that comes with the t r a i n i n g and experience of c e r t i f i e d teachers. 77 We believe that our teachers should be c e r t i f i e d . At present our teachers a l l hold a permanent B.C. teaching c e r t i f i c a t e ... Require—no. D e s i r e — y e s . We have s a l a r y incentives to encourage them [teachers] in that d i r e c t i o n . We don't i n s i s t because we see s p i r i t u a l q u a l i f i c a t i o n s as paramount. However, our key teachers are c e r t i f i e d . Table 5 shows that 19 of the 23 (83%) ACE schools did not require teacher c e r t i f i c a t i o n . Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , 7 of the 8 schools using the B r i t i s h Columbia government curriculum required t h e i r teachers be p r o v i n c i a l l y c e r t i f i e d which i s a c r i t e r i o n of Group II funding. The ACE schools view c e r t i f i c a t i o n as secondary to s p i r i t u a l t r a i n i n g and B i b l i c a l standards, which i s an i n t e g r a l component of the packaged ACE program. Some schools expressed a preference for teachers who had been trained in C h r i s t i a n colleges or u n i v e r s i t i e s . We would hope that more of our t e a c h e r s — i n the f u t u r e — would have the opportunity to take t h e i r t r a i n i n g i n C h r i s t i a n Teacher Training Colleges or u n i v e r s i t i e s ; thereafter gaining t h e i r c e r t i f i c a t i o n from a professional organization such as the Association of C h r i s t i a n Schools International... They [our teachers] are denominationally c e r t i f i e d through Seventh Day Adventist Colleges and U n i v e r s i t i e s . This i s i n d i c a t i v e of the importance placed on s p i r i t u a l values and the i n d o c t r i n a t i o n of teachers into t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r school of thought. Table 5 r e f l e c t s the ACE schools' strong stance on the r e j e c t i o n of any government funding which i s i n l i n e with t h e i r philosophy of r e j e c t i n g any form of government intervention in t h e i r school. The two ACE schools which expressed an i n t e r e s t in Group I funding were perhaps more aware of the minimum 78 TABLE 5 RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CURRICULUM, TEACHER CERTIFICATION, AND GOVERNMENT FUNDING Curriculum Teacher C e r t i f i c a t i o n Government Fundina No Yes No Yes ACE 19 4 21 2 Mix 5 2 3 4 A-Beka 2 0 2 0 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l 1 7 2 6 Alpha Omega 1 0 0 1 Others 6 3 6 3 Total 34 16 34 16 Percentage 68 32 68 32 79 regulations regarding t h i s l e v e l of funding and w i l l i n g to apply for i t on those grounds. The ACE schools constitute the large majority of the private church-related C h r i s t i a n schools but seem more reluctant to divulge information r e l a t i n g to t h e i r schools. From the information obtained, i t can be concluded that schools applying for government assistance under the terms of B i l l 33 in the Non-FISA schools are a minority and use a curriculum other than ACE. Of the schools i n d i c a t i n g i n t e r e s t i n Group I funding, a l l were quite s p e c i f i c about t h e i r conditions for applying: It would seem that the C h r i s t i a n School w i l l probably apply for a Group I grant, i f i t can be received without any "strings attached". We would not want any grant received to a f f e c t our l o c a l autonomy and r i g h t to self-determination i n regard to the operation of the C h r i s t i a n school. We w i l l use funds for b u i l d i n g maintenance only. We w i l l never put our school ( s i c ) to r e l y on such funds for i t s existence. This school would not consider returning to the curriculum of the public school system at the present time; and that would seem to be a requirement i n regard to r e c e i v i n g the Group II grant. Group II funding with i t s more stringent requirements and government control was not seen as a viable a l t e r n a t i v e since i t c o n f l i c t s with t h e i r basic philosophy of a C h r i s t i a n curriculum and complete l o c a l autonomy. Of the 8 schools r e c e i v i n g or seeking funding at the Group II l e v e l , at l e a s t 2 are known to have started with a C h r i s t i a n curriculum (ACE) and then switched to the B r i t i s h Columbia government curriculum. By the s t r i c t d e f i n i t i o n applied to the private C h r i s t i a n schools studied in t h i s paper, these Group II schools would no longer f i t into t h i s category of schools because 80 of p h i l o s o p h i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s . This i s important as i t shows that a s e l e c t minority of non-FISA schools are considering increased l e v e l s of government funding and moving away from the " i s o l a t i o n i s t 1 1 approach of non-funded C h r i s t i a n s c h o o l s . 8 D i s s a t i s f a c t i o n has arisen with the ACE-type of approach r e s u l t i n g i n the movement of many such schools into "mainstream" C h r i s t i a n schools. J . Donald Wilson in "Religion and Education: The Other Side of Pluralism" (1981) stated that " i n B.C. 65 Protestant evangelical schools were established between 1977 and 1980," and speculated that they were "spurred into existence i n part by anti c i p a t e d government assistance a f t e r three years i n operation"' 7. If t h i s study i s i n d i c a t i v e of the larger r e a l i t y of t h i s school movement, then i t cannot be said that a n t i c i p a t e d government funding spurred them into existence. What can be said i s that the passage of B i l l 33 gave state-authorized c r e d i b i l i t y to the p l i g h t of the independent school movement, including church-related C h r i s t i a n schools. However, a point may be made that future government funding at the Group I l e v e l may have influenced some schools to incorporate, although i t was not a stated purpose or objective when o r i g i n a l l y founded. From the evidence gathered and from the i n d i c a t i o n that the majority of schools which have come into existence since 1977 are ACE schools, i t i s very u n l i k e l y that anticipated government funding had any influence upon the majority of Protestant Evangelical schools founded in the past ten years. 