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Work, class and education : vocationalism in British Columbia’s public schools, 1900-1929 1978

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WORK, CLASS AND EDUCATION: VOCATIONALISM IN BRITISH COLUMBIA'S PUBLIC SCHOOLS, 1900-1929 by TIMOTHY ALLAN DUNN A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES ( E d u c a t i o n a l Foundat ions) We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d s tandard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1978 0 Timothy A l l a n Dunn, 1978 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Co lumb ia , I a g ree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s tudy . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . It i s u n d e r s t o o d that c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i thout my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f E d u c a t i o n a l Foundat ions The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Co lumbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , Canada V6T 1W5 Date A p r i l , 1978 A b s t r a c t Debate s u r r o u n d i n g s c h o o l s and work became p r e v a l e n t d u r i n g the mid 1970s, but i t was by no means a new i s s u e . Indeed, j u s t a decade e a r l i e r , f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments i n v e s t e d h e a v i l y i n p u b l i c e d u c a t i o n . They b e l i e v e d t h a t an upgraded w o r k f o r c e would I n c r e a s e the g r o s s n a t i o n a l p r o d u c t , t h e r e f o r e b e n e f i t t i n g C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y . Today t h e r e i s l i t t l e t a l k o f m a t c h i n g the s p e n d i n g o f the 1960s. Yet the m a t c h i n g o f secondary and p o s t secondary i n s t i t u t i o n s w i t h the economy remains a t c e n t r e s t a g e as p a r t o f a s o l u t i o n t o h i g h unemployment and s l u m p i n g p r o d u c t i v i t y . T h i s match p r e o c c u p i e d e d u c a t i o n p o l i c y - m a k e r s h a l f a c e n t u r y ago. The f o l l o w i n g s t u d y examines the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between s c h o o l s and work i n B r i t i s h C o l umbia from 1900 u n t i l 1929. I t f o c u s e s on the emergence o f v o c a t i o n a l i a n i n the p r o v i n c e ' s p u b l i c s c h o o l s d u r i n g t h a t p e r i o d . Some h i s t o r i a n s and e c o n o m i s t s argue t h a t as s o c i e t y i n d u s t r i a l i z e d w i t h w i d e s p r e a d m e c h a n i z a t i o n and o f f i c e e x p a n s i o n , work became more complex and s p e c i a l i z e d . T h i s new work a p p a r e n t l y l e s s e n e d the need f o r the u n s k i l l e d and c r e a t e d demands f o r t e c h n o l o g i c a l , m a n a g e r i a l and s k i l l e d p e r s o n n e l . The exponents of t h i s human c a p i t a l h y p o t h e s i s , argue t h a t s c h o o l e x p a n s i o n i n c l u d i n g v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n was a r e s p o n s e t o modern l a b o u r requirements-. Other s c h o l a r s , however, deemphasize e d u c a t i o n ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n t o economic growth. I n s t e a d , they o f f e r a s o c i a l c o n t r o l e x p l a n a t i o n , s u g g e s t i n g v o c a t i o n a l i s m was p a r t o f a " s e a r c h f o r o r d e r " to h e l p p r e s e r v e s o c i e t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s and s t a b i l i t y t h r e a t e n e d by i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . T h i s s t u d y seeks to d e t e r m i n e the n a t u r e of work i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a a f t e r the CPR' s a r r i v a l i n 1886; t o d e t a i l the s k i l l s and d i s c i p l i n e s demanded of w o r k e r s ; t o d e s c r i b e the promoters and opponents of v o c a t i o n a l i s m ; and to e x p l i c a t e the s u b s t a n c e o f v o c a t i o n a l i n s t r u c t i o n . The c o n c e p t s and q u e s t i o n s employed by s o c i a l h i s t o r i a n s are u s e f u l t o a n a l y s e the i n d u s t r i a l w o r k p l a c e i i i i i and response to v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n . Recent s o c i a l h i s t o r y g i ves p a r t i c u l a r a t t e n t i o n to the changing nature and requirements of work. A l s o , i t s "bottom up" p e r s p e c t i v e cons iders the p o i n t s of view of o rd ina ry working people toward i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . B r i t i s h Co lumbia 's Annual Reports of the P u b l i c S c h o o l s , and the f e d e r a l Labour Department's Annual Repor ts , Labour G a z e t t e , and V o c a t i o n a l E d u c a t i o n , prov ide f u l l d e t a i l s on the substance of v o c a t i o n a l i n s t r u c t i o n and how i t r e l a t e d to the growing i n d u s t r i a l economy. P a r l i a m e n t a r y Royal Commissions express the e d u c a t i o n a l concerns of schoolmen, businessmen, community groups and the working c l a s s . L i k e w i s e , bus iness and e d u c a t i o n a l j o u r n a l s , d a i l y newspapers, and var ious manuscr ipt sources , expand p u b l i c input i n t o debates surrounding v o c a t i o n a l educat ion. - The t h e s i s c la ims that toward the end of the n i n e t e e n t h cen tu ry , i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n took ho ld i n B r i t i s h Columbia , e s p e c i a l l y i n the resource s e c t o r s . H i e r a r c h i c a l work r e l a t i o n s h i p s , a d i v i s i o n of labour and widespread mechanizat ion c h a r a c t e r i z e d the i n d u s t r i a l and commercial workp lace . I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n d i l u t e d most work s k i l l s and employees mastered most tasks q u i c k l y on the j o b . The bulk of i n d u s t r i a l work was d i r t y , dangerous and f l u c t u a t e d w i t h seasonal rhythms and c y c l i c a l economic demands. Moreover, i t r e q u i r e d la rge numbers of u n s k i l l e d labourers to perform r i g i d work r o u t i n e s . To be s u r e , the economy needed some craf tsmen and h i g h l y t r a i n e d peop le , but employers u s u a l l y imported them from abroad. The decaying a p p r e n t i c e s h i p system c e r t a i n l y supports these f i n d i n g s . The r i s e of i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m i n B r i t i s h Columbia generated c o n s i d e r a b l e s o c i a l and economic unrest as unemployment, r a c i a l r i o t s , r a d i c a l p o l i t i c s and c l a s s c o n f l i c t became acute by 1900. As par t of a c o l l e c t i v e response to the cha l lenges of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and urban growth, s o c i a l reformers from the ranks of prominent bus iness and p o l i t i c a l c i r c l e s formed community s e r v i c e groups, p a r t l y out of f e a r , vested i n t e r e s t and C h r i s t i a n humani ta r ian ism. i v R eformers t r i e d to a m e l i o r a t e s e v e r e c o n d i t i o n s o f w o r k i n g p e o p l e and b r i n g o r d e r to the community t h r e a t e n e d by the spread o f m o r a l decay, u n s a n i t a r y c o n d i t i o n s and c l a s s h a t r e d . T h i s s t u d y ' s main argument i s t h a t the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f v o c a t i o n a l i s m i n t o the p u b l i c s c h o o l s a f t e r 1900 was l a r g e l y a f a c e t o f a " t h r u s t f o r e f f i c i e n c y " aimed at p r e s e r v i n g s t a b i l i t y as s o c i e t y a d j u s t e d to i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and urban growth. E f f i c i e n c y was an i d e a l c o n s i d e r e d by many m i d d l e c l a s s r e f o r m e r s as a panacea to the problems o f i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m . R e s t r u c t u r i n g p u b l i c s c h o o l i n g was o n l y p a r t o f a l a r g e r s o l u t i o n i n c l u d i n g m u n i c i p a l r e f o r m s , s o c i a l s e r v i c e , l a b o u r l e g i s l a t i o n and c o r p o r a t e c o n c e n t r a t i o n . Reformers c l a i m e d t h a t s c h o o l s be r e o r g a n i z e d to make e d u c a t i o n more r e l e v a n t t o a modern s o c i e t y . R e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from b u s i n e s s , community g r o u p s , e s t a b l i s h e d p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s and the p r o v i n c i a l E d u c a t i o n Department a l l c l a i m e d v o c a t i o n a l i n s t r u c t i o n f o s t e r e d " i n d u s t r i a l e f f i c i e n c y . " The YMCA and L o c a l C o u n c i l s o f Women added t h a t p r a c t i c a l t r a i n i n g r a i s e d the q u a l i t y o f w o r k i n g c l a s s l i f e and p r o v i d e d an adequate s u p p l y of manual workers and d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t s . Between 1900 and 1929 B r i t i s h C o lumbia's s c h o o l system was r e s t r u c t u r e d , o f t e n i n accor d a n c e w i t h s u g g e s t i o n s made by r e f o r m e r s . The a d m i n i s t r a t i o n grew and became more e x p e r t i s e ; t e a c h e r s were b e t t e r t r a i n e d and c e r t i f i e d i n s p e c i a l i z e d s u b j e c t s ; the programme o f s t u d i e s was d i f f e r e n t i a t e d ; and v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n , g u i d a n c e , t e s t i n g and j u n i o r h i g h s c h o o l s were implemented. The u l t i m a t e aim o f mass p u b l i c e d u c a t i o n was to p r e p a r e y o u t h f o r " s o c i a l l y e f f i c i e n t c i t i z e n s h i p . " V o c a t i o n a l i s m p l a y e d a l e a d i n g r o l e i n t h i s m a t t e r . I t t r i e d to shape s t u d e n t s to conform t o s o c i e t y ' s needs, c h a n n e l i n g them i n t o i n d u s t r i a l o c c u p a t i o n s and t r a i n i n g i n d i v i d u a l s t o r e g a r d t h e i r main o b l i g a t i o n as s e r v i n g the community, p a r t i c u l a r l y t h r o u g h employment. Schoolmen b e l i e v e d v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g c o u l d stem s o u r c e s o f c o n f l i c t p l a g u i n g s o c i e t y by p r o v i d i n g s t u d e n t s w i t h i n d u s t r i a l work h a b i t s V and m a t c h i n g y o u t h t o s u i t a b l e j o b s . V o c a t i o n a l i s m drew o n l y a m i n i m a l commitment to t e a c h i n g m a r k e t a b l e work s k i l l s i n f a v o u r o f i n c u l c a t i n g i n d u s t r i a l work norms i n c l u d i n g d i s c i p l i n e , t i m e - t h r i f t , s u b m i s s i o n t o a u t h o r i t y , r e s p e c t f o r p r o p e r t y r i g h t s and the a c c e p t a n c e o f ones p l a c e i n the s o c i a l o r d e r . Manual t r a i n i n g and t e c h n i c a l e d u c a t i o n shaped boys' a s p i r a t i o n s toward i n d u s t r i a l o c c u p a t i o n s w h i l e d o m e s t i c s c i e n c e and home economics s t r e s s e d the " c u l t of d o m e s t i c i t y " whereby g i r l s were o r i e n t e d toward the home. V o c a t i o n a l i s m was l a r g e l y aimed at w o r k i n g c l a s s c h i l d r e n . M o r e o v e r , r e f o r m e r s promoted v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n under the r u b r i c o f e q u a l i t y of e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t y . Academic e d u c a t i o n , they c l a i m e d , p r e p a r e d some f o r the p r o f e s s i o n s , w h i l e p r a c t i c a l i n s t r u c t i o n geared o t h e r s to manual o c c u p a t i o n s . Thus, a l l y o u t h were to be g i v e n a chance to r e c e i v e c i t i z e n s h i p t r a i n i n g i n o r d e r t o succeed i n l i f e . The w o r k i n g c l a s s r e s p o n s e t o v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n was mixed. C o n s e r v a t i v e c r a f t u n i o n s f i r s t f e a r e d t h a t manual t r a i n i n g might produce second r a t e tradesmen and u n d e r c u t wages. By the e a r l y 1900s they p r e s s e d f o r the t h e o r e t i c a l a s p e c t s o f t e c h n i c a l i n s t r u c t i o n t o supplement the a p p r e n t i c e s h i p system. S o c i a l i s t s and i n d u s t r i a l u n i o n i s t s p e r c e i v e d v o c a t i o n a l i s m as s o c i a l c o n t r o l and a l s o d i s m i s s e d i t s n a rrow o c c u p a t i o n a l f o c u s . Many w o r k i n g c l a s s p a r e n t s and spokesmen d i d , however, d e s i r e a q u a l i t y academic e d u c a t i o n and decent s c h o o l s f o r t h e i r y o u t h . I n c o n c l u s i o n , w h i l e v o c a t i o n a l programmes expanded d r a m a t i c a l l y between 1900 and 1929, the v a s t m a j o r i t y o f s t u d e n t s opted f o r academic s c h o o l i n g . But more i m p o r t a n t , v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n was i r o n i c i n t h a t r e f o r m became c o n t r o l . Y o u t h were streamed by s o c i a l c l a s s i n t o o c c u p a t i o n a l d e s t i n i e s w i t h g r o s s l y unequal rewards. J u s t how e f f e c t i v e s c h o o l s were i n t h i s r e s p e c t i s d i f f i c u l t to d e t e r m i n e . I f y o u t h d i d not l e s r n t h e i r v i lessons i n s c h o o l , they encountered them again on the job. When the schools and workplace f a i l e d there were always the cour ts and the p o l i c e to enforce s o c i a l o r d e r . TABLE OF CONTENTS A b s t r a c t i i Acknowledgements v i i i Chapter 1 I n t e r p r e t i n g The H i s t o r y Of V o c a t i o n a l Educat ion . 1 Chapter 2 Work In An I n d u s t r i a l i z i n g P rov ince 36 Chapter 3 The R i s e of Mass P u b l i c Schoo l ing In B r i t i s h . . . 73 C61umbia, 1900-1929 Chapter 4 V o c a t i o n a l i s m And I t s Promoters 114 Chapter 5 V o c a t i o n a l E d u c a t i o n : Work S k i l l s Or Work . . . . 132 D i s c i p l i n e s ? Chapter 6 E d u c a t i o n And The Working C l a s s 156 Chapter 7 C o n c l u s i o n 181 Notes Off Sources 192 S e l e c t e d B i b l i o g r a p h y . 195 Appendices 209 v i i v i i i Acknowledgements I am g r a t e f u l to Dr . J . D . Wi l son f o r h i s a t t e n t i v e s u p e r v i s i o n , guidance and g e n e r o s i t y which made t h i s t h e s i s p o s s i b l e . Thanks a l s o to P r o f e s s o r s W.A. Bruneau, M. Lazerson and H.K. R a l s t o n f o r t h e i r c a r e f u l read ing of the t h e s i s and f o r t h e i r he lp i n c l a r i f y i n g my t h i n k i n g . P r o f e s s o r s R.C . H a r r i s and D.C. Jones read s e c t i o n s of the t h e s i s and extended h e l p f u l comments. I am a l s o o b l i g a t e d to Mr . George Brandak, Manuscr ip t Curator of S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Co lumbia ; Mrs . Anne Y a n d l e , Head of S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia ; and Miss M a r i l y n Dut ton , S o c i a l Sc ience Reference L i b r a r i a n , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia . To my w i f e M a r i a n , and two c h i l d r e n M i c h a e l and C h r i s t o p h e r , thank you f o r your p a t i e n c e and k i n d n e s s . Chapter 1 I n t e r p r e t i n g The H i s t o r y Of V o c a t i o n a l Educat ion Despi te the steady e r o s i o n of p u b l i c conf idence i n schools d u r i n g recent y e a r s , f a i t h i n e d u c a t i o n ' s e f f i c a c y remains s t r o n g . Schools are s t i l l commonly b e l i e v e d to be potent i n s t i t u t i o n s fo r f o s t e r i n g j u s t i c e , democracy, economic development, and upward m o b i l i t y . Both i n Canada and the Uni ted States p o l i t i c i a n s and educators advocate that ' ' ca reer e d u c a t i o n " and "back to the b a s i c s " w i l l help so lve the problems of a slumping economy: and an apparent l y weakened s o c i a l f a b r i c . - ' - Educat ion as a panacea fo r i n d i v i d u a l and s o c i a l a m e l i o r a t i o n i s s t r o n g l y r o o t e d , and h i s t o r i a n s ' accounts of t a x - s u p p o r t e d , f r e e , u n i v e r s a l , and compulsory p u b l i c s c h o o l i n g perpetuate i t s w ide ly shared myths. What emerges from these h i s t o r i e s i s an o p t i m i s t i c s to r y of progress as the p u b l i c schools a t t r a c t e d more and more students and provided them w i t h expanded o p p o r t u n i t i e s . These whigg ish c h r o n i c l e s , u s u a l l y w r i t t e n by educat ion p r o f e s s o r s w i t h a powerfu l sense of m i s s i o n , served to i n s p i r e teachers and e l i c i t support fo r schoo l expans ion . Perhaps the famous American educator , E l lwood P. Cubber ley , best c h a r a c t e r i z e d the tone of . e d u c a t i o n a l h i s t o r i o g r a p h y that dominated u n t i l the e a r l y 1960s. He wrote i n 1919: "The moral of e d u c a t i o n a l h i s t o r y i s the common schoo l o t r iumphant , and w i th i t , the r e p u b l i c . " Recent h i s t o r i a n s , however, cha l lenge t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n as l a r g e l y h o r t a t o r y . ^ A growing number of s c h o l a r s d i spu te that schools are the d r i v i n g fo rce behind n a t i o n a l development. Moreover, they c r i t i c i z e the whigs fo r t h e i r use of u n h i s t o r i c a l arguments. The l a t t e r saw educat ion as only s c h o o l i n g , looked for antecedents of c u r r i c u l u m or o r g a n i z a t i o n a l i n n o v a t i o n s i n the p a s t , and consequent ly wrenched t h e i r accounts from the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and economic s e t t i n g . "To these w r i t e r s , " Bernard B a i l y n cogent ly remarks, " the past was s imply the present w r i t 1 2 smal l . It d i f f e red from the present i n the magnitudes and arrangements of i t s elements, not i n the i r character . The ingredients of past and present were the same Thus, any sense of understanding the o r i g i n s and expansion of publ ic school ing i s lost i n the u n h i s t o r i c a l approach of the house h i s to r i ans whose search for cont inu i ty between past and present obscures di f ferences that might have been d i s t i n c t i v e to a p a r t i c u l a r time and place . My i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and conclusions d i f f e r sharply from those who f i r s t promoted popular versions of vocat ional i sm 1 s h i s t o r y . ^ Instead, my thes is attempts to use some of the concepts and questions employed by s o c i a l h i s to r i ans i n order to analyze the r e l a t i o n s h i p between schools and work i n B r i t i s h Columbia between 1900 and 1929. As soc iety i n d u s t r i a l i z e d , did changes i n the nature of work contr ibute to the emergence of vocat iona l education? Vocat ional i sm can best be understood by examining the i n d u s t r i a l workplace. I argue that vocat iona l i sm 1 s in t roduct ion into the publ ic schools af ter 1900 was l a rge ly a facet of a " thrust for e f f i c i e n c y " aimed at preserving s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y as soc iety adjusted to i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and urbaniza t ion . E f f i c i e n c y was an idea considered as a panacea to problems a r i s i n g i n the wake of i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m . ^ The r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of publ ic schooling was only part of a larger so lu t ion inc lud ing municipal reforms, s o c i a l se rv ices , publ ic hea l th , town planning, labour l e g i s l a t i o n , and r a t i o n a l i z e d p r o d u c t i o n . 7 Questions addressed inc lude : What was the nature of work i n B r i t i s h Columbia a f ter the CPR's a r r i v a l i n 1886? What s k i l l and d i s c i p l i n e demands did i t place upon workers? What was the educat ional context for vocat ional i sm during the three decades a f ter the turn of the century? Who promoted vocat ional i sm and what reasons did they give? What was the substance of vocat iona l in s t ruc t ion? Who reacted to voca t iona l t ra in ing? Why? I t i s u s e f u l to acquaint readers w i th the h i s t o r i o g r a p h y of l a t e n i n e t e e n t h and e a r l y twent ie th century v o c a t i o n a l i s m , because i t p laces my r e s e a r c h i n the context of h i s t o r i c a l w r i t i n g and he lps to i d e n t i f y some important concepts used i n t h i s s tudy . Around 1960 the work of two eminant American s c h o l a r s , Bernard B a i l y n and Lawrence Cremin, sparked a renascence i n educat ion h i s t o r y i n both the United S ta tes and Canada. B a i l y n and Cremin developed a conceptua l framework p r o v i d i n g the b a s i s fo r a s i g n i f i c a n t s h i f t i n educat ion h i s t o r i o g r a p h y . They moved the f i e l d i n t o the mainstream of h i s t o r i c a l s t u d i e s when they suggested educat ion was more than j u s t s c h o o l i n g , and that h i s t o r i a n s should study the impact of educat ion upon s o c i e t y and v i c e v e r s a . ^ During the l a t e 1960s and e a r l y 1970s, however, much educat ion h i s t o r i o g r a p h y i n Nor th America took on a c r i t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e and became e x p l i c i t l y more p o l i t i c a l . Many cur rent h i s t o r i a n s began to "ana lyze i n s t i t u t i o n a l adaptat ions to s o c i a l change, and . . . emphas i ze the r e l a t i o n of pedagogica l ideas and p r a c t i c e s to s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l 9 c o n t e x t s . " M i c h a e l Katz e s t a b l i s h e d the temper of t h i s w r i t i n g and remains i t s c e n t r a l c a t a l y s t . H i s approach to e d u c a t i o n a l h i s t o r y i n v e s t i g a t e s " the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between s o c i a l c l a s s , s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , and e d u c a t i o n a l c o n f l i c t . " ^ The main th rus t of t h i s argument a s s e r t s that e d u c a t i o n a l i n n o v a t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g schoo l expans ion , c u r r i c u l u m d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n , and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , were r e a c t i o n s by the middle and upper c l a s s e s to s o c i a l and economic change. In the face of s o c i a l d i s o r d e r brought about by i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , u r b a n i z a t i o n and i m m i g r a t i o n , the dominant c l a s s e s wished to prosper from the new o r d e r , and main ta in hegemony over o l d e r h i e r a r c h i c a l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Schools were perce ived as i n s t i t u t i o n s able to c a r r y out these f u n c t i o n s . In order to do so , schools f i r s t had to be transformed so that s o c i e t y ' s e l i t e s 4 could secure f i r m c o n t r o l over them. Consequent ly , the schools became b u r e a u c r a t i c and, i n s p i t e of r e f o r m e r s ' democrat ic s l o g a n s , the new system was not designed to enhance upward s o c i a l m o b i l i t y , but r a t h e r to impose middle c l a s s values onto the working c l a s s , poor and immigrants.' ' ' ' ' ' The context of the tumultuous 1960s sparked the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of educat ion h i s t o r y and provoked s c h o l a r s to ask new q u e s t i o n s , seek new evidence and ask new quest ions of o ld m a t e r i a l . Th is trend was ev ident i n a l l s o c i a l h i s t o r y . For i n s t a n c e , b lack p r o t e s t s i n the Uni ted S ta tes s t i m u l a t e d a r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of negro h i s t o r y from a b l a c k p e r s p e c t i v e r a t h e r than a white one. L i k e w i s e , h i s t o r i a n s began to focus on immigrant exper iences i n Nor th Amer ica , not from the po in t of view of how they were w i l l i n g l y a s s i m i l a t e d i n t o the dominant c u l t u r e , but r a t h e r from the eyes of the mig rants . "Women's l i b e r a t i o n " generated i n t e r e s t i n women's s t u d i e s and the "war on poverty" and the " c r i s i s of western c a p i t a l i s m " turned h i s t o r i a n s ' a t t e n t i o n to the l a r g e l y neglected l i v e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s I T of o r d i n a r y peop le . Ferment i n the p u b l i c schoo l system spurred h i s t o r i a n s to reassess i t s impact on b l a c k , e t h n i c and working c l a s s c h i l d r e n . The much paraded i d e a l of e q u a l i t y of e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t y d i d not ensure everyone j u s t i c e , democracy and e q u a l i t y . Marv in Lazerson suggests that " e d u c a t i o n a l f a i l u r e s are n e i t h e r a c c i d e n t a l nor m i n d l e s s , but r a t h e r endemic, b u i l t i n t o the system as par t of i t s r a i s o n d ' e t r e . " ^ L ike -minded h i s t o r i a n s seek to e x p l a i n how the ideo logy and s t r u c t u r e of the present p u b l i c schoo l system developed, why i t s i d e a l i z e d goals have not m a t e r i a l i z e d , and d i s c o v e r the c o n t i n u i t y that u n d e r l i e s contemporary upheaval i n the s c h o o l s . As Katz puts i t : H i s t o r y can serve reform p a r t l y by emancipat ing i t from dependency upon an i d e a l i z e d p a s t ; i t can develop the s t reng th of w i l l and c l e a r judgment that comes from an a b i l i t y to confront both past and present as they a c t u a l l y e x i s t . 5 This i s not to say that h i s t o r y i s p o l e m i c a l , p o l i t i c a l l y i n s p i r e d , or s e l f - s e r v i n g . "But an e s s e n t i a l i n g r e d i e n t of sound s c h o l a r s h i p , " argues C l a r k e Chambers, "must c e r t a i n l y be an a p p r e c i a t i o n of the complex, subt le i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s between present h i s t o r i c a l events and h i s t o r i c a l p e r c e p t i o n s . Good, l i v e l y h i s t o r y should not be t ime-bound, but i t may, of course , be t imely ." ' ' "^ P a r a l l e l i n g the e f f e c t s of the context w i t h i n which h i s t o r i c a l s t u d i e s moved fo rward , were the i n f l u e n t i a l developments i n European s o c i a l h i s t o r y . Viewing h i s t o r y from "the bottom up" has become i n c r e a s i n g l y popular as h i s t o r i a n s are s c u r r y i n g to explore the l i v e s of o r d i n a r y peop le . "For the s o c i a l h i s t o r i a n , " a s s e r t s Peter S t e a r n s , " the u l t i m a t e task i s to create an o v e r a l l p i c t u r e of s o c i e t y i n a l l i t s f a c e t s , w i th appropr ia te weight g iven to each."' '" ' 7 New methodologies were necessary to b r i n g o r d i n a r y people from the f r i n g e s of h i s t o r y onto the centre s tage . Here the impact of the s o c i a l s c i e n c e s , e s p e c i a l l y s o c i o l o g y , i s ev ident i n much work because i t o f f e r s a handle on the concept of c l a s s , and q u a n t i f i c a t i o n techniques are u s e f u l to i n v e s t i g a t e the views of the " i n a r t i c u l a t e . " A l ready some h i s t o r i a n s are p l a c i n g the h i s t o r y of s c h o o l i n g i n t o the 18 mainstream of the "new s o c i a l h i s t o r y . " I I Most twent ie th century h i s t o r i c a l w r i t i n g on v o c a t i o n a l educat ion i m p l i e s that the mass p u b l i c s c h o o l i n g , broad s o c i a l re fo rms , u r b a n i z a t i o n 19 and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n c o i n c i d e d , and developments i n each were r e l a t e d . The c laimed a s s o c i a t i o n s l i n k i n g the economy and the schools make i t e s s e n t i a l to rev iew how e f f e c t i v e l y h i s t o r i a n s t r e a t v o c a t i o n a l i s m w i t h respec t to i t s i n d u s t r i a l and e d u c a t i o n a l c o n t e x t . C l e a r l y , v o c a t i o n a l i s m cannot be f u l l y explored i n i s o l a t i o n of i t s broader economic s e t t i n g . C u b b e r l e y ' s survey t e x t , An I n t r o d u c t i o n To The Study Of Educat ion And To Teach ing , pub l i shed i n 1925, a s s e r t s v o c a t i o n a l i n s t r u c t i o n prepared 20 Americans fo r i n d u s t r i a l p u r s u i t s . He argued that w i t h the a p p r e n t i c e s h i p system i n decay, v o c a t i o n a l educat ion f i l l e d the gap. The payof f fo r t h i s investment was increased p r o d u c t i v i t y , t h e r e f o r e l a r g e r d i v i d e n d s , h igher wages, g r e a t e r n a t i o n a l wea l th and an enr iched c i t i z e n s h i p . Whi le Cubber ley acknowledges a connect ion between schoo l and work, h i s conc lus ions are l i m i t e d because he does not examine the nature and s k i l l demands of i n d u s t r i a l work. Lawrence Cremin 's c l a s s i c , The T ransformat ion Of The S c h o o l , which appeared i n 1961, d i s s e c t s the assumptions surrounding the r e l a t i o n s h i p between educat ion and i n d u s t r y by t r a c i n g the debate between schoolmen, businessmen and labour leaders over broadening the c u r r i c u l u m to i n c l u d e 21 v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n . Bus iness e l i t e s , fo r i n s t a n c e , demanded t rades t r a i n i n g because they perce ived pedagogica l i nnovat ions a s s o c i a t e d d i r e c t l y w i t h i n d u s t r i a l p r o s p e r i t y . Th is v iew was r e i n f o r c e d by the apparent success of European i n d u s t r i a l s c h o o l s , the d e c l i n e of the a p p r e n t i c e s h i p system, and the "demand" fo r s k i l l e d manpower fo r the expanding i n d u s t r i a l economy. Labour , on the other hand, i n i t i a l l y opposed p u b l i c t rade schools f e a r i n g these i n s t i t u t i o n s might produce " s c a b s " and " r a t s , " undermine union c o n t r o l of the a p p r e n t i c e s h i p system, and u l t i m a t e l y lead to a weakened p o s i t i o n i n t h e i r s t r u g g l e fo r h igher wages and improved working c o n d i t i o n s . A f t e r 1910, however, workers thought v o c a t i o n a l educat ion would prov ide inc reased earn ings and job advancement. Combined pressure from labour and b u s i n e s s , argues Cremin , culminated i n the passage of the 1917 Smith-Hughes Act which committed America to c r a f t o r i e n t e d i n s t r u c t i o n . But he on ly a s s e r t s i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n created shortages of s k i l l e d workers to which v o c a t i o n a l i s m responded. I f t h i s was t r u e , why d i d the a p p r e n t i c e s h i p system lose i t s re levance and d e c l i n e ? Moreover , the views of labour r e c e i v e short s h r i f t . S o l Cohen 's , "The I n d u s t r i a l Educat ion Movement, 1 9 0 6 - 1 7 , " pub l i shed i n 1968, argues v o c a t i o n a l courses were designed to i n c u l c a t e working c l a s s 7 youth with industrial work norms so American factories could become more 22 efficient and r i v a l European industry. Yet he does not clarify the nature of factory discipline. Marvin Lazerson's, Origins Of The Urban School. published in 1971, suggests that between 1870 and 1910 schoolmen believed industrialization rendered the family's traditional functions of providing moral values and instruction in basic work s k i l l s inadequate. Parents discontinued teaching children crafts whose meaning was lost iinafragmented and mechanical workplace. Educators claimed manual training could reintegrate head and hand values of work by teaching t h r i f t , industriousness and pride. But as social and production problems mounted after 1900, reformers scrutinized the traditional goals and effectiveness of manual training. They pressed for the stabilizing influence of extensive vocational education which promised people s k i l l s for a steady job. Faced with the threat of business offering trades training and the positive influence of foreign industrial preparation, schoolmen implemented vocational instruction. Lazerson provides an extensive discussion of industrial growth and its disruptive social environment, but the changing nature of work is missing. These above shortcomings, however, have been partially corrected in more recent American studies that analyze the workplace and i t s relationship to schools. For example, in Education And The Rise Of The Corporate State. Joel Spring asserts that the emergence of vocationalism paralleled changes 24 in the organization of industrial work. He shows that as factories expanded during the later nineteenth century and organized into corporate structures, workers became alienated as their contacts with management diminished and the assembly line isolated its specialized workers' sense of unity and company sp i r i t necessary for the cooperation so central to efficient production. According to Spring, corporations introduced social ac t i v i t i e s , periodicals, as well as pensions, dental and medical plans, to f i t workers into the modern organization and overcome undesirable side effects. He a s s e r t s v o c a t i o n a l guidance and the j u n i o r h igh schoo l were in t roduced to meet the needs of the corporate s t a t e . V o c a t i o n a l guidance determined s t u d e n t s ' i n t e r e s t s , a b i l i t i e s , and a t t i t u d e s and channe l led them i n t o s p e c i a l i z e d programmes o f f e r e d by comprehensive h i g h s c h o o l s . When students became workers they "would be ab le to g i ve meaning to the 25 fragmented exper ience of the i n d u s t r i a l w o r l d . " S p r i n g ' s p r o p o s i t i o n that schools adopted v o c a t i o n a l i s m to serve the manpower requirements of i n d u s t r y i s p l a u s i b l e but i t needs to be s u b s t a n t i a t e d . He does not p rov ide data i l l u s t r a t i n g students be ing channel led i n t o p a r t i c u l a r o c c u p a t i o n a l programmes r e f l e c t i n g the needs of a s p e c i f i c i n d u s t r y of a g iven community. Some case s t u d i e s would s t rengthen h i s c l a i m . A l s o , w e l f a r e programmes were not always the product of company benevolence as Spr ing suggests , but o f t e n the r e s u l t of hard fought s t r u g g l e s by workers . There i s a s t r i k i n g s i m i l a r i t y between J o e l S p r i n g ' s R i s e Of The Corporate S t a t e , and Samuel Bowles and Herbert G i n t i s 1 , Schoo l ing In 26 C a p i t a l i s t A m e r i c a , pub l i shed i n 1976. Bowles and G i n t i s regard v o c a t i o n a l i s m as one of the e d u c a t i o n a l reforms in t roduced around 1900 to he lp i n t e g r a t e masses of new workers i n t o the wage- labour system. They argue the e d u c a t i o n a l system reproduced the c a p i t a l i s t d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r , -in' par t through a correspondence between i t s own i n t e r n a l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s and those of the workp lace . C a p i t a l i s t p roduc t ion was based on " s u r p l u s v a l u e , " where workers ' wages were l e s s than the va lue of the product produced. Acco rd ing to Bowles and G i n t i s , employers erected and mainta ined a s o c i a l su rp lus v a l u e . S ince the s o c i a l process was d r i v e n by the impera t i ve f o r p r o f i t r a t h e r than by human needs, i t was a n t a g o n i s t i c . E d u c a t i o n ' s r o l e was to i n c r e a s e the p r o d u c t i v e c a p a c i t y of workers by i m p a r t i n g s k i l l s and m o t i v a t i o n , w h i l e at the same time i t helped to defuse and d e p o l i t i c i z e c l a s s antagonisms. The main aspect of e d u c a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n "cor responds" to the r e l a t i o n s h i p s of dominance and s u b o r d i n a t i o n i n the economic sphere , i n order to f a c i l i t a t e the t r a n s i t i o n from schoo l to work. Bowles and G i n t i s show that the r e l a t i o n s between a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , teachers and students p a t t e r n the h i e r a r c h i c a l d i v i s i o n of labour and that students w i t h 1 d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of educat ion are c o r r e s p o n d i n g l y i n t e g r a t e d i n t o comparable l e v e l s i n the job s t r u c t u r e . Bowles and G i n t i s demonstrate that v o c a t i o n a l i s m reproduced the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e by t r a c k i n g people accord ing to t h e i r e t h n i c i t y , r a c e , and c l a s s bacljgr.ourids. S c i e n t i f i c s e l e c t i o n through v o c a t i o n a l guidance and t e s t i n g l e g i t i m i z e d t h i s p r o c e s s . Moreover , they a s s e r t that' w i t h s c i e n t i f i c management i n the f a c t o r i e s , i n d u s t r i a l t r a i n i n g was a form of " T a y l o r i s m " i n the schools designed to weaken workers ' c o n t r o l over s k i l l s t r a i n i n g and shop c o n t r o l . However, they o v e r s t a t e the importance of v o c a t i o n a l educat ion as a means f o r manufacturers to secure shop c o n t r o l . The a p p r e n t i c e s h i p system was a l r e a d y i n decay, thus l o s i n g i t s t r a d i t i o n a l importance f o r workers ' c r a f t s t r e n g t h . A l s o , unionism was o f t e n a response to forms of T a y l o r i s m . Most impor tan t , the f i g h t over shop c o n t r o l took p l a c e i n the f a c t o r y . To be s u r e , t h i s c o n t r o l was the workers ' main s t r e n g t h , but i t became i n c r e a s i n g l y v u l n e r a b l e to mechanizat ion and the assembly l i n e p r o c e s s . The book concent rates h e a v i l y on the theme that the exper ience of s c h o o l i n g , and not merely the content of fo rmal l e a r n i n g , was c e n t r a l to the process of teach ing s u b o r d i n a t i o n and d o c i l i t y . Though Bowles and G i n t i s p rov ide an e x c e l l e n t a n a l y s i s of the s t r u c t u r e and i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s of work and s c h o o l i n g , the substance of v o c a t i o n a l courses get short s h r i f t and the s k i l l demands of work go unexamined. Recent l y some h i s t o r i a n s demonstrated that v o c a t i o n a l courses emphasized the i n c u l c a t i o n of work d i s c i p l i n e and the d i g n i t y of manual labour and down played teach ing s k i l l s . Th is c o n c l u s i o n would c e r t a i n l y s t renthen Bowles and G i n t i s ' h y p o t h e s i s . A lexander F i e l d ' s recent study of e d u c a t i o n a l expansion i n m i d - 10 27 n i n e t e e n t h century Massachusetts shores up the school/work nexus. H i s r e s e a r c h c l e a r l y demonstrates that w h i l e the development of mass p u b l i c educat ion accompanied i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , schools d i d not concent rate on teach ing work s k i l l s . Fur thermore , mechanizat ion d i d not i n c r e a s e the demand fo r s k i l l e d l a b o u r , but r a t h e r fo r u n s k i l l e d and s e m i - s k i l l e d workers . The 28 demise of the a p p r e n t i c e s h i p system i s p l a c e d i n t h i s c o n t e x t . F i e l d found that between 1850,and 1880 the number of jobs r e q u i r i n g post secondary educat ion d i d not advance s h a r p l y . Even i n the growing teach ing and c l e r i c a l occupat ions which were o f t e n f i l l e d by people w i t h some h i g h schoo l t r a i n i n g , t h e i r acqu i red h a b i t s of n e a t n e s s , perseverance and s e l f - d i s c i p l i n e were at l e a s t as important ias the c o g n i t i v e s k i l l s . F i e l d ' s data c o n c l u s i v e l y demonstrates i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n d id not demand l a r g e numbers of s k i l l e d workers , t e c h n i c i a n s , managers and p r o f e s s i o n a l s , nor d i d the schools respond to economic change by teach ing work s k i l l s . Compared to the Amer icans , Canadian h i s t o r i a n s have shown l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n v o c a t i o n a l i s m . Th is i s not s u r p r i s i n g because educat ion h i s t o r y i n g e n e r a l has a l l but been i g n o r e d , except where i t i n v o l v e d c o n s t i t u t i o n a l , 29 e t h n i c or r e l i g i o u s i s s u e s . As J . D . Wi l son cogent l y p o i n t s o u t , " t h e h i s t o r y of p u b l i c s c h o o l i n g seemed l i k e p r e t t y s m a l l po ta toes" compared to the conquest , Confedera t ion and the N a t i o n a l P o l i c y fo r economic development."