Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Social values and educational change : a study of those values said to be ’traditional’ in Chilean society,… De Vescovi, David 1979

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1979_A8 D48.pdf [ 6.73MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0055722.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0055722-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0055722-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0055722-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0055722-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0055722-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0055722-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0055722-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0055722.ris

Full Text

S O C I A L V A L U E S AND E D U C A T I O N A L CHANGE A S t u d y o f t h o s e C h i l e a n S o c i e T i m e a n d i n V a l u e s s a i d t o b t y , t h e i r C h a n g e t h e R e f l e c t i o n C h i l e a n E d u c a t i e ' T r a d i t i o n a l " i n i n H i s t o r i c a l of Change on by D A V I D ^ D E V E S C O V I L i c e n t i a t e i n S o c i o l o g y U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i l e , 1 9 6 7 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS Ml THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES EDUCATION We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g ., to the r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE U N I V E R S I T Y OF B R I T I S H COLUMBIA March, 1979 D a v i d De V e s c o v i , 1979 In presenting th i s thes is in pa r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary shal l make it f ree ly ava i l ab le for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thesis for scho lar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives. It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of th is thes is for f inanc ia l gain sha l l not be allowed without my writ ten permission. Department of Education The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2 0 7 S Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date F e b r u a r y 1979 Research Supervisor: Dr. D. Milburn A B S T R A C T The present study deals with Social Values and educational change i n Chile. An investigation of those values said to be " t r a d i t i o n a l " i n Chilean society, t h e i r change i n h i s t o r i c a l time and the r e f l e c t i o n of change i n Chilean education. The comparative method was explored and found to be an advanced procedure of investigation that requires c a r e f u l planning together with a substantial amount of relevant description. The descriptive approach was found.to be a r e l a t i v e l y simple method that prepares conditions for a future comparative method. This approach i s more suitable at t h i s stage for the Chilean educational r e a l i t y . In order to enrich the descriptive approach a s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l i s t perspective was used. The combi-nation of the descriptive approach and structural-functions aiist perspective generated a framework that permitted an h i s t o r i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l interpretation of the Chilean t r a d i t i o n a l value systems. A c e r t a i n degree of mainten-ance and continuity of t r a d i t i o n a l values -was i d e n t i f i e d , together with the generation of new values. A conscious s o c i a l integration of t r a d i t i o n a l and new value systems was observed in, the Chilean educational process. T A B L E OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i i TABLE OF CONTENTS i i i LIST OF TABLES i v LIST OF FIGURES V ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v i CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1 II THE GEOGRAPHICAL BACKGROUND AND THE PEOPLING OF CHILE 2 III HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT 11 IV THE COMPARATIVE METHOD 18 V THE DESCRIPTIVE APPROACH 25 VI ESTABLISHING A FRAMEWORK OF DESCRIPTION AND INTERPRETATION ... 32 VII HYPOTHESIS: A STRUCTURAL-FUNCTIONALIST PERSPECTIVE 38 VIII THE HISTORICAL DESCRIPTION .... 52 IX THE SOCIOLOGICAL INTERPRETATION... 80 X XVIII CENTURY IN CHILE 94 XI XIX CENTURY IN CHILE 101 XII XX CENTURY IN CHILE 14 0 XIII REFERENCES 151 - i i i -L I S T OF T A B L E S Composition of the population i n Chile between 1671-1700 and 1751-1775 (after C u n i l l 23) Farming surfice expressed i n hectares. Census 1965 (after C u n i l l 23) .... Chilean working force i n 19 70 (after C u n i l l 23) University attendance i n 19 70 (after C u n i l l 23) Proportion of Public Schools a Compared with Private Schools. - i v -L I S T OF F I G U R E S Page Figure 1. Percentage of Foreign Population i n Chile 6 -v-ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to express my sincere appreciation to Vti. V. Mx£bu^n for guidance throughout the study and s p e c i a l l y i n the preparation of the thesis. Thanks are also due to Vu . fl.-M.r Wllliami, and 6. [tfaZ&h for t h e i r advice and encouragement i n this i n v e s t i g a t i o n . I am grateful to Vn.0 ^<Li,t>on. K. Elliott for her devoted assistance i n polishing the language style of this work. I want also to thank Vi. 0. SzZktaZ for motivating the i n i t i a t i o n of t h i s study. The author wishes to express his gratitude to Ihu. M. do, B/isLe.ba from Santiago, Chile who provided important b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l information, and to . C. c£e SsLZva for her dedicated typing of the f i n a l manuscript. Last but not l e a s t thanks to my wife MCLJIZCL Ad&Za for her patience and devoted cooperation. - v i --1-CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION In the present study we s h a l l emphasize the t r a d i t i o n a l values i n Chilean society and how they have affected the educational process. This does not mean that s o c i a l change has not been considered to be important; on the contrary we cannot but stress i t s great importance. I f we understand the forces that maintain a society i n terms of customs, norms, values and ideologies, then we may endeavour to understand the dynamics of s o c i a l change. Both t r a d i t i o n a l and s o c i a l change are conditioned and affected by the p r e v a i l i n g material circumstances of that society. The l e v e l of technological development determines to a certain extent the type of values generated by a society. The reverse i s also true; the value system of a society i n -fluences i t s material development. An attempt w i l l be made to analyze those factors which have contributed to the development of the s o c i a l and edu-cational process i n Chile. In order to do t h i s , we s h a l l begin with a geographical and h i s t o r i c a l description of the country, which w i l l serve as a general framework. We s h a l l then examine some alternative methods and perspectives i n the f i e l d s of history and sociology which w i l l a s s i s t an analysis of educational and s o c i a l situations i n Chile, both past and present. -2-CHAPTER TWO THE GEOGRAPHICAL BACKGROUND AND THE PEOPLING OF CHILE Chile i s located i n the extreme S.W. of South America, between the 17.5° and the 56° latitude i n the axis of the 70° meridian. The length of the continental country i s approximately 4,270 km. and i t s average width i s only 180 km. The maximum width at 52.21° lat i t u d e i n the ex-treme south i s 4 35 km. and the minimum width at 51.4° lat i t u d e i s 15 km. 2 2 Chile has 741,767 km. i n area of which 542.00 km. are deserts, mountains, swamp and other areas inhospitable for man. A l l the neighbouring countries of Chile have a larger t e r r i t o r y . Chile i s a long, narrow country with a great variety of climates. C u n i l l (2 3) has described fourteen d i f f e r e n t climatic zones, including deserts, steppes, mediterranean, maritime, tundra and polar. But i n general f i v e zones are c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i e d i n C h i l e . The 'Norte Grande 1 a desert area, r i c h i n minerals, the 'Norte Chico' a semi-desert zone, the 'Valle Central' the r i c h a g r i c u l t u r a l and densely populated part of the country, the 'Zona Sur' the southern forested area, and the 'Zona Austral' the extreme south with i t s i s l a n d the f i o r d s . ^ I f we look at a map from south to north, with a pre-conceived idea that the centres of a t t r a c t i o n are i n North -3-America and Europe, we see that Chile has an eccentric p o s i t i o n . I f the centre of a geographical projection were the P a c i f i c ocean then-Europe would become marginal, i n contrast to the countries that are placed on the P a c i f i c Rim. The question as to whether Chile i s an i s o l a t e d country i s a topic that has been discussed for a few centuries by c o l o n i a l o f f i c i a l s of Spain, geographers, natural s c i e n t i s t s , (Ackerknecht, 1) ; h i s t ° r i a n s » (Encina, ;35y writers, (Latorre 85) and p o l i t i c i a n s . The country i s i s o l a t e d geographically because of extensive deserts i n the north, extensive masses of ice i n the south, the massive Andean C o r d i l l e r a i n the east, and the empty P a c i f i c ocean i n the west. The narrow Central Valley and the length of the country, contributed further to i t s i n t e r n a l i s o l a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y at a time when transportation systems were less advanced. Paraguay became an i s o l a t e d society because of geographical and p o l i t i c a l factors during the XVIII and XIX centuries. The influence of the Jesuits and l a t e r on the dictatorship of Dr. Francia kept that country i s o l a t e d for a long period of time. In Chile the p o l i t i c a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l e l i t e were aware of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l and geographical i s o l a t i o n and in spite of this l i m i t a t i o n wanted to get i n contact with foreign cultures and benefit from what they had to o f f e r . -4-Perez-Rosales (112) describes the aspiration of many Chileans during the beginning of the Republic to tr a v e l abroad. Rich and poor a l i k e , they t r a v e l l e d to A u s t r a l i a , China, C a l i f o r n i a and Europe. The Chilean e l i t e had the custom of minimizing t h e i r i n t e l l e c t u a l i s o l a t i o n by sending t h e i r children, e s p e c i a l l y males, to be educated preferably i n Europe, but i f not, i n North America. Bernardo 0"Higgins, Chile's national hero was one of the f i r s t Chileans to be sent to London i n 1795 by his father, the viceroy of Peru. The influence of Francisco de Miranda, a Venezuelan professor was important, together with the secret society 'Lautaro' that helped to generate the republican ideology of i n -dependence l a t e r adopted i n Chile by 0"Higgins. The statistical and demographic information i n Chile i s considered by hi s t o r i a n s , economists, and so c i o l o g i s t s i n general as being accurate. Even the early information ;(Tacia(14[1) "is f e l i a b l e i f we adjust some of. the indexes and c r i t e r i a of c o l l e c t i o n of information. The population grew from 1,01 m i l l i o n i n 18 35 to 1,81 m i l l i o n i n 1865 to 2,69 m i l l i o n i n 1895 to 4,28 m i l l i o n i n 1930 to 7,37 m i l l i o n i n 1960 and i s expected to reach to 13,67 m i l l i o n i n 1990. Chile now" i n 19 7 8 has approximately 11 m i l l i o n inhabitants. The l i f e expectancy in 1975 for men was 64 years; for women, 69.9 (Cunill 23) -5-TABLE 1 Composition of the Population i n Chile Between 1671-1700  and 1751-1775., Expressed i n % (after Cuftill 23) Period of the Study Native Indians Spaniards Mixed Blood Not Available 1671-1700 54 .59 8 .93 22.2 ^ 14 .29 1751-1775 14.09 47.11 31.08 7.59 In the XVI and part of the XVII centuries the Spaniards who a r r i v e d i n Chile were predominantly from Andalusia, and Extremadura; l a t e r i n XVII and XVIII centuries the proportion of Spaniards changed to C a s t i l l i a , Navarros and Basques (Frias 44). During the existence of the Spanish colony i t was im-portant to know the proportion of 'purity of blood' i n the population. The population was divided into the following classes; Spanish-white, Chilean-white, mixed white and Indian, mixed white and black. Two further classes were pure.Indian.and pure black.. The native Indian popu-l a t i o n i n Chile i n 1976 was approximately 3.2% of the t o t a l population. This minority i s predominantly r u r a l . The Chilean e l i t e of the XIX century did not own c a p i t a l i n the same proportion as did the e l i t e of other - 6 -Latin American countries (Pinto 44) . Though many established large estates or 'fundos 1. In the 1830's the Chilean government began to pro-mote immigration of European population. The major stream of population approximately 8,000 came from Germany. This • population contributed i n the development of a g r i c u l t u r a l land in southern Chile. Between 1893 and 1905 about 8,000 immi-grants from Spain, I t a l y and Switzerland arrived. The demographic s t a t i s t i c s of the XIX century were not concerned in obtaining information about the extension of 'blood-mixing'. At the present time Chile has low' immigration rate"; the g, ~o 5 -4 - ' 3 1 2 - •• . 1 ~ o - j 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 9 0 7 1 9 2 0 1 9 3 0 1 9 4 0 1 9 5 0 1 9 6 0 1 9 7 0 Figure 1 (After Cunill) Percentage of Foreign Population i n Chile proportion of foreigners has decreased steadily in r e l a t i o n to the general population. (Figure 1) -7-Germani (52) a n a l y z e s the negative and p o s i t i v e e f f e c t s of t h i s demographic phenomenon. The expansion of A g r i c u l t u r e and i n d u s t r y are some of the p o s i t i v e e f f e c t s . The e x c e s s i v e growth of Buenos A i r e s , c u l t u r a l shock, s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y are some of the negative e f f e c t s . In 1875, approximately 73% of the p o p u l a t i o n i n C h i l e l i v e d i n the r u r a l areas; i n 197 0, l e s s than a c e n t u r y l a t e r , 74.6% of the p o p u l a t i o n l i v e d i n urban areas. In 1967, 73% of a l l the working f o r c e was l a b o r i n g i n c i t i e s of Santiago, V a l p a r a i s o , and Concepcion ( C u n i l l 23). The urban r e v o l u t i o n , a t y p i c a l change of the XIX century, a f f e c t e d C h i l e . The i n d u s t r i a l c e n t r e s were i n 1967 l o c a t e d i n the three major c i t i e s , 39% i n Santiago, 8.52% i n V a l p a r a i s o , and 4.77% i n Concepcion. Since the 1960's C o r f o , a powerful state-owned, p o l i c y making agency has been d e v e l o p i n g i n d u s t r i e s i n s m a l l e r urban c e n t r e s of C h i l e . The r u r a l areas have been a f f e c t e d f o r many c e n t u r i e s by an unequal d i s t r i b u t i o n of l a n d . In 1965 the a g r i -c u l t u r a l land of the country measured 30,648,700 h e c t a r e s . The f o l l o w i n g t a b l e g i v e s the d i s t r i b u t i o n of l a n d (Table 2). Between 1965-1974, a t o t a l of 5,809 farms wi t h a t o t a l o f 9,965.868 he c t a r e s were d i s t r i b u t e d t o peasants by the C o r p o r a t i o n of Land Reform (CORA). Since 1973 the t r e n d has changed and 1,626.700 he c t a r e s were r e s t o r e d to t h e i r former owners. CORA has been l e f t w i t h 8,341.16 8 h e c t a r e s TABLE 2 Farming Surfa'ce Expressed in Hectares, Census 1965 (After Cunill) Surface of the Farm Number Surface in Hectares % of the Number % of the Surface Less than 10 hectares 156,708 437,300 61. 8 1.4 From: 10 to 99 hectares . 74,120 2,343,200 29. 3 7.7. From:1100'to 999 hectares 19,333 5,572,400 7.6 18.2 1000 hectares and over 3,331 22,290,800 1.3 72. 7 TOTAL 253,492 30,648,700 100 100 which w i l l be formally d i s t r i b u t e d to peasant families who have worked on that land during the l a s t few years. The impact of the land reform w i l l be seen in future years. A g r i c u l t u r a l , livestock and dairy products have increased moderately in r e l a t i o n to the new d i s t r i b u t i o n of land. In 1970, 21.4% of the labour force worked in a g r i -culture", forestry and f i s h e r i e s . Approximately 47% of elementary schools were in the r u r a l area with a low 1% of high schools (Cide\20). The big change i n education i n r u r a l areas," i n the la-st ten years has been- the,emphasis on elementary rather" -9-than on high school education. We have found that nearly a l l of the 122 urban centres i n Chile have only one high school, atttended students must migrate to the big c i t i e s to obtain further education. Of the 12 2 main urban centres, 12 were founded during the XVI century, 3 were founded during the XVII century, 50 were founded in the XVIII century, 51 were founded in the XIX'and only 6 during t h i s century. Chile was c h i e f l y s e t t l e d in the XVIII and XIX centuries; "during the present century, very few c i t i e s other than 1|Santiago, Valparaiso and "Concepcion have expanded their population s i g n i f i c a n t l y . by a low percentage of r u r a l students. Later, these TABLE 3 Chilean Working Force in 197 0 (After Cunill) H. Blue Collar"and Peasant White C o l l a r 73% 27% 100% -10-TABLE 4 University Attendance in 1970 (After Cunill) Blue Collar"and Peasant Background White C o l l a r Back-ground 2% 98% = 100% According to Schiefelbein (d.29) 90% of the elementary needs were f u l f i l l e d in the country in 1970; but only 10% of those who had fi n i s h e d elementary education had access to a University education. Of the 10% that had' access .to the university, 2% were from Blue C o l l a r working, families and peasant families (Table 4). At the same time both Blue C o l l a r workmen and peasants formed 73% of the working force of Chile i n 1970. (Table 5). The access to higher education i n Chile remained up to that date extremely d i f f i c u l t for the working classes. -11-CHAPTER THREE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT The o r i g i n of the word Chile can be traced to the Inca Empire. I t was a common practice during the Inca empire to move entire populations from one part of the empire to the other. These populations were c a l l e d Mitimaes i n the Quechua language, spoken i n the Inca Empire. Many indigenous families from the f e r t i l e v a l l e y of Arequipa i n Peru were sent to the newly conquered v a l l e y of Q u i l l o t a . In the XV century this v a l l e y was named by the Mitimaes peoples as " C h i l l i " , because of i t s re-semblance to their o r i g i n a l homeland. Later on the Spaniards used this work to re f e r to the extensive central v a l l e y of Chile . The Inca warriors were unable to expand t h e i r empire further south than the r i v e r Maule. The Araucanian popu-l a t i o n were formidable warriors - so much so that during the occupation by the Spaniards they were never' subjugated, and only i n 1881 during the republic were they t o t a l l y assimilated. Almagro, a Spanish explorer and 500 Spaniards together with approximately 4,000 Peruvian Indians began to explore -12-Chile during 1535. The route he chose was through the Atacama, a desert i n the northern part of C h i l e . After many d i f f i c u l t i e s he arrived at the central v a l l e y of C h i l e . Gomez de Alvarado was the f i r s t Spanish commander to esta b l i s h contact with the aggressive Arau-canians i n 15 36. In 1540 V a l d i v i a with only 150 Spaniards decided to colonize C h i l e . He arrived at the v a l l e y of the Mapocho r i v e r i n 1541 and there he founded the c i t y of Santiago. The early Spaniards were disappointed to discover that there was l i t t l e gold i n the country. Although the new colony was considered by the Spaniards as poor, remote and dangerous, the Spaniards began to expand the i r con-quest of the land because they believed i n the conversion of Indians to the Catholic r e l i g i o n . They were interested i n building a powerful empire, and they r e a l i z e d that the English, French, and Dutch had a permanent i n t e r e s t i n s e t t l i n g new colonies i n the Americas. Spain had .frequently sent m i l i t a r y forces.to Chile during the 300 years war with native Araucanians. This l e d to a large percentage of Spanish blood i n the population and also resulted i n a high l e v e l of m i l i t a r y experience and organization. E r c i l l a (1533-1593) wrote an extensive epic poem, "La Araucana", that was translated into many European languages. -13-Th i s poem became famous because of the confrontation of two cultures, the Araucanian and Spanish. In spite of i t s many inexactitudes, i t contains valuable h i s t o r i c a l and psy-chological information. "La Araucana" i s considered an im-portant contribution to the Chilean national i d e n t i t y . During the era of the Spanish colony Chile became a captaincy, ruled by a governor, and a complex body of c i v i l , e c l e s i a s t i c a l and m i l i t a r y i n s t i t u t i o n s . The viceroy of Peru also had power i n the a f f a i r s of Chile, but i t was a li m i t e d power i n view of the special s i t u a t i o n of Chile, during the war of Arauco. The Spanish governors i n Chile were considered at t h i s time to be both honest and capable. By the end of the XVIII century the l i f e s t y l e of the colony had changed, e s p e c i a l l y i n the central v a l l e y of the country, which i s very f e r t i l e . For instance there were 149 holidays in a year at t h i s time and t h i s pattern r e f l e c t e d the t r a d i t i o n a l Spanish past. This was changed by the new Bourbon dynasty inaugurated with P h i l i p V. (1700). This dynasty also changed the p o l i t i c a l , economical and r e l i g i o u s p o l i c i e s of the Spanish empire. In Chile, s p e c i f i c a l l y , the new economic and p r a c t i c a l philosophy was represented by Castillian-Basque immigrants who created a strong l o c a l aristocracy. The Jesuits introduced important s o c i a l reforms i n Chilean society, i n the f i e l d s of r e l i g i o n , land tenure -14-and e s p e c i a l l y i n education. The Napoleonic wars i n Europe, and the occupation of Spain by the French, had an unsuspected e f f e c t on the Spanish colonies i n America. Self government was pro-claimed i n Chile i n 1810. This was one step towards t o t a l independence. Restoration of the old monarchies "though in.a weakened form was possible i n (1815,) afte r Napoleon had been .com-pl e t e l y defeated. Spain was then able to. reconquer some /of'^its ^former ''American, colonies . The United States and Great B r i t a i n i n t e r f e r e d i n th i s manoeuvre concerning i t s former colonies, by blocking possible expeditions of the Spanish Navy. Chile and Argentina.defeated the Spanish Army i n the b a t t l e of Maipu i n 1818. The Argentinian San Martin, together with the Chilean O'Higgins, organized a naval expedition to Peru, i n order to l i b e r a t e that country from Spain. Chile's o f f i c i a l independence came in 1818. In Chile,the next few years were p o l i t i c a l l y unstable, but i n 1830 a new s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l order was established. Chile was able to organize i t s e l f p o l i t i c a l l y , i d e o l o g i c a l l y and economically i n such a way that s o c i a l order and con-t i n u i t y were possible. This s o c i a l phenomenon was l a b e l l e d as Portalianism by Chilean h i s t o r i a n s , p o l i t i c i a n s and s o c i o l o g i s t s . I t was the strong w i l l e d minister Portales -15-who inaugurated an era that has greatly influenced the history of C h i l e . The conservative party was i n power for t h i r t y years (1831-1861). In 1833 an authoritarian c o n s t i t u t i o n was written; i t was modified by the l i b e r a l s i n 1874 , but was s t i l l being applied well into the twentieth century (1924). The war against Peru and B o l i v i a was won s w i f t l y by an e f f i c i e n t army and navy in 1839. This gave the country a sense of national unity. During that period Chile be-came r e l a t i v e l y powerful i n the P a c i f i c , and i t s navy reached Central America. During the same period, expansion towards the west coast was also taking place i n North America, although i t had not yet reached the P a c i f i c coast. The L i b e r a l ideology began to expand i n d i f f e r e n t areas of society; i n education, p o l i t i c s and economics. The L i b e r a l party was able to e l e c t i t s f i r s t president i n 1861, and Balmaceda was the l a s t l i b e r a l president (1891) . He developed a combination of advanced L i b e r a l p o l i c i e s in economics and education, together with an authoritarian p o l i t i c a l perspective of government. Chile had experienced the impact of s o c i a l change. C i t i e s l i k e Santiago, Valparaiso, Concepcion had become new centres of industry and commerce. The p o l i t i c a l and economic d i r e c t i o n changed i n Chile af t e r the c i v i l war of 1891. Balmaceda antagonised the r i s i n g plutocracy but was ultimately defeated and committed suicide. He had planned to use the revenues of the newly developed n i t r a t e mines to i n d u s t r i a l i z e the country. -16-P o l i t i c a l and economical power was fragmented. A p a r l i a -mentary system of government was introduced (1891-1924) which weakened the t r a d i t i o n a l power that the president had. The municipal governments became autonomous following the Swiss model of the times. The p o l i t i c a l system became an oligarchy, i n reaction to an advanced middle class type-of l i b e r a l i s m . Arturo Alessandri (1920-1925) proclaimed a new con-s t i t u t i o n i n 1925. The middle classes i n Chile had begun to grow rapidly, and the working class had begun to have an autonomous p o l i t i c a l expression. I t was only during the second presidency of Arturo Alessandri (1932-1938) that the p o l i t i c a l panorama of the country began to change. The masses began to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the p o l i t i c a l process by means of unions, popular vote, conventions, r a l l i e s , mass demonstrations. P o l i t i c a l l y Chile became a p l u r a l i s t i c society, with a big variety of i d e o l o g i c a l expressions. P o l i t i c a l combinations and re-combinations generated the new successive governments. Chile became a dynamic balance and counter balance of many s o c i a l and economic i n t e r e s t s . There was a r e l a t i v e freedom i n the framework of what was considered a modern democracy. The s o c i a l evolution towards this type of p o l i t i c a l expression became recognized as 'the Chilean t r a d i t i o n of democracy'. During the F r e i government (1964-1970') a paradoxical p o l i t i c a l phenomenon began to occur; a tremendous -17-fragmentation of p o l i t i c a l expressions together with a laten t p o l i t i c a l p o l a r i z a t i o n . The p o l i t i c a l fragmentation generated many div i s i o n s within the p o l i t i c a l parties; but at the same time the problem of a s o c i a l i s t Marxist system of government had to be solved. A c o a l i t i o n of the l e f t made i t possible for Allende to. obtain a p l u r a l i t y (36 . 30%) ,of'the votes, i n con : t r a s t to the candidate Alessandri (34.98%). As had become t r a d i t i o n a l i n the Chilean democracy, parliament confirmed the highest r e l a t i v e majority. Allende then became the president of Chile (19 70-19 73). At the time of writing a m i l i t a r y government remains ' i n .control. Chile has changed i t s p o l i t i c a l and economic d i r e c t i o n with the new government of Pinochet. O f f i c i a l l y p o l i t i c a l organizations do not e x i s t . The economic system i s now following a neo-liberal pattern. y We have developed a geographical and h i s t o r i c a l out-l i n e of Chile i n order to create a general framework of background material. With this background i n mind we may now begin to explore and describe those values which are said to be ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' i n Chilean l i f e and culture. Subsequent chapters w i l l describe various approaches to studying such values, and analyze t h e i r place i n con-temporary society i n general, and i n education i n p a r t i c u l a r . -18-CHAPTER FOUR THE COMPARATIVE METHOD According to Rossello (119) i t was J u l l i e n who i n i t i a t e d the studies of comparative education as early as 1817, i n France. I t was J u l l i e n as quoted by Rosello who expressed the idea that "new means to perfect the science of education are necessary; they w i l l become a beau t i f u l monument erected to the betterment of the human condition". The new means was the comparative method and the goal was the betterment of humanity. Science and ethics were firmly linked. The philosophy of progress could be f u l f i l l e d through new methods of s o c i a l change, of which the s c i e n t i f i c revolution was one. The comparative method i s an 'ind i r e c t experiment', because i t i s not always possible to manipulate, and con-t r o l a r t i f i c i a l l y the many kinds of complex variables. Durkheim (32) c a r e f u l l y established the rules for the use of the comparative method. He was aware of Comte's un-conditional positivism (22). I t was impossible to reduce every s o c i a l phenomenon to a . s p e c i f i c quantity. The i d e a l condition for an extreme p o s i t i v i s t would be reached, when science could reduce a l l possible information into a mathematical quantitative -19-expression. There are two main reasons why t h i s mathe-matical reduction of s o c i a l r e a l i t y i s possible. F i r s t , because nature operates i n a continuum, and i n such a way that i t can be accessible to the investigators as a flow. The second reason i s that a new p o s i t i v i s t s c i e n t i f i c method has been developed. Hans (63) indicates that Comparative education has followed the same trend as many other comparative " d i s c i p l i n e s . In the beginning the studies were systematic - (anatomy, geology, philosophy, education); then the common origi n s and h i s t o r i c a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n time and space were investigated. Social change i n the XVIII and XIX centuries generated new comparative methods, seeking to j u s t i f y , explain, and perhaps r e - d i r e c t the change. Montesquieu, established a comparative model by using history and taxonomy in L' E s p r i t des Lois". Goethe published a comparative anatomy in 1795 and, according to Schneider, Kandel synthesized the ideas of Goethe by using the following l i n e s : "In order to know yourself compare yourself with others" (Kandel 77). The Chilean n a t u r a l i s t Molina was interested i n de-veloping a comparative study of "the three kingdoms of nature" as early as the beginning of the XIX century. He published, i n 1821, what was at the time an advanced theory of the natural relationships of mineral, vegetable:and. -20-animal kingdoms. The comparative and evolutionary elements that he developed were used l a t e r by many s c i e n t i s t s of that century, including Darwin (Briones 15). Rack, Bopp and the Grimm brothers were interested i n a comparative l i n g u i s t i c s , grammar and philology. Later, i n the same century, Levi-Strauss referred to these studies i n his comparative s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l i s t approach to anthropology ..