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An examination of a treatment designed to move subjects from an ethical relativist position to an ethical… Hope, Graham Martin 1978

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AN EXAMINATION OF A TREATMENT DESIGNED TO MOVE SUBJECTS FROM AN ETHICAL RELATIVIST POSITION TO AN ETHICAL UNIVERSALIS! POSITION by Graham M a r t i n Hope B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1968 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Education U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA December, 1978 © Graham M a r t i n Hope, 1978 In presenting th i s thes is in pa r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary sha l l make it f ree ly ava i l ab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th i s thesis for scho lar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives. It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of th is thes is for f inanc ia l gain sha l l not be allowed without my writ ten permission. Depa rtment The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2 0 7 5 W e s b r o o k P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , C a n a d a V 6 T 1W5 Date fi ABSTRACT The purpose of the stu d i e s was to t e s t 1) the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of experimenter-directed p r i n c i p l e t e s t i n g d i s c u s s i o n s i n moving subjects from an e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s t p o s i t i o n to a more u n i v e r s a l i s t p o s i t i o n on a l l c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s which are u n e t h i c a l 2) whether subjects at higher l e v e l s of moral development r e j e c t e d e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s m to a s i g n i f i c a n t l y greater degree than subjects at lower l e v e l s of moral development 3) whether subjects at higher l e v e l s of moral development were more w i l l i n g to accept n o n - e t h i c a l c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s than were subjects at lower l e v e l s of moral development-. These questions were generated from Bernard Gert's r a t i o n a l e f o r the existence and v a l i d i t y of u n i v e r s a l moral p r i n c i p l e s and from Lawrence Kohlberg's claim that persons at higher l e v e l s of moral development'are more l i k e l y to be u n i v e r s a l i s t s . The subjects f o r the f i r s t study were 44 grade eleven students drawn from two classes--in a Vancouver-high school. The subjects f o r the second study were 32 f i f t h , year u n i v e r s i t y students i n the Fa c u l t y of Education, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbira, In both, cases, the main reason-for selection.was the cooperation of the teachers, The l e v e l of moral development f o r each subject was measured by using Rest's D e f i n i n g Issues Test. Movement from an e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s t p o s i t i o n to an e t h i c a l • u n i v e r s a l i s t p o s i t i o n was measured by using Kehoe's C u l t u r a l - E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m Scale. In study one, a l l subjects were pre - t e s t e d w i t h the D e f i n i n g Issues Test and then randomly d i v i d e d i n t o a treatment group and a c o n t r o l group. A l l subjects were p o s t - t e s t e d w i t h the C u l t u r a l -E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m Scale. In study two, a l l subjects were pre-te s t e d w i t h the D e f i n i n g Issues Test and Form A of the C u l t u r a l -E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m Scale. A l l subjects were administered the treatment and then p o s t - t e s t e d w i t h Form B of the C u l t u r a l - E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m Scale. The treatment i n both st u d i e s attempted to determine i f subjects would demonstrate a greater w i l l i n g n e s s to 1) accept n o n - e t h i c a l c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s 2) r e j e c t the e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s t p o s i t i o n 3) accept the e t h i c a l u n i v e r s a l i s t p o s i t i o n . Analyses of the data i n study one suggested that the treatment had no s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t . Analyses of the data i n study two suggested that the treatment d i d have a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on the s u b j e c t s ' w i l l i n g n e s s to accept n o n - e t h i c a l c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s . The treatment, however, al s o had a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on the s u b j e c t s ' w i l l i n g n e s s to accept u n e t h i c a l c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s . These r e s u l t s suggest that the treatment caused d i s e q u i l i b r i u m w i t h i n the s u b j e c t s ' values system whereby they•could not d i s t i n g u i s h ' c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s w i t h e t h i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s from those without. In f u t u r e s t u d i e s , t h i s d i s t i n c t - i o n must be c l a r i f i e d . i i a TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION 1 I I . REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 2 I I I . METHOD - STUDY ONE 9 Subjects Instruments Procedure Research Questions D c r i p t i o n of the Treatment Results IV. METHOD - STUDY TWO 20 Subj ects Instruments Procedure Research Questions D e s c r i p t i o n of the Treatment Results V. DISCUSSION 27 APPENDICES 29 FOOTNOTES. 41 BIBLIOGRAPHY 42 i i i LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. A n a l y s i s of Variance: Sub-Scale One ( C u l t u r a l Foreign) 15 2. A n a l y s i s of Variance: Sub-Scale Two ( C u l t u r a l Canadian) 16 3. A n a l y s i s of Variance: Sub-Scale Three ( E t h i c a l Foreign) 16 4. A n a l y s i s of Variance: Sub-Scale Four ( E t h i c a l Canadian) ' 16 5. A n a l y s i s of Covariance: Sub-Scale One ( C u l t u r a l Foreign) 17 6. A n a l y s i s of Covariance: Sub-Scale Two ( C u l t u r a l Canadian) 17 7. A n a l y s i s of Covariance: Sub-Scale Three ( E t h i c a l Foreign) 17 8. A n a l y s i s of Covariance: Sub-Scale Four ( E t h i c a l Canadian) 18 9. A n a l y s i s of Covariance f o r Slope Tests: Sub-Scale One, ( C u l t u r a l Foreign) 18 10. A n a l y s i s of Covariance f o r Slope Tests: Sub-Scale Two, ( C u l t u r a l Canadian),.., 19 11. A n a l y s i s of Covariance f o r Slope Tests: Sub-Scale Three, ( E t h i c a l Foreign) 19 12. A n a l y s i s of Covariance f o r Slope Tests: Sub-Scale Four, ( E t h i c a l Canadian)..,. 19 13. C o r r e l a t i o n C o e f f i c i e n t s C u l t u r a l -E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m Scale Pre and Post Sub-Scale Scores 23 i v Table Page 14. C o r r e l a t i o n C o e f f i c i e n t s C u l t u r a l -E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m Scale Pre and Post Sub-Scale Scores w i t h P r i n c i p l e d M o r a l i t y Scores 24 15. T Test: C u l t u r a l - E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m S c a l e , Pre and Post Sub-Scale Means 26 v 1 INTRODUCTION M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i s an i n c r e a s i n g l y popular theme i n Canada. The f e d e r a l government r e c e n t l y e s t a b l i s h e d a M i n i s t r y of M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m whose l e g i s l a t e d f u n c t i o n i s to promote an under-standing of and an acceptance of Canada's c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y . More important f o r our purposes, schools are adopting cu r r i c u l u m programs to support and encourage m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . I m p l i c i t i n these programs i s the d e s i r e a b i l i t y of c r e a t i n g a sympathetic climate throughout the country whereby c u l t u r a l groups may f l o u r i s h and continue t h e i r t r a d i t i o n s . This o b j e c t i v e i s commendable i n any democratic s o c i e t y but i t must not be accepted u n c r i t i c a l l y . A case can be made f o r r e j e c t i n g pure t o l e r a n c e . C u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s may be c l a s s i f i e d according to those customs which have e t h i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s and those customs which do not. Examples of the l a t t e r include' the Japanese custom of removing shoes bef o r e - e n t e r i n g a home and the Sikh custom of wearing turbans as a r e l i g i o u s s i g n . Customs which c l e a r l y have e t h i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s i n c l u d e the custom of arranged marriages, s l a v e r y and the caste system. An e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s t might argue that because moral standards are c u l t u r e - r e l a t i v e ' , no moral p r i n c i p l e s have u n i v e r s a l v a l i d i t y . Customs, t h e r e f o r e , cannot-be judged good o r - e v i l . - The r a t i o n a l e f o r t h i s study, however, contends that c u l t u r a l - p r a c t i c e s must be examined•in l i g h t of u n i v e r s a l moral p r i n c i p l e s * w h i c h place f a i r n e s s and j u s t i c e above absolute approval of any and a l l c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s . This r a t i o n a l e i s i n keeping w i t h the w i l l i n g n e s s of the world's-nations to endorse the p r i n c i p l e s of f a i r n e s s and j u s t i c e by becoming s i g n a t o r i e s t o - t h e ^ U n i v e r s a l D e c l a r a t i o n of Human Ri g h t s : Whereas r e c o g n i t i o n of the inherent d i g n i t y and of the equal and i n a l i e n a b l e r i g h t s of a l l members of 2 the human fa m i l y i s the foundation of freedom, j u s t i c e and peace i n the world... The General Assembly proclaims t h i s U n i v e r s a l D e c l a r a t i o n of Human Rights as a common standard of achievement f o r a l l peoples. ^ The purpose of t h i s study then was to t e s t : 1. the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of experimenter-directed p r i n c i p l e t e s t i n g d i s c u s s i o n s i n moving subjects from an e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s t p o s i t i o n to a more u n i v e r s a l i s t p o s i t i o n on a l l c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s which are u n e t h i c a l . 