^' S ince 1970 a dramat ic s h i f t i n Canadian h i s t o r i o g r a p h y toward s o c i a l h i s t o r y occurred and educat ion h i s t o r i a n s have t r i e d to p l a c e s c h o o l i n g more c e n t r a l l y 31 i n the mainstream of Canadian s o c i a l development. But v o c a t i o n a l i s m has a t t r a c t e d l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n . For the most p a r t , the h i s t o r y of v o c a t i o n a l i s m i n Canada's p u b l i c schools touches upon s i m i l a r o v e r r i d i n g themes as the American h i s t o r i o g r a p h y . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , most accounts do not examine the economic context e s s e n t i a l to any s e r i o u s study of v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n . I n s t e a d , most h i s t o r i e s are c h r o n i c l e s t r a c i n g the r o o t s of v o c a t i o n a l i s m or g l o r i f y i n g the accomplishments of schoo l promoters i n c l u d i n g Eger ton Ryerson, John Seath , S i r W i l l i a m Macdonald, A d e l a i d e Hoodless and James W. Robertson. To h i s c r e d i t , C h a r l e s E. P h i l l i p s ' p i o n e e r i n g survey t e x t , The Development Of Educat ion In Canada, which appeared i n 1957, p laces v o c a t i o n a l educat ion a g a i n s t the l a r g e r economic backdrop .^3 He a s s e r t s that p ressure fo r more p r a c t i c a l secondary educat ion to improve Canada's i n d u s t r i a l e f f i c i e n c y was the main c a t a l y s t behind the "hand and eye" t r a i n i n g fo r manual o c c u p a t i o n s . Whi le P h i l i p s r e l a t e s p u b l i c v o c a t i o n a l i n s t r u c t i o n to i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , he does not develop the theme or examine the economic c o n t e x t . I n s t e a d , he expands upon the growth of v o c a t i o n a l educat ion i n terms of enro lments , i n s t i t u t i o n s and l e g i s l a t i o n . One of the f i r s t students of v o c a t i o n a l i ' s m 1 s r h i s t o r y - fc i n Canada to i n c l u d e an account of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n as i t i n f l u e n c e d s c h o o l i n g , was Stewart Semple. H i s c r i t i c a l study of Ontar io Super intendent of E d u c a t i o n , John Seath , r e v e a l s how S e a t h ' s 1890, 1901 and 1910 r e p o r t s on v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g r e f l e c t e d v o c a t i o n a l i s m ' s changing meaning. Af f i r s t Seath was i n f l u e n c e d by the European p h i l o s o p h e r s , P e s t a l o z z i and F r o e b e l , and consequent ly manual t r a i n i n g s t r e s s e d c u l t u r a l v a l u e s . By the tu rn of the century O n t a r i o ' s i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g environment a l t e r e d S e a t h ' s out look and thus manual t r a i n i n g emphasized employment p r e p a r a t i o n . The economic backdrop, however, r e c e i v e s on ly s u p e r f i c i a l treatment and i s not w e l l i n t e g r a t e d i n t o h i s e x p l a n a t i o n . Thus h i s i n s i g h t s are l i m i t e d . By not l o o k i n g at the s k i l l demands of work, fo r i n s t a n c e , Semple's account of the a p p r e n t i c e s h i p system's d e c l i n e goes unexp la ined . A l s o , a c l o s e r examinat ion of c h i l d l a b o u r , j u v e n i l e de l inquency and geographic m o b i l i t y of f a m i l i e s might suggest why many c h i l d r e n l e f t schoo l at an e a r l y age. Desp i te these c r i t i c i s m s Semple's work d i s p l a y s an academic r i g o u r i n c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n and r e s e a r c h not present i n house h i s t o r i e s . The most p r o l i f i c Canadian w r i t e r on the h i s t o r y of v o c a t i o n a l educat ion i s Robert Stamp. Most of h i s works are r e p e t i t i v e , however, and can be c a t e g o r i z e d i n t o two d i s t i n c t i v e groups: those d e a l i n g w i t h v o c a t i o n a l i s m ' s c h i e f promoters , and those c e n t e r i n g on the N a t i o n a l P o l i c y . H i s essays i n P r o f i l e s Of Canadian Educators and Stud ies In E d u c a t i o n a l Change, p l o t the progress of v o c a t i o n a l educat ion i n terms of inc reased enro lments , numbers of teachers and v o c a t i o n a l cent res between 1880 and World War I, and documents the h e r o i c e f f o r t s of a few i n d i v i d u a l s who Stamp c la ims were u t i m a t e l y r e s p o n s i b l e fo r e d u c a t i o n a l expans ion . O n t a r i o ' s Educat ion M i n i s t e r R ichard Harcourt was sympathet ic to the cause of p r a c t i c a l i n s t r u c t i o n . James Robertson of the Macdonald Movement in t roduced manual t r a i n i n g to elementary boys , A d e l a i d e Hood l e s s championed domestic sc ience fo r g i r l s and James Hughes and John Seath e s t a b l i s h e d v o c a t i o n a l i n s t r u c t i o n i n the h i g h s c h o o l s . Stamp juxtaposes the schoolmen and t h e i r e d u c a t i o n a l accomplishments w i t h the economic c o n t e x t . Us ing census m a t e r i a l , he demonstrates inc reased c a p i t a l investment i n manufac tu r ing , g reate r p r o d u c t i v i t y , h igher wages, and more i n d u s t r i a l workers . H i s data i s t h i n and stands apart from the main body of the essays . Stamp's s t rongest statement on v o c a t i o n a l i s m r e c e i v e s i t s f u l l e s t exp ress ion i n " T e c h n i c a l E d u c a t i o n , the N a t i o n a l P o l i c y , and F e d e r a l - P r o v i n c i a l R e l a t i o n s i n Canadian E d u c a t i o n , 1899 -1919 , " which appeared i n the Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review i n 1 9 7 1 . - ^ The economic context i s w e l l i n t e g r a t e d i n t o the argument. A l t h o u g h , t e c h n i c a l educat ion took a back seat to more p r e s s i n g i s s u e s l i k e t a r i f f s , wages, working c o n d i t i o n s , and job s e c u r i t y , Stamp argues i t became i n c r e a s i n g l y promoted by the Canadian M a n u f a c t u r e r s ' A s s o c i a t i o n (CMA) and the Trades and Labour Congress (TLC) as these o r g a n i z a t i o n s gained s t r e n g t h and importance v i s - a - v i s the farm b l o c . Indust ry s t r e s s e d that t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g was r e q u i r e d to meet shortages of 13 s k i l l e d labour and make workers more e f f i c i e n t so the Canadian economy could develop and compete i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y . Labour on the other hand came to see v o c a t i o n a l i s m as a means fo r o c c u p a t i o n a l m o b i l i t y . The essence of the argument cent res around the i n t e r p l a y between f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l r e l a t i o n s and j u r i s d i c t i o n over v o c a t i o n a l i s m , as the combined lobby of the CMA and TLC t r i e d to get the f i n a n c i a l l y ab le Dominion government to support t e c h n i c a l e d u c a t i o n . Prime M i n i s t e r L a u r i e r saw t e c h n i c a l educat ion as a p r o v i n c i a l matter and d i d not want to overstep h i s bounds and a l i e n a t e the p r o v i n c e s , e s p e c i a l l y i n l i g h t of the a f te rmath of the Manitoba schoo l q u e s t i o n . - ^ 7 To c a p i t a l and l a b o u r , however, t e c h n i c a l educat ion was a matter of n a t i o n b u i l d i n g , and thus f e l l under the f e d e r a l branch of Trade and Commerce. Stamp i n s i s t s tha t t h i s dilemma was on ly so lved because Labour M i n i s t e r Mackenzie K i n g , a s t rong advocate of v o c a t i o n a l i s m , was a b l e to persuade L a u r i e r to e s t a b l i s h a Roya l Commission. . F i n a n c i a l shortages dur ing the war delayed a c t i o n on the r e p o r t u n t i l 1919, when Borden 's C o n s e r v a t i v e s , p a r a d o x i c a l l y , implemented some of Rober tson 's recommendations when there was a surp lus of s k i l l e d l a b o u r . Stamp draws upon c o n s i d e r a b l e a r c h i v a l and p r i n t e d sources c l e a r l y to demonstrate the j u r i s d i c t i o n a l i s s u e s surrounding t e c h n i c a l e d u c a t i o n . U n f o r t u n a t e l y he does not g i ve any a t t e n t i o n to the workp lace , e i t h e r to determine whether s k i l l e d labour shortages e x i s t e d before the war, or the extent to which t rades t r a i n i n g was needed fo r n a t i o n a l economic development, whether immigrat ion or o n - t h e - j o b t r a i n i n g met s k i l l e d labour requirements i s not d i s c u s s e d . Government i n a c t i o n on Rober tson 's 1913 r e p o r t and meagre f i n a n c i a l support to the 1919 T e c h n i c a l Educat ion Act suggests s k i l l e d labour s u p p l i e s were not a s e r i o u s problem even dur ing the war when manpower was c o n s c r i p t e d i n t o the f o r c e s . Moreover , there was a su rp lus of s k i l l e d labour i n the post -war years due to the s o l d i e r s ' r e t u r n and a r e c e s s i o n . The 14 importance of v o c a t i o n a l i s m might l i e beyond t rades t r a i n i n g and c o n s t i t u t i o n a l f a c t o r s . Stamp acknowledges that post -war labour unrest i n f l u e n c e d Borden to implement the T e c h n i c a l Educat ion A c t , but t h i s theme goes unexp lo red . Perhaps t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n was designed to c o o l labour u n r e s t , par t of a " s e a r c h 38 fo r o r d e r . " Stamp seems unaware of h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l developments emerging i n America and B r i t a i n dur ing the l a t e 1960s. Nowhere does he e lude to the t h e s i s that educat ion be cons idered an agent of s o c i a l c o n t r o l , a l r e a d y 39 cogent l y set f o r t h by M i c h a e l Katz and o t h e r s . Th is hypothes is p rov ides a framework which might best account fo r Borden 's 1919 Act at the he ight of the Winnipeg Genera l S t r i k e . One n o t a b l e except ion to the Onta r io centred r e s e a r c h on v o c a t i o n a l i s m i s J . K . F o s t e r ' s "Educat ion and Work i n a Changing S o c i e t y : B r i t i s h Co lumbia , 1 8 7 0 - 1 9 3 0 . " ^ F o s t e r a s s e r t s that .new markets fo r the p r o v i n c e ' s resources and processed goods, as w e l l as the i n t r o d u c t i o n of new i n d u s t r i a l techno logy , d r a s t i c a l l y a l t e r e d the o c c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e . As a r e s u l t the demand fo r s k i l l e d labour reshaped concepts and a t t i t u d e s toward worker e d u c a t i o n . A l s o , h igh a c c i d e n t r a t e s prompted f i r s t a i d , s a f e t y and work r u l e programmes. W i t h i n the changing work s t r u c t u r e he shows that companies in t roduced shor t job s p e c i f i c courses to meet t h e i r immediate needs and stem a l a r g e s k i l l e d labour tu rnover . F o s t e r argues most h i g h l y s k i l l e d workers , managers, and t e c h n i c a l s t a f f were r e c r u i t e d abroad. When the war r e s t r i c t e d access to o u t s i d e r e c r u i t m e n t , i n d u s t r y pressed m u n i c i p a l , p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l governments f o r t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g f a c i l i t i e s and p r e _ v o c a t i o n a l c l a s s e s i n the p u b l i c s c h o o l s . C l e a r l y m i s s i n g , however, i s an examinat ion of whether the workplace demanded s k i l l e d l a b o u r . F o s t e r only a s s e r t s that i n d u s t r i a l p roduc t ion r e q u i r e d s k i l l e d workers . The changing p r o p o r t i o n of u n s k i l l e d and s k i l l e d employees between 1870 and 1930 i s not p r o v i d e d . I t i s a l s o unc lear whether 15 men were d i s l o c a t e d by economic f l u c t u a t i o n s , cheap immigrant l a b o u r , or because they were l a r g e l y d i s p l a c e d by t e c h n o l o g i c a l i n n o v a t i o n s . Nowhere does he look at the working c o n d i t i o n s i n the shops, mines, and lumber camps to which some v o c a t i o n a l programmes apparent l y responded. Fur thermore , h i s e x t e n s i v e a t t e n t i o n to a p p r e n t i c e s h i p programmes i s not warranted c o n s i d e r i n g the system was not very widespread i n B r i t i s h Co lumbia . A l though F o s t e r p rov ides an e x c e l l e n t d i s c u s s i o n on the t y p o g r a p h i c a l workers ' a p p r e n t i c e s h i p programmes, p r i n t i n g was not r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of most c r a f t s adapt ing to . , . •, . . 41 i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . Ter ry M o r r i s o n ' s , "Reform As S o c i a l T r a c k i n g : The Case Of I n d u s t r i a l Educat ion In O n t a r i o , 1870 -1900 , " represents the on ly cu r ren t attempt to study v o c a t i o n a l i s m . ^ He argues that d u r i n g the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h centu ry , educat ion reformers sought to i n t e g r a t e v o c a t i o n a l educat ion i n t o the r e g u l a r p u b l i c s c h o o l s . Us ing e d u c a t i o n , bus iness and labour newspapers, M o r r i s o n d i s s e c t s the debate over the f u n c t i o n of the schoo l i n an i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g s o c i e t y . Some educators and urban boards of t rade promoted s k i l l s t r a i n i n g to i n c r e a s e i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t i v i t y and cope w i t h s p e c i a l i z e d machinery ; p h i l a n t h r o p i s t s wanted manual t r a i n i n g to s t rengthen moral development; labour wanted t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g that emphasized t h e o r e t i c a l aspects of i n d u s t r y ; and l a r g e manufacturers wanted i n d u s t r i a l t r a i n i n g that taught shop norms. M o r r i s o n c la ims that O n t a r i o ' s 1911 I n d u s t r i a l Educat ion Act was the c u l m i n a t i o n of e f f o r t s by bus iness to in t roduce shop norms i n t o the s c h o o l s . But he o f f e r s no a n a l y s i s of the workplace to e x p l a i n why c e r t a i n groups supported c o n f l i c t i n g n o t i o n s of v o c a t i o n a l i s m . C e r t a i n l y an examinat ion of the i n d u s t r i a l workplace which dominated O n t a r i o ' s economic landscape more and more a f t e r the tu rn of the centu ry , suggests why the l a r g e manufacturers were tr iumphant i n 1911. Many h i s t o r i a n s of v o c a t i o n a l educat ion acknowledge the important impact 16 of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n on the schoo l system. Some sketch the growth of i n d u s t r i a l p roduct ion and others the s t r u c t u r e of the i n d u s t r i a l workp lace . To be s u r e , schools adopted a corporate s t r u c t u r e which seemed to c o v e r t l y s o c i a l i z e youth f o r the h i e r a r c h i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of i n d u s t r i a l work. Yet the substance of i n d u s t r i a l work has a t t r a c t e d l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n , w i t h the p o s s i b l e except ion of F i e l d ' s s tudy . How then can h i s t o r i a n s c l a i m v o c a t i o n a l i s m was in t roduced to p rov ide i n d u s t r y w i t h a poo l of s k i l l e d labour when i n d u s t r i a l s k i l l demands are not demonstrated? "Working c l a s s h i s t o r i a n s " o f f e r s e v e r a l i n s i g h t s fo r approaching the school/work nexus. The "new working c l a s s h i s t o r y " which i s c u r r e n t l y g a i n i n g widespread acceptance i n Europe and Nor th Amer ica , l a r g e l y c o n s i s t s of l o c a l and r e g i o n a l s t u d i e s that concent ra te on s p e c i f i c groups of workers who exper ienced i n d u s t r i a l i s m dur ing a p a r t i c u l a r time and p l a c e . In t h i s r e s p e c t these s o c i a l h i s t o r i a n s d i s p l a y c o n s i d e r a b l e s e n s i t i v i t y toward v a r i o u s c r a f t s , c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s , and e t h n i c groups who reacted d i f f e r e n t l y to economic and s o c i a l change. The re fo re , they g i ve c o n s i d e r a b l e a t t e n t i o n to the r a p i d l y a l t e r i n g s t r u c t u r e and substance of work which i n f l u e n c e d the l i v e s of o r d i n a r y peop le . Recent s t u d i e s show that mechanizat ion and the d i v i s i o n of labour broke down most c r a f t s , and where p o s s i b l e machinery and u n s k i l l e d labour rep laced c r a f t s m e n . ^ The i r r e g u l a r rhythms and " t a s k " o r i e n t a t i o n of p r e - i n d u s t r i a l work were o f t e n f o r c e f u l l y rep laced w i t h new i n c e n t i v e s , t i m e - t h r i f t , and r o u t i n e h a b i t s r e q u i r e d by mechanized employment. Dur ing t h i s p r o c e s s , shop c o n t r o l s l i p p e d from workers to management and the a p p r e n t i c e s h i p system w i t h e r e d . Th is s t r i k e s at the hear t of much e d u c a t i o n a l h i s t o r i o g r a p h y . I f most a p p r e n t i c e s h i p programmes became o b s o l e t e w i t h i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , why would s o c i e t y in t roduce c o s t l y s k i l l s t r a i n i n g i n t o the p u b l i c schools? I t cannot be assumed that v o c a t i o n a l i n s t r u c t i o n aimed to impart job s k i l l s to working c l a s s c h i l d r e n . The new working c l a s s 17 h i s t o r y begs the q u e s t i o n : Was v o c a t i o n a l educat ion designed to i n c u l c a t e new i n d u s t r i a l work norms? Thus, h i s t o r i a n s a l s o have to examine the schoo l s e t t i n g to determine v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n s ' s substance. I l l For the most par t h i s t o r i a n s t r e a t v o c a t i o n a l i s m ' s e d u c a t i o n a l context more f u l l y than they do i t s broader economic backdrop. The i n t r o d u c t i o n of v o c a t i o n a l i n s t r u c t i o n i s seen as p a r t of a l a r g e r e d u c a t i o n a l response to i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . Some h i s t o r i a n s cons ider schoo l reforms as humani tar ian des igns to a m e l i o r a t e s o c i a l d i s l o c a t i o n , w h i l e o thers v iew reforms .as measures to mediate unrest and preserve s o c i a l o r d e r . Cubber ley ' s An I n t r o d u c t i o n To The Study Of Educat ion And To Teach ing . fo r example, suggests that the a d d i t i o n of v o c a t i o n a l i n s t r u c t i o n was par t o f an o v e r a l l expansion of the c u r r i c u l u m a f t e r 1900 to inc rease e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s fo r Amer icans , and p rov ide youth w i t h the necessary " s o c i a l and moral guidance" dur ing the " c r i t i c a l and fo rmat ive yea rs " of ado lescence . In The T ransformat ion Of The School Cremin argues v o c a t i o n a l i s m was a face t of " p r o g r e s s i v e e d u c a t i o n . " L i k e Cubber ley , Cremin p o s t u l a t e s that p r o g r e s s i v e educat ion began as par t of a vast humani tar ian e f f o r t to apply the promise of American l i f e — t h e i d e a l of government by , o f , and f o r the p e o p l e — t o the p u z z l i n g new u r b a n - i n d u s t r i a l c i v i l i z a t i o n tha t came i n t o be ing d u r i n g the l a t t e r h a l f of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . ^ Cremin d e s c r i b e s how the concept of v o c a t i o n a l educat ion changed from manual t r a i n i n g which c u l t i v a t e d c h i l d r e n ' s mental and p h y s i c a l a b i l i t i e s to t rades t r a i n i n g which prepared them fo r i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . The s t r e n g t h of C remin 's argument l i e s i n a comprehensive in te rweav ing of a t t i t u d e s concern ing v o c a t i o n a l i n s t r u c t i o n w i t h broader i n t e l l e c t u a l developments surrounding e d u c a t i o n a l , p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l reforms of the " p r o g r e s s i v e e r a . " N e i t h e r Cubber ley nor Cremin r e l a t e e d u c a t i o n a l changes to the growth of the p o s i t i v e s t a t e which responded to s o c i a l d i s o r d e r generated by i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , i m m i g r a t i o n , and u r b a n i z a t i o n . 18 Timothy S m i t h ' s , "Progresslv ism In American E d u c a t i o n , 1 8 8 0 - 1 9 0 0 , " a l s o shows that Americans b e l i e v e d schoo ls could guarantee c h i l d r e n a b r i g h t e r f u t u r e and " b u i l d a new s o c i e t y f ree of i gnorance , p o v e r t y , g reed , 45 and s t r i f e . " But Smith p laces h i s study of the "new educat ion" more d i r e c t l y i n t o the s o c i a l m i l i e u . He i l l u s t r a t e s why a p o s i t i v e s t a t e became necessary and acceptab le to many e l i t e s i n order to a m e l i o r a t e s o c i a l d i s l o c a t i o n brought on by Negro emanc ipat ion , mass immigrat ion and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . The f a m i l y , church , a p p r e n t i c e s h i p system and p u b l i c schools a l l seemed inadequate to s o c i a l i z e the young. Smith p laces e d u c a t i o n a l reforms i n c l u d i n g v o c a t i o n a l i s m i n t o the context of a wider a g i t a t i o n fo r s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l reforms aimed at r e s t o r i n g a "purer n a t i o n a l l i f e . " Smi th , however, on ly a s s e r t s that r a p i d s o c i a l change rendered the f a m i l y and church inadequate to s o c i a l i z e y o u t h . And, l i k e Cremin , the r o l e of " p r o g r e s s i v e educators" dominate the debate fo r schoo l reforms w h i l e the views of l a b o u r , and bus iness to a l e s s e r e x t e n t , r e c e i v e shor t s h r i f t . S o l Cohen's work on the i n d u s t r i a l educat ion movement c h a l l e n g e s the v iew that the i n c l u s i o n of a p r a c t i c a l c u r r i c u l u m was rooted i n r e f o r m e r s ' humani ta r ian ism that aimed to prov ide c h i l d r e n w i t h o p p o r t u n i t i e s and p r o t e c t them from the e x p l o i t i v e excesses of f a c t o r y l a b o u r . "The r e f o r m e r s ' s ta ted concern w i t h the needs and i n t e r e s t s of c h i l d r e n c a n , however, be overemphasized; the needs and i n t e r e s t s of American i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y no l e s s than those of the c h i l d r e n consp i red to demand v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n . He argues that schools prov ided an educat ion w i t h a " v o c a t i o n a l b i a s — " one which would pred ispose of the c h i l d r e n to enter the f a c t o r i e s and manual t r a d e s , impress them w i t h the " d i g n i t y of l a b o u r , " and equip them w i t h " i n d u s t r i a l i n t e l l i g e n c e ; " some f a c i l i t y w i t h hand t o o l s and machines, b a s i c l i t e r a c y to enable them to read and understand d i r e c t i o n s , and d i s c i p l i n e enough to enable them b e t t e r to conform to the requirements of l a r g e - s c a l e , r a t i o n a l i z e d f a c t o r y r o u t i n e s . ^ Cohen a r r i v e s at t h i s c o n c l u s i o n by p l a y i n g out the tens ions between the demands, of, 'an e x p a n d i n g " i n d u s t r i a l economy and d i f f e r e n t no t ions of 19 democrat ic s c h o o l i n g . Older no t ions of democrat ic educat ion s t ressed f ree c l a s s i c a l s c h o o l i n g fo r a l l . Some educators c laimed t h i s ph i losophy a t t r a c t e d few s t u d e n t s . A d d i t i o n a l l y , those a t t e n d i n g u s u a l l y sought p r o f e s s i o n a l r a t h e r than i n d u s t r i a l p u r s u i t s , thus o f t e n overcrowding the p r e s t i g i o u s o c c u p a t i o n s . V o c a t i o n a l educat ion cor rec ted the undemocratic l i t e r a r y b i a s and overcrowding by p r o v i d i n g s c h o o l i n g fo r the common y o u t h . Cohen argues the concept gained hold d u r i n g the e a r l y t w e n t i e t h century because i t met the labour needs of i n d u s t r y and bowed to middle c l a s s pressure to reduce compet i t i on fo r p r o f e s s i o n a l j o b s . H i s argument suggest ing that v o c a t i o n a l i s m was t h r u s t upon the unsuspect ing masses to keep them i n t h e i r p lace i s weakened by i t s c o n s p i r i t o r i a l tone. No evidence i s g iven to demonstrate s t i f f compet i t i on fo r p r o f e s s i o n a l j o b s . A d d i t i o n a l l y , Cohen's account f a i l s to i l l u s t r a t e the dynamics of the i n t e r p l a y between v o c a t i o n a l i s m ' s sponsors and i t s opponents. What s t r a t e g i e s d i d reformers use to implement v o c a t i o n a l i s m ? Who r e s i s t e d reforms? Marv in L a z e r s o n ' s O r i g i n s Of The Urban S c h o o l , a p p l i e s Robert Wiebe's genera l i n t e r p r e t i v e framework to study urban e d u c a t i o n . ^ Accord ing to L a z e r s o n , Massachuset ts ' educators t r i e d to i n t e g r a t e schools i n t o an urban i n d u s t r i a l environment by i n t r o d u c i n g k i n d e r g a r t e n s , manual t r a i n i n g and c i v i c s . Between 1870 and 1900 f a m i l i a l p a t t e r n s of s o c i a l i z a t i o n had apparent l y broken down and schoolmen attempted to cope w i t h s o c i a l d i s i n t e g r a t i o n by teach ing t r a d i t i o n a l r u r a l American v a l u e s . Educators c laimed that poor and immigrant youth could teach t h e i r parents E n g l i s h , acceptab le behav iour , h e a l t h standards and c h i l d r e a r i n g p r a c t i c e s . I t was b e l i e v e d that a s s i m i l a t i o n through the c h i l d r e n would b r i n g s o c i a l harmony to f a m i l y l i f e i n the s lum. By the tu rn of the century , a s s e r t s L a z e r s o n , schoo l reforms aimed at r e s t o r i n g t r a d i t i o n a l va lues were not a f f e c t i v e fo r d e a l i n g w i t h s o c i a l 20 d i s r u p t i o n s . A f t e r 1900 educators changed the s c h o o l ' s focus so i t would f i t c h i l d r e n to t h e i r p laces i n the new i n d u s t r i a l o r d e r . V o c a t i o n a l gu idance , t e s t i n g and a d i f f e r e n t i a t e d c u r r i c u l u m were d i r e c t e d toward t h i s end. Manual t r a i n i n g t r i e d to i n t e g r a t e boys i n t o i n d u s t r i a l work by teach ing them s k i l l s and norms, w h i l e home economics aimed to r e s u s c i t a t e the urban p o o r ' s f a m i l y l i f e by drawing g i r l s away from work and back i n t o the home. These reforms were implemented under the gu ise of e q u a l i t y of e d u c a t i o n a l oppor tun i t y s ince the m a j o r i t y of students f a i l e d to pass through the h igh s c h o o l . Lazerson f o r c e f u l l y argues that those who could not d e a l w i t h the r e g u l a r c u r r i c u l u m , whose background was working c l a s s , and who were manual ly m o t i v a t e d , were streamed i n t o v o c a t i o n a l programmes and they ended up i n i n d u s t r i a l o c c u p a t i o n s . Lazerson does not determine the accuracy of educato rs ' assessments of l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s . Recent r e s e a r c h on urban poor and immigrant f a m i l i e s show that f a m i l i a l s t r u c t u r e s d i d not break down d u r i n g i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and that the f a m i l y cont inued t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n . Fur thermore , working c l a s s l i f e was h i g h l y s t r u c t u r e d and 49 t h e i r c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e helped them cope w i t h economic and s o c i a l change. Nor does Lazerson c l a r i f y whether v o c a t i o n a l i s m was a response by the middle c l a s s to the schools a c t u a l l y becoming e g a l i t a r i a n as more and more youth entered and stayed l o n g e r , thus t h r e a t e n i n g the h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e of s o c i e t y ; or whether i t was a means of a t t r a c t i n g working c l a s s youth to schools to p rov ide them w i t h i n d u s t r i a l norms to r e i n f o r c e the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . The e f f e c t i v e n e s s of schools p e r p e t u a t i n g the s o c i a l order i s not d i s c u s s e d . E d u c a t i o n a l h i s t o r i a n s have not p laced the s c h o o l ' s r o l e i n t o a p e r s p e c t i v e where i t could be compared w i t h i n s t i t u t i o n s i n c l u d i n g ' b u s i n e s s e s , churches , f r a t e r n i t i e s , f a c t o r i e s , unions and p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s which a l s o enhanced s o c i a l order and s o c i a l m o b i l i t y . Most important Lazerson does not i l l u s t r a t e the dynamics of e d u c a t i o n a l change, i n p a r t i c u l a r , v o c a t i o n a l i s m as i t s h i f t e d from a c u l t u r a l focus to an i n d u s t r i a l one. Katz c o n t e s t s the c l a i m that educators shed t h e i r r u r a l i d e a l i s m by 1900 and suggests i t l a s t e d w e l l i n t o the t w e n t i e t h cen tu ry , as many schoolmen remained ambivalent toward the d i s r u p t i v e fo rces of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and c i t y l i f e . " ^ The s t r a t e g i e s of v o c a t i o n a l i s m ' s sponsors fo r a f f e c t i n g schoo l c u r r i c u l u m and r e o r g a n i z a t i o n are not d e a l t w i t h e i ther . " ' ' " Desp i te these c r i t i c i s m s the O r i g i n s Of The Urban School remains the most comprehensive work on American v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n . In Educat ion And The R i s e Of The Corporate S t a t e . J o e l Spr ing p a r a l l e l s the modern e d u c a t i o n a l system's development d u r i n g the " p r o g r e s s i v e e r a , " w i t h events t a k i n g p lace i n i n d u s t r y . He p o s t u l a t e s that around 1900 American i n s t i t u t i o n s adopted a c o r p o r t a t e model of o r g a n i z a t i o n because i t promised to meet the needs of an ever i n c r e a s i n g l y complex s o c i e t y . Reformers modi f ied the schoo l system so i t could t r a i n s p e c i a l i z e d and coopera t i ve men and women r e q u i r e d by a corporate s o c i e t y . The i n t r o d u c t i o n of v o c a t i o n a l i s m was par t of t h i s e d u c a t i o n a l r e o r g a n i z a t i o n . In order to counteract a l i e n a t i o n and s e l f i s h i n d i v i d u a l i s m a r i s i n g from a f d i ' f f e r e n t i a t e d c u r r i c u l u m , pedagog ica l changes, schoo l newspapers, student government, p laygrounds , assembl ies and a t h l e t i c s were in t roduced to encourage coopera t ion and schoo l u n i t y . Sp r ing a s s e r t s that reformers viewed educat ion as "one i n s t i t u t i o n working w i t h others to assure thepprogress and e f f i c i e n t o p e r a t i o n of the • i - ..52 s o c i a l s ys tem." A l though Spr ing c la ims the p a r a l l e l s drawn between the schoo l and the f a c t o r y are "not a c c i d e n t a l , " there i s i n s u f f i c i e n t evidence o f f e r e d to suggest that the r e l a t i o n s h i p between i n d u s t r i a l requirements and e d u c a t i o n a l r e o r g a n i z a t i o n was casua l^as he i m p l i e s . Nor i s i t made c l e a r how the " p r o g r e s s i v e s " c a r r i e d out t h e i r reforms that gave the e d u c a t i o n a l system i t s " b u s i n e s s - o r i e n t e d i d e o l o g y . " The excess i ve use of r e f o r m e r s ' 22 and dissenters' r h e t o r i c tends to reduce Spring's argument to a s i m p l i s t i c conspiracy theory. Moreover, his conclusions are limited because he r e l i e s on reformers' perceptions of s o c i a l change, assuming them to be r e a l i t y . Differences between perceptions and r e a l i t y are not examined. Bowles and G i n t i s 1 , Schooling In C a p i t a l i s t America, claims vocational education was i n s t i t u t e d under the plea for more democratic and f l e x i b l e schools to accommodate the large i n f l u x of working class and immigrant children into the system. "In the context of a r a p i d l y developing corporate d i v i s i o n of labour, however, such demands spelled not equality 53 and democracy, but s t r a t i f i c a t i o n and bureaucracy." They cogently argue that the educational system's goals of integrating youth into adult society c o n f l i c t e d with the schools' r o l e of promoting equality and f u l l human development. E s s e n t i a l l y , a t o t a l i t a r i a n economy and meritocratic schools mitigated against e g a l i t a r i a n p r i n c i p l e s and equality , of opportunity. Bowles and G i n t i s demonstrate that children's class backgrounds corresponded to their educational programmes. Schools perpetuated the class structure by preparing youth psychologically for work, giving them "modes of s e l f - presentation, self-image, and s o c i a l - c l a s s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n which are c r u c i a l ingredients of job adequacy."