(9 0) . The learning process i s a 'natural' phenomenon for a l l mankind." i t i s fundamental. So the d i f f e r e n t edu-cational systems that have arisen are mere " h i s t o r i c a l .events';: They may be. studied', but" are not the' funda- *~ • mental back-bone of the learning process of man (Rubio.121). Kazamias and Massialas (78) explained that i t was Sadler i n the 1900's who established the h i s t o r i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l conditions for a modern comparative education. They said that Sadler was interested i n i d e n t i f y i n g those determinant factors which are related to the educational systems such as: the state, the church, p o l i t i c s and national minorities. There are three main aims that j u s t i f y these studies: a) the better understanding of the s p i r i t and t r a d i t i o n of an educational system b) the p o s s i b i l i t y of using s.cientif i c a l l y .>.'_'_^  developed guidelines for educational reform" c) the hope that such studies would contribute to a better understanding among people. -21-I t was Higginson (6 8) who gave us -further i n -formation about the extensive work of the English edu-cator/Sadler. We can now,in retrospect,see the value of Sadler's achievements. He was able to e s t a b l i s h the re-lat i o n s h i p between d i f f e r e n t educational systems, es-pe^ially, with^re^ to -What _wa'sj:.e6ri.aicter,ed} ex o t i c i n the V i c t o r i a n :.milieu, the o r i e n t a l way of l i f e . Sadler introduced the idea that a non-European edu-cation could achieve a high- s o c i a l l e v e l of development. By doing .this he was challenging a negative sociocentric European value.. In Chile, Sarmiento was commissioned by the govern-ment i n the 1830's to study the d i f f e r e n t educational systems i n U.S.A. and Europe during the second h a l f of the XIX century. His major work, "Popular Education (124) has many important insights i n the area of education, sociology and p o l i t i c s . Philosophically, Sarmiento was a l i b e r a l ; he was able to recognize s o c i a l change; he saw a democratic, massive, i n d u s t r i a l state-oriented educational system. He was interested i n comparing the methods of education finance, inspection of schools, d i s c i p l i n e systems, and:legal texts of d i f f e r e n t countries. Sarmiento believed that education and s o c i a l progress go hand i n hand. Many of his ideas have become t r a d i -t i o n a l paradigms i n the educational systems of Chile i n -22 the late XIX and XX centuries as we s h a l l d e t a i l further on. The r a d i c a l governments of Chile (19 38-1952) f e l t that a f t e r a long h i s t o r i c b a t t l e against the a r i s t o -c r a t i c educational systems, they were able somehow to implement th i s popular education ;(Duran 31; Labarca 84)." The use of European educational methods became im-portant i n Chile during the XIX century. The French school system was introduced as early as the 1830's,- the German during the late 1880's, the B r i t i s h early in."•this century, and f i n a l l y came the influence of the U.S.A., af t e r the second war. Some of the I t a l i a n and Japanese methods were considered i n t e r e s t i n g but had l i t t l e s o c i a l e f f e c t i n Chile. Brickman (14) has indicated that there i s a difference between a description of 'foreign educational' systems and a s c i e n t i f i c comparative education. The former are l i m i t e d descriptions, and do not follow the rigorous methods of the l a t t e r . Not only i s this a serious shortcoming but also i t has many preconcieved ideas not acceptable to our contemporary s c i e n t i f i c concepts. Schneider (130) and Vexliard (151) both agreed that i n spite of the shortcomings of the i n i t i a l stages, the descriptive method had the potential for developing into a comparative method. Through description we may be able to become fa m i l i a r with a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l structure. As a re s u l t of t h i s , -23-a sense of di r e c t i o n i s established within the described s o c i a l context. This sense of di r e c t i o n permits the formulation of questions that may generate" a comparative investigation i n education. The descriptive stage i s necessary i n order to accumulate knowledge and understanding i n the Weberian sense. We should not underestimate the contributions of our c l a s s i c a l learned scholars. The scholars are i n them-selves a profound well of wisdom, that often refreshes our limit e d imagination. In his various works Merton (100) implies that i f s o c i a l sciences are going to advance, a sense of continuity has to be achieved. Only i n such a way can\~we.':. extract i n -formation from our c l a s s i c a l i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n s . We are unable to formulate a general theory that allows us to predict human conduct with an acceptable de-gree of accuracy. Many s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t stress t h i s , s p e c i f i c a l l y King (81) who applies this statement to ' the f i e l d of comparative education. Only then i s i t possible to construct an approximate model of comparison, and this model must be so dynamically conceived that unexpected change can be considered possible. King believes that educational p o l i c i e s are made at the l e v e l of p o l i t i c s , therefore controlled by economics and technological change. The purpose of comparative -24-education i s to give us a s c i e n t i f i c o rientation towards what i s happening, i n such a way that education may be pro-jected into the structure of our s o c i e t i e s . We s h a l l see that t h i s i s the case i n Chile e s p e c i a l l y i n r e l a t i o n to . the p o l i t i c a l aspect mentioned by King. In Chile the comparative method has been used to re-inforce the t r a d i t i o n a l value of democracy. History and p o l i t i c a l sciences have:been used to compare Chile with the rest of the Latin American countries. The idea that Chile was able to sustain a r e l a t i v e l y stable democratic system throughout i t s history i s confirmed when i t i s com-pared to i t s neighbouring countries. There are abundant comparative studies i n t h i s respect, though t h i s i s not the case i n the f i e l d of education, where the comparative method has not been so extensively applied. The comparative method could be used to a great ad-vantage i n studying education as i t contributes to a posi-t i v e or negative s o c i a l mobility i n La t i n America (Germani 53) . The comparative method i s an advanced procedure of investigation that requires careful planning together with a substantial amount of relevant information. The descriptive approach, on the contrary i s a r e l a t i v e l y more simple method; i n some instances i t has been used i n s o c i a l sciences as a preceding investigation that has presented the conditions for a comparative study (Stenhouse 138) . We s h a l l apply the descriptive approach i n our investigation of the Chilean educational process. -25-CHAPTER FIVE THE DESCRIPTIVE APPROACH Bereday, (10) i n s i s t s that the accumulation of i n -formation i s the f i r s t step that w i l l contribute to b u i l d -ing a description of the educational system of a given society. He distinguishes three l e v e l s of sources of i n -formation . On the primary l e v e l he places the raw data, gathered from such sources as l e g i s l a t i o n , books, newspapers, magazines, and reports. This raw material i s f u l l of v i t a l information, a product of an immediate opinion formulation of the members of society. I t i s r i c h i n p o s s i b i l i t i e s but vulnerable i n the sense of having many hidden i m p l i -cations that are not always possible to i d e n t i f y . On the secondary l e v e l are books, reviews and other information that has been refined according to a p o l i t i c a l , r e l i g i o u s , or philosophical ideology. The use of thi s i n -formation requires a good h i s t o r i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l background, so that at l e a s t d i f f e r e n t currents and counter-currents of s o c i a l thought can be i d e n t i f i e d . The t h i r d l e v e l can be termed a u x i l i a r y by Bereday, because i t i s not d i r e c t l y related to education, but i s con-cerned with very important factors; art, theatre, T.V. news, p o l i t i c s , economics and many other relevant social and physical -26-phenomena. Hilker (69) i n s i s t s that the comparative method must follow three fundamental steps: description, explanation and juxtaposition of the educational phenomena. But Bereday (10) goes one step further when he i n s i s t s that the comparative stage must be developed, a very d i f f i c u l t stage, and one that i s seldom possible i n this f i e l d . The descriptive method according to Scheffler (12 8) . w i l l attempt to c l a r i f y d i f f e r e n t terms and t h e i r meanings as they have been used and projected i n d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l and h i s t o r i c a l contexts. By doing t h i s , we may be able to standardize our concepts i n r e l a t i o n to the educational phenomena we may be studying. This task i s l a b e l l e d by Scheffler as specifying terminology. At this stage we may be able to use a univocal set of terms i n comparative edu-cation. Bunge (1.7) i n his discussion of the descriptive method disagrees with Zetterber (160). He believes there are many s c i e n t i f i c laws that may-not always follow the relationship of cause-effect. They are s t a t i s t i c a l pro-b a b i l i t i e s , or they are taxonomic i n nature. I n i t i a l l y they are descriptive but they can become explanations. Many examples may be c i t e d from sociology and history to i l l u s t r a t e Bunge's conclusions. . Different typologies that have been constructed begin as a c l a s s i f i c a t o r y system and l a t e r may become a -27-p r o b a b i l i s t i c system. We can see these complex ideas developed i n the work of Barnes and Becker (8) . Zetterber (160) as we have mentioned, does not believe that description of s o c i a l phenomena i s more than giving names to what i s happening. To explain i s to be able,not only to project a diagnosis of the future, but also to be able to v e r i f y step by step our i n i t i a l ex-planation. "The arguments .about methodology continues.. In the future a sociology of science may be able to i d e n t i f y many of the l a t e n t ideologies, r e l i g i o u s , p o l i t i c a l or economic that have become woven into these numerous methodological discussions. Laski, observes Fernandes (4 0), has establised that the descriptive understanding of s o c i a l tendencies permits ^ the i n t e l l i g e n c e to concentrate on s o c i a l problems, as a fundamental stepping stone i n comparative education. King (.81) has made us aware of what he c a l l s "dangerous fantasies". We may be only projecting those dimensions of our personal commitments, our peculiar circumstances and i n t e r e s t s , and we do our best to transform them into a general norm v a l i d for a l l types of circumstances. And yet the same author establishes that many of the examples given i n comparative education using s t a t i s t i c s are mislead-ing because they are not able to consider a l l the possible factors simultaneously. Because of this , unexpected -28-. factors appear that upset our i n i t i a l predictions. For example, the car was a- t e c h n o l o g i c a l de-'-velopment t h a t produced an-uhimaginecT s o c i a l impact. A variety of educational centres became accessible be-cause of the massive use of the car by students and teachers. Another example that we can, give i s i n the area of electronics as a theory and computers as a technique. Neither were imagined by the majority of people during the XIX and early XX century, but this new s c i e n t i f i c change has had a very important impact i n the manipulation of information d i r e c t l y related to our educational system. The descriptive method can give us general informa-tion regarding the s o c i a l context i n which an educational phenomena aire occurring. We may begin to understand the s p e c i f i c educational data i n r e l a t i o n to the s o c i a l con-text i n which i t operates. Fening (39) expresses the idea that we have often described i s o l a t e d aspects of educational phenomena, with-out being able to integrate them. This implies that we must assemble a vast knowledge of many important areas: p o l i t i c s , economics, history, sociology, philosophy, i n order that we may organize our f i e l d of study for analysis. We are not even looking at the problem of a,;,standardized c r i t e r i o n as we c o l l e c t s t a t i s t i c a l data. Descriptions of the educational phenomena may follow d i f f e r e n t procedures. We may b u i l d a. s t a t i s t i c a l i n v e n t o r y , a h i s t o r i c a l description, or a s o c i o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . -29-But Fening agrees with Kandel (77) that this general i n i t i a l stage .'of investigation i s not possible because we do not have a common "International philosophy of education". What he means i s that there i s not a consensus of opinion regarding what i s relevant i n international education. The economic infrastructure and the c u l t u r a l system are d i f f e r e n t i n every society that we are able to i d e n t i f y . Very few p o l i t i c i a n s and educators are interested i n generating an international consensus on basic issues i n education. The majority are interested i n f u l f i l l i n g t h e i r immediate c u l t u r a l needs, which are defined within the l o c a l or national society. A majority of p o l i t i c i a n s and educators are uninter-ested when confronted with some of the urgent international problems of today. I t i s a mechanism of s o c i a l defence related both to the image they have of themselves and the need for short term solutions to parochial problems. The threat of losing t h e i r c u l t u r a l identity, is. seen in Chile;..as. a -negative s o c i a l force, and: the p o s s i b i l i t y that int e r n a t i o n a l , values and systems of education- may be im-posed i s enough to create suspicion and i n some instances h o s t i l i t y . Though this reaction i s not unusual i t varies from society to society. The c u l t u r a l resistance of the Chilean society to international values and systems of education i s for example d i f f e r e n t from the Bo l i v i a n and -30-Argentinian. In t h i s study we are s p e c i a l l y interested i n an h i s t o r i c a l description and a s o c i o l o g i c a l interpretation of the education system i n C h i l e . In order to accomplish t h i s goal we s h a l l explore the conservative and l i b e r a l t r a d i t i o n s of the Chilean society and how they have been modified by the introduction of new s c i e n t i f i c , techno-l o g i c a l and i d e o l o g i c a l changes. . The description of a value system i n education i s related to the c u l t u r a l structure of a given society. We must attempt to describe e x p l i c i t and i m p l i c i t norms, fol k -ways, customs, rules, procedures, laws, ideologies by means of - h i s t o r i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l perspectives. Many educators, s o c i o l o g i s t s and anthropologists have come to the conclusion that i n the area of comparative education, sociology and anthropology^,the descriptive approach has not been f u l l y r e a l i z e d . Comparative methods are r e l a t i v e l y new i n s o c i a l investigation and require sustained e f f o r t for them to mature. Kazamias (79) indicates that Kandel (77) considers that the educational process i s not an autonomous happening. We must be able to relate i t to a national background, tO a s o c i a l , economic, p o l i t i c a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l milieu t y p i c a l of every country. Kazamias (79) goes on to say, together with Sad- . ie r ) :r that we s h a l l not understand education i f we are -31-not able to i d e n t i f y the "intangible, s p i r i t u a l , and c u l t u r a l forces i n every educational system". Anderson . (5) agrees with Kazamias (79) that i t i s necessary to describe the d i f f e r e n t educational i d e o l -ogies (value systems). The f i r s t step i s to i d e n t i f y them i n a s o c i a l system. Then'later i t may be possible to go further and begin to compare d i f f e r e n t educational systems. Anderson ( 6 ) i s interested i n models which describe equilibrium, deviation from the norm, change and t r a n s i -tion. His approach i s a typology construction. Kazamias follows an open type of f u n c t i o n a l i s t approach; the impact of s o c i a l change becomes important for him. Together with Anderson he has been influenced by Merton's s t r u c t u r a l -f u n c t i o n a l i s t theories of society. In conclusion the descriptive approach, f u l f i l s .;jbhe need of a basic understanding of Chilean society. I f we are able to discern the p e c u l i a r i t i e s of Chilean geography and history, the extreme north to south longitude, i t s t r a d i t i o n a l democratic system, i t s homogeneous population, i t s l e g a l i s t i c view of society, then we can begin to con-struct a framework of reference. P a r a l l e l to t h i s a t h e o r e t i c a l skeleton should be developed i n order to further e s t a b l i s h a framework of reference. -32-CHAPTER SIX ESTABLISHING A FRAMEWORK OF DESCRIPTION AND INTERPRETATION To l i m i t our investigation to a descriptive approach only and not relate i t to a general pattern of reference i s wrong according to De-Landsheere (28). We must be able to relate our material to a s p e c i f i c t h e o r e t i c a l framework. To reduce our area of investigation has p r a c t i c a l and methodological advantages. Inkeles (73) i n s i s t s that a sense of d i r e c t i o n , com-parison and relevant accumulation of information i s possible i f we have constructed a working framework. This framework i s tentative and must not i n h i b i t further exploration es-p e c i a l l y i f we are i n a descriptive stage of investigation. Andyet Zetterberg X160) says that "no science can occupy i t s e l f with possible aspects that our common sense considers important; our perspective has to become s e l e c t i v e " . Scheffler (128) considers that this general framework of reference does not have the required s p e c i f i c i t y t y p i c a l of s c i e n t i f i c d e f i n i t i o n s , but that general d e f i n i t i o n s are more f l e x i b l e , and serve the purpose of c l e a r i n g the mean-ing of the non-specific problems that are analyzed by com-parative education. -33-The value of a description that follows a t h e o r e t i c a l framework i s h e u r i s t i c more than anything else (Kerlinger 80). Through th i s approach we can eventually b u i l d a taxonomy (Bloom 12) of the objectives of education as a national or international s o c i a l phenomenon. This c l a s s i f i c a t i o n may eventually generate an explanation of differences and s i m i l a r i t i e s in education. When using the descriptive approach many s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s (Cramer 24) prefer to use the term 'model' for the general framework that they w i l l use. These s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s believe that the concept of theory i s too ad-vanced when we are only using a description of s o c i a l phenomena. Even i f these models are only p a r t i a l l y de-veloped they can become useful ( S e l l t i z 131). Inkeles (73) uses the term model i n r e l a t i o n to what i s generic i n those s p e c i f i c problems that we may be studying. A model may give way to theories that have greater v a l i d i t y . Bereday (10) and Holmes (70) indicate that con-struction of such a r a t i o n a l 'model' f a c i l i t a t e s educational information. I t w i l l become easier to understand a con-s t e l l a t i o n of facts i n a given context rather than in a vacuum as sometimes happens when we look only at s t a t i s -t i c a l information. Holmes (71) i n s i s t s that a r a t i o n a l structure 'model' permits the establishment of an order and coherence i n a -34-m u l t i p l i c i t y of b e l i e f s and values that d i f f e r e n t members of a given society may profess. As mentioned previously i n the Chilean development of democratic i n s t i t u t i o n s , the opinion of the population i s very important i n r e l a t i o n to education and related factors. Holmes (70) goes on to say that our model i s not attempting to represent a l l the possible opinions, norms,and debates of society. The important fact i s to :consider r a d i c a l or innovative p r i n c i p l e s as opposed to t r a d i t i o n a l value systems. This i s pr e c i s e l y what we s h a l l attempt to develop i n the following chapter. In order to esta b l i s h the degree of generality or s p e c i f i c i t y of our framework i t i s necessary not only to know the amount of information that i s re a d i l y a v a i l a b l e , but at the same time to set our c r i t e r i a within a macroscopic or microscopic perspective ;(K'eller 82) . It i s a problem of de-gree, and i t i s not always possible to know the range of the questions beforehand, e s p e c i a l l y i f the investigation i s exploratory. In Chile the macroscopic perspective of education that was conceived by the encyclopedic and l i b e r a l Mora i n 1830's was opposed by the powerful conservative minister Portales who favoured a specialized and p r a c t i c a l type of education. Any method chosen i s influenced by what i s happening i n society. We must be aware of the contemporary scene when we choose the degree of generality or s p e c i f i c i t y of -35-our framework. In education, according to Halsey (61), i t i s possible to use simultaneously v macroscopic and microscopic perspectives which can l a t e r be integrated into a d i f f e r e n t l e v e l of interpretation, p a r t i c u l a r l y i f we have become aware of how a s p e c i f i c s o c i a l problem f i t s into the general s o c i a l context of education. Our f i r s t approach to the topic w i l l use h i s t o r i c a l information. In many instances an h i s t o r i c a l approach to education i s confused with, "Wf- -F1 n a t i o n a l i s t i c perspective of education. I t i s true that there i s a strong r e l a t i o n -ship between history, nationalism and education; but i t i s possible to identify .'feoriTnationalis-tic^..historical ' factors that influence education. The invention of the press for example i s an h i s t o r i c a l event that had an im-portant impact i n education i n many countries. For Lauwerys (86) any description, deliberate or not, projects a form of inte r p r e t a t i o n . The int e r p r e t a t i v e hypothesis does not surface from our descriptions auto-matically or e a s i l y . This author explains that an i n t e r -pretative hypothesis constitutes a s p e c i f i c framework, where some of the facts described previously, become meaningful. The interpretative approach i s i n many ways i n t u i t i v e and subjective. I t requires an a r t i s t i c imagination and an indepth understanding of the subject matter studied. - 3 6 -T.he value of interpretation i s h e u r i s t i c . From i t we can generate and formulate new questions and insights i n the f i e l d of education. I f we believe that s o c i a l sciences can be de-veloped only through a s t r i c t q u a n t i f i c a t i o n and V e r i -f i c a t i o n of a l l possible information, together with a multi-variable data analysis, then we can agree with Stenhouse (138) when he states that an interpretation can be useful but not s c i e n t i f i c . Such an inter p r e t a t i o n has been developed by Schneider (130) and Hans (6 3) i n the past. Writers such as Kandel and Hans may be biased by the i r p a r t i c u l a r values and many of t h e i r hypotheses have nOt been v e r i f i e d e m p i r i c a l l y . In thi s sense t h e i r c r i t i c s may say they have not contributed to the enrichment of educational science. (Kazamias 79). In many instances science has advanced because a well a r t i c u l a t e d set of propositions has been b u i l t as a frame-work that l a t e r has been proved correct. Creative change and discovery seem to be more important than routine v e r i f i c a t i o n of data (Rouquette 120). Now that we have established the value of a frame-work, we must choose a s p e c i f i c t h e o r e t i c a l perspective that w i l l enable us to project our descriptions into a s o c i o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . The s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l i s t perspective has been used extensively i n Chile for so c i o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . -37-The Chilean society has t r a d i t i o n a l l y developed the idea of a balance of power in politics., family a f f a i r s , and unions r e l a t i o n s . The s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l i s t theory seems by analogy to follow t h i s type of t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l value of moderation. For t h i s i d e o l o g i c a l reason the s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l i s t theory remains popular i n Chile, e s p e c i a l l y i n p o l i t i c a l sciences and education. -38-CHAPTER SEVEN THE STRUCTURAL-FUNCTIONALIST PERSPECTIVE In every society we f i n d that the educational system i s a very important agent. As such i t has many s o c i a l functions. We s h a l l look at f i v e of them and l a t e r select those that we believe are i n t e r e s t i n g to develop further. According to Merton (100), i n a l l s o c i e t i e s there are f i v e universal i n t e r r e l a t e d s o c i a l functions. The are recognized as being; (1) conformity, (2) innovation, (3) r i t u a l i s m , (4) retreatism and (5) r e b e l l i o n . This i s how the members of the society respond to t h e i r culture and s o c i a l structure. They w i l l respond i n the same way on the s p e c i f i c l e v e l of the educational phenomenon. By using t h i s model we may be able to enrich our h i s t o r i c a l description and s o c i o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the value systems of the educational system of the Chilean society. At this stage we s h a l l l i m i t the description of our model only to those aspects which we believe to be re-levant. We should also mention that the s t r u c t u r a l -f u n c t i o n a l i s t theory from which we are taking our frame-work i s complex and controversial. -39-Rubio in his book "What i s man?.. A S t r u c t u r a l i s t Challenge" (121) mentions twenty one v a r i e t i e s of s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l i s t theories without looking at the American expressions of thi s theory. The main ob-jections to thi s theory l i e i n two d i f f e r e n t schools of thought, the Marxist and the t r a d i t i o n a l C h r i s t i a n . The Marxists oppose the s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l i s t theory because i t i s a s t a t i c concept of society that has l i t t l e room for a r a d i c a l s o c i a l change. The t r a d i -t i o n a l Christians are opposed to the idea of an autonomous s o c i a l system, where God's p r o v i d e n t i a l i t y does not operate. Merton's s o c i o l o g i c a l theory i s useful i n that i t generates a well balanced framework of opposite s o c i a l functions. These functions are always present i n any given time i n society; they may i n d i v i d u a l l y change i n strength but they are never t o t a l l y independent one from the other. 