2. whether subjects at higher l e v e l s of moral development r e j e c t e d e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s m - to a s i g n i f i c a n t l y greater degree than subjects at lower l e v e l s of moral development. 3. whether subjects at higher l e v e l s of moral development were more w i l l i n g to accept n o n - e t h i c a l c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s than were subjects at lower l e v e l s of moral development. These questions were generated from Bernard Gert's (1966) r a t i o n a l e f o r the existence and v a l i d i t y of un i v e r s a l : m o r a l p r i n c i p l e s and from Lawrence 'Kohlberg's (1971) c l a i m that' subjects at higher l e v e l s of moral development are more- l i k e l y to be. u n i v e r s a l i s t s , REVIEW-OF-THE LITERATURE'AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK The concept of e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s m i s one noted f o r i t s l a c k of c l a r i t y . Moser (1963) observes t h a t , "There i s ha r d l y another f i e l d of i n q u i r y to be found i n which'vagueness and ambiguity (and consequently, t a l k i n g at cross-purposes) i s more prevalent than i n t h i s s u b j e c t " . 2 This confusion probably r e s u l t s from the 3 fact that ethical relativism comprises a number of distinct issues which would best be considered separately. Many philosophers have attempted to refine the concept of ethical relativism but in the process have created a confusing array of definitional terms which' have neither cross-dissertation consistency nor cross-dissertation validity. Thus, each philosopher is legislating the use of a certain terminology often relevant only to his discussion. Taylor(1967) speakssof sociological relativism, normative ethical relativism and metaethical relativism; Ennis speaks of empirical relativism, sophisticated relativism and personal relativism; Barnsley (1972) speaks of evaluative relativism, epistemological relativism and axiological relativism. For the purpose of this study, Brandt's definition of ethical relativism w i l l be used because 1) Kohlberg uses Brandt's definition 2) this study was designed-in part to test Kohlberg's conceptual hypothesis that persons at higher stages of moral development would tend to reject ethical'relativism in favour of ethical universalism. Brandt (1961) argues that ethical relativism consists of three beliefs: a) that-moral principles vary according to culture b) that such variation" is unavoidable because there are no rational methods which could reconcile differences between moral principles c) that people ought to live according to the moral principles they hold; Various ethical philosophers.advance this doctrine. Ayer (1971) denies that what we' c a l l moral judgments are in fact capable of any rational or objectively valid justification. Frankena (1963) asserts that since no moral principles have cross-cultural, universal v a l i d i t y ; no society has more correct or enlightened moral beliefs than another. Sumner'(1907) argued that moral principles were fashioned by a society's customs. Thus in Folkways he wrote, "The notion of right'is in the folkways. It i s not outside of them, of independent origin,'and brought to them to test them. In the folkways, whatever i s , is right.' When we come to- the folkways, we are at the end of our analysis". 3 4 Brandt's d e f i n i t i o n provides a conceptual framework necessary to formulate two o p e r a t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n s used i n t h i s study: the e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s t p o s i t i o n and the u n r e s t r i c t e d e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s t p o s i t i o n . These d e f i n i t i o n s allowed us to d i s t i n g u i s h those subjects who would allow a custom with u n e t h i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s i n the s o c i e t y of o r i g i n only, from those subjects who would al l o w a custom w i t h u n e t h i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s i n the s o c i e t y of o r i g i n and outside of that s o c i e t y . Operational- D e f i n i t i o n s 1 . The E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s t P o s i t i o n does not recognize the existence of a u n i v e r s a l moral code and would allow any custom w i t h u n e t h i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s to e x i s t i n s i d e the spciet-y of o r i g i n , but not outside of that s o c i e t y . 2. The U n r e s t r i c t e d E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s t P o s i t i o n - does not recognize the exis t e n c e of a u n i v e r s a l moral code and would al l o w any custom w i t h u n e t h i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s to e x i s t i n s i d e the s o c i e t y of o r i g i n - and outside of that s o c i e t y . One d i f f i c u l t y with.the readings on e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s m was that the authors make no d i s t i n c t i o n between customs w i t h e t h i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s and customs without e t h i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s . C r i t e r i a are needed to d i s t i n g u i s h n o n - e t h i c a l customs from customs w i t h an e t h i c a l component in- o r d e r to encourage subjects to accept n o n - e t h i c a l customs both i n the s o c i e t y of o r i g i n " and outside of that s o c i e t y ; and to examine a l l customs i n l i g h t - o f a u n i v e r s a l moral code. Therefore, two more o p e r a t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n s had to be generated i n order to make t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n . 5 Operational D e f i n i t i o n s 3. The C u l t u r a l R e l a t i v i s t P o s i t i o n would allow a custom w i t h no e t h i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s to e x i s t i n s i d e the s o c i e t y of o r i g i n but not outside of that s o c i e t y . 4. The U n r e s t r i c t e d C u l t u r a l R e l a t i v i s t P o s i t i o n - would a l l o w a custom w i t h no e t h i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s to e x i s t i n s i d e the s o c i e t y of o r i g i n and outside of that s o c i e t y . Having discussed the tenets of e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s m , the j u s t i f i c a t i o n of a u n i v e r s a l moral code must now be examined. Two a u t h o r i t i e s were chosen, one a s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t , the other an e t h i c a l philosopher. Kohlberg (1971) claims that the fundamental tenet of e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s m , that d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s have d i f f e r e n t moral p r i n c i p l e s , i s i n e r r o r . Kohlberg notes that s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s have accepted a p r i o r i assumptions which have biased them i n favour of e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s m before c o n s i d e r i n g the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of r a t i o n a l moral agreement through e m p i r i c a l i n q u i r y . This c o n f u s i o n , e x p l a i n s Kohlberg, r e s u l t s from the erroneous b e l i e f that s o c i a l s c i e n t i f i c i n q u i r y r e q u i r e s adherence to the concept of e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s m i n order a) to question the a r b i t r a r y nature of one's own c u l t u r e b) to be f a i r to other c u l t u r e s and to m i n o r i t y groups c) to be o b j e c t i v e i n studying moral p r i n c i p l e s . By comparing responses to h y p o t h e t i c a l moral dilemma s t o r i e s i n f i v e d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s , Kohlberg concludes that almost a l l i n d i v i d u a l s i n a l l c u l t u r e s use the same 30 b a s i c moral concepts, values or p r i n c i p l e s ; that a l l i n d i v i d u a l s i n a l l c u l t u r e s go through the same sequence of 6 stages of moral development; and that the marked d i f f e r e n c e s between i n d i v i d u a l s and c u l t u r e s are only d i f f e r e n c e s i n stage or developmental s t a t u s . Thus, says 6 Kohlberg, our evidence supports the f o l l o w i n g conclusions: There i s a u n i v e r s a l set of moral p r i n c i p l e s held by men i n various c u l t u r e s , our stage 6... our f i n d i n g s i n d i c a t e that p h i l o s o p h i c a l a n a l y s t s are j u s t i f i e d i n a s s e r t i n g u n i v e r s a l features (of moral judgment), as against the arguments of e t h i c a l and c u l t u r a l r e l a t i v i s t s . 