81 Qral Interviews Ten o r a l interviews were conducted with the p r i n c i p a l s of a v a r i e t y of Non-FISA schools representing mainly non-funded schools, some Group I funded schools, and one school seeking Group II funding, which was a r e f l e c t i o n of the o v e r a l l sample group. The main purpose of the interviews was to secure a r a t i o n a l e for the founding of the school in terms of the r e l i g i o u s , p o l i t i c a l , economic, s o c i a l , and educational reasons. (See Appendix C for a copy of the semi-structured interview format.) As expected, r e l i g i o n was seen as the major reason for the founding of the schools. Respondents viewed the authority for the C h r i s t i a n school as coming from God—the "guiding force of the universe" and that " a l l truth i s God's t r u t h . " Children were seen as g i f t s from God and parents are mandated by God to educate or " t r a i n up t h e i r c h i l d r e n i n the way they should go." B i b l i c a l verses were often used to support these mandates (e.g., Psalms 127:3-5; Proverbs 22:6; Ephesians 6:4). The C h r i s t i a n school was viewed as an extension of the home in a s s i s t i n g parents to f u l f i l l t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to " t r a i n up" t h e i r c h i l d r e n . In a l l instances, emphasis was l a i d on the strong b e l i e f i n B i b l i c a l standards and p r i n c i p l e s . Intimately r e l a t e d to the above i s the sphere of educational theory and the reaction against the alleged secular humanism of the public schools. As mentioned previously, the public school i s seen as a worldly i n s t i t u t i o n whose goals are set by the s t a t e . The public school with i t s humanist-centred curriculum 82 simply i s not seen as a via b l e a l t e r n a t i v e for C h r i s t i a n parents. The centre of the issue, then, l i e s i n the phi l o s o p h i c a l differences between the humanist-centred public school curriculum and the education of ch i l d r e n according to B i b l i c a l p r i n c i p l e s . Consider the following quotations from selected personnel i n the church-related private schools: We had a strong commitment to the b e l i e f that education was the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the parent and wanted our ch i l d r e n to be taught Judaeo-Christian values i n the curriculum as opposed to a humanist-centred curriculum as i s being used in the public school system i n B.C. ...This group of parents were determined that t h e i r c h i l d r e n would not again be faced with the humanistic philosophy of the public system. Our school was started because of a B i b l i c a l conviction to d a i l y t r a i n our ch i l d r e n according to Godly standards... It i s very important that those who teach our c h i l d r e n have the ri g h t philosophy. These selected responses were representative of the opinions expressed in the questionnaires and 'interviews. The responses r e f l e c t two of the primary reasons for the founding of the small church-related s c h o o l s — t h e mandate from God to i n s t r u c t t h e i r c h i l d r e n and the reaction against secular humanism as found i n the public school system. Many of the schools f e l t that both the means and ends of public education, were inappropriate. There was a d e f i n i t e concern over the apparent erosion of the curriculum in the areas of B i b l i c a l values and morality. P a r t i c u l a r d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n was expressed with an educational system that does not allow a l t e r n a t i v e theories of the o r i g i n of mankind, such as creationism. Since God i s regarded as the centre of a l l truth 83 and learning, He must be acknowledged i n a l l subject areas, e s p e c i a l l y when discussing mankind's o r i g i n s . Supporters of C h r i s t i a n schools would argue that f a i l u r e to recognize t h i s basic tenet makes an education not only incomplete, but inappropriate. As well, many schools expressed a d e f i n i t e preference for the i n d i v i d u a l i z e d goal-oriented mode of learning which recognizes the importance of each c h i l d as a "unique i n d i v i d u a l created by God." Since each student learns at his or her own rate, supporters of i n d i v i d u a l i z e d C h r i s t i a n c u r r i c u l a tend to consider learning as the constant and time as the v a r i a b l e . The C h r i s t i a n work e t h i c and l o y a l t y to the home and family are stressed i n an e f f o r t to produce good, productive c i t i z e n s . As two respondents put i t : We want our c h i l d r e n trained for leadership and good l o y a l c i t i z e n s h i p . We t r a i n them to set d a i l y and long-term goals; we stress the importance of making every endeavor to achieve those goals. ...The C h r i s t i a n work ethic i s also stressed as the basis of success and f u l f i l l m e n t both i n school and in the work place i - The public school was seen as distancing i t s e l f from the family. It was perceived that i t had not been responsive to the needs and goals of the family, was f a i l i n g in the area of moral development, and i n some cases, was regarded as academically i n f e r i o r . In e f f e c t , the educational tenets established within the C h r i s t i a n school r e f l e c t e d the parents' wishes for the mode of education they deemed most appropriate for t h e i r c h i l d r e n — that of a B i b l i c a l l y based, God-centred system recognizing the importance of the i n d i v i d u a l c h i l d and his or her r e l a t i o n s h i p to God. 84 P o l i t i c a l l y , the majority of the schools r e j e c t the idea of some or any government control of formal schooling although those seeking Group II funding did not have a problem with t h i s concept as they had evolved from the t r a d i t i o n a l church-related private school. The l a t t e r regard formal schooling as the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the parent, not the government, and therefore f e e l government cont r o l should not be present or at. l e a s t r e s t r i c t e d in t h