1. The function of conformism has a double task. Its. f i r s t function i s to generate s o c i a l order, and the second i s to create an ideology of perfect maintenance of soc i a l structure. The medieval concept of Divine r i g h t , and even the European XIV century concept of natural law i s an ide o l o g i c a l expression of s o c i a l maintenance. T r a d i t i o n a l l y conservative s o c i e t i e s develop t h i s function as a world view, thus pointing the way to the concept of the best possible world. Some t o t a l i t a r i a n societies wish to do the same and yet o f f i c i a l l y they do -40-not i d e n t i f y themselves with this concept; these so c i e t i e s wish to give the impression of an unreal s o c i a l change. The twentieth century man i n the. .new millennium -in, Nazi -Germany..is' a modern example of u t i l i t a r i a n i s m . In order to maintain a high degree of conformism the whole or important parts of that society close themselves o f f from disturbing outside influences. In t h i s type of society the accepted ways of solving everyday"problems of l i f e are seen as best. When we look at the long range goals that this society has set, they seem to the majority of i t s members the only p o s s i b i l i t y . 2. The function of innovation i n society i s to generate a certain degree of imagination and c r e a t i v i t y . The change that may happen through innovation i n society very soon becomes legitimized. There i s a certain degree of l a t i t u d e . The methods of solving any kind of problem, human or technological can be revised, but the s o c i a l system cannot be changed unconditionally; on the contrary the innovation must be able to invigorate i t . This concept has been l a b e l l e d by Sartre (125) as a conservative innovation. A structure can change only i f i t follows a d i a l e c t i c process. This becomes-evident i n the re-volutionary process, a form of r a d i c a l r e b e l l i o n , using Merton's terminology. -41-In the process of innovation the members of the society believe that the procedures, rules, norms, methods and techniques are not adequate and must be changed; but they s t i l l believe i n the universal values of the system. Universal values are considered by some members of society as being transcendental, eternal and e s s e n t i a l l y good. The value system with which they operate i s sacred. Those that have a secular attitude i n l i f e may s t i l l be-l i e v e i n the r e l a t i v e goodness of the society i n which they l i v e . I f innovation operates for a long time i n any given society i t can, through i n f i l t r a t i o n modify the o r i g i n a l "universal value system" of that society. This can be applied to education i n Chile. Social change can be considered evolutionary. I t has many p o l i t i c a l and philosophical supporters. Innova-tion i s considered by many s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l i s t socio-l o g i s t s as a po s i t i v e function, maintaining the l i f e of the s o c i a l structure without major s o c i a l c o n f l i c t s . Other so c i o l o g i s t s (25) strongly-.disagree, :and -..J go to the extreme of proclaiming that t h i s peculiar per-; specrive i s biased and i s related to a lat e n t ideology of the "status quo". I t i s considered a lat e n t ideology be-cause many conservative members of society do not r e a l i z e that the function of innovation i s not strong enough to generate s i g n i f i c a n t s o c i a l change. On the contrary changes',) that -42-seem to be important but are not r e a l l y so, are c o n t r i -buting to the "status quo" according to many Marxist thinkers. A l l our i n t e l l e c t u a l tools then seem to be limited by our e x p l i c i t or i m p l i c i t value systems, products of the structure within which we l i v e . Our tools can be-come very sophisticated and complex i n th e i r conception and application to r e a l i t y , but cannot avoid these l i m i t a t i o n s . 3. The function of r i t u a l i s m i n society i s related to the r e p e t i t i o n of ce r t a i n pattern of behaviour that have l o s t t o t a l or p r a c t i c a l value. The members of that type of society have l o s t f a i t h i n certain ultimate values, secular or sacred. Some of them become "myopic pragmatists" because they have l o s t a long range perspective of the values of society. They may also become "cynic a c t i v i s t s " be-cause these individuals have l o s t f a i t h i n the value of what they are doing. T o f f l e r (145) indicates that c u l t u r a l and future shock may generate t h i s type of s o c i a l pheno-menon. There i s a vacuum i n the area of j u s t i f i c a t i o n . Ritualism has another function; i t confirms and strengthens s o c i a l customs and values through the re-p e t i t i o n of certain types of behaviour. In Chile the "Huaso" i s the archetypal equivalent of the North American cowboy. I t i s customary for him to represent many r u r a l virtues that are considered important i n the t r a d i t i o n a l Chilean society. -4 3-Social philosophers such as Madariaga, (92) and Fromm (45) believe that -some cultures have become a n t i -i n t e l l e c t u a l and have a weak system of universal values, or references. This i s for instance often said of the U.S.A. T o f f l e r , (145) attributes this i n t e l l e c t u a l anomie to the process of future shock. I f the infrastructure of a given society has been well established through centuries of socio-economic de-velopment, then the material conditions of that society are able to generate many alternative methods to solve s p e c i f i c problems. A certain momentum has been gained i n being able to solve such complex problems. But the superstructure, the value system that generates a universal sense of d i r e c t i o n and j u s t i f i c a t i o n may deteriorate or collapse. In the l a t t e r case a society may be going through a massive anomic experience; society may lose i t s sense of d i r e c t i o n (Merton 100). During the Vietnamese war the U.S.A. soldiers began to suffer the e f f e c t s of purposelessness. Many members of that society would use only the alternative methods to solve r i t u a l i s t i c a l l y s p e c i f i c problems, and would not be interested in projecting the consequences of their actions into the future. In con-clusion, r i t u a l i s t i c behaviour i n society can become a major negative function of that structure. The educational system could very well operate i n such a way as to generate elements of r i t u a l i s m . I f many elements of r i t u a l i s m -44-combine, then the consequences can be disastrous. The educational system begins to lose c r e d i b i l i t y . I f r i t u a l i s m becomes a major function of any given society, i t indicates that the value system i s under stress. The p o l i t i c a l , r e l i g i o u s , and economic ideologies are de-composing. The e t h i c a l codes become weak or i r r e l e v a n t . The borrowing of new, a t t r a c t i v e , f o r c e f u l ideologies and e t h i c a l codes i s then possible. C h r i s t i a n i t y took over the weak and increasingly decadent pagan Rome, under a powerful C h r i s t i a n Emperor. M e r c a n t i l i s t idiology and attitudes replaced a European medieval society; the con-cept of commerce, banks, money, and i n t e r e s t , became a new strong value system. S o c i a l i s t values may well replace l i b e r a l capitalism at some future date. S o c i a l d i f f u s i o n i s related to the s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l i s t theory of society, because of and increasing communication between d i f f e r e n t s o c i e t i e s . This borrowing and lending of values, technical and s c i e n t i f i c information, and material goods has generated new l e v e l s of complex s o c i a l change. Borrowing and lending does not always promote an easy flow of values, information and goods. Imposition of ideologies may be f o r c i b l y transferred from one society to another. War, revolution, economic pressure, diplomatic r e l a t i o n s , c u l t u r a l r e l a t i o n s , r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l indoctrination are the most obvious examples of v i o l e n t imposition. Every society w i l l have a d i f f e r e n t degree and way of r e s i s t i n g the d i f f u s i o n of foreign values, ideologies and material goods. Some soc i e t i e s emphasize t h e i r o l d tr a d i t i o n s , develop an over-conformism, and become very n a t i o n a l i s t i c . Other s o c i e t i e s may go to the extreme of denying that ideologies and strong value systems are im-portant. Because they minimize ideologies those s o c i e t i e s become permeable to a l l possible foreign ideologies. Those so c i e t i e s r e s i s t i n g the impact of foreign ideologies by p r a c t i c a l l y ignoring t h e i r importance. 4. Retreatism, i s another function of society. I t i s believed to be negative because the members of society who operate at this l e v e l , do not respond to change. The inaction of these indiv i d u a l s i s related to t h e i r apparent incapacity to solve problems following the known methods developed by society. They do not follow the prescribed rules of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , and are apparently unable to generate alternative innovative or revolutionary pattern of behaviour. Apathy, anomie, c u l t u r a l shock, future shock and mental i l l n e s s are ways of describing t h i s phenomenon. Hope and f a i t h i n many areas of l i f e has been l o s t by these members of society. Retreatism may be considered p o s i t i v e by some i n -dividuals or by a ce r t a i n sector of society. The mystical experience cannot be communicated; i t i s unique (St. John 139). I t does not follow the patterns of a natural state-society i n the case of man - but of a super-natural relationship with God. The mystics who abandon society are not of this world -46-There are some phenomenologists, psychologists and philosophers who believe that the development of the unique i n man i s possible only i f man i s o l a t e s himself d r a s t i -c a l l y . So, only very few can be themselves, and become unique and authentic. In this case t h e i r retreatism i s only an apparent incapacity to solve the problems prescribed by society (Kablinski 76). Phenomenologists are interested i n studying the uniqueness of human beings. They are not interested i n finding s o c i a l , and psychological r e g u l a r i t i e s . They are interested i n what they express as human asymmetry. The purpose of education for a phenomenologist i s to develop what i s unique i n every i n d i v i d u a l . A good method to do so may be i s o l a t i o n or retreatism. This approach i s considered by some soc i o l o g i s t s and p o l i t i c i a n s as an a r i s t o c r a t i c and conservative perspective. 5. Rebellion emerges as an important s o c i a l function when other methods f a i l to solve problems on the basis of low or non-existent f a i t h i n the value system of that society. The rebellious members of society confront the s o c i a l system and may add a certa i n degree of contradiction i n order to create s o c i a l tension. In .Chile, according to Garces '(.4 7) , i n 1971 some p o l i t i c a l p arties were creating s o c i a l tension to accelerate r e b e l l i o n i n order to erode the democratic system. I f the revolution follows an anarchist value system -47-th e i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d educational structure should disappear (Villegas 153). I f i t i s a s o c i a l i s t education i t must be 'in the hands of the people through the state'. I f the p o l i t i c a l values o f f i c i a l l y assert per-manent change, as i n China, then i t i s possible to ex-pand the concept to permanent revolution or r e b e l l i o n . The educational system w i l l be charged'by d i f f u s i n g and s o c i a l i z i n g these ideas, but the educational system must not become a reactionary element i n i t s e l f i n society. The revolution must educate the young and re-educate the old (Mao-Tse-Tung 95). By means of a s o c i a l theory or ideology some sectors of the structure oppose the accepted value system of a given society. To give an example i n the area of education we have the ideas of I l l i c h (72). He and his group be-liev e i n a society where i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d education would be eliminated altogether. To 'de-school' society would li b e r a t e human beings. I t would enrich everybody, because a l l the members of society would be charged with educating a l l according to t h e i r needs. The elimination of the highly i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d educational system as we know i t could be an act of re-b e l l i o n . Why i s thi s i n practice not possible i n many societies? I t i s because the 'social conditions' are not -48-favourable to t h i s type of change. A rebe l l i o u s movement or a revolutionary cause may sometimes f i n d f e r t i l e ground and prosper, given favourable conditions. And yet a reaction from the 'old' s o c i a l system may counter-attack. Sometimes new strength and vigour may appear, and the o r i g i n a l d i r e c t i o n of change may be interruped.. It may become regressive - (o.verconformist) - and progressive - X (innovative) - at the same time. I t w i l l not permit re-b e l l i o n or revolution to prosper i n any way. Chilean society i s a s o c i o l o g i c a l example of the change of d i r e c t i o n above mentioned. I t would be i n -teresting to compare the differences between educational values and p r i o r i t i e s during three periods i n Chile: F r e i ' s government (1964-70)., Allende's government (1970-73), and General Pinochet's present government. We s h a l l only b r i e f l y explore these periods and concentrate on the t r a d i t i o n a l conservative and l i b e r a l educational values of the Chilean society. We s h a l l f i n d that the f i v e functions described are in t e r r e l a t e d and operate simultaneously i n the society. I t becomes d i f f i c u l t to separate them and not lose valuable s o c i o l o g i c a l information. However i t often be-comes necessary to separate them e s p e c i a l l y i f we are dealing with very complex phenomena. -49-Inkeles (73) stated many years ago that the s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l i s t theory i n general i s •limited i n i t s concept of time. I t becomes,as we have mentioned be-fore, a 'conservative theory of society'. And yet many anthropologists, psychologists and Marxist philosophers are currently using- t h i s theory, though introducing significant modifications (Sartre 125 ;Levi-Strauss 90-/; Watson 156) . In studying the Chilean educational structure i t i s necessary to be informed of some of the alternative perspectives and methods that are contrary to structural-functionalism. Vasconi, (14 7) believes that the educational system i s but a superstructure of economic material conditions. For him and many other s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s i t i s not enough to study only the value systems .of education, we must also study the economic infrastructure which has produced them. Harnecker (64) a Chilean psychologist working with Althusser (4) i n Paris, expresses the idea that the edu-cational system i s conditioned by the i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . Harnecker and Garces (4 7 i ;> 4 8) give c r e d i t to the super-structure as an important factor i n society. Their con-cept of superstructure i s equivalent to our concept of value system. Many Marxists believed they have recognized the": dynamic function of change i n a superstructure that had progressive elements (Pinto-114). However, such an -50-infrastructure may have to be changed from a c a p i t a l i s t to a s o c i a l i s t ideology. Marxist p o l i t i c i a n s , such as Altamirano believe that the c a p i t a l i s t superstructure has l i t t l e value i n ori g i n a t i n g a s o c i a l i s t revolution. On the contrary, the c a p i t a l i s t superstructure i n Chile generated a re-formed type of educational system that has only become more sophisticated i n pretending that r a d i c a l changes are possible. Rubio (121) arrived at the conclusion that ... Althusser has "completely structured the d i a l e c t i c pro-cess" . Many Marxist and s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l i s t s are d i s s a t i s f i e d with this suggested integration. Philosophical, educational and s o c i o l o g i c a l i n t e r -pretations of society are themselves affected by the process of acculturation. Opposing concepts, methods, techniques and perspectives may begin to overlap and even become f u l l y integrated. In Chile the t r a d i t i o n a l C h r i s t i a n value of 1 common good' and the concept of socialism had an overlapping expression i n the p o l i t i c a l and educational jargon; i t was expressed as 'communi-tarism'. Numerous Marxist groups l i k e the MIR, and VOP condemned th i s integration as a weakness. -51-According to Kazamias and Massialas (78) the s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l i s t theory i s an important frame-work of analysis i n education, even i f i t has re-cognized l i m i t a t i o n s . In general we s h a l l guide our description and interpretation of the Chilean education following Merton's s o c i a l theory. At the same time i n the opinion of Inkeles (73) we should be able to accept d i f f e r e n t models, theories, and frameworks as complementary. I t i s necessary to eliminate the idea that a given model i s the only correct one. We must accept the world of many models i n competition. In the Chilean s i t u a t i o n , we see that the s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l i s t perspective provides a valu-able source of s o c i o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the educational process i n the l i g h t of the t r a d i t i o n a l value system. -52-CHAPTER EIGHT THE HISTORICAL DESCRIPTION The h i s t o r i c a l approach of comparative education develops those national c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which explain why educational systems have emerged d i f f e r e n t l y . 'National Character' i s composed of those d i s t i n c t i v e c u l t u r a l and h i s t o r i c a l elements that are supposed to distinguish one society from another. Since the independence from Spain, d i f f e r e n t national cultures have become very d i s t i n c t i n La t i n America. This method contributes to our understanding of the genesis of differences which occur many times; national history becomes sociocentric. A weakness of the 'national character' approach i s that i t i s not related to h i s t o r i c a l factors that are not n a t i o n a l i s t i c i n nature. Some Catholic historians of 'the Universal Church', are conscious of the ' n a t i o n a l i s t i c d i s t o r t i o n s of history! (King 81). The fragmentation of what was considered to be the Universal Church began with the schism of the Eastern Orthodox churches, the Bohemian r e b e l l i o n , the Protestant Reformation, the Napoleonic Empire, the I t a l i a n national unity movement, and the L a t i n American conferences of bishops i n Columbia. Althusser (4) claims that Marxist thinkers believe -53-that fragmentations occur with respect to r the- . 'International Revolution and S o l i d a r i t y of Workers". Revolution w i l l become successful only i f i t develops a l l over the world, so the workers must be able to develop an international s o l i d a r i t y . Nationalism fragments this international unity. Because progressive and s o c i a l i s t p o l i t i c a l parties become i d e n t i f i e d with the l o c a l interests of t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r society and are not able to understand 'the revolution as being universal'. Similar problems w i l l emerge when we compare educational systems. We s h a l l not be able to i d e n t i f y a continuum i n educational process as a s o c i a l phenomenon i f we are not capable of denationalizing our perspective to a cer t a i n degree. Herskovits (66) opposes the continuum theory; he believes that many comparisons produce a "negative of c u l t u r a l r e a l i t y " , i n a given society. Cultural and h i s t o r i c a l conditions are not as s i m i l a r as to be i n t e r -changeable mechanically. Religious, p o l i t i c a l or educational structures function as patterns of semi^closed i n t e r r e l a t e d elements. Thrupp (.143) has an e c l e c t i c p o s i t i o n . We should not endanger the qu a l i t y of the c o l l e c t i o n of information by introducing beforehand, a preconceived idea of what should be the differences and s i m i l a r i t i e s . But our evidence should be clear and precise. Hans (6 3) indicates the importance of the h i s t o r i c a l description of education, for finding the root of the edu-cational process and how i t has evolved. The r e s u l t of a -54-complex combination ethnic groups, r e l i g i o u s movements, geographical circumstances, economic development, generates the 'national character'. Kneller (82) believes that the 'national character' concept i s too s t a t i c . The rate of change has been so great i n the l a s t few decades that the educational systems of d i f f e r e n t s o c i e t i e s are becoming increasingly s i m i l a r . Lauwerys (86) says that even h i s t o r i c a l analysis i s conditioned by the philosophical and i d i o l o g i c a i back-ground of the investigator. I t i s very d i f f i c u l t not to be biased and almost impossible to c o l l e c t information i m p a r t i a l l y . The concept of 'national character' can ex-p l a i n everything and nothing at the same time. Kazamias (79) mentions i n his a r t i c l e that Fyfee re-jects the idea of 'national character' because i t does not e x i s t . I t i s impossible to pin-point a t y p i c a l English, French, American or German. I t i s possible to i d e n t i f y national patterns of be-haviour and value systems that are the product of h i s t o r i -c a l process. But we must be able to discriminate between the l e v e l of generality or s p e c i f i c i t y of our concept. A middle range theory w i l l be used i n conjunction with a s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l i s t framework to describe and int e r p r e t some of the Chilean educational functions of value. Middle range theories (Heintz 65) have been extensively used by many s o c i o l o g i s t s , economists, anthropologists and educators. "Middle Range Theories" are l i m i t e d descriptions and explanations of s o c i a l phenomena. They acknowledge -55-th at the description-interpretation process i s l i m i t e d by: i) the d i f f e r e n t pattern and l e v e l s of complex s o c i a l phenomena that are operating simultaneously; i i ) the amount of information made available; i i i ) the weakness of a conceptual framework that i s i n -capable of integrating complex information. Galtung (46) distinguishes between an ideographic perspective and a mnemonical ".perspective of investigation. The f i r s t i s l i m i t e d to description and interpretation of p a r t i c u l a r areas of phenomena. The second i s more universal in i t s application and develops explanations that may imply causality. Our h i s t o r i c a l description and s o c i o l o g i c a l interpre-tation of the t r a d i t i o n a l Chilean educational system w i l l f 9 l l o w Merton's and Galtung 1s recommendations for t h i s type of investigation. I t w i l l follow a middle range and ideo-graphic perspective. For Cramer and Browne (24) comparative education i s more than a descriptive catalogue of national systems. We must investigate why some educational systems are progressive or regressive, why there are r e s t r i c t i v e or l i b e r a t a r i a n ideologies i n any given society. We must examine the p o l i t i c a l forces, s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l philosophies, the sense of national unity, and. basic t r a d i t i o n a l b e l i e f s . S ocial change - i s not .uniform, some. - v--. s o c i e t i e s change slowly, others through revolution. Some are assimilated, conquered or destroyed by other s o c i e t i e s . Kazamias (79) does not believe that history can predict i n order to improve an educational system as Kandel does (77). The former i n s i s t s that an h i s t o r i a n should describe and explain certain phenomena but never prescribe solutions. This epistemological controversy i s r e l a t i v e l y o ld in s o c i a l sciences. Since the development of the p o s i t i v i s t philosophy i n the early XIX century, two extreme perspectives have developed, together with many 'intermediate moderate' points of view. The f i r s t i s "that s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s must not consciously project t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l values into t h e i r work. This means that the h i s t o r i a n should not ex-pressly use h i s t o r i c a l material to indoctrinate other members of society,." He should not have to j u s t i f y any p a r t i -cular h i s t o r i c a l phenomena as being something good or e v i l . I f possible the h i s t o r i a n must remain impartial and non committed. The s c i e n t i s t must be able to go where the truth takes him without being concerned with the ultimate con-sequences "(Nicblai 107)'. If he ;has opinions, he must be able to i d e n t i f y them as being his own. Only then, when the i n -vestigator i s detached from the possible consequences or the feasible changes i s he free to discover truth. Comte (Zorbas 161) changed,his perspective from a, nori-cqmmitted attitude towards s o c i a l and h i s t o r i c a l phenomena, to a committed perspective. His change i n attitude followed the b e l i e f that a s c i e n t i f i c p o s i t i v i s t method could be f u l l y applied i n the creation of a new society. Sociology and history then becomes p o l i t i c s , and p o l i t i c s becomes history and sociology. -57-Following t h i s Comtean concept a l l decision making i n society i s a projection of what sociology has determined s c i e n t i f i c a l l y to be true. There are two d i f f e r e n t v a r i e t i e s of t h i s p o s i t i v i s t approach the Marxist, and the North American psychological behaviorist perspective toward human conduct (Skinner 134). We do not hesitate to u t i l i s e our modern discoveries and inventions to further the concept of s o c i a l engineering. Two t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s , Von Baltaser (155) a Catholic theologian and Freyer (43) a secularly oriented s o c i a l philosopher, reacted against the inhuman manipulation of human beings. The r i s k of losing control of the i n d u s t r i a l process and of generating a compound number of mistakes has increased. Historians and s o c i o l o g i s t s predict possible or even probable future events, and give some ins i g h t s , but they are not by d e f i n i t i o n agents of s o c i a l change (Blanche 11) . Medina-Echavarria (9 8) explained that i n the Soviet Union, the only p o s s i b i l i t y of i n t e r p r e t i n g society o f f i -c i a l l y was Marxism-Leninism. Sociology as i t had been de-veloped i n Europe and North America was considered a dangerous bourgeois academic exercise. The only s c i e n t i f i c i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of history, of society, and of economy was the Marxist-Leninist point of view. For example, i t was -58-duririgV ; Kruschev' s regime i-nl' the 'Soviet .Union" ^ .;. that empirical sociology: was modestly introduced i n the U n i v e r s i t i e s . This change meant that a new i n t e r e s t i n diagnosis and c r i t i c i s m was beginning to be developed. The pendulum was moving slowly from a closed, dogmatic, committed interpretation of society to a more open, f l e x i b l e , free i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . In the Soviet Union the methods and techniques used to study a g r i c u l t u r a l pro-duction, i n d u s t r i a l and bureaucratic e f f i c i e n c y became more empirical during Kruschev's government. The degree of personal commitment or detachment to-wards the d i r e c t i o n that a society takes varies according to the value system generated by each society. The pen-dulum may swing, sometimes r a d i c a l l y , from commitment to detachment; or i t may hardly o s c i l l a t e during a long period of time. At other times one type of 's o c i a l commitment' may be replaced i n content by a d i f f e r e n t 'social commit-ment' ; and yet remain equally strong i n the degree of commitment made. The degree and type of c o l l e c t i v e commitment has .changed i n Chile e s p e c i a l l y during the l a s t f i f t e e n years. The methods, techniques and perspectives i n studying edu-cation i n Chile have not remained the same during the governments of F r e i , Allende and Pinochet. Blanche . (11) concludes that every investigator should be able to understand the l i m i t a t i o n s of his method, -59-perspective and technique of investigation. At the same time the investigator should be able to philosophize openly, and become aware of what i s problematic i n his f i e l d of studies. Manheim (94) i n his sociology of knowledge explains how history can become misleading i f we do not understand l a t e n t functions or undercurrent factors that have some-how been -; overlooked. Many hi s t o r i a n s , have a high degree of 'social commitment?/ to the t r a d i t i o n a l values of t h e i r society, sometimes openly, or sometimes covertly. A d i f f e r e n t type of commitment operates for progressive and revolutionary hi s t o r i a n s , s o c i o l o g i s t s ~ and educators. Kazamias and Massialas (78) c r i t i c i z e the h i s t o r i c a l approach to; education i n general as ' t r a d i t i o n a l 1 , i n the sense that many of the investigations do not use the modern concepts and discoveries of the s o c i a l sciences. Some historians go to the extreme of in d i c a t i n g that history has become the j u s t i f i c a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n . And often t r a d i t i o n has j u s t i f i e d the exp l o i t a t i o n of a majority by a minority '.