4 Kohlberg argues that stage 6 i n d i v i d u a l s a c t i v e l y r e c o n s t r u c t m o r a l i t y to achieve a u n i v e r s a l e t h i c a l p r i n c i p l e o r i e n t a t i o n which he defines as: Right i s defined by the d e c i s i o n of conscience i n accord w i t h self-chosen e t h i c a l p r i n c i p l e s appealing to l o g i c a l comprehensiveness, u n i v e r s a l i t y , and consistency. These p r i n c i p l e s are a b s t r a c t and e t h i c a l (the Golden Rule, the c a t e g o r i c a l i m p e r a t i v e ) ; they are not concrete moral r u l e s l i k e the Ten Commandments. At h e a r t , these are u n i v e r s a l p r i n c i p l e s of j u s t i c e , of the r e c i p r o c i t y and e q u a l i t y of human r i g h t s , and of respect f o r the d i g n i t y of human beings as i n d i v i d u a l persons. ^ Where Kohlberg develops e m p i r i c a l methods to challenge e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s m , Gert (1966) conceives a p h i l o s o p h i c a l r a t i o n a l e i n support of a u n i v e r s a l moral code. He r e j e c t s e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s m because i t assumes moral p r i n c i p l e s are a f u n c t i o n of a p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r e or s o c i e t y and thereby denies the p o s s i b i l i t y of d i s c u s s i n g moral p r i n c i p l e s per se. Another simple c r i t e r i o n commonly o f f e r e d to provide a t e s t f o r determining what moral r u l e s are i s s o c i a l or c u l t u r a l . I t has been maintained that moral r u l e s are those r u l e s to which a s o c i e t y or c u l t u r e demands obedience. However, t h i s c r i t e r i o n , which i s c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to a view c a l l e d e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s m , makes i t impossible f o r one to t a l k simply of moral r u l e s . One must t a l k of the moral 7 r u l e s of such and such a s o c i e t y . Accepting t h i s c r i t e r i o n would e n t a i l that our o r i g i n a l q u e s t i o n , "What are the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of moral r u l e s ? , " i s out of order. We should have asked, "What are the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the moral r u l e s of such and such s o c i e t y ? " I do not deny that some people, i n f a c t , regard as moral r u l e s those r u l e s to which t h e i r s o c i e t y demands obedience. But I a l s o do not deny that some people regard as moral r u l e s those r u l e s which they b e l i e v e to have been commanded by God. But j u s t as t h i s l a t t e r f a c t does not make God-given e i t h e r a necessary or a s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n f o r a moral r u l e , the former f a c t does not make being r e q u i r e d by s o c i e t y a necessary or s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n f o r a moral r u l e . Gert argues that the moral philosopher must e x p l a i n the nature of moral r u l e s by showing t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to our conduct and to our judgments, as w e l l as by e x p l a i n i n g and j u s t i f y i n g our a t t i t u d e toward them. He demonstrates that s i n c e any r a t i o n a l person would take a d e f i n i t e a t t i t u d e toward c e r t a i n r u l e s , t h i s was j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r the acceptance of u n i v e r s a l moral r u l e s . The f i r s t f i v e r u l e s set out by Gert are: 1. Don't cause death 2. Don't cause pain 3 . Don't cause d i s a b i l i t y 4. Don't cause l o s s of freedom or opportunity 5. Don't cause l o s s of pleasure The a t t i t u d e that a l l r a t i o n a l men would take toward these r u l e s i s I want a l l other people to obey the r u l e w i t h regard to anyone f o r whom I am concerned ( i n c l u d i n g myself) except when they have a good s p e c i f i c reason f o r b e l i e v i n g that e i t h e r that person or myself ( p o s s i b l y the same) has (or would have i f he knew the f a c t s ) a r a t i o n a l d e s i r e not to have the r u l e obeyed w i t h regard to him. 7 8 A l l r a t i o n a l men would adopt t h i s a t t i t u d e , argues Gert because the moral r u l e s p r o h i b i t causing the kinds of consequences that r a t i o n a l men want to avoid. Gert does not advocate s t r i c t adherence to the moral r u l e s at a l l times. On the con t r a r y , not only are there j u s t i f i e d v i o l a t i o n s of the moral r u l e s , there i s even u n j u s t i f i e d keeping of them. Thus, i f a l i f e can be saved by causing l o s s of pleasure i . e . , t a k i n g a loaded gun away from a c h i l d , a r a t i o n a l man must break the l e s s e r r u l e i n order to maintain the more important r u l e . Gert concludes that e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s t s do not d i s t i n g u i s h between those c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s or standards that have an e t h i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n and those that do not. F a i l u r e to see t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n has been one of the confusions surrounding d i s c u s s i o n s of e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s m . They ( e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s t s ) have f a i l e d to d i s t i n g u i s h the moral r u l e s from the nonmoral customs of a s o c i e t y . They wish to maintain that we should not impose our nonmoral customs on other c u l t u r e s because doing so would be immoral. However, having f a i l e d to d i s t i n g u i s h m o r a l i t y from those aspects of a c u l t u r e which are p e c u l i a r to i t , they do not have the concepts to express t h e i r views c o r r e c t l y . They advocate tolerance without r e a l i z i n g that i n so doing they are advocating obedience to the moral r u l e s . I t i s i r o n i c that these people, who are so morally s e n s i t i v e and sophis-t i c a t e d , should argue f o r the c o r r e c t moral view by a t t a c k i n g m o r a l i t y , 8 Based on the above r a t i o n a l e f o r the existence of a u n i v e r s a l moral code, the l a s t o p e r a t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n was formulated. Operational D e f i n i t i o n 5. E t h i c a l U n i v e r s a l i s t P o s i t i o n recognizes a u n i v e r s a l moral code a p p l i c a b l e to a l l s o c i e t i e s and would not allow any custom w i t h e t h i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s to 9 exist inside or outside the society of origin i f that custom is found to contravene the universal moral code. METHOD - STUDY ONE SUBJECTS The subjects for the f i r s t study were 44 grade 11 students drawn from two classes in Point Grey Secondary School, an urban Vancouver high school. At f i r s t , the experimenters were unable to find a cooperative school board. Comments ranged from "moral education is too sensitive - the parents won't go for i t " to "the study is highly esoteric". Eventually, we were able to e l i c i t the support of two teachers who were acquaintances of the experimenters. It must be acknowledged that these teachers may have already created an atmosphere in the classroom which was more conducive to change, INSTRUMENTS The instruments used in study one included the Defining Issues Test (Appendix A) developed by Rest (1974) and the Cultural-Ethical Relativism Scale (Appendix B) developed by Kehoe (1976). Rest's Defining Issues Test is an objective test of moral judgment development which measures the relative importance a subject gives to principled moral considerations in making decisions about moral dilemmas. The standard Defining Issues Test consists of six moral dilemma stories but the experimenters chose the shortened four story version. The net result for each subject is a single Principled Morality Score; the higher the score the greater the relative importance attributed to principled moral considerations in making moral decisions. A number of studies have tested the Defining Issues Test for validity and r e l i a b i l i t y . In one study (Rest, Cooper, Coder, Masanz and Anderson, 1974), groups of junior high students, senior high 10 students, c o l l e g e j u n i o r s and s e n i o r s , and graduate students i n p o l i t i c a l science and moral philosophy were given the t e s t . The assumption was that these four groups represented an order of i n c r e a s -ing advancement i n moral judgment. The P r i n c i p l e d M o r a l i t y Scores, which ranged from a mean of 32.7 f o r the j u n i o r high group to a mean of 65.1 f o r the graduate students, s u b s t a n t i a t e d t h i s assumption. A one-way a n a l y s i s of variance on the P r i n c i p l e d M o r a l i t y Scores across the four groups gave F values exceeding the .01 l e v e l of s t a t i s t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . The c o r r e l a t i o n of the P r i n c i p l e d M o r a l i t y Scores w i t h age was .62. Hurt (1974) s t u d i e d change associated w i t h a c o l l e g e course based on the model of "De l i b e r a t e P s y c h o l o g i c a l Education" and found s i g n i f i c a n t pre to p o s t - t e s t change (p .037), whereas w i t h the re g u l a r psychology course, there was no s i g n i f i c a n t change. To t e s t f o r r e l i a b i l i t y , Rest administered the D e f i n i n g Issues Test to 28 n i n t h graders two weeks apart (Rest et a l . , 1974). The P r i n c i p l e d M o r a l i t y Score c o r r e l a t i o n was .81. Panowitsch (1974) i n v e s t i g a t e d changes a s s o c i a t -ed w i t h t a k i n g c o l l e g e - l e v e l r e l i g i o n and a r t courses and found there was no s i g n i f i c a n t change over a 12 week p e r i o d . The c o r r e l a t i o n of the P r i n c i p l e d M o r a l i t y Scores averaged i n the mid-60's. The C u l t u r a l - E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m Scale c o n s i s t s of a mixture of 20 c u l t u r a l items and 22 e t h i c a l items. Each c u l t u r a l item describes a custom p e c u l i a r to a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i e t y or c u l t u r e . For example, Amish r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s repudiate graven images and thereby p r o h i b i t t h e i r being photographed. There are no e t h i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s i n t h i s p e c u l i a r i t y ; i t i s simply a p r o h i b i t i o n based on the Amish r e l i g i o n . The 22 e t h i c a l items c o n s i s t of customs p e c u l i a r to a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i e t y which have u n e t h i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s . For example, the Kalingos t r i b e on the i s l a n d of Luzon views i n j u r i e s or k i l l i n g w i t h i n t h e i r own s o c i e t y as serious crimes; but views i n j u r i e s to or k i l l i n g of o u t s i d e r s w i t h an a i r of i n d i f f e r e n c e . A l l 22 items v i o l a t e one of Gert's u n i v e r s a l moral r u l e s and were judged u n e t h i c a l by two moral philosophers (Coombs, Yamaguchi). This 11 r a t i n g provides a measure of content v a l i d i t y . Kohlberg's conceptual a n a l y s i s (1971) suggests that subjects w i t h a high P r i n c i p l e d M o r a l i t y Score would r e j e c t both the e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s t and u n r e s t r i c t e d e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s t p o s i t i o n s i n favour of the e t h i c a l u n i v e r s a l i s t p o s i t i o n . On a l l c u l t u r a l items, subjects are awarded three p o i n t s i f they agree that the custom should be allowed i n the f o r e i g n country or Canada; two p o i n t s i f they can not decide; and one poi n t i f they do not al l o w the custom. On the e t h i c a l items, s c o r i n g i s reversed; subjects are awarded three p o i n t s i f they d i s a l l o w the co n t i n u a t i o n of the u n e t h i c a l p r a c t i c e i n the f o r e i g n country or Canada; two po i n t s i f they can not decide; and one point i f they a l l o w the custom. For s t a t i s t i c a l purposes, the experimenters i n the present study were i n t e r e s t e d only i n the composite score on each subscale: c u l t u r a l f o r e i g n , c u l t u r a l Canadian, e t h i c a l f o r e i g n and e t h i c a l Canadian. On the c u l t u r a l items, the Scale suggests the f o l l o w i n g conclusions: 1. I f subjects allow the c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e i n the country of o r i g i n but d i s a l l o w i t i n Canada, they adopt a c u l t u r a l r e l a t i v i s t p o s i t i o n . 