e i r schools. However, judging from the information gleaned from the various interviews, the crux of the problem l i e s not within an inherent nature to r e j e c t government control of formal schooling but rather with an increasing d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n over the gradual removal of the Judaeo-Christian influence from the classroom and i t s replacement with a secular humanist philosophy. This "de- P r o t e s t a n t i z a t i o n " discussed e a r l i e r provided the mandate to C h r i s t i a n parents to e s t a b l i s h a l t e r n a t i v e s which once again recognized the- importance of B i b l i c a l morals and values. ...The Bible teaches that our c h i l d r e n should be trained by C h r i s t i a n a i n a godly system; i f the government were C h r i s t i a n and had a Christian-based curriculum, government control would not be a problem. The majority (4 of 6) of the non-funded schools responded that they were organized so as to provide i n s t r u c t i o n i n a uniquely c o s t - e f f i c i e n t manner. This was p a r t i c u l a r l y true of those schools which have used or were cu r r e n t l y using the ACE curriculum. A resource manual which provides step by step i n s t r u c t i o n s for e s t a b l i s h i n g a school i s provided along with a d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n of the approximate cost for each stage of the procedure and the materials required. The curriculum i s designed for i n d i v i d u a l i z e d learning where the teacher i s more of 85 a supervisor and motivator than an i n s t r u c t o r . In f a c t , i n the ACE system, the i n s t r u c t o r i s referre d to as a monitor, not a teacher. This can accommodate larger classes and fewer s t a f f and gr e a t l y reduces costs p a r t i c u l a r l y where the f a c i l i t y used i s the church of the founding school members and thus there i s no c a p i t a l outlay for a b u i l d i n g or land. However, not a l l of the schools were interested in cost- e f f i c i e n c y . This was p a r t i c u l a r l y evident in those schools applying for government funding. Consider the following responses: We don't want to l i m i t students' learning by overcrowded classrooms and inadequate texts. We t r i e d a middle of the road approach to cost. Our school uses c e r t i f i e d teachers and has small classes. We are interested more in q u a l i t y than c o s t - e f f i c i e n c y . From the evidence gathered, i t would appear that c o s t - e f f i c i e n c y i s an important factor with those schools using the ACE curriculum and not ne c e s s a r i l y with non-funded schools i n general. The question of whether the school had adopted s p e c i a l programs and educational approaches to respond to parents' a b i l i t y to pay produced a range of responses dependent on the i n d i v i d u a l i n s t i t u t i o n selected. A sampling of t h e i r r e p l i e s reveals the d i v e r s i t y and autonomy of the various schools represented. There i s no t u i t i o n charged. The school i s completely run on t i t h e s and o f f e r i n g s . The minimum requirement i s that the families must be t i t h i n g members of our church. (We t r u s t them to pay.) 86 We don't deny access on a b i l i t y to pay. There i s an informal agreement with parents on what they are to pay on a regular basis. There i s no t u i t i o n schedule per se. A l l our students are from the church; t h e i r parents are charged t u i t i o n and they must be able to a f f o r d i t . In our system nobody i s refused admission based on finances, in other words, the poor are not penalized. If they want to attend and cannot a f f o r d to, then they come for free. The church provides the f a c i l i t y and u t i l i t i e s and other t u i t i o n s subsidize those who can't pay. We charged parents what they could a f f o r d . A l l students had equal access to a l l programs whether or not t h e i r parents paid f u l l t u i t i o n . A s p e c i a l educational fund was established to subsidize f a m i l i e s who could not pay the f u l l amount and some students were completely subsidized by the school. Therefore, i t i s apparent that the schools were generally quite generous i n t h e i r admission procedures based on the parents' a b i l i t y to pay. However, 4 of the 10 schools interviewed enrolled students which came e x c l u s i v e l y from t h e i r church. This number (40%) i s rather s u r p r i s i n g since only 14% of the surveyed schools responded that they did not e n r o l l c h i l d r e n of other denominations. This discrepancy may be due to the sampling process used to s e l e c t schools and/or a misinterpretation of the question by selected respondents i n the survey. This "misinterpretation" may have been i n t e n t i o n a l or perhaps the question was unclear. Evidently, the s p e c i a l programs adopted by many of the schools are not only r e f l e c t i v e of the parents' a b i l i t y to pay but represent p a r t i c u l a r church-demands to which the parents belong. The parents and s t a f f of these schools f e e l quite strongly that the costs of the school are j u s t i f i e d by the pu p i l s ' s o c i a l and academic achievement. The majority of the schools reported 87 t h e i r students scored, on the average, well above the Canadian norms for t h e i r grade l e v e l s i n both p e r c e n t i l e rank and grade equivalent ratings based on the Canadian Achievement Tests (CAT) published by McGraw-Hill and Ryerson. One school stated that i t s students scored 2.5 years above the norms on the CAT and offered a "superior" education which the parents valued and were w i l l i n g to pay f o r . A small ACE school from the Lower Mainland has produced 36 high school graduates over the l a s t 5 years of which 29 have entered a program of higher education. There could be a v a r i e t y of factors contributing to these unusually high t e s t r e s u l t s such as biased sampling of students or smaller classes, but i t i s notably evident that the back-to-basics movement in these schools i s appealing to many parents. This concern with academic achievement coupled with strong moral t r a i n i n g has proven