(David 26) . During the government of Allende i n Chile a new interpretation of history was attempted i n order to correct what was considered to be an h i s t o r i c a l d i s t o r t i o n . A new history of the country was being taught i n the schools and u n i v e r s i t i e s . -60-We s h a l l develop two examples of t h i s s o c i a l i s t re-interpretation of history i n order to i l l u s t r a t e how p o l i t i c a l value systems influence the educational systems. In Chilean history, Manuel Rodriguez was considered as a famous p a t r i o t and daring warrior during the war of independence. He was k i l l e d by the O'Higginist faction in the v i l l a g e of Til--T.Til-, in. 1818. This was i n t e r -preted by Edwards (33) as one of the f i r s t demonstration / of o l i g a r c h i c violence i n Chile. Manuel Rodriguez was martyred.as being the f i r s t Chilean g u e r r i l l a to be k i l l e d * by those representing "vested interests";. The second example i s an indepth c r i t i c i s m - of..'the o l i g a r c h i c opposition to the advanced s o c i a l , educational and economic p o l i c i e s of President Balmaceda (1891). The i n d u s t r i a l revolution has changed many of the t r a d i t i o n a l value systems i n a number of developed countries, so that t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l history- has been practically elindhated (David 26) . And yet for a p o l i t i c a l re-volutionary concept of change, history operates as a form of s o c i a l conscience, that can be used i n schools to i l l u s t r a t e past s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e s . So the h i s t o r i c a l approach must be c a r e f u l l y scrutinized i n order to i d e n t i -fy a conformist, innovative, or rebellious interpretation i n i t s . i m p l i c i t or-, e x p l i c i t . description of education and ;^ other -related s o c i a l factors . -61-Moehlman (101) went a step further and was able to wstablish a comparative c u l t u r a l morphology, so that the educational phenomena could be examined as a c u l t u r a l structure and as a h i s t o r i c a l event i n evolution. He examined the work of Herskovits (66) and H a l l (59). Following t h e i r l i n e s of thought Moehlman formulated a theory of comparative education by using a selection and description of 'long range factors' that determine the organization, operation and d i r e c t i o n of education i n a given culture or nation. Some of the universal aspects that should be examined are population, space, time, language, ar t , philosophy, r e l i g i o n , s o c i a l structure, government, economy, technology, science, health and edu-cation. Moehlman i s concerned with developing the concept of 'national character', that may t y p i f y important c u l t u r a l t r a i t s . He i s also interested i n exploring the eff e c t s of 'acculturation' i n the educational phenomenon. His approach i s h o l i s t i c because i t includes many c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l factors, i n order to understand society as a t o t a l i t y . The h o l i s t i c approach that Moehlman puts forward, according to Halls (60) i s influenced by the German philosopher Hegel. This i s because he reverts to a uni-versal h i s t o r i c a l view of society. Moehlman's approach i s -62-also c r i t i c i z e d by those authors who follow the em-p i r i c a l method, because they believe that i t becomes very d i f f i c u l t to verify the validity of such a general theoretical construction (Holmes 70. ;.Chonchol 19) . Nelson (106) in his article about comparative historical sociology states "Needham and Weber are only two of the men of the present century whose work has re-vealed" the need for, and promoted the possibility of a systematic study of the comparative historical sociology of c i v i l i z a t i o n a l relations". When studying a comparative historical sociology of education we must investigate the different structures of the collective consciousness of those societies that have generated the educational systems. The level of individual and collective awareness of the value systems that operate in society are different in every society. And yet " a l l countries of the world in the west and the east, since the French Revolution have been - and are again today -the scenes of bitter struggles over relative values of rooted collective consciousness and schemes of rationalized intelligence" (Bereday 10 ' Nelson 106) . The process of diffusion and acculturation has to be carefully looked at i f we are interested in discriminating between the endogenic and the exogenic factors in the evo-lution of an educational system. - 6 3 -In Chile the process of acculturation, has followed the basic rule of superimposition and integration of old and new c u l t u r a l elements. An example of this i s the French and Spanish i l l u s t r a t i o n together with the Counter Reform values of the Jesuits during the XVIII century. Republicanism, nationalism and l i b e r a l i s m during the f i r s t t h i r d of the XIX century are other examples of acculturation. Secular positivism ( s c i e n t i f i c thinking), masonic philosophy and Utopian socialism emerged as new value • systems during the 1850's. At the turn of the century Marxist or s c i e n t i f i c socialism began to develop, together with i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . The XX century accelerated the process of d i f f u s i o n of exogenous factors. New l e v e l s of s o c i a l awareness were reached through this process. Chilean education integrated and re-inforced many new and old values. In order to promote the new idea of unionism i n the labour force, special educational i n -s t i t u t i o n s were created. Such i n s t i t u t i o n s followed a t r a d i t i o n a l p a t e r n a l i s t i c approach to education i n spite of their modern democratic i n s p i r a t i o n . According to H a l l (59) the "laws of history' are the laws of the evolution of s o c i a l awareness, because man alone i s aware of his conscious world; i t i s only he who can evolve his fundamental nature both i n d i v i d u a l l y and c o l l e c t i v e l y . -64-Sartre (125) distinguishes the d i a l e c t i c a l di infer-ences between'; individual;'and collective' consciousness .-• Ha l l believes that there i s a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the development of 'world views' through c y c l i c a l stages;;6.f i n t u i t i o n , integration and dynamism. The d i f f e r e n t value systems that every society has, are the product of the stage i n which - i t 1 S . located i n the cycle. The cycle follows a s i m i l a r pattern to the cognitive stages that children go through at d i f f e r e n t ages, when confronted with problems of increasing com-pl e x i t y . Piaget (113) has been working i n this f i e l d of cog-n i t i v e growth i n psychology. But H a l l projects this pro-cess to history. Cognitive changes of l e v e l s of aware-ness occur i n society, following known recurrent patterns. In a ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' society the value systems and praxis can be i d e n t i f i e d with ' i n t u i t i v e , concrete and emotional' stages of development. In a 'progressive or revolutionary' society the value systems and praxis have become r a t i o n a l , abstract and instrumental'. In r e a l i t y i t becomes very d i f f i c u l t to t y p i f y a concrete society, because i t i s a complex combination of t r a d i t i o n a l and modern elements. A progressive or re-volutionary society may regress. This regressive change may be interpreted from two c o n f l i c t i n g points of view. T k ( i u i i typz oi A,Yit<i.n.p>iz£cit<Lon would condemn as e v i l the -65-the regression to t r a d i t i o n a l ways and values. The XVIII century European ideal of progress i s the c r i t e r i o n that determines that any type of s o c i a l regression may well be considered negative. To go back i s to deny that a l l the d i f f i c u l t and painful p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l reforms and transformations are meaningful. Lib e r a l s and Marxists a l i k e would consider regression towards a t r a d i t i o n a l society as an h i s t o r i c a l aberration, only accidentally possible and c o n f l i c t i n g with the ide a l of progress that both share. And yet some forms of re-gression are considered desirable i n s o c i a l i s t countries i n some a r t i s t i c expressions, e s p e c i a l l y i n f o l k l o r e . Many more regressive t r a d i t i o n a l elements coexist l a t e n t l y i n our modern s o c i e t i e s than thos o f f i c i a l l y * recognized. Thz Azcond typz ofa •ivttzh.pfiQ.tat-ion does not admit a secular progress. I t may admit s p i r i t u a l progress, where i t i s possible to regress i n the material world to pro-gress i n the way of God. A v a r i a t i o n of the second i n -terpretation i s that progress and regression do not e x i s t as such, but are the expressions of the same universal forces. 'What i s up, i s down, what i s down i s up' i n the Taoist and Zen t r a d i t i o n s (Watts 157). There i s a t h i r d v a r i a t i o n of thi s second i n t e r p r e t a t i o n as to why a t r a d i -t i o n a l society has many positive.Values."that have/beencare-ful'ly -66-developed i n past centuries. The science of the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s has to be developed and re-discovered. An example of t h i s investigation of t r a d i -t i o n a l science i s the s u b - t i t l e of McClain's (104) . "Music o f f e r s new ways to penetrate the complex subtle-:' t i e s of Plato's thought". From a variety of s i m i l a r mathematical-musical analogues, Plato was able to i n -tegrate music, arithmetic, geometrical algebra, acoustical physics, astronomy, p o l i t i c a l science, psy-chology and d i a l e c t i c philosophy into a poetic metaphor. This integration was possible because Plato was capable of discriminating differences and s i m i l a r i t i e s . The value of ' t r a d i t i o n a l thought' i s being rediscovered by many investigators. Some of them go to the extreme of proclaiming that the s c i e n t i f i c and technological re-volutions of the l a s t two centuries have not produced a l l the p o s i t i v e s o c i a l change that we conventionally believe (Sorokim 135). .The quality of l i f e has-not changed nearly as much, ^ as the quantity of energy that has been spent to transform society. What has to be done i s to control the negative impact of s o c i a l and technological change. In exploring the history of the value systems i n Chile, we must be aware that every p a r t i c u l a r value system generates i t s own h i s t o r i c a l i n terpretation. The conservative Chilean landlord of the XIX century considered that the source of wealth and s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y originated ifrom "the -67-a g r i c u l t u r a l land, and from his capacity to generate labour. On the contrary the l i b e r a l merchant and i n -d u s t r i a l i s t considered that the source of wealth and so c i a l progress was i n money and the production of goods. The conservative, l i b e r a l and s o c i a l i s t interpre-tation of history, economy and education do not follow the same s o c i a l assumptions. A concept of hist o r y i s not accepted by a l l cultures and sub-cultures i n the same way. Some of them never had the concept of history as the Europeans did. I t was during the Renaissance i n Europe that the concept of h i s t o r y as part of the value system of society was developed. The I t a l i a n of the Renaissance had more i n common with the culture of the Greco-Roman c i v i l i z a t i o n than with the people of the Middle Ages. This opinion i s expressed by many a r t i s t s and scholars of the time and i s recorded i n a rare book written by the Portuguese student of Michel Angelo, Fr. F'Ollanda (30) . During the late XIX century and early XX: century B r i t i s h , German and French anthropologists were discovering that some exotic non European cultures were interpreting humanity. Animist interpretations'of r e a l i t y by some "primitive cultures' ignore t o t a l l y the concept of history (Frazer 4 2) . -68-During the second decade of t h i s century Spengler (136) went as far as to i d e n t i f y the development of c i v i l i z a t i o n s which had completely d i f f e r e n t value system from one another. Each c i v i l i z a t i o n was s e l f -contained, and could not reduce i t s value systems i n terms-of the other. This meant that a s i g n i f i c a n t lack of communication between c i v i l i z a t i o n s had been created by man. He spoke about three basic types of c i v i l i z a t i o n s ; the 'Faustian', the 1 Apollonian' and the ' Diony'siac ' . . The differences between a 'Faustian' and an 'Apollonian'attitude i s that the f i r s t i s a s t a t i c con-cept i n comparison with the second, that prefers to see the world i n an dynamic fashion. The -'TJiohys-iac'• ,„ -concept i s that l i f e has to be l i v e d as i t comes. The value of a puritan control over human a c t i v i t y i s incon-ceivable for t h i s type of c i v i l i z a t i o n . Later on, Watts (15 8) elaborates further the ideas of control and over-control in our Northwestern society i n contrast to the easy flowing Taoist and Zen cultures. The concept of history i s related to the control of the value systems of our s o c i e t i e s . In t h i s case the educational system becomes an agent of s o c i a l control through the use of h i s t o r y i n i t s curriculum. We study history i n order to trace the trajectory of change i n society, so that we can develop, maintain, or eliminate those patterns of behaviour that we believe are p o s i t i v e or negative. -69-In some soc i e t i e s i n which the predominant values are placed on ' p o l i t i c a l revolution* the educational system i s interested i n developing and maintaining 'revolutionary concepts', and eliminating .."'re-' actionary concepts'. In other s o c i e t i e s where the pre-dominant values are placed i n ' t r a d i t i o n ' , the edu-cational system i s interested i n developing and maintain-ing ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' concepts, and eliminating 'those demagogic revolutionary' concepts. In Chile the relat i o n s h i p between education and p o l i t i c s i s accepted as being strong. Every major p o l i -t i c a l movement had a d e f i n i t i v e educational philosophy that i t wished to implement i n society. P o l i t i c a l competition and struggle for power was projected into the educational system. This l i n k between p o l i t i c s and education was esp e c i a l l y strong during 1930-1973. In Chile today there i s an o f f i c i a l e f f o r t to re-move education from p o l i t i c s . The influence of p o l i t i c s upon education i s at present considered s o c i a l l y un-desirable. The ideology that j u s t i f i e s this educational p o l i c y i s i n opposition to the. p o l i t i c a l ideology ---. practiced during the s o c i a l i s t government of Allende. O f f i c i a l l y i n Chile today any type of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i s i n recess. The government believes that p o l i -t i c a l a c t i v i t y i n any form i s a negative s o c i a l function. The state and i t s administration should follow an -70-a p o l i t i c a l pattern. The educational process should also become a p o l i t i c a l . H i s t o r i c a l material w i l l be used by both types of socie t i e s to i l l u s t r a t e these pos i t i v e and negative perspectives of s o c i a l r e a l i t y . S o c i a l innovation as we have already said, i s placed between the s t a t i c function of maintenance and the dynamic function of r e b e l l i o n and revolution. I t would seem that the changes that are produced i n society through innovation are perceived as being less traumatic, even i f they may not be so. Because of this low p r o f i l e , the s o c i a l change that innovation produces need not be f u l l y j u s t i f i e d . H i s t o r i c a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n i s e s p e c i a l l y developed i n so c i e t i e s that are predominantly t r a d i t i o n a l or that are predominantly revolutionary. Technological change i s considered a transformation i n r e l a t i o n to material goods. I t i s more an 'outer-directed' type of human a c t i v i t y , where the attention i s placed on the object and the function i t can perform. In a t r a d i t i o n a l or a revolutionary society, value i s placed on an< 'innerdirected' search for universal truths. In this sense the concepts of ' t r a d i t i o n a l ahd revolutionary' value systems have more i n common than soc i e t i e s that are suffering from r i t u a l i s m and re-treatism together with anomie. (Merton 10 0) . -71-Th.e h i s t o r i c a l description and interpretation of value systems related to the educational structure of Chile has to be c a r e f u l l y c r i t i c i z e d s o c i o l o g i c a l l y . We must be able to i d e n t i f y some of the relevant l a t e n t functions (Merton- 100) of the value systems .that are Operating i n C h i l e . There i s not one homogeneous system but many that operate simultaneously. T r a d i t i o n a l values have evolved into a variety of alternative expressions. L i b e r a l and conservative p o l i t i c a l ideologies have sometimes emerged. Compromises have been reached by opposing i d e o l o g i c a l perspectives. What we are saying i s that the value system of a modern society h^as~ become a , c o n s t e l l a t i o n of'"'comp lex,.in-t errelationships . During World War II i n Chile, many conservative and communist p o l i t i c i a n s were 'generating ideology' that j u s t i -f i e d t h e i r 'unnatural' a l l i a n c e . Two approaching enemies seem to become closer i n t h e i r values, as the common enemy approaches .., Festinger" has explained this type of s o c i a l phenomenon. (41) . - ir-Gebser (50) i s interested i n the history of how man became conscious. The problem i s how to investigate the d i f f e r e n t structures of awareness. As we have mentioned before, there i s a close link.between value systems ( the "structure) and aware ne s s (the function) . "Some-. .-'" "•'"- ? times awareness can operate without a prescribed value system. An i n d i v i d u a l can become aware of something very p a r t i c u l a r and concrete though an unique and o r i g i n a l experience. The in d i v i d u a l may or may not l a t e r i n t e l l e c t u a l i z e his awareness into a value system, or a mystical theology (St .John 139)- - or a philosophy of aesthetics postulated by A l i g h i e r i (3) and L l u l l e (91) the Catalohian'.mystic, said . something" quite s i m i l a r to what Taoist masters have said: " I f I know, I do not say, and i f I say I do not know". Value systems can sometimes l i m i t our awareness by setting standards of what i s and i s not a legitimate experience. The int e r a c t i o n between value systems and awareness i s a process of discrimination. What i s experienced legitimately i n a society i s valuable;, ~ and what i s considered valuable i s experienced legitimately. Some types of experiences and value systems i n society are well integrated; they have reached a high l e v e l of 'internal consistency' but at the expense of be-coming a 'closed structure'. We can fin d some examples of 'closed structure' i n t o t a l i t a r i a n and i n t r a d i t i o n a l l y conservative oriented s o c i e t i e s . On the contrary i f the relationship between the type of experiences and the value systems i s weak i n society, then the system has reached a low l e v e l of 1 i n t e r n a l con-sistency' and i t has become an 'open structure. We can f i n d some examples of, 'open structures' i n a c u l t u r a l 'mosaic type of integration', or i n a p l u r a l i s t i c l y oriented society. The openness and closedness;" fluctuates from society to society; a t r a d i t i o n a l s t a t i c culture i s not the same as a 'dynamic revolutionary' society. The leve l s of 'internal consistency' between personal experiences and the legitimate value systems may change within a s o c i a l structure. Some members of society become aware of how the l e v e l s of consistency fluctuate. They w i l l express th e i r awareness to others through informal conversations, and may use mass media. The new forms of awareness may create the need for •gurus', charismatic leaders, p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s movements (Reich 117) . . The function- of awareness i s to t r y to fi n d an 'external consistency' between the i n d i v i d u a l and r e a l i t y . I f the individual's type of awareness i s shared with other members of society, a certain degree of con-sensus has been reached. A newly defined value system has been created. Awareness becomes the guardian between the newly defined value system and the experience of possible inconsistencies. C o l l e c t i v e awareness then becomes i n th i s p a r t i c u l a r instance 'the external inconsistency finder'. A view of history and sociology i s necessary for the s e l f understanding of an i n d i v i d u a l , of a group, of a culture. We must be es p e c i a l l y c a r e f u l when we are study-ing the value systems of a given society because i n the -74-works of Whitehead (159): "When you are c r i t i c i z i n g the philosophy of an epoch, do not c h i e f l y d i r e c t your attention to those i n t e l l e c t u a l positions which i t s ex-ponents f e e l i t necessary e x p l i c i t l y to defend. There w i l l be some fundamental assumptions unconsciously pre-:supposed which adhere to a l l the'variant systems within the" epoch. • Part of these values w i l l be incorporated into the structure of ordinary language. Levi-Strauss (9 0) goes to extreme of saying that the l i n g u i s t i c structure i s a natural phenomenon, that i s projected into the i n f r a -structure that man has created for himself. Language has a l i n k i n g function between humanity and nature. Language i s both a physical and c u l t u r a l phenomenon (Parin-Vial 111). Can we affirm then that the value systems that are generated by society through language, are a pro-jections of natural phenomena? Are value systems i n man conditioned by b i o l o g i c a l or physical phenomena and i f so, how and to what degree? A t r a d i t i o n a l perspective seems to be i m p l i c i t i n some of these ideas. In any case language i s considered to be t r a d i t i o n by Gehlen (51) . Language i s the meta-institution of man (Radnitzky 115). Because language has strong elements of t r a d i t i o n , i t loses i t s f l e x i b i l i t y to represent a world that changes con-tinuously. Language i s an a r t i f i c i a l representative of l i f e (Radnitzky 116). I t i s a meta-institution because i t precedes -75-h i s t o r i c a l l y the evolution of, a complex society. I t has been asked i f i t i s possible to l i b e r a t e ourselves from the tyranny of the word. A book written by S t a l i n (137) i n s i s t e d that a new revolutionary language has to be created i n order to secure the communist re-volution. I f not, the i n f i l t r a t i o n of dangerous ideas would always be possible. The h i s t o r i c a l continuum of language had to be broken. Is there any way to break through the l i m i t a t i o n s imposed by a given value system, language, or s c i e n t i f i c perspective? Gebser (50) explains how i t i s possible to transcend the problem of perspective building and demolition. "A new l e v e l of s o c i a l and i n d i v i d u a l consciousness has to be developed by humanity. Gebser uses the term aperspective to express the idea of an awareness that enable us to understand the wholeness of nature. I t i s important to investigate the history of how man became conscious, how awareness operated. We must go back to the roots of the human unfolding (Teilhard de Chardin 142). A new l e v e l of awareness can be reached i f we operate i n a s p a t i a l perception as a fourth dimension. Change and time w i l l be integrated, giving a v i s i o n of the whole. "Between the three formations-non-perspective, pers-pective and aperspective - there exists the same meaning relationship as, for instance, between non-logical, l o g i c a l -76 and a l o g i c a l or between non-moral, moral and amoral" (Teilhard de Chardin 14 2) . We should be able to overcome the mere dualism of affirmation and negation; therefore we .require a term which r i s e s above the d i a l e c t i c of the o r i g i n a l word. I t i s not synthesis nor a r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of opposites. An aperspective view becomes ' h o l i s t i c ' . A non-pers-pective world-is one i n which society has no history, only myths. There are some cultures that have been considered by anthropologists as n o n - h i s t o r i c a l . Eliade, L e v i -Strauss and other s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s have studied several value systems that do not have a concept of history as the Europeans have had through countries. In the vodoo r e l i g i o n , spirits-nature-and-man are integrated into a structure that follow patterns that would seem strange to us, accustomed to a logical-em-p i r i c a l approach to r e a l i t y . In Europe, we f i n d that early Sienese; painting. . followed a non-spatial-temporal pattern. This type of painting communicates only an i n t e r n a l state of awareness. Giotto breaks this c u l t u r a l pattern, by exploring space and time i n his paintings. The perspective world often follows a r a t i o n a l pattern of space and time; i t becomes a n a l y t i c a l , l o g i c a l , and c r i t i c a l . In philosophy Descartes, Spinoza, Kant are some -77-of the representatives of t h i s value system, that l a t e r was exported by Europeans to the r e s t of the world -A kind of ' i n t e l l e c t u a l imperialism 1. The old Egyptian art made man a stereotyped, im-personal image. The Greeks developed i n d i v i d u a l i t y i n t h e i r representation of man, but i t i s somebody l i k e J . VanEyck who l i b e r a t e s man i n terms of his self-awareness. Man i s not only conscious of his own body, but his body becomes his consciousness. Pascal and l a t e r Kirkegard develop th i s idea f u l l y . During the XIX and XX centuries the "Western Societies" became involved i n 'objectifying' these perspectives of the world. Through the development of s c i e n t i f i c and techno-l o g i c a l methods man and nature could be ' o b j e c t i f i e d ' . Scheller believed that through the application of science, - he was e s p e c i a l l y thinking of psychology and. sociology - the l a s t realm of the sacred i n the i n d i v i d u a l was disappearing (Toffler 145) . The subjective i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the world was going to be reduced to an objective pers-pective of r e a l i t y ; t h i s extreme o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n of the values of man would alienate man from himself -(Fremiti 45) . The comparative method as well as any p a r t i c u l a r framework that has been set to investigate economics, cybernetics, or education follows the 1 perspective' approach to r e a l i t y . Holmes (71) indicates that i n order to study education we must be able to i d e n t i f y the 'norms and values' that influence the learning process. These norms and values w i l l generate the type of method that a p a r t i c u l a r society w i l l use to investigate and understand i t s own educational process. Different s o c i e t i e s w i l l have a c o n s t e l l a t i o n of d i f f e r e n t methods and frameworks. If t h i s i s so, controversy and c o n f l i c t w i l l a r i s e , e s p e c i a l l y i f we wish to impose one pers-pective at the expense of another. The aperspective world works i n a d i f f e r e n t way. It does not attempt to unite the non-perspective and the perspective, nor does i t represent an experiment i n synthesis, nor i s i t an e c l e c t i c accommodation of what has become i r r e c o n c i l a b l e by becoming defective. I t attempts to ex-p l a i n the new by concepts rooted i n t r a d i t i o n . I t generates a new 'integral structure' of consciousness. Shah (133) devotes a whole chapter of one of his works to the topic of how man i s misled' . i n the formation of his opinions of the world. The S u f i t r a d i t i o n uses stories to i l l u s t r a t e how we are frequently mislead by our p a r t i c u l a r interpretations of r e a l i t y . F l e x i b i l i t y i n a l l ways of l i f e may help us to transcend a world of d u a l i t i e s . We must be able to move from the abstract to the concrete, i n such a way that we can integrate knowledge experience. Perception becomes h o l i s t i c when such perception of the world which i s merely heard, displayed and seen,,, becomes the l i v i n g presence of wholeness. The aperspective integration of the world i s an ex-pression of the s p i r i t . I t uses materials that are t r a d i t i o n a l -79-to old r e l i g i o n s , together with modern s c i e n t i f i c i n -formation. An aperspective study of education would use the com-parative method, with the intention of integrating this material to the whole. In Chile the aperspective method i s being considered a p o s s i b i l i t y of integrating the new and the old educational perspectives. An aperspective value system of the state, r e l i g i o n and n a t i o n a l i t y has been developed. The state i s considered to be a p o l i t i c a l , because i t s function i s to maintain the 'common good' of society. Religion i s con-sidered to be an eternal value, and can only be submitted to a l i m i t e d amount of temporal c r i t i c i s m . This aperspective interpretation becomes an i d e o l o g i c a l perspective i n i t s e l f . Just because i t represses the spontaneous p o s s i b i l i t y of generating perspectives does not mean that perspective building i s eliminated from society. McMullin (105) has c r i t i c i z e d t h i s view as a 'new form of scholasticism'. The same can be said for the aperspective world view; i t i s an ' i d e a l i s t , conservative regression', a f r a i d of the i r r e v e r s i b l e consequences of s o c i a l change. And so the polemic goes on. In conclusion an h i s t o r i c a l description of Chilean education has to i d e n t i f y the existence of t r a d i t i o n a l values, and how they have changed. At the same time the h i s t o r i c a l description has to investigate the multiple i d e o l o g i c a l perspectives of education and how they influence each other; and i n many ways, one value system can not be explained by the other. 