-^ Bowles and G i n t i s ' notion of "correspondence" i s much more subtle and convincing than Spring's p a r a l l e l i s m . Schooling In C a p i t a l i s t America i l l u s t r a t e s the dynamics and e f f e c t s of the school's t r a n s i t i o n to a bureaucratic structure and d i f f e r e n t i a t e d curriculum. They also have an extensive discussion on the dynamics of educational reform and show that professionals, businessmen, and s o c i a l e l i t e s displaced small entrepreneurs and wage earners on school boards. Limited evidence i s offered to support t h e i r hypothesis that educational changes corresponded to a l t e r a t i o n s i n the structure of economic l i f e associated with the process of c a p i t a l 23 accumulation. Although the h i e r a r c h i c a l structure of the school no doubt reinforced the structure of capitalism, i t can be questioned whether the major purpose of bureaucracy was l a r g e l y to integrate people into a c a p i t a l i s t economy. Perhaps a d i f f e r e n t i a t e d curriculum, vocational guidance and testing were more e f f e c t i v e means. While bureaucracy made schools more e f f e c t i v e agencies to preserve the s o c i a l structure, i t was also the most e f f i c i e n t means of organization. Older s e l f - r e l i a n t or voluntary services no longer s u f f i c e d i n the face of mass immigration. David Tyack, i n contrast, emphasized that bureaucratization of the schools was just part of a more general movement to adapt to demographic and economic changes. Police departments, public health services, and c h a r i t i e s also responded to urban growth by implementing a corporate form of organization. It became evident that f u l l time professionals were required to deal with increased health care, crime, f i r e s , and education. Tyack's perspective acknowledges that c e n t r a l i z a t i o n was implemented by professional educators not only to preserve the s o c i a l structure, but also deal with the sheer pressures of increased population. F i e l d ' s research on educational expansion i n mid-nineteenth century Massachusetts s, examines p o l i t i c a l support for school reforms. He found l i t t l e support for reforms among the working class which concerned i t s e l f with more pressing problems including adequate employment, food and s h e l t e r . F i e l d demonstrates the close r e l a t i o n s h i p between business, p o l i t i c a l , and educational e l i t e s who shared the d e s i r a b i l i t y of i n d u s t r i a l i s m , but feared i t s d i s r u p t i v e s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and economic consequences. Therefore, they t r i e d to a l l e v i a t e industrialism's worst abuses by advancing c h i l d labour laws and tax-supported schools, with the l a t t e r teaching c h i l d r e n to be punctual, r e l i a b l e , and less l i k e l y to be unreasonable i n times of labour trouble. His evidence also i l l u s t r a t e s that there were far more 24 reformers r e f e r r i n g to the c o n t r i b u t i o n educat ion made to s o c i a l order than to s k i l l s t r a i n i n g . The s t r e n g t h of F i e l d ' s approach l i e s i n h i s a n a l y s i s of both the r h e t o r i c of reformers and the r e a l i t y of work and s c h o o l s . He c o n v i n c i n g l y shows that the s c h o o l s ' cover t f u n c t i o n s f a r o u t - weighed i t s c o g n i t i v e r o l e s , and concludes the r i s e of mass p u b l i c educat ion was main ly geared to p repar ing youth fo r a s o c i e t y demanding new urban i n d u s t r i a l d i s c i p l i n e s . For the most par t Canadian h i s t o r i a n s t r e a t v o c a t i o n a l i s m ' s e d u c a t i o n a l context more f u l l y than they do i t s economic backdrop. In both A B r i e f H i s t o r y Of Canadian Educat ion and A H i s t o r y Of P u b l i c Educat ion In B r i t i s h Co lumbia . F . Henry Johnson cons ide rs broadening the c u r r i c u l u m to i n c l u d e v o c a t i o n a l c o u r s e s , as a face t of a l a r g e r movement of "awakening humani tar - i a n i s m . " ^ ' 7 A new a t t i t u d e toward c h i l d r e n and t h e i r w e l l - b e i n g emerged between 1880 and 1900. As ev idence , Johnson l i s t s the passage of c h i l d labour laws , u n i v e r s a l and compulsory elementary s c h o o l i n g , s p e c i a l schools fo r the handicapped, and k i n d e r g a r t e n s . The expansion of secondary educat ion and v o c a t i o n a l i n s t r u c t i o n are i n t e r p r e t e d as " a g radua l d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n " of a p r e v i o u s l y i n t e l l e c t u a l and e l i t i s t stage of s c h o o l i n g . He suggests t h i s was the outcome of a debate between c l a s s i c a l educators who argued i n favour of the mental d i s c i p l i n e s a f f o r d e d by the l i b e r a l a r t s , and the reformers who demanded v o c a t i o n a l i s m fo r those not p l a n n i n g to at tend u n i v e r s i t y . But who pushed fo r reforms and who went to school? Moreover , the s o c i a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l m i l i e u r e s p o n s i b l e fo r "awakening humani ta r ian ism" i s consp icuous ly absent . U n l i k e Johnson, Stamp s p e l l s out the e d u c a t i o n a l context i n some d e t a i l . In P r o f i l e s Of Canadian Educat ion and S tud ies In E d u c a t i o n a l Change, he a s s e r t s e d u c a t i o n a l re form was par t of a l a r g e r urban response by temperance groups and the c h i l d sav ing movement to overcome s o c i a l d i s l o c a t i o n . Stamp argues that hope fo r a b e t t e r s o c i e t y r e s t e d i n the c h i l d r e n . Thus schools responded by o f f e r i n g the o c c u p a t i o n a l , c i v i l and manual t r a i n i n g which the f a m i l y i n the new urban environment no longer p r o v i d e d . Much of h i s a n a l y s i s , however, s u f f e r s from s e v e r a l weaknesses. He exaggerates the r o l e of Canadian schoolmen fo r t h e i r e d u c a t i o n a l " i n n o v a t i o n s , " when indeed t h e i r work was o f t e n borrowed from Amer icans . The dynamics of the s c h o o l s ' s h i f t from only academic p r e p a r a t i o n to serve wider v o c a t i o n a l ends f o r i n d u s t r i a l careers i s not demonstrated. There was c o n s i d e r a b l e con fus ion over the c u l t u r a l and economic ends of s c h o o l i n g as Stamp c o r r e c t l y acknowledges, but the p o p u l a r i t y and c l i e n t e l of v o c a t i o n a l programmes r e c e i v e no a t t e n t i o n . Nor does he determine whether c h i l d r e n p r o f i t e d from t a k i n g i n d u s t r i a l educat ion and domestic s c i e n c e . Stamp a s k s : "Was e d u c a t i o n a l change a r e s u l t of s o c i e t a l change? Or d i d the change i n educat ion preceed and lay the groundwork fo r subsequent change i n s o c i e t y ? " CO (Or d i d they occur c o n c u r r e n t l y ? ) U n f o r t u n a t e l y these quest ions are not t a c k l e d . A d d i t i o n a l l y , h i s sources deserve s c r u t i n y . A r c h i v a l m a t e r i a l i s s l i g h t e d . The odd quote from the P a l l a d i u m of Labour , and the Trades and Labour Congress Proceedings h a r d l y covers workers ' opihxd>ons on v o c a t i o n a l i s m . The CMA fa res somewhat b e t t e r . Fur thermore , h i s almost e x c l u s i v e use of schoo l p e r i o d i c a l s and Annual Reports of the Ontar io Department of Educat ion m i t i g a t e a g a i n s t the p o s s i b i l i t y of a balanced and complete account of v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n . F o s t e r ' s study of educat ion and'.vwork i n B r i t i s h Columbia between 1870 and 1930 develops the e d u c a t i o n a l s e t t i n g . He p laces the a g i t a t i o n , implementat ion , and c o n s o l i d a t i o n of i n d u s t r i a l educat ion programmes i n t o the context of broader re form movements which arose out of a need to d e a l w i t h s o c i a l d i s l o c a t i o n brought on by a r a p i d l y changing economy. The dynamics of reform are w e l l t r e a t e d . He argues v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s 26 motivated by " i d e a l i s t i c humanitarian" concerns for the poor, joined with organized labour to lobby the p r o v i n c i a l government for worker l e g i s l a t i o n to protect women and children from e x p l o i t a t i o n , restrict immigration to prevent flooding of the labour market, and make the workplace safe and sanitary. The Council of Women, for instance, persuaded school boards to adopt domestic science, while the YMGA established t h e i r own model manual tr a i n i n g programmes. Craft unions struggled to maintain closed shop apprenticeship programmes and persuaded school trustees to have union input and journeymen teachers for vocational classes. I n d u s t r i a l unions on the other hand, dismissed simple vocational education as useless when s k i l l s could be learned quickly on the job. Instead, they sought wider access to public schools and favoured p o l i t i c a l and i n d u s t r i a l action to correct s o c i a l d i s l o c a t i o n and achieve economic security, Foster concludes that i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , mechanization and the interplay between voluntary associations, labour, and business, with municipal, p r o v i n c i a l , and federal governments, demonstrate the functional value of new t r a i n i n g programmes. The public accepted r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for vocational education, and made the schools more relevant to i n d u s t r i a l society by creating opportunities for job mobility. The strength of Foster's work l i e s i n his extensive research and close-i analysis of the interactions between pressure groups and governments over securing of labour l e g i s l a t i o n and vocational education. But th i s approach has some drawbacks. Viewing the world through the eyes of reformers often obscures s o c i a l r e a l i t y , and tends to exaggerate t h e i r r o l e i n s o c i a l change. Also, there i s no examination of whether the s o c i a l and labour l e g i s l a t i o n was e f f e c t i v e and enforced by p r o v i n c i a l governments. This cannot be assumed i n a province where a non-interventionist approach to economic l i f e dominated the thinking of i t s r u l e r s . The insights of the r a d i c a l i n d u s t r i a l unions are not developed. Moreover, vocationalism as i t r e l a t e d to the schoo l system r e c e i v e s l i t t l e a n a l y s i s . Most of the d i s c u s s i o n on p u b l i c educat ion i s conf ined to a d m i n i s t r a t i v e concerns c e n t e r i n g on who would i n s p e c t , set s tandards , and f i n a n c e v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g once i t was i n t r o d u c e d . The q u a l i t y , q u a n t i t y and c l i e n t e l e fo r p u b l i c v o c a t i o n a l s c h o o l i n g i s ignored l e a v i n g the school/work nexus unexp lored . U n l i k e F o s t e r , M o r r i s o n ' s r e s e a r c h on i n d u s t r i a l educat ion i n l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century Ontar io i s viewed as s o c i a l t r a c k i n g r a t h e r than humani ta r ian r e f o r m . M o r r i s o n ' s a n a l y s i s of " the group support and s o c i a l f u n c t i o n s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h attempts to i n t r o d u c e v a r i o u s forms of i n d u s t r i a l e d u c a t i o n , " suggest i t " s u r f a c e d as one face t of an u r b a n - c e n t r e d , c o n s e r v a t i v e , s o c i a l re fo rm movement which encompassed. . . the es tab l i shment of c o n t r o l s over c h a r a c t e r , behaviour and o c c u p a t i o n a l f u t u r e of poor and d e l i n q u e n t 59 c h i l d r e n . " He t races the debate between prominent Toronto p h i l a n t h r o p i s t s , schoo l board o f f i c i a l s , t rades unions and l a r g e manufacture rs , over c o n f l i c t i n g concepts of i n d u s t r i a l e d u c a t i o n , and i l l u s t r a t e s l i n e s of support and r e s i s t a n c e over i t s implementat ion . But t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e s t r a t e g i e s fo r re form are m i s s i n g . M o r r i s o n ' s a r t i c l e a l s o s u f f e r s from not d e f i n i n g s o c i a l c l a s s . Most h i s t o r i a n s of educat ion a s s e r t that middle c l a s s re formers i n s t i t u t e d mass p u b l i c s c h o o l i n g e i t h e r to b e n e f i t the working c l a s s or to preserve a h i e r a r c h i c a l s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . Occupat iona l c a t e g o r i e s form the main c r i t e r i a fo r determin ing c l a s s l i n e s , but the terms " m i d d l e " and "work ing c l a s s e s " are used very l o o s e l y . Almost a l l educat ion h i s t o r y i s from the r e f o r m e r s ' p e r s p e c t i v e , that i s from the " top down." Thus these middle c l a s s reformers are more thoroughly i d e n t i f i e d and i n c l u d e e d u c a t o r s , p r o f e s s i o n a l s and businessmen. The composi t ion of the working c l a s s i s much more e l u s i v e , rang ing from drunks , c r i m i n a l s and v a g r a n t s , through to l a b o u r e r s , a p p r e n t i c e s , and c ra f t smen . Moreover , the working c l a s s 28 p e r s p e c t i v e of educat ion s u f f e r s from n e g l e c t . The concept of c l a s s i s compl icated and deserves c l a r i f i c a t i o n so e d u c a t i o n a l reforms can be analyzed from both the " top down" and "bottom u p . " The "new working c l a s s h i s t o r y " o f f e r s a u s e f u l framework which w i l l s t rengthen the h i s to r iog raphy , of v o c a t i o n a l i s m . H i s t o r y from the "bottom up" cons iders workers ' c u l t u r a l backgrounds as w e l l as t h e i r s o c i a l and economic r e l a t i o n s h i p as each was a f f e c t e d by expanding i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m . E . P . Thompson's i n f l u e n t i a l concept of c l a s s as an h i s t o r i c a l " p r o c e s s " p laces workers ' c u l t u r a l , p o l i t i c a l , and economic l i v e s i n t o the broader s o c i e t a l c o n t e x t . ^ S t rugg les i n the workplace are framed i n the l a r g e r s o c i a l m a t r i x where governments and i n d u s t r y t r i e d to secure c o n t r o l over the working c l a s s who posed a s e r i o u s th rea t to the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic order dur ing the decades surrounding 1900. S o c i a l reforms i n c l u d i n g schoo l expansion can be cons idered an attempt to stem s o c i a l c o n f l i c t s a r i s i n g from changes i n the nature of work brought on by i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . 29 Footnotes 1. W. Norton Grubb and Marv in L a z e r s o n , ' , 'Rally 'Round the Workplace: C o n t i n u i t i e s and F a l l a c i e s i n Career E d u c a t i o n , " Harvard E d u c a t i o n a l Review XLV (November 1975): 451 -74 , and Marv in Lazerson and Timothy Dunn, "Schoo ls and the Work C r i s i s : V o c a t i o n a l i s m i n Canadian E d u c a t i o n , " i n P r e c e p t s , P o l i c y and P r o c e s s : P e r s p e c t i v e s on Contemporary Canadian E d u c a t i o n , 285- 304. E d i t o r s H.A. Stevenson and J . D . W i l s o n (London: A lexander , B lake and A s s o c i a t e s , 1977). 2. S o l Cohen, "New P e r s p e c t i v e s i n the H i s t o r y of American E d u c a t i o n , 1 9 6 0 - 1 9 7 0 , " H i s t o r y of Educat ion 2 (January 1973): 81. 3. I b i d . , 82, and Marv in Lazerson and W. Norton Grubb, American Educat ion and V o c a t i o n a l i s m : A Documentary H i s t o r y , 187Q-1970 (New York: Teachers C o l l e g e P r e s s , 1974): 1. 4. Bernard B a i l y n , Educat ion i n the Forming of American S o c i e t y (New York: Random House, I 9 6 0 ) : . 9 - 1 0 . 5. For the purposes of t h i s t h e s i s v o c a t i o n a l i s m means o r i e n t i n g c h i l d r e n i n schoo l to t h e i r l i k e l y o c c u p a t i o n a l d e s t i n i e s . 6. Th is w r i t e r p r e f e r s the term i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m to i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , though, for the purposes of t h i s t h e s i s they w i l l be used i n t e r c h a n g a b l y . To be exac t , B r i t i s h Columbia emerged as an " i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t " s o c i e t y . "Commercial c a p i t a l i s m " was never a s t rong fo rce i n the p r o v i n c e . J . R . T . Hughes d e f i n e s i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n as a "system of p r o d u c t i o n that has a r i s e n from steady development, s tudy , and use of s c i e n t i f i c knowledge. I t i s based on the d i v i s i o n of labour and on s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and uses m e c h a n i c a l , c h e m i c a l , and p o w e r - d r i v e n , as w e l l as o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l , a i d s i n p r o d u c t i o n . The pr imary o b j e c t i v e of t h i s method of o r g a n i z i n g economic l i f e . . . h a s been"to reduce the r e a l c o s t , per u n i t , of producing goods and s e r v i c e s . " See the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Encyc loped ia of the S o c i a l S c i e n c e s , 1968 ed , s . v . " I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , " by J . R . T . Hughes. But i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n was not a n e u t r a l p rocess . T e c h n i c a l changes i n manufactur ing and resource e x t r a c t i o n demanded g reate r s y n c h r o n i z a t i o n of labour and g reate r e x a c t i t u d e i n t i m e - r o u t i n e s . In a c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y the accumulat ion of c a p i t a l i s the d r i v i n g force behind p r o d u c t i o n , and the o r g a n i z a t i o n of work i s d i r e c t e d toward t h i s end. Thus time-measurement fo r i n s t a n c e , becomes a means of labour e x p l o i t a t i o n . See E . P . Thompson, "T ime, W o r k - D i s c i p l i n e , And I n d u s t r i a l C a p i t a l i s m , " Past and Present 38 (1967): 80. Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n was o f t e n very b r u t a l i n c a p i t a l i s t c o u n t r i e s . The exper ience of the Sov ie t Union and other s o - c a l l e d " s o c i a l i s t " n a t i o n s was not u n l i k e that i n the "West" because s i m i l a r i n d u s t r i a l techniques were adopted. Harry Braverman, Labour and Monopoly C a p i t a l : The Degradat ion of Work i n the Twent ieth Century (New York: Monthly Review P r e s s , 1974): 12 -24 . Work i n both b locs i s e q u a l l y o p p r e s s i v e . See W.L. Webb, rev iew of A Worker In A Workers ' S t a t e , by M i k l o s H a r a s z t i , i n The Guard ian , 16 October 1977: 21. I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , however, could be more human i ta r ian . As B r i t i s h Columbia i n d u s t r i a l i z e d s o c i a l i s t s e s p e c i a l l y perce ived that p roduc t ion could have other than p r o f i t outcomes. They b e l i e v e d that i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n could f ree man from much of t h i s work and prov ide a l l w i t h a h igher standard of l i v i n g . 30 Footnotes 7. Bryan Palmer's d i scus s ion of the concept of e f f i c i e n c y i s p a r t i c u l a r l y use fu l . See his a r t i c l e " C l a s s , Conception and C o n f l i c t : The Thrust for E f f i c i e n c y , Managerial Views of Labour and The Working Class R e b e l l i o n , 1903-22," The Review of Radica l P o l i t i c a l Economics 7 (1975): 31-49. For the concept's a p p l i c a t i o n to education during th i s period see J o e l Spr ing , "The Triumph of the American High S c h o o l , " Hi s tory of Education Quarterly 13 ( F a l l 1973): 283"88. He argues that education " f o r s o c i a l e f f i c i e n c y was a blend of the idea of education for s o c i a l cont ro l and education for s o c i a l s e rv ice . The function of education for s o c i a l c o n t r o l was to make the schools cen t ra l i n s t i t u t i o n s for maintaining s o c i a l order through molding the i n d i v i d u a l student for conformity to the laws and needs of soc ie ty . Mainta ining s o c i a l order included the idea of using the school to channel students into p a r t i c u l a r voca t iona l niches and to el iminate s o c i a l problems l i k e crime and poverty. Education for s o c i a l service meant t r a i n i n g the i n d i v i d u a l to see hi s primary o b l i g a t i o n as service and s a c r i f i c e to the good of the s o c i a l whole." I b i d . , 284 _85. 8. David Tyack, "New Perspectives on the Hi s tory of American E d u c a t i o n , " i n The State of American H i s t o r y , 26. E d i t o r Herbert J . Bass (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1970). 9. Cohen, i b i d . , 82. 10. Marvin Lazerson, "Revis ionism and American Educat ional H i s t o r y , " Harvard Educat ional Review 43 (May 1973): 274. 11. Michael Katz, "Educat ion and S o c i a l Development i n the Nineteenth Century: New Direc t ions for E n q u i r y , " i n Hi s tory and Educat ion. 107. E d i t o r Paul Nash (New York: Random House, 1970), and C a r l F. Kaest le , " S o c i a l Reform and the Urban S c h o o l , " Hi s tory of Education Quarterly 12 (Summer 1972): 212. 12. Clarke A. Chambers, " H i s t o r i a n s And E t h n i c i t y : The New S o c i a l H i s t o r y , " i n The F i n n i s h Experience In The Western Great Lakes Region: New Perspect ives , 5 _12. Ed i tor s Michael G. K a m i et a l . (Turku: I n s t i t u t e For M i g r a t i o n , Turku, F i n l a n d , i n cooperation with the Immigrant Hi s tory Research Centre, U n i v e r s i t y of Minnesota, 1975). 13. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , the ana lys i s of s t r i k e s , trade union organiza t ions , and r a d i c a l p o l i t i c s dominated working c lass h i s t o r y and neglected the important h i s t o r i c a l ro les played by rank and f i l e members and unorganized workers. Furthermore, th i s research concentrates on periods of s t r i f e , consequently c o n t i n u i t i e s and changes i n working c lass l i f e are overlooked. For an in t roduc t ion to the new working c lass h i s t o r y i n Canada see Gregory Kealey, Canada Invest igates Indus t r i a l i sm (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press , 1973): x x i i i - x x i v , and Gregory Kealey and Peter Warri.an, eds . , Essays In Canadian Working Class Hi s tory (Toronto: McClel land and Stewart L i m i t e d , 1976). 14. Lazerson, "Revis ionism and American Educat ional H i s t o r y , " 270. 31 Footnotes 15. I b i d . , 274. 16. Chambers, " H i s t o r i a n s And E t h n i c i t y : The New S o c i a l H i s t o r y , " 11. S e v e r a l s o c i a l h i s t o r i a n s have warned about the dangers of r o m a n t i c i z i n g the p a s t . See A i l e e n S. K r a d i t o r , "American R a d i c a l H i s t o r i a n s On The i r H e r i t a g e , " Past and Present 56 (August 1972): 136-153; E . J . Hobsbawn, "The Formation of the I n d u s t r i a l Working C l a s s : Some P r o b l e m s , " T ro is ieme conference i n d u s t r i a l e d ' h i s t o i r e economique. Congress et C o l l o g u e s . Munich, 1965, I ( P a r i s , 1968), 175 -88 ' and "Labour H i s t o r y And I d e o l o g y . " J o u r n a l of S o c i a l H i s t o r y 7 (Summer 1974): 3 6 9 _ 8 1 . 17. Peter S t e a r n s , "Coming Of A g e , " J o u r n a l of S o c i a l H i s t o r y 10 (Winter 1976): 252. 18. Robert P. Baker , "Labour H i s t o r y , S o c i a l S c i e n c e , And The Concept Of The Working C l a s s , " Labour H i s t o r y 14 (Winter 1973): 9 8 - 1 0 5 ; James R. Green, " B e h a v i o u r a l i s m and C l a s s A n a l y s i s : A Review Essay on Methodology and I d e o l o g y , " Labour H i s t o r y 13 (Winter 1972): 8 9 - 1 0 5 ; Herbert G. Gutman, "Work, C u l t u r e , and S o c i e t y i n I n d u s t r i a l i z i n g Amer ica , 1 8 1 5 - 1 9 1 9 , " American H i s t o r i c a l Review, 78 (1973): 530-587; Bryan Palmer , "Most Uncommon Common Men: C r a f t and C u l t u r e i n H i s t o r i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e , " Labour/Le T r a v a i l l e u r 1 (1976): 5~32, Gareth Stedman Jones , "From H i s t o r i c a l S o c i o l o g y To T h e o r e t i c a l H i s t o r y . " B r i t i s h J o u r n a l of Soc io logy 27 (September 1976): 295 -305; Haro ld P e r k i n , " S o c i a l H i s t o r y i n B r i t a i n , " The J o u r n a l of S o c i a l H i s t o r y 10 (Winter 1976): 129-143; E . P . Thompson, "On H i s t o r y , S o c i o l o g y And H i s t o r i c a l R e l e v a n c e , " B r i t i s h J o u r n a l of Soc io logy 27 (September 1976): 386-402; S . D . C l a r k , The Developing Canadian Community, 2nd e d . , r e v . and e n l . (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto P r e s s , 1970) ; M i c h a e l B. K a t z , The People of H a m i l t o n , Canada West: Fami ly and C l a s s i n 3 M i d - N i n e t e e n t h - Century C i t y (Cambridge: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1975); and J . Donald W i l s o n , " H i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e s On Canadian E d u c a t i o n a l H i s t o r y , " J o u r n a l of E d u c a t i o n a l Thought 11 ( A p r i l 1977). 19. Two genera l i n t e r p r e t i v e frameworks for s tudy ing the r e l a t i o n s h i p between schoo l and work dominate e d u c a t i o n a l h i s t o r i o g r a p h y , though they d i f f e r s h a r p l y . Supporters of the "human c a p i t a l " e x p l a n a t i o n argue work became more complex and s p e c i a l i z e d w i t h widespread mechanizat ion and massive o f f i c e expansion dur ing the l a t e 1800s and e a r l y 1900s. These developments lessoned the need fo r the u n s k i l l e d but created demands for t e c h n o l o g i c a l , m a n a g e r i a l , and s k i l l e d p e r s o n n e l . The expansion of s c h o o l i n g and, to a l e s s e r e x t e n t , v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n , was thus a response to modern labour requ i rements . As ev idence , h i s t o r i a n s c i t e increased e d u c a t i o n a l e x p e n d i t u r e s , expanded enro lments , prolonged schoo l a t tendance , and c u r r i c u l u m reforms on the one hand, and higher wages, g reater p r o d u c t i v i t y , more "wh i te c o l l a r " j o b s , and inc reased numbers of mechanical o p e r a t i v e s on the o t h e r . See Gordon W. Ber t ram, The C o n t r i b u t i o n of Educat ion to Economic Growth. S t a f f Study 12, Economic C o u n c i l of Canada (Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1966); Economic C o u n c i l of Canada, Annual Review (Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1964- 1974) ; S y l v i a O s t r y , e d i t o r , Canadian Higher Educat ion In The Sevent ies (Ottawa: In fo rmat ion Canada, 1972); and C . E . P h i l l i p s , The Development Of Educat ion In Canada (Toronto: W , J . Gage and Company L i m i t e d , 1957); and R i c h a r d D. Heyman et a l . , S tud ies In E d u c a t i o n a l Change (Toronto: H o l t , R inehar t and Winston of Canada, L i m i t e d , 1972). The "human c a p i t a l " 32 Footnotes hypothesis , however, has been challenged during the las t decade by scholars who deemphasize educat ion's cont r ibu t ion to economic growth. Instead, they of fer a s o c i a l cont ro l model and see vocationalism as part of a " search for o r d e r , " whereby schools t r i e d to s o c i a l i z e youth and help preserve s o c i e t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s and s t a b i l i t y threatened by i n d u s t r i a l expansion. For instance , these h i s t o r i a n s argue that the school ' s bureaucrat ic s tructure helped s o c i a l i z e youth for the h i e r a r c h i c a l workplace. A l s o , some revea l that mechanization and r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n diminished work s k i l l s , but generated new i n d u s t r i a l work d i s c i p l i n e s . Moreover, they found l i t t l e ac tua l s k i l l t r a i n i n g i n voca t iona l c lasses . Rather, i n s t r u c t i o n stressed character b u i l d i n g . Youth were inculcated with new i n d u s t r i a l work norms and incent ives inc lud ing industry , d i s c i p l i n e , , submission to au thor i ty , respect for property r i ght s and the acceptance of one's place i n the s o c i a l order. See Alexander F i e l d , "Educat iona l Expansion i n Mid-Nineteenth-Century Massachusetts: Human-Capital Formation or S t r u c t u r a l Reinforcement?" Harvard Educat ional Review 46 (November 1976): 521-52, Braverman, Labour and Monopoly C a p i t a l : Samuel Bowles and Herbert G i n t i s , Schooling In C a p i t a l i s t America (New York: Basic Books, I n c . , 1976); and Lazerson and Dunn, "Schools and the Work C r i s i s : Vocat ional i sm i n Canadian Educa t ion . " 20. Ellwood P. Cubberley, An Introduct ion To The Study Of Education And To Teaching (Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n Company, 1925): 336-354. 21. Lawrence A. Cremin, The Transformation Of The School (New York: Vintage Books, 1961). 22. Sol Cohen, "The I n d u s t r i a l Education Movement, 1906-17," American Quarterly 20 (Spring 1968): 95"110. 23. Marvin Lazerson, Or ig ins Of The Urban School (Cambridge: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1971). 24. J o e l Spring, Education And The Rise Of The Corporate State (Boston: Beacon Press , 1972). 25. I b i d . , - 4 4 . 26. Bowles and G i n t i s , Schooling In C a p i t a l i s t America. 27. F i e l d , "Educat iona l Expansion i n Mid-Nineteenth-Century Massachusetts: Human-Capital Formation or S t r u c t u r a l Reinforcement?" 28. Michael Katz draws the same conclus ions . See The Irony of E a r l y School Reform (Cambridge: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1968). 29. N e i l Sutherland, " I n t r o d u c t i o n , " i n Education And S o c i a l Change Themes From Ontar io ' s Past. x i _ x x x i . E d i t o r s Michael Katz and Paul H. Mat t ing ly (New York: New York U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1975). 30. Wilson, "His tor i .ographica l Perspect ives On Canadian Educat ional H i s t o r y , " 50-51. 31. I b i d . , 6. For example see Susan Houston, " P o l i t i c s , Schools 33 Footnotes and S o c i a l Change i n Upper Canada," Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review 53 (September 1972): 249-271; J u d i t h F ingard , "At t i tudes Towards the Education of the Poor i n C o l o n i a l H a l i f a x , " Acadiensis 2 (Spring 1973): 15 _42; and R.D. Gidney, "Upper Canadian Publ ic Opinion and Common School Improvement i n the 1830's ," h i s t o i r e s o c i a l e ^ S o c i a l Hi s tory 5 ( A p r i l 1972): 48-60. 32. Peter Sandiford et a l . , Comparative Education Studies Of The Systems Of Six Modern Nations (Toronto: J . M . Dent and Sons L imi ted , 1918): 417-430; W i l l i a m P. Sears, The Roots Of Vocat ional Education (New York: John Wiley & Sons, I n c . , 1931): 227-240; John E a r l Sager, " H i s t o r y of Manual Tra in ing and Technica l Education i n the Dominion of Canada" (M.A. Thes i s , State College of Washington, 1936; Donald L e s l i e MacLaurin, "The His tory of Education i n the Crown Colonies of Vancouver Island and B r i t i s h Columbia and i n the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia" (Ph.D. thes i s , U n i v e r s i t y of Washington, 1936); R . J . Johns, " O r i g i n s and Development of Technica l Education i n Canada" (M. Ed. Thes i s , Colorado State College of A g r i c u l t u r e and Mechanical A r t s , 1941)' D . E . Glendenning, "The Hi s tory of Vocat iona l Education i n Canada," i n The Canadian Superintendent, 1956, 13 -25. (Toronto: The Ryerson Press , 1967); Bruce Al f red Andrews, "The Federal Government and Education i n Canada" (M.A. thes i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1972); and N e i l Sutherland, Ch i ld ren i n English-Canadian Society : Framing the Twentieth-Century Concensus (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press , 1976): 182-201. 33. P h i l l i p s , The Development Of Education In Canada, 207-10 and 497-500. 34. Stewart W. Semple, "John Seath's Concept of Vocat ional Education In The School System Of Ontar io , 1884-1911" (M.Ed. Thes i s , U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto, 1964.) 35. Robert M. Stamp, "James L . Hughes, Proponent of the New E d u c a t i o n , " i n P r o f i l e s of Canadian Educators, 192-212. Ed i to r s R.S. Patterson et a l . (Toronto: D . C . Heath, 1974)* "Adelaide Hoodless, Champion of Women's R i g h t s , " i n P r o f i l e s of Canadian Educators, 213-232; and "John Seath, Advocate of Vocat iona l P r e p a r a t i o n , " i n P r o f i l e s of Canadian Educators , 233-252; Studies in Educat ional Change, Part 1, 11-87. 36. R.M. Stamp, " T e c h n i c a l Educat ion, 1899-1919," Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review LII (December 1971): 404-423. See also "Voca t iona l Object ives In Canadian Education: An h i s t o r i c a l Overview," i n Canadian Higher Education i n The Seventies , 239-264. E d i t o r Sy lv i a Ostry (Ottawa: Information Canada, 1972); and "Educat ion and the Economic and S o c i a l M i l i e u : The Engl ish-Canadian Scene from the 1870s to 1914," i n Canadian Educat ion: A H i s t o r y , 290-312. Eds. J . D . Wilson et a l . (Scarborough: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1970). 37. The Smith-Hughes Act i n the United States ra i sed s imi l a r c o n s t i t u t i o n a l concerns over federal and state j u r i s d i c t i o n s . See Lazerson and Grubb, American Education and Vocat ional i sm: A Documentary H i s t o r y , 1870-1970. 133-134. 38. D. Bercuson, " I n t r o d u c t i o n , " i n Industry and Humanity, v i - x x i v . By Mackenzie King (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press , 1973). The o r i g i n a l date of p u b l i c a t i o n was 1918. 34 Footnotes 39. M. K a t z , The Irony of E a r l y School Reform; and B r i a n Simon, Educat ion and the Labour Movement. 1970-1920 (London: Lawrence & W i s h a r t , 1965). 40. J . K . F o s t e r , "Educat ion and Work i n a Changing S o c i e t y : B r i t i s h Columbia , 1879-1930" (M.A. T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Co lumbia , 1970). u 4 1 . Wayne Rober ts , "The Last A r t i s a n s : Toronto P r i n t e r , 1896-1914, " i n Essays In Canadian Working C l a s s H i s t o r y . 125-42. 42. Ter ry M o r r i s o n , "Reform As S o c i a l T r a c k i n g : The Case Of I n d u s t r i a l Educat ion In O n t a r i o , 1870 -1900, " The J o u r n a l of E d u c a t i o n a l Thought 8 (1974): 8 7 - 1 1 0 . 43 . Working c l a s s h i s t o r i a n s prov ide a framework for examining i n i t i a l p r e - i n d u s t r i a l c u l t u r e and work h a b i t s coming i n t o p lay w i t h i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . They show how e a r l y i n d u s t r i a l workers drew on " r e s i d u a l " or o ld c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s to main ta in t h e i r c o n t r o l over the workplace and i l l u s t r a t e veteran i n d u s t r i a l workers employing "emergent" or new t r a d i t i o n s to adapt to and cha l lenge mature c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y , where i n d u s t r y had almost t o t a l c o n t r o l over the work p r o c e s s . These h i s t o r i a n s demonstrate the s t rengths and weaknesses of p r e - i n d u s t r i a l ttad.itions that prov ided workers w i t h the sustenance to r e s i s t bus iness c o n t r o l of t h e i r working l i v e s and e s t a b l i s h new i n s t i t u t i o n s l i k e s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s and t rade un ions , that grew out of an e a r l i e r sense of commonweal and c r a f t s o l i d a r i t y . Workers ' e f f o r t s to improve t h e i r l o t , through unions and s t r i k e s , are s tud ied i n t h e i r community s e t t i n g where pat te rns of community behav iour , l o c a l power s t r u c t u r e s , and popular c u l t u r e were s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r s i n t h e i r c l a s s a c t i o n . See Gutman, "Work, C u l t u r e , and S o c i e t y i n I n d u s t r i a l i z i n g Amer ica , 1815 -1919; " Palmer , "Most Uncommon Common Men: C r a f t and C u l t u r e i n H i s t o r i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e ; " and Gregory Kea ley , " 'The Honest Workingman' and Workers ' C o n t r o l : the Exper ience of Toronto S k i l l e d Workers, 1 8 6 0 - 1 8 9 2 , " Labour/Le T r a v a i l l e u r 1 (1976): 3 2 - 6 8 . 44. Cremin, The T ransformat ion Of The S c h o o l , v i i i . 45. Timothy L . Smi th , " P r o g r e s s i v i s m i n American E d u c a t i o n , 1880- 1900, " Harvard E d u c a t i o n a l Review 31 (Spr ing 1961): 168-193. 46. Cohen, "The I n d u s t r i a l Educat ion Movement, 1 9 0 6 - 1 7 , " 100. 47. I b i d . , 101. 48. Robert Wiebe, The Search For Order , 1877-1920 (New York: H i l l and Wang, 1967). 49. Gutman, "Work, C u l t u r e , and S o c i e t y i n I n d u s t r i a l i z i n g Amer ica , 1815 -1919. " 50. M i c h a e l K a t z , C l a s s , Bureaucracy , and Schools (New York: Praeger P u b l i s h e r s , 1975): 1 6 2 - 3 . 51. For an example of the dynamics of e d u c a t i o n a l re form see David Tyack, The One Best System (Cambridge: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1975). 35 Footnotes 52. Spr ing , Education And The Rise Of The Corporate State , x i i . 53. Bowles and G i n t i s , Schooling In C a p i t a l i s t America, 192. 54. I b i d . , 131. 55. Tyack, The One Best System, 105. 56. F i e l d , "Educat iona l Expansion i n Mid-Nineteenth Century Mas sachuse t t s : Human-Capital Formation or S t r u c t u r a l Reinforcement?" 57. F . Henry Johnson, A Hi s tory Of Publ ic Education In B r i t i s h Columbia (Vancouver: U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1964); and A B r i e f H i s to ry Of Canadian Education (Toronto: McGraw-Hil l Company Of Canada L t d . , 1968). 58. Heyman et a l . , Studies In Educat ional Change, 3. For a d i scus s ion on education and economic growth see Roger S c h o f i e l d , "The Measurement of L i t e r a c y i n P r e - i n d u s t r i a l Eng land , " i n L i t e r a c y i n T r a d i t i o n a l Soc ie ty , 311-325. E d i t o r Jack Goody (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1968). Michael Sanderson, " L i t e r a c y and S o c i a l M o b i l i t y i n the I n d u s t r i a l Revolution i n Eng land , " Past and Present 56 (August 1972): 75-104; and " S o c i a l Change and Elementary Education i n I n d u s t r i a l Lancashire , 1780-1840," Northern Hi s to ry 3 (1968), 131-154. 59. Morr i son , "Reform As S o c i a l Track ing : The Case Of I n d u s t r i a l Education In Ontar io , 1870-1900," 87. 