to be an a t t r a c t i v e a l t e r n a t i v e for a growing number of parents. S o c i a l l y , t h i s type of environment i s what the parents want t h e i r c h i l d r e n exposed to although two of the schools expressed concern that t h e i r school had become somewhat of a "closed soci e t y . " They both advocated opening t h e i r schools to people outside t h e i r church in order to foster i n t e r a c t i o n with other groups of people. Generally, the parents were quite s a t i s f i e d in regards to both s o c i a l and academic achievement as reported by the p r i n c i p a l s interviewed in t h i s study. High parental involvement in the a c t i v i t i e s of the school and low teacher turnover were also c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of these schools. One of the larger ACE schools reported 95% parent 88 attendance at parent-teacher meetings and the loss of only 3 teachers in 9 years. Whether the school was funded or not, the s t a f f were described by t h e i r respective p r i n c i p a l s as deeply committed to the cause of C h r i s t i a n education and consequently teacher turnover was almost nonexistent in most cases. This was true whether or not the school employed c e r t i f i e d teachers. The duties performed by the teachers were described as t h e i r "ministry" or service to the students and parents. Our teachers, although w e l l - q u a l i f i e d , look upon t h i s teaching assignment as a worthwhile service to parents who are, i n f a c t , paying twice for the education of t h e i r c h i l d r e n . Accordingly, they do accept wages which are considerably lower than those of the public system. In a l l instances, the teachers were remunerated at a l e v e l lower than the s a l a r i e s paid by the public system. In the ACE schools, use of n o n - c e r t i f i e d teaching personnel would not j u s t i f y e q u a l i t y i n wages. The teachers are considered to be devout in t h e i r " s e r v i c e " and f e e l that the benefits of the C h r i s t i a n school outweigh the personal costs or else a higher turnover of teachers would presumably be evident. In response to whether the respondents f e l t t h e i r school was an expression of an ethnic i d e n t i t y , a l l stated emphatically that t h i s was not the case i n t h e i r schools. They r e p l i e d that t h e i r student bodies were composed of various ethnic groups; some were w i l l i n g to show c l a s s l i s t s to substantiate i t . From v i s i t a t i o n at selected schools, observation of the student population would support t h i s claim. No p a r t i c u l a r group of people was refused admission to these schools based on t h e i r ethnic heritage. Admission to the schools was based on an adherence to B i b l i c a l 89 p r i n c i p l e s i n the t r a i n i n g of c h i l d r e n and a willingness to pay for t h i s b e l i e f . This, of course, would preclude those groups who do not wish t h e i r c h i l d r e n to be indoctrinated in C h r i s t i a n i t y . These schools d e f i n i t e l y do not represent an economic " e l i t e " as may be found i n schools modeled on the B r i t i s h "public" schools model. A l l schools reported that students came from the lower to middle socio-economic l e v e l s representing a wide v a r i e t y of groups from labourers to professionals. The non- funded church schools, in p a r t i c u l a r , were sel f - d e s c r i b e d as representing a large percentage of blue c o l l a r workers but with no r e a l s i m i l a r i t i e s among occupations and neighbourhoods. Again, the raison d' etre for these schools l i e s apparently among the r e l i g i o u s convictions of the parents regardless of occupational status or socio-economic l e v e l . However, i t appears that parents supporting C h r i s t i a n schools are mainly middle c l a s s . Of the s i x non-funded schools interviewed, four used the ACE curriculum. One school used A-Beka supplemented with some l o c a l l y developed units and Bob Jones U n i v e r s i t y curriculum. The other used A-Beka supplemented with the Canadian s o c i a l studies program from Alpha-Omega. The four funded schools of which three were Group I were s p l i t — h a l f used a C h r i s t i a n curriculum and two used the public school curriculum. I n c i d e n t a l l y , those schools using the government curriculum were both interested in Group II funding; one had already received i t and the other was in the process of applying for i t . A l l these C h r i s t i a n schools were asked which emphases were to be found in t h e i r c u r r i c u l a based on the l i s t provided. (See Appendix C) The consensus was a balanced approach to learning which t r i e d to incorporate a l l of the areas with a strong emphasis on the mastery of s k i l l s . However, c e r t a i n areas were given p r i o r i t y depending on the school interviewed. Practice i n reasoning i s very important although some would debate t h i s i n our system [ACE]. We offer chapels and devotions where much decision-making in the r e l i g i o u s and philosophical areas must be done. We stress the moral, r e l i g i o u s aspect which recognizes God as the centre of a l l t r u t h — m o r a l and academic. We want to d i r e c t our chi l d r e n to be self-motivated learners and d i s c i p l i n e d i n t h e i r l i v e s . The schools, in general, were s a t i s f i e d that t h e i r curriculum was. meeting t h e i r perceived needs. Two schools which had previously u t i l i z e d the ACE curriculum, however, expressed some serious misgivings over that system. They f e l t that i t was too American in nature and lacked Canadian content p a r t i c u l a r l y in the s o c i a l studies area. The regimentation of the system with i t s cubicles and curriculum paces was considered to be too r e s t r i c t i v e and a detriment to c r e a t i v i t y . Student-teacher i n t e r a c t i o n and s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n among the students was f e l t to be l i m i t e d . Therefore, these two schools decided to choose a d i f f e r e n t curriculum which- would provide them with more f l e x i b i l i t y and freedom in t h e i r educational choices. 