80-CHAPTER NINE THE SOCIOLOGICAL INTERPRETATION For Kneller (8 3) the investigation of the i n t e r -actions between education and society should follow a national and supranational perspective. The s o c i o l o g i c a l approach has the advantage of transcending a national-historical-temporal approach. The s o c i o l o g i c a l method i s interested i n finding regula-r i t i e s that could be applied to many so c i e t i e s at the same time. In contrast to these ideas Bunge (17) warns us that a l l sciences are lim i t e d i n finding a complete re g u l a r i t y i n the phenomena that i s being investigated. P a r a l l e l to the increasing refinement of the in-» struments the i r r e g u l a r i t y becomes higher; when the observation becomes subtler, the p r o b a b i l i t y of finding two things that are equal, w i l l be l e s s . If educational phenomena were unique and non re p e t i t i v e we could not b u i l d an educational science. And yet some of the h i s t o r i c a l descriptions and interpretations of the educational value i n the" ChileanO.sys.tem will''be: J-unique to that country. The value placed on primary education i n Chile i n the 1930"s produced a po s i t i v e change i n the proportion -81^-of male teachers i n r e l a t i o n to the female. This pro-portion became 'normalized' during the 1950's. This s o c i a l phenomenon i s not comparable to any other i n Latin American countries. The low frequency of observed ' r e g u l a r i t i e s ' con-s t i t u t e one of the p r i n c i p a l obstacles i n discovering laws i n sociology. The preconceived idea that socio-logy i s not able to f i n d r e g u l a r i t i e s and generate s c i e n t i f i c laws of society i s related to some powerful s o c i a l i n t e r e s t s . I f r e g u l a r i t i e s could be established, then predictions would be possible, (but man's intention Oan-.,npt be. ignored-in s o c i a l "planning. In a closed society be i t t r a d i t i o n a l or not, the i n t e l l e c t u a l climate might not contribute to the discovery and s o c i a l recognition of these r e g u l a r i t i e s . Inkeles (73) believes that s o c i o l o g i s t s have abandoned the use of h i s t o r i c a l perspectives since Spencer and Weber es p e c i a l l y i n the emerging countries. His commentary i s not applicable to the older nations of Latin America, but i t i s true i n respect to a sociology of history. In the opinion of De Leon (29) history, i n Latin America, was developed e a r l i e r , and more extensively than i n North America. There are many reasons, two of them being that history confirmed the t r a d i t i o n a l values of those s o c i e t i e s and also reinforced a .national consensus O.f unity. T-82-So'cial mobility, education and the generation of values are linked i n society. The value system deter^ mines the rules that condition s o c i a l mobility, but the rules have exceptions even in a very closed society. Through education, the rules of mobility are i m p l i c i t l y or e x p l i c i t l y transmitted to the students. By attending 'some p a r t i c u l a r type of school, academy or university' the chance of future mobility for the student may be increased or decreased, /within the l i m i t s of the s o c i a l ^.struoture-. In a t r a d i t i o n a l l y conservative society, s o c i a l mobility i s low d u e t o s/trong/social, hbnds .among members,. In a society that i s going through a revolutionary change, the t r a d i t i o n a l patterns of s o c i a l mobility have been broken. I n i t i a l l y mobility may occur by accident, as well as through charismatic leadership, proven l o y a l t y , and hard work. In Chile s o c i a l mobility was considered possible by means of the educational process e s p e c i a l l y during 19 30's to^1960's. The development of a new middle class con-firmed this ideology. During the C h r i s t i a n Democratic government of F r e i (1964-70) t h i s ideology was e s p e c i a l l y developed. (Education and Popular Promotion). Later on a 'revolutionary c r i t e r i a of mobility' was established (Decoufle 27). In a society where some members are operating -83-r i t u a l i s t i c a l l y , s o c i a l mobility i s affected by a double standard. For the ' r i t u a l i s t i c * members of the society, promotion i s important because of immediate economic-political gain and psychological s a t i s f a c t i o n . The conformist members of that same society w i l l i n d i -cate that that type of mobility i s 'not legitimate' because i t did not follow the prescribed rules. Social mobility must transcend the immediate s a t i s f a c t i o n of economic and p o l i t i c a l gain; i t must be f u l l y j u s t i f i e d by a society as being i n the i n t e r e s t of the common good. In Chile t h i s i s the ideology sustained by the t r a d i t i o n a l conservatives. The function of education for them i s to teach the members of society how to transcend the r e l a t i v e importance of s o c i a l mobility. In the Spanish tragedy-comedy 'La Celestina',(Rojas 118) we can follow the t r a n s i t i o n of a closed t r a d i t i o n a l medieval value system as opposed to a new mercantile re-naissance mentality. In Chile many centuries l a t e r the difference between conservative and l i b e r a l s followed a simi l a r pattern. The conservative e l i t e were the land owners, the l i b e r a l s were involved i n commerce. A t r a d i t i o n a l conservative society can assimilate a certain degree of innovation i f this change does not seriously threaten the rules of s o c i a l mobility. A certain degree of innovation, r i t u a l i s m and even retreatism can be tolerated by the educational process i n -84-a t r a d i t i o n a l l y conservative society. Sometimes the degree of acceptance of this mode of adaptation by a t r a d i t i o n a l conservative society can become high be-cause the society feels threatened by the p o s s i b i l i t y of an uncontrolled revolutionary change. The conservative e l i t e i n Chile was f l e x i b l e , be-cause i t was open to useful innovations from early i n the republic. The French educational method of teaching l i t e r a t u r e was considered p o s i t i v e , but not so the con-tent of many st o r i e s , novels and essays.. A t r a d i t i o n a l l y progressive society i s one i n which innovation has become incorporated into the value system of that society. Even revolutionary concepts have be-come incorporated into a t r a d i t i o n . Thus losing'their." i n i t i a l force. The impact of the agrarian reform has l o s t i t s meaning i n Chile since i t was i n i t i a t e d nearly twenty years ago. Even marxist i n t e l l e c t u a l s l i k e Althusser are considered to become ' t r a d i t i o n a l 1 i n the use of s o c i a l structure i n opposition to a more dynamic and revolutionary concept of pure d i a l e c t i c s (4) . Revolutionary p o l i t i c a l parties do not escape the p o s s i b i l i t y of becoming i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d . The same may happen with education. In the Soviet Union, Anderson (6) explains,/ the)vcBncept'"t>"f Inborn intelligence' and its..,, empirical, v e r i f i c a t i o n through testing goes against the 'Marxist Theory'. Teachers may confuse laziness i n t h e i r -85-students with li m i t e d i n t e l l i g e n c e . Tradition i s a complex s o c i a l phenomenon that must be further studied i n order to understand i t s s o c i a l function. The concept and value of t r a d i t i o n has been extensively misused by p o l i t i c i a n s , economists, s o c i a l planners, educators and many other people. Social change needed to be h i s t o r i c a l l y j u s t i f i e d as p o s i t i v e . By extension a l l that was t r a d i t i o n a l was considered primitive, ignorant, oppressive, contradic-tory expressions of humanity. In the l a s t few years i n Chile a r e v i v a l of t r a d i -tions has occurred. The emphasis i s i n s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y . Social change must not disrupt law and order. The educational system follow the p o s s i b i l i t y of innovation i n the context of s o c i a l maintenance of t r a d i t i o n a l values. Innovation i s more e a s i l y accepted on the l e v e l of technology and methodology, than on the l e v e l of import-ant value systems. In education; ca l c u l a t o r machines, multiple choices-tests, f i e l d t r i p s are read i l y accepted; but the concept of the student paying for his or her own education goes against the established custom. I t i s only i n the l a s t few decades that s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s have become interested i n the po s i t i v e values of "minor and major' t r a d i t i o n s . Through the study of comparative a r t , history, r e l i g i o n , philosophy, education -86-and sociology we have found a 'well of wisdom', that contains the clear water of many t r a d i t i o n s . The concept of beauty i n the European Renaissance i s anthropocentric. The concept of beauty i n the sacred t r a d i t i o n of Tibet i s a subtle educational avenue to God (144). I t reminds us of the emptiness of s e l f , subject, object and achievement. Beauty, i s only that p a r t i c u l a r aspect of appearance that i s r e a d i l y accepted as a mani-festation of the ultimate i n our world. The anthropocentric concept, instead, i s based on the p r i n c i p l e that 'man i s the measure of a l l things'; beauty then becomes an es s e n t i a l human concept. In a society such as Chile;'/ where C h r i s t i a n i t y i s a strong t r a d i t i o n , the world as a creation of God i s taught i n many schools as having a sacred beauty. Traditions should be studied comparatively i n order to f i n d t h e i r differences and common roots; how they have evolved and have been influenced by 'modernization'. Traditions are established value systems. They have a cer t a i n degree of permanence i n society. Ideologies, customs, norms, rules, laws, are shared by groups, com-munities, and are passed on from generation to generation as part of the s o c i a l i z a t i o n and s o c i a l control process. In order to reinforce t r a d i t i o n s , society generates those material elements that are relevant to the tr a d i t i o n s themselves, such as cathedrals, museums, cemeteries, jewellery, f l a g s . Constitutions, etiquette, and heraldry -87-may also be considered among t r a d i t i o n s . Traditions give to society an established sense of d i r e c t i o n and purpose. In those s o c i e t i e s that are homogeneous, t r a d i t i o n often provides the only acceptable way of 'feeling and thinking'. In t h i s type of society the way of doing d i f f e r e n t things i s well set or prescribed. A t r a d i t i o n does not need to be completely l o g i c a l , consistent or even based on true empirical information. In other words, i t can become an interpretation or j u s t i -f i c a t i o n of r e a l i t y . In contrast, we often believe that our s c i e n t i f i c statements are l o g i c a l , consistent, and true.. We believe that r e a l i t y can be reduced to a posi-t i v i s t method. Many XIX and XX century s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s and philosophers have over-stressed the 'unreliable mythical' aspects of t r a d i t i o n s . Russell's ideas on science and r e l i g i o n are an example of how r e l i g i o u s t r a d i t i o n can be l o g i c a l l y demolished by science (122). N i c o l a i (107) encountered great d i f f i c u l t y i n the school of medicine of the University of Chile i n 1940's because his views were considered i n c o n f l i c t with the t r a d i t i o n a l world view. Free thinkers, l i b e r a l s , p o s i t i v i s t s , marxists and behaviorists have been challenged by the re-discovery of many posit i v e values found i n the old t r a d i t i o n s . In the f i e l d of cosmology and science we have Burckhardts (18) r-88-work; in C h r i s t i a n i t y and Marxism we can f i n d i n t e r e s t i n g data, i n the book of Gutierrez (5 7) . In the f i e l d of education, the integration of Christian values with Marxism was attempted i n some private Catholic schools i n Chile during 19 70 to 19 73. In complex s o c i e t i e s , t r a d i t i o n s may become less important as various sectors perpetuate d i f f e r e n t t r a d i -tions. I f the d i f f e r e n t t r a d i t i o n s compete with each other, i t means that there are p o s s i b i l i t i e s of question-ing the v a l i d i t y of a t r a d i t i o n as a rule of l i v i n g . I f the s o c i a l climate has c r y s t a l l i z e d , a ' p l u r a l -i s t i c ' view of society i s possible. When a certain de-gree of both manifest and l a t e n t integration has been reached i n a ' p l u r a l i s t i c society', then that l e v e l of integration becomes a ' t r a d i t i o n ' of the whole of that society. Since the 1900's i n Chile i t has become t r a d i t i o n a l to consider the .country"as ' p l u r a l i s t i c ' , p o l i t i c a l l y at f i r s t , and l a t e r i n 19 25, i n the areas:of r e l i g i o n and education. In close t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s , such as XVI century Japan, XVII century Paraguay, XIX century Tibet, d i f f u s i o n was considered as a threat, which must be avoided. The d i f f u s i o n of products, tools, fashions, customs created in many societi e s the beginning of change. In other t r a d i t i o n a l systems i t was considered possible -89-to have a lim i t e d and selective d i f f u s i o n of ideas and technologies. Some l i m i t e d German and French i n -fluence was permitted by the kings of Spain i n t h e i r colonies i n the XVIII century. In the l a t e r case i t becomes t r a d i t i o n a l to accept some contact with other cultures that are s p e c i f i c a l l y considered p o s i t i v e i n thei r influence. French and English contacts with Chilean society follow this pattern of d i f f u s i o n during the f i r s t four decades of the XIX century. On the contrary the Argen-t i n i a n having a strong suspicion of the English a f t e r the invasion of Montevideo and Buenos Aires, during the late XVIII century, did not follow the same pattern. The concept of t r a d i t i o n can vary; i t can change from conservative to revolutionary. Families that had t r a d i t i o n a l l y been of conservative e l i t e , such as Allende, Altamirano, Almeida, Pascal, L e t e l i e r , became re-volutionary. When we say that a family i s t r a d i t i o n a l l y innovative or revolutionary, we are thinking that many members of that family have been engaged i n developments in the f i e l d of technology or p o l i t i c s . When the concept of s o c i a l change became more and more legitimate i n our modern s o c i e t i e s , we began to assume that our interpretation of society had to become increasingly dynamic and comparative. Our s o c i a l i n -terpretation of r e a l i t y as well as the methods and tech-niques of investigation have to change as society changes. -90 This i s why i n many instances, we come to the conclusion that a t r a d i t i o n a l interpretation of society becomes out-moded, or i r r e l e v a n t . L e t e l i e r (88) a XIX century Chilean educator believed that the t r a d i t i o n a l conservative education was obscure and misleading. , I t i s possible nowadays to study t r a d i t i o n a l society i n the l i g h t of s o c i a l sciences. From a Chilean h i s t o r i -c a l point of view i t i s possible to determine 'how t r a d i -t i o n a l a society was and how i t has changed'. I t i s pos-s i b l e to investigate the persistence of t r a d i t i o n a l ways and values, t h e i r modification, or t h e i r obsolescence. This i s not an easy task i n a society as Chile, where the public opinion i s well established i n regards to the pos i t i v e or negative values of t r a d i t i o n . This i s a revolutionary way of studying t r a d i t i o n s , by the assumption that t r a d i t i o n i s not a universal and permanent set of truths that transcend time and space. Trad i t i o n a l values become non-sacred. Traditions are considered to be r e l a t i v e , changeable and applicable to a s p e c i f i c society; so through this new dynamic, the s c i e n t i f i c method can create a better explanation of the human phenomenon. Some modern t r a d i t i o n a l thinkers do not agree with an unrestricted s c i e n t i f i c approach; they deny i t on the grounds that 'change', and c u l t u r a l re-la t i v i s m ' do not necessarily constitute progress (Satsvarupa 126) . Through a s o c i o l o g i c a l interpretation of, history and l i t e r a t u r e we may be able to i d e n t i f y what i s t r a d i -t i o n a l i n Chilean society. Then we s h a l l show how edu-cation operated as a t r a d i t i o n a l force or as an element of s o c i a l change. We may be able to f i n d the d i f f e r e n t types of t r a d i t i o n s , t h e i r o r i g i n s , t h e i r s o c i a l im-portance and how they are interconnected. I f we explore further we may f i n d that some tr a d i t i o n s have been modi-f i e d , or even become obsolete, or i n some cases may have been r e - v i t a l i z e d . We s h a l l f i n d i t is important to examine a non-tradi-t i o n a l perspective and d e f i n i t i o n of the Chilean t r a d i -t i o n a l society. Thus the revolutionary approach w i l l look at other s o c i a l elements i n a d i f f e r e n t perspective. Medina-Echavarria (98) i s e s p e c i a l l y interested i n the problem of s o c i a l change, in the structure of power in government, in the conservative and l i b e r a l culture, and how s o c i a l c o n f l i c t emerged i n Latin America. Garcia (40) considers Rostow's economic and s o c i a l propositions.for Latin America as a 'new s o c i a l contract' that i s f u l l of t r a d i t i o n a l contradictions. Rostow follows the concept of i n d u s t r i a l development t i e d to a market economy. Rostow constructed a new theory on a mistaken basis: that the European and North American values are applicable to the Latin American r e a l i t y . The i d e o l o g i c a l d i s -t o r t i o n i s not only t y p i c a l of the c a p i t a l i s t sector of the world but i s also projected by the 'communist orthodoxy'. Germani (5 3) develops six stages of s o c i a l change that go from 'the t r a d i t i o n a l society' to the 'popular national revolution'. In his works he i s able to es- :." t a b l i s h the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l influences between diverse countries i n Latin America. The educational phenomenon i s related i n a peculiar way to these stages; i t does not flow so e a s i l y from one stage to the other as the p o l i t i c a l or economic phenomena way. The educational process may be considered as a more s t a t i c s o c i a l phenomenon. A Chilean s o c i o l o g i c a l interpretation of the edu-cational process requires the understanding of the history of s o c i a l thought of that country together with an analysis of the permanence or impermanence of those s o c i a l conditions that have generated those value systems. The methodology that we have developed previously can be summarized as follows: 1. The comparative method i s an advanced procedure of investigation that requires c a r e f u l planning together with a substantial amount of relevant description. 2. The descriptive approach i s a r e l a t i v e l y simple method, that prepares conditions for a future comparative method. This approach i s more suitable at this stage for the Chilean edu-cational r e a l i t y . In order to enrich the descriptive approach a theore t i c a l skeleton must be formulated. As a r e s u l t of a descriptive approach and theoreti c a l skeleton a framework i s generated. The s p e c i f i c t h e o r e t i c a l skeleton that w i l l be used i s the s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l i s t theory. As a r e s u l t of this procedure the framework w i l l generate a p o s s i b i l i t y of an h i s t o r i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l interpretation of the Chilean t r a d i t i o n a l value system as defined by Manheim. (94) . -94-CHAPTER TEN X V I I I C E N T U R Y I N C H I L E A new dynasty i n Spain succeeded the Hapsburgs i n this century. The French Bourbons imposed i n Spain a sty l e of government 'an enlightened despotism', a kind of bene-volent paternalism product of a centralized benign monarchy. Many important s o c i a l and economic reforms were i n -troduced during t h i s century i n Spain and i n the American colonies. The material standard of l i v i n g of the colonies was improved, as well as the a v a i l a b i l i t y of education. Many new u n i v e r s i t i e s and academies were created. In Chile were created the university of San Felipe (1757), the Caroline I n s t i t u t e (1778), and the Indu s t r i a l Academy of San Luis (1797). In the opinion of L e t e l i e r (89) a l i b e r a l XIX century educator and philosopher, the Spanish u n i v e r s i t i e s i n the colonies, far from being pro-gressive, were actually h o s t i l e . These u n i v e r s i t i e s did not even include elements of the new i n t e l l e c t u a l enlightment that were being developed i n Europe, which were f u l l of Catholic dogmatism. The XX century historians have modified t h e i r opinions; some of them believe that the XVIII century i n s t r u c t i o n was very p o s i t i v e (Eyzaguirre 37) , that.on. the contrary i f generated a -95-posi t i v e academic and ar t i s a n movement i n C h i l e . These his t o r i a n s , including the ' l i b e r a l ' Encina, considered that the 'black legend of Spain' of the XIX century was created by the B r i t i s h to undermine the l o y a l t y of the Spanish colonies i n America. Many l i b e r a l p o l i t i c i a n s , h istorians and educators such as Santa-Maria, L a s t a r r i a , and L e t e l i e r , considered that many negative values were established i n education during the time when Chile was a Spanish colony. Numerous l i b e r a l thinkers and p o l i t i c i a n s of the XIX century 'believed that the conservatives'have inherited such 'attributes" as intolerance, narrow mindness, i n f l e x i b i l i t y i n accepting ^ change "ftorn Spain.! '..:", In 176 7 a royal decree came to Santiago-Chile from Madrid, expelling a l l the Jesuits from the Spanish colonies. There were two main reasons for t h i s : f i r s t , the new Bour-bon dynasty considered that anything that challenged the absolute power of the monarchy was impossible to tolerate; second, the expulsion of the Jesuits served the interests of the progressive ministers of the king because they l o s t power and prestige i n Spain. The count of Aranda, favourite minister of Charles the I I I , followed the r a t i o n a l i s t ideas of the I l l u s t r a -t ion. The same happened i n Portugal and Naples. The t r a d i t i o n a l i s t and progressive e l i t e benefitted p o l i t i c a l l y from the expulsion of the Jesuits from - * those kingdoms. There are two important e f f e c t s i n Chile of the expulsion of the Jesuits: f i r s t i t c o n s o l i -dated further power i n the Castillian-Basque aristocracy through the acq u i s i t i o n of excellent a g r i c u l t u r a l lands which had been i n the hands of the Jesu i t s . Second , i t generated a vacuum i n the tr a i n i n g of artisans, and in the educational system. Some hist o r i a n s , such as Eyzaguirre have given >" de t a i l s of how the exodus of the Jesuits (3 7) meant at le a s t 50 years of educational stagnation i n Chile. These Jesuits were prominent n a t u r a l i s t s and educators, men such as Lacunza, Olivares, Vidaurre, Molina, who could have made s i g n i f i c a n t contributions to education. In 1767 the Jesuits had co l l e c t e d a l i b r a r y of 21,000 books that was l a t e r dispersed through Chile; some of the books were not •>used;until the i;university ; in{Chile was created in 1842. The 'Castillian-Basque 1 aristocracy became a c o l o n i a l e l i t e of the i r own, and during the c o n f l i c t of the i n -dependence from Spain (1810-1818) constituted a s t a b i l i -zing force. This e l i t e had a certain degree of experience i n self-government and s o c i a l order. I t was able to generate the basis for a stable government, and a sense of p o l i t i c a l continuity that was maintained, with many l i b e r a l innovations, u n t i l the c i v i l - war of 1891. - 9 7 -In 180 3 there were 9 private schools i n Santiago attended by 400 primary students. Black children could not attend, but the schools were open to a l l white and 'mixed blood' children. The children whose families paid regular' fees, had the f i r s t row seats i n the class, and were referred to with the formal you "usted" i n con-t r a s t with the familar "tu" given to the children whose families were not able to pay the f u l l fees. The next step in' education was considered a special p r i v i l e g e that few could reach. Less than 100 students, a l l male, and of well-to-do families studied grammar, l a t i n , l i t e r a t u r e , r e l i g i o n and s o c i a l graces. Punishment was severe, obedience was s t r i c t i n the Colonial education in the Consistorio Carolino I n s t i t u t e . Frias (44), has indicated that the educational methods used i n the colonies of Spain were no d i f f e r e n t from the ones used i n the rest of Europe at the time. I t was not so much a problem of philosophy and methods of education but of the underdeveloped material conditions in which education was dispensed i n as poor a colony as Chile. Because of li m i t e d f i n a n c i a l resources i t took ten years for the University of San.Felipe to have i t s f i r s t students. During the c o l o n i a l period Chile was a closed society, the value system Afollowing the Spanish traditional-..^ pattern of those days, such as the concept of honour, - 9 8 -paternalism, obedience and r e l i g i o n . Some members of the e l i t e were suspicious of an •excessive education' that would disturb the good judg:-:.' ment, i n t e g r i t y and w i l l power of the i n d i v i d u a l . What we have learnt from our forefathers i s good enough for us, as i t was for them, was the opinion of many fathers of prominent families. A'few decades a f t e r Chile became independent even the conservative f r a c t i o n of the e l i t e changed i t s views. Medina (9 7)/, compiled and researched many documents that have not been interpreted yet by modern historians and s o c i o l o g i s t s . We can fin d l e t t e r s , l e g a l documents, inventories, that give use an in d i c a t i o n of the very con-servative attitudes that were expressed by many members of the e l i t e during the second half of the XVIII century. The conservative and l i b e r a l historians of the XIX and XX century have not. explored those very conservative opinions i n any:.great extent. The very conservative values held by the XVIII century e l i t e i n Chile were no longer the conservative values held by the e l i t e i n Chile during the XIX and XX century. Some of the world views had changed, even i n the sector of public opinion that labels i t s e l f as t r a d i t i o n a l . We r e a l i z e that a variety of t r a d i t i o n a l values i n p o l i t i c s , r e l i g i o n , philosophy and education during the XIX and XX century originated i n Europe centuries before, -99-but we must remember that new t r a d i t i o n s are frequently being generated. I t i s possible for old and new t r a d i t i o n s to integrate either t o t a l l y or p a r t i a l l y . In Chile the concept of republic was new i n 1818, but i t soon became incorporated p o l i t i c a l l y . A 'republican education' was considered to be necessary for every Chilean; i t became very soon an accepted value. The influence of the Castillian-Basque aristocracy in the r e b e l l i o n , and the war of independence was funda-mental. The Republic was created, and consolidated i n the next twenty years. The constitu t i o n of 1833 was e f f e c t i v e u n t i l 1924. The continuity of governments, formally elected by the voters became t r a d i t i o n a l . Many other countries i n Lati n America suffered a permanent anarchy. Ostria-Gutierrez (109) Arguedas (7), and Palacio (110) go into the d e t a i l s of why in B o l i v i a and Argentina-.