2. I f subjects allow the c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e both i n the country of o r i g i n and i n Canada, they adopt an u n r e s t r i c t e d c u l t u r a l r e l a t i v i s t p o s i t i o n . 3. I f subjects allow- the c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e $n. C a n a d a but d£sallow-i t i n the country of o r i g i n , they are confused. On, the e t h i c a l items, the Scale suggests the .following c o n clusions: 1. I f subjects allow the p r a c t i c e i n the, country of o r i g i n but d i s a l l o w i t i n Canada, they a d e p t an, e t h i c a l - r e l a t i v i s t p o s i t i o n . 12 2. I f subjects allow the p r a c t i c e both i n the country of o r i g i n and i n Canada, they adopt an u n r e s t r i c t e d e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s t p o s i t i o n . 3. I f subjects allow the p r a c t i c e i n Canada but d i s a l l o w i t i n the country of o r i g i n , they are confused. 4. I f subjects deny the p r a c t i c e both i n the country of o r i g i n and i n Canada, they adopt an e t h i c a l u n i v e r s a l i s t p o s i t i o n . PROCEDURE Research Questions 1. I t was a n t i c i p a t e d that subjects who were administered the treatment would demonstrate a greater w i l l i n g n e s s to a) accept the u n r e s t r i c t e d c u l t u r a l r e l a t i v i s t p o s i t i o n b) r e j e c t the u n r e s t r i c t e d e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s t p o s i t i o n c) accept the e t h i c a l u n i v e r s a l i s t p o s i t i o n . Therefore, the d i f f e r e n c e s between the means of the treatment group and of the c o n t r o l group should be s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t on the four sub-scales of the C u l t u r a l - E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m Scale. 2. I t was a l s o a n t i c i p a t e d that l e v e l of moral development would be r e l a t e d to the sub-scale scores. D e s c r i p t i o n of the Treatment The two grade 11 c l a s s e s were administered the D e f i n i n g Issues Test on day one, p r o v i d i n g a P r i n c i p l e d M o r a l i t y Score f o r each subj e c t . Their P r i n c i p l e d M o r a l i t y Scores were then pooled and 13 ranked from high to low. Every second score was assigned to a new group, thus y i e l d i n g a randomly assigned treatment group of 23 students and a randomly assigned c o n t r o l group of 21 students w i t h s i m i l a r mean scores on the D e f i n i n g Issues Test. A t t e s t confirmed that there was no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between the means. On day e i g h t , the treatment group p a r t i c i p a t e d i n a one hour p r i n c i p l e - t e s t i n g d i s c u s s i o n w i t h Dr. John Kehoe of the F a c u l t y of Education, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. Dr. Kehoe presented s e v e r a l c u l t u r a l or s o c i e t a l r e l a t e d customs, most c o n s i s t i n g of at l e a s t one u n e t h i c a l component which v i o l a t e d Gert's Moral Rules. The customs included the Indian caste system, which denied s o c i a l and economic m o b i l i t y ; k i l l i n g b r e e c h - b i r t h babies, a p r a c t i c e once committed by a t r i b e i n Kenya; murdering c h i l d r e n to appease God, r e c e n t l y perpetrated by the U n i v e r s a l Assembly of the Saints i n South America; the H u t t e r i t e p r a c t i c e of denying t h e i r c h i l d r e n music and dancing; and apartheid i n South A f r i c a . Subjects were t o l d to ignore what the law p r e s c r i b e d or allowed but to consider each i s s u e i n terms of f a i r n e s s and j u s t i c e . I n e f f e c t , Kehoe attempted to e l i c i t support f o r the e t h i c a l u n i v e r s a l i s t p o s i t i o n by encouraging acceptance of the r a t i o n a l e developed by Gert. The s a l i e n t features of the c l a s s d i s c u s s i o n included four t e s t s of p r i n c i p l e a c c e p t a b i l i t y . The four t e s t s were the new cases t e s t , the subsumption t e s t , the r o l e exchange t e s t and the u n i v e r s a l consequences t e s t . The f o l l o w i n g example i l l u s t r a t e s the procedure. Kehoe described Gert's f i r s t r u l e , "Don't k i l l " , and e l i c i t e d support f o r t h i s r u l e . Once t h i s value p r i n c i p l e was e x p l i c i t l y formulated, Kehoe a p p l i e d i t to a new case - the act of murdering c h i l d r e n to appease God, p r a c t i c e d by the Assembly of the S a i n t s , - a r e l i g i o u s group i n South America. I t was expected that subjects would r e j e c t t h i s p r a c t i c e but t h e i r r e a c t i o n was mixed. Some subjects adopted the e t h i c a l u n i v e r s a l i s t p o s i t i o n and accepted the p r o p o s i t i o n that some p r a c t i c e s w i t h u n e t h i c a l components should be d i s a l l o w e d i n a l l s o c i e t i e s at a l l times. Other subjects supported the r e l a t i v i s t p o s i t i o n ; " I t may 14 seem u n f a i r but i t ' s t h e i r r e l i g i o n " , "Abide by the c u l t u r e you enter, we should respect t h e i r way of l i f e as long as they don't i n t e r f e r e w i t h us", " I t h i n k i t i s wrong but they t h i n k i t i s r i g h t , t h e r e f o r e i t i s r i g h t f o r them". Kehoe than assembled f a c t s about t h i s new case so that subjects could subsume the value p r i n c i p l e i m p l i c i t i n the case i . e . , the c h i l d r e n should not be murdered, i n t o the more general value p r i n c i p l e that the subjects had already accepted i . e . , "Don't k i l l " . Again, subject r e a c t i o n was mixed. When Kehoe asked the subjects to exchange r o l e s w i t h the c h i l d r e n and to consider whether or not they s t i l l maintained an e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s t p o s i t i o n , i t was apparent that some subjects d i d move to a more e t h i c a l u n i v e r s a l i s t p o s i t i o n . However, some subjects responded to the r o l e exchange t e s t by saying, " I f I was part of that c u l t u r e I would t h i n k the p r a c t i c e would be r i g h t t h e r e f o r e I would accept i t " . The l a s t t e s t presented the p o s s i b i l i t y of r e l i g i o u s sects throughout the world adopting the tenets of the Assembly of the Saints and asked subjects to consider whether or not they would accept the consequences of a more u n i v e r s a l i n f a n t i c i d e . Again, subject r e a c t i o n was mixed. The four t e s t s of p r i n c i p l e a c c e p t a b i l i t y were al s o used w i t h the other customs noted above. On day n i n e , the d i s c u s s i o n continued f o r one hour w i t h the treatment group. Subjects i n the c o n t r o l group were given study periods on days eight and nine. On day 13, both the treatment group and the c o n t r o l group were p o s t - t e s t e d w i t h the C u l t u r a l -E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m Scale. The t o t a l treatment time of.two hours may be considered by some observers to be too b r i e f . A year and a h a l f was spent t r y i n g to o b t a i n the cooperation of schools. When a school f i n a l l y agreed to allow two c l a s s periods f o r treatment, the d e c i s i o n was made to accept. A casual a n a l y s i s of the classroom d i s c u s s i o n by an observer suggested that the students were r e j e c t i n g the e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s t p o s i t i o n and t h e r e f o r e the time seemed s u f f i c i e n t . 15 RESULTS The Hoyt Reliability Estimate of .86 on the Cultural-Ethical Relativism Scale showed that the Scale bad acceptable levels of internal consistency. The computer program used in the analyses was the Stat i s t i c a l Package For the Social Sciences, made available by the University of British Columbia, Vancouver. The 5% level of significance was considered acceptable for the study. Three s t a t i s t i c a l tests were conducted on the data. The f i r s t was an analysis of variance to compare the means of the treatment and control group on each of the four sub-scales of the Cultural-Ethical Relativism Scale. Tables 1-4 show that no significant differences were found to exist on any of the sub-scales. It should be noted, however, that sub-scale three, ethical-foreign, approaches significance. TABLE 1 ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE: SUB-SCALE ONE (CULTURAL FOREIGN) Source D.F. Sum of Squares Mean Square F Prob A Error Total 1 41 43 89.743 1491.038 1596.431 89.743 36.366 2,467 .119 16 TABLE 2 ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE: SUB-SCALE TWO (CULTURAL CANADIAN) Source D.F. Sum of Squares Mean Square F Prob A 1 Erro r 41 T o t a l 43 254.004 3204.661 3629.159 254.004 3.249 .075 78.162 TABLE 3 ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE: SUB-SCALE THREE (ETHICAL FOREIGN) Source D.F. Sum of Squares Mean Square F Prob A 1 E r r o r 41 T o t a l 43 7.723 5592.984 5680.182 7.723 .057 .799 136.414 TABLE 4 ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE: SUB-SCALE FOUR (ETHICAL CANADIAN) Source D.F. Sum of Squares Mean Square F Prob A 1 E r r o r 41 T o t a l 43 4.926 1665.691 1670.909 4.926 .121 .727 40.627 17 The second s t a t i s t i c a l t e s t was an a n a l y s i s of covariance which c o n t r o l l e d f o r the P r i n c