91 NOTES TO CHAPTER IV ^-Survey respondent. 2Gordon C. Calvert, "Growth of Non-Funded C h r i s t i a n Schools in B r i t i s h Columbia," (Unpublished manuscript, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1985). 3For a de t a i l e d h i s t o r y of C h r i s t i a n schools i n the Dutch- C a l v i n i s t t r a d i t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia, see Harro Van Brummelen, T e l l i n g the Next Generation; Educational Development in North American C a l v i n i s t C h r i s t i a n Schools (Lanham, MD: Uni v e r s i t y Press of America, Inc., 1986). «Those C h r i s t i a n schools u t i l i z i n g the B.C. Ministry of Education core curriculum i n grades 11 and 12 quite often belong to the Society of C h r i s t i a n Schools. SA-Beka i s a C h r i s t i a n curriculum published by A-Beka Book Publications of Pensacola, F l o r i d a . This firm i s an important source of resources for Mennonite Parochial schools i n Alberta. •See Harro Van Brummelen, T e l l i n g the Next Generation for a discussion of the " i s o l a t i o n i s t " approach to C h r i s t i a n schools. T J . Donald Wilson, "Religion and Education: The Other Side of Pluralism," i n J . Donald Wilson (ed.), Canadian Education in the 1980's (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises Ltd., 1981), p. 107. 92 Chapter V CONCLUSION The p l u r a l i s t i c nature of Canadian society has been more tolerant of d i v e r s i t y i n education than the United States. This i s evidenced, for example, by the p a r t i a l government funding of private schools i n Alberta since 1968 and B r i t i s h Columbia since 1977 and the existence for many years of f u l l y tax-supported Roman C a t h o l i c schools in f i v e p r o v i n c e s . 1 In B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , i t was established private schools such as those started by the C h r i s t i a n Reformed and Catholic schools which gave c r e d i b i l i t y to the independent school movement and i t s quest for a share of public funds. 2 In e f f e c t , the passage of B i l l 33 in 1977 served notice that the government of B r i t i s h Columbia intended to "support some freedom of choice in education, and to a s s i s t the private sector in becoming more competitive in the d e l i v e r y of educational s e r v i c e s . " 3 This study has demonstrated that almost half of the schools surveyed are interested in some form of government funding, p a r t i c u l a r l y at the Group I l e v e l which s t i l l keeps them free from government c o n t r o l . Although two of the twenty-three ACE schools were interested in Group I funding, the ACE philosophy has not tolerated any form of government c o n t r o l . It i s apparent that the majority of Non-FISA schools are not interested in Group II funding and may continue to remain non-funded. The decision to found t h e i r schools was not based on the passage of B i l l 33 but rather for reasons such as d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the lack of moral i n s t r u c t i o n and d i s c i p l i n e in the public school, i t s 93 emphasis upon humanism, and a desire to provide instead an education based upon B i b l i c a l precepts. The Ministry of Education has remained neutral on the control of these schools since there has been no e x i s t i n g l e g i s l a t i o n governing t h e i r operation. The School Support Amendment Act passed in June, 1987 provides for a voluntary a c c r e d i t a t i o n process for a l l n o n - c l a s s i f i e d , non-funded schools. This i s an attempt by the government to provide "a process of evaluation designed to ensure the public and prospective c l i e n t s that q u a l i f y i n g schools meet an acceptable standard of education in the province of B r i t i s h Columbia""*. Although not s p e c i f i c a l l y designed for. the non-funded C h r i s t i a n schools, t h i s system of evaluation would provide c r e d i b i l i t y for those schools e l e c t i n g the a c c r e d i t a t i o n process. The voluntary nature of t h i s process and the fact that the schools themselves must assume the cost of evaluation should ensure that t h i s government a c c r e d i t a t i o n l i s t in no way poses a threat to the Non-PISA C h r i s t i a n schools. In a move to encourage the teaching of B r i t i s h Columbia core curriculum courses, the Ministry offers free textbooks to schools who wish to i n s t r u c t t h e i r students in one or more such courses. Of course, 35% funding i s a v a i l a b l e to any of the schools who meet the more stringent requirements of Group II funding which includes the establishment of a curriculum that meets minimum in s t r u c t i o n a l time requirements for course subject areas. Examination of the s t a t i s t i c s has shown the increased growth of C h r i s t i a n schools, p a r t i c u l a r l y in the l a s t ten to f i f t e e n years. In 1985-1986 an i n t e r e s t i n g phenomenon occurred in the 94 C h r i s t i a n s c h o o l s of B r i t i s h Columbia. According to the enrollment s t a t i s t i c s provided by FISA, the Non-FISA t o t a l dropped from 6434 students i n 1985-86 to 5604 in 1986-87*, suggesting that the private church schools have, perhaps, reached t h e i r apex in popularity. However, according to Fred Herst, Executive Director of FISA, the s t a t i s t i c s are somewhat misleading.• He explained that the figures are not completely r e l i a b l e as many of the Non-FISA C h r i s t i a n schools do not respond with t h e i r yearly enrollment updates. The s t a t i s t i c s reported are very conservative estimates and can change dramatically from one year to the next. There i s also i n t e r n a l movement occurring as ten schools- joined the Federation l a s t year and ten more are j o i n i n g t h i s year. Many of these are Protestant evangelical schools which j o i n the Society of C h r i s t i a n Schools (SCS.