-, p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y has been common since t h e i r i n -dependence of Spain. In essence the m i l i t a r y was the only power l e f t i n those countries to replace the vacuum l e f t by the c o l o n i a l government of Spain. The Catholic church i n Rome was o f f i c i a l l y against c o l o n i a l independence; -Very few members of the Argentinian and Bolivian clergy, therefore participated a c t i v e l y i n the government of the new republics. The Chilean clergy took a d i f f e r e n t point of view. The influence of the Catholic Church was posit i v e i n the early Chilean republic. -100-Encina (36) explains that a g r i c u l t u r a l production decreased during the f i r s t twenty f i v e years of the republic, because of the independence war. I t was only i n 1836 that a g r i c u l t u r a l production rose to the standards of 1800's. The educational process, on the contrary, flourished immediately a f t e r the independence from Spain. New educational establishments such as the I n s t i t u t o Nacional, were created following the progressive ideas of the new republic. -101-CHAPTER ELEVEN XIX CENTURY IN CHILE Manuel de Salas created the academy of San Luis in 1797. Mathematics, topography and drawing, Spanish were some of the subjects taught i n that school. During the war of independence, 1813, the I n s t i t u t o Nacional was created by de Salas, Henrigues and Egana. The Ins t i t u t o Nacional, a combination of high school and university, became the f i r s t educational establishment of the new republic. Later on other high schools were created following the model of the I n s t i t u t o Nacional. I f we examine the Independence movement i n Chile we s h a l l f i n d d i f f e r e n t tendencies. There was one rather small faction, l o y a l to the king so Spain; another sector was l o y a l to the Spanish Assembly of Cadiz, a metropolitan l i b e r a l parliament; and a ' d i s t i n c t extreme group was formed by independent republicans. In 1810 the majority of the Chilean notables, follow-ing c l o s e l y the p o l i t i c a l ideas of the Spanish Assembly of Cadiz, voted for self-government. With the defeat of Napoleon, absolute monarchy was more firmly established i n Spain than i n any country of Europe with the exception of A u s t r i a . The Spanish monarchy challenged by force the s e l f -government of i t s American colonies. Meanwhile strong new -102-ideologies imported from a l i b e r a l Spain, together with a republican influence of the U.S. which had affected the opinions of the Chilean e l i t e . Later on, some l i b e r a l thinkers and educators such as Mora, immigrated to Chile as a consequence of p o l i t i c a l persecution i n Spain. Mora was able to estab l i s h a school i n Santiago 'El Liceo de Chil e ' which followed a French approach to education. Soon the con-servative government, through i t s minister, Portales, did a l l i t could to eliminate a l i b e r a l type of education. The concept of a republic i n Chile was soon con-solidated m i l i t a r i l y , p o l i t i c a l l y and i d e o l o g i c a l l y . The bat t l e of Maipu i n A p r i l of 1818 was a decisive v i c t o r y over the Spanish armies; the same year a republican con-s t i t u t i o n was drafted..' For Chile to become independent from Spain meant the p o s s i b i l i t y of creating i t s own responsible government. For many years the republic upheld t r a d i t i o n a l values and i n s t i t u t i o n s t y p i c a l of the Spanish monarchy: the president of the: republic had the 'right of patronage' i n lower and higher tribunals, i n the a f f a i r s of the church, i n the m i l i t a r y organizations, i n the important corporations such as the University of Chile, and even i n the academies of ar t . These prerogatives changed with time. Some of them however are s t i l l applicable. -103-Feliu-Cruz (38) uses several examples to i l l u s t r a t e how customs and i n s t i t u t i o n s that were t y p i c a l of the co l o n i a l period, were operating well into the XIX century i n C h i l e . The r i g h t of primogeniture, of t i t l e s of n o b i l i t y and the use of coats of arms were only abolished i n the 1830's. The class system, and the r u r a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of land followed very much the same pattern as i n the second h a l f of the XVIII century. The family unit was used to main-tain the closed class system. Feliu-Cruz refers to Castillian-Basque aristocracy as having many virtues and shortcomings. I t i s true that they were Industrious but they were nottirfterestedtin:scheoMngir, , "May God give you fortune, because knowledge w i l l not help you" was a customary expression. The Castillian-Basque considered themselves frugal and persevering; t h i s i s because they had a po s i t i v e and p r a c t i c a l outlook i n l i f e . They were considered to be honest and scrupulous, with a well developed sense of honour, f a i t h f u l to t h e i r word, and consistent i n the formation of t h e i r ideas. Feliu-Cruz considers that as a whole the C a s t i l l a n -Basques were egoists, and were not concerned with the lower classes. Only when extreme cases or situations developed had they a f e e l i n g of s o l i d a r i t y with members of the -104-lower classes. Encina (34) i n his two volumes of the l i f e of Diego Portales, describes the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l values that were consolidated during the f i r s t two decades of the republic. These values became the guide l i n e s for the new Chilean state. President Prieto and his ministers, Portales, Tocornal, Rengifo, contributed to the creation of the basic p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l philosophy that would influence Chile up to the present. Authority should only serve the common good of the nation. The concept of common good was often i m p l i c i t l y related to the interests of the r u l i n g c l a s s . Sometimes i t was expressly stated by the incometax law: of 1934 that every /member of- society had to pay taxes i n proportion to his.wealth. The Chilean authorities were able to impose a regular income tax system through a well organized professional public i n s t i t u t i o n . The state became a centralized and powerful agent of finance. Later on thi s trend became i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d ; the government became a major agent i n determining economic, i n d u s t r i a l , a g r i c u l t u r a l and edu-cational p o l i c i e s . Individuals who held public o f f i c e had to be able to eliminate or postpone t h e i r personal ambition for fame, wealth and power. A considerable number of Chilean p r e s i -dents and ministers found themselves i n that predicament. We can think of many instances i n which they ended their -105-public o f f i c e poorer than when they had started. -Such were Presidents M. Montt and A. Pinto. The latent function of t h i s p o l i t i c a l custom i s re-lated o r i g i n a l l y to a conservative value system; those members of the e l i t e who have to serve the republic i n a public capacity do not need that o f f i c e to become r i c h and famous. On the contrary the honour of f u l f i l l i n g t h eir public duty i s t h e i r reward. The conservatives believed that 'newcomers* were the ones who abused public o f f i c e for t h e i r own benefit. P o l i t i c a l power was being used i n some cases as a ladder of s o c i a l mobility. The members of the l i b e r a l parties i n Chile followed b a s i c a l l y the same idea. Frias explains how the Chilean presidents during the "parliamentary republic"of 1891-1924 were interested i n serving the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i n t e r e s t s of the nation before t h e i r own (44). The l i b e r a l ideologies i n C h i l e , were p o l i t i c a l , economic, educational innovations that generated important s o c i a l change, but that i n many ways s t i l l maintained the old t r a d i t i o n established e a r l i e r i n the republic. The patriotism that Portales developed was extremely n a t i o n a l i s t i c i n comparison to the 'Chilean-American' patriotism of O'Higgins; the l a t t e r was operating i n a d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r i c a l moment. O'Higgins, had to confront the powerful Spanish presence i n Peru. Argentina and Chile together had to l i b e r a t e Peru from i t s c o l o n i a l t i e s from Spain. - 1 0 6 -San Martin was an Argentinian general who p a r t i -cipated a c t i v e l y i n the independence of Argentina, Chile and Peru. San Martin's patriotism was continental. To-gether" with Boiivar_he. worked "for "a united states i'~ of Hispano-America. Chile i i i the la t e 1830's was confronted by an absorbing Peruvian-Bolivian Confederation, that also threatened the very weak and anarchic Argentine republic. A strong Chilean nationalism ^developed. -".-The'" in-, habitants of Chile became proud of having a s tab re: .republic; new l i b e r t i e s and self-determination became possible. The concept of country was t i e d to the geographical and ethnical concept of nation. Chileans believe that they form a separate ethnic group. The l a t t e r was con-sidered at the time as being the strongest factor; the geographical element had never been c l e a r l y established during the l i f e of the Colony; i t was a new challenge that had to be met. The new nation, had to defend i t s e l f and even took the i n i t i a t i v e of going to war against the Peruvian-Bolivian Confederation. This war was well organized; i t developed p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y leadership, and generated the fe e l i n g of n a t i o n a l i t y not only i n the upper class of society but also for the ordinary people, the common sol d i e r s . -107-The b a t t l e of Yungay (Jan. 20th 18 39) became a symbol of n a t i o n a l i t y for " e l roto Chileno", or the poor peasant, who had the opportunity then to develop h i s s k i l l s , his dreams of adventure, and his feelings of self-importance. I t has since become t r a d i t i o n a l . f o r the Chilean workers to meet at the Yungay plaza, every 20th of January. Very few middle and upper class members of Chilean Society p a r t i c i p a t e i n these celebrations. The r u l i n g e l i t e i n the XIX century encouraged these popular celebrations .as ah-expression of 'spontaneous popular democracy'. I t was sometime i n the early XX century that these celebrations began to have a p o l i t i c a l connotation of t h e i r own. The s o c i a l i s t workers would organize a public demonstration p a r a l l e l to the t r a d i t i o n a l celebration. Portales, considered himself a r e a l i s t ; he admired the ' p r a c t i c a l s p i r i t of the English' and believed the Chileans to be 'the English of America'. Portales was able however to i d e n t i f y a weakness of the 'Chilean mentality', and t h i s was enough to generate the s o c i a l conditions favourable to a p o s i t i v e change. He was convinced that laws and constitutions do- not:mould,a. country, but that a country creates those laws and constitutions that are necessary. Portales had l i m i t e d f a i t h i n p o l i t i c a l ideo-logies. The conservative e l i t e followed t h i s pattern of thought. I t rejected the l i b e r a l value system as too r - 1 0 8 . -t h e o r e t i c a l f i d e a l , inconsistent and . accbmmbda ting . Conservatives believed that e t h i c a l p r i n c i p l e s ought to be applied not because they were be a u t i f u l but be-cause they were necessary (Encina 34). The Chilean e l i t e of that period (1830-1840) '• thought they had i d e n t i f i e d i n Latin America two negative p o l i t i c a l developments that they wished to avoid. The f i r s t one was the attempt to create c o n s t i t u t i o n a l monarchies that i n d i r e c t l y would be influenced by the European powers of that time; and the second was the permanent stage of p o l i t i c a l anarchy i n which many countries found themselves. A well established republic with an e f f i c i e n t and strong executive power (iie'.the president and ministers) 1 was considered the best p o l i t i c a l solution for C h i l e . A democratic system of government was considered by the conservatives of that period as not yet possible to implement i n C h i l e . The government t r a d i t i o n a l l y became authoritarian. The president of the republic had the informal power to influence the e l e c t i o n of the members of parliament. This influence diminished at the end of the XIX century, when new p o l i t i c a l forces opposed this practice p a r t i -c u l a r l y at the time of Balmaceda. The authoritarian concept of government was based on the following concepts: •. ... _ - \\ -109-that God was the source of a l l power and that he de-legated that power to the King. The King was therefore believed to be i n f a l i b l e i n secular matters even i f his subjects did not always agree. Many orders given by the central authorities i n the metropolis was considered l o c a l l y as impractical. I t was d i f f i c u l t for Spain to control the implementaiton of these d i s p o s i t i o n s . Orders given by the executive power i n Chile could now be c l e a r l y established; they followed a consistent pattern and were c a r e f u l l y put i n -to p r a c t i c e . Portales was a r e a l i s t so he was c a r e f u l to give orders that could be obeyed (Marin 96). Tyrants were considered to be unpredictable, inconsistent and unreal A" y i n giveing orders; as a consequence of t h i s p o l i t i c a l re-pression, r e b e l l i o n and anarchy were rampant, according to Portales. The Chilean e l i t e considered that a permanent chain of succeeding dictatorships reinforced the p o l i t i c a l f r u s t r a -tion of society. In order to avoid t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y , we have mentioned before,' taking public o f f i c e was considered a duty of the c i t i z e n and a way of serving his country with honour and dignity, rather than a method of attaining fame and riches. This was the t r a d i t i o n a l psychological framework from which a puritan value system was generated. -110-The puritan ethic applies not only to the P-ro-testant countries. In the Catholic world there was a s i m i l a r movement and i n Chile a very peculiar and l o c a l variety that i s worthwhile mentioning. The conservative educational system follows this trend with Egana, Tocornal, Sazie, Blest and many other educators and p o l i t i c i a n s . In order to consolidate an 'objective and consistent' method of giving orders, the Chilean e l i t e developed the concept of republican law. The concept of law was already t r a d i t i o n a l , i n the colony. The Spaniards had used i t extensively as decrees, edicts, ordinances and canons. During the new republic, innovations were introduced. The concept of natural law that had been developed i n Europe during the XVIII century was introduced i m p l i c i t l y to oppose the old divine r i g h t monarchical concept of law. E x p l i c i t l y republican law was used to generate s o c i a l order. This s o c i a l order created an e f f e c t i v e mechanism of s o c i a l c o n t r o l . Portales, according to G i l , (54) used the picturesque expression 'the. weight of r i g h t ' , when he referred to the Chilean t r a d i t i o n a l obedience to the law, that had been established, through centuries of Spanish domination. The Chilean e l i t e r e a l i z e d that laws now had to be created within the l o c a l society. Chile became a highly l e g a l i z e d society as the XIX century progressed. During the XX century the c o d i f i -cation of laws, decrees and other l e g a l documents became - I l l -very complex. The s o c i a l function of the la,w i n many i n -stances according to Novoa-Monreal (10 8), was displaced and used as a mechanism to i n h i b i t s o c i a l change. Many examples could be given to i l l u s t r a t e the way i n which the l e g a l system i n Chile acted as a mechanism of s o c i a l c o n t r o l . The growing middle class i n Chile during the govern-ments of Aguirre, Rios and Gonzalez (1938-1952) began to use the leg a l system i n the i r favour. Upward mobility was open to some members of the middle cl a s s . The government was now able to place some of i t s middle class representa-tives i n banks, companies and important industries (74). The middle class was able to consolidate i t s position by res t r a i n i n g the s o c i a l mobility of the lower classes, by using the leg a l system. Two other examples that follow s i m i l a r patterns are the l e g a l opposition of the governments of Balmaceda (1891) and Allende (19 7 3) . In spite of both governments being h i s t o r i c a l l y quite d i f f e r e n t both had acted against the established l e g a l order, which has been t r a d i t i o n a l l y very strong i n C h i l e . The government of the republic had to be strong according to the t r a d i t i o n a l conservative concept. This had been possible according to Edwards (33) because Chile had been one of the most t r a d i t i o n a l countries of Hispano America, the government had to be placed above any p o l i t i c a l party (Joxe 75). ^112^ Edwards (33) indicates that for twenty years an -oligarchy did not oppose the autocratic power of the 'jfresident of C h i l e . The c o n f l i c t began during the 1850's and ended with the c i v i l war of 1891. The Chilean oligarchy was made up of a feudal class, owners of the land, and a new emerging class of r i c h burgeois. The majority of the 'Conservatives i n early days followed the concept of a strong executive, but the l i b e r a l ideology began slowly to .(elude t h e i r a b s o l u t i s t tendencies. And yet the l i b e r a l presidents of Chile Erra z u r i z , Santa Maria and Balmaceda followed an authoritarian l i n e of government with increasing d i f f i -c u l t i e s . The authoritarian p o l i t i c a l system inaugurated by Portales i n 1830's developed two concepts: the government had to be respected and be respectable at the sametime. The f i r s t concept meant that the government had to be honoured by a l l c i t i z e n s of the republic. The second concept meant that the government had to be able to generate esteem from the c i t i z e n s . The re-lationship between both concepts was considered r e c i -procal . -113-In an absolute:,' \monarchy' of divine "right, i n Europe the respect for the king i s supposed to originate from the idea that i t was God's w i l l that must be unconditionally respected by the subjects of the king. In contrast the re-publican idea of respect for authority became more dynamic because i t recognized an element of r e c i p r o c i t y between government and governed. Portales, believed i n a parliamentary opposition i n p o l i t i c a l practice, but i t s discussion had to be circum-scribed to the concrete and p r a c t i c a l solution of problems. I t also became t r a d i t i o n a l that the army was essen-t i a l l y obedient to l e g a l l y established authority. The army had the duty to preserve the laws and constitution of the republic; i t also had to defend the country against i t s foreign enemies. Joxe (75) indicates that i n the XX century, i n the majority of cases, even i n c r i t i c a l s i t u a t ions, i t was not necessary for the army to act i l l e g a l l y i n order to f u l -f i l l the goals of an increasingly persistent middle c l a s s . I t was s u f f i c i e n t for the armed forces to exert pressure' i n order to do this,. The m i l i t a r y p e r i o d i c a l l y reminded the government of i t s presence, without even having to get out of i t s d a i l y routines. I t was very d i f f e r e n t from XVIII century Spanish armies. The oligarchy l i b e r a t e d i t s e l f from the autocratic p r e s i d e n t i a l system i n 1891 with the aid of the navy; the -114-middle class l i b e r a t e d i t s e l f from the o l i g a r c h i c parliamentary system i n 1924 with the aid of the army. The armed forces then have been, for Joxe, a progressive factor of s o c i a l change i n C h i l e . C h i l e , i n spite of i t s h i s t o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n of order and pro-gress, does not escape the common destiny of the Latin American countries of having to follow a c a p i t a l i s t system of production. I t has always been a question hether or not the armed forces accept a s o c i a l i s t government i n the future? Joxe answered i n 19 70 by say-ing i t would depend on the p o l i c i e s of the popular forces i n conjunction with the international p o l i t i c s of the superpowers (75). His perspective was p o l i t i c a l ; he over-looked the t r a d i t i o n a l patterns of culture which are determined by history. S c i e n t i f i c prediction becomes i n -creasingly d i f f i c u l t when we are dealing with complex s o c i a l phenomena i n any society. Value systems tend to operate s t a t i c a l l y without being questioned once they have been established as a t r a d i t i o n . I t has been possible to explore other con-servative t r a d i t i o n s i n Chile that have influenced strongly the r e l a t i o n s h i p between culture and s o c i a l structure. A benevolent paternalism was established by the Chilean aristocracy during the XVIII century. The basic s o c i a l unit was the extended family, that operated i n a -115-homogeneous and closed community of land owners. The f e r t i l e central valley of Chile gave o r i g i n to this r u r a l aristocracy, which gradually emigrated to the urban centres i n v. the XIX century. Encina (36), following i m p l i c i t l y the geographical determination of Le Play (87) emphasizes the importance of the d i s t r i b u t i o n ahd ex p l o i t a t i o n of land, with the creation of a p a t e r n a l i s t i c society. The concept of ownership i n i t s p a t r i a r c h a l connotation which influenced the Chilean i n d u s t r i a l bourgeois during the late XIX century, s t i l l had a very strong value according to Broderson (16) i n 1968. The i n d u s t r i a l concept of property i s dynamic; i t i s related to the e f f i c i e n t and massive transformation of raw material into finished products. The concept of ownership i n Chile followed a p r e - c a p i t a l i s t function-maintenance and not innovation. V e l i z (149) adds to the conservative concept of property, the Chilean expression of l i b e r a l i s m . In spite of Chile • not being able to generate an i n d u s t r i a l re-volution, as had occurred i n Europe and U.S.A. i t imported , the concept of a free market. In 1855 the French economist Courcelle-Seneuil recommended a free market system for the Chilean economy. Li b e r a l thinkers l i k e L e t e l i e r rejected very strongly the 'archaic educational ideas' of the old aristocracy'(89 j1'. A profusion of l i b e r a l philosophers, economists and -116-p o l i t i c i a n s had an optimistic view of the future of mankind. Encina (36) believed that L e t e l i e r ' s philosophy of education was misleading. L e t e l i e r counted on the 'simultaneous development of a l l the human f a c u l t i e s , the p l a s t i c i t y of a l l human aptitudes' i n the student. I t was a distorted l i b e r a l i nterpretation that had nothing to do with the s o c i o l o g i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l r e a l i t y of C h i l e . Encina was able to recognize i n the 1920's that the l i b e r a l interpretation of r e a l i t y i n r e l a t i o n to economic productivity and education lacked an h i s t o r i c a l , psycho-l o g i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l perspective. When Chile imported the German concepts of education (1883-1889), d i s c i p l i n e and hard work were imposed on the students by the germanic teachers; but students were not encouraged to develop f l e x i b i l i t y , imagination and introspection. The German approach towards education was considered by the parents of ^students, to be-very .rigid'., many of them even complained through, the newspapers. The German imperial method of education was p a r t i a l l y successful i n Chile. It was able to modify i n some students the t r a d i t i o n a l r e j e c t i o n towards manual work. A great proportion of technical and engineering students had o r i g i n a l l y studied i n German schools. -117-Some historians '(e.g.- Zorbas 161) trace, t h i s negative -attitude towards manual work i n Chile from the c o l o n i a l times, an attitude inherited from Spain. This t r a d i t i o n originated from the Spanish-Andalusian during the Arab domination of the Iberian peninsula, approximately 700 years. Domeyko, a Pol i s h l i b e r a l refugee from the Russian repression of 1830, influenced the p o l i c i e s of the uni-v e r s i t y of Chile during 1867 to 18 83. He wanted to avoid the stimuli that would develop economic a c t i v i t y in the students, at the expense of th e i r s p i r i t u a l growth. His ideas in t h i s respect"follow a conservative pattern. Domeyko considered that the development of the Chilean economy had to support the philosophical values of edu-cation. The opposite was the t y p i c a l l i b e r a l perspective; the economy had to conditioned dinamically the values of education i n order to produce the expected s o c i a l change. The l i b e r a l Amunategui and Barros Arana a generation l a t e r made Domeyko's ideas t h e i r own. So, in conclusion, the unconditional value of the economic a c t i v i t y of man was challenged both by conservatives and l i b e r a l s i n Chile. The c a p i t a l i s t and Marxist ethics of work did not apply to Chile. The philosopies of education of the times encouraged - .the".spiritual growth.