i p l e d M o r a l i t y Score and compared the means of the treatment and c o n t r o l groups on each of the four sub-scales of the C u l t u r a l - E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m Scale. Tables 5-8 show that no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s were found to e x i s t . TABLE 5 ANALYSIS OF COVARIANCE: SUB-SCALE ONE (CULTURAL FOREIGN) Covariate Regression C o e f f i c i e n t Standard E r r o r F-Value Prob P Score .037 .042 .808 .377 TABLE 6 ANALYSIS OF COVARIANCE: SUB-SCALE TWO (CULTURAL CANADIAN) Covariate Regression C o e f f i c i e n t Standard E r r o r F-Value Prob P Score .107 .061 3,049 .085 TABLE 7 ANALYSIS OF COVARIANCE: SUB-SCALE THREE (ETHICAL FOREIGN) Covariate Regression ; C o e f f i c i e n t Standard E r r o r F-Value Prob P Score -.064 .081 .627 .439 18 TABLE 8 ANALYSIS OF COVARIANCE: SUB-SCALE FOUR (ETHICAL CANADIAN) Covariate Regression C o e f f i c i e n t Standard E r r o r F-Value Prob P Score .001 .044 .001 .927 The t h i r d s t a t i s t i c a l t e s t was an a n a l y s i s of r e g r e s s i o n slopes on each of the four sub-scales of the C u l t u r a l - E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m Scale. This a n a l y s i s (tables 9-12) suggests that there were no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s between each p a i r of r e g r e s s i o n l i n e s on each sub-scale of the C u l t u r a l - E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m Scale. Furthermore, the standard e r r o r of estimate of each of the four sub-scales suggests that the v a r i a t i o n was l a r g e enough to obscure any s i g n i f i c a n t r e s u l t s . TABLE 9 ANALYSIS OF COVARIANCE FOR SLOPE TESTS: SUB-SCALE ONE (CULTURAL FOREIGN) Source D.F. Sum of Squares Mean Square F F Prob A. Cov. Er r o r . Cov. 1 40 34.917 1456.121 34.917 36.403 .959 .432 19 TABLE 10 ANALYSIS OF COVARIANCE FOR SLOPE TESTS: SUB-SCALE TWO (CULTURAL CANADIAN) Source D.F. Sum of Squares Mean Square F F Prob A. Cov. Er r o r . Cov. 1 40 8.887 '3195.775 8.887 79.894 .111 .759 TABLE 1 1 ANALYSIS OF COVARIANCE FOR SLOPE TESTS: SUB-SCALE THREE (ETHICAL FOREIGN) Source D.F. Sum of Squares Mean Square F F Prob A. Cov. Er r o r . Cov. 1 40 235.231 5357.752 235.231 133.944 1.756 .317 TABLE 12 ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE / COVARIANCE FOR SLOPE TESTS: SUB-SCALE FOUR (ETHICAL CANADIAN) Sum of Mean Source D.F. Squares Square F F Prob A. Cov. 1 14.702 14.702 .356 .610 Er r o r Cov. 40 1650.988 41.275 20 METHOD - STUDY TWO SUBJECTS The subjects f o r the second study were 32 f i f t h year u n i v e r s i t y students r e g i s t e r e d i n a night school c l a s s w i t h the Fac u l t y of Education, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. Their ages ranged from e a r l y twenties to e a r l y f i f t i e s . Given the l i m i t e d numbers a v a i l a b l e , i t was decided not to d i v i d e these subjects i n t o a treatment and a c o n t r o l group, but rather to leave the group i n t a c t and administer the treatment. INSTRUMENTS The instruments used i n study two were the D e f i n i n g Issues Test and the C u l t u r a l - E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m S c a l e , described i n study one. However i n order to o b t a i n pre-treatment and post-treatment scores, the C u l t u r a l - E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m Scale was randomly d i v i d e d i n t o Form A and Form B, each c o n s i s t i n g of 10 c u l t u r a l items and 11 e t h i c a l items. The f o l l o w i n g method was used to determine that Form A and Form B were equivalent. Each of the items' mean scores on the o r i g i n a l C u l t u r a l - E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m Scale administered to the P o i n t Grey sample ( s t u d y ! ) was assigned to one of two columns, depending on i t s random a l l o c a t i o n to Form A or Form B. These mean scores were then added and compared. The r e s u l t s demonstrate that Form A and Form B, derived from the C u l t u r a l - E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m S c a l e , were equivalent. 21 Poin t Grey Means: C u l t u r a l - E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m  Scale Subscales, Divided Into Form A and Form B Form A 10 c u l t u r a l f o r e i g n items 26.6 Form B 10 c u l t u r a l f o r e i g n items 27.4 Form A 10 c u l t u r a l Canadian items 21.3 Form B 10 c u l t u r a l Canadian items 21.8 Form A 11 e t h i c a l f o r e i g n items 21.56 Form B 11 e t h i c a l f o r e i g n items 21.42 Form A 11 e t h i c a l Canadian items 29.48 Form B 11 e t h i c a l Canadian items 28.49 Form A t o t a l X 24.74 Form B t o t a l X 24.53 PROCEDURE Research Questions 1. I t was a n t i c i p a t e d that subjects would demonstrate a w i l l i n g n e s s to a) accept the u n r e s t r i c t e d c u l t u r a l r e l a t i v i s t p o s i t i o n b) r e j e c t the u n r e s t r i c t e d e t h i c a l p o s i t i o n c) accept the e t h i c a l u n i v e r s a l i s t p o s i t i o n . Therefore, the d i f f e r e n c e s between the means of the pre and p o s t - t e s t scores on the four sub-scales of the C u l t u r a l - E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m Scale should be s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t . 22 2. The P r i n c i p l e d M o r a l i t y Scores and the four sub-scale scores of the C u l t u r a l E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m should c o r r e l a t e i n a p o s i t i v e d i r e c t i o n . D e s c r i p t i o n of the Treatment The 32 subjects were pr e - t e s t e d w i t h the D e f i n i n g Issues Test and Form A of the C u l t u r a l - E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m Scale. Immediately a f t e r the p r e - t e s t s , Dr. Kehoe conducted a l l / 2 hour p r i n c i p l e - t e s t i n g d i s c u s s i o n , s i m i l a r to the d i s c u s s i o n described i n study one. Upon termin a t i o n of t h i s d i s c u s s i o n p e r i o d , a l l subjects were p o s t - t e s t e d w i t h Form B of the C u l t u r a l - E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m Scale. RESULTS The f i r s t a n a l y s i s of the data was to c o r r e l a t e the pre and p o s t - t e s t scores of the C u l t u r a l - E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m sub-s c a l e s . The second a n a l y s i s was to c o r r e l a t e these sub-scale scores w i t h the P r i n c i p l e d M o r a l i t y Scores obtained from the De f i n i n g Issues Test. (Tables 13, 14) 23 TABLE 13 CORRELATION COEFFICIENTS CULTURAL-ETHICAL RELATIVISM SCALE PRE AND POST SUB-SCALE SCORES P o s t - t e s t Cul. For. Cul. Can. Eth. For. Eth. Can. Pr e - t e s t Cul. For. Cul. Can. .294 s=.048 .127 s=.239 .5154 s=.001 .449 s=.004 -.156 s=.193 -.057 s=.377 -.179 s=.159 -.245 s=.085 Eth. For. Eth. Can. -.309 s=.04 -.246 s=.08 -.537 s=.001 -.243 s=.086 .422 s=.007 .361 s=.019 .244 s=.085 .423 s=.007 24 TABLE 14 CORRELATION COEFFICIENTS CULTURAL-ETHICAL RELATIVISM SCALE PRE AND POST SUB-SCALE SCORES WITH PRINCIPLED MORALITY SCORES P r i n c i p l e d M o r a l i t y Score P r e - t e s t Cul. For. .258 s=.074 Cul. Can. -.099 s=.292 Eth. For. -.315 s=.037 Eth. Can. -.009 s=.481 Post-test Cul. For. .39 s=.012 Cul. Can. .194 s=.14 Eth. For. -.256 s=.075 TABLE 14-Continued Eth. Can. -.005 s=..489 Table 13 shows that there were s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n s i n a p o s i t i v e d i r e c t i o n between the four pre and post-scores on each sub-scale of the C u l t u r a l E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m Scale. When d i f f e r e n t sub-scales were compared, however, the only s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n s i n a p o s i t i v e d i r e c t i o n were between p r e - c u l t u r a l f o r e i g n and p o s t - c u l t u r a l Canadian; and p r e - e t h i c a l Canadian and p o s t - e t h i c a l f o r e i g n and p o s t - c u l t u r a l f o r e i g n and p r e - e t h i c a l f o r e i g n and p o s t - c u l t u r a l Canadian. Table 14 shows that w h i l e post-treatment c o r r e l a t i o n s between P r i n c i p l e d M o r a l i t y Scores and the sub-scales of the C u l t u r a l - E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m Scale tended to be i n a more p o s i t i v e d i r e c t i o n than pre-treatment c o r r e l a t i o n s , only one was s i g n i f i c a n t . This c o r r e l a t i o n , between P r i n c i p l e d M o r a l i t y Scores and the p o s t - t e s t c u l t u r a l f o r e i g n scores, was i n a p o s i t i v e d i r e c t i o n and suggests that the treatment d i d move subjects to more w i l l i n g l y accept n o n - e t h i c a l c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s i n f o r e i g n c o u n t r i e s . The t h i r d a n a l y s i s of the data was a s e r i e s of t t e s t s f o r p a i r e d samples ( i . e . , a c o r r e l a t e d t t e s t ) on the pre and post means of each sub-scale of the C u l t u r a l - E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m Scale. TABLE 15 T TEST: CULTURAL-ETHICAL RELATIVISM SCALE, PRE AND POST SUB-SCALE MEANS Standard- 1 - T a i l V a r i a b l e Mean D e v i a t i o n T Value Prob. (P=) Pre Cul. For. 28.03 2.65 -2.15 .02 Post Cul. For. 29.00 1.32 Pre Cul. Can 23.73' 3.70 -3.74 .0001 Post Cul. Can. 26.03 2.79 Pre Eth. For. 20.61 6.04 .66 .26 Post Eth. For. 19.82 6.64 Pre Eth. Can 28.33 3.56 2.51 .009 Post Eth. Can 26.45 4.36 The t t e s t r e s u l t s show that the mean change between the pre-post scores on the c u l t u r a l f o r e i g n and on the c u l t u r a l Canadian sub-scales of the C u l t u r a l - E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m Scale were s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t i n a p o s i t i v e d i r e c t i o n . This suggests that the treatment increased s u b j e c t s ' w i l l i n g n e s s to accept c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s w i t h no e t h i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s both i n the f o r e i g n country and i n Canada. When the mean change between the pre and post scores on the e t h i c a l f o r e i g n and e t h i c a l Canadian sub-scales were examined, however, the r e s u l t s were not encouraging. On the e t h i c a l - f o r e i g n sub-scale, the mean change