-BC) aft e r a two-year associate member period and the Associate Member Group (AMG) which both meet p r o v i n c i a l curriculum requirements. Therefore, the drop in the Non-FISA enrollment t o t a l s i s somewhat compensated for i n the higher o v e r a l l FISA t o t a l . Some c r i t i c s of private school education have argued that private schools cater to an economic e l i t e . Often the term "private 1* has been associated with those academically oriented schools i n the B r i t i s h t r a d i t i o n . However, t h i s notion has been p a r t i a l l y d i s c r e d i t e d by Donald Erickson's study on the consequences of funding the independent schools of B r i t i s h Columbia which found that private school students in B r i t i s h Columbia come mainly from families with incomes s l i g h t l y below the p r o v i n c i a l average,"7 Erickson's study was roundly c r i t i c i z e d 95 for not being representative as he examined only those FISA C h r i s t i a n schools from the Fraser Valley. This paper would, however, substantiate Erickson's claim as far as C h r i s t i a n schools are concerned. This evidence gives some support to the independent schools' claim that a normal cross-section of Canadians are attracted by the a l t e r n a t i v e of the private schools and that they are not a "haven of p r i v i l e g e for the well-to-do." 8 The exception would be those e l i t e schools o f f e r i n g education in the B r i t i s h "public" school t r a d i t i o n . As for the Protestant evangelical schools, they not only a t t r a c t a normal cross-section of Canadians but seem to be enjoying success in both the small communities outside the Lower Mainland and larger urban centres as well. An examination of the private church-related schools and the i r subsequent p r o l i f e r a t i o n i s a multifaceted issue. C l e a r l y , i t i s the r e s u l t of a growing awareness of the perceived importance of a B i b l i c a l l y based education coupled with the increasing d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the public school system that has led to the founding of many of these C h r i s t i a n schools. Jean Barman as t u t e l y points out that: The growth of C h r i s t i a n education in B r i t i s h Columbia p a r a l l e l s i t s burgeoning appeal across North America, such schools being perceived as providing a secure, r e l i g i o n - based a l t e r n a t i v e to a public system that i s weak on d i s c i p l i n e and moral values. 9 The key element in the rationale behind these schools i s the Ch r i s t i a n philosophy. C h r i s t i a n i t y i s viewed as a t o t a l way of l i f e and, i t is contended, C h r i s t i a n values must be inculcated not only at home and at church but through formal education as 96 well . For the fundamentalist C h r i s t i a n / the basic textbook i s the Bible, as i t i s seen as God's word to man and the essence of tru t h . This influence must permeate a l l aspects of curriculum since the C h r i s t i a n education i s based on a B i b l i c a l perspective. Private religious-based education r e f l e c t s the origi n s of Canadian education and has been developed in a p l u r a l i s t i c vein. Canadian society i s a c u l t u r a l mosaic consisting of a p l u r a l i t y of i d e n t i t i e s — e t h n i c , r e l i g i o u s , regional, to name three— e a c h with i t s own needs and goals. Freedom of choice in education i s advocated by independent school supporters who view the schools as an avenue to teach t h e i r c h i l d r e n the b e l i e f s and values they deem important and necessary. To support t h i s view, A r t i c l e 26 of the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights of which Canada i s — a signator i s often quoted. It states that: Everyone has the r i g h t to education: that education s h a l l be free and compulsory: that parents have the pri o r r i g h t to choose the kind of education that s h a l l be given t h e i r c h i l d r e n . C h r i s t i a n school supporters have chosen the type of school and education that best s u i t s t h e i r philosophy. They desire an education for t h e i r c h i l d r e n that p a r a l l e l s the r e l i g i o u s and moral i n s t r u c t i o n offered in the home and church. They have become increasingly d i s s a t i s f i e d with the "secular humanism" that they perceive has pervaded the public schools and what they perceive as the decline in d i s c i p l i n e , morals, and standards. 1 0 Consequently, schools which offer a secure, religious-based al t e r n a t i v e are becoming increasingly popular. Their r e a l i z a t i o n that a l l education i s p h i l o s o p h i c a l l y shaped and directed and the notion that n e u t r a l i t y of values in education i s a myth can be 97 a t t r i b u t a b l e to better education of parents and active lobbying of groups such as FISA and C h r i s t i a n educators. The issue at stake i s one of values and who decides which values are to be communicated to t h e i r c h i l d r e n , be i t the state or the parent. Independent school supporters, e s p e c i a l l y from the C h r i s t i a n schools, have argued that in a democracy, a l l c i t i z e n s should be free to choose the educational system and curriculum which communicates t h e i r values most appropriately. The need for more cooperation between parents and schools as advocated by independent schools supporters i s one of the reasons for t h e i r growing popularity. The theme of q u a l i t y in schooling was considered the most dominant theme of the 1985 Let's Talk About Schools report regarding the status of schooling in B r i t i s h Columbia. Both the public and educators believe that the q u a l i t y of schooling in B r i t i s h Columbia has deteriorated over the l a s t f i v e years. B r i t i s h Columbians now f e e l that the q u a l i t y of P r o v i n c i a l schooling i s not equal to that of other provinces, and ranks even more poorly when compared to what i s seen to e x i s t in B r i t i s h Columbia's private or independent s c h o o l s . 1 1 Coupled with t h i s perceived decline in q u a l i t y was a concern "about teaching such topics as Darwinism, family l i f e s k i l l s , values, and sex e d u c a t i o n " — t o p i c s better l e f t in t h e i r view to the realms of the parents and c h u r c h . 