-of the;, student and teachers. In the l a s t 15 years in Chile university and high schools students have organized massive volunteer works - during -118-the summer months. I t i s becoming a new t r a d i t i o n for students to work in the r u r a l areas of the country. Students, teachers, peasants and members of the Corporation of Land Reform (CORA) organize work p r i o r i t i e s together with extensive recreational programs: soccer, dances, theatre and excursions. This has been maintained in spite of the re-cent p o l i t i c a l fluctuations in Chile. - . In order to eliminate the t r a d i t i o n a l d i s l i k e of manual work of the middle and lower middle class, new technical and vocational i n s t i t u t e s of education were created. In 1849 the school of Artisanswas created and l a t e r i n the 1950's t h i s became a Technical University (U.T.E.) that grew very quickly during the 1970's. This university had a strong technological and s o c i a l i s t orien-t a t i o n . Another conservative value that has influenced Chilean society i s the concept of centralized power i n the government, in business, i n education, and in industry. The c e n t r a l i -zation of the administration and modes of production have reinforced the value of a centralized system. I t has be-come a vicious c i r c l e . President Balmaceda (1886-1891) attempted to break the centralized system of government in C h i l e . He r e a l i z e d that there were important geographical d i s p a r i t i e s in the a g r i c u l t u r a l , i n d u s t r i a l and educational growth of the country. His plans were frustrated by the p o l i t i c a l and -119-s o c i o l o g i c a l conditions of the time. The paradox was that i n order to decentralize power he had to become authoritarian. The growing Chilean oligarchy opposed the concentration of p o l i t i c a l power i n the hands of the president; even th i s may have meant an eventual economic and educational decentraliza-t i o n . The oligarchy was not i n any case s p e c i a l l y i n -terested i n decentralizing and d i v e r s i f y i n g the economic and educational structure. Later on, when the p a r l i a -mentary oligarchy (1891-1924) was i n power, i t was care-f u l to maintain a centralized p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l .. system, and was a f r a i d of any excessive fragmentation of power. I f we examine the works of L e t e l i e r (88) Mac-Iver (103) and Venegas (150) that were retrospectively written i n 1896, 1900 and 1910, we can i d e n t i f y an i n -creasing c r i s i s i n the structure of power i n C h i l e . The excessive urban growth of the population without a corresponding development of the economic i n -frastructure, created a new form of s o c i a l c o n f l i c t . The educational system of the time was not yet able to create enough artisans and technicians. Mac-Iver singled out the deterioration of public morality as a central cause of the Chilean s o c i a l c r i s i s of the late 1890's. He believed that many of the Portal i a n virtues had been bypassed and public o f f i c e was used to obtain power, wealth and prestige. -120-What Mac-Iver did not r e a l i z e was that the l i b e r a l ideologies, had eroded the old conservative values. Personal gain and the opening of further opportunities was the new rule in the game of success. The impact of s o c i a l change was affe c t i n g both s o c i a l structures and value systems. Le s e l i e r and Venegas, in spite of the i r d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l extraction, coincide i m p l i c i t l y i n that the old concept of statism that was s t i l l very strong in Chile. Statism i s the idea that only government agencies can solve major s o c i a l problems. I t i s related to a p a t r i a r c h a l and centralized concept of authority, very t y p i c a l of the Spanish colony. In Chile statism had to become stronger than in B r a z i l and Argentina because the t r a d i t i o n a l e l i t e was economically weaker. In B r a z i l and Argentina the old t r a d i t i o n a l e l i t e were able to esta b l i s h a stronger owner-ship of land, commerce and industry in r e l a t i o n to — foreign c a p i t a l investments. As a consequence of t h i s , the conser-vative Chilean e l i t e had to become s o c i a l l y more f l e x i b l e (114) . The conservative Chilean e l i t e ; despised the new pluto-cracy of the 1860's; they resented foreign economic i n t e r -vention during and af t e r the war against Peru and B o l i v i a i n (1879-1883) and during the government of Balmaceda. It became customary for the t r a d i t i o n a l e l i t e to use the state as a source of f i n a n c i a l and economic guidance. -121-The state i n Chile became an innovative factor i n the pro-cess of s o c i a l change. The best example of modern times i s the State Corporation (CORFO) that was created i n 1940's as a powerful technical and financing i n s t i t u t i o n for many important private and public companies. According to the Chamber of Commerce of Chile (13) the private sector i s unable to i n i t i a t e the solution of any important economic and s o c i a l problem without assistance of the government. Coombs (21) in 19 64 was concerned with the de-velopment of i n d i v i d u a l i n i t i a t i v e by means of an adequate education. The t r a i n i n g of indiv i d u a l s capable of a l l types of leadership was e s s e n t i a l . Such individuals should be able to in t e r p r e t the complex problems of Latin America and project adequate solutions. Vasconi and Reca (14 8) both agree with Coombs that change i s necessary, but l a t e r oppose the n e o - c a p i t a l i s t method proposed by Coombs. Vasconi and Reca recognize the i n a b i l i t y of the work-man and even the middle class to generate t h e i r own actions without the i n i t i a l impulse of the state. T r a d i t i o n a l r e l i g i o u s values i n Chile followed the t y p i c a l pattern of the Catholic-counter reform. But t h i s was very much modified because, during the Spanish domination Chile was a remote colony with not too great an indigenous -122-population to convert. In Chile there were very few cases of heterodoxy examined by the In q u i s i t i o n . Catholicism during the f i r s t half of the XIX century was ' p r a c t i c a l and not f i n a n c i a l ' as i t had become in Peru and Mexico (154). Two incompatible conservative t r a d i t i o n s were co-existing l a t e n t l y i n the 1850's, the very old Medieval temporal prerogatives of the Church, and the XVIII century Spanish r e g a l i s t attitude towards the Church. The f i r s t one gave temporal autonomy to the Church within the state. The second t r a d i t i o n was established in Spain through the Bourbonic concept of monarchy, in which the Church had to submit to the c i v i l law of the country. In Chile the conservatives s p l i t up as a consequence of a power dispute between the Catholic Church and the Government. In the opinion of Edwards (33) t h i s r e l i g i o u s controversy contributed to the democratization of Chilean p o l i t i c s . Even l i b e r a l s s p l i t t h e i r opinions in the heat of the r e l i g i o u s questions. Not u n t i l 187 5 were many old and important e c c l e s i - . a s t i c a l prerogatives such as the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l tribunals of law, and the l e g a l capacity to perform marriage e l i -minated. It was not u n t i l 1925 that Church and State were separated by the new constitution, and the State became secular and neutral in r e l i g i o u s matters. -123-The University of Chile (1842) and the Ministry of Public Instruction were becoming increasingly mono-p o l i s t i c . Education was centralized and expressely state oriented. The constitution of 1833 and 1925 gave the state the exclusive prerogative to organize edu-cation i n Chile. Private education could e x i s t only when supervised by the state. As a r e s u l t of the conservative s p l i t and the i n -creasing l i b e r a l i z a t i o n of the Chilean society, the u l t r a -conservatives established a r e v i t a l i z e d private Catholic educational system, as evidenced by the Jesuits and- French Fathers i n 1853, Don Bosco i n 1887 and the Franciscans i n .1889 ' The Catholic University was created i n 1888, by the Archbishop Casanova. Since the University of Chile had disowned the Faculty of Theology, then the Catholic Uni-v e r s i t y established such a Faculty, which became very im-portant. In spite of the Catholic e f f o r t to create new private schools, the proportion of public schools grew during the XX centuryc',(Table 5]i. The "state had and the i d e o l o g i c a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n that permitted the development of a secular education. Paternalism was s t i l l strong during the f i r s t h a l f of this century i n Chile, i n spite of the growth of urban TABLE 5 Proportion of Public Schools as Compared with Private Schools Year Public Schools % Private Schools % 1854 51. 70 49. 30 1865 68.80 31.20 1875 70.90 29.10 1895 80.10 19.90 centres. The relationship between management and the white and blue c o l l a r workmen followed the old r u r a l t r a d i -t i o n a l patterns. Paternalism was an attitude of protection, superiority, compliance and leadership projected into the relationship with subordinate in d i v i d u a l s . In r e c i p r o c i t y , the sub-ordinate individuals related to t h e i r superior i n a s o c i a l pattern that reinforced t h e i r dependency, t h e i r r e l a t i v e incapacity to generate i n i t i a t i v e , and i n general t h e i r attitude of respect toward the superior. A s o c i a l interaction of t h i s nature generates famila^ i . r i t y on a well established l e v e l of s o c i a l expectation -125-that i s normally f u l f i l l e d with no major d i f f i c u l t i e s . Everybody i s clearly, placed in the s o c i a l system. And • yet the structure of society i s not completely closed because there are other avenues that can solve poten-t i a l c o n f l i c t s or s o c i a l checkmates. These t r a d i t i o n a l alternatives have an accepted value; they are the un-translatable expressions of "macuqueria" and " p i l l e r i a " . Both give some f l e x i b i l i t y to the r e l a t i o n s h i p between people and provide new alternative solutions to d a i l y problems. They become creative functions i n the t r a d i t i o n a l Chilean society and yet they are not supposed to surpass the basic structure of established order. They can operate at two lev e l s of simultaneously, by being able at the same time to improvise and anticipate the solution of problems and generate new actions. "Macuqueria" i n general requires certain status, broad experience i n l i f e , higher education and power. It generates a strategy of action that permits the use of s o c i a l and i n d i v i d u a l weaknesses; i t must create confidence and secrecy and even b u i l d up enthusiasm. The fulfilment of the plan i s done step by step, and requires a permanent rev i s i o n . " P i l l e r i a " requires a sense of humour, of slyness, the capacity to feign ignorance, and to surprise the victim, enemy or fr i e n d . This i n t e r a c t i o n i s short and intense. " P i l l e r i a " produces two simultaneous e f f e c t s -126-upon people and circumstances: i t lowers the defence mechanism, and i t by-passes some of the prescribed s o c i a l steps necessary to solve a problem. "Macuqueria" i s a d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l process which uses a l l possible loopholes of the prescribed s o c i a l methods (customs, norms and laws) to give a convenient and favourable solution to a problem. During the late XVIII century both "macuqueria" and " p i l l e r i a " were incorporated into the Chilean culture. In Spain " p i l l e r i a " had a somewhat d i f f e r e n t conno-tation than i n Chile. In Spain i t relates to the peasants. The Spanish "novela picaresca" i s a good s o c i o l o g i c a l source of information, on t h i s point together with the paintings of Velazquez and Goya, as further examples. In Spain " p i l l e r i a " had a negative value: i t was practiced by the destitute and the semi-criminal. In Chile " p i l l e r i a " has a pos i t i v e value; i t i s used by a l l s o c i a l classes as a non v i o l e n t means of outwitting authority; innovation instead of r e b e l l i o n . Children at school informally learn how to de-velop the a r t of " p i l l e r i a " . Clumsiness, r e p e t i t i o n and physical force must be avoided. The peer groups i n schools are often organized following d i f f e r e n t types of " p i l l e r i a " , e s p e c i a l l y i n the lower grades. We s h a l l describe two examples of high school " p i l l e r i a " : a history teacher states that he always has o r a l exams i n order to avoid student copying. The teacher - 1 2 7 -i n s i s t s that his method i s the best, so some of his students decide they must prove him wrong; they go to the school during the weekend and construct a secret hiding place i n the f l o o r of the classroom, i n which they can leave books open for the students who w i l l be examined o r a l l y . The " p i l l e r i a " normally fi n i s h e s when the students have proved t h e i r point; then they w i l l t e l l the teacher what has happened. A 'good teacher' re-acts calmly and agrees that i t was a good " p i l l e r i a " but that history i s more important than occasional " p i l l e r i a " . For more than two years a German teacher had i n s i s t e d on t o t a l punctuality for a l l the members of his classes. He would punish the whole class i f one student was l a t e . Many;;.students got together i n a party, and planned a " p i l l e r i a " . They were able to slow the clocks i n school, 10 minutes, i n such a way that t h e i r German teacher apparently arrived l a t e . His students indicated he was l a t e . When he l e f t the classroom, he found a l l the clocks in the school to be ten minutes faster than his watch. Next day the same happened. After the t h i r d day he r e a l i z e d that the time factor was r e l a t i v e and conventional; he changed his attitude toward c o l l e c t i v e punctuality and punished only the student who arrived l a t e to his classes. The value system of -128-c o l l e c t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of; the German teacher did not apply to the Chilean context. The students had used " p i l l e r i a " as a c u l t u r a l process to check ex-cessive authoritarian conformism. "Macuqueria arid " p i l l e r i a " were used both by con-servatives/ and liberals^ The l i b e r a l expression of these concepts was considered by the conservatives as ruthless, oportunist and shameful.- The conservative expression of "macuqueria" and " p i l l e r i a " was considered by the l i b e r a l s as i n f l e x i b l e and old fashioned. The influence of l i b e r a l i s m i n Chile was early, and i t continued through the XIX and XX century. Liberalism i n Europe evolved as a value system that had confronted many old tr a d i t i o n s r e l i g i o u s , philosophical and economic. The history of l i b e r a l i s m i s extensive and complex. There are many v a r i e t i e s of l i b e r a l i s m that have stemmed out of p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l and socio-l o g i c a l circumstances. During the f i r s t period, (1818-1833) l i b e r a l i s m was a new p o l i t i c a l force i n Europe. In Chile i n spite of the geographical distance from Europe l i b e r a l i s m began to spread i t s i d e a l s . Mora and his wife created two schools in 1828 i n -spired by the l i b e r a l ideas of th e i r times. Mora con-ducted a three year experiment i n a conservative milieu, -129-introducing his ow.n innovative ideas. If we follow Stuardo's (14 0) description of the history of the Liceo de Chile we f i n d a new philosophy of education stressed throughout the curriculum, the methods of education, and p o l i t i c a l doctrines that were e x p l i c i t l y or i m p l i c i t l y operating. The students and the teachers now had the p o s s i b i l i t y of exploring the cause and e f f e c t of the material presented. The new educational values became r a t i o n a l i s t and began to advance in the f i e l d of the 'natural sciences'. Ethics and r e l i g i o n were considered im-portant, and i n many ways followed the t r a d i t i o n a l Roman Catholic value system. And yet Edwards (3 3) i d e n t i f i e d a new expression of r e l i g i o n during the XIX century, a ' l i b e r a l form of r e l i g i o n ' , opposed i n many ways to the conservative concept of God. These l i b e r a l , values;were- ihf iltrating;'the.^ileanvspciety; God became non pr o v i d e n t i a l , abstract, symbolic; the world was governed by invariable and eternal laws; there was a s p i r i t u a l metaphysics but i t operated non dogmatically; .the king or president became a symbol of constitutionalism; the state became secularized, and the idea of country became associated with the concept of state; money became the standard of wealth, and marriage became a contract though s t i l l remaining i n -dissoluble . 130-It was only i n the second half; of the XIX century that l i b e r a l values began to have a p o l i t i c a l and edu-cational s i g n i f i c a n c e . In the 1840's Chile began to create a small but strong i n t e l l e c t u a l e l i t e of a r t i s t s , writers, philosophers, educators and s c i e n t i s t s . They have become known as the 'generation of 1842'. This e l i t e had an important i d e o l o g i c a l influence upon educational p o l i c i e s of the government, and the ex-pansion of democratic education. The conservative president Manuel Montt together with his educational advisor Sarmiento were determined to expand the edu-cational f a c i l i t i e s , methods and curriculum of Chilean education. Labarca (84) a. Chilean educator places great value on Sarmiento's work in democratizing Chilean edu-cation. Sarmiento did contribute s i g n i f i c a n t l y in the j u s t i f i c a t i o n and creation of a popular educational system i n C h i l e . But we must not forget the c o n t r i -bution of many other i n t e l l e c t u a l s such as Mora, Egana, Gay, who contributed to the new concepts of education. The expansion of the educational system i n Chile was possible during the period of 1840 to 1891 because of the combination of a variety of s o c i o l o g i c a l factors. The government declared o f f i c i a l l y that education was predominantly a_ function of the state. That meant that the state had power to originate and determine educational -131-p o l i c i e s . This capacity was challenged by the con-servatives when the governments became increasingly l i b e r a l i n education and i n p o l i t i c s at the end of the XIX century. A factor that was important i n the expansion of education was the i n f i l t r a t i o n of l i b e r a l and even s o c i a l i s t ideas into the conservative value system. If we study the content of laws, newspapers, books and parliamentary records of the time we can find i n -dications of a change of attitudes towards the value of education. In 18 36 a parliamentary committee stated that education must be r e s t r i c t e d to those who could l a t e r use i t to t h e i r advantage. In 1844 the attitude of the majority had changed i n parliament; i t was by means of education that individuals should be able to expand t h e i r opportunities of becoming good c i t i z e n s . (2). Very early in.the Chilean republic, the educational phenomena had become a recognized factor of s o c i a l change-P a r a l l e l to the l i b e r a l concept of education we have a s t a t i c structure of land ownership, that did not change substantially during the XIX and XX centuries, except during the l a s t twenty years (1958-1978). The contrast between an urban l i b e r a l educational system and a conservative r u r a l structure generated s o c i a l c o n f l i c t . -132-According to Labarca (84) i n the 1940's and to Chonchol (19) during the 1970's r u r a l education i n Chile had suffered a tremendous neglect i f we compare' i t with that i n the urban area. So we can i n many ways affirm that i n Chile, as well as i n many other Latin American countries there i s a co-existence of two d i f f e r e n t types of society, the urban and the r u r a l . Although Chile i s not an extreme example of this dichotomy, we cannot ignore this s o c i o l o g i c a l f a c t . Liberalism seems to be an urban p o l i t i c a l and economic phenomenon rather than a r u r a l s o c i a l expression. H i s t o r i c a l l y this has been so, i n Chile as i n many other countries of the world. Another factor that contributed to the expansion of education i n Chile during the period that we are analyzing was the need to create 'a strong, permanent and acceptable l e v e l of education 1, in order to maintain the i n i t i a l p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y superiority of the country i n com-parison with Peru, B o l i v i a and Argentina. The expansion of education then meant s o c i a l pro-gress and i t also meant that Chile had an i n t e l l e c t u a l and p o l i t i c a l hegemony in South America. At the end of the l a s t century Chile began to lose it s ' i nternational power i n South America. Godoy (55) -133-explalns that the 'parliamentary period' i n Chile (1891-1924) i s one of s o c i a l fragmentation, i n many ways ,6>f* s o c i a l regression... The;;jcphservcativer:a-rid ..liberal e l i t e s had to contend against the growing aspirations of the middle and lower classes. The expansion of the educational system of that period was p r a c t i c a l l y n i l . . L a s t a r r i a and a group of 'prominent c i t i z e n s ' formed the o f f i c i a l L i b e r a l party i n 1849. From that h i s t o r i c a l moment l i b e r a l i s m began to expand. In the 1860's i t gained p o l i t i c a l momentum and displaced the conservative party. In the f i e l d of economics Chilean l i b e r a l i s m , according to V e l i z (149), did not follow the t y p i c a l pattern. On the contrary, the economy, became very p r o t e c t i o n i s t , and monopolistic. We believe i t i s very d i f f i c u l t to t y p i f y European l i b e r a l i s m without entering into many socio-l o g i c a l d e t a i l s that indicate the complexity of that s o c i a l phenomenon. Imported l i b e r a l i s m i n Chile operated following i t s own rules, set by p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l and s o c i a l circumstances. We s h a l l develop two d i f f e r e n t aspects to i l l u s t r a t e the development of Chilean l i b e r a l i s m . The s h i f t of conservative values i n a l i b e r a l value system flowed with less d i f f i c u l t i e s in Chile than in many European countries. Germany, Austria and Russia could not be considered p o l i t i c a l l y l i b e r a l i n the 1870's, but Chile could. -134-As we (.mentioned b e f o r e - the"Chilean con-servative aristocracy had to become more f l e x i b l e and adaptable to change, because of i t s r e l a t i v e l y weaker economic po s i t i o n . The Chilean Castillian-Basque e l i t e were not t y p i c a l l y feudal; on the contrary they had been influenced by the XVIII century philosophy of the I l l u s t r a t i o n . In Germany, Austria and Russia the t r a d i t i o n a l aristocracy were o l d enough to follow i n f l e x i b l e patterns of conduct. Chile was not able to develop the i n d u s t r i a l i n f r a -structure that some of European countries did during the XIX century. The country was a g r i c u l t u r a l , however, three types of minerals n i t r a t e , s i l v e r and copper were exploited. The economic system i n Chile was pre-in-d u s t r i a l i n i t s inf r a s t r u c t u r e . It began to grow i n -d u s t r i a l l y i n the late 1880's. The economic p o l i c i e s of president Balmaceda began to give way to an i n d u s t r i a l expansion and d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n . This process was i n h i b i t e d by c i v i l war and the fragmentation of power during the next forty years. Encina (35) and many other h i s t o r i a n and sociolo^' g i s t who have studied that period have arrived at the same conclusion: the expansion of industry and education during Balmaceda's government was exceptionally high. -135-Because material condition i n Chile were d i f f e r e n t from those in Europe, the l i b e r a l values imported were not t r u l y applicable. Diff u s i o n of l i b e r a l i s m i n a l l i t s s o c i o l o g i c a l implications was d i f f i c u l t . To begin with the work-ing ethics followed a t r a d i t i o n a l pattern. The t r a d i -t i o n a l e l i t e did not want to work with th e i r hands. On the contrary they were only prepared to give orders to the lower classes to do the job. The t r a d i t i o n a l e l i t e i n general did not have the experience of how a machine or an i n d u s t r i a l process operated; and yet they did recognize the economic value of the products generated by industry. The variety, q u a l i t y and novelty of goods that could be produced was phenomenal. The demonstration e f f e c t produced many changes of expectations i n the changing e l i t e of Chile. Many Chileans o l d and young of the higher and middle (classes' were beginning to travel abroad with the express purpose of learning about the i n d u s t r i a l process i n Europe, and North America. Some even went as far as Japan, and were surprised to see the tremendous i n d u s t r i a l and s c i e n t i -f i c growth of a country, which had been considered so t r a d i t i o n a l and closed. Many l i b e r a l , p o l i t i c i a n s and educators wanted to duplicate the European i n d u s t r i a l revolution, i n Chile. -136-H i s t o r i c a l and c u l t u r a l conditions were not favourable; on the contrary the e f f o r t s of the"Chilean ^liberals?: entreprerieur/frequently became unsuccessful. These d i f f i c u l t i e s were interpreted by many l i b e r a l thinkers of the time as the d i r e c t r e s u l t of a low standard of education. L e t e l i e r i s one of the l a t e r representatives of the l i b e r a l f a i t h i n education as a decisive tool to generate the s o c i a l condition for i n d u s t r i a l growth. B a s i c a l l y , Sarmiento, Bell o , Barros Arana, the two Amunategui brothers, Nunez and many other educators of the XIX century had the same conviction as L e t e l i e r . A new element now entered Chilean education, a concept borrowed from Europe - the masonic concept. The masonic concept of education influenced the l a s t t h i r t y years of the XIX century and the f i r s t f i f t y years of t h i s century. This concept which was a con-t r o l l e d , gradual and progressive growth of the i n d i v i -dual's potential influenced the setting of programs, c u r r i c u l a and d i s c i p l i n e i n government controlled schools and u n i v e r s i t i e s i n Chile. The masonic concept of education followed to a large extent an e t h i c a l value system; the l i b e r a l con-cept of education followed for the most part an economic and p o l i t i c a l value system. Neither masonic nor l i b e r a l value system always coincided i n t h e i r interpretation of the function of education. -137-The paradox was that the masonic attitude i n Chile had become increasingly spectaculative and philosophical in comparison with the more r i t u a l and p r a c t i c a l B r i t i s h expression. The French and the Spanish masonic influence had i m p l i c i t l y , a strong influence with which the Chilean mentality could e a s i l y i d e n t i f y . The concepts of reason, i n s p i r a t i o n , i l l u s t r a t i o n , discussion, theory, and planning were common elements that were incorporated into the masonic value system. These values were projected into Chilean education. North American, B r i t i s h and German free masons were considered to be more p r a c t i c a l , and parsimonious in the formulation of t h e i r j u s t i f i c a t i o n of s o c i a l action. Because of these attitudes, there was an ex-tensive coincidence with the l i b e r a l ideology of economic e f f i c i e n c y , f l e x i b i l i t y and wealth. Very few i n d u s t r i a l and vocational schools were created i n Chile, and i t was not only a f t e r the second world war that new i n s t i t u t i o n s emerged. Not too many, high and middle class students were interested i n follow-ing such programs. I t has been only during the l a s t •• ten years t h a t . i t has become 'acceptable' for a middle class student to pursue t h i s type of technical study. The Chilean l i b e r a l concept of education then was more an ide o l o g i c a l value system than a praxis. It responded to an i n t e l l e c t u a l and emotional interpretation of a s o c i a l change that was a f f e c t i n g the world as a -138-whole, namely the Industrial Revolution.. This interpretation was not within the Industrial Revolution, but came from a marginal and a pre-i n d u s t r i a l society such as Ch i l e . Very few i n t e l l e c t u a l s of the time r e a l i z e d that l o c a l c u l t u r a l and s t r u c t u r a l factors determined the function of s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and educational phenomena. Bilbao and Arcos according to Sanhueza (123) were some of the few who saw the p i t f a l l s of a romantic and naive perspective of l i b e r a l i s m i n Chile; and yet Bilbao was himself l a b e l l e d l a t e r a a 'naive Utopian s o c i a l i s t ' who followed the unreal ideals of some French philosophers. He, too, gave a central importance to the educational process as a means of developing a new society. Later on, the ' s c i e n t i f i c s o c i a l i s t s ' or those who follow a Marxist interpretation of society believed that education had to follow a praxis, together with the de-velopment of the understanding theory. Students and teachers had to be able to work i n the factories or i n the f i e l d s . Somehow t h i s concept of education and work i s a 'recovery* of the older protestant ethic of work and study. The concept i s si m i l a r , but the s o c i a l pro-jection of the concept changed, and became secular and s o c i a l i s t . A new t r a d i t i o n was being born i n Chile at the very end of the XIX century: socialism. This p o l i t i c a l and -139<-economic ideology ' had an important e f f e c t i n the Chilean educational system. The conservative and l i b e r a l values i n education were modified by some s o c i a l i s t ideas. There were thus great changes i n the XIX century. -140-CHAPTER TWELVE XX CENTURY IN CHILE During the f i r s t twenty years of the XX century, the educational system did not change subs t a n t i a l l y . The impact of the p o l i t i c a l and economic changes that had occurred a f t e r the f i r s t world war i n Europe, were f e l t i n Chile. The old aristocracy had la r g e l y relinquished power, arid a strong middle class was beginning to emerge. Old fashioned customs were broken by the new generation. New l i f e styles were introduced, women became more liberated; they became increasingly incorporated to the working forces and to the educational system. During the Popular Front (1938-1945) the government introduced changes in the content of the school curriculum. In history the concepts of s o c i a l c l a s s , absentee land lord , plutocracy, formal democracy and many other con-cepts began to be incorporated. The d i f f u s i o n of S o c i a l i s t values i n Chile increased as a consequence of the Cuban Revolution. Mass media, t e l e v i s i o n , books, magazines, news papers, texts, con-ferences , seminars, -used intensively to,; oromote the,. .1 ... - - ~ ; s o c i a l i s t _image^in.:Chilean--;isdciet^;:(:";' ' -141-The educational system was affected by the p o l i t i c a l change that had occurred i n Cuba. Many u n i v e r s i t i e s were engaged i n the study of current l e f t wing p h i l o -sophies. During the 1960-19 70 decade a variety of new combi-nations of values began to develop. An overlapping of old and new, p o l i t i c a l , r e l i g i o u s , and"economic/values; were generated. The integration of l i b e r a l and conservative parties, and the creation of a Marxist-Christian philosophy are two important examples of change i n the Chilean society of that time. Social c o n f l i c t and value antagonism were produced i n Chilean society during the three years of government of president Allende. The educational system was affected by s i g n i f i c a n t changes i n the value system. An attempt to eliminate private education in Chile produced a major p o l i t i c a l c r i s i s i n 1973. Social change produced i n Chile important i d e o l o g i c a l and l e g a l s h i f t s . It i s not within the scope of t h i s work to investigate i n d e t a i l the causes and effects of these new emerging value systems i n Chilean society. We may, examine i n the future, some of the important factors that are related to socialism as a s o c i a l phenomenon. Instead we are at present con-"• cerned with the genesis of the conservative and l i b e r a l value systems and how they have influenced the educational structure i n the past and s t i l l do so i n the present. -142-In recent years the conservative t r a d i t i o n s i n education has strengthened,though innovation i s not d i s -couraged. The process of acculturation i s operating i n society; the new and the old combined, that i s respect for learning, and for one's country, but with a strong i n t e r e s t i n educational progress. In C h i l e , then, we can find a 'social hybrid' i n the educational structure. Some schools and u n i v e r s i t i e s are able to use modern methods and techniques i n educational communication, but the content of the