was not s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t , although the mean change pre to post d i d decrease s l i g h t l y . On the e t h i c a l Canadian sub-scale, the mean change was s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t but i n a negative d i r e c t i o n . This suggests that subjects 27 were more w i l l i n g to accept a c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e w i t h u n e t h i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s a f t e r the treatment than before. DISCUSSION  STUDY ONE The three s t a t i s t i c a l analyses of the data suggest that the treatment had no s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on the s u b j e c t s ' w i l l i n g n e s s to 1) accept the u n r e s t r i c t e d c u l t u r a l r e l a t i v i s t p o s i t i o n 2) r e j e c t the u n r e s t r i c t e d e t h i c a l r e l a t i v i s t p o s i t i o n 3) accept the e t h i c a l u n i v e r s a l i s t p o s i t i o n . I t should be noted, however, that the treatment d i d not have a negative e f f e c t . A p o s s i b l e reason why the treatment was i n e f f e c t i v e may be explained by T u r i e l ' s (1975) analyses of stage changes i n moral judgment during l a t e adolescence. Working w i t h the s i x - s t a g e scheme of moral development formulated by Kohlberg (1969), T u r i e l obtained data r e l e v a n t to the movement from stage 4 to stage 5. The data showed that the t r a n s i t i o n from stage 4 to stage 5 included a p e r i o d of d i s e q u i l i b r i u m i n which moral judgments are c h a r a c t e r i z e d by much i n c o n s i s t e n c y . As T u r i e l notes: The c e n t r a l i n c o n s i s t e n c y expressed by t r a n s i t i o n a l adolescents i s between a) a r e l a t i v i s m , i n which there i s an apparant r e j e c t i o n of moral judgments or moral terminology, and b) a moralism, i n which moral judgments are made and moral terminology used. The simultaneous r e j e c t i o n of m o r a l i t y and presence of moral a s s e r t i o n s r e f l e c t s the t r a n s i t i o n a l process, which e n t a i l s both'a~reevaluation of the e x i s t i n g mode of t h i n k i n g and the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a more adequate mode. 9 28 STUDY TWO The treatment had a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on the s u b j e c t s ' w i l l i n g n e s s to accept c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s w i t h no e t h i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s both i n the country of o r i g i n and i n Canada. While t h i s trend was encouraging, an examination of the e t h i c a l sub-scales showed that s u b j e c t s , a f t e r the treatment, were more w i l l i n g to accept u n e t h i c a l c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s i n Canada. These r e s u l t s suggest that the treatment created d i s e q u i l i b r i u m w i t h i n the s u b j e c t s ' values system whereby they could not d i s t i n g u i s h c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s w i t h e t h i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s from those without. In f u t u r e s t u d i e s , t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n must be c l a r i f i e d . A f u r t h e r study should a l s o examine long range e f f e c t s on s u b j e c t s . I t may be that c o g n i t i v e r e o r g a n i z a t i o n needs to take place and an immediate p o s t - t e s t may not show change. 29 APPENDIX A DEFINING ISSUES TEST 0 30 OPINIONS ABOUT SOCIAL PROBLEMS This questionnaire i s aimed'at understanding how people think about s o c i a l problems. D i f f e r e n t people often have d i f f e r e n t opinions about questions of r i g h t and wrong. There are no " r i g h t " answers i n the way that there are r i g h t answers to match problems. We would l i k e you to t e l l us what you think about several pro-blem s t o r i e s . The papers w i l l be fed to a computer to f i n d the average for the whole group, and no one w i l l see your i n d i v i d u a l answers. Please give us the following information: Name ; female Age Class and period ' male School '  * * * * * * In t h i s questionnaire you w i l l be asked to give your opinions about several s t o r i e s . Here i s a story as an example. Read i t , then turn to the rext page. Frank Jones has been thinking about buying a car. He i s married, has two small c h i l d r e n and earns an average income. The car he buys w i l l be h i s family's only car. I t w i l l be used mostly to get to work and drive around town, but some-times f o r vacation t r i p s also. In t r y i n g to decide what car to buy, Frank Jones r e a l i z e d that there were a l o t of questions to consider. On the next page there i s a l i s t of some of these questions. If you were Frank Jones, how important would each of these questions be i n deciding what car to buy? PART A . (SAMPLE) On the l e f t hand s i d e of the page check one of the spaces by each question that could be considered. 1. Whether the car dealer vas i n the same block as • where Frank l i v e s . •^f _ _ _ 2 . Would a used car be more economical i n the long run than a new car . 3. Whether the c o l o r was green, Frank's f a v o r i t e c o l o r . 4. Whether the cubic i n c h displacement was at l e a s t 200. 5 . Would a l a r g e , roomy car be b e t t e r than a compact car yj/ 6. Whether the f r o n t c o n n i b i l i e s were d i f f e r e n t i a l . PART 75. (SAMPLE) From the l i s t of questions above, s e l e c t the most important one of the whole group. Put the number of the most important question on the top l i n e below. Do l i k e w i s e tor your 2nd, 3rd, and 4 t h most important choices. Most important 5 Second most important 2 Third most important _3_ Fourth most important 1 31 HEINZ AND THE DRUG In Europe a woman was near death from a special kind of cancer. There was one drug that the doctors thought might save her. It was a form of radium that a druggist in the same town had recently discovered. The .drug was expensive to make, but the druggist was charging ten times what the drug cost to make. He paid $200 for the radium and charged $2000 for a small dose of the drug. The sick woman's husband, Heinz, went to everyone he knew to borrow the money, but he could only get together about $1000, which is half of what i t cost. He told the druggist that his wife was dying, and asked him to sell i t cheaper or let him pay later. But the druggist said, "No, I discovered the drug and I'm going to make money from i t . " So Heinz got desperate and began to think about breaking Into the man's store to steal the drug for his wife. Should Heinz steal the drug? (Check one) Should steal i t Can't decide Should not steal i t s o o <J o 2/ V o HEINZ STORY On the left hand side of the page check one of the spaces by each question to indicate its importance. _. 1. Whether a community's laws are going to be upheld. 2. Isn t it only natural for a loving husband to care so much for his wife that he'd steal? . 3 . Is Heinz willing to .risk getting shot as, a .burglar or going to"jail for the chance that stealing the drug..might help? jf.di jur/fc Sri .4. ...Whether Heinz is a professional wrestler, ior -th^ s^ , considerable influence with professional wrestlers. 5. Whether Heinz is stealing for himself or doing this ^ .. t . solely .to help someone, else. ...Li.... , 6. Whether the druggist's rights f.o this _inyep^^^^ay^ s to be respected. 7V Whether the essence of living is more encompassing g . ' i l . ' l & ^ d 3.101. .. than, the termination .of dying,., sp.cially- a_nd; : ^ i i d ^ ^ I . J '' '1* 'vldually.'' ' '' •'" ' 8." ' Wbat' value's 'are' going' to be the basis for governing *ho.w people act. towards, each other.. , , A ^ J . , . , , , sAv.m 03 9. Whether the druggist is going to be al lpw.e_dn LO;. . . . R; hide behend a worthless law which only protects the rich anyhow. 10. Whether the law in this case is getting in the way of the most basic claim of any member of society....^j 11. Whether the druggist deserves to be robbed for 1. being so greedy and cruel. 12- • Would stealing in such a case bring about more total good for the whole society or not. From the li s t of questions above, select the four most important: Most important _ Second most important Third most important 32 / o* . S • § Or C </ «/ ^ £ ^ §. §. -i" it - ESCAPED PRISONER # # i $ $ 1. Hasn't Mr. Thompson been good enough f o r such a long time to prove he i s n ' t a bad person? 2. Everytime someone escapes punishment f o r a crime, doesn't that j u s t encourage more crime? 3. Wouldn't we be b e t t e r o f f without p r i s o n s and the oppression of our l e g a l system? 4 . Has Mr. Thompson r e a l l y paid h i s debt to s o c i e t y ? 5. Would s o c i e t y be f a i l i n g what Mr. Thompson should f a i r l y expect? • 6. What b e n e f i t s would p r i s o n s be apart from s o c i e t y , e s p e c i a l l y f o r a c h a r i t a b l e man? 7. How could anyone be so c r u e l and h e a r t l e s s as to send Mr. Thompson to p r i s o n ? 8 . Would i t be f a i r to a l l the p r i s o n e r s who had to serve out t h e i r f u l l sentences i f Mr. Thompson was l e t o f f ? 9. Was Mrs. Jones a good f r i e n d of Mr. Thompson? 10. Wouldn't i t be a c i t i z e n ' s duty to r e p o r t an escaped c r i m i n a l , r e g a r d l e s s of the circumstances? 11. How would the w i l l of the people and the p u b l i c good best be served? 12. Would going to p r i s o n do any good f o r Mr. Thompson or p r o t e c t anybody? From the l i s t of questions above, s e l e c t the four most important: Most important Second most important T h i r d most important Fourth most important ESCAPED PRISONER' A man had been sentenced to prison for 10 years. After one year, however, he escaped from prison, moved to a new area of the country, and took on the name of Thompson. For 8 years he worked hard, and gradually he saved enough money to buy his own business. He was fair to his customers, gave his employees top wages, and gave most of his own profits to charity. Then one day Mrs. Jones, an old neighbor, recognized him as the man who had escaped from prison 8 years before, and whom the police had been looking for* Should Mrs. Jones report Mr. Thompson to the police and have him sent back to prison? (Check one) Should report him Can't decide Should not report him 3 3 / / / / f # o° ^ V A DOCTOR 1. Whether the woman's f a m i l y i s i n favor of g i v i n g her the overdose or not. 2 . Is the doctor o b l i g a t e d by the same laws as every-body e l s e i f g i v i n g an overdose would be the same as k i l l i n g her. 3. Whether people would be much b e t t e r o f f without s o c i e t y regimenting t h e i r l i v e s and even t h e i r deaths. 