1 2 Some of the s p e c i f i c suggestions made by respondents to the question, "What aspects of r e l i g i o n , i f any, should be included in schools?" included "the need to teach from a Christian.perspective, teach Creationism, and have Bible reading and the Lord's P r a y e r . " 1 3 Obviously, the C h r i s t i a n schools of B r i t i s h Columbia are meeting the needs of 98 those parents concerned with the perceived lack of C h r i s t i a n values and q u a l i t y education in the public schools. C h r i s t i a n schools, in general, w i l l l i k e l y continue to grow and expand in B r i t i s h Columbia in the near future provided t h e i r supporters continue to perceive the same need for th e i r existence. However, those C h r i s t i a n schools which do not attach themselves to an umbrella organization such as ACE or the SCS often are very small, do not receive funding and are susceptible to premature closure because of small enrollments and/or no government assistance. The exception to t h i s would be the few large independent C h r i s t i a n schools such as Mennonite Educational In s t i t u t e in Abbotsford and S e a c l i f f C h r i s t i a n School in Richmond. The more successful C h r i s t i a n schools, in terms of s t a b i l i t y , seem to be those which are either church subsidized or receive government assistance. The trend in favour of the Non- FISA schools j o i n i n g FISA in 1987 i s a r e f l e c t i o n of the acceptance of Group II funding and i t s contingent use of B r i t i s h Columbia Ministry of Education core curriculum. Whether t h i s trend w i l l continue in the future i s an in t e r e s t i n g question. It is c l e a r , however, that those schools u t i l i z i n g the ACE curriculum w i l l remain autonomous and free from government control in the near future whether or not increased l e v e l s of funding are made a v a i l a b l e . Many of the ACE schools were i n i t i a t e d by church pastors with American backgrounds or whose church denominations have close t i e s with the United States. Some of these schools are served by U.S.-based organizations and use a large amount of 99 American curriculum materials. Further, many ACE schools in the U.S. have a l l e g e d l y switched to d i f f e r e n t programs and methodologies. Dr. Howard recently encouraged Canadian ACE leaders to be more f l e x i b l e in t h e i r program and government funding approaches. Perhaps t h i s w i l l a f f e c t ACE's philosophy towards government funding. F i n a l l y , ACE must not be written off as a "passing fancy" but recognized as N e i l Bramble suggests, as a " t h r i v i n g , powerful force in the C h r i s t i a n school scene..." l 4 Besides the fundamental issue of state versus parent/church control of schooling there are other pressing questions which need to be addressed. Have the Non-FISA C h r i s t i a n schools reached t h e i r peak in popularity or w i l l they continue to grow and expand? How well do graduates of these C h r i s t i a n schools in B.C. fare in society and what proportion, for example, attend college or university? If the government provided increased leve l s of funding to the public schools for areas such as s p e c i a l education, learning disabled and the reduction of the student-to- teacher r a t i o , would private school enrollments decrease? What ef f e c t would the implementation of educational vouchers have on the enrollments of private schools, in p a r t i c u l a r , the C h r i s t i a n schools? C l e a r l y , private schooling has developed a niche in the educational configuration of both Canada and the United States and has assumed a s i g n i f i c a n c e few would have predicted a generation ago. Despite t h i s , the private schools s t i l l constitute only f i v e percent of the tota«l elementary and secondary enrollments in Canada. Although increasingly popular, 100 private schools are not so great in number or enrollment "that they threaten the v i a b i l i t y of public e d u c a t i o n . " 1 8 Rather, the private schools, p a r t i c u l a r l y the C h r i s t i a n ones, meet a need for those advocates of family choice in our p l u r a l i s t i c Canadian society who have become d i s i l l u s i o n e d with the public school system and desire a more t r a d i t i o n a l education suited to t h e i r philosophy and needs. The proponents of. C h r i s t i a n education have embraced the B i b l i c a l mandate to " t r a i n up a c h i l d in the way he should go." 101 NOTES TO CHAPTER V 1See J. Donald Wilson, "Religion and Education: The Other Side of Pluralism," in J. Donald Wilson (ed.), Canadian Education in the 1980's (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises Ltd., 1981). 2See L. W. Downey, "The Aid-to-independent Schools Movement in B r i t i s h Columbia," in Sheehan, Wilson, & Jones (eds.), Schools in the West: Essays in Canadian Educational History (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises Ltd., 1986), pp. 305-322. 3 L . W. Downey, "The Aid-to-independent Schools Movement in B r i t i s h Columbia," p. 305. 4Gary Mason, "Waiting period for grants cut for independent schools," The Vancouver Sun (June 25, 1987). SFISA, "Enrollment S t a t i s t i c s , " Vancouver, June 23, 987.. "Oral interview with Fred Herst, Executive Director of FISA, March, 1987. "'Donald Erickson, The Toronto Star (July 6, 1982). Cited in Gerry Ensing, " D i v e r s i t y in Education: Colour for the Mosaic," in Canadian School Executive 3(January 1984): 5. 8Gerry Ensing, " D i v e r s i t y in Education," p. 5. 'Jean Barman, Growing up B r i t i s h in B r i t i s h Columbia: Bovs in Private School (Vancouver: University of B r i t i s h Columbia Press, 1984), p. 169. 1 0 P o r a more de t a i l e d account of "secular humanism" in the public schools see Paul Kienel, Reasons for C h r i s t i a n Schools (Milford, Michigan: Mott Media, 1981) and James C. Carper and Thomas C. Hunt, Religious Schooling in America (Birmingham, Alabama: Religious Education Press, 1984). 1 1 L e t ' s Talk About Schools: Summary and Highlights. ( B r i t i s h Columbia: Ministry of Education, 1985), p. 7. 1 2 I b i d . , p. 26. 1 3 I b i d . , p. 26. 1 4 N e i l J. Bramble, "An Evaluation of Accelerated C h r i s t i a n Education" (M.A. t h e s i s , Regent College, 1984), p. 252. 