message may be rei n f o r c i n g ex-p l i c i t l y or i m p l i c i t l y a t r a d i t i o n a l value. Films and slides explaining some of the methods of b i r t h control w i l l at the same time indicate the importance of 'a well established' family structure. As for example the description of human sexuality i s considered part of the high school program, and the discussion of sexual ab-stinence as a form of b i r t h control i s discussed as a ' pos i t i v e value, e s p e c i a l l y for young adults. V i r g i n i t y i s considered to be an important s o c i a l conduct contributing to the establishment of a stable future marriage. Modern anthropological, h i s t o r i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l material i s used to explain the value of the family i n society. The indi v i d u a l ' s emotional and i n t e l l e c t u a l growth and fulfilment - i s considered possible only i f i t i s o r i g i n a l l y i n i t i a t e d i n the family. The consolidation of ' c i v i c v i r t u e s ' i s only possible i f they have o r i g i -nated from the members of a 'well' structured family. -14 3-Further empirical research has to be conducted i n this area i n order to specify the operation of family values and education i n Chile. Chilean and European history were t r a d i t i o n a l l y taught i n schools, but the history of the rest of La t i n America was excluded. New economic and p o l i t i c a l events changed the perspective of history i n s t r u c t i o n . The Organization of the American States (O.A.S.), the L a t i n American Common Market, the Andes Common Market, the Latin American Un i v e r s i t i e s Confederation and many m u l t i l a t e r a l m i l i t a r y pacts have been created. A flow of c u l t u r a l and a r t i s t i c interchange has occurred i n the l a s t ten years. History texts, (Villalobos 152) magazines (Mampato 93) and other material emphasize a continental view of history, but i m p l i c i t l y reinforce t r a d i t i o n a l nationalis'tic values. Chile i s presented i n the above mentioned sources as a model of s o c i a l order and c i v i c progress which i s not always the case i n some other L a t i n American countries. P o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l philosophies may be studied i n d e t a i l , s p e c i a l l y at the university l e v e l , and to a lesser extent i n the l a s t year of high school. These -144-studies are considered to be of only academic i n t e r e s t and should not be used as a method of indoctrination or generation of s o c i a l c o n f l i c t i n the students. The schools and u n i v e r s i t i e s are considered a p o l i t i c a l ; they are considered to be places where students go to learn. The fundamental laws and values of the republic are considered to be above any contingent p o l i t i c a l i n t erpretation. This idea follows the Portalian concept of government and state, which we have already described. A new body of fundamental laws i s currently being created in Chile consisting of a new constitution, c i v i l and penal codes, and many other 'organic' laws. The purpose of these laws i s to combine modern and t r a d i t i o n a l concepts of government, administration*, s o c i a l defense, p o l i t i c a l security, education and health. In Chile the t r a d i t i o n a l tendency to formalize l e g a l l y any s o c i a l change i s s t i l l a very strong mechanism of s o c i a l control. In t h i s sense we see a continuance of a l e g a l i s t i c system whose roots date back to the c o l o n i a l period. This mechanism of s o c i a l control sometimes becomes too formal and detailed creating a negative s o c i a l process. The laws, decrees and rules become complex and i n f l e x i b l e , generating f r u s t r a t i o n and apathy. In order to avoid this type of inconvenience an informal method i s created p a r a l l e l to the o f f i c i a l procedures. A double standard -145-of action and values i s generated. An e f f o r t has been made in the l a s t ten years to decentralize and expand schooling f a c i l i t i e s through-out the country (129). Industrial and commercial schools have been b u i l t , e s p e c i a l l y for young adults, i n remote areas. But p a r a l l e l to t h i s e f f o r t there i s an adminis-t r a t i v e concentration of power. But the government i s c e n t r a l i z i n g even further the educational planning, administration and decision making. One superintendent now i s responsible for i n d u s t r i a l , vocational, commercial, primary, secondary and special education. The superin-tendent i s linked with the National Council of Chilean U n i v e r s i t i e s . The minister of education i s responsible for a l l educational p o l i c i e s i n the country. T r a d i t i o n a l l y the Chilean governments had power in the educational system .-Nevertheless,, the _ uru^^rsii^es ^we're' able, to develop a degree of autonomy that was exceptional for Latin America. They had academic freedom, self-government; and police could not enter the grounds of the u n i v e r s i t i e s without permission of the academic a u t h o r i t i e s . The uni-v e r s i t i e s became i n Chile a powerful agent of p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l change where fragmentation, tension and c o n f l i c t were generated during at l e a s t ten years (1960-1973). The government has also had a p r o t e c t i o n i s t t r a d i -t i o n a l attitude towards the economy. The state has always been h i s t o r i c a l l y , a powerful economical agent, both i n a conservative and i n a s o c i a l i s t context. Even during the -146-l i b e r a l governments of the XIX century, the economic system followed an a t y p i c a l l i b e r a l i s m . The new government i n the country i n the l a s t f i v e years has. emphasized the implementation of a free market economy but with carefree f i s c a l scrutiny. At the moment i t appears that very few economic a c t i v i t i e s such as use of energy, public transportation, forest reserves, and copper are planned to remain i n the hands of the state. Even the process of land reform i s being phased out. In some court cases land appropriated by peasants between 1970 and 1973 has been returned to the o r i g i n a l owners. At the same time Corporation Reformed Agraria-' has been disbanded. The government systematically reduced the number of c i v i l servants. Three basic reasons are given for t h i s reduction: f i r s t , the reduction of administrative costs; second, the upgrading of the l e v e l of e f f i c i e n c y of the c i v i l servants, and t h i r d , the implementation of the l i b e r a l concept of minimal interference of the state i n the economy of the country. I f we examine a very popular weekly children's magazine such as Mampato (93) we can f i n d a combination of topics that are presented weekly to them. These topics range, from fauna and f l o r a of Chile, a rt and c r a f t s , -147-gamesy history of. the country, national and international comic s t r i p s , inventions and discoveries, human and economic geography, short s t o r i e s , children's club news, c o l l e c t o r s ' items. There i s a well balanced, amountiof fantasy arid"reality i n the d i f f e r e n t topics developed in th i s magazine. We have found an integrative function of modern and t r a d i t i o n a l values i n Manpato. .Integration;: of the t r a d i t i o n a l and modern values into one world view are accomplished by con-t i g u i t y and overlapping material. Integration * of values by contiguity can be accomplished when modern and t r a d i t i o n a l topics are presented i n a smooth balanced sequence. The content of one topic w i l l never even subtly contradict the other; a flow of perception then may be established from one topic to the other. A modern value may contain elements of ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' values. In th i s sense values r e t a i n a continuum and are integrated with the passage of time. T r a d i t i o n a l values may i n turn, include aspects of modern values which have been previously developed by the magazine. As for example: the f i r s t topic developed by the magazine developed a t r a d i t i o n a l h i s t o r i c a l event that stresses the national unity. I t w i l l promote the idea that one of the factors that contribute to the national unity i s the fact that there are always many Chileans t r a v e l l i n g across and along the country. 14 8-The next topic w i l l be related to ENTEL, the national communication service, which i s very modern, with i t s uptodate equipment, engineers and operators. Photographs, diagrams and maps of Chile are presented. At some point the concept of national unity i s mentioned as being possible because of the development of t h i s , communication system. Manpato magazine i s extensively read by children and adolescent i n Chile, and i s only one example of how mass media operates. Sports magazines which are often read by men also reinforce t r a d i t i o n a l values. " P i l l e r i a " and 'Macuqueria" are present i n many a r t i c l e s and reviews. In the other extreme of the espectrum there are magazines that are centred i n what i s happening i n Europe and U.S.A. in the world of fashion, international s o c i a l gossip, gourmet eating, home and garden s t y l e s . These magazines produce a demonstration e f f e c t , that create new aspirations of material goods i n some people. At the same time i t reinforces the t r a d i t i o n a l idea that Chile i s a remote country as i n comparison with Europe and U.S.A. Both conservative and s o c i a l i s t have condemned t h i s type of cosmopolitan bias as an expression of excessive dependence on foreign influence. The Chilean neo-liberal value of open interchange of information, services and goods i s contrary to the n l 4 9 -conservative concept of s o c i a l communication. I t con-f l i c t s i d e o l o g i c a l l y but i n practice i t must coexist, and even overlap i n many s o c i a l functions. The business world and the i n d u s t r i a l sector are in general more i d e n t i f i e d with the rieo-liberal pers-pective. This i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s i n many cases i m p l i c i t and operational, more than a formal e x p l i c i t commitment to the neoliberal system. We can fi n d variations and exceptions to t h i s general statement that only indicate the complexity of t h i s s o c i a l phenomenon. The conservative elements of government emphasize a more closed n a t i o n a l i s t i c attitude. Austerity, common good, s t a b i l i t y , s o c i a l order, i n d i v i d u a l i n t e g r i t y are some of the value., judgments expressed through the mass media and educational system. Conservative and l i b e r a l value systems overlap and have i n f i l t r a t e d one another. In conclusion, we can i d e n t i f y many conservative and l i b e r a l values s t i l l operating today i n the Chilean society; but they have been modified by s o c i a l change. The influence of new types of knowledge, mass communication, i n d u s t r i a l and a g r i c u l t u r a l techniques, r e l i g i o u s , p o l i -t i c a l and economic ideologies have changed the structure and l e v e l of aspirations of the Chilean society. I t may be said that the Chilean educational system i s being reinterpreted and redirected towards a con-servative t r a d i t i o n ; but the impact of s o c i a l change -150-i n the past has produced important i r r e v e r s i b l e structures. Education i s the r e s u l t of a combination of complex phenomena, operating at d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s i n society. Each l e v e l of s o c i a l structure generates a sub-system of shared values. For example the German immigrants recreated t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r values i n education when they came to C h i l e . Protestant order and the value of hard work was r e f l e c t e d i n t h e i r schools. In Chile t r a d i t i o n a l values such as love of country, respect for national heroes, the maintainance of s o c i a l order, the pos i t i v e value of education as an avenue of • s o c i a l mobility and the i n t e g r i t y of the p a t r i a r c h a l family have a l l been maintained. Yet important innovations such as the introduction of b i r t h control methods, an increase i n r e l i g i o u s t o l e r a t i o n , a new awareness of f i n a n c i a l pro-cedures which help to support economic growth, a p o s i t i v e attitude towards educational innovation have a l l c o n t r i -buted to a constantly changing s o c i a l structure. Education i n Chile has contributed to change i n s o c i a l values. I t has sometimes been able to reconcile and even integrate " t r a d i t i o n a l " values with "modern" values. There are some areas however i n which i t has f a i l e d . H i s t o r i c a l l y education has generated c o n f l i c t i n the f i e l d of p o l i t i c a l values. In conclusion we may say that while the educational system i n Chile has changed and w i l l change again, a marked sense of t r a d i t i o n a l continuity remains i n evidence. -151-REFERENCES 1. Ackerknecht,E.H. 1955. Alexander Von Humbolt and Ethnology. I s i s . London. 2. Actas Parlamentarias 1951. Actas Parlamentarias Del Siglo Pasado. Vol. 10 and V o l . 20. Ed. Parlamentaria Santiago. 3. A l i g h i e r i , D. 1265-1321?? Divina Comedia. Selections. English t r a n s l a t i o n by H.F. Cary. Pocket ed. C a s s e l l , London. 1910. 4. Althusser, L. 1968. La Revolucion Teorica de Marx. Ed. Siglo XX. Mexico. 5. Anderson, C.A. 1961A The U t i l i t y of Social Typologies in Comparative Education. Comparative Education Review Vol. 4 No. 3. Columbia University, N.Y. 6. Anderson, C.A. 1961B. Methodology of Comparative Education. V o l . 7, No. 1. UNESCO. 7. Argtiedas, J . 1940. H i s t o r i a de B o l i v i a . Ed. Casa Luz. Oruro. 8. Barnes, H.E. and H.P. Becker 1938. Social Thought from Lore to Science. Heath & Co. N.Y. 9. Barnes, H.E. and H.P. Becker 1940. Contemporary Social Theory. Appleton-Centum. N.Y. 10. Bereday, G. 1964. Comparative method i n Education. Holt, Rinehart and Winston. N.Y. 11. Blanche, R. 1972. L'epistemologie. Presses Un i v e r s i t a i r e s de France. 12. Bloom, B.S. 1956. Taxonomy of Educational Objectives; the C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Educational Goals, by a Committee of College and University Examiners. Logmans & Green. N.Y. 13. Boletin Camara De Comercio 1965. Santiago de Chile. 14. Brickman, W.N. 1960. A h i s t o r i c a l Introduction to Comparative Education Review. Vol. 3, No. 3. Feb. Columbia University. N.Y. -152-15. Briones, H. 1968. E l Abate Juan Ignacio Molina. Ed. Andres Bello. Santiago, Chile. 16. Brodersohn, V. 1969. Sobre El Caracter Dependiente de la Burguesia Industrial. Censo. Santiago, Chile. 17. Bunge, M. 1965. Causalidad. El principio de Causali-dad en la Ciencia Moderna. Eudeba. Buenos Aires. 18. T. Burckhardts, T. 1974. Cosmology and Modern Science. The Sword of Gnosis. Penguin Books. London. 19. Chonchol, J. 1971. Chile Hoy. Poder:: y Reform Agraria En La Experiencia Chilena. Ed. Universi-taria. Santiago. 20. Cide. 1971. La Education Particular en Chile. pp.109 Cide. Santiago, Chile. 21. Coombs, P.H. 1964. The fourth dimension of Foreign Policy; Educational and Cultural Affairs, pp. 2-3. Harper. N.Y. 22. • Comte,.A. 1896 . The positive phylosophi. Bell and Sons. London. 23. Cunill, P. 1976. Geografia de Chile. Ed. Universi-taria. Santiago, Chile. 24. Cramer, J.F. and G.S. Browne, 1956. Contemporary Education Comparative Study of the National Systems. Harcout, Brace. N.Y. 25. Darendorff, R. 1964. Recent Changes in the Class Structure of European Societies Ed. Daedalus. London. 26. David, M. 19 71. Les Travalleurs et le Sence de Leur Histoire Ed. Payot. Paris. 27. Decoufle, A. 1970. Sociologie des Revolutions Presses Universitaire de France. Sociologie des Revolution. Presses Universitaires de France. 28. De-Landsheere, G. 1964. Education Comparee et Dynamique Culturell. Reperes No. 3. Paris. 29. De-Leon, C. 1960. Personal Communication. University of Chile. Santiago, Chile. -153-30. D'Ollanda, F. de 1950. Dialogui Michelangioleschi. Translated by M.A. Bassone. Limited E d i t i o n . Roma. 31. Duran, F. 1958. E l Partido Radical. Ed. Nascimento. C h i l e . 32. Durkheim, E. 1956. Les Regies de l a Method Sociologique. P.U.F. Pa r i s . 33. Edwards, A. 1936. La Fonda A r i s t o c r a t i c a . pp. 51-58. Ed. E r c i l l a . Santiago. 34. Encina, F.A. 1952. Portales. Ed. Nascimento. Santiago. 35. Encina, F.A. 1955. H i s t o r i a de C h i l e . Vol. 1, pp. 401-406. Ed Nascimento. Santiago. 36. Encina, F.A. 196 2. Educacion Economica Y e l Liceo. Ed. Nascimento. Santiago. 37. Eyzaguirre, J. 1963. La Universidad Tradicional. Conferencia Albertus Magnus I n t i t u t o . Santiago 38. Feliu-Cruz, G. 1942. Un Esquema de l a Evolucion Social de Chile en e l Siglo XIX. Ed. Universidad de C h i l e . Santiago. 39. Fening, L. 1959. The global Approach to Comparative Education. International Review of Education. Vol. 5, No. 3. UNESCO. 40. Fernandes, F. 1959. Ensaios de Sociologia Applicada. Pioneira. Sao Pablo. 41. Festinger,' L. 1962. Cognoscitive Dissonance. S c i e n t i f i c American. Oct. 1962. 42. Frazer, J.G. 1970. The Golden Bough: A Study i n Magic and Religion. Mac Mil l a n . London. 43. Freyer, H. 1960. La Teoria de Nuestra Epoca. Ed. Fondo Cultura Economico. Mexico. 44. F r i a s , F. 1974. H i s t o r i a de C h i l e . pp. 169. Ed. Nacintento. Santiago. 45. Fromm, E. 1965. Escape from Freedom. Avon Books. N.Y. 46. Galtung, J. 1967. Theories and Methods of Social Research. Columbia University Press, N.Y. -154-47. Garces, J.E. 1971. 1970 La Pugna P o l i t i c a Por l a Presidencia en C h i l e . Ed. U n i v e r s i t a r i a . Santiago,, Chile. 48. Garces, J.E. 1974. E l Estado y los Problemas Tacticos en e l Gobierno de Allende. Ed. Siglo XXI. Madrid. 49. Garcia, A. 1970. America Latina, Interpretacion S o c i o l o g i c o - P o l i t i c a . La Estructura Social y e l Desarrollo Latinoamericano. Ed. U n i v e r s i t a r i a . Santiago, Chile. 50. Gebser, T. 19 72. The Foundations of the Aperspective World. Main Currents of Modern Thought. Vol . 29, No. 2. Nov-Dec. 19 72. 5.1. Gehlen,. A. 1969. Moral und Hipermoral. Athenaum. Frankfurt. 52. Germani, G. 1969. L a t i n American Radicalism. Mass Immigration and Modernization i n Argentina, pp. 314-355.Ed. Horowitz, De Castro, Gerassi. Random House. N.Y. 53. Germani, G. 19 7.3. America Latina. Ensayos de Interpretacion Sociologica P o l i t i c a . De l a Sociedad Tradicional a l a P a r t i c i p a c i o n Total en Americalatina Ed. U n i v e r s i t a r i a Santiago. 54. G i l , G.G. 1969. E l Sistema P o l i t i c o de C h i l e . Ed. Andres B e l l o . Santiago. 55. Godoy, H. 1971. Estructura Social de C h i l e . Ed. U n i v e r s i t a r i a . Santiago. 56. Guignebert, C. 1927. C h r i s t i a n i t y , Past and Present. Mac M i l l a n . N.Y. 57. Gutierrez, G. 1973. A Theology of Liberation. Orbis. N.Y. 58. H a l l , E.J. 1966. The S i l e n t Language. Dubelday. N.Y. 59. H a l l , R. 1972. The psico-phylosophi of History. Main Currents i n Modern Thought. Vol. 29, No. 2. Nov-Dec 1972. Boston. 60. H a l l s , W.H. 1965. Comparative Education. Pergamon Press. London. 61. Halsey, A.A. 1961. Sources for Teaching the Socio-logy of Education. The Sociology Review. No.4. N.Y. -155-62. Hamuy, E. 1960. Education. Ed. U n i v e r s i t a r i a . Santiago. C h i l e . 63. Hans, N. 1949. Comparative Education. Routledge and Kegan. London. 64. Harnecker, M. 1968. Los Conceptos Elementales del Materialismo H i s t o r i c o . Ed. Siglo XX. Mexico. 65. Heintz, P. 1968. Teoria de Rango Medio. Ed. Andres Be l l o . Santiago. 66. Herskovits, M. 1950. Man and His Work. Harper and Row. N.Y. 67. Herskovits, M. 1955. Cultural Anthropology Knpf. N.Y. 68. Higginson, J.H. 1961. The Centenary of an English Pioneer i n Comparative Education, S i r Michael Sadler. International Review of Education. Vol. 7, No. 3. UNESCO. 69. Hilker, F. 1964. What Can Comparative Method Contribute to Education? Comparative Education Review. Vol. 7, No. 3. Columbia University. N.Y. 70. Holmes, B. 1965A. Problems i n Comparative Education, A Comparative Approach. Routledge and Kegan. London. 71. Holmes, B. 1965B. Rational Construct i n Comparative Education. International Review Vol. 11, No. 4. UNESCO. 72. I l l i c h , I. 1972. The deschooling Society. Harrows Books. N.Y. 73. Inkeles, A. 196 4. What i s Sociology? An Introduction to the D i s c i p l i n e and Profession. Englewood C l i f f s . Prentice H a l l . N.Y. 74. Johnson, J . J . 1961. La Transformacion Poli.tica de America Latina. Atrincheramiento P o l i t i c o de los f ^ . Sectores Medios en C h i l e . Ed. Hachette, Buenos.Aires. 75. Joxe, A. 1970. Las Fuerzas Armadas en e l Sistema P o l i t i c o de Ch i l e , pp. 119. Ed. U n i v e r s i t a r i a . Santiago. -156-76. Kablinski, R. 1961. Is There a Science of the Unique? Image Books. N.Y. 77. Kandel, I.L. 1959. The Methodology of Comparative Education. International Educational Review. Vol. 5, No. 3 UNESCO. 78. Kazamias, A. and B.G. Massialas. 1965. Tr a d i t i o n a l and Change i n Education. Prentice H a l l . N.Y. 79. Kazamias, A. 1961. Some Old and New Approaches to Methodology i n Comparative Education. Comparative Education Review. Vol. 5, No. 2. Columbia University. N.Y. 80. Ker linger, F.N. 1964 . Foundational of Behavioral Research, Educational and Psychological Inquiry. Holt, Rinehart and Winston. N.Y. 81. King, E.J. 1965. The Purpose of Comparative Education. Vol. 1, No. 3. Pergamon Press. Oxford. 82. Kneller, G.F. 1960. Comparative Education i n Encyclo-paedia of Educational Research. Mac M i l l a n . N.Y. 83. Kneller, G.F. 1963. The prospect of Comparative Education. Vol. 9, No. 4. UNESCO. 84. Labarca, A. 1942. La Educacion en C h i l e . Imprenta U n i v e r s i t a r i a . Santiago. 85. Latorre, M. 1941. E l Paisaje y e l Hombre. Ed. Losada. Boenos Aires. 86. Lauwerys, J. 1959. Critique de l a Raison Dialectique. Plon. Paris. 87. Le-Play, L. 1864. La Reforme S o c i a l . Ed. Hourtart. Paris. 88. L e t e l i e r , V. 1896. Los Pobres y l a ley Radical. Ed. Cabut. Santiago. 89. L e t e l i e r , V. 1927. F i l o s o f i a de l a Education. pp. 196-2 38. Ed. Cabut. Santiago, Chile 90. Levi-Strauss, C. 1962. La Pensee Souvage. Plon. Paris, 91. L l u l l e , R. 1932. Libre d'amich e d'amat. Ed. Popular Barcino. Barcelona. -157-92. Madariaga, S. De 1958. Ingleses, Franceses, Espanoles, Ensayo de Psicologia Comparada. Ed. Sudamericana. Buenon Aires. 93. Mampato 1974. Ano VI: August 7, No.237; August 14, No. 2 38; August 21, No.2 39; August 28, No. 240; Sept. 4, No. 241; Sept 11, No.242; Sept. 17, No. 24 3; Sept. 23, No 244. Santiago, C h i l e . 94. Manheim, K. 1936. Idology and Utopia. Harcout, Brace. N.Y. 95. Mao-Tse-Tung, 1954. Selected Works. International Publishers. N.Y. 96. Marin, R. 19 37. Conceptos P o l i t i c o s y Administrativos de Portales. Boletin de l a Academia Chilena de l a H i s t o r i a . Vol 4, No. 8-9. Santiago. 97. Medina, J.T.1890. Documentos. B i b l i o t e c a Nacional. Santiago. 98. Medina-Echavarria, J. 1964. Personal Communication. Cepal. Santiago. 99. Medina-Echavarria, J . 1964. Consideraciones Sociologicas Sobre e l Desarrollo Economico. E l Problema del Cambio S o c i a l . Hachette. Buenos Ai r e s . 100. Mertpn-, R.K. 1964. S o c i a l Theory and Social Structure. Free Press. N.Y. 101. Moehlman, A.H. 196 4. Comparative Educational Systems. Centre for Applied Research i n Education. Washington. 102. Munizaga, R. 1959. Personal Communication. Universidad de C h i l e . Santiago. 103. Mac-Iver, E. 1900. Discurso Sobre l a C r i s i s Moral de l a Republica. Ed. Imprenta Moderna. Santiago. 104. Mc-Clain, E.' 1973. Plato's musical Cosmology. Main Currents i n Modern Thought Vol. 30, No. 1. Sept-Oct. 1973. Boston. 105. Mc-Mullin, E. 19 70. Recent Work i n Phylosophi of Science. The New Scholasticism. Harper and Row. N.Y. -158-106. Nelson, B. 1972. Conciences, Sciences, Structure of Conciousness. Main Currents i n Modern Thought. Nov-Dec. 1972 Vol. 29, No.2. Boston. 107. N i c o l a i , G. 194 7. Sociologia.• Ed. Losada. Buenos Aires. *• 108. Novoa-Monreal, C. 1969. Personal Communication. Universidad de Chile. Santiago. 109. Ostria-Gutierrez, J. 1958. Un Pueblo Bajo l a Cruz. Ed. Del P a c i f i c o . Santiago. 110. Palacio, E. 1976. H i s t o r i a de l a Argentina. Ed. Pena-Lillo. Buenos Aires. 111. Parin-Vial, J . 1969. Analyses Structural et Ideologies S t r u c t u r a l i s t . Plon. Pa r i s . 112. Perez-Rosales, V. 1973. Recuerdos del Pasado. Ed. Fco. de Aguirore. Santiago. 113. Piaget, J. 1952. The Origin of Intelligence i n Children. Translated by M. Cooke. International University Press. N.Y. 114. Pinto, A. 1976. Chile Hoy. Desarrollo Economico Y Relaciones Sociales. Ed. U n i v e r s i t a r i a . Santiago, Chile. 115. Radnitzky, G. 1970. Contemporary Schools of Meta-sciences. Humanities. N.Y. 116. Radnitzky, G. 1973. L i f e Cycle of a S c i e n t i f i c T radition. Main Currents i n Modern Thought. Vol. 29, No. 3. Jan-Feb. 1973 N.Y. 117. Reich, C.A. 1971. The Greening of America. Bantam Books. Toronto. 118. Rojas, F. de 1541. Celestina or the Tragi-Comedia of C a l i s t o and Melibea. Translated by P. H a r t n o l l . Dent. London. 1959. 119. Rosello, P. 1962. Marc Antoine J u l l i e n de Paris I.N.P. Par i s . 120. Rouquette, M.L. 1973. La C r e a t i v i t e . Presses Uni v e r s i t a i r e s de France. 121. Rubio, J. 1973. Que es e l Hombre? E l Desafio E s t r u c t u r a l i s t a . Ed. Aguilera Madrid. -159-122. Russell, B. 1952 . The Impact of Science on Society. A l l e n & Unwin. London. 123. Sanhueza, G. 1956. Santiago Arcos, Comunista, Mil l o n a r i o y Calavera. Ed. Del P a c i f i c o . Santiago. 124. Sarmiento, D.F. 1915. Educacion Popular. B i b l i o t e c a Argentina. Buenos Ai r e s . 125. Sartre, J.P. 1962. Critique de l a Raison Dialectique. Plon. Paris. 126. Satsvarupa, D.G. 1977. Readings i n Vedic L i t e r a t u r e . Bhaktivedanta Books Trust. N.Y. 127. Scheler, M.F.. 1973. Formalism i n Ethics and Non-Formal Ethics of Values; a New Attempt the Foundation of an E t h i c a l Personalism. Translated by S. Frings and R.L. Fund. Northwestern University Press. Evanston," I l l i n o i s . 128. Scheffler, I. 1960. The Language of Education. Thomas. Spr i n g f i e l d , I l l i n o i s 129..' Schiefelbein, E. 19 70. Elementos Para De f i n i r Una P o l i t i c a U n i v e r s i t a r i a . Boletin de Plandes No. 38, pp. 18. Santiago. 130. Schneider, F. 1964. Introduction a La Pedagogia Comparada. Ed. Herder. Barcelona. 131. S e l l t i z , C. et a l . 1959. Research Methods i n S o c i a l Relations. Published by the Society for the Psychological Study of Social issue Rev. Holt. N.Y. 132. Seve, L. 1972. Metodo Estru c t u r a l y Metodo D i a l e c t i c o . Ed. Orbe. Madrid. 133. Shah, I. 1964. The S u f i s . Anchor Books. N.Y. 134. Skinner, B.F. 19 71. Beyond Freedom and Dignity. Knopf. N.Y. 135. Sorokin, P.A. 1962. Social and Cultural Dynamics. Bedminster Press. N.Y. 136. Spengler, 0. 1950. La Decadencia de Occidente. Ed. Sud Americana. Buenos Ai r e s . 137. S t a l i n , J . 1950. E l Idioma Revolucionario. Panfleto JJ.CC. Santiago. -160-138. Stenhouse, L.A. 1962. Educational Decisions as Units of Study i n an Explanatory Comparative Education. International Review of Education Vol. 7, No. 4. UNESCO. 139. St. John of the Cross, 1959. Dark Night of the Soul. Translated by E.A. Peers. Image Books. N.Y. 140. Stuardo, C. 1950. E l Liceo De C h i l e . Revista Chilena De H i s t o r i a y Gepgrafia.Vol.113-114. pp. 48-91. Ed. Nascimento, Santiago. 141. Tacla, 0. 1975. Panorama Demografico de Chile y su Evolucion en e l Presente. I.N.E. Santiago. 142. Teilhard De Chardin, P. 1969. The Future of Man. Harpe and Row. N.Y. 14 3. Thrupp, S.L. 19 57. The Role of Comparison i n the Development of Economic Theory. Journal of Economic History V o l . 7, No. 14. N.Y. 144. Tibetan Nyingma Meditation Centre 1973. Sacred Art of Tibet. Main Currents i n Modern Thought. Vol. 29, No. 4. March-April 1973. N.Y. 145. T o f f l e r , A. 1970. Future Shock. Random House. N.Y. 146. T r o t s k i i , L. 1961 Terrorism and Communism. Uni-v e r s i t y of Michigan Press. 147. Vasconi, T.A. 1967. Education y Cambio Soc i a l . Ed. U n i v e r s i t a r i a . Santiago. 148. Vasconi, T.A. and Reca, I. 1971 Modernizacion y C r i s i s en l a Universidad Latino Americana. Ceso. Universidad de Chile, Santiago. 149. V e l i z , C. 1963. La Mesa de Tres Patas. Revista Desarrollo Economico A b r i l 1963. Buenos A i r e s . 150. Venegas, A. 1910. Chile Intimo en 1910. Imprenta U n i v e r s i t a r i a . Santiago. 151. Vexliard, A. 1967. La Pedagogie Compare, Methods et Problems. P.U. de France. 152. V i l l a l o b o s , S.et a l . 1975. Evolucion de Chile E Iberoamerica Ed. U n i v e r s i t a r i a , Santiago. 153. V i l l e g a s , P. 1947. E l Anarquismo Catalan. Revista P o l i t i c a Informativa Vol.1, No.3. Mexico. -161-154. V i v i a n i , G. 1961. Personal Communication. Chilean Society of Sociology. Santiago. 155. Von-Baltasar, U. 1958. La Huida de Dios. Ed. Herder. Barcelona. 156. Watson, J.B. 1924. Psychology from the Standpoint of a Behaviourist. Lippincot. N.Y. 157. Watts, A. 1957. Zen Budhism. Vintage Books. N.Y. 15 8. Watts, A. 1970. Man, Woman and Nature. Vintage Books. N.Y. 159. Whitehead, A.N. 1929. Process and Reality; an Essay i n Cosmology. G i f f o r d Lecture University of Edinburg 1927-1928. University Press. Cambridge, England. 160. Zetteberg,. H.L. 1965 . On Theory and V e r i f i c a t i o n i n Sociology. Bedminster Press. N.Y. 161. Zorbas, E. 1960. Personal Communication.. Universidad de C h i l e . Santiago. 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0055722/manifest

Comment

Related Items