4 . Whether the doctor could make i t appear l i k e an ac c i d e n t . 5. Does the s t a t e have the r i g h t to f o r c e continued e x i s t e n c e on those who don't want to l i v e . 6. What i s the value of death p r i o r to s o c i e t y ' s p e r s p e c t i v e on personal values. 7. Whether the doctor has sympathy f o r the woman's s u f f e r i n g or cares more about what s o c i e t y might t h i n k . 8. Is h e l p i n g to end another's l i f e ever a r e s p o n s i b l e act of cooperation. 9. Whether only God should decide when a person's l i f e should end. 10. What values the doctor has set f o r h i m s e l f i n h i s own personal code of behavior. 11. Can s o c i e t y a f f o r d to l e t everybody end t h e i r l i v e s when they want to. 12. Can s o c i e t y a l l o w s u i c i d e s or mercy k i l l i n g and s t i l l p r o t e c t the l i v e s of i n d i v i d u a l s who want to l i v e . From the l i s t of questions above, s e l e c t the four most important: Most important Second most important T h i r d most important Fourth most important THE DOCTOR'S DILEMMA, A lady was dying of cancer which could not be cured and she had only about s i x months to l i v e . She was i n t e r r i b l e pain, but she was so weak that a good dose of p a i n - k i l l e r l i k e morphine would make her die sooner. She -was d e l i r i o u s and almost crazy with pain, and i n her calm periods, she would ask the doctor to give her enough morphine to k i l l her. She said she couldn't stand the pain and that she was going to d i e i n a few months anyway. What should the doctor do? (Check one) - Should give the lady an overdose that w i l l make her die - Can't decide Should not give the overdose 3 4 WEBSTER Mr. Webster was the owner and manager of a gas station. He wanted to hire another mechanic to help him, but good mechanics were hard to find. The only person he found who seemed to be a good mechanic was Mr. Lee, but he was Chinese. While Mr. Webster himself didn't have anything against orientals, he was afraid to hire Mr. Lee because many of his customers didn't like orientals. His customers might take their business elsewhere i f Mr. Lee was working in the gas station. When Mr. Lee asked Mr. Webster i f he could have the job, Mr. Webster said that he had already hired somebody else. But Mr. Webster really had. not hired anybody, because he could not find anybody who was a good mechanic besides Mr. Lee, What should Mr. Webster have done? (Check one) Should have hired Mr. Lee Can't decide Should not have hired him S> r9 C7 V .tr £ </ Q, & & v ^ WEBSTER 1. Does the owner of a business have the right to make his own business decisions or not? 2. Whether there is a law that forbids racial dis-crimination in hiring for jobs. 3. Whether Mr. Webster is prejudiced against orientals himself or whether he means nothing personal in refusing the job. 4 . Whether hiring a good mechanic or paying attention to his customers' wishes would be best for his business. 5. What individual differences ought to be relevant in deciding how society's roles are fi l l e d . 6. Whether the greedy and competitive capitalistic system ought to be completely abandoned. 7. Do a majority of people in Mr. Websters society feel like his customers or are a majority against prejudice? 8. Whether hiring capable men like Mr. Lee would use talents that would otherwise be lost to society. 9. Would refusing the job to Mr. Lee be consistent with Mr. Webster's own moral beliefs? 10. Could Mr. Webster be so hard-hearted as to refuse the.job, knowing how much it means to Mr. Lee? 11. Whether the Christian commandment to love your, fellow man applies to this case. 12. If someone's in need, shouldn't: he be helped regardless of what you get back from him? From the li s t of questions above, select the four most important: Most important Second most important Third most important Fourth most important 35 APPENDIX B CULTURAL-ETHICAL RELATIVISM SCALE 36 1 E t h i c a l and C u l t u r a l R e l a t i v i s m In the highlands of B a v a r i a , a f t e r a death i n the f a m i l y , the corpse v/as l a i d out i n a room i n the house. Corpse cakes were prepared i n a dough that had been l e f t to r i s e on the dead body. The f u n e r a l guests a te these cakes so that the v i r t u e s and advan-tages of the departed might be preserved i n the l i v i n g k i n s p e o p l e . The Old Order Mennonltes do not p a r t i c i p a t e i n commercial e n t e r -tainment; n e i t h e r do they own r a d i o s , telephones, automobiles, o r e l e c t r i c a p p l i a n c e s . I f a man from the i s l a n d of Ifugaos sees another person s t e a l i n g one of h i s neighbour's possessions, he w i l l n e i t h e r prevent the t h e f t nor inform the owner, but w i l l demand from the t h i e f a pay-ment r e p r e s e n t i n g p a r t of the v a l u e of the s t o l e n good^. In numerous s o c i e t i e s of the South P a c i f i c , parents arrange mar-r i a g e of t h e i r c h i l d r e n to strengthen bonds between f a m i l i e s . The Bathonga of South A f r i c a d i v i d e food based on age and rank. Thus the o l d e r people would get the l a s t and l e a s t d e s i r a b l e p o r t i o n of the food. In some Arab c o u n t r i e s , i f someone avoids b r e a t h i n g i n another's face during a c o n v e r s a t i o n , i t i s i n t e r p r e t e d as an e x p r e s s i o n of shame. F e e l i n g another's breath on one's face i s a s i g n of f r i e n d s h i p and i n t e r e s t to each other. To the Navajo, c o l o u r s are given a v a l u e . Therefore, blue i s more valued than red. When exchanging g i f t s , then, c o l o r would be a s i g n i f i c a n t c o n s i d e r a t i o n . Among the Zuni , women can d i v o r c e t h e i r husbands simply by s e t t i n g h i s gear o u t s i d e the door. The husband has no a l t e r n a t i v e but to accept the d e c i s i o n . The B a i j a of C e n t r a l I n d i a use a d i g g i n g s t i c k to c u l t i v a t e t h e i r l a n d s . The e a r t h i s seen as generous and k i n d ; thus the s t i c k i s f e l t to be the on l y a p p r o p r i a t e t o o l to " g e n t l y " b r i n g f o r t h f r u i t f o r them. In the Pueblo of New Mexico, age (order of b i r t h ) determines p r e s t i g e , s t a t u s , r e s p e c t , and deference. Toda women dress t h e i r h a i r w i t h ghee, a type of b u t t e r made from b u f f a l o m i l k . 37 2 12. I n some Arab c o u n t r i e s , the use of the l e f t hand at meal time i s seen as very o f f e n s i v e and v u l g a r . The l e f t hand i s o f t e n considered to be the t o i l e t o r bathroom hand. 13. The Zuni Indians of New Mexico t r y to i n h i b i t the t r a i t of aggres-. s i v e n e s s . However, i t i s not considered bad form f o r one woman to blacken the eye of her r i v a l f o r the a f f e c t i o n s of her husband. I t i s unaccepted f o r the male to i n v o l v e h i m s e l f i n such behaviour. 14. In P a k i s t a n , a man can get r i d of an aging w i f e very simply. A l l he has to do i s say, " I d i v o r c e thee" three times. The w i f e has not h i n g to say about i t . 15. I f a Semoi does an i n j u r y to another person i n a dream, he must g i v e t h a t person a g i f t i n some.way equal to the misdeed. I f a person i n a dream h u r t s the dreamer, he must be t o l d and i s o b l i g e d to gi v e the dreamer a g i f t . 16. In the Dakar a i r p o r t i n Senegal people of the moslem r e l i g i o n can be seen s e t t i n g out t h e i r prayer rugs and pr a y i n g toward Mecca. 17. I n t r a d i t i o n a l Commanche s o c i e t y , upon the death of a person a l l e f f e c t s of h i s (or her) p e r s o n a l usage are destroyed. 18. The Trob r i a n d I s l a n d e r s of Melanesia are d i v i d e d a c c o r d i n g to the rank of the v a r i o u s c l a n s i n the s o c i e t y . A person of rank mast always be i n such a p o s i t i o n that b i s head i s higher than that of a person of l e s s e r rank. For example, when a person of h i g h rank i s s t a n d i n g , commoners must bend low. 19. Panthans of P a k i s t a n , expect t h a t women w i l l not appear i n p u b l i c and w i l l submit meekly to the c o n t r o l of f a t h e r s , b r o t h e r s , or husbands. Men are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r women, t h e r e f o r e , any d i s g r a c e i s a u t o m a t i c a l l y t r a n s f e r r e d to the man. 20. Bonda women of I n d i a wear e a r r i n g s from the tops of t h e i r ears as w e l l as from the ear lo b e s . 21. The Andaman I s l a n d e r s r e q u i r e s that a married man must not have any d i r e c t d e a l i n g s w i t h the w i f e of a man younger than h i m s e l f . I f any communication i s r e q u i r e d , i t must be done through a t h i r d p a r t y . 22. The Raj Gands, a t r i b a l p o p u l a t i o n of P e n i n s u l a r I n d i a , operate a s t r i c t s o c i a l s y stem—on h i e r a r c h y of c l a n s . On marriage, a woman j o i n s her husband's c l a n ; i f she i s widowed, she i s expected to marry a man of the same c l a n . 23. When communicating, many Arabs f e e l that one important behaviour i s to s t a r e i n t e n s e l y i n the other person's eyes. To l o o k away d u r i n g the c o n v e r s a t i o n would be i n s u l t i n g . 38 3 24. On an i s l a n d i n the South P a c i f i c , a son w i l l k i l l h i s f a t h e r w h i l e he i s s t i l l h e a l t h y and st r o n g so that the f a t h e r can go i n t o the next l i f e h e a l t h y and s t r o n g . People from the i s l a n d of Ifugaos s e t t l e land d i s p u t e s by w r e s t l i n g . Success depends on which s i d e can marshal the g r e a t e s t number of kinsmen. 26. The K a l i n g o s , from the i s l a n d of Luzon, l o o k upon i n j u r i e s (and k i l l i n g ) w i t h i n t h e i r own s o c i e t y as very s e r i o u s , but i n j u r i e s i n f l i c t e d on o u t s i d e r s are seen w i t h an a t t i t u d e of i n d i f f e r e n c e . 