1 3 G e r r y Ensing, " D i v e r s i t y in Education," p..5. 102 BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. PRIMARY SOURCES i . Published Sources B r i t i s h Columbia Ministry of Education. B i l l 33 - Independent Schools Support Act, 1977. B r i t i s h Columbia Ministry of Education. Ministry Information C i r c u l a r , May 19 84. Committee on Tolerance and Understanding. Interim Report. Government of Alberta, May 1984. Committee on Tolerance and Understanding. Private Education in Alberta. Government of Alberta, May 1984. Federation of Independent School Associations. Enrollment S t a t i s t i c s . Vancouver: FISA, June 23, 1987. Federation of Independent School Associations. Annual Directory. 1977-1986. Vancouver, B.C. Federation of Independent School Associations. Monday B u l l e t i n . 1976-1984. Vancouver, B.C. Federation of Independent School Associations. Summary: Status of. and P o l i c y Towards. Independent S c h o o l s — J u l y 1984. Vancouver, B.C., 19 84. Government of Alberta. A Study of Private Schools in Alberta. Edmonton: Alberta Education, March, 1985. Let's Talk About Schools: Summary and Highlights. B r i t i s h Columbia: Ministry of Education, 1985. Shapiro, B. J. The Report of the Commission on Private Schools in Ontario. Toronto: The Commission on Private Schools in Ontario, 1985. S t a t i s t i c s Canada. "Advanced S t a t i s t i c s of Education." Education S t a t i s t i c s Service B u l l e t i n . February, 1986. S t a t i s t i c s Canada. "Growth in Private Education—1971-72 to 1981- 82." Education S t a t i s t i c s Service B u l l e t i n . July 1982. S t a t i s t i c s Canada. "Growth in Private Education—1972-73 to 1983- 84." Education S t a t i s t i c s Service B u l l e t i n . August 1984. 103 i i . Unpublished Sources a. Interviews Mr. Gerry Ensing Mr. Fred Herst Ten interviews with p r i n c i p a l s of Non-FISA schools (anonymous). Five interviews with others (parents, school board members) associatsed with these schools (anonymous). 2. SECONDARY SOURCES Anderson, C , Bose, T., & Richardson, J. (eds.). C i r c l e of Voices: A History of the Religious Communities of B r i t i s h Columbia. 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Canadian Education: A History. Toronto: Prentice H a l l , 1970. 108 APPENDIX A 110 APPENDIX B 111 Please answer the f o l l o w i n g questions as completely as p o s s i b l e . I f e x t r a space i s r e q u i r e d , p l e a s e use a d d i t i o n a l paper. 1. What year was your sc h o o l founded? 2. How many students are c u r r e n t l y e n r o l l e d (1986-1987)? 3. What grade l e v e l s does your s c h o o l o f f e r ? 4. How many f u l l - r t i m e teachers do you c u r r e n t l y employ? par t - t i m e ? 5. Doe your sc h o o l have a graduated l e v e l of fees which r e f l e c t the parent's a b i l i t y to pay? YES NO 6. A. What r e l i g i o u s denomination do your students belong to? B. Does your s c h o o l e n r o l l c h i l d r e n of other denominations? 7. Did the passage of B i l l 33 ( i n i t i a t i o n of government funding f o r p r i v a t e s chools i n 19 77) have anything to do w i t h your d e c i s i o n to found your school? 8. A. Are you c u r r e n t l y r e c e i v i n g government funding? YES NO B. Do you p l a n to seek government funding i n the near f u t u r e ? YES NO Please e x p l a i n your reasons f o r seeking or not se e k i n g government funding. 9. Do you r e q u i r e your teachers to have p r o v i n c i a l c e r t i f i c a t i o n ? YES NO Why or why not? 10. Which of the f o l l o w i n g c u r r i c u l a A c c e l e r a t e d C h r i s t i a n Education Alpha-Omega 1 want a copy of the r e s u l t s of t h i s I f yes, pl e a s e provide your name and . JJ2 do you use? Other (please s p e c i f y ) study. YES NO address. THANK YOU FOR YOUR COOPERATION. IT IS GREATLY APPRECIATED. Ag a i n , c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y i s guaranteed. 113 APPENDIX C 114 Oral Interview 1. Why was your school started? Please respond to the following categories of reasons and explain each f u l l y . A. P o l i t i c a l : Many parents in the C h r i s t i a n private school movement re j e c t the idea of some or any government control of formal schooling. Do you think that t h i s i s the case i n your school and to what extent? B. Economic: i . Was your school organized so as to provide i n s t r u c t i o n in a uniquely c o s t - e f f i c i e n t manner? If .so, how? i i . Has your school adopted s p e c i a l programs and educational approaches that respond to your parents a b i l i t y to pay? If so, describe t h e i r main features. i i i . Do parents and s t a f f i n your school consider that the costs of the school are j u s t i f i e d by the pupi l s ' s o c i a l and academic achievement? Please explain. C. S o c i a l : i . Is your school the expression of an ethnic identity? Please explain. i i . Do your parents generally share s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s (neighborhood from which families come, si m i l a r occupations among parents and so on)? D. Religious: i . Was r e l i g i o n a motivating cause for the founding of your school and to what extent? E. Educational Theory; To what extent does your school and i t s curriculum r e f l e c t positions on the following issues? i . A p a r t i c u l a r theory of c h i l d development and learning. i i . B e l i e f that both the means and ends of public education are inappropriate. In what ways? F. Other: Are there other reaons why your school was started other than previously specified? If so, explain. 115 2. A. C u r r i c u l a : Which of the following c u r r i c u l a do you use? Accelerated C h r i s t i a n Education - Alpha Omega Other (please specify) B. Your curriculum may emphasize any or a l l of the following: a c q u i s i t i o n of facts in the various d i s c i p l i n e s practice i n reasoning mastery of s k i l l s , e.g., reading, math, cartography, and so on c l a r i f i c a t i o n of fundamental concepts, such as academic or moral concepts acquiring of tastes, a t t i t u d e s , and habits Indicate i f these or some other emphases are found in your school.

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