60. Taking the i r queue from Thompson and Gutman, Greg Kealey and Peter Warrian suggest that workers "must be seen neither as a c lass i n complete s o c i a l segregation nor as an undi f ferent ia ted mass. A c lass ex i s t s only i n r e l a t i o n to another c l a s s . . . . M o r e o v e r , the working class i s a variegated grouping. Class must be understood as both a " v e r t i c a l " or economic r e l a t i o n s h i p and as a " h o r i z o n t a l " or c u l t u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p . In the v e r t i c a l sense c lass involves the r e l a t i o n s h i p of e x p l o i t a t i o n that ex i s t s between c a p i t a l i s t and wage labourer . In the h o r i z o n t a l sense c lass concerns the b e l i e f s , values , ideals and t r a d i t i o n s that people carry with them i n the i r l i v e s and work." Kealey and Warrian, " I n t r o d u c t i o n , " i n Essays In Canadian Working Class H i s t o r y , 8. See also E . P . Thompson, The Making of the E n g l i s h Working Class (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1965): 9-11; and Gutman, Work, Cu l ture , and Society i n I n d u s t r i a l i z i n g America, 1815-1919. Chapter 2 Work In An I n d u s t r i a l i z i n g P r o v i n c e Most h i s t o r i c a l w r i t i n g on l a t e n i n e t e e n t h and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h century v o c a t i o n a l educat ion imply t h a t the r i s e of mass p u b l i c s c h o o l i n g , broad s o c i a l re fo rms , u r b a n i z a t i o n and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n c o i n c i d e d , and developments i n each were r e l a t e d . The c la imed a s s o c i a t i o n s l i n k i n g the economy and schoo ls mhke a study of the nature of work e s s e n t i a l be fo re r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the two can be unders tood . C l e a r l y , v o c a t i o n a l i s m cannot be f u l l y e x p l a i n e d i n i s o l a t i o n of i t s broader economic c o n t e x t . A f t e r a l l , how can h i s t o r i a n s argue v o c a t i o n a l i s m was i n t r o d u c e d to p r o v i d e i n d u s t r y w i t h a s k i l l e d and d i se ip i inedew.o rk fo rce when these i n d u s t r i a l work demands are not demonstrated? In order t o grasp why v o c a t i o n a l educat ion emerged i n B r i t i s h Columbia d u r i n g the f i r s t three' decades of the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , i t i s necessary to examine the p r o v i n c e ' s i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . The growth of i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m and i t s r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of p r o d u c t i o n , i n c l u d i n g the d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r and m e c h a n i z a t i o n , engendered new work s k i l l s and d i s c i p l i n e s . I t a l s o n e c e s s i t a t e d f i r m b u s i n e s s hegemony over the workplace and r e q u i r e d s u i t a b l e labour s u p p l i e s . T h i s chapter concerns i t s e l f w i t h these i tems because they form the economic backdrop f o r v o c a t i o n a l i s m . ^ I P r i o r to 1880 there were few s i g n s of i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y i n B r i t i s h 2 Columbia. Theppopulat ion i n 1881 was on ly 4 9 , 4 5 9 . A census taken a decade e a r l i e r showed 2,300 persons engaged i n mining, 1,800 i n a g r i c u l t u r e , 3 1,300 i n t r a d e , and 400 i n manufac tu r ing . E x c l u d i n g Vancouver I s l a n d ' s ' c o a l mines , main l y geared to i n t e r n a t i o n a l export markets , most people 36 37 participated in small scale and locally centered economic activity, dominated by farms and ranches, placer mines, foundry work, carpentry blacksmithing, as 4 well as flour, grist and saw milling. During the last two decades of the nineteenth century industrialization took root as the extractive and processing industries including salmon canning, coal and metal mining, ore refining and smelting, logging and saw milling increasingly mechanized. The process accelerated, expecially after 1900, stimulated by increased investment, particularly in the extraction and refining of natural resources. Businesses enlarged and consolidated, manufacturing strengthened the province's industrial base, and economic production expanded dramatically. A technology suitable to developing the resources and overcoming isolation from world markets was evolving by the late nineteeth century.~* The emergence of industrial capitalism was extremely rapid as British Columbia experienced the fastest growth rate i n the country prior to 1914. Investment in British Columbia rose sharply when expanded local markets and a world-wide increase in, living standards generated demands for resources, making their extraction profitable. New canning methods in the salmon industry attracted considerable local and British capital during the last two decades of the nineteeth century, allowing preserved fish exports to a protein hungry Europe.^ Likewise, costly mining developments required a large influx of g investment to meet demands for coal and base metals. Developing primary industries to meet world resource demands depended upon imported capital since domestic finances were insufficient. Like other areas in Canada, pre-World War I British Columbia raised the largest 9 proportion of i t s capital in London. Huge injections of risk capital secured largely by local entrepreneurs, did not go unnoticed.^ John A. Hobson, a British economist and publicist of great reputation for his classic analysis 38 of i m p e r i a l i s m , captured the s p i r i t of f i n a n c i a l a c t i v i t y i n Vancouver, H e r e , . . . t h e s t ranger i s amazed by the p r o f u s i o n of s o l i d b a n k i n g - houses; i t would almost seem as i f the i n h a b i t a n t s must be a race of f i n a n c i e r s , concerned p u r e l y w i t h money and s tocks and s h a r e s . And, i n po in t of f a c t , t h i s i s a land of s p e c u l a t i o n , i n m i n i n g , p r o p e r t i e s , lumber l a n d s . . . f r u i t farms, •'-l U n l i k e mining and f i s h i n g , f o r e s t r y developed l a t e r , and a t t r a c t e d l a r g e sums of American c a p i t a l . Complet ion of the CPR i n 1886 s t i m u l a t e d Vancouver 's 12 commerce, and sawmi l l s expanded to meet the needs of a c o n s t r u c t i o n boom. More impor tan t , investment advanced because O r i e n t a l markets grew a f t e r the tu rn of the centu ry . P r a i r i e set t lement consumed much p r o v i n c i a l l y produced lumber, the opening of the Panama Canal s u b s t a n t i a l l y reduced f r e i g h t cos ts and sparked increased investment i n the lumber i n d u s t r y , and the westward g r a i n expor ts a f t e r 1920 permit ted cheap lumber shipments p i l e d on the upper decks of 13 s h i p s , complementing g r a i n cargoes i n the h o l d s . American investment i n f o r e s t r y reached $70,000,000 i n 1914 compared w i t h $2,000,000 i n 1 9 0 0 . 1 4 D i r e c t f o r e i g n investment sharp l y inc reased a f t e r World War I i n the economy at l a r g e . Not s u r p r i s i n g l y Americans dominated investment i n the post -war per iod because t h e i r la rge c o r p o r a t i o n s spread i n t o Canada. "The requi rements of an expanding American economy," exp la ined the 1968 W a t k i n ' s Repor t , "combined w i t h s t r a t e g i c c o n s i d e r a t i o n s to i n c r e a s e sharp l y American demand fo r a range of Canadian r e s o u r c e s , w i t h market access and c a p i t a l a v a i l a b i l i t y o f t e n f a c i l i t a t i n g American r a t h e r than Canadian ownership and c o n t r o l . " - ^ A f t e r 1900 American investment i n f o r e s t r y inc reased d r a m a t i c a l l y , p ro found ly changing the i n d u s t r y from one dominated by l o c a l i n d i v i d u a l en t rep reneurs , to one where corporated s t r u c t u r e s p layed an i n c r e a s i n g r o l e . H i s t o r i a n Robert MacDonald c l a i m s : "Above a l l , t h i s change to a more complex form of corporate c o n t r o l brought w i t h i t a d i v i s i o n between c o n t r o l , which o f t e n r e s i d e d at the source of c a p i t a l o u t s i d e the r e g i o n , and management, which was l o c a l . " 39 Corporate concentration characterized.the province 1s economy after 1900 17 as companies merged i n order to efficiently tap the resources. The fishing 18 industry completed this process by the turn of the century. But i n mining and forestry i t was just beginning. Development of the extractive industries was very expensive indeed, and only larger companies with substantial borrowing 19 power could purchase costly equipment. It took big money to make big money. Underground mining, and the smelting and separation of ores, power projects, and large-scale transportation necessitated smaller companies to join together. For instance, between 1890 and 1900 there were 1,306 incorporated mining companies i n the Kootenay and Boundary region. By 1901, 200 remained, and i n 1914- there were only 36. The formation of the Consolidated Mining and Smelting Company after 1905 "epitomized the era or consolidation before 20 World War I." Corporate- growth was also evident i n forestry where only large businesses could afford logging railroads required to penetrate valleys covered with the virgin stands of Douglas f i r and red cedar, after the easy 21 access tidewater stocks were depleted. Growth and concentration were further illustrated i n manufacturing. In 1900 there were 392 manufacturing establishments employing 11,454 workers, and whose gross production value was $10,447,778. There were 1,669 establishments in 1924, employing 51,339, and whose goods were worth a gross value of $276,950,914. During 1929, 80 firms employed between 101-200 workers, 28 between 201-500, and 6 over 501. Additionally, 105 out of 1,699 manufacturing businesses produced $185,867,366 of the $276,950,914 value of 22 goods. British Columbia imported much American equipment needed for harvesting her resources. Later, t a r i f f s shifted purchasing to eastern Canada. But growing demands for the province's products created incentives for domestic 40 23 t e c h n o l o g i c a l development. Around 1900 companies emerged to manufacture, r e p a i r , and modify machinery, needed f o r development, thus strengthening the west coast's i n d u s t r i a l base. Vancouver Engineering Works, f o r i n s t a n c e , employed over 300 workers, manufactured mining and l o g g i n g machinery, heavy marine engines, s t a t i o n a r y b o i l e r s , and heavy machinery f o r smelters. The Vancouver Machinery Depot was the outcome of "modernisation of l o g g i n g methods," and r e p a i r e d locomotives, i n a d d i t i o n t o l a r g e s a w m i l l and l o g g i n g machines. S i m i l a r l y , Leston and Burpee L i m i t e d , s p e c i a l i z e d i n manufacturing f i s h i n g and f o r e s t r y equipment, w h i l e the Vulcan Iron Works had some of the "heaviest sheet p l a t e working machinery...on...the c o n t i n e n t . . . " used f o r the manufacturing of pulp m i l l and heavy h y d r o - e l e c t r i c machinery. In 1880, the c a p i t a l t i e d up i n manufacturing was $2,952,835; by 1900 i t had jumped t o $22,901,892, and over the next three decades there was a phenomenal advance to $394,866,933 i n 1929. 2 5 Improved technology allowed production t 6 expand d r a m a t i c a l l y both q u a t i t a t i v e l y and q u a l i t a t i v e l y p r i o r to the Depression, e s p e c i a l l y i n mining and f o r e s t r y . At T r a i l , the Consolidated Mining and Smelting Company had "a most elaborate and up to date" smelter and the f i r m was "the f i r s t 26 t o p e r f e c t the e l e c t r o l y t i c process f o r the treatment of copper ore." The Grariby Mining, Smelting and Power Company at Grand Forks and Anyox was 27 the l a r g e s t copper producer i n the B r i t i s h Empire. B r i t i s h Columbia was a major m i n e r a l producer, second only to Ontario. M i n e r a l production i n B r i t i s h Columbia was $16,680,526 i n 1900 and quadrupled to $68,162,878 by 28 1 9 2 8 / " E q u a l l y s p e c t a c u l a r was f o r e s t r y ' s growth. The a p p l i c a t i o n o f steam donkeys, l o g g i n g r a i l r o a d s , h i g h l e a d s , d i e s e l t r u c k s and new pulp and paper machines permitted an inc r e a s e d s c a l e o f ope r a t i o n . Forests..were 41 "mined" as i f timber supplies were inexhaustable; saw mills became more numerous and larger. Regulation of forestry under the British Columbia Forest Act of 1912 acknowledged i t s big business status. Pulp mills sprang up along the coast and Fraser Mills at New Westminster and the Huntington-Merritt Shingle M i l l at Marpole were the most modern and largest 29 i n the world. Total forest production i n 1901 was just over $2,000,000.. By 1915 i t reached $29,150,000, and i n 1929 i t jumped sharply to $93,301,000. The province's total gross production, led by manufacturing, forestry, mining and agriculture, reached $512,628,119 in 1929,-"third behind 31 Ontario and Quebec. II Quantitative and qualitative data indicate that as the province's industries emerged i n a competitive, market-oriented context, capitalists subordinated human considerations to those of p r o f i t a b i l i t y , and treated workers as costs. Employers tried to minimize costs by keeping wages down i n order to maintain a competitive advantage. Businesses, with their overriding goal to generate capital and amass profits!? rationalized the work process, "deskilling" i t through the division of labour and separating the 32 "conception" of work from i t s "execution." Catching the s p i r i t of the times, Mackenzie King's 'Industry and Humanity, argues large-scale industrial mechanization made the division of labour "both possible and profitable"''substituting expensive s k i l l e d labour with cheap unskilled 33 workers. The Victoria Daily Colonist observed i n 1917 that "work was being steadily made more and more a matter of specialization," while the 1925 Putman-Weir Survey of the school system reported "industrial and 34 commercial occup tions are largely arranged i n a series of gradual steps." British Columbia's "underground mining and smelting, timber f e l l i n g 42 and cutting, cannery production," writes historian Martin Robin, "required a more highly developed technical and social division of labour, complex -35 machinery and wage labour efficiently organized." The division of labour and mechanization was apparent in both industry and offices, illustrating hierarchical work arrangements and s k i l l dilution. In the early years of the forest industry, logging was on a small scale, governed by the seasons, and the relationship between the boss and his employees was "patriarchial."' Many loggers were transient and followed many trades; one might be a prospector, trapper, rancher or farmer, depending on the season and available work. Between 1900 arid 1925, however, a division of labour between logger and sawmiller envoived because the establishment of large and permanant mills required specialized workers. In the mill labour was clearly divided among engineers, sawyers, blacksmiths, firemen, lumber 37 stackers and stevedores. Similarly, as big business dominated mining and used a division of labour, extraction once an individualistic affair requiring l i t t l e capital and a minor social division of labour, declined during the last decades of the nineteenth century. Historians Howay, Sage, and Angus said of the dying years of the gold rush that the era of individual exploitation of natural wealth in its easily appropriated forms was coming to an end and the subsequent history of mining in British Columbia belongs to a different period in which the more colourful scenes of the mining camp do not appear....In the early days of placer gold a poor man might make a fortune. Today both gold and metal mining is usually in the hands of large companies.' By late 1890s there was a distinct division of labour in the mines, between the underground workers comprised of miners, helpers, labourers, 39 mechanics, clerks and supervisors. Furthermore, a hierarchy of authority closely supervised operatives in and about the mine. At the top was the manager who controlled and supervised the mine. The overman 43 was i n charge of the underground workings and reported to the manager, while the f i r e boss inspected the mines before each s h i f t . Under him was the s h i f t boss, and then f i n a l l y the s h o t l i g h t e r who also examined the 40 mine's safety and supervised the use of explosives. A most s t r i k i n g change i n the composition of the workforce accompanied the r i s e of modern i n d u s t r i a l c apitalism. The separation of the "conceptualization from execution" of work moved decision-making from the "shop f l o o r " to the o f f i c e . This most s i g n i f i c a n t d i v i s i o n of mental and manual work generated a need f o r more and more o f f i c e workers whose numbers increased as the s i z e of companies grew and as business a c t i v i t i e s became more complex. Also, the growth of banking, finance and insurance companies demanded more o f f i c e employees.^"1" For example, i n 1902 there w e r e i ' 4 6 branches of charted banks i n B r i t i s h Columbia. By 1916 there 42 were 1 8 7 branches and i n 1929 the number reached 2 2 3 . There was also spectacular growth i n the number of loan, t r u s t and r e a l estate companies a f t e r the turn of the century because of resource speculation and land sales Late nineteenth century o f f i c e s were small, employing only a few clerks whose work resembled that of craftsmen. Clerks performed a v a r i e t y of tasks c a r r i e d out each task i n i t s e n t i r e t y , and understood t h e i r function i n the firm's o v e r a l l o p e r a t i o n . ^ For the most part, clerks were men and were quite w e l l paid r e l a t i v e to most occupations. In 1 8 9 1 there were 888 male 4-5 c l e r k s i n B r i t i s h Columbia, opposed to only 40 females. C l e r i c a l work i n mining, f o r instance, c e r t a i n l y compared favourably with other jobs i n and about coal and metal mines.^ Of f i c e work expanded dramatically during the f i r s t three decades of the twentieth century. Out of the province's workforce of 81,34-4- i n 1 9 0 1 , 4 7 only 2 , 8 0 1 were c l e r k s . By 1 9 3 1 the number of c l e r i c a l workers formed 44 19,972 out of 306,170. Thus, the p r o p o r t i o n of c l e r k s doubled, going from 3.4% to 6.7%. But as c l e r i c a l work grew, women repla c e d men because they 48 were a cheap source of labour. Moreover, the f e m i n i z a t i o n of o f f i c e work a c c e l e r a t e d during the F i r s t World War. as women f i l l e d the :jobs vacated 49 by men e n t e r i n g the f o r c e s . Census m a t e r i a l c l e a r l y i l l u s t r a t e the 50 expansion of o f f i c e work and i t s f e m i n i z a t i o n . CLERKS IN BRITISH COLUMBIA Males , Females, T o t a l 1891 888 40 928 1901 2,474 327 2,801 1911 6,724 2,229 8,953 1921 10,026„ 5,605 15,631 1931 11,291 8,681 19,972 Margery Davis e x p l a i n s t h a t mechanized o f f i c e work, s t a r t i n g w i t h the p o p u l a r i z a t i o n of the t y p e w r i t e r a f t e r 1900, f a c i l i t a t e d women f i l l i n g o f f i c e jobs, because they were not d i s p l a c i n g men. Operating business machines was new and not branded as men's work. A d d i t i o n a l l y , c l e r i c a l p o s i t i o n s a t t r a c t e d women because they were b e t t e r paying and af f o r d e d more 51 s t a t u s than domestic, s a l e s g i r l , and f a c t o r y work. C l e r i c a l work a t t r a c t e d only 6.87% of working women l n 1901 i n B r i t i s h Columbia, compared to 21.98% by 1 9 2 1 . 5 2 I n t h e i r quest f o r p r o f i t s c a p i t a l i s t s i n creased p r o d u c t i v i t y and 53 reduced labour costs by r e p l a c i n g workers w i t h machines. This process took place i n most i n d u s t r i e s , e s p e c i a l l y f o r e s t r y , mining, c o n s t r u c t i o n , manufacturing, and longshoring. "Machinery's h i s t o r y , and the a p p l i c a t i o n to i n d u s t r y , " complained the F e d e r a t i b n i s t i n 1915, was "the h i s t o r y of the working class....The r e s u l t i s t h a t , w h i l e more w e a t l t h i s created, l e s s 54 men are needed i n the process o f i t s c r e a t i o n . " Vancouver manufacturers, however, boasted t h a t they put i n t o use many " e f f e c t i v e labour-saving 55 machines." 45 P r i o r to 1900, l o g g i n g f o r example, was a tidewater o p e r a t i o n due to the huge s i z e of the timber. "Hand l o g g e r s " f i r s t moved the logs to water w i t h wedges and jackscrews. L a t e r , oxen p u l l e d logs but p r o d u c t i o n was low and labour i n t e n s i v e . A f t e r the t u r n of the century steam power 56 made i t p o s s i b l e to harvest l a r g e t r e e s . Steam donkeys and tugs, as w e l l as l o g g i n g locomotives g r e a t l y expanded production, but they r e q u i r e d s i z a b l e crews f o r o p e r a t i o n and maintenance. Cheaper d i e s e l engines s i g n i f i c a n t l y reduced manpower needs and operating c o s t s . New t r u c k s , c a t e r p i l l e r s and tugboats soon demonstrated t h e i r p r o f i t a b i l i t y . The conversion of tugs from steam to d i e s e l , f o r i n s t a n c e , reduced the complement of seven to twelve men, i n c l u d i n g deckhands, firemen, o i l e r s , deck and engine room o f f i c e r s , 57 to four to seven men. S i m i l a r l y , l i g h t weight, gas powered saws quickened the c u t t i n g of trees i n t o l o g s . "Work that' woodsmen could not do i n three hours i s now done i n f i f t e e n minutes," a d v e r t i s e d the B r i t i s h Columbia Lumberman. "With the use of these machines a crew of seven men 58 does the work which formerly r e q u i r e d twenty-five woodsmen." Another major power i n n o v a t i o n was the e l e c t r i f i c a t i o n of most i n d u s t r i a l establishments i n c l u d i n g sawmills, s h i n g l e m i l l s and f a c t o r i e s . E l e c t r i c a l l y powered p l a n t s ensured more r e l i a b l e and e f f i c i e n t o p e r a t i o n than steam or gas, they were cheaper to i n s t a l l , t h e i r o p e r a t i o n was simple, 59 and r e q u i r e d few men. As a case i n p o i n t , the lumber yard at the F r a s e r M i l l s i n s t a l l e d an e l e c t r i c crane. I t s o p e r a t i o n by two men d i d the work formerly done by eighteen workers and a h o r s e . ^ By 1917, heralded the I n d u s t r i a l Progress and Commercial Record, "nearly a l l the up-to-date f a c t o r i e s i n Vancouver and surrounding d i s t r i c t s are now e l c t r i c a l l y o p e r a t e d . T h i s trend was c e r t a i n l y evident i n manufacturing i n B r i t i s h Columbia where 392 establishments i n v e s t e d $22,901,892 and employed 11,454- workers i n 1900. In 1910, 651 establishments had $123,027,521 i n c a p i t a l and 33,312 employees. By 1930 there were 1,697 manufacturing establishments w i t h $403,328,298 worth of c a p i t a l and 42,779 employees. The phenomenal growth i n c a p i t a l compared to the much slower r a t e i n the labour f o r c e 62 c l e a r l y demonstrates r a p i d mechanization. Wherever employers b u i l t o l d s k i l l s i n t o machines and subdivided the work process, they were, i n e f f e c t , d e s k i l l i n g i t . R a t i o n a l i z e d p roduction i n B r i t i s h Columbia r e q u i r e d few s k i l l e d workers. Instead, the province's small f a c t o r i e s , as w e l l as the f o r e s t , mining, c o n s t r u c t i o n and r a i l w a y i n d u s t r i e s , a l l needed l a r g e numbers of u n s k i l l e d labourers who cheaply f i l l e d the h e a v i e s t , d i r t i e s t , dangerous and r o u t i n e jobs. During the p e r i o d there were few references t o shortages of s k i l l e d l a b our i n the business j o u r n a l s i n c l u d i n g the I n d u s t r i a l Progress arid Commercial Record, the B r i t i s h Columbia Lumberman, The Transactions of the Canadian Mining I n s t i t u t e , and the P a c i f i c Coast Lumberman, or i n government p u b l i c a t i o n s l i k e Labour Gazette or B r i t i s h Columbia's Bureau o f Information B u l l e t i n s . To be sure, i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n created some new s k i l l e d gobs but there was l i t t l e evidence of t h i s i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The Ross and Howard Iron Works of Vancouver, f o r i n s t a n c e , were one exception, and t o l d the 1910 Royal Commission on I n d u s t r i a l T r a i n i n g and T e c h n i c a l Education t h a t they imported m o u l d e r s . ^ Moreover, i f h i g h l y t r a i n e d personnel were i n demand, one would expect l i t t l e unemployment among these workers. T h i s , however, was not always the case. In December, 1913, the f e d e r a l government passed an Order-in- Council f o r b i d d i n g the immigration through B r i t i s h Columbia of " s k i l l e d and u n s k i l l e d " labour u n t i l March 31, 1914 because of an overcrowded labour market i n western Canada.^ Labour Gazette correspondents o f t e n indicated high unemployment among the skil l e d . During September 1916, for example, there was almost 25% unemployment among unionized building and 65 construction tradesmen with 24-2 out of 983 men out of work. No doubt high unemployment was largely due to the construction slump during the war years when the value of building permits dropped four fold i n Canada.^ There was some work available for tradesmen in the expanding shipbuilding industry throughout the Fi r s t World War. Yet workers learned the necessary s k i l l s on the job. Victoria's. Cameron-Genoa Yards experienced d i f f i c u l t y finding shipbuilders. But we did find a man seventy-five years old who had been a buildier of ships of the earlier days of the maritime province and we put him to work as sort of head man and gradually we took in house carpenters and m i l l wrights and made shipbuilders out of them. Now we have a^ery good crew getting to be quite s k i l l e d i n this line of work. 68 In 1921 the Daily Colonist noted high unemployment among craftsmen. Also, quarterly reports of the Labour Gazette showed that the Employment Service 69 was able to f i l l nearly a l l vacancies for most occupations in 1927 and 1928. Supporters of the human capital theory argue industrialization required large numbers of highly educated people for white collar and mechanized work. But The Canada Year Book reported only a relatively slight increase in the number of male professionals. In 1891 there were 1,302 male professionals forming 2.9$ of the provincels workforce, compared to 5,214- 70 and 2.8$ in 1911, and 9,077 and 3-5$ in 1931. The lack of formal training required for management positions in the mining industry indicates the minimal requirements for the job. To qualify for certification as a competent mine manager, one had to be at least twenty-five years of age, a British subject, 71 and have five years experience in or about the practical workings of a mine. In the larger offices secretarial work was broken down into detail work, and machines further simplified c l e r i c a l work, usually reducing i t to routine, 48 mechanica l tasks r e q u i r i n g few s k i l l s . In a c o r p o r a t i o n l i k e the B r i t i s h Columbia E l e c t r i c Rai lway Company, c l e r i c a l work was " r o u t i n e " and " s p e c i a l i z e d " and employees d i d "one l i t t l e job over and over a g a i n , month a f t e r m o n t h . . . . " D e x t e r i t y and the a b i l i t y to work q u i e t l y , q u i c k l y and a c c u r a t e l y , per forming elementary motions wer'e important -and women needed dexterous f i n g e r s s fo r t yp ing 72 and running o f f i c e machines. Fur thermore , the " n a t u r a l p a s s i v i t y " of women, argues Mar jory D a v i s , made "them i d e a l l y s u i t e d to the job of c a r r y i n g out an endless number of r o u t i n e tasks wi thout a c o m p l a i n t . . . . T h e i r d o c i l i t y makes i t u n l i k e l y that they w i l l a s p i r e to r i s e very f a r above t h e i r s t a t i o n . Thus, t h e i r male boss i s spared the unpleasant p o s s i b i l i t y that h i s s e c r e t a r y w i l l one day 73 be competing w i t h ft'&m f o r h i s j o b . " Most o f f i c e s u p e r v i s o r s were male as few women entered or secured h igher grade commercial p o s t s . Leonard Marsh shows that i n Canada d u r i n g 1931 75% " o f a l l those i n r e s p o n s i b l e occupat ions as a 74 whole are m a l e s : " P a t r i a r c h i c a l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s meshed w e l l w i t h the d i v i s i o n of o f f i c e l a b o u r . Mechan i za t ion r e q u i r e d o p e r a t i v e s do on ly s i m p l i f i e d work, and o p e r a t i n g 75 most machines r e q u i r e d l i t t l e s k i l l that was q u i c k l y mastered. The B r i t i s h Columbia Lumberman, f o r example, emphasized that "any inexper ienced man or boy 76 can be taught a l l there i s to be learned about pneumatic saws i n 15 minutes. ' , ' Testimony before the T e c h n i c a l Educat ion Commission revea led that o p e r a t i n g many machines needed few s k i l l s . " I n the m a c h i n i s t t r a d e s , a p p r e n t i c e s are o f f e n kept on one job fo r as long as a year and a h a l f , when they could l e a r n 77 the process i n two weeks." The 1919 Report of the Royal Commission on Labour i n B r i t i s h Columbia revea led that u n q u a l i f i e d American s t a t i o n a r y engineers were f r e q u e n t l y employed by r a i l w a y c o n t r a c t o r s , " t o the d e t r i m e n t of l i c e n s e d 78 engineers i n t h i s p r o v i n c e . " W.G. Winterburn of the A s s o c i a t i o n of P r o f e s s i o n a l Engineer S ' io . f~ B r i t i s h Columbia - remarked'"machinery has how, 'd isplaced hand ic ra f t* too: such an extent that an i n t e l l i g e n t 49 l a d can operate a machine, and t u r n out as good work w i t h a.few weeks or months at the most p r a c t i c e , as i t formerly took years to l e a r n how to produce by h a n d . " ^ Expansion and mechanization i n the primary, c o n s t r u c t i o n and manufacturing i n d u s t r i e s created demands l a r g e l y f o r u n s k i l l e d labour and the q u a l i f i c a t i o n s f o r most l a b o u r i n g work was simply brawn and muscle. Coal mining f o r example, was a "sinkhole f o r u n s k i l l e d l a b o u r . E x c l u s i v e of the e x t r a c t i v e i n d u s t r i e s , labourers numbered 5,997 i n 1901 and amounted to 7.8% of the workforce; then r a p i d l y advanced to 40,664 and 21.5$ i n 1 9 1 1 . 8 1 The 1921 census i l l u s t r a t e s a l a r g e number of labourers i n B r i t i s h Columbia's major i n d u s t r i e s . "Shantymen and r i v e r d r i v e r s " accounted f o r 10,615 of the 12,635 i n v o l v e d i n logging. Operatives and labourers comprised 6,850 of the 9,378 i n mining. In wood manufacturing there were 9,111 labourers out of 12,792 and out of 1,845 pulp and m i l l employees 2,338 were l a b o u r e r s . ^ With i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , the concept of " s k i l l " a c quired new and important meanings. T r a d i t i o n a l l y i t meant " c r a f t mastery" the combination of m a t e r i a l s and processes w i t h the p r a c t i c e d manual d e x t e r i t i e s r e q u i r e d to c a r r y on a s p e c i f i c branch o f production. Moreover, p r e i n d u s t r i a l work rhythms were casual and shaped by the l a n d , seasons, as w e l l as household or community expectations. Aside from e a r l y a r t i s a n d , farmers, t r a p p e r s , fishermen and p l a c e r miners who had independent c o n t r o l over t h e i r working l i v e s , B r i t i s h Columbia experienced l i t t l e p r e - i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . Instead, the province emerged l a r g e l y as an i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y , and new work p a t t e r n s were already i n motion. In an i n d u s t r i a l s e t t i n g " s k i l l " was r e i n t e r p r e t e d as a s p e c i f i c d e x t e r i t y ; a l i m i t e d and r e p e t i t i o u s o p e r a t i o n . Being t r a i n e d simply meant able to c a r r y out methodical r o u t i n e s of a work schedule. A subdivided and mechanized work process r e q u i r e d r i g i d new work h a b i t s and d i s c i p l i n e s 50 n e c e s s a r y t o s y n c h r o n i z e a n d c o o r d i n a t e l a b o u r . I n d u s t r y " d e p e n d e d u p o n c o n s i s t e n c y a n d r e g u l a r i t y a n d a n i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c e t h i c o f s e l f - c o n t r o l , s e l f - d i s c i p l i n e , a n d s e l f - i m p r o v e m e n t . ...83 L a b o u r i n t h e modern w o r k p l a c e was g o v e r n e d b y h a r d a n d f a s t r u l e s , f i x e d w o r k i n g h o u r s , a l l o c a t e d work s t a t i o n s , a n d a s t e a d y w o r k p a c e d i c t a t e d b y t h e s p e e d o f m a c h i n e s . B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ' s e x p e r i e n c e was no e x c e p t i o n t o t h e new i n d u s t r i a l w o r k modes. M a r g a r e t Ormsby d e p i c t e d t h e w a n i n g o f p r e i n d u s t r i a l l i f e a n d t h e w a x i n g o f u r b a n i n d u s t r i a l i s m . f t s o o n became a p p a r e n t t h a t K o o t e n a y h a d n o t h i n g t o o f f e r t h e f r e e m i n e r s : t h e day o f p i c k a n d s h o v e l , o f p a n a n d r o c k e r was gone f o r e v e r . F o r l o d e - m i n i n g r e q u i r e d hammer a n d s t e e l , d r i l l a n d p o w d e r , m i l l a n d s m e l t e r ; a n d o n l y f o r a b s e n t e e c a p i t a l i s t s ' a n d t h e i r e m p l o y e e s — g e o l o g i s t s , m i n i n g e n g i n e e r s , m a c h i n e - o p e r a t o r s a n d c l o c k - p u n c h i n g wage e a r n e r s — w a s t h e K o o t e n a y t h e l a n d o f o p p o r t u n i t y . As l a r g e - s c a l e i n v e s t m e n t i n e x p e n s i v e m a c h i n e r y a n d p e r m a n e n t p l a n t s i n c r e a s e d , R o s s l a n d , l i k e N e l s o n , became an u r b a n community The " w e a r i s o m e sameness o f t h e d a i l y w o r k " i n m i l l s , p l a n t s a n d f a c t o r i e s , as "one b y o n e , t h e d a y s o f t h e e m p l o y e e s p a s s e d w i t h a d r e a d f u l m o n o t o n y a n d w i t h u n b r o k e n r e g u l a r i t y , " came i n t o f u l l v i e w i n t h e p r o v i n c e ' s i s o l a t e d company t o w n . " A t 8 A . M . , n o o n , 1 P . M . a n d 5 P . M . , t h e h o a r s e m i l l w h i s t l e s o u n d e d a n d men s t r e a m e d b a c k a n d f o i r t h a c r o s s t h e b r i d g e a t O c e a n F a l l s , g o i n g t o o r r e t u r n i n g f r o m w o r k . The w h i s t l e a l s o b l e w t o s i g n a l a f i r e , m i d n i g h t o r New Y e a r ' s E v e a n d t h e b e g i n n i n g a n d e n d o f t h e two m i n u t e s o f s i l e n c e o n A r m i s t i c e D a y . I t was s o m e t h i n g t o s e t y o u r w a t c h b y....^5 E f f i c i e n c y came i n t o f u l l b l o o m . G e o r g e J . E b e r l e , a c o n s u l t i n g e c o n o m i s t w i t h B . C. E l e c t r i c s a i d l a r g e c o m p a n i e s n e e d e d c o - o p e r a t i o n b e t w e e n e m p l o y e e s i n o r d e r t o f u n c t i o n s m o o t h l y . U n d e r o u r e c o n o m i c s y s t e m t o d a y we c a n n o t b e h i g h l y i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c , r e f u s e t o o b e y o r d e r s , h o l d a d e a f e a r t o s u g g e s t i o n s , d i s r e g a r d o u r f e l l o w - w o r k e r s ' r i g h t s , b e g r e e d y a n d b l o c k t h e p r o g r e s s ' o f c o - o p e r a t i v e e f f o r t . . . . The t i m e e l e m e n t i s v e r y e s s e n t i a l i n o r g a n i z e d e f f o r t . . . . Team w o r k i n o r g a n i z e d e f f o r t means p u l l i n g t o g e t h e r s i m u l t a n e o u s l y . — Of n e c e s s i t y , l a r g e - s c a l e p r o d u c t i o n r e q u i r e s t h a t l a r g e b o d i e s o f men 51 work under common direction. Therefore those who are under direction must carry out the orders and suggestions of the executive staff. Disobedience w i l l disrupt an organization more rapidly than any other factor, and the service to fellow-citizens w i l l deteriorate." Those who cannot conform to the rules and regulations of an organization had better leave it....Through such attributes of merit as health, punctuality, obedience, loyalty, thoroughness, exactness and helpfulness you should strive to succeed...".