27. A Eushwoman c a r r i e s her c h i l d on a cape f o l d f i l l e d w i t h nuts. 28. To the Lua of northern T h a i l a n d tha :tattoo i s the symbol of man-hood. 29. I n N i g e r i a , women of the Yacuba t r i b e o f t e n r e v e a l t h e i r b r e a s t s i n p u b l i c and nurse t h e i r b abies. 30. I n some areas of Southern I t a l y , when a man sees a b e a u t i f u l woman, he p u l l s h i s r i g h t ear lobe w i t h h i s r i g h t thumb and f o r e f i n g e r . 31• The I l u t ^ e r i t e Assembly which decides on important i s s u e s i n v o l v i n g the colony, c o n s i s t s of a l l b a p t i z e d male members—in e f f e c t , a l l men twenty years or o l d e r . Women colony members do not p a r t i c i p a t e i n the d e c i s i o n making. 32. A s h a n t i men cannot demand h e l p from t h e i r own sons, cannot d i s c i -p l i n e t h e i r sons, o r cannot d i s c u s s t h e i r marriage p l a n s . The 1-j.ght to d i s c i p l i n e and g u i d i n g the son i s t o t a l l y the p r i v i l e g e of the mother. 33. I n Burma and I r a n , i t i s not uncommon f o r good f r i e n d s of the same sex to hold hands as they walk down the s t r e e t . 34. In the h i g h l y c o m p e t i t i v e Dobu s o c i e t y , the s u c c e s s f u l man i s one who has deceived and manipulated others f o r p e r s o n a l g a i n . Suc-cess can be measured by the amount of possessions one has achieved through deception. 35. Among many Eskimo groups such as the N e t s i l i k , v e r y o l d people are simply abandoned by t h e i r sons when they become a burden to t h e i r f a m i l i e s . Without support, the o l d d i e very q u i c k l y . 36. The Amish are opposed to any graven images and thus t h e i r r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s p r o h i b i t t h e i r being photographed. 37. The C h e t r i s of Nepal operate under a r i g i d c a s t e system which regu-l a t e s the members' l i v e s i n every p o s s i b l e s i t u a t i o n . Members at each caste l e v e l are not f r e e to take up any type of work that i n t e r e s t s him. Thus a man of high caste may engage i n farming but none of the c r a f t s such as p o t t e r y , iron-work, or c o t t o n weaving. 39 4 When a young Bushman and h i s b r i d e are to be married, the f o l k gather from a l l around-to j o i n i n the wedding f e a s t . In the midst of the meal, the groom s e i z e s the b r i d e . This i s a s i g n a l f o r a l l her r e l a t i v e s to grab t h e i r debbles (a p o i n t e d gardening t o o l ) and s e t to b e a t i n g him. A minor b a t t l e r o y a l takes place among the guests w h i l e the groom r e c e i v e s h i s drubbing. I f he can hold the g i r l , success i n marriage i s assured. Among the K p e l l e of West A f r i c a , everyone must belong to a f r a -t e r n i t y known as the "porro" before they can marry, j o i n other c l u b s , or h o l d p o s i t i o n s of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Some c u l t u r e s i n C e n t r a l America p o i n t by p r o t r u d i n g the lower l i p i n the d e s i r e d d i r e c t i o n . Any use of the hand f o r p o i n t i n g would be seen as o f f e n s i v e . Indians i n the headwater r e g i o n of the Xingu R i v e r l o c k hands w i t h one another i n a w r e s t l i n g bout as part of the end of a p e r i o d of mourning f o r the dead. The T i v of N i g e r i a w i l l not come to the a i d of a s t r a n g e r , even though h i s l i f e may be i n danger. 4 0 Answer Sheet The custom should be allowed to continue i n the f o r e i g n country. Agree Can't Decide Disagree Groups a l r e a d y i n Canada should be allowed to p r a c t i c e the custom. Agree Can't Decide Disagree 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. Answer Sheet Page 2 The custom should be allowed to continue in the foreign country. Groups already in Canada should be allowed to practice the custom. Agree Can't Decide Disagree Can* t Agree Decide Disagree 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. FOOTNOTES United Nations. Human R i g h t s : A Compilation, of  I n t e r n a t i o n a l Instruments of the United Nations. (New York: United Nations P u b l i c a t i o n s , 1973), p. 1, 2 Bams l e y , John H. The S o c i a l R e a l i t y of E t h i c s : The  Comparative A n a l y s i s of Moral Codes. (London: Routledge and Kegal Paul L t d . , 1972), p. 323. 3 Sumner, W.G. "Folkways." C l a s s i c P h i l o s o p h i c a l  Questions. 2d ed., ed. Gould, James A. (Columbus, Ohio: Charles E. M e r r i l l P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1975), p. 86. 4 Kohlberg, Lawrence. "From Is to Ought: How to Commit the N a t u r a l i s t i c F a l l a c y and Get Away w i t h I t i n the Study of Moral Development." Cognitive Development and Epistemology. (New York: Academic Press, 1971, p. 178. 5 I b i d . , p.165. ^Gert, Bernard. The Moral Rules. (New York: Harper and Row, 1973), p. 62. 7 I b i d . , p. 86. 8 I b i d . , p. 141. 9 T u r i e l , E l l i o t . "The Development of S o c i a l Concepts: Mores, Customs, and Conventions." Moral Development: Current  Theory and Research, ed. da Palma, D. and Foley, J . ( H i l l s i d e , New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum, 1975), p. 8. 41 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Ayer, A.J. Language, Truth and Logic. Harmondsworth: Penguin L t d . , 1971. 2. Barnsley, John H. The S o c i a l R e a l i t y of E t h i c s : The Comparative A n a l y s i s of Moral Codes. London: Routledge and Kegal Paul L t d . , 1972. 3. Best, John W. Research i n Education. Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , Inc., 1970. 4. B l a t t , Moshe M. and Kohlberg, Lawrence. "The E f f e c t s of Classroom Moral D i s c u s s i o n Upon Children's L e v e l of Moral Judgment." J o u r n a l of Moral Education. V o l . 4, No. 2, London: Pemberton P u b l i s h i n g Co., L t d . , (1975), 129-161. 5. Brandt, Richard B. E t h i c a l Theory: The Problems of Normative and C r i t i c a l E t h i c s . Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , Inc., 1959. 6. Brandt, Richard B. Values and O b l i g a t i o n s : Systematic Readings i n E t h i c s . New York: Harcourt L t d . , 1961. 7. Ennis, Robert H. Logic i n Teaching. Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1969. 8. Frankena, W.K. E t h i c s . Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1963. 9. Gert, Bernard. The Moral Rules. New York: Harper and Row, 1973. 10. Kehoe, John. " M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m and the Problems of E t h i c a l R e l a t i v i s m . " The H i s t o r y and S o c i a l Science Teacher. V o l . 13, No. 1, London, Ontario: The F a c u l t y of Education U n i v e r s i t y of Western Ontario, ( F a l l 1977), 23-26. 11. Kehoe, John. "The New S o c i a l Studies and C i t i z e n s h i p Education: A C r i t i q u e . " The J o u r n a l of Education of the Facu l t y of Education. No. 20, Vancouver: U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, (1974), 9-19. 12. Kohlberg, Lawrence. "Education, Moral Development and F a i t h . " J o u r n a l of Moral Education. V o l . 4, No. 1, London: Pemberton P u b l i s h i n g Co., L t d . , (1974), 5^-16. 42 13. Kohlberg, Lawrence. "From Is to Ought: How to Commit the N a t u r a l i s t i c F a l l a c y and Get Away w i t h I t i n the Study of Moral Development." C o g n i t i v e  Development and Epistemology. New York: Academic Press, 1971. 14. M e t c a l f , Lawrence E. ed., Values Education: R a t i o n a l e , S t r a t e g i e s , and Procedures. Washington, D.C.: N a t i o n a l Council For the S o c i a l S t udies, 1971. 15. Meynell, Hugo A. "Moral Education and I n d o c t r i n a t i o n . " J o u r n a l of Moral Education. V o l . 4, No. 1, London: Pemberton P u b l i s h i n g Co., L t d . , (1974), 17-26. 16. Moser, Shia. Absolutism and R e l a t i v i s m i n E t h i c s . S p r i n g f i e l d , I l l i n o i s : Charles C. Thomas, 1963. 17. M o r e l l i , E l i z a b e t h A. "The S i x t h Stage of Moral Development." J o u r n a l of Moral Education. V o l . 7, No. 2, England: NFER P u b l i s h i n g Company, (January, 1978), 97-108. 18. P e t e r s , Richard. "The Place of Kohlberg's Theory i n Moral Education." J o u r n a l of Moral Education. V o l . 7, No. 3, England: NFER P u b l i s h i n g Company, May 1978. 19. Popham, W. James, and S i r o t n i k , Kenneth A. Educational S t a t i s t i c s : Use and I n t e r p r e t a t i o n . New York: Harper and Row, P u b l i s h e r s , Inc., 1973. 20. Rest, James. "Manual f o r the D e f i n i n g Issues Test." 1974. 21. R o t e n s t r e i c h , Nathan. On the Human Subject: Studies i n the Phenomenology of E t h i c s and P o l i t i c s . S p r i n g f i e l d , I l l i n o i s : Charles, C. Thomas, 1966. 22. Stace, W.T. The Concepts of Morals. New York: The MacMillan Company, 1937. 23. S u l l i v a n , Edmund V. and Beck, C l i v e . "A Developmental Approach to Assessment of Moral Education Programmes: A Short Commentary." Jo u r n a l of Moral Education. V o l . 4, No. 1, London: Pemberton P u b l i s h i n g Co., L t d . , (1974), 61-66. 43 24. Sumner, W.G. "Folkways." C l a s s i c P h i l o s o p h i c a l Questions. 2d ed. , ed. Gould, James A. Columbus, Ohio: Charles E. M e r r i l l P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1975. 25. T a y l o r , Paul W. ed., Problems of Moral Philosophy: An I n t r o d u c t i o n to E t h i c s . Belmont, C a l i f o r n i a : Dickerson P u b l i s h i n g Co., Inc., 1967. 26. T u r i e l , E l l i o t . "The Development of S o c i a l Concepts: Mores, Customs, and Conventions." Moral Development:  Current Theory and Research. ed. da Palma, D. and Foley, J . H i l l s i d e , New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum, 1975. 27. United Nations, Human Rights:- A Compilation of I n t e r n a t i o n a l Instruments of the United Nations. New York: United Nations P u b l i c a t i o n s , 1973. 28. Weinberg, George H. and Schumaker, John A. S t a t i s t i c s : An I n t u i t i v e Approach, Belmont, C a l i f o r n i a : Wadsworth P u b l i s h i n g Co., Inc., 1967. 44 

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