^ The "dictatorship oftithe clock and schedule became absolute" as specialized work became methodical and routine. J.S. Woodsworth's observations of longshoring in British Columbia beautifully captured the s p i r i t of work as he described trucking, p i l i n g and stowing heavy sacks of flour, rice and boxes of salmon. But is his work in i t s e l f interesting? He shoves his truck to the sling. The loaders put on four cases^r-one-two-three-four. He "breaks," throwing his truck into balance, then across the shed he wheels his load. The pilers stand ready to receive i t . He throws up the handles and by a deft movement withdraws the blade of the truck, leaving the four cases one on top of the other ready for the pilers. Then backkhe slowly wheels his truck to the sling—one-two-three-four. His load is ready. Across the shed again, a trucker ahead of him and a trucker behind him going through the same motions. Back and forward—leaders and p i l e r s — p i l e r s to loaders. The pile of salmon cases grows s l o w l y — i t i s twenty cases wide, twelve high, and before night w i l l be twenty deep. Slowly t i e r by t i e r i t grows. A false move and a case slips to the floor. "Twenty minutes more," says a fellow truck as he passes. He need not say more. Twenty minutes t i l l noon and freedom. Then back again for another five hours—long drawn-out hours—backwards and forwards—pilers to loaders—loaders to pilers. "I've been on salmon trucking for four days, I'd be glad of a change to rice sacks," admitted the trucker. So i t goes—day after day—and the days stretch into weeks into indefinite years. Unlike the convict, the worker can quit his job. Oh, but then his money stops. He has no free lodging and board as has his brother the convict. So the next morning, seven o'clock, finds the worker standing i n gh,e drizzle outside the "h a l l " waiting anxiously for a possible job. Increased industrial production stimulated by World War I firmly entrenched the new work patters. Sir George E. Foster, Minister of Trade and Commerce, heralded the new work disciplinesand remarked that the machinery installed and adapted for war rested on "organized," Uco-operated" and "systematized" labour. Industrialists "learned valuable lessons in accuracy ef fi n i s h 52 and r e g u l a r i t y of output, and d i r e c t i v e e f f i c i e n c y which should prove a 89 ' 88 valuable asset f o r the f u t u r e . " By the depression most i n d u s t r i a l work co n s i s t e d of "a simple unvarying procedure c a r r i e d on f o r s e v e r a l h o u r s . . . , r I I I I n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m demanded a d i s c i p l i n e d and l a r g e l y u n s k i l l e d labour f o r c e , and businessmen employed a v a r i e t y of measures to c o n t r o l the workplace and maintain modern work r o u t i n e s . Both i n the primary and secondary s e c t o r s , workers t o i l e d d i l i g e n t l y , coerced by the t h r e a t of unemployment or d i s m i s s a l , the f o r c e of s t r i k e b r e a k e r s and m i l i t i a , and l a t e r b y " " i n d u s t r i a l democracy," a more r e f i n e d technique of persuasion, 90 manipulation, and economic i n c e n t i v e . The government's open-door immigration p o l i c y provided employers w i t h a surplus of u n s k i l l e d labour t h a t d i s c i p l i n e d workers and h e l d down wages. H.C. Pentland e x p l a i n s that the e x i s t e n c e of a " c a p i t a l i s t labour market" gave business a pool of manpower s u p p l i e s so workers were r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e when needed and 91 e a s i l y h i r e d and dismissed whenever i t was to the employer's advantage. C a p i t a l i s t s h e s i t a t e d t o h i r e B r i t i s h immigrants who were not always prepared to work i n d i r t y , low paying and unsafe jobs, and who posed the 92 t h r e a t of u n i o n i z a t i o n . Consequently, employers sought O r i e n t a l s , eastern Europeans, and southern I t a l i a n s because they were "hardy, maleable lab o u r e r s , whose s a l a r y requests would be reasonable," and were not l i k e l y to u n i o n i z e . Only 15^6% of the u n s k i l l e d labour e n t e r i n g Canada between 1901-1911 were B r i t i s h , compared to 51.5% from c e n t r a l and southern 93 Europe. A l s o , many Chinese came to B r i t i s h Columbia, and t h e i r "low standards of l i v i n g enabled them t o e x i s t a t small cost and thus, gave Q/ them an u r i f a i r advantage i n competition w i t h white people." This cheap labour endured the miserable c o n d i t i o n s of the camps and mines, and, unable to speak E n g l i s h , they were e a s i l y e x p l o i t e d . One mining o f f i c i a l r e v ealed t h a t on the other hand "Canadians won't work i n the mines. They are q u i t e w i l l i n g to boss the job but they are not going.'.toe do the rough 95 work themselves....What we want i s brawn and muscle, and we get i t . " M a r t i n Robin argues that an e t h n i c mixture of muckers and labourers i n 96 the province's mines e f f e c t i v e l y headed o f f s t r i k e s f o r higher wages. Edmund K i r b y , manager of the War Eagle Mine i n the Kootenays upheld t h i s view: "In a l l the lower grades of labour and e s p e c i a l l y i n smelter grades of l a bour i t i s necessary to have a mixture of races which i n c l u d e s a number of i l l i t e r a t e s who are f i r s t c l a s s workers. They are the s t r e n g t h 97 of the employer, and the weakness of the union." " P r a c t i c a l l y no n a t i v e - born Canadians of E n g l i s h descent" claims h i s t o r i a n A.R.M. Lower, were i n the ranks of the u n s k i l l e d . For Canadians to get employment they o f t e n 98 had to "pretend" they were " f o r e i g n e r s . " By the end of the war, 99 r a d i c a l i z e d immigrants were threatened w i t h d i s m i s s a l and deporatation. Returned s o l d i e r s created a great surplus of labour, and f o l l o w i n g the worker unrest of 1919, employers were able to r i d " f o r e i g n u n d e s i r a b l e s " „ . . 100 from t h e i r companies. Moreover, h i r i n g agencies kept records of workers i n order to prevent the "high j i n k s " of 1 9 1 9 . 1 0 1 The P a c i f i c Coast Lumberman e d i t o r i a l i z e d t hat "many strange and i n e f f i c i e n t workers found t h e i r way i n t o i n d u s t r y t h a t would never have t o l e r a t e d t h e i r behaviour i n normal times...." Surplus labour enabled employers to r e g a i n c o n t r o l of t h e i r workers and lower wages when the l o g g i n g camps reopened. Workers should be p i c k e d and r e h i r e d continued the paper, w i t h "care and an eye t o t h e i r e f f i c i e n c y and 102 s t a y i n g power," Obedience and i n d u s t r i o u s n e s s p r e v a i l e d . When workers s t r u c k f o r union r e c o g n i t i o n , a m e l i o r a t i o n of poor w o r k i r working c o n d i t i o n s , or higher wages, employers used s t r i k e b r e a k e r s and the m i l i t i a to maintain management's hegemony over the workplace. For i n s t a n c e , labour unrest c h a r a c t e r i z e d c o a l mining i n B r i t i s h Columbia and employers repeatedly used Chinese "scabs" to break s t r i k e s throughout the l a t e 103 decades of the nineteenth and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s . A p r o t r a c t e d s t r i k e over Canadian' C o l l i e r i e s ' harassment of the United Mine Workers of America's o r g a n i z i n g e f f o r t s , s t a r t e d i n September 1912, and l a s t e d u n t i l August 1914-. I t errupted i n v i o l e n c e when s t r i k e b r e a k e r s t r i e d t o keep the mines open. M a r t i a l lawswas declared and 300 militiamen a r r e s t e d 256 s t r i k e r s . 1 ^ S i m i l a r l y , the use of Japanese s t r i k e b r e a k e r s , v i o l e n c e between the union and Japanese, the d e c l a r a t i o n of m a r t i a l law, and suppresion of the s t r i k e by the m i l i t i a c h a r a c t e r i z e d the!1900 fishermen's s t r i k e at 105 Steveston. The m i l i t i a a l s o suppressed workers s t r i k i n g over poor working c o n d i t i o n s and i n t o l e r a b l e accommodation i n the camps o f the Grand Trunk Railway at P r i n c e Rupert. Some employers used more r e f i n e d techniques to c o n t r o l the workplace and increase e f f i c i e n t p r o d u c t i o n , although theserimeasures were not w i d e l y used i n B r i t i s h Columbia before the war. The Wattsburg Lumber Company i n the East Kootenays stemmed the ' .transitory nature of i t s labour supply by a l l o w i n g i t s men to buy shares i n the business, and by p r o v i d i n g them w i t h farm l a n d at "reasonable" r a t e s . This scheme, announced the Labour Gazette, was a "means of e s t a b l i s h i n g a f e e l i n g of mutual i n t e r e s t and co-operation between i t s e l f and i t s employees, as w e l l as s e c u r i n g a permanent supply of white labour and i n t h i s way o f f e r i n g a s o l u t i o n t o 107 the f y e l l o w l a b o u r 1 ~ problem....I' Responding to the h i g h turnover of men i n the woods, the P a c i f i c Coast Lumberman a d v e r t i s e d businessmen to h i r e married men w i t h f a m i l i e s and providec'them w i t h l i v i n g q u a r t e r s . A "man w i t h a f a m i l y values h i s job and w i l l work to h o l d i t where an unmarried man w i l l q u i t a t any time 108 and e i t h e r f i n d a new job or go on the tramp, as the n o t i o n may take him." Addressing the province's entrepreneurs i n 1918, Vancouver engineer A.J. Taylor s a i d : "we are j u s t beginning to ask the r e a l v i t a l import of the proper housing of an i n d u s t r i a l community and the e f f e c t proper environment has on e f f i c i e n c y , h e a l t h and outlook of employees arid, t h e r e f o r e , on the success and dividends of the employing him." He po i n t e d t o the i n d u s t r i a l ? .housing at B r i t a n i a Beach and M i l l Creek, where community pla n n i n g was;' important i n s e c u r i n g a steady labour supply f o r " e f f i c i e n t p r o d u c t i o n " 109 and p r e v e n t i n g productive l o s s e s due to "excessive labour turnover." During the war, commercial i n t e r e s t s feared t h a t the t r a n s i t i o n from war production to peace would be "more grave and c r i t i c a l than that which 110 marked the plunge from peace to war i n 1914." As the war drew to a c l o s e , labour was becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y r a d i c a l i z e d because of government and business i n a b i l i t y to come to g r i p s w i t h poor working c o n d i t i o n s , i n f l a t i o n , and unemployment. The t h r e a t of Bolshevism,was p a r t i c u l a r l y acute i n the west. "Syndicalism, r a d i c a l i s m , bblshevism, s o c i a l i s m and a l l the other isms", proclaimed the Western Lumberman, want "nothing more nor l e s s than the absolute and supreme c o n t r o l of every i n d u s t r y i n t h i s country...and...have h u r l e d t h e i r defy r i g h t i n t o the t e e t h of the employers w i t h impunity.... ""'""'""'" The 1919 Report of the Royal Commission to Enquire i n t o I n d u s t r i a l R e l a t i o n s i n Canada, responded to the upheaval and s t r e s s e d t h a t i t was "time f o r d r a s t i c changes" i n the i n d u s t r i a l and s o c i a l systems of Canada. I t found unemployment, the high cost o f l i v i n g , i n e f f e c t i v e government, poor housing, r e s t r i c t i o n s on freedom o f speech and p r e s s , the d i s p l a y of 56 wealth, and the "lack of equal educational opportunities" to be the major causes of unrest'iy and advocated "industrial democracy" as a solution to 112 the elimination of grievances. Industrial democracy, or co-partnership as i t was commonly called, gained support in business and government circles. CV. Coreless, a leading member of the Canadian Mining Institute, thought social unrest was rooted in the lack of a "sense of ownership" in production, and many employees felt their work had "no social meaning to them. Hence their spirit rebels." Workers in modern industry, he wrote, "have no sense of ownership." They never begin and finish anything.... They do not have the opportunity to think for themselves. They are generally required to perform certain definite work, or even mere mechanical movements, without consultation, or in a way that does not call for reasonalbe exercise or recognition of their intelligence. They are parts of an organization, cogs in an economic machine, which they do not fully understand, and in which they almost lose their identity, that is, their freedom for self-development. His solution was industrial democracy, giving the workers a voice in industry. Canada's most distinguished advocate of co-partnership was Mackenzie King who had vast experience in labour relations as editor of the Labour Gazette, federal Labour Minister, and industrial researcher for the Rockefeller Foundation when he investigated the protracted strike of the United Mine Workers of America at the Rockerfeller-owned Colorado Fuel and Iron Company which erupted into the bloody Ludlow Massacre of 1914."'"'"̂ King's Industry and Humanity revealed his overriding concern that the increasing conflicts between capital and labour were tearing apart the community fabric. His Christian and positivist beliefs led him to argue that scientific investigation and social management by experts could solve society's problems and free the nation of strikes, poverty, and war, by opening up lines of cummunication between divisive groups and forces. "Understanding" and "truth" would establish social harmony. 57 For instance, King realized the "division of processes and division of labour" were "dehumanizing" to workers and created hardships since i t also 115 created a "constant shifting of employment." Moreover, he warned that when labour-saving machinery i s about to be installed, care must be taken to see that Labour understands i t s significance in the process of industry as a whole, and that, along with the other parties to Industry, Labour i s permitted to share on just basis i n the larger output which results from the increased efficiency labour-saving machinery brings."'" Communication, collective bargaining, and ensuring that detail workers understand their part in production would promote "maximum efficiency" 117 and "industrial harmony." Although labour dismissed King's book because i t smacked of benevolent paternalism, and industry has some misgivings, i t 118 was the major document outlining democracy for Canada. Co-partnership gained some national support and was implemented by several large employers in British Columbia. It was even discussed among 119 religious circles i n the province. Several of British Columbia's largest corporations adopted co-partnership schemes i n order to effectively control the workplace and increase productivity. The CPR offered i t s employees 120 the opportunity to subscribe for shares i n t i t s ordinary capital stock. The B. C. Electric Railway Company adopted a paternalistic profit-sharing policy i n 1902 but abandoned i t i n 1910. Throughout the 1920s the company resumed paternalistic treatment of i t s employees, providing them with long 121 term loans at low interest ratesy blanket l i f e insurance, and pensions. In light of the radicalism i n the forest industry throughout 1919, Frank Riley, manager for Bloedel, Stewart and Welch, one of the largest logging companies in the province, told the Loggers' Association that business could counter Bolshevists by organizing a f i f t y - f i f t y union where he w i l l meet with our men on equal representation and the operators are the men w i l l discuss, say twice 58 a y e a r , such t h i n g s as wages and work ing c o n d i t i o n s and t h e i r d e c i s i o n s w i l l govern the i n d u s t r y f o r the next s i x months. In j u s t i c e to our lumbermen we ought to do t h i s . What our men are r e a l l y a f t e r ' i s something to t i e up t o . . . . They j o i n the O .B .U . because tha t i s the o n l y t h i n g tha t they have to j o i n . We do not o f f e r the men any th ing e l s e i n i t s p l a c e . We have known f o r years that t h i s campaign of r a d i c a l a g i t a t i o n has been going on and we have taken no s teps to combat i t . We are now d r i v e n to a p o i n t where our bus iness i s c r i p p l e d by t h i s a g i t a t i o n and the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the s o c i a l i s t s and i t i s up to us now to take some steps to meet t h a t . Mr. P.O. Roe, P r e s i d e n t of the Lumbermen's A s s o c i a t i o n , concluded R i l e y ' s 122 s u g g e s t i o n s , i f implemented, "would have some c o n t r o l over these men." The Labour Gazette c r e d i t e d the C o n s o l i d a t e d M i n i n g and Smel t ing Company's i n d u s t r i a l success d u r i n g the 1920s to i t s comprehensive employee b e n e f i t p l a n s and w e l f a r e schemes, which e s t a b l i s h e d c o - o p e r a t i o n w i t h the employees. "For t h i s c o - o p e r a t i o n the good s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s o b t a i n i n g between management and work ing f o r c e , the r e s u l t of many f a c t o r s , rang ing from democrat ic i n s t i t u t i o n s i n p r e s e n t a t i o n of employee's v iews to the p r i n c i p l e of p r o f i t s h a r i n g , and to schemes of the company to encourage a f e e l i n g of i d e n t i t y of i n t e r e s t and s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h permanent employment, a d m i t t e d l y are l a r g e l y r e s p o n s i b l e . " The company i n t r o d u c e d p e n s i o n s , i n s u r a n c e , h o s p i t a l i z a t i o n , low i n t e r e s t loans f o r h o u s i n g , Chr istmas bonuses and s a f e t y programmes. One of the most important f e a t u r e s of the company's i n d u s t r i a l democracy, was the "Workmen's Committee ." E l e c t e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the employees ac ted as " a c l e a r i n g house f o r suggest ions f o r b e t t e r work ing c o n d i t i o n s . " I t was the "medium f o r a f f e c t i n g changes i n p l a n t p r a c t i c e designed to l e a d to g rea te r e f f i c i e n c y , f o r the g r i e v a n c e s , and f o r the d i s c u s s i o n and o r i g i n a t i o n of p o l i c i e s of i n t e r e s t to the men." A l l d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g power, however, was i n 123 the hands of the management. L o c a l businessmen c a t e r i n g to l a r g e i n d u s t r i a l employers , a long w i t h community s e r v i c e c l u b s , both f o s t e r e d the theme of c o - o p e r a t i o n between labour and c a p i t a l , and emphasized t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n s to i n d u s t r i a l democracy. Simmons L i m i t e d , a Vancouver s u p p l i e r of beds , a d v e r t i s e d " B e t t e r S l e e p — 59 Greater E f f i c i e n c y . More power to the p i c k — m o r e swing to the s h o v e l , more a c t i o n to the axe—more s t r e n g t h to the saw. Wel fare Workers i n I n d u s t r i a l P l a n t s , Lumber and C o n s t r u c t i o n Camps Vouch f o r t h i s Statement and Employers of Labour Know I t I s T r u e . " When employers of s k i l l e d and u n s k i l l e d labour thoroughly understand and a p p r e c i a t e the va lue and importance of sound, r e s t f u l s l e e p , and p rov ide s u i t a b l e s l e e p i n g q u a r t e r s , there w i l l be l e s s d i s c o n t e n t and g r e a t e r e f f i c i e n c y among t h e i r workers . Deep, sound, h e a l t h - b u i l d i n g s leep i s necessary to the proper f u n c t i o n i n g of b r a i n , nerve and musc le . I t i s v i t a l to the h e a l t h — p h y s i c a l and mental a c t i v i t i e s of a l l men— i n a l l walks a r id/s tat ions of l i f e . I t i s e s p e c i a l l y necessary to the p r o d u c t i o n e f f i c i e n c y of men who l a b o u r . In i n d u s t r i a l d o r m i t o r i e s , lumber and r a i l r o a d c o n s t r u c t i o n camps, wherever the v a l u e and importance of good s leep i s a p p r e c i a t e d , Simmons S t e e l Bunks are u s u a l l y s p e c i f i e d and most used . These s t a n d a r d i z e d Bunks, i n s i n g l y or doub le -deck u n j £ s so l ve the problem of the " r i g h t s leep f o r the men" i n a p r a c t i c a l way. Whi le Simmons aimed to improve the p h y s i c a l w e l l - b e i n g of men i n i n d u s t r i a l camps, the Y . M . C . A . promised i n d u s t r i a l "harmony and e f f i c i e n c y , " company " l o y a l t y " and " c o n t e n t " workers through i t s C a n a d i a n i z a t i o n , r e l i g i o u s , e d u c a t i o n , and enter ta inment schemes. What i s the Y . M . C . A . programme f o r i n d u s t r y ? That i s a q u e s t i o n which many employers of labour are a s k i n g these days when i t i s becoming ever more g e n e r a l l y recogn ized that labour means more than work and wages. Few indeed are the employers who f a i l to r e a l i z e tha t e f f i c i e n c y i s the great need i n p r o d u c t i o n and tha t the human f a c t o r i s the g r e a t e s t f a c t o r i n e f f i c i e n c y and tha t the s p i r i t i s the g r e a t e s t element i n the human f a c t o r . T h e r e f o r e , a s i d e from any humani ta r ian c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , but p u r e l y from a bus iness s t a n d p o i n t , i t i s good bus iness to c u l t i v a t e the s p i r i t of the human f a c t o r which i s the g r e a t e s t f a c t o r i n e f f i c i e n c y i n p r o d u c t i o n . That l ooks l i k e r e p e t i t i o n and so i t i s but i t i s r e p e t i t i o n f o r emphasis . The keynote of the Y . M . C . A . work from the s tandpo in t of the employer i s t h i s : The s p i r i t of the people employed i s the g r e a t e s t f a c t o r i n s e c u r i n g i n c r e a s e d e f f i c i e n c y i n p r o d u c t i o n . So whatever a t t e n t i o n one may pay to the demands of labour f o r b e t t e r c o n d i t i o n s , or to the demands s t a t e d by the p u b l i c . o r a p a r t of i t on b e h a l f of l a b o u r , or to any sent iment one may have r e g a r d i n g the r e l a t i o n s that should e x i s t between employer and employee, the f a c t s t i l l remains and demands r e c o g n i t i o n tha t the c u l t i v a t i o n . o f the s p i r i t and^gharacter of the employee i s good bus iness on the p a r t of the employer . By the 1930s c a p i t a l f i r m l y c o n t r o l l e d the workplace and employers used 60 t h e i r power to en fo rce i n d u s t r i a l work h a b i t s and d i s c i p l i n e s . As e a r l y as 1914 the F e d e r a t i o n i s t observed , " the modern workman i s no longer the h o l d e r of the key to a s e c r e t p r o c e s s , he i s more g e n e r a l l y a cog i n the wheel of some p r o d u c t i o n . I t i s seldom, i n d e e d , that one man knows the whole of the 126 stages of manufacture i n the completed p r o d u c t . " Knowledge of the work mastery r e s t e d w i t h the management. The Labour Gazette i l l u s t r a t e d workers ' i l o s s of power w i t h the example of Vancouver 's plumber.s. The Vancouver C i t y C o u n c i l r e c e n t l y r e s c i n d e d a s a n c t i o n of the Plumbing b y - l a w which r e q u i r e d plumbers to pass an examinat ion i n the rudiments of t h e i r t rade be fo re working a t i t i n the c i t y . The c i t y a r c h i t e c t i n recommending the d e l e t i o n of the s e c t i o n e x p l a i n e d tha t many capable workmen were unable to express themselves i n w r i t i n g and became unnerved at an examinat ion . Work of any magnitude i s now l a i d out at the shop under the s u p e r v i s i o n of the foreman, and the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of f u l f i l l i n g the plumbing r e g u l a t i o n s r e s t s on the employer r a t h e r than the employee. Moreover , un ion ism was s e v e r e l y weakened d u r i n g the 1920s. C r a f t unions became o b s o l e t e , bus iness and government s h a t t e r e d the One B i g U n i o n , and 128 many f i r m s i n i t i a t e d company u n i o n s . IV From the l a s t decade of the n i n e t e e n t h century B r i t i s h Co lumbia 's expanding i n d u s t r i e s demanded s u i t a b l e labour s u p p l i e s . For the most p a r t , the a p p r e n t i c e s h i p system was not an important i n s t i t u t i o n by t h i s t ime 129 as i t s re levance i n Canada d i m i n i s h e d w i t h i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . I t never became h e a v i l y rooted i n B r i t i s h Columbia because of the p r o v i n c e ' s r e l a t i v e l y l a t e economic development. With the d i v i s i o n of labour and m e c h a n i z a t i o n , thoroughly t r a i n e d a r t i s a n s were no longer r e q u i r e d . "When l a r g e r c o r p o r a t i o n s or employers w i t h immense c a p i t a l superceded the m a s t e r , " lamented John K y l e , p r o v i n c i a l Organizer of T e c h n i c a l E d u c t a t i o n , the 130 a p p r e n t i c e s h i p system a l l but d i s a p p e a r e d . In 1921 there were o n l y 748 a p p r e n t i c e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia compared to a workforce of 219 ,578. By 1931 there were s t i l l o n l y 905 a p p r e n t i c s even though the labour f o r c e i n c r e a s e d 61 131 to 306 ,170 . The demise of the a p p r e n t i c e s h i p system was very ev ident i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n i n d u s t r y . I t employed 16,723 i n 1921, yet had on ly 202 a p p r e n t i c e s ; 1 1 . ' b r i c k l a y e r s , a n d masons; 49 e l e c t r i c i a n s ; 53 c a r p e n t e r s ; 39 p a i n t e r s and d e c o r a t o r s ; 2 p l a s t e r e r s ; 47 plumbers and steam f i t t e r s ; 132 and 1 s l a t e r and r o o f e r . I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n " d e s k i l l e d " most o c c u p a t i o n s , thus making i t r e l a t i v e l y easy f o r employers to g i ve workers j o b - s p e c i f i c t r a i n i n g . The m a j o r i t y of machine o p e r a t i o n s were u n s k i l l e d and l e a r n e d q u i c k l y at work. S i m i l a r l y , p r o d u c t i o n workers were t o l d e x a c t l y what to do , how to do i t , and repeated the same motions throughout the day under c l o s e s u p e r v i s i o n . V o c a t i o n a l E d u c a t i o n , , p u b l i s h e d by the f e d e r a l Labour Department, observed t h a t the " vas t m a j o r i t y of jobs can be lea rned i n the space of a few days o r . a t the 133 most i n a few w e e k s . " Indeed, t h i s was the s i t u a t i o n f o r t a i l o r i n g 134 and dressmaking i n Vancouver. In the resource i n d u s t r i e s loggers f o r 135 i n s t a n c e e a s i l y p i c k e d up " the t r i c k s of the t r a d e . " A l s o , most t r a i n i n g i n the b u i l d i n g t rades was g i ven "on the j o b . " The e s s e n t i a l s of c ra f tsmansh ip were set f o r t h a s — h o n e s t work, s k i l l , and a r t i s t i c a b i l i t y . . . . S k i l l i s a matter of t r a i n i n g and exper ience and can on ly be obta ined through years of p r a c t i c e on the job and by t a k i n g an i n t e r e s t i n the work. Un less employers are prepared to encourage good work by advancement or s p e c i a l r e c o g n i t i o n and undertake to p r o v i d e adequate t r a i n i n g f o r young of new employees, they cannot expect to develop or r e t a i n a s t a f f of s k i l l e d men. . . .Some men can never a c q u i r e the a b i l i t y of g i v i n g an a r t i s t i c f i n i s h to t h e i r work but no worker should be c a l l e d a c raf tsman who l a c k s t h i s a b i l i t y . I t i s the q u a l i t y which c r e a t e s a sense of p r i d e i n one ' s work and which d i s t i n g u i s h e s the t r u e c raf tsman from the o r d i n a r y s k i l l e d worker . Under modern systems of p r o d u c t i o n i t i s d i f f i c u l t to develop p r i d e i n c r a f t s m a n s h i p , but i f each employer w i l l undertake to t r a i n h i s workers and endeavour to produce the best p o s s i b l e r e s u l t s f o r the money expended, the i n d i v i d u a l workers w i l l take a p r i d e in . .do ing t h e i r w o r k ^ g l l and w i l l become l o y a l suppor ters of the f i r m which employs them. B r i t i s h Co lumbia 's i n d u s t r i e s competed f o r the same u n s k i l l e d market which 137 was "both r e g i o n a l and c o n t i n e n t a l i n s c o p e . " The r a i l w a y s developed t r a i n i n g programmes. Between 1900 and 1910 most North American r a i l w a y s i n c l u d i n g the CPR e s t a b l i s h e d schoo ls i n t h e i r own 62 shops where boys were taught r e a d i n g , w r i t i n g and a r i t h m e t i c as a " p r e l i m i n a r y to a s p e c i a l t r a i n i n g i n the d e s i g n i n g , making , and work ing of mach ines . " The work envi ronment , d i s c i p l i n e , theory and p r a c t i c e , wrote Andrew Macpf ra i l , were so thoroughly u n i t e d tha t " the grease of the shop i s l i t e r a l l y rubbed 138 i n t o the l e s s o n s h e e t s . " Though youth were taught how to operate machines, s t r i c t d i s c i p l i n e was'emphasized. "No unnecessary t a l k i n g i s a l l o w e d , no need less i n t e r r u p t i o n s are p e r m i t t e d . Any in f r ingement of t h e . . . r u l e i s 139 pun ishab le by suspension or pay deducted f o r the d u r a t i o n of s u s p e n s i o n . " B.C. E l e c t r i c e s t a b l i s h e d a t e c h n i c a l s c h o o l f o r i t s employees who l e a r n e d how to d e a l w i t h super f i c i sL lp rob lems encountered a t work. A p p a r e n t l y , a t t e n d i n g these c l a s s e s inc reased employees' "knowledge and e f f i c i e n c y . " Work h a b i t s r e c e i v e d most a t t e n t i o n as p r i z e s and " c e r t i f i c a t e s f o r d i l i g e n c e " 14( were awarded to those w i t h good attendance and f o r the " b e s t - k e p t n o t e b o o k . " Many "prominent" companies, recorded the Labour G a z e t t e , p rov ided s p e c i a l courses to t r a i n t h e i r own foremen. I t i s the r e a l i z a t i o n both of the change i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n i n d u s t r y and the n e c e s s i t y of deve lop ing 'key men' tha t i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the enthusiasm w i t h which f o r e m e n t t r a i n i n g , i n one form or another , has been adopted by many of the p r o g r e s s i v e bus iness o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n the country w i t h i n the l a s t t e n y e a r s . For the foreman, the o p p o r t u n i t y f o r t r a i n i n g i s a great one. By a more i n t e l l i g e n t unders tanding of h i s job and by f r i e n d l y c o - o p e r a t i o n w i t h h i s men, he i s b e t t e r a b l e to c o n t r o l both the mechanica l and human equipment of the shop, and f i n d s an i n t e r e s t and p l e a s u r e i n h i s work not p o s s i b l e b e f o r e . To the men, i t means a sympathet ic atmosphere i n which to work and a c e r t a i n i n s p i r a t i o n to do one 1 s ' ;bes t . The management i n r e t u r n f o r i t s expendi ture on t r a i n i n g may p r o f i t from g o o d - s p i r i t e d teamwork, fewer a c c i d e n t s , a lower labour turnover , ' g r e a t e r ou tput , b e t t e r q u a l i t y of work on the p a r t ^ j f both journeymen and a p p r e n t i c e s , and improved workshop management. When employers cou ld not s a t i s f y t h e i r labour needs i n B r i t i s h Co lumbia , 142 they imported both t r a i n e d and u n s k i l l e d men. Bus iness i n t e r e s t s i n c l u d i n g the CMA o c c a s i o n a l l y c a l l e d f o r t e c h n i c a l and u n i v e r s i t y t r a i n i n g to p r o v i d e Canadians w i t h the o p p o r t u n i t e s f o r "exper t j o b s . " But d e s p i t e t h e i r n a t i v i s m , when p r o v i n c i a l employers needed e n g i n e e r s , t e c h n i c i a n s , p lanners 63 143 and managers, they brought them i n from e a s t e r n Canada or the Un i ted S t a t e s . S k i l l e d miners from B r i t a i n developed the p r o v i n c e ' s c o a l mines and the s c i e n t i f i c s t a f f f o r the smel te r at T r a i l were imported from e a s t e r n Canada, America and B r i t a i n . Th is was a l s o the case f o r the paper i n d u s t r y where s k i l l e d workers were imported from the Un i ted S t a t e s . A f t e r 1900 American i n v e s t o r s i n the p r o v i n c e ' s f o r e s t i n d u s t r y brought w i t h them t h e i r manager ia l t a l e n t s . Moreover , Vancouver sh ip b u i l d e r s looked to S e a t t l e f o r s k i l l e d 144 s h i p w r i g h t s , e s p e c i a l l y d u r i n g the F i r s t World War. Vast numbers of u n s k i l l e d c e n t r a l and southern Europeans f i l l e d the dangerous, d i r t y and low 145 pay ing jobs i n the e x t r a c t i v e and c o n s t r u c t i o n i n d u s t r i e s . The p r o v i n c e ' s d i s t a n c e from the A t l a n t i c , e x p l a i n e d John Hobson, hampered European immigrat ion as the "broader stream of f o r e i g n e r s " was "sucked dry i n 1 4 6 t r a n s i t . V Dur ing the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h and e a r l y decades of the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , s k i l l d i l u t i o n and d i s c i p l i n e d work f lowed from mechan iza t ion and the r a t i o n a l i z e d p r o d u c t i o n of i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m as i t took roo t i n B r i t i s h Columbia . To be s u r e , the p rov ince needed some c r a f t s m e n , but t h e i r r e l a t i v e numbers i n the workforce d i m i n i s h e d and businessmen s imply imported t r a i n e d people when they were needed. For the most p a r t , i n d u s t r i a l work r e q u i r e d l a r g e numbers of u n s k i l l e d l a b o u r e r s and demanded new work d i s c i p l i n e s that emphasized p u n c t u a l i t y , r e g u l a r i t y and r e p e t i t i o n . Moreover , work r e l a t i o n s h i p s were h i e r a r c h i c a l and thus e f f i c i e n t co rpora te o r g a n i z a t i o n enhanced management's hegemony over the workp lace . But how d i d the p u b l i c schoo ls respond to the p r o v i n c e ' s i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n ? 64 Footnotes 1. An account of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and i t s impact on work i s j u s t i f i e d because there i s no subs tant i a l economic h i s t o r y of the province . This chapter i s l a rge ly impre s s ion i s t i c and s a c r i f i c e s p r e c i s i o n i n i t s assessment of s p e c i f i c indus t r i e s i n order to develop an overview. 2. Canada, Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , The Canada Year Book, 1905 (Ottawa: King ' s P r i n t e r , 1906): 4 (hereafter c i ted as TCYB). 3. Mart in Robin, The Rush For Spoi l s (Toronto: McClel land and Stewart L imi ted , 1972): 15. 4. R . E . Caves and R .H . Houlton, "An Out l ine of the Economic Hi s tory of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1881-1951," i n H i s t o r i c a l Essays on B r i t i s h Columbia, 152-53. Ed i to r s J . F r ie sen and H.K . Ralston (Toronto: McClel land and Stewart L i m i t e d , 1976). 5. R . C . Harr i s and John Warkentin, Canada Before Confederation (New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1974): 307. 6. A . Ross McCormack, Reformers, Rebels, and Revolut ionar ie s : The Western Canadian Radica l Movement, 1899-1919 (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press , 1977): 3-4. 7. H . K . Ral s ton, "Patterns of Trade and Investment on the P a c i f i c Coast , 1867-1892: The Case of the B r i t i s h Columbia Salmon Canning Indus t ry , " i n H i s t o r i c a l Essays on B r i t i s h Columbia, 167-176. 8. J . J . Deutsch et a l . , Economics of Primary Production i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 6 v o l s . (Vancouver: The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1959), 2: 12- 9. D . J . Paterson, "European F i n a n c i a l C a p i t a l and B r i t i s h Columbia: An Essay on the Role of the Regional Entrepreneur , " BC Studies 21 (Spring 1974): 33-34. 10. I b i d . , 35. 11. J . A . Hobson, Canada To-Day (London: T . F i sher Unwin, 1906): 28. 12. A.C Flummerfelt , "Forest Resources," i n Canada and i t s Provinces . 492. E d i t o r s A . Shortt and S .G . Doughty (Toronto: T . and A . Constable at the Edinburough U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1914), 22: 492; Deutsch et a l . , Economics of Primary Production i n B r i t i s h Columbia , " V i c t o r i a , 1936. (Typewritten): 23. 13. A . C . Flummerfelt , "Forest Resources ," 517; Vancouver Board of Trade, Annual Report, 1901-02 (Vancouver: 1902): 15; A . R . M . Lower, The North American Assualt on the Canadian Forest (Toronto: The Ryerson Press , 1938); 185; D.K. M u l l i n s , "Changes i n Locat ion and Structure i n the Forest Industry of Cent ra l B r i t i s h Columbia: 1909-1966" (M.A. thes i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1967): 122; D.D. A l l a n , "The E f fec t of the Panama Canal on Western Canada" (M.A. thes i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1938); J . C . Lawrence, "Markets and C a p i t a l : A Hi s to ry of the Lumber Industry i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1778-1952" (M.A. thes i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1957): 14, 37, 85-86, 101, and 120-121. 65 Footnotes 14. Lawrence, I b i d . , 8 5 _ 8 6 . 15. Canada, P r i v y C o u n c i l O f f i c e , F o r e i g n Ownership and the S t r u c t u r e of Canadian I n d u s t r y . Report of Task Force on the S t r u c t u r e of Canadian Indust ry (Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1968): 16. 16. Robert A . J . McDonald, " B u s i n e s s Leaders In E a r l y Vancouver, 1886- 1914" (Ph. D. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Co lumbia , 1977): 34. 17. S . Jamieson, Times of T r o u b l e . Labour Unrest and I n d u s t r i a l C o n f l i c t i n Canada. 1900-66 (Ottawa: In fo rmat ion Canada, 1971): 4 0 4 - 0 5 ; and James W. R i n e h a r t , The Tyranny of Work (Don M i l l s : Longman Canada L i m i t e d , 1975) : 39. 18. R a l s t o n , " P a t t e r n s of Trades and Investment on the P a c i f i c C o a s t , 1867-1892: The Case of the B r i t i s h Columbia Salmon Canning I n d u s t r y . " 19. W.G. Hardwick, Geography of the Fo res t Indust rvvof C o a s t a l B r i t i s h Columbia (Vancouver: T a n t a l u s , 1963) : 50 ; and Deutsch et a l . . : E c o n o m i c s of Pr imary P r o d u c t i o n i n B r i t i s h Co lumbia . 2: 1 2 - 2 1 . 20. J . S . Church , " M i n i n g Companies i n the West Kootenay and Boundary Regions of B r i t i s h Co lumbia , 1 8 9 0 - 1 9 0 0 — C a p i t a l Format ion and F i n a n c i a l Opera t ions" (M.A. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Co lumbia , 1961) : 203-05 and v i . 21 . Hardwick, Geography, o f : t h e / F o r e s t o I n d u s t f y " o f C o a s t a l B r i t i s h Co lumbia . 50. 22. TCYB. 1923, 313 and 3 6 3 - 6 4 . 23 . Hardwick , i b i d . , 18 ; and G.W. T a y l o r , Timber H i s t o r y of the F o r e s t Indust ry i n B r i t i s h Columbia (Vancouver: J . J . Douglas , 1975) : 96. 24. I n d u s t r i a l Progress and Commercial Record 5 (June 1917): 309-10 ( h e r e a f t e r c i t e d as IPGR): P a c i f i c Coast Lumberman 6 (January 1922): 68 ^ h e r e a f t e r c i t e d as PCL) : PCL 6 (February 1922): 68 ; and PCL 6 (March 1 9 2 2 ) : 7 4 - 7 5 . 25. TCYB. 1932. 312-15/ The l a t t e r f i g u r e s i n c l u d e the Yukon. 26; IPCR.3 (February 1916) : 1 7 0 - 7 1 . See a l s o Guy Cathcar t P e l t o n , " N e a r l y $ 2 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 Invested i n Manufactur ing I n d u s t r i e s i n Canada," The B r i t i s h Columbia Monthly 6 (March 1919): 1 7 - 1 8 . 27. IPCR 3 ( A p r i l 1916) : 233. 28. TCYB. 1930. 329; TCYB. 1932. 2 5 1 i 5 2 ; and TCYB. 1937. 350. 29. Hardwick, i b i d . , 15 and 18; T a y l o r , i b i d . , 38, 81 , 88 and 96 ; PCL 6 (March 1922) : 60 ; and IPCR 4 (October 1916) : 102. 3 0 / . TCYB. 1905. 102; B r i t i s h Co lumbia , L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly , S e s s i o n a l P a p e r s . Report of the Fo res t Branch of the Department of Lands? 1915 ( V i c t o r i a : K i n g ' s P r i n t e r , 1916) : 14; and B r i t i s h Co lumbia , L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly , S e s s i o n a l P a p e r s . Report of the Fo res t Branch of the Department of Lands , 1 9 3 0 ( V i c t o r i a : K i n g ' s P r i n t e r , 1931) : 2 : 2 6 . 31- TCYB. 1932. 1 7 2 - 7 3 . 66 Footnotes 32. R i n e h a r t , The Tyranny of Work, 3 2 - 5 3 ; and Labour Gazet te 26 z ( A p f i l 1926): 356 (hereaf te r c i t e d LG) . "Concept ion" i s de f ined as mental work or p lann ing and " e x e c u t i o n " i s manual work. 33. K i n g , Indust ry and Humanity. 3 9 - 4 0 . 34. D a i l y C o l o n i s t . 14 J u l y 1917; and J . H . Putman and G.M. W e i r , Survey of the School System ( V i c t o r i a : K i n g ' s P r i n t e r , 1925): 388-89 ( h e r e a f t e r c i t e d PWS). 35. R o b i n , The Rush For S p o i l s . 19. 36. Jamieson, Times of T r o u b l e . 6 2 - 1 5 7 ; and Lower, The North American A s s a u l t on the Canadian F o r e s t . 190. 37. T a y l o r , Timber H i s t o r y of the Fo res t I n d u s t r y . 110; LG 1 ;(1900-01): 175; and Haf.dwick, Geography of the Fo res t Indust ry of C o a s t a l B r i t i s h Co lumbia . 17. 38. Rob in , The Rush For S p o i l s . 18; and H a r r i s and Warkent in , Canada Before C o n f e d e r a t i o n . 297. 39. LG 1 (August 1900-01) : 123. 40. LG 4 ( J u n e - J u l y 1904): 1234-1237. 4 1 . Braverman, Labour and Monopoly C a p i t a l , 239; R i n e h a r t , The Tyranny of Work. 39; and M. D a v i s , "Women's P l a c e i s at the Typewr i te r : The F e m i n i z a t i o n of the C l e r i c a l Labour F o r c e , " R a d i c a l America 8 ( Ju l y -August 1974): 5. 42 . TCYB. 1932. 776. 4 3 . McDonald, "Bus iness Leaders In E a r l y Vancouver, 1886 -1914 , " 9 7 - 1 1 7 . 44. Braverman, Labour and Monopoly C a p i t a l . 298. 4 5 . TCYB. 1939. 777-78 . The c l e r i c a l workers i n the government s e r v i c e were not inc luded i n these f i g u r e s . 46. Canada, Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Census of Canada, 1901 (Ottawa: K i n g ' s P r i n t e r , 1904) , 2: 383 and 386. 47. C a l c u l a t e d from the Census of Canada, 1951 (Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1956), 1 0 : 6 2 - 5 5 and 6 2 - 6 . 48 . D a v i s , "Women's P lace i s at the Typewr i te r : The F e m i n i z a t i o n of the C l e r i c a l Labour F o r c e , " 6. 49 . Ceta Ramkhalawansigh, "Women Dur ing The Great War , " i n Women At Work: O n t a r i o . 1850-1930. 279. ((Canadian Women's E d u c a t i o n a l P r e s s , 19 67 Footnotes 50. Census of Canada. 1951. 10: 6 2 - 5 and 6 2 - 6 ; and lTCYK. 1939. 777-78 . ^ Inc ludes p r o o f r e a d e r s , s h i p p e r s , weighmen, and postmen c l a s s i f i e d elsewhere i n other y e a r s . 51. D a v i s , i b i d . , 8 - 9 . 52. Census of Canada. 1951. 1 0 : 6 2 - 5 . 53. F e d e r a t i o n i s t . 11 September 1914, 2. Organ of the Vancouver Trades and Labour C o u n c i l . 54. F e d e r a t i o n i s t . 5 November 1915, 2. 55. PCL 6 (February 1922): 68. To be s u r e , mechanizat ion made some jobs more p l e a s a n t , e s p e c i a l l y the heavy and d i r t y i n d u s t r i a l j o b s . 56. T a y l o r , Timber H i s t o r y of the F o r e s t I n d u s t r y . 38 and 96; LG 1 (August 1900-01) : 171; and H a r r i s and Warkent in , Canada Before C o n f e d e r a t i o n . 310; and C a r r o t h e r s , " F o r e s t I n d u s t r i e s of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , " 8 2 - 9 4 . 57. T a y l o r , i b i d . , 1 2 7 - 2 9 ; PCL 6 (May 1922): 6 8 - 6 9 ; and Hardwick, Geography of the Fo r es t Indust ry of C o a s t a l B r i t i s h Co lumbia . 30. 58. B r i t i s h Columbia Lumberman 1 (March 1904): 17. S i m i l a r l y , i n hardrock min ing new machinery i n c l u d i n g a i r d r i l l s rendered many o l d s k i l l s unnecessary . See David Jay Bercuson , "Labour R a d i c a l i s m and the Western I n d u s t r i a l F r o n t i e r : 1897 -1919 , " Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review LV I I I (June 1977): 164. 59. IPCR 4 (February 1917) :20 ; and PCL 6 ( A p r i l 1922) : 72. 60 . T a y l o r , i b i d . , 42 . 6 1 . IPCR 4 (February 1917): 200. 62 . TCYB. 1932. 3 1 3 - 1 5 . 63 . Canada, P a r l i a m e n t , Royal Commission on I n d u s t r i a l T r a i n i n g and T e c h n i c a l E d u c a t i o n . 4 v o l s . (Ottawa: K i n g ' s P r i n t e r , 1913), 4:2343 (he rea f te r c i t e d as T e c h n i c a l Educat ion Commission i n tex t and RCITTE i n the f o o t n o t e s . ) For some examples of O n t a r i o ' s exper ience see Gregory S . K e a l e y , " ' The Honest Workingman 1 and Workers ' C o n t r o l : the Exper ience of Toronto S k i l l e d Workers , 1860 - 1892 , " Labour/Le T r a v a i l l e u r 1 (1976) : 3 2 - 6 8 . 64. LG.14 (January 1914): 8 2 0 - 2 1 . 65 . LG 16 (November 1916): 1759. The b u i l d i n g tradesmen are cons idered to be more s k i l l e d than those i n other i n d u s t r i e s i n that they are not s imply u n s k i l l e d workers . On the other hand many tradesmen were not as s k i l l e d as the prev ious genera t ion of c ra f t smen . See Wayne R o b e r t s , " A r t i s a n s , A r i s t o c r a t s and Handymen: P o l i t i c s and Unionism among Toronto S k i l l e d B u i l d i n g Trades Workers, 1896 -1914, " Labour/Le T r a v a i l l e u r 1 (1976): 9 2 - 1 2 1 . 66 . TCYB. 1937. 483. 68 Footnotes 67. Proceedings of the Four th Annual Meet ing of the P a c i f i c Coast A s s o c i a t i o n of Por t A u t h o r i t i e s , 1917, 135. Quote taken from L i n d a H a l e , " S h i p b u i l d i n g In F a l s e Creek And Bur ra rd I n l e t , 1917-1919" (unpubl ished paper , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Co lumbia , 1973): 4. 68. D a i l y C o l o n i s t . 25 February 1921, 4. 69. LG 27 (May 1927): 5 5 4 - 5 5 ; LG 27 (August 1927): 8 8 4 - 8 5 ; LG 27 (November 1927); 1234-35 ; LG 28 (February 1928): 196 -97 ; LG 2-8 (August 1928): 9 0 0 - 0 1 ; and LG (November 1928): 1258-59. 70. TCYB. 1939, 777. Most female p r o f e s s i o n a l s were schoo l t e a c h e r s . 71. LG 4 ( Ju l y 1904), 903. 72. BC E l e c t r i c Employees' Magazine 3 ( Ju l y 1920) : 15. For a d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n of o f f i c e work, see Braverman, Labour and Monopoly C a p i t a l . 319 -46 . 73. D a v i s , "Women's P l a c e i s at the Typewr i te r : The F e m i n i z a t i o n of the C l e r i c a l Labour F o r c e , " 1 8 - 1 9 . Mar jory MacMurchy a l s o made t h i s p o i n t fo r female o f f i c e workers i n Onta r io i n 1920. Mar jory MacMurchy, The Canadian G i r l at Work (Toronto: Thomas Nelson and Sons L t d . , 1920): 19. 74. Leonard Marsh, Canadians In And Out Of Work (Toronto: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1940) : 44 and 83 . Mar jo ry MacMurchy's study of female o f f i c e workers i n Onta r io confirmed that women i n management were " r a r e i n d e e d . " Moreover , i n the l a r g e r o f f i c e s where the d i v i s i o n of labour was g r e a t e s t , there were few o p p o r t u n i t i e s fo r promoting c l e r k s . Mar jory MacMurchy, i b i d . , 18. 75. For a d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s of work i n A m e r i c a , see Braverman, Labour and Monopoly C a p i t a l , e s p e c i a l l y page 430 fo r a d i s c u s s i o n of o p e r a t i v e s . Althou^i there i s no comparable study of work i n B r i t i s h Columbia or Canada, some l o c a l s t u d i e s on c e n t r a l and eas te rn Canada i l l u s t r a t e the changing nature of work and labour fo rce compos i t ion and draw s i m i l a r c o n c l u s i o n s as Braverman's work. See Kealey and W a r r i a n , e d s . , Essays In Canadian Working C l a s s H i s t o r y ; and Bruce S c o t t , " ' A P l a c e i n thef S u n ' : the I n d u s t r i a l C o u n c i l a t M a s s e y - H a r r i s , 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 2 9 , " Labour/Le T r a v a i l l e u r 1 (1976): 158 -92 . 76. B r i t i s h Columbia Lumberman 1 (March 1904): 17. 77. RCITTE. 4 : 2 3 4 3 - 4 4 . 78. B r i t i s h Columbia L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly , S e s s i o n a l Papers Report of the Royal Commission on Labour i n B r i t i s h Columbia ( V i c t o r i a : K i n g ' s . P r i n t e r , 1914), 2 : 2 1 - 2 2 . 79. V i c t o r i a D a i l y Times, 3 A p r i l 1928, 4 ( h e r e a f t e r c i t e d as T imes) . 80. Jamieson , Times of T r o u b l e . 98 ; R i n e h a r t , The Tyranny of Work, 4 0 ; and Donald Avery , " C o n t i n e n t a l European Immigrant Workers i n Canada, 1896- 1919: From ' S t a l w a r t P e a s a n t s ' to R a d i c a l P r o l e t a r i a t . " Canadian Review of S o c i o l o g y and Anthropology 12 (1975) : 57. \ 69 Footnotes 81 . TCYB. 1939. 777. 82. Census of Canada. 1921 (Ottawa: K i n g ' s P r i n t e r , 1929) , 4:318 and 330. 83 . Marv in L a z e r s o n , " C r e a t i n g the P u b l i c S c h o o l s , 1789-1880" (Unpublished paper ) : 8 - 9 ; Braverman, Labour and Monopoly C a p i t a l . 443 -447 ; Thompson, "T ime, W o r k - D i s c i p l i n e , and I n d u s t r i a l C a p i t a l i s m ; " Gutman, "Work, C u l t u r e , and S o c i e t y i n I n d u s t r i a l i z i n g Amer ica , 1 8 1 5 - 1 9 1 9 ; " Raymond W i l l i a m s , C u l t u r e and S o c i e t y . 1780-1950 (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1963): 1 3 - 1 5 ; and David Meak in . Man and Work: L i t e r a t u r e and C u l t u r e i n I n d u s t r i a l S o c i e t y (London: Methuen, 1976) : 37 . Mackenzie K ing s a i d s p e c i a l i z e d or " d e t a i l " workers who understood t h e i r own par t in : p r o d u c t i o n were cons idered s k i l l e d . K i n g , Indust ry and Humanity. 176-77 . 84. Margaret Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: A H i s t o r y (Vancouver: M a c M i l l a n of Canada, 1971) : 316. 85 . I b i d . , 410. 86. BC E l e c t r i c Employees' Magazine 3 (February 1921): 2 - 5 . 87. "Man Along The Shore"" The Story of the Vancouver Water f ront As Told by Longshoremen Themselves. 186Q's -1975 (Vancouver: ILWU L o c a l 500 P e n s i o n e r s , 1975): 4 2 . 88. IPCR, 4 ( J u l y 1916): 32. 89. B .C . Teacher . (May 1929): 16; and B . C . Teacher. (January 1931: 37 (Hereaf ter c i t e d as BCT. 90. R i n e h a r t , The Tyranny of Work. 3 3 - 3 4 . For a d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n of v a r i e t i e s of i n d u s t r i a l democracy, see H. M i t c h e l l , " P r o f i t Shar ing And P r o d u c e r s ' C o - o p e r a t i v e s In Canada," Queen's Q u a r t e r l y 25 (January 1 9 l 8 ) : 299-324. 9 1 . Donald Avery , "Canadian Immigrat ion P o l i c y and the " F o r e i g n ' Navy, 1 8 9 6 - 1 9 1 4 , " Canadian H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , H i s t o r i c a l P a p e r s . 1972. 136. 92. M a r t i n Rob in , "Determinants of R a d i c a l Labour and S o c i a l i s t P o l i t i c s i n E n g l i s h - S p e a k i n g Canada Between 1880 and 1930 , " J o u r n a l of Canadian S tud ies 2 (May 1967): 28. 93 . Ave ry , I b i d . , 1 3 7 - 3 8 ; and Jamieson, Times of T r o u b l e . 69. 94. F.W. Howay, B r i t i s h Co lumbia : the Making of a P r o v i n c e (Toronto, Ryerson P r e s s , 1925): 213. 9 5 . Ave ry , " C o n t i n e n t a l European Workers i n Canada, 1896- 1919: From ' S t a l w a r t P e a s a n t s ' to R a d i c a l P r o l e t a r i a t , " 57. 96 . R o b i n , The Rush For S p o i l s , 45 . 97. Avery , i b i d . 70 Footnotes 98. Lower, The Nor th American A s s a u l t on the Canadian F o r e s t s . 1 9 0 - 9 1 . 99. Avery , i b i d . , 6 0 - 6 3 . 100. PCL, 5 (January 1921): 31 . 101. PCL, 7 ( A p r i l 1923): 46. 102. PCL, 5 (February 1921): 25. 103. Jamieson, Times of T r o u b l e . 109. 104. I b i d . , 1 2 3 - 2 5 . For a d e t a i l e d study of the s t r i k e see , A . J . Wargo, "The Great Coa l S t r i k e : The Vancouver I s land C o a l M i n e r s ' S t r i k e , 1912-14" (B .A . essay , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Co lumbia , 1962). 105. Jamieson, Times of T r o u b l e . 133-143. See a l s o H.K. R a l s t o n , "The 1900 S t r i k e of F r a s e r R i v e r Sockeye Salmon F ishermen" (M.A. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Co lumbia , 1965) . 106. Jamieson, i b i d . , 1 4 3 - 4 7 ; and P . A . P h i l l i p s , No Power G r e a t e r : A Century of Labour Unrest i n B r i t i s h Columbia (Vancouver: B . C . F e d e r a t i o n of Labour Boag Foundat ion , 1967): 5 2 - 5 3 . 107. LG 11 (October 1910): 4 5 1 - 5 2 . C o t t o n ' s Weekly, organ of the S o c i a l Democratic P a r t y of Canada (SDPC), c la imed Wat ts ' scheme was an attempt to " P u l l m a n i z e B r i t i s h Co lumbia . Watts owns the m i l l , h o t e l , g i n m i l l , p o s t - o f f i c e and a l l the shacks that men w i t h f a m i l i e s l i v e i n t h e r e . He i s J u s t i c e of the Peace and h i s son i s c o n s t a b l e . " C o t t o n ' s Weekly 17 November 1910, 5 . 108. ECL 6 (November 1922): 25. 109. IPCR 5 (August 1918): 7 9 - 8 0 . Labour had a d i f f e r e n t po in t of v iew of company towns. L i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s i n the resource camps and company were, fo r the most p a r t , i n t o l e r a b l e . Food was poor and i n s u f f i c i e n t , bunkhouses u n s a n i t a r y and over -c rowded, and l i f e was a " d u l l , monotonous, l abour ious g r i n d " because men were denied the " j o y s , p leasures or conveniences of c i v i l i z a t i o n . " In the company towns employers owned the homes and s t o r e s and workers ' wages were f u n n e l l e d back to management i n the form of h i g h p r i c e s and r e n t s . F r e q u e n t l y workers and t h e i r f a m i l i e s could not a f f o r d the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n cos ts to escape t h e i r l o t . T h e r e f o r e , some were forced to remain and others r i s k e d arduous over land t r e k s or t recherous r a f t t r i p s down i c y mountain r i v e r s to " c i v i l i z a t i o n , " F e d e r a t i o n i s t . 4 November 1911, 1 ; F e d e r a t i o n i s t . 30 March 1917, 4 ; pe rsona l remin iscence of John Sidway, Mac lnn is\ Papers , B 53, F 14; and Bercuson , "Labour R a d i c a l i s m and the Western I n d u s t r i a l F r o n t i e r : 1897 -1919 , " 1 6 6 - 6 7 . 110. IPCR 4 ( J u l y 1916): 3 1 - 3 2 . 111. Western Lumberman 16 (December 1919): 23. 112. Canada, P a r l i a m e n t , Report of the Royal Commission to Enqui re i n t o I n d u s t r i a l R e l a t i o n s i n Canada (Ottawa: K i n g ' s P r i n t e r , 1919): 4 , 5 and 14. 71 Footnotes 113. The T ransac t ions of the Canadian Min ing I n s t i t u t e . 1919 22 (1919): 482 -500 . 114. Bercuson, " I n t r o d u c t i o n , " i n Indust ry and Humanity, x - x i . 115. K i n g , Indust ry and Humanity. 40 . 116. I b i d . , 186. 117. I b i d . , 176-195. 118. Bercuson , I b i d . , x x i i i - x x i v . 119. Rev. James C a r r u t h e r s , "The R e l a t i o n of the Church to C a p i t a l and L a b o u r , " The B r i t i s h Columbia Monthly 14 (November 1918): 2 4 - 2 6 . 120. LG 27 (October 1927): 1061-1062. 121. P . E . Roy, "The B r i t i s h Columbia E l e c t r i c RailwayyCompany, 1897- 1928: A B r i t i s h Company In B r i t i s h Columbia" (Ph. D. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Co lumbia , 1970): 266-270 a n d , 2 9 2 - 2 9 3 . Labour c r i t i c i z e d p r o f i t - s h a r i n g as a s u b t l e form of c o n t r o l over workers to i n c r e a s e p r o d u c t i o n . The F e d e r a t i o n i s t c laimed i t was " o n l y another of the red h e r r i n g s which are c o n t i n u a l l y being passed under theenose of the worker to lead him away from h a b i t s of thought wich might prove i n i m i c a l to the economic i n t e r e s t s of employers . " F e d e r a t i o n i s t . 8 May 1914, 4 . See a l s o C o t t o n ' s Weekly . 13 October 1910, 4. 122. Western Lumberman 16 (December 1919): 25. 123. LG 30 (February 1930): 1 5 4 - 5 5 . For d e t a i l e d data on the company's w e l f a r e schemes, see LG 27 (November 1927): 1177; LG 27 ( Ju l y 1927): 744; LG 27 (January 1927): 6 3 ; and LG 26 (March 1926): 236. See a l s o , S tan ley S c o t t , "A P r o f u s i o n of I s sues : Immigrant Labour , the World War, and the Comlnco S t r i k e of 1917 , " Labour/Le T r a v a i l l e u r 2 (1977): 5 4 - 7 8 . 124. PCL 5 (February 1921): 47. 125. Western Lumberman 16 (December 1919): 29. 126. F e d e r a t i o n i s t . 3 (October 1914, 1. 127. LG 27 (August 19s7) : 8 5 4 . . See a l s o LG 26 ( Ju l y 1926): 668. 128. Jamieson, Times of T r o u b l e . 1 9 4 - 9 5 ; and R i n e h a r t , The Tyranny of Work. 48 . 129. LG 27 (June 1927): 532. 130. D a i l y C o l o n i s t . 6 February 1918, 7. 131. Haro ld Fab ian U n d e r h i l l , "Labour L e g i s l a t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia" (Ph.. D. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a , 1936): 172; and Census of Canada. 1951. 1 0 : 6 2 - 6 6 . 1 3 2 . Census of Canada. 1921. 4 : 8 2 6 ; and D a i l y C o l o n i s t . 10 June 1 9 2 0 , , 5 . 72 Footnotes 133. V o c a t i o n a l Educat ion 19 (March 1927): 13. 134. LG 22 (September 1922): 990. 135. LG 27 (December 1927): 1318-1319. Moreover , the s a f e t y d i r e c t o r of the B . C . Loggers ' A s s o c i a t i o n repor ted that s a f t e y programmes were l a r g e l y a form of " e n t e r t a i n m e n t " fo r the men. 136. LG 26 (February 1926): 139. 137. Deutsch et a l . , Economics o f Pr imary P r o d u c t i o n i n B r i t i s h Co lumbia . 2 : 4 2 ; and McCormack, "The I n d u s t r i a l Workers of the World i n Western Canada: 1 9 0 5 - 1 4 , " Canadian H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , H i s t o r i c a l Papers . 1975. 171. 138. Andrew M a c p h a i l , Essays In F a l l a c y (London: Longmans, Green and C o . , 1910) : 177 -79 . Canada, P a r l i a m e n t , P a r l i a m e n t a r y Debates (Commons), CXXXVI (1919) : 3182. 139. LG 26 ( A p r i l 1926): 356; LG 26 (December 1926) : 1203; and V o c a t i o n a l Educat ion 16 (June 1926): 16. 140. BC E l e c t r i c Employees' Magazine 1 (October 1918): 6 ; i b i d . , 2 (August 1919): 15; and i b i d . , 3 (October 1920): 30. 141. LG 30 (February 1930): 167. 142. McCormack, i b i d . ; and Times. 5 May 1921, 4 . 143. H a r r i s , " L o c a t i n g the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , " BC S tud ies 32 (Winter 1976-77) : 112-120; LG 6 (October 1905): 44 ; and IPCR 4 (January 1917): 1 7 3 - 7 . 144. Ormsby, B r i t i s h Co lumbia : A H i s t o r y . 127; T imes. 14 J u l y 1917, 7; P r o v i n c e . 14 January 1927, 6 ; Hardwick, Geography of the F o r e s t Indust ry of C o a s t a l B r i t i s h Co lumbia . 14; and IPCR 4 (December 1918): 152. 145. Avery , " C o n t i n e n t a l European Immigrant Workers i n Canada, 1896-1919: From ' S t a l w a r t P e a s a n t s ' to R a d i c a l P r o l e t a r i a t , " and "Canadian Immigrat ion P o l i c y and the ' F o r e i g n ' Navy, 1896 -1914 . " 146. Hobson, Canada To-Dav. 33. Chapter 3 The R ise 0f Mass P u b l i c Schoo l ing In B r i t i s h Co lumbia , 1900-1929 The r i s e of v o c a t i o n a l educat ion i n B r i t i s h Columbia between 1900 and 1929 can best be understood as par t of a l a r g e r r e o r i e n t a t i o n of the p u b l i c schools to he lp mediate economic and s o c i a l d i s o r d e r accompanying i n d u s t r i a l growth and u r b a n i z a t i o n . Th is chapter forms v o c a t i o n a l i s m ' s e d u c a t i o n a l c o n t e x t . I t focuses on the s t a t e of p u b l i c s c h o o l i n g dur ing the e a r l y 1900s, then argues that d u r i n g t h i r t y years of e d u c a t i o n a l developments reformers t r i e d to c reate an e f f i c i e n t schoo l system which would equip youth fo r c i t i z e n s h i p i n an i n c r e a s i n g l y complex s o c i e t y . ^ I As B r i t i s h Columbia i n d u s t r i a l i z e d a f t e r the CPR's a r r i v a l i n 1886, conserva t i ve B r i t i s h Columbians thought the s o c i a l f a b r i c was t e a r i n g apart under the weight of r a c i a l r i o t s , r a d i c a l p o l i t i c s , h i g h l y v i s i b l e pover t y , and dramat ic c o n f l i c t s between c a p i t a l and labour . The p r o v i n c i a l government's p o l i c y of a t t r a c t i n g c a p i t a l through land concess ions and l i b e r a l r o y a l t y laws promoted r a p i d and almost u n r e s t r i c t e d resource development. Businessmen acknowledged that ' " ' the mining laws of B r i t i s h Columbia are very l i b e r a l i n t h e i r nature and compare favourab ly w i t h 2 those of any other par t of the w o r l d . " Whi le ent repreneurs became prosperous , i t was not a p r o s p e r i t y shared by most workers . I n s t e a d , the labour ing c l a s s bore the cost of economic expansion as workers o f t e n coped w i t h severeddepress ion , s p i r a l i n g i n f l a t i o n , , ch ron ic unemployment, unsafe work, poor housing and cheap O r i e n t a l l a b o u r . B r i t i s h Columbia was f e r t i l e ground fo r r a d i c a l p o l i t i c s , and by the 73 74 t w e n t i e t h century an a r t i c u l a t e and m i l i t a n t labour movement emerged under the guidance of B r i t i s h and American s o c i a l i s t s . 1 ^ Workers reacted to u n f a i r job c o m p e t i t i o n and harsh working c o n d i t i o n s by s t a g i n g a n t i - O r i e n t a l r i o t s and p r o t r a c t e d s t r i k e s r e s u l t i n g i n widespread v i o l e n c e and ex tens i ve p roper ty damage. Moreover, a s y n d i c a l i s t cha l lenge to the e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l es tab l i shment culminated i n 1919 w i t h the " r e v o l u t i o n a r y " u p r i s i n g i n Western Canada?.^ The p r o v i n c e ' s wealthy p r o p e r t i e d c l a s s feared d i s s e n t as they exper ienced the c o u n t r y ' s most r a d i c a l p o l i t i c s and s t r i k e - p r o n e workers between 1890 and 1920. Genera l s t r i k e s abroad, the Russ ian R e v o l u t i o n and the a s s a s s i n a t i o n of s i x heads of s t a t e most ly by a n a r c h i s t s i n the twenty years p r i o r to 1914 fue led t h e i r f e a r s . ^ As par t of a c o l l e c t i v e response to the cha l lenges of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and urban growth, s o c i a l re formers from the ranks of prominent bus iness and p o l i t i c a l c i r c l e s , formed community s e r v i c e groups, p a r t l y out of f e a r , vested i n t e S e s t and C h r i s t i a n h u m a n i t a r i a n i s m . ^ Reformers t r i e d to a m e l i o r a t e severe s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s of working men and t h e i r f a m i l i e s and b r i n g order to the community threatened by the spread of moral decay, u n s a n i t a r y c o n d i t i o n s and c l a s s h a t r e d . They promoted c i t y b e a u t i f i c a t i o n , m u n i c i p a l re fo rms , F resh A i r Funds, p u b l i c h e a l t h measures and labour l e g i s l a t i o n to p r o t e c t working women and c h i l d r e n from the excesses of the 8 i n d u s t r i a l workp lace . TheCG'iwic Improvement League, fo r i n s t a n c e , of which Robertson of the Macdonald Movement was an i n f l u e n c i a l member, organized " i n each community those s o c i a l fo rces which make fo r e f f i c i e n t Canadian c i t i z e n s h i p . ^ In 1915 the Department of Labour concluded that " i n d u s t r i a l e f f i c i e n c y " depended upon whether workers laboured and l i v e d under "wholesome c o n d i t i o n s , " or under c i rcumstances which depressed t h e i r " p h y s i c a l v i t a l i t y " and l e f t them " l e s s s a t i s f i e d as c i t i z e n s and l e s s u s e f u l as members of the r a c e . " Governments a l s o responded to s o c i a l p r o t e s t and d i s l o c a t i o n . The prov ince d ispatched the m i l i t i a s e v e r a l t imes to impose i n d u s t r i a l peace and s o c i a l harmony, but i t a l s o passed some labour l e g i s l a t i o n r r e g u l a t i n g hours of work, s a f e t y standards and e s t a b l i s h e d the Workmen's Compensation Board i n 1916. To be sureiji the r e g u l a t i o n s and t h e i r enforcement were min imal i n a prov ince dominated by success i ve bus iness governments.''""'" M u n i c i p a l governments supp l ied sewage and water s e r v i c e s , and the f e d e r a l government r e g u l a t e d immigrat ion and passed the 1907 I n d u s t r i a l D isputes 12 I n v e s t i g a t i o n Act p r o v i d i n g compulsory i n v e s t i g a t i o n of labour t r o u b l e s . Many hoped these measures would f o s t e r s o c i a l cohes ion and s t a b i l i t y and make the prov ince more a t t r a c t i v e fo r i n v e s t o r s and s e t t l e r s . The 1919 p r o v i n c i a l Royal Commission s tudy ing the mer i t s of h e a l t h i n s u r a n c e , mothers ' pens ions , m a t e r n i t y b e n e f i t s and p u b l i c h e a l t h n u r s i n g r e f l e c t e d the governing c l a s s ' s a n x i e t y over s o c i a l u n r e s t . A l though never p u b l i s h e d , the r e p o r t ' s authors thought insured medica l and suppor t ing s e r v i c e s promoted s o c i a l order by undermining r a d i c a l p o l i t i c s and by p revent ing pauper ism, v i c e and c r i m e . " S o c i e y , " c la imed the commiss ioners , "would tend to be s t a b i l i z e d and p r o s p e r i t y and w e l l - b e i n g would be encourag S i m i l a r l y , e d u c a t i o n a l re formers c o n s i s t i n g of p o l i t i c i a n s , schoo l a d m i n i s t r a t o r s and t e a c h e r s , advocated that mass p u b l i c s c h o o l i n g was the answer to s o c i a l d i s o r d e r . They wanted schools to accept g reate r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y fo r s o c i a l i z i n g c h i l d r e n because i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n apparent l y weakened t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n c l u d i n g the f a m i l y , church and a p p r e n t i c e s h i p which fo rmer ly t r a n s m i t t e d values"? knowledge and work s k i l l s . S o c i e t y r e q u i r e d more r e l e v a n t schools and, w h i l e adopt ing a l a i s s e z - f a i r e approach to the marketp lace , the p r o v i n c e ' s a t t i t u d e toward educat ion moved 76 i n the oppos i te d i r e c t i o n , assuming a p o s i t i v e r o l e to encourage p u b l i c s c h o o l i n g . The emerging educat ion system aimed to prepare d i s c i p l i n e d , obedient and o r d e r l y youth fo r s o c i a l l y e f f i c i e n t c i t i z e n s h i p . E f f i c i e n c y was the watchword of e a r l y twent ie th century schoo l reformers i n B r i t i s h Columbia who "endeavoured to f i t p u p i l s fo r the d u t i e s which they were to d i scharge when they entered upon the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of c i t i z e n s h i p . " ' ' " ^ Educators b e l i e v e d the p u b l i c schoo l was the most potent i n s t i t u t i o n fo r p r e s e r v i n g the s o c i a l f a b r i c . They cons idered i t s d a i l y impress ions "upon the minds and s o u l s " of c h i l d r e n as l i f e - l o n g and c e n t r a l to b u i l d i n g c h a r a c t e r . Educat ion had to be " e f f i c i e n t p r a c t i c a l t r a i n i n g , " t u r n i n g out " p r a c t i c a l men and women, prepared to g r a p p l e " w i t h l i f e ' s 1 ft d i f f i c u l t i e s . With these goa ls e s t a b l i s h e d , p u b l i c educat ion r e q u i r e d modern s c h o o l s , punc tua l and r e g u l a r a t tendance , and f i n e t e a c h e r s . I I Dur ing the f i r s t few years of the 1900s, however, many schools were u n s u i t a b l e and crowded, attendance was low and i r r e g u l a r , and teachers were o f t e n unt ra ined and incompetent . These d i f f i c u l t i e s were worst i n the r u r a l d i s t r i c t s where h a l f the p o p u l a t i o n l i v e d i n 1900. The p u b l i c educat ion system could not handle r a p i d growth. In 1891 B r i t i s h Columbia had 98,173 peop le , w i t h 60,945 r u r a l d w e l l e r s , 37,228 cons idered urban, and on ly three inco rpora ted c o m m u n i t i e s . ^ The 1898 K lond ike gold rush generated massive B r i t i s h i m m i g r a t i o n , ex tens i ve r e a l e s t a t e s p e c u l a t i o n , unprecedented b u i l d i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n , expanding communication l i n k s , and increased resource e x p l o i t a t i o n . Great exc i tement , p r o s p e r i t y and opt imism fo l lowed gold f e v e r . Vancouver 's Hundred Thousand Club b e l i e v e d t h e i r c i t y ' s p o p u l a t i o n would reach that f i g u r e by 1911 and a h a l f m i l l i o n dur ing 1917; P r i n c e George c la imed i t would become the " r a i l w a y hub of i n l a n d B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ; " and Kamloops 18 a d v e r t i s e d as " the Los Angeles of Canada." By 1901 the prov ince took on an urban complexion w i t h 90,179 out of 178,657 people l i v i n g i n twenty -n ine inco rpora ted p laces emerging as important commerc ia l , t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and resource e n t r e p o t s . In the f o l l o w i n g decade the= p o p u l a t i o n sharp l y increased by 213,823 to 392,480, and was 6§4,263 by 1931. Even more s t r i k i n g was the phenomenal growth of Vancouver, where 13,709 people res ided i n 1891. A decade l a t e r , w i t h 29.432 c i t i z e n s , i t surpassed V i c t o r i a as the most populous c e n t r e . Vancouver 's p o p u l a t i o n mushroomed, 19 reach ing 120,847 by 1911, and then more than doub l ing i n 1931. As s e t t l e r s concentrated i n urban pockets , p r o v i d i n g adequate f a c i l i t i e s became a v i t a l concern . The 1891 P u b l i c School Act au thor i zed m u n i c i p a l c o r p o r a t i o n s to tax p roper ty for e d u c a t i o n a l purposes , i n c l u d i n g schoo l c o n s t r u c t i o n , f u r n i t u r e , r e p a i r s and a l l other i n c i d e n t a l expenses incu r red 20 by c i t y t r u s t e e s . Th is p S l i c y , however, d i d not r e s u l t i n s u f f i c i e n t accommodation. Before 1905, the p r o v i n c i a l government a ided schoo l d i s t r i c t s a c c o r d i n g to the average a t tendance . Th is induced some d i s t r i c t s to employ fewer teachers who were p laced i n charge of a la rge number of p u p i l s . The f a c t that overcrowding p u p i l s i n some urban schools was a source of revenue f o r c i t y c o u n c i l s alarmed Alexander Robinson, a Super intendent of E d u c a t i o n . Nana<imo was a case i n p o i n t . The a c t u a l d a i l y attendance d u r i n g the past year was 8 6 2 , 0 3 , The P r o v i n c i a l a l lowance , on the b a s i s of a per c a p i t a grant of $15, t h e r e f o r e , amounts to $ 1 2 , 9 3 0 , 4 5 . The s a l a r i e s of the seventeen teachfreachers employed i n the p u b l i c schools of that c i t y , . . . w i l l amount, d u r i n g the year , to the sum of $11 ,250 . In other words, a f t e r paying the s a l a r i e s of a l l the teachers employed, the C i t y C o u n c i l of Nanaimo w i l l have on hand a su rp lus of $1 ,410 .45 from the per c a p i t a grant alone.*^1 Nanaimo's graded classrooms averaged 76 students i n 1900-01 , a l though the average a c t u a l d a i l y attendance was 51. P r o v i n c i a l l y graded c l a s s e s averaged over 57 c h i l d r e n per teacher w h i l e the average a c t u a l d a i l y 22 attendance was 39. I n t o l e r a b l e c o n d i t i o n s were a l s o ev ident i n V i c t o r i a where the C i t y Super intendent of S c h o o l s , F . H . Ea to n , repor ted that " i n the Nor th Ward, an ove r f low c l a s s occupies a s m a l l room which was not o r i g i n a l l y intended as a c l a s s - r o o m , and which i s who l l y u n s u i t a b l e fo r the pu rpose . " - The f i ve - roomed b u i l d i n g i n V i c t o r i a West has been fo r some years supplemented by a rented Sunday School room, and t h i s year another room, poor l y v e n t i l a t e d and l i g h t e d , and yet the on ly one a v a i l a b l e , has been h i r e d f o r the seventh d i v i s i o n . The need of a new s c h o o l - 9 o house i n t h i s par t of the c i t y i s most urgent . J A n t i c i p a t i n g an i n f l u x of c h i l d r e n , the Vancouver School Board b u i l t two new schools i n 1900. E x t e n s i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n cont inued but by 1905 the schools remained ove rc rowded .^ 4 Between 1891 and 1901 enrolment i n the p r o v i n c i a l schools inc reased from 9,260 to 2 3 , 6 1 5 , a l though the p o t e n t i a l schoo l age p o p u l a t i o n , those f i v e to n ineteen years of age, was 22,418 and 38,757 r e s p e c t i v e l y . In other words 427o of the schoo l age p o p u l a t i o n rece i ved some educat ion i n 1891 w h i l e 637o were i n schoo l i n 1901. High schoo l attendance numbered on ly 584, compared w i t h 23,031 i n elementary schoo l i n 1901. Only a s m a l l f r a c t i o n of c h i l d r e n over fou r teen remained i n s c h o o l , but 23,031 out of 2 6 , 8 9 5 , between f i v e and fou r teen a t tended , making elementary 25 educat ion almost u n i v e r s a l . E lementary s c h o o l i n g was f ree and most parents agreed that i t was d e s i r a b l e . On the other hand, who attended h igh schools and the impact of h igh schoo lafees l e v i e d at t r u s t e e s ' d i s c r e t i o n i s not c l e a r . David Tyack suggests that before American h igh sehools became mass i n s t i t u t i o n s they a t t r a c t e d those from the upper middle c l a s s and those "whose parents 79 were w i l l i n g to forego h i s or her l a b o u r . " A l s o , many p a r e n t s , businessmen 2 6 and workers saw l i t t l e v o c a t i o n a l re levance i n the h igh s c h o o l . Most c h i l d r e n got at l e a s t some s c h o o l i n g , but i r r e g u l a r attendance and inadequate l y enforced schoo l laws t roub led e d u c a t o r s . The 1901 P u b l i c School Act made s c h o o l i n g fo r c h i l d r e n seven to four teen i n c l u s i v e compulsory i f they r e s i d e d i n a c i t y d i s t r i c t . Of those a t t e n d i n g i n 1900-01 l e s s than t w o - t h i r d s showed up d a i l y compared w i t h 71% ten years l a t e r . The 1911 census r e v e a l s that a quar te r of the c h i l d r e n seven to 27 four teen s t i l l attended no s c h o o l . Thus many parents w i l l i n g l y sent t h e i r c h i l d r e n to s c h o o l , but i n c r e a s i n g l y a t t e n t i o n centred on the " d e v i a n t m i n o r i t y " who f a i l e d to a t t e n d , and who were accord ing to e d u c a t o r s , the very ones needing the d i s c i p l i n a r y i n f l u e n c e of the s c h o o l . Vancouver 's schoo l board i n p a r t i c u l a r c o n t i n u a l l y pressed fo r e f f i c i e n t means to ensure compulsory a t tendance . I t ordered teachers to r e p o r t a l l absentees to the p r i n c i p a l so that the m u n i c i p a l tBuant o f f i c e r could i n v e s t i g a t e absenteeism. " F a i l i n g to do so any teacher" was " l i a b l e to suspension by the Board and fo r a second o f fence 28 d i s m i s s e d . " Fur thermore, the t r u s t e e s au thor i zed the attendance o f f i c e r to p rosecute ' a l l parents of t ruant c h i l d r e n . H i s tj.gb was d i f f i c u l t because many parents were anxious to have t h e i r c h i l d r e n work ing ; youths from a d j o i n i n g m u n i c i p a l i t i e s e i t h e r working or v i s i t i n g i n Vancouver were beyond the t ruant o f f i c e r ' s c o n t r o l ; and i n c r e a s i n g j u v e n i l e de l inquency 29 accompanying urban growth compl icated the problem. In any event , g i ven the p o p u l a t i o n pressures on s c h o o l s , c lassrooms would have become i n t o l e r a b l y overcrowded i f compulsory educat ion laws were s t r i c t l y e n f o r c e d . Moreover, there were not enough t r a i n e d and exper ienced teachers to f i l l the expanding schoo l system. P r i o r to 1901 teachers educated i n B r i t a i n or e a s t e r n Canada f i l l e d many v a c a n c i e s , a l though i t was d i f f i c u l t to 80 secure a steady supp ly . Harry Dunne l l of the Manual T r a i n i n g School s a i d the great demand fo r B r i t i s h teachers i n e a s t e r n Canada made i t 30 d i f f i c u l t to procure enough fo r the west . In Vancouver and V i c t o r i a , those wanting to become teachers o f t e n t r a i n e d as mon i to rs . High schoo l i n s t r u c t i o n was t e a c h e r s ' t r a i n i n g i n e a r l y B r i t i s h Co lumbia , and as long as they were at l e a s t s i x t e e n they could teach a f t e r a w r i t t e n departmenta l examinat ion . I f teachers mainta ined order i n the c lass room, taught from the au thor i zed t e x t s , and towed the l i n e set down by a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , t h e i r p o s i t i o n s were q u i t e secure . Graded schools i n l a r g e r communities a t t r a c t e d the most competent i n s t r u c t o r s . At the c l o s e of the 1905-1906 schoo l yea r , W.P. Argue, C i t y Super intendent of Vancouver S c h o o l s , c la imed 120 r e g u l a r teachers were employed by the Board , 13 be ing i n the High School and 107 i n the P u b l i c S c h o o l . These teachers held c e r t i f i c a t e s as f o l l o w s : Degree i n A r t s , 28; Academic C e r t i f i c a t e , 3: F i r s t C l a s s C e r t i f i c a t e , 34; Second C l a s s C e r t i f i c a t e , 54; Th i rd C l a s s C e r t i f i c a t e , 1. S p e c i a l i n s t r u c t o r s were employed as f o l l o w s : Manual T r a i n i n g , 3 ; Domestic S c i e n c e , 1; Superv isor of D r i l l , 1; Superv i so r of M u s i c , 1; Superv i so r of Drawing, 1. F i f t y - f o u r percent of the r e g u l a r teachers he ld f i r s t c l a s s or h igher c e r t i f i c a t e s . - ^ C i t y t e a c h e r s , however, o f t e n used teach ing as a s t e p p i n g - s t o n e to p e r s o n a l advancement. Inspector Stewart i n d i c a t e d that men who graduated from h igh schoo l and obta ined a t h i r d c l a s s c e r t i f i c a t e f r e q u e n t l y taught fo r a short per iod i n order to earn some money and then moved to anoother j o b . - ^ E d u c a t i o n a l problems were more acute i n r u r a l schools a long t r a n s p o r t a t i o n routes s t r i k i n g i n t o the p r o v i n c e ' s vast i n t e r i o r . F r o n t i e r s o c i e t y p laced a low premium on formal educat ion though the r u r a l schoo l house was o f t e n the centre of community a c t i v i t i e s . Here the r e s i d e n t s took par t i n s p e l l i n g bees , r e l i g i o u s s e r v i c e s , temperance meet ings , and p o l i t i c a l events . The l o c a l t r u s t e e s determined the q u a l i t y of educat ion by the amount of money they spent on schools and t e a c h e r s . But for many 81 t r u s t e e s keeping costs to a bare minimum was t h e i r main o b j e c t i v e . Consequent ly , c h i l d r e n and teachers s u f f e r e d under miserab le c o n d i t i o n s i n rough hewn, uncomfortable s c h o o l s , though f a m i l y d w e l l i n g s i n the resource towns were o f t e n not much b e t t e r . In many cases the schoo l c o n s i s t e d of " f o u r log w a l l s and a r o o f , poor l y l i g h t e d , poor l y v e n t i l a t e d , and almost u n i n h a b i t a b l e i n w i n t e r . . . . " W i l l i a m Burns , i n s p e c t o r i n the Ne lson d i s t r i c t g r a p h i c a l l y wrote: The v e n t i l a t i n g of many b u i l d i n g s i s a d i f f i c u l t •  problem to so lve i n t h i s upper count ry . In w in te r the n e c e s s i t y fo r warmth becomes c l o s e and unheal thy , as no means of v e n t i l a t i o n had been p r o v i d e d , e except by open doors and w i n d o w s . . . . R o o m s . . . a t some s c h o o l s . . . h a d not been scrubbed out fo r more than a year , and others were l i t t e r e d w i t h r u b b i s h that had been a l lowed to accumulate . He s t r e s s e d to the t i g h t - f i s t e d t r u s t e e s that the schoo l environment should be b r i g h t and c h e e r f u l because such c o n s i d e r a t i o n s had important "mora l v a l u e . " Inspector Stewart lamented that the p r e v a i l i n g t e n d e n c y . . . on the par t of r u r a l t r u s t e e s i s to look to the Department of Educat ion to put i n a window-pane, to put a s h i n g l e on the roof i f i t l e a k s , to r e p a i r a door i f i t hangs drunkenly on one h inge , and to mend the fence i f the top r a i l has broken or f a l l e n ; i n s h o r t , to do noth ing which cos ts an e f f o r t i n money or energy. The rhythms of nature and a f l u c t u a t i n g economy regu la ted attendance i n many country s c h o o l s . In r u r a l areas w i t h w i d e l y s c a t t e r e d s e t t l e m e n t s , attendance was very low d u r i n g severe weather, e s p e c i a l l y d u r i n g the w i n t e r , at In the nor thern par t of the p r o v i n c e , where d a y l i g h t came l a t e and went e a r l y , the schools s t a r t e d work at 9 :30 from November to March. A l s o , schools opened, c losed and reopened i n un ison w i t h a c t i v i t y i n the mines, m i l l s and r a i l w a y c o n s t r u c t i o n . Th is po in t was b e a u t i f u l l y i l l u s t r a t e d i n 1925 by i n s p e c t o r P . H . S h e f f i e l d i n re fe rence to the Kootenays. Due to the very nature of the Kootenay count ry , many schools are opened that cannot be permanent. The mining or lumber camp i s u s u a l l y the nucleus around which the set t lement grows. Employees i n these i n d u s t r i e s b r i n g i n t h e i r f a m i l i e s and a schoo l i s e s t a b l i s h e d . In some cases when the t imber has a l l been c u t , or when the mine has f a i l e d to f u l f i l i t s o r i g i n a l promise, the p o p u l a t i o n moves on, l e a v i n g the schoo l as one of the monuments to past a c t i v i t y . In o t h e r s , the mine becomes a steady producer , and i n d i s t r i c t s favourab le to a g r i c u l t u r e farms are located where the f o r e s t onee s tood , and the l i t t l e schoo l 17 cont inues to f i l l i t s m i s s i o n or to grow as the set t lement grows. Teachers , and to a g reater extent p a r e n t s , a f f e c t e d a t tendance . F r e q u e n t l y schools c losed because teachers f a i l e d to show up or complete the year . Many parents lacked i n t e r e s t i n educat ion and re fused to pay schoo l taxes or abandoned t h e i r homesteads. One Okanagan i n s p e c t o r sa id that i n s m a l l d i s t r i c t s parents o f t e n withdrew t h e i r c h i l d r e n i n hope 39 that the schoo l would c l o s e . Moreover, parents o f t e n needed t h e i r c h i l d r e n j s he lp because of scarce labour s u p p l i e s i n r u r a l a r e a s . 4 ^ A poor c u r r i c u l u m a l s o hampered at tendance . The course of study i n ungraded r u r a l schools u s u a l l y bore l i t t l e semblance to the uni form one p r e s c r i b e d i n the c i t i e s and towns. Many teachers exper ienced c o n s i d e r a b l e d i f f i c u l t l y s e c u r i n g t e x t s and made do w i t h a v a i l a b l e m a t e r i a l s . Readers were o f t e n too advanced fo r many c h i l d r e n . Standards and t e x t s d i f f e r e d from d i s t r i c t to d i s t r i c t and some sub jec ts went u n t a u g h t , 4 ^ In the mining s e c t o r s of the prov ince exp la ined Inspector W i l l i a m Burns , there i s a constant s h i f t i n g o f p p u p i l s from ;one mining camp to another . Unless grad ing i n the v a r i o u s schools i s s i m i l a r , t ime must be l o s t by these p u p i l s , and t r o u b l e or annoyance g iven to the t e a c h e r s . I have f r e q u e n t l y found that the work r e q u i r e d fo r promotion d i f f e r s m a t e r i a l l y i n the s c h o o l s , . . . e s p e c i a l l y i n the sub jec ts of a r i t h m e t i c , grammar, compos i t ion and geography . 4 ^ The h igh teacher turnover was a f u r t h e r " s e r i o u s detr iment and d e t e r r e n t to the progress of the c h i l d r e n " because the " c o n t i n u i t y and sequence of schoo l s t u d i e s " were broken . For the most par t teachers w i t h the poorest q u a l i f i c a t i o n s ended up i n the s m a l l d i s t r i c t s , and l o c a l t r u s t e e s seldom s c r u t i n i z e d the c a n d i d a t e s ' c r e d e n t i a l s . One i n s p e c t o r desc r ibed h i r i n g teachers as " a mere l o t t e r y " and sometimes teachers were engaged " through the i n f l u e n c e of f r i e n d s " or because they l i v e d i n the d i s t r i c t . 4 4 Not s u r p r i s i n g l y 83 many r u r a l teachers were young, i n e x p e r i e n c e d , unt ra ined and on ly remained i n the country u n t i l openings^ i n the c i t i e s or b e t t e r jobs became a v a i l a b l e . 4 " * Teaching i n the r u r a l schools was u s u a l l y a shor t term and tenuous p r o p o s i t i o n . Pay was low and t r u s t e e i n t e r f e r e n c e h i g h . Alexander Robinson repor ted that a t e a c h e r ' s monthly s a l a r y was " l e s s than the wage of the h i r e d farm hand, a l though the teacher/ was compelled i n a d d i t i o n to pay h i s board from h i s miserab le monthly p i t t a n c e , w h i l e the farm hand's wage inc luded board as w e l l . " 4 ^ Fur thermore , teachers sometimes found themselves caught between the wishes of i n s p e c t o r s and parents over how and what should be taught , and about matters concern ing schoo l o r g a n i z a t i o n . 4 ^ The i r tenure was p e r i o d i c a l l y cut short over community squabbles . Inspector Stewart was p a r t i c u l a r l y i n s t r u c t i v e about teacher d i s m i s s a l s . G e n e r a l l y i t has noth ing to do w i t h c h a r a c t e r , s c h o l a r s h i p , or a b i l i t y to teach and c o n t r o l the s c h o o l . Too o f t e n i t i s the r e s u l t of l o c a l f a c t i o n f i g h t s . Sometimes i t a r i s e s from l o c a l j e a l o u s y and p r e j u d i c e , but o f t e n e r from an unworthy d e s i r e on the par t of too many of the q r e s i d e n t s of the s e c t i o n to have the h a n d l i n g of that p o r t i o n S§ the t e a c h e r ' s s a l a r y which he i s o b l i g e d to par t w i t h fo r the p r i v i l e g e of e a t i n g and s l e e p i n g i n the d i s t r i c t . 4 Many schoo l d i s t r i c t s , remarked one i n s p e c t o r , " c o n t a i n s s o few votes that the a c t i v e o p p o s i t i o n of one or two people i s s u f f i c i e n t to dec ide the 49 e l e c t i o n and b r i n g about a change of t e a c h e r s . . . . " I t was c l e a r that the community dominated the teacher d u r i n g teach ing and l e i s u r e hours . As teachers were c o n s t a n t l y subjected to p a r e n t a l tyranny i t was not s u r p r i s i n g that " i n a very la rge number of schools i t was the e x c e p t i o n , not the r u l e , to f i n d the same teacher fo r even two consecut i ve y e a r s . . . . " " ^ Fur thermore , teachers not on ly faced a n t a g o n i s t i c t r u s t e e s and the legacy l e f t by incompetent p redecessors , but a l s o the wrefeehed p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n s of a rundown schoolhouse. On top of t h i s teachers assumed the j a n i t o r i a l work. B r i t i s h Co lumbia ' s l e a d i n g e d u c a t i o n i s t s diagnosed the root cause of r u r a l e d u c a t i o n ' s i n a b i l i t y to prepare country c h i l d r e n for l i f e i n an 84 i n c r e a s i n g l y complex s o c i e t y as incompetent l o c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and a p a t h e t i c p a r e n t s . R u r a l youth , they argued, would e i t h e r s e t t l e i n commercial urban c e n t r e s , work i n the mechanical resource i n d u s t r i e s , or take up a g r i c u l t u r e which was becoming more t e c h n o l o g i c a l and s c i e n t i f i c . The i n s u f f i c i e n c y and inadequacy of the s m a l l r u r a l schoo l to prov ide that educat ion fo r the f a r m e r ' s boy, which to -day i s cons idered necessary i n order to q u a l i f y him to grapple s u c c e s s f u l l y w i t h the problems of modern l i f e , have made themselves f e l t i n other p a r t s of the c i v i l i z e d w o r l d ; and have forced e d u c a t i o n i s t s to seek out a remedy. A new c u r r i c u l u m was i n o r d e r . Moreover , p r o v i n c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t o r s advocated a un i form schoo l system... To promote e q u a l i t y of o p p o r t u n i t y career schoolmen proposed c o n s o l i d a t i n g country d i s t r i c t s . Underpopulated areas w i t h s m a l l tax bases could then prov ide a "complete and e f f i c i e n t " educat ion system; one w i t h adequate f a c i l i t i e s and teaehers so the r u r a l 52 youth would have the same advantages as the c i t y s t u d e n t s . In many areas the q u a l i t y of r u r a l educat ion improved as s m a l l s c a t t e r e d communities grew i n t o towns, shedding t h e i r rough-edged p i o n e e r i n g ways. Moreover , r e t u r n i n g s o l d i e r s who p r e v i o u s l y r e s i d e d i n c i t i e s and moved to r u r a l areas under f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l land set t lement schemes, encouraged c o n s o l i d a t i o n . ° Improved roads for buses made c o n s o l i d a t i o n p o s s i b l e . But many r e s i d e n t s f e a r i n g h igher t a x e s , d i d not wish to g i ve upx- local c o n t r o l of t h e i r schools and v i g o u r o u s l y r e s i s t e d c o n s o l i d a t i o n . ^ 4 Most r u r a l schools remained a curse to schoolmen s t r u g g l i n g to c e n t r a l i z e , s tandard i ze and p r o f e s s i o n a l i z e the system. The Great D e p r e s s i o n , however, prov ided the main impetus - f o r c o n s o l i d a t i o n . Dur ing the e a r l y 1930s the p r o v i n c i a l government e s t a b l i s h e d s e v e r a l exper imenta l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t s i n the Peace R i v e r d i s t r i c t s . But i t was not u n t i l a f t e r 1945 w i th the Cameron Report that country schoo l d i s t r i c t s reorgan ized i n t o c e n t r a l i z e d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t s ab le to prov ide adequate f a c i l i t i e s and t e a c h e r s . 85 I I I Dur ing the f i r s t three decades of the t w e n t i e t h century , many educators b e l i e v e d that p u b l i c s c h o o l i n g was out ,of touch w i t h s o c i e t a l t rends and problems, and that schools assumed i n s u f f i c i e n t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r i n t e g r a t i n g youth i n t o an emerging urban i n d u s t r i a l p r o v i n c e . " C o n d i t i o n s are changing very r a p i d l y i n the P r o v i n c e , " observed Inspector S tewar t , "and the next ten years w i l l w i tness changes g r e a t l y a c c e l e r a t e d . " What met c o n d i t i o n s ten years ago w i l l not s u f f i c e t o - d a y . Th is i s t rue i n every l i n e of human a c t i v i t y , and why not i n educat ion? How i s i t that i n educat ion alone people are slower to keep up w i t h the requirements n e c e s s i t a t e d by changed c o n d i t i o n s than i n the l i n e s of i n d u s t r i a l and commercial l i f e ? - ^ Dur ing the f i r s t quar te r of the century educators b e l i e v e d that c h i l d r e n were not remain ing i n schoo l long enough to f u l l y develop the "mora l fo rces of l i f e which determine s t r e n g t h and s t a b i l i t y of c h a r a c t e r . " ^ The e f f i c a c y of educat ion fo r the emerging new s o c i e t y was c l e a r . Schools were not on ly to impart knowledge but a l s o were intended to g i ve c h i l d r e n a "sound and wholesome view of l i f e and to e s t a b l i s h r i g h t i d e a l s and s u i t a b l e h a b i t s . The i n c i d e n t s of s c h o o l - l i f e and the rounds of d a i l y t a s k s . . . impress on the c h i l d r e n the importance of s e l f - c o n t r o l , c o n s i d e r a t i o n fo r o t h e r s , 58 honesty , system, thoroughness, and c l o s e a p p l i c a t i o n to work . " These goa ls transcended " a l l other aims i n the s c h o o l , and p u p i l s impressed w i t h 59 such i d e a l s w i l l grow up t rue c i t i z e n s as w e l l as e f f i c d s n t w o r k e r s . " The Putman-Weir Survey recommended compulsory attendance fo r h igh schoo l educat ion because an " e f f i c i e n t system" of s c h o o l i n g was the "bes t insurance a g a i n s t anarchy and bo lshev ism" and could contributehifre'a.vi ly 60 to the " s e l f - p r e s e r v a t i o n " of s o c i e t y . At a p u b l i c meeting i n V i c t o r i a i n the l a t e 1920s, U n i v e r s i t y of Washington h i s t o r y p r o f e s s o r , C . Eden, s a i d educat ion was the, g r e a t e s t m i s s i o n i n the world t o - d a y . . . . H i s t o r y taught that the l i f e of a democracy depended on i t s hold over the great masses of peop le , i n tune w i t h t h e i r sympathies , and exp ress ing 86 t h e i r a s p i r a t i o n s . . . . The success of a democracy depended i n the l a s t r e s o r t on the i n t e l l i g e n c e of the peop le , and i n i n t e l l i g e n t use of the v o t e . The 1901 P u b l i c Schools Act r e q u i r e d a l l c i t y c h i l d r e n between seven and four teen i n c l u s i v e to at tend s c h o o l . L e g i s l a t i o n on 1912 extended compulsory educat ion to i n c l u d e m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , and i n 1921 to a l l those 6 2 over seven and under f i f t e e n i n the e n t i r e p r o v i n c e . Educators t r i e d to enforce the law*, l o c a l l y appointed t ruant o f f i c e r s rounded -up youth and imposed f i n e s on the " l a r g e number of parents who were seeml ing ly i n d i f f e r e n t 6 3 to the w e l f a r e of t h e i r c h i l d r e n . . . . " In 1909 V i c t o r i a Super intendent of S c h o o l s , Edward B. P a u l s , remarked that a t ruant o f f i c e r has been appointed to at tend to the many cases of absenteeism i n the schools and the r e s u l t has f u l l y j u s t i f i e d h i s appointment. S e v e r a l cases of p a r e n t s ' neg lect to send t h e i r c h i l d r e n to schoo l have been brought before the P o l i c e M a g i s t r a t e ; and now there axew.few,fifaraf-y,e'feildlr'e-i» between the age of seven and four teen i n the c i t y who do not a t tend s c h o o l . 6 4 Educators a t t r i b u t e d the i n a b i l i t y of some parents to c o n t r o l t h e i r c h i l d r e n f s and secure t h e i r attendance on a breakdown i n f a m i l y d i s c i p l i n e . When o r d i n a r y forms of cor rec t - ion proved i n e f f e c t u a l and teachers were r e l u c t a n t to have d i s r u p t i v e c h i l d r e n i n t h e i r c lass room, segregat ion seemed to be the on ly s o l u t i o n . Vancouver e s t a b l i s h e d a d e t e n t i o n home w i t h teachers E s p e c i a l l y chosen" to work w i t h i n c o r r i g i b l e s . ^ E d u c a t i o n a l reformers sought e f f e c t i v e c h i l d labour laws to inc rease attendance because la rge numbers of youth worked at t h e i r p a t e n t ' s w ishes . Many boys abandoned s c h o o l - l i f e fo r work upon r e a c h i n g f o u r t e e n . Most of these boys , of course , are i n the Senior Grade by that t ime, and a number have succeeded i n pass ing the examinat ion q u a l i f y i n g fo r admiss ion to a h i g h s c h o o l , but the p r a c t i c e , n e v e r t h e l e s s , i s one to be d e p l o r e d . Th is c o n d i t i o n of a f f a i r s i s due l a r g e l y to the read iness w i t h which a boy of that age can secure employment at a s a l a r y which a few years ago would have been considered ample fo r a man w i t h a f a m i l y . When a boy of f o u r t e e n , fo r i n s t a n c e , can earn from $56 to $75 per month d r i v i n g a d e l i v e r y wagon or as a brakeman on a f r e i g h t - t r a i n , the temptat ion to d i s c o n t i n u e h i s s t u d i e s i s very s t r o n g . Many such boys , 87 too , prove themselves qu i te capable and, fo r a t ime, secure ready advancement. They over look the f a c t , however, that such advancement i s n e c e s s a r i l y l i m i t e d , and too o f t e n f i n d i n the course of a few years that promotion fo r which they may be d i r e c t l y i n l i n e are denied them because of the lack of an educat ion which they could have r e a d i l y obtained by making proper use of t h e i r o p p o r t u n i t i e s . I t i s then that the e r r o r made i n g i v i n g up school -work fo r what at the time seemed an a l l u r i n g prospect i s r e g r e t f u l l y r e a l i z e d . ^ P r o f e s s i o n a l educators thought i f l e g i s l a t i o n p r o h i b i t e d the employment of schoo l age c h i l d r e n dur ing schoo l hours then i t would be e a s i e r to enforce compulsory at tendance . W.P. Argue suggested that a C h i l d Labour Act make i t a misdemeanor to h i r e youth under f o u r t e e n , and that boys and g i r l s have minimum e d u c a t i o n a l requirements r e g a r d l e s s of t h e i r age before they be al lowed to leave s c h o o l . He warned " the c o n d i t i o n s which made i t necessary f o r M o n t r e a l , Toronto , and Winnipeg to l i c e n s e newsboys . . . ft R e x i s t i n Vancouver ." The prov ince enacted some c h i l d labour l e g i s l a t i o n between 1900 and 1929 but i t i s d i f f i c u l t to es t imate i t s e f f e c t i v e n e s s because i t was piecemeal and i t s enforcement u n c e r t a i n . P r i o r to 1900 the on ly l e g i s l a t i o n centred on youth employment i n mines. C h i l d r e n under twelve could not be employed i n or about a c o a l mine, and boys under four teen could not work below ground without the pe rmiss ion of the M i n i s t e r of Mines . Boys under s i x t e e n could not work more than f i f t y - f o u r hours per week underground or ten hours a day, w h i l e g i r l s could not work around the mine at a l l . In 1911 new r e g u l a t i o n s p r o h i b i t e d the employment of boys under f i f t e e n i n the mines and boys four teen above the mines, a l though these r e s t r i c t i o n s d i d not apply to c l e r i c a l or domestic w o r k . ^ The 1900 Shops R e g u l a t i o n Act p r o h i b i t e d youth employment i n r e t a i l es tab l i shments for more than 66^ hours per week, but excluded t o b a c c o n i s t s and news-agents , as w e l l as working i n h o t e l s , r e s t a u r a n t s and pawnbroking shops. In 1901 the Act barred c h i l d r e n under e ighteen from working i n 88 b a k e s h o p s . ^ Males under four teen and females under f i f t e e n could not be employed i n f a c t o r i e s that had mechanized power d r i v e n machines. In 1923 the i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r s could not employ c h i l d r e n under f i f t e e n , and i n 1927 c h i l d r e n needed shop i n s p e c t o r s ' pe rmiss ion to work i n f i s h canning and f r u i t p a c k i n g . ^ Perhaps the most comprehensive l e g i s l a t i o n was the 1921 Employment of C h i l d r e n A c t . I t denied males under 14 and females under 15 employment i n 72 pr imary and secondary i n d u s t r i e s , un less they were f a m i l y b u s i n e s s e s . In the same year the N ight Employment of Women Act and the N ight Employment of Young Persons A c t , together excluded women of any age and males under 7 3 18 from working i n i n d u s t r y between 8 P .M. and 7 A . M . L e g i s l a t i o n dur ing the per iod under study d id not cover a g r i c u l t u r e and f a m i l y e n t e r p r i s e s . There was no mention of r e s t r i c t i o n s p laced upon employing youth i n commercial e s t a b l i s h m e n t s . Accord ing to V o c a t i o n a l E d u c a t i o n , c h i l d labour laws were not e n f o r c e d , even i n the c i t i e s . ^ 4 A d d i t i o n a l l y , schoo l shop teachers complained to the p r o v i n c i a l government that schoo l boards used manual t r a i n i n g students as c h i l d labour to do the work of t r a d e s m e n . ^ The 1921 census r e v e a l s that only 149 c h i l d r e n i n B r i t i s h Columbia between ten and t h i r t e e n years of age found employment; 1,715 between four teen and f i f t e e n ; and 6,074 between s i x t e e n and seventeen, most of whom were males. Thus, on ly 127» of the 68,293 youth between ten and seventeen o f f i c i a l l y worked. By 1931 there were only 1,290 young people between ten and f i f t e e n years of age employed w h i l e there were 23,317 between s i x t e e n and n ineteen work ing . Yet there were s t i l l q u i t e a few who never attended s c h o o l , f u r t h e r suggest ing that c h i l d labour laws were not s t r i c t l y e n f o r c e d . ' There seemed to be a popular b e l i e f that compulsory s c h o o l i n g acted as c h i l d labour laws i n the sense that i f c h i l d r e n had to at tend schoo l they could not work. The Labour Gazette wrote w h i l e some laws prevented 89 youth employment i n some o c c u p a t i o n s , p r o v i n c i a l schoo l a c t s had "an important bear ing on the same s u b j e c t , r e g u l a r employment being i m p o s s i b l e fo r 7 7 c h i l d r e n who are under age of compulsory a t t e n d a n c e . " ' Some assumed that i f c h i l d r e n were not working they would be i n s c h o o l . But Vancouver Judge, Helen Gregory M a c G i l l observed that " the complacency w i t h which Prov inces r a i s e d the compulsory schoo l age i s on ly equa l led by the promptitude w i t h 7 8 which they r e l a x the enforcement and prov ide exempt ions . " H i s t o r i a n N e i l Suther land observes that i n Canada, as i n the Uni ted S ta tes and B r i t a i n , l e g i s l a t i o n pushed youth from the work fo rce but not n e c e s s a r i l y i n t o the c lass rooms. Neve r the less some of those c h i l d r e n re turned to or remained longer 79 i n s c h o o l . C e r t a i n l y parents seemed to d e s i r e more educat ion fo r t h e i r c h i l d r e n . More and more youth went to s c h o o l , attended more r e g u l a r l y and remained longer . In 1910-11 there were 44,945 p u p i l s i n the p u b l i c schools w i t h 71.27% r e g u l a r a t tendance . By 1929-30 enrolment was 111,017 w i t h 86.6% a t t e n d i n g r e g u l a r l y . A l s o the percentage of c h i l d r e n between seven and four teen a t t e n d i n g fo r at l e a s t seven months cl imbed d r a m a t i c a l l y from 67.35 to 92.40%,. Even more s t r i k i n g was the jump i n h igh schoo l attendance from 1,988 to 20,509 dur ing the same p e r i o d . Young people between f i f t e e n 80 and n ineteen at schoo l f o r any per iod went from 20.71% to 42.94%. Increased e d u c a t i o n a l expendi tures at the l o c a l l e v e l suggest that g reater numbers of people were w i l l i n g to i n v e s t more i n c h i l d r e n ' s educat ion as i n d i c a t e d by increased c i t y , m u n i c i p a l and r u r a l r e c e i p t s , which rose from $1,639,714 i n 1910-11 , to $ 6 , 2 6 4 , 9 3 9 . 8 1 The t r u s t e e s , commented Vancouver i n s p e c t o r , G .H . Gower, d i s p l a y e d commendable e n t e r p r i s e i n l o o k i n g a f t e r the w e l f a r e of the schools ent rusted to t h e i r charge; and ra tepayers have begun to r e a l i z e that no tax i s more l e g i t i m a t e than that which i s l e v i e d f o r the d i s p e l l i n g of mental darkness and the b u i l d i n g up w i t h i n a n a t i o n of i n t e l l i g e n t manhood and womanhood.^2 90 83 Schoolmen asser ted that e d u c a t i o n a l e f f o r t s b e n e f i t t e d the whole community. A decade l a t e r one educator s a i d "many p a r e n t s . . . a r e . . . now awakening to the b e l i e f that a good secondary educat ion i s an important f a c t o r i n p r e p a r i n g t h e i r sons and daughters fo r the w o r l d ' s w o r k . " 8 4 Perhaps as r i s i n g l i v i n g standards lessoned the need fo r youth to work to supplement f a m i l y income, " a g reater p r o p o r t i o n of Canadians made a deeper commitment Q C ' to the educat ion of t h e i r c h i l d r e n . " Increased enrolments and concern fo r p r o v i d i n g a l l c h i l d r e n w i t h an educat ion so they could " take t h e i r p laces i n the great world of bus iness and l a b o u r , " n e c e s s i t a t e d the c o n s t r u c t i o n of b i g g e r , b e t t e r and more 86 s p e c i a l i z e d s c h o o l s . Smal ler communities provided elementary and s u p e r i o r s c h o o l s , w h i l e the major urban centres b u i l t la rge w e l l - e q u i p p e d e lementary , j u n i o r h i g h , sen io r h i g h , t e c h n i c a l , commercial and composite s c h o o l s . The C i t y Super intendent desc r ibed Vancouver 's improvement programme. The b u i l d i n g s under c o n s t r u c t i o n as w e l l as those occupied d u r i n g the year are f i r e - p r o o f throughout , r e i n f o r c e d c o n c r e t e , b r i c k , and stone be ing used l a r g e l y i n t h e i r c o n s t r u c t i o n . S p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n was g iven to secure abundance of l i g h t , p l e n t y of f r e s h a i r at a un i form temperature , and s a n i t a r y conveniences of the most modern k i n d . The o lder b u i l d i n g s were improved by ex tens i ve a l t e r a t i o n s and r e p a i r s , w h i l e the grounds of s e v e r a l schools were improved by l e v e l l i n g and grading and by the l a y i n g of cement walks and p l a t f o r m s . As a r e s u l t of y e a r l y a d d i t i o n s to equipment, the schools a r e , w i t h a few e x c e p t i o n s , w e l l prov ided w i t h maps, g l o b e s , and sandboards, books of r e f e r e n c e , l i b r a r y books, supplementary r e a d e r s , pr imary and k i n d e r g a r t e n m a t e r i a l , drawing models and p l a s t i c i n e , apparatus fo r elementary and advanced sc ience t e a c h i n g , sets of weights and measures, and other a i d s to t e a c h i n g . ^ Modern b u i l d i n g s were more h e a l t h f u l p laces fo r c h i l d r e n to be and a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d to t h e i r e f f i c i e n t s o c i a l i z a t i o n . Inspector John M a r t i n he ld that " the s i l e n t work of c lean b u i l d i n g s and b r i g h t , c h e e r f u l surroundings are potent f a c t o r s i n the development of c h a r a c t e r . " S i m i l a r l y , the i n t r o d u c t i o n of s i n g l e seats i n t o many schools p leased i n s p e c t o r A . C . S tewar t . "The s i n g l e desk reduces d i s c i p l i n e to a minimum; i s conducive 91 to m o r a l i t y i n the schoo l room, and promotes s e l f - r e l i a n c e and independence 89 on the par t of the p u p i l s . " Increased expendi ture fo r c a p i t a l cos ts and s a l a r i e s r a i s e d the i s s u e of f i n a n c i n g . A l though more b u i l d i n g s were needed to keep pace w i t h the i n f l u x of students and e n t i c e youth to cont inue t h e i r e d u c a t i o n , expansion a l s o r a i s e d the i ssue of f i n a n c e s . But b a r r i n g r e c e s s i o n or war, ra tepayers g e n e r a l l y supported schoo l improvement programmes, e s p e c i a l l y d u r i n g the 90 1920s. Between 1900-01 and 1910-11 the p r o v i n c i a l government's cost per p u p i l rose from 13.29 to $15.86 and by 1929-30 i t reached $28 .07 . E d u c a t i o n a l expendi ture f o r the f i s c a l year ending 30 June 1901 t o t a l l e d $326j470, a c l o s e second behind the P u b l i c Debt. By 1910 educat ion accounted for the s i n g l e l a r g e s t segment of the p r o v i n c i a l budget w i t h $745,742 out of 7 , 7 3 8 , 2 5 7 . B r i t i s h Co lumbia ' s schoo l costs as a p r o p o r t i o n of the p r o v i n c e ' s budget went from 9.6% i n 1910 to 17.2% i n 1 9 2 8 . 9 1 Rece ip ts from the p r o v i n c i a l and l o c a l governments jumped from $532,692 i n 1900-01 to $2,641,522 i n 1910*11, and to $11,149,996 i n 1 9 2 8 - 2 9 . 9 2 With r i s i n g e d u c a t i o n a l cos ts the p rov ince s h i f t e d more and more of the burden to the l o c a l r a t e p a y e r s , p a r t l y because the government was c l o s e to 9 bankruptcy due to i t s extravagant r a i l w a y and highway b u i l d i n g spree . J In 1900-01 the prov ince c o n t r i b u t e d $350,552, compared to $182,160, by the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . By 1906-07 the l o c a l l y generated revenues exceeded the p r o v i n c e ' s , and d u r i n g the l a t e 1920s the former paid twice as much 94 as the l a t t e r . Yet schoo l boards gained "no s i g n i f i c a n t i n f l u e n c e " on c e n t r a l educat ion a u t h o r i t i e s w i t h r e s p e c t to determin ing schoo l d i s t r i c t boundar ies , a s s i g n i n g and removing c e n t r a l o f f i c i a l s s t a t i o n e d i n schoo l d i s t r i c t s , changing the c u r r i c u l u m , r e v i s i n g the s t a t u t e s or a d m i n i s t r a t i v e 9 5 r e g u l a t i o n s . C o n s t a n t l y i n c r e a s i n g e d u c a t i o n a l costs s t i m u l a t e d i n t e r e s t i n s c h o o l i n g p a r t i c u l a r l y by m u n i c i p a l taxpayers . Consequent ly , p r o v i n c i a l 92 and municipal o f f i c i a l s as we l l as the c i t i z e n r y at large s c ru t in i zed educat ional expenses. In times of economic prosper i ty the schools expanded. But during hard times the question of taxat ion and who should'bear the burden emerged as a major publ ic issue and governments pared teachers ' s a l a r i e s , advocated high school fees, cancel led b u i l d i n g programmes, .and forced Or ienta l s to support the i r own s c h o o l s . 9 ^ IV During the f i r s t three decades of the twentieth century when B r i t i s h Columbia's school system expanded dramat ica l ly and became more complex, e s p e c i a l l y i n the lower mainland urban core, a r a t i o n a l i z e d , pro fe s s iona l i zed and spec ia l i zed adminis t ra t ive s tructure emerged to deal with s p i r a l l i n g enrolments and soaring costs . This movement was part of a larger o rgan iza t iona l response to urban i n d u s t r i a l i s m , both wi th in and outside the province , whereby corporations and branches of governments adopted h ighly cent ra l i zed bureaucracies composed of experts for economic and e f f i c i e n t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . 9 ' ' Paul Rutherford argues that "expert knowledge was a new panacea" to s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic problems spawned by i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , and the period after 1800 "was the beginning of the age of the s p e c i a l i s t and the 98 p r o f e s s i o n a l . " Cole Harr i s suggests th i s trend was "coming s trongly into B r i t i s h Columbia i n the decade after 1900," and "the concept of the s c i e n t i f i c expert and of h i s importance as planner and manager i n government and industry" coalesced around the b u i l d i n g of a u n i v e r s i t y that was to provide 99 experts to manage an increa s ing ly complex soc ie ty . This process was c e r t a i n l y evident i n the province's f i s h i n g , mining and forest indus t r i e s which were undergoing rapid conso l ida t ion and becoming big businesses. Vancouver also f e l t the pressures of growth and change. Numerous proposals between 1900 and 1914 to "reform" c i t y government with a more e f f i c i e n t and cent ra l i zed admini s t ra t ion , however, were never implemented. , 9 3 The complex i ty and magnitude of p u b l i c and p r i v a t e bureaucrac ies i n B r i t i s h Columbia was not as ex tens i ve as developments i n e a s t e r n Canada or the Uni ted S t a t e s . A l l the same, the s p i r i t was present and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s took on e x p e r t s , yet t h e i r s i z e remained r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l . Whi le the educat ion system could not be considered b u r e a u c r a t i c , i t d id become somewhat l a r g e r , more p r o f e s s i o n a l , and i n c r e a s i n g l y s p e c i a l i z e d . Whi le f inance became i n c r e a s i n g l y d e c e n t r a l i z e d , a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was fo r the most p a r t , h i g h l y c e n t r a l i z e d w i t h most of the power concentrated i n the hands of the C o u n c i l of P u b l i c I n s t r u c t i o n . Though p r o v i n c i a l l y determined norms were^not always enforced because of t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to prov ide a d d i t i o n a l funds\for u p - g r a d i n g , educators argued that i f schools were going to be e f f i c i e n t they r e q u i r e d the same expert d i r e c t i o n which governed b u s i n e s s . One educator noted that s ince 1900, e f f i c i e r f c y became-••" a popular watchword, a r e l i g i o n , and i n s p i r a t i o n . . . . Merchants , manufacturers and businessmen i n g e n e r a l . . . " s c r u t i n i z e d and analyzed t h e i r cos ts and p o l i c i e s " w i t h a view to making bus iness move w i t h the minimum f r i c t i o n and i n a s t r a i g h t l i n e . . . . F r o m the o f f i c e s downtown the 102 movement spread i n t o the s c h o o l s . " Inspector George Deane s t ressed that " i n the bus iness world success i s main ly dependent upon s k i l l f u l management 103 and the same a p p l i e s to the bus iness of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of a la rge s c h o o l . " Another New Westminster teacher , Norman Fergus B l a c k , observed the trend i n i n d u s t r y towards the s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of tasks handled by s p e c i a l l y t r a i n e d p r o f e s s i o n a l s and recommended the r e o r g a n i z a t i o n of the educat ion system along these same l i n e s . "Th is n e c e s s i t y fo r s p e c i a l q u a l i f i c a t i o n s f o r the most e f f i c i e n t performance of s p e c i a l f u n c t i o n s should be i n s i s t e d upon i n a l l schoo l appointments , from top to the bottom." ' ' "^ 4 To be s u r e , e d u c a t i o n a l cos ts inc reased annua l l y at a s i g n i f i c a n t r a t e . Both schoo l t r u s t e e s and the p r o v i n c i a l government t r i e d to account fo r t h e i r expendi tures and ensure that the system ran smoothly . The 94 Education Department and l o c a l boards appointed experts to design and execute p o l i c i e s . At the apex of power was the Superintendent of Education who watched over the e n t i r e system and d i rected the a c t i v i t i e s of h i s s p e c i a l i z e d subordinates. Entrusted with much power he determined curr iculum and broad educat ional p o l i c i e s , approved texts , contro l l ed normal schools , and appointed inspectors and supervisors . In 1901 he was i n charge of the Board of Teachers ' Examiners, three inspectors and the p r i n c i p a l of the Normal 105 School . By 1929 the non-teaching s t a f f of the Department of Education mushroomed to inc lude : a Superintendent of Educat ion ; an Ass i s tant Superintendent; 2 Inspectors of High Schools ; 16 Inspectors of Elementary Schools ; 1 Organizer of Technica l Educat ion ; 1 Di rec tor of Home Economics; 1 Welfare O f f i c e r of Rural Teachers; 1 D i rec tor i n Charge of High:School Correspondence Courses; 1 O f f i c e r of Elementary Correspondence Courses; 1 Regis t rar and O f f i c e r i n Charge of the Teachers ' Bureau; 1 Chie f C l e r k ; 1 O f f i c e r i n Charge of Free Text-Books; 2 Normal School P r i n c i p a l s ; 4 Munic ipa l Inspectors of Schools ; 1 D i rec tor of Summer School For teachers; 1 Superintendent of Vancouver Schools ; 1 P r i n c i p a l of the School for the Deaf and B l i n d ; and 1 Secretary, Loca l Committee of the Strathcona Trus t . This h i e r a r c h i c a l s t ructure represented a c lear d i v i s i o n of labour and each spec i a l i zed school manager determined the e f f i c i e n c y of h i s j u r i s d i c t i o n and reported to the Superintendent. Experts , for instance, questioned the re levance, extravagances and inadequacies i n the curr iculum. In 1924 Norman Fergus Black asked: "Were the schools r e a l l y turning out the desired product, in a shape e a s i l y to be absorbed by the market? Was the e f f i c i e n c y of the school being handicapped by t r a d i t i o n a l i s m , or on the other hand, were they c lu t tered up with new fangled fads?" He argued that i f schools ran on sound business p r i n c i p l e s to meet the needs and condit ions of a p a r t i c u l a r community, the survey 95 method by exper ts would p rov ide the necessary data fo r e f f i c i e n t d e c i s i o n - making and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . P e r h a p s the capstone of p r o f e s s i o n a l i z a t i o n i n B r i t i s h Co lumbia 's educat ion system was the Putman-Weir Survey. Exper ts thus br idged the i n f o r m a t i o n and p o l i c y gap between t r u s t e e s , the p r o v i n c i a l government, and the s c h o o l s . For the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n to manage e f f e c t i v e l y the sheer numbers of c h i l d r e n and t e a c h e r s , i t requ i red s u b o r d i n a t i o n , p u n c t u a l i t y , and r e g u l a r i t y from i t s component members. Inspector George Deane i l l u s t r a t e d the p r i n c i p l e of d i f f e r e n t i a t e d a u t h o r i t y . No la rge schoo l w i l l achieve a f u l l measure of success unless i t i s admin is te red by a thoroughly capable p r i n c i p a l , who must be both a s k i l f u l o rgan i ze r and s p e c i a l i s t i n s u p e r v i s i n g i n s t r u c t i o n . . . W h i l e the p r i n c i p a l should master a l l the d e t a i l s of o r g a n i z a t i o n ; he should de legate r e s p o n s i b i l i t y fo r a d m i n i s t e r i n g many of these to other members of the s t a f f i n order that he may have s u f f i c i e n t time to superv ise i n s t r u c t i o n , which i s the most important duty of a p r i n c i p a l . S i m i l a r l y , p r i n c i p a l s expected t e a c h e r s ' " l o y a l t y " and " i n t e l l i g e n t suppor t " . V i c t o r i a schoo l i n s p e c t o r V . L . Denton observed whether the s t a f f a r r i v e d on t i m e , handed i n r e p o r t s p rompt ly , fo l lowed t i m e - t a b l e s , attended s t a f f meetings r e g u l a r l y , and maintained student d i s c i p l i n e . "Undoubted ly , " he s a i d , " the l i n e s of i n f l u e n c e reach back through teachers to the p r i n c i p a l , 1 0 9 and through the p r i n c i p a l to the schoo l b o a r d . " Improving of t e a c h e r s ' q u a l i f i c a t i o n s and r a t i o n a l i z i n g c lassroom i n s t r u c t i o n was an i n t e g r a l pa r t of making schools more e f f i c i e n t . P r i o r to 1901, fo rmal teach ing s tandards , t r a i n i n g and q u a l i f i c a t i o n s were almost n o n - e x i s t e n t . C r e d e n t i a l l i n g teachers upon complet ion of p r o f e s s i o n a l t r a i n i n g at normal schoo l e v e n t u a l l y rep laced l i c e n s i n g teachers based on examinat ions . E s t a b l i s h i n g normal schools at Vancouver (1901) and V i c t o r i a (1915) helped improve t e a c h e r s ' q u a l i f i c a t i o n s between 1901 and 1929. In 1922 the government d i s c o n t i n u e d g r a n t i n g t h i r d - c l a s s c e r t i f i c a t e s . Normal 96 schoo l no longer admitted students w i th j u s t jun io r ' m a t r i c u l a t i o n , and r e q u i r e d u n i v e r s i t y graduates to spend two terms at teacher t r a i n i n g . By 1929-30, 730 teachers had academic c e r t i f i c a t e s ; 1 ,244, f i r s t s ; 1 ,534, seconds; 83, t h i r d s ; 35, temporary; and 215, s p e c i a l . I n c r e a s i n g teacher s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and c e r t i f i c a t i o n i n s p e c i f i c sub jec ts was par t of the s c h o o l ' s r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n . At the f i r s t summer schoo l fo r teachers i n V i c t o r i a d u r i n g 1914, they had " the oppor tun i t y to s t rengthen t h e i r grasp of c e r t a i n s p e c i a l sub jec ts and to q u a l i f y themselves f u r t h e r 112 along s p e c i a l l i n e s of schoo lwork . " The d i v i s i o n of labour was e s p e c i a l l y ev ident i n the l a r g e r elementary and h igh schools w i t h t h e i r commerce, domestic s c i e n c e , or manual t r a i n i n g . But perhaps the most s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n was between men and women. W i t h i n the p r o v i n c e ' s graded schools there was a c l e a r d i v i s i o n of labour . Women f i l l e d the lower paying elementary t e a c h i n g - p o s i t i o n s wh i le men dominated the h igher pay ing and more p r e s t i g i o u s h igh schoo l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p o s t s . In 1900-01 women outnumbered men 343 to 185 i n a l l the p r o v i n c e ' s p u b l i c s c h o o l s . By 1929 there were on ly 684 male teachers compared w i t h 3,088 women, and a l l twenty - four p r i n c i p a l s of urban elementary schools were males . Only three out of twenty - th ree teach ing jobs i n the h igh schools i n 1900-01 went to women wh i le i n 1929-30 t h e i r r e l a t i v e numbers i n c r e a s e d , occupying 334 out of 766 p o s i t i o n s . A l l the 113 n ineteen h igh schoo l p r i n c i p a l s , however, were men. Moreover, men u s u a l l y rece i ved s i g n i f i c a n t l y h igher s a l a r i e s than 1 1 / women fo r doing the same tasks w i t h i d e n t i c a l q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . AVERAGE ANNUAL SALARIES FOR BRITISH COLUMBIA TEACHERS, 1923 Males $ Females $ Academic 2,372 1,546 F i r s t 1,965 1,297= 97 Second 1.381 1,188 Th i rd 1,193 1,132 Temporary 1,192 1,167 S p e c i a l 2,052 1,693 Average 1,945 1,255 D i s c r i m i n a t o r y s a l a r i e s p r e v a i l e d d u r i n g the decades before the d e p r e s s i o n , and p r o f e s s i o n a l educators h i r e d a d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e number of women because they were cheaper.'' -"'"^ H i s t o r i a n E l i z a b e t h Graham argues that teach ing was one of the few r e s p e c t a b l e occupat ions open to women, and schoo l boards were eager, to u t i l i z e t h i s pool of female labour to cut e d u c a t i o n a l expenses. Men cont inued to earn more than women because schoo l managers b e l i e v e d the e x t r a pay induced males to remain i n the system and become a d m i n i s t r a t o r s . The Putman-Weir Survey recommended: I t i s w i t h some h e s i t a n c y that we suggest h igher s a l a r i e s fo r male than female t e a c h e r s . The s o c i a l demand, however, i s for; more men i n the teach ing p r o f e s s i o n and they should r e c e i v e at l e a s t a l i v i n g wage wh i le q u a l i f y i n g fo r a p r i n c i p a l s h i p — t h e l e g i t i m a t e g o a l of a young man who intends to make teach ing h i s l i f e work. I t i s d o u b t f u l i f many young men would be a t t r a c t e d to the teach ing p r o f e s s i o n i f the maximum s a l a r y o b t a i n a b l e a f t e r at l e a s t e leven y e a r s ' s e r v i c e were only $ 2 , 6 0 0 . • N e v e r t h e l e s s , l e a d i n g educators began to have t h e i r doubts about the f e m i n i z a t i o n of the teach ing p r o f e s s i o n . Whi le acknowledging the b e n e f i t s of female t e a c h e r s ' mother ly i n f l u e n c e on the very young c h i l d r e n , " the pass ing of the male teacher" from the system concerned a d m i n i s t r a t o r s who b e l i e v e d men d i s c i p l i n e d the o lder boys and a l s o prepared them fo r s u b o r d i n a t i o n to men. Th is concern became p a r t i c u l a r l y acute dur ing the Great War when many men abandoned teach ing to serve i n the armed f o r c e s . "At d i v e r s t imes and i n sundry p l a c e s . " lamented one i n s p e c t o r , I have observed a s p i r i t of r e s t l e s s n e s s among the teen-age boys i n our p u b l i c s c h o o l s . Is i t because the red -b looded boy of four teen or f i f t e e n years of age misses h i s o ld leader and teacher i n outdoor a t h l e t i c spor ts? Is i t because he cannot become r e c o n c i l e d to a new type of d i s c i p l i n e ? . . . I f we are to have manly men and womenly women as the product of the p u b l i c s c h o o l s , l e t ' teen -age boys come under the s u p e r v i s i o n of m e n . . . . ' And where from the four corners of the 98 e a r t h are we to expect the proper type of men to come, who can f i r e the imag ina t ion o f - o u r boys, hold them i n check, and develop the very f i b r e they need, i f not from the ranks of returned heroes? ^ L i k e w i s e , one Saanich teacher remarked i n 1923 that one of manual t r a i n i n g ' s b e n e f i t s was that i t p laced boys "under the i n f l u e n c e of a man once a w e e k . " H 9 In s h o r t , p r o f e s s i o n a l educators j u s t i f i e d h igher s a l a r i e s to a t t r a c t male teachers ab le to s o c i a l i z e o l d e r boys. The cha in of a u t h o r i t y was complete. " H i e r a r c h i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of schools and the male chauvin ism of the l a r g e r s o c i e t y , " concludes David Tyack, " f i t as hand and g l o v e . The system r e q u i r e d s u b o r d i n a t i o n ; women were g e n e r a l l y subord inate to men; the employment of women as teachers thus augmented the 120 a u t h o r i t y of the l a r g e l y male a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l e a d e r s h i p . " At the bottom of the h i e r a r c h y were the s t u d e n t s . School o f f i c i a l s t r i e d to make p u b l i c educat ion a more e f f e c t i v e agent for i n t e g r a t i n g youth i n t o s o c i e t y by s t a n d a r d i z i n g the course of s t u d i e s and l a t e r d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g the c u r r i c u l u m . In 1900 educators in t roduced graded d i v i s i o n s , a un i form and s e q u e n t i a l c u r r i c u l u m , and s tandard ized examinat ions to promote s t u d e n t s , eva luate t e a c h e r s , and r e g u l a t e the expanding schoo l system. The elementary d i v i s i o n s inc luded j u n i o r , i n t e r m e d i a t e , and sen io r grades , wh i le the h igh schoo l had j u n i o r , i n t e r m e d i a t e , and sen io r academic grades . E s s e n t i a l l y each grades ' work was an ex tens ion of the prev ious one. C h i l d r e n were roughly c l a s s i f i e d accord ing to age 121 and a b i l i t y , wh i le teachers fo l lowed the au thor i zed tex tbooks . The s c h o o l ' s c lockwork environment and a u t h o r i t a r i a n h i e r a r c h y prov ided youth w i t h the " d i r e c t i v e i n t e l l i g e n c e , " i n c e n t i v e s , and d i s c i p l i n e s r e q u i r e d by an i n d u s t r i a l p r o v i n c e . American p u p i l s , argues David Tyack, " l e a r n e d the meaning of obedience, r e g u l a r i t y , and p r e c i s i o n , " through an e l a b o r a t e 122 system of r u l e s and deportment. L i k e w i s e , i n B r i t i s h Co lumbia , i n s p e c t o r s ' r e p o r t s emphasized the importance p laced on t h i s t r a i n i n g . A . C . Stewart 99 thought the "g reat f e a t u r e " of Vancouver 's F a i r v i e w School was i t s d i s c i p l i n e . The p u p i l s , arranged i n companies, boys and g i r l s separa te , and under t h e i r own capta ins s e l e c t e d from t h e i r own c l a s s e s , assemble and d i s m i s s , marching 123 to and from t h e i r rooms w i t h m i l i t a r y p r e c i s i o n . " Repor t ing favourab ly on V i c t o r i a s c h o o l s , S . B . Neatherby s ta ted that " i n the d i r e c t i o n of d i s c i p l i n e the progress i s p l e a s i n g l y s a t i s f a c t o r y to a l l who are • ,,124 r e a l l y p a t r i o t i c . " Miss Margaret Ross , a teacher at Vancouver 's Braeman School s a i d : We a l l recogn ize the process of s i l e n t a b s o r b t i o n of the tone of the c l a s s , of the s c h o o l , that goes on among schoo l c h i l d r e n , as we recogn ize that t h e i r treatment one of another , and l a t e r t h e i r 1 2 S a t t i t u d e to community l i f e , i s l a r g e l y i t s outcome. "The whole system of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , " summed up Norman Fergus B l a c k , "shou ld be based upon a p r a c t i c a l r e c o g n i t i o n that t r a i n i n g i n l i f e h a b i t s of permanent va lue i s a much more important schoo l aim than i s the i m p a r t i n g of i n f o r m a t i o n . " Pr imary c o n s i d e r a t i o n s inc luded " c h a r a c t e r t r a i n i n g , " the " a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of d i s c i p l i n e , the conduct of r e c i t a t i o n s , " and the " s u p e r v i s i o n of student a c t i v i t i e s . " The r a i s o n d ' e t r e of modern educat ion then , not on ly encouraged the a c q u i s i t i o n of knowledge but p laced an increased emphasis upon s t u d e n t s ' behav iour , demanding that c l a s s e s be " i n d u s t r i o u s , " " o r d e r l y , " " s u f f i c i e n t l y q u i e t , " and s t r e s s e d " the n e c e s s i t y of neatness i n the e x e c u t i o n of a l l work" be " impressed on the minds of 127 the p u p i l s . One Vancouver t e a c h e r ' s notebook r e c o r d i n g student punishment between 1902 and 1925, revea led that t ruancy , i d l e n e s s , d i s o b e d i e n c e , f a l s e h o o d , imper t inance , t a r d i n e s s and l a z i n e s s were the main o f f e n c e s . Soon a f t e r the es tab l i shment of the s tandard i zed c u r r i c u l a i t s use fu lness came i n t o q u e s t i o n , as some suggested t r a d i t i o n a l s t u d i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y at the secondary l e v e l , had l i t t l e re levance to an i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . The h igh schoo l c u r r i c u l u m geared students fo r p r o f e s s i o n a l 100 129 t r a i n i n g . Of the 981 e n r o l l e d i n the h igh schools dur ing 1903"04, 600 g i r l s , and educators sa id " the great preponderance of g i r l s i s accounted f o r by the f a c t that these schools are l a r g e l y p reparatory schoo ls fo r t e a c h e r s , and the percentage of women engaged i n our p u b l i c schools i s i n c r e a s i n g every y e a r . " J Most students planned to enter a p r o f e s s i o n . But c r i t i c s thought the c u r r i c u l u m should be more " p r a c t i c a l " i n order to f i t a l l c h i l d r e n to s o c i e t a l changes because mechanizat ion and o c c u p a t i o n a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n broke down t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t r u c t i o n i n commerce and the t r a d e s . B r i t i s h Co lumbia 's l ead ing educators thought e f f i c i e n t schools should account fo r a l l s tudents by p r o v i d i n g them w i t h a v a r i e t y of programmes s u i t e d to t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s , p repar ing them i n l i g h t of t h e i r probable o c c u p a t i o n a l d e s t i n i e s . Char les E. Hope, Chairman of the Vancouver School Board , s a i d "one of the f i r s t th ings to be taken up fo r a g reate r Vancouver i s an e n t i r e r e - o r g a n i z a t i o n of our High S c h o o l s , the u n d e r l y i n g p r i n c i p l e of which should be to make i t a f i n i s h i n g s c h o o l , and not merely a p reparato ry schoo l fo r the u n i v e r s i t y . Not one i n ten p u p i l s goes to the u n i v e r s i t y ; and why should the i n t e r e s t s of the remain ing nine be s a c r i f i c e d to the o n e ? " 1 3 3 The Vancouver C i t y Teachers ' I n s t i t u t e r e f l e c t e d s i m i l a r sent iments when they debated the u t i l i t y of " p r a c t i c a l " and c l a s s i c a l e d u c a t i o n . Some members thought " t h a t i n the near f u t u r e educat ion would be cons idered 13 4- almost e n t i r e l y from the s tandpoint of t r a d e s . " Other schoolmen noted a r i t h m e t i c fo r i n s t a n c e , was " too much d i s s o c i a t e d from the p u p i l s ' exper ience , and from o r d i n a r y problems of everyday l i f e on the farm, i n the 135 s t o r e , and the workshop." C h a r l e s Hope s a i d the c u r r i c u l u m should be broadened and made more e l a s t i c by adding v o c a t i o n a l courses "more i n keeping w i t h the e x i g e n c i e s of an expanding bus iness and i n d u s t r i a l •i of. e n v i r o n m e n t . . . . " The f a c t that so few males c a r r i e d on i n t o secondary 101 s t u d i e s or remained i n h igh schoo l i n d i c a t e d the c u r r i c u l u m ' s lack of r e l e v a n c e . S t a t i s t i c s r e v e a l that t r a d i t i o n a l p u b l i c s c h o o l i n g d id not adequately serve most c h i l d r e n over four teen years of age. Even i n t o the e a r l y 1920s 138 many c h i l d r e n cont inued to leave schoo l before the compulsory age. John Ky le sa id the leakage of p u p i l s from elementary schools had to be stopped s ince most youth were " i n s u f f i c i e n t l y prepared to meet the demands of the 139 i n d u s t r i a l w o r l d . " Moreover, elementary educat ion never i n f l u e n c e d the fo rmat ive per iod of ado lescence . C i t i z e n s h i p and career p r e p a r a t i o n was incomple te . W r i t i n g i n the B .C . Teacher , Dr . F.W. Merchant , P r e s i d e n t of the Canadian Educat ion A s s o c i a t i o n , summed up these b e l i e f s about e d u c a t i o n . Our bus iness i s n e i t h e r to berate or to p r a i s e , but to b e t t e r the c o n d i t i o n s that face us. Now s o c i e t y - c a n be r a i s e d to a h igher moral s t a t u s or a h igher p lane of p r a c t i c a l e f f i c i e n c y only through improvement i n the s o c i a l u n i t s which c o n s t i t u t e i t . The problem of the betterment of humanity, t h e r e f o r e , i s e s s e n t i a l l y an e d u c a t i o n a l problem which dea ls w i th the purposes, the i d e a l s , the h a b i t s , and the p r a c t i c a l e f f i c i e n c y of i n d i v i d u a l s . E x t e n s i v e and permanent improvements must begin w i t h youth . The s i g n i f i c a n t aims and purposes of l i f e do not beg in to take shape u n t i l the c h i l d enters upon the per iod of ado lescence . I f the schools are to be held r e s p o n s i b l e i n any la rge measure fo r the development of n a t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r , i t f o l l o w s that they must take an important par t i n g u i d i n g and c o n t r o l l i n g youth d u r i n g t h i s c r i t i c a l and fo rmat ive p e r i o d . ^ - 4 The Putman-Weir Survey r e i t e r a t e d that " i n the i n c r e a s i n g c o m p l e x i t i e s of our modern s o c i e t y and i n d u s t r i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , a h i g h schoo l e d u c a t i o n . . . now rep resents the i r r e d u c i b l e minimum of t r a i n i n g n e c e s s a r y . . . to the at ta inment 141 of marked success i n i n d u s t r y , commerce, or the a r t of home—making ." Whi le most people considered an elementary educat ion s u f f i c i e n t t r a i n i n g a " h a l f century a g o , " educators argued i f youth were going to develop i n t o " s o c i a l l y e f f i c i e n t " c i t i z e n s a d i f f e r e n t i a t e d h igh schoo l w i t h v o c a t i o n a l courses was e s s e n t i a l to br idge the e d u c a t i o n a l gap p r e v i o u s l y f i l l e d by 1/9 the home, community, and a p p r e n t i c e s h i p . An e d u c a t i o n a l system w i t h a broader c u r r i c u l u m and j u n i o r h igh schools would be more democrat ic because i t provided youth wider o p p o r t u n i t i e s . A f t e r 1900 schoo l promoters made some changes to the c u r r i c u l u m , most 102 no tab l y the a d d i t i o n of v o c a t i o n a l courses . The p u b l i c schoo l system i n t e g r a t e d book-keeping i n 1906, e s t a b l i s h e d a h igh schoo l commercial course s i x years l a t e r , and expanded i t i n t o a t h r e e - y e a r programme i n 1914. Dur ing t h i s per iod book -keep ing , t y p i n g , stenography, and bus iness forms were v o c a t i o n a l i s m ' s most f i r m l y rooted s u b j e c t s . The la rge commercial cent res of Vancouver, New Westminster and V i c t o r i a f i r s t o f f e r e d v o c a t i o n a l i n s t r u c t i o n , but toward the end of the war smal le r commercial and i n d u s t r i a l cent res l i k e N e l s o n , R e v e l s t o k e , Kamloops, and P r i n c e Rupert a l s o prov ided these courses . I n s p i r e d by A d e l a i d e Hood less , the L o c a l C o u n c i l of Women in t roduced domestic sc ience i n t o V i c t o r i a schools i n 1903 and i n t o Vancouver i n 1905. By 1909 the t r u s t e e s expanded i t to the h igh s c h o o l s . The p h i l a n t h r o p y of S i r W i l l i a m Macdonald i n i t i a t e d manual t r a i n i n g i n t o the elementary c u r r i c u l u m i n 1900. Three years l a t e r the Vancouver and V i c t o r i a School t r u s t e e s cont inued the programmes and i n 1909 extended i t to the 144 h igh s c h o o l s . G e n e r a l l y , e d u c a t i o n a l i nnovat ions r i p p l e d outward from the main urban co re . By the middle of World War I, Inspector A r thur Anstey noted v o c a t i o n a l i s m 1 s spread throughout the p r o v i n c e . There was an "unmistakable tendency toward the es tab l i shment of a c l o s e r connect ion between school -work and the a c t i v i t i e s of the ou ts ide w o r l d . " R e c o g n i t i o n of t h i s p r i n c i p l e i s evidenced by the e f f o r t s of va r ious Trustee Boards toward p r o v i d i n g m a t e r i a l s and equipment fo r handwork of a l l k i n d s , and by the i n t r o d u c t i o n i n the graded schools of Enderby, Armstrong, Vernon, Kelowna, and P e n t i c t o n of courses of i n s t r u c t i o n i n the manual a r t s , domestic s c i e n c e , and p r a c t i c a l r u r a l s c i e n c e ; i n d i c a t i o n s po in t to a f u r t h e r and wider ex tens ion of t h i s movement. From 1916 u n t i l the f i n a n c i a l c o l l a p s e i n 1929, v o c a t i o n a l programmes expanded, e s p e c i a l l y fo r boys, wh i le c o n c u r r e n t l y , demands fo r v o c a t i o n a l i s m mounted. K ing Edward Secondary School i n Vancouver e s t a b l i s h e d a t e c h n i c a l course fo r f i r s t year s t u d e n t s , and i n 1919 extended i t to three y e a r s . 103 By 1920 New Westminster , Vancouver, and V i c t o r i a had t e c h n i c a l courses." '" 4 ^ In 1922 Vancouver e s t a b l i s h e d a j u n i o r h igh schoo l fo r non-academic students unable to ad jus t to r e g u l a r s c h o o l s . Educators considered t h i s a major step i n " s c i e n t i f i c e d u c a t i o n . " John Ky le c laimed that t h i s schoo l was e f f i c i e n t because i t o f f e r e d " m e t h o d i c a l " manual t r a i n i n g and guidance fo r over -aged p u p i l s who had not reached or passed i n t o h igh schoo l and s u c c e s s f u l l y remained there for a year . "Th is schoo l cannot f a i l to grow," he c l a i m e d , "because i t i s t a k i n g care of those students who h e r e t o f o r e have been al lowed to d r i f t (unprepared) from schoo l i n t o any occupat ion they could fxnd."^^ F o l l o w i n g the Putman-Weir Survey 's recommendation, the Educat ion Department drew up a programme of s t u d i e s fo r j u n i o r h igh schools i n 1927. I t s main f u n c t i o n was to u n i f y " l i f e and e d u c a t i o n " by p r o v i d i n g c h i l d r e n w i t h : " i n d i v i d u a l d i a g n o s i s , l e a d i n g to e d u c a t i o n a l and v o c a t i o n a l g u i d a n c e ; " " e x p l o r a t o r y a c t i v i t i e s i n v a r i e d o c c u p a t i o n a l f i e l d s ; " " v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g fo r those who must leave schoo l e a r l y ; " " e x t r a - c u r r i c u l a r a c t i v i t i e s . . . fo r the development of l e a d e r s h i p and fo r l e a r n i n g s o c i a l c o - o p e r a t i o n and democrat ic c i t i z e n s h i p ; " and " e q u a l i t y of e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t y . " I n t e l l i g e n c e t e s t s e f f i c i e n t l y sor ted out s tudents a c c o r d i n g 149 to t h e i r a b i l i t i e s and d iscovered t h e i r " n a t u r a l t a l e n t s . " By 1929 e igh t j u n i o r h igh schools e x i s t e d i n B r i t i s h Columbia but the depress ion stunted the -programme 1 s expans ion . The reorgan ized schoo l system worked to make the schoo l more r e l e v a n t to an urban i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . E d u c a t i o n a l a u t h o r i t i e s r e a l i z e d that B r i t i s h Co lumbia 's i n d u s t r i a l cent res requ i red " t r a i n e d hands and minds" and t e c h n i c a l courses o f f e r e d a " s u i t a b l e p reparatory t r a i n i n g fo r the la rge numbers of p u p i l s whose f u t u r e w i l l surround commercial and i n d u s t r i a l c a r e e r s . " ^ ' ' Schools helped determine what occupat ions youth may enter by c o r r e l a t i n g t h e i r l e v e l of a b i l i t i e s w i t h the demands of a range of j o b s . " W i t h i n that l e v e l , " s ta ted the Putman-Weir Survey, " h i s cho ice of a p a r t i c u l a r v o c a t i o n must depend upon h i s pe rsona l t a s t e s , h i s s p e c i a l p r e p a r a t i o n , h i s economic s t a t u s , h i s p h y s i c a l f i t n e s s , and e s p e c i a l l y 1 CO upon a v a i l a b l e o p p o r t u n i t y . " The j u n i o r h i g h s c h o o l , v o c a t i o n a l educat ion and guidance became a " s c i e n t i f i c and c o n t i n u i n g process whereby i n d i v i d u a l s " were " t e s t e d , measured, and e v a l u a t e d , then advised concerning the l i n e s of work and 153 endeavour wherein t h e i r development i s l i k e l y to be g r e a t e s t . " E d u c a t i o n a l reformers suggested that student records be kept and surveys of bus iness needs be conducted so the " i n t e r e s t s " of both could be matched. In t h i s f a s h i o n the " r e a l work" of v o c a t i o n a l i s m would be . , 154 c a r r i e d ou t . 105 Footnotes 1. A d e t a i l e d account i s necessary because the p r o v i n c e ' s e d u c a t i o n a l h i s t o r i o g r a p h y i s very t h i n . My conc lus ions are t e n t a t i v e and some t o p i c s r e c e i v e short s h r i f t . Th is chapter draws e s p e c i a l l y on the p e r s p e c t i v e s of David Tyack 's The One Best System and Marv in L a z e r s o n ' s O r i g i n s of the Urban S c h o o l . 2. Vancouver Board of Trade, Annual Repor t , 1901-02. 82. 3 . R o b i n , The Rush For S p o i l s : Canadian P r o v i n c i a l P o l i t i c s , 2 7 - 6 8 . E d i t o r M a r t i n Robin (Scarborough: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1972) ; and P a t r i c i a E. Roy, "The P r e s e r v a t i o n of the Peace i n Vancouver: The Af termath of the A n t i - Chinese R i o t of 1887 , " BC Stud ies 31 (Autumn 1976): 4 4 - 5 9 . 4. A. Ross McCormack, "The Emergence of the S o c i a l i s t Movement i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , " BC Stud ies 21 (Spr ing 1974): 3"27. 5. Gera ld F r i e s e n , " ' Y o u r s i n R e v o l t " : R e g i o n a l i s m , S o c i a l i s m and the Western Canadian Labour Movement," Labour/Le T r a v a i l l e u r 1 (1976): 139-57. 6. Jamieson, Times of T r o u b l e , 6 2 - 6 4 , 9 5 - 9 7 , 104-150 and 158-170. Jamieson argues that B r i t i s h Columbia was more f e r t i l e ground fo r r a d i c a l p o l i t i c s than the r e s t of the country because the resource f r o n t i e r s were the "main b i r t h p l a c e and n u r t u r i n g ground of m i l i t a n t . . . labour movements and p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . . . . " The resource economy's c y c l i c a l n a t u r e , and the s o c i a l and geographic i s o l a t i o n of workers l i v i n g i n o n e - i n d u s t r y towns where they had l i t t l e contact w i t h other o c c u p a t i o n a l groups or c l a s s e s and l i m i t e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s fo r a s t a b l e f a m i l y l i f e , a l l c o n t r i b u t e d to tens ions d i r e c t e d at absentee employers . " R e g i o n a l F a c t o r s i n I n d u s t r i a l C o n f l i c t : The Case of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , " - in H i s t o r i c a l Essays on B r i t i s h Co lumbia , 233~35. 7. P. R u t h e r f o r d , "Tomorrow's M e t r o p o l i s : The Urban Reform Movement In Canada, 1880 -1920, " Canadian H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , H i s t o r i c a l Papers , 1971, 203-224; and F o s t e r , "Educat ion and Work i n a Changing S o c i e t y : B r i t i s h Co lumbia , 1879 -1930, " 106-07 . 8. R u t h e r f o r d , i b i d . ; and S u t h e r l a n d , C h i l d r e n In E n g l i s h - C a n a d i a n S o c i e t y 9 . Robertson Papers , B 3 , F 2 . 10. Canada, P a r l i a m e n t , S e s s i o n a l Papers , Report of the Department of Labour (Ottawa: K i n g ' s P r i n t e r , 1915): 78 (he rea f te r c i t e d as DL) . B r i a n P a l m e r ' s d e f i n i t i o n and context fo r e f f i c i e n c y i s u s e f u l fo r my t h e s i s . "Wi th the onslaught of P r o g r e s s i v i s m i n the f i r s t two decades of the t w e n t i e t h century , a movement i n which c a p i t a l attempted to i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e re form i n the i n t e r e s t s of i t s p r e s e r v a t i o n and c o n t i n u i t y , r a t i o n a l i t y and sc ience were g iven an unprecedented impetus. W i t h i n t h i s c o n t e x t , ' e f f i c i e n c y , ' as a s p e c i f i c i d e a l , was paraded as the s o l u t i o n to a l l of i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m ' s p rob lems . " " C l a s s , Concept ion and C o n f l i c t : The Thrust fo r E f f i c i e n c y , " 34. 11. McCormack, I b i d . , 3 . r 106 Footnotes 12. Lou i s P. C a i n , "Water and S a n i t a t i o n S e r v i c e i n Vancouver: An H i s t o r i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e , " BC S tud ies 30 (Summer 1976): 2 7 - 4 3 ; and Jay A t h e r t o n , "The B r i t i s h Columbia O r i g i n s of the F e d e r a l Department of L a b o u r , " BC Stud ies 32 Winter 1976-77) : 9 3 - 1 0 5 . 13. D .L . M a t t e r s , "A Report on H e a l t h Insurance: 1919 , " BC S tud ies 21 (Spr ing 1974): 2 8 - 3 2 . 14. Th is p o i n t has been made by many North American h i s t o r i a n s i n c l u d i n g David Tyack, Robert Weibe, Marv in Lazerson and A l i s o n P r e n t i c e , but there i s no examinat ion of the i n f l u e n c e of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n on f a m i l y l i f e i n B r i t i s h Co lumbia . That f a m i l y and community cohesion broke down dur ing i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s f a i l e d to s o c i a l i z e youth i s a p r o p o s i t i o n that i s p r e s e n t l y be ing c h a l l e n g e d . Some argue that working c l a s s i n s t i t u t i o n s gave workers the s t r e n g t h to r e a c t to i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . See Gutman, '.'Work, C u l t u r e , , and S o c i e t y i n I n d u s t r i a l i z i n g Amer ica , 1815 -1919 , " 533-587; and Palmer , "Most Uncommon' Common Men: C r a f t and C u l t u r e i n H i s t o r i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e , " 5 _ 3 1 . What i s impor tant , however,' i s that educators" i n B r i t i s h Columbia and elsewhere d u r i n g the n ine teenth and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s perce ived the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l i z i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s . 15. B r i t i s h Co lumbia , L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, Annual Reports of the P u b l i c Schools of the Prov ince of B r i t i s h Co lumbia , 1900-01 ( V i c t o r i a : K i n g ' s P r i n t e r , 1901), 251 (he rea f te r c i t e d as AR) . 16. I b i d . 17. Census of Canada, 1931 (Ottawa: K i n g ' s P r i n t e r , 1933), 1 : 3 6 8 - 6 9 , 66 and 155. 18. H a r r i s , " L o c a t i n g the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , " 1 0 6 - 1 1 1 ; Norber t MacDonald, "A C r i t i c a l Growth Cyc le fo r Vancouver, 1900 -1914, " BC Stud ies 17 (Spr ing 1973), 42 , and Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: ; A H i s t o r y , 359. 19. Census of Canada, 1931, 1 :66 , 68 and 155; and Census of Canada, 1931, 2 : 8 - 9 . 20. B r i t i s h Co lumbia , L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, S t a t u t e s , P u b l i c Schools A c t , 1891, V i c t o r i a c h . 40; and S t a t u t e s , P u b l i c Schools A c t , 1901, Edward ch . 48. 21. AR, 1900-01, 280. See a l s o MacLaur in , "The H i s t o r y of Educat ion i n the Crown C o l o n i e s of Vancouver I s l a n d and B r i t i s h Columbia and i n the Prov ince of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , " 160. 22. C a l c u l a t e d from S t a t i s t i c a l Returns , AR, 1900-01, v. and x i v . 23. AR, 1901-02, 57. 24. AR. 1900-01, 273; and AR, 1905-06, 47. 25. See Appendix 1; Census of Canada, 1931, 1 :392; and MacLaur in , i b i d . 26. Tyack, The One Best System, 5 7 - 5 9 . 107 Footnotes 27. Appendix 1; and Census of Canada, 1931. 1 :1113. 28. Vancouver School Board , M inutes , 14 June 1899. Some parents re fused to send t h e i r c h i l d r e n to schoo l because they d i d not want t h e i r c h i l d r e n v a c c i n a t e d . Vancouver School Board , M i n u t e s , 9 March 1900 ( h e r e a f t e r c i t e d as VSB, M i n u t e s ) . 29. VSB, Mint i tes , 9 February 1900; VSB, M i n u t e s , 28 February 1900; AR, 1909-10, 36; AR, 1908-09, 30; and AR, 1907-08, 36. 30. VSB, M i n u t e s , 8 March 1901. Harry Dunne l l and W.H. B i n n s , fo r i n s t a n c e , were two manual t r a i n i n g teachers brought out to Canada from Leeds, Eng land. D a i l y C o l o n i s t , 23 November 1900, 2. 31. W i l l i a m Burns , "The N e c e s s i t y For Teacher T r a i n i n g , " Queen' s Q u a r t e r l y 17 (October 1909): 1 1 4 - 1 5 . 32. AR, 1905-06, 47. 33. AR, 1900 -01 . 251; and AR, 1905-06. 29. Mar jo ry MacMurchy c laimed that i n Ontar io "many g i r l s teach for a few years before e n t e r i n g some other o c c u p a t i o n . " MacMurchy, The Canadian G i r l at Work. 34. 34. AR, 1915-16. 41 . 35. AR, 1899-1900. 212. See a l s o AR, 1924-25. 38. 36. AR, 1901-02 , 3 7 - 3 8 . 37. AR, 1924-25. 3 6 - 3 7 . See a l s o AR. 1901-02. 53; AR, 1925-26. 6 and 31; AR, 1899-1900, 2 0 9 - 1 3 ; and PWS, 20. 38. AR. 1899-1900. 215; and AR. 1911-12. 4 1 . 39. AR, 1908-09. 23: AR, 1912-13. 48 ; and AR, 1915-16. 35 40. AR, 1906-07. 33: and AR. 1911-- 1 2 , 35. 41 . AR, 1901-02. 55. 42. AR, 1899-1900. 2 1 4 - 1 5 . 43. AR, 1899-1900. 2 1 2 - 1 3 . 44. AR, 1913-14. 49. 45 . AR, 1901-02. 38: and AR, 1911-•12, 41 . 46. AR, 1903-04. 67. 47. AR, 1899-1900. 211 -12 . 48. AR, 1901-02. 38. 108 Footnotes 49. AR, 1913 - 1 4 , 50. AR, 1901 - 0 2 , 51. AR, 1902 " 0 3 , 52. AR, 1902 - 0 3 , 53. AR, 1913 - 1 4 , For S p o i l s , 172; and 54. AR, 1918 - 1 9 , . , 8 - 28; and Johnson, A H i s t o r y of P u b l i c E d u c a t i o n , 98. 55. M.A. Cameron, Report of the Commission of Inqu i r y i n t o Educat ion F inance ( V i c t o r i a : K i n g ' s P r i n t e r , 1946); and A l a n H. C h i l d , "A L i t t l e Tempest: P u b l i c Reac t ion to the Formation of a Large E d u c a t i o n a l Un i t i n the Peace R i v e r D i s t r i c t of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , " BC Stud ies 16 (Winter 1972-73) 56. AR. 1906-07. 33. 57. BCT (February 1923): 133. 58. AR. 1916-17. 29. 59. AR. 1914-15. 37. 60. PWS, 57. 61 . Times, 30 November 1928, 5. 62. Johnson, A H i s t o r y of P u b l i c Educat ion i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 5 6 . . 63. AR. 1905-06, 48. 64. AR, 1909-10, 39. 65. AR. 1906-07, 40. 66. I b i d . ; and AR. 1910-11 , 41 . 67. AR, 1911-12. 4 0 - 4 1 . 68. AR, 1910-11 , 4 1 ; AR, 1907-08, 36; and AR, 1908-09, 30. 69. B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , . S t a t u t e s , Coa l Mines Regu la t ions A c t . 1877, V i c t o r i a ch . 15; M e t a l l i f e r o u s Mines I n s p e c t i o n A c t , 1897, V i c t o r i a ch . 27; and C o a l Mines R e g u l a t i o n Act Amendment A c t , 1911, George c h . 33. 70. B r i t i s h Co lumbia , S t a t u t e s , Shops R e g u l a t i o n A c t , 1900, V i c t o r i a ch . 34; and S t a t u t e s , Shops R e g u l a t i o n Act Amendment A c t , 1901, Edward ch . 49 109 Footnotes 71. B r i t i s h Columbia, S t a t u t e s , F a c t o r i e s A c t , 1908, Edward ch . 15; Shops R e g u l a t i o n Act Amendment A c t , 1915, George c h . 25; and F a c t o r i e s Act Amendment A c t , 1920, George ch . 22. 72. B r i t i s h Columbia , S t a t u t e s , Employment of C h i l d r e n A c t , 1921, George ch . 19; F a c t o r i e s Act Amendment A c t , 1923, George ch . 12; and F a c t o r i e s Act Amendment A c t , 1927, George ch . 22. 73. ' B r i t i s h Columbia , S t a t u t e s , N ight Employment of Women A c t , 1921, ch . 46 ; and S t a t u t e s , N ight Employment of Young Persons A c t , 1921, c h . 47. See a l s o Helen Gregory M a c G I l l , Laws For Women And C h i l d r e n (Vancouver:; n . p . , 1 9 2 8 ) . . 74. V o c a t i o n a l Educat ion 8 (December 1923): 3 . Helen Gregory M a c G i l l a l s o s t ressed the lack of enforced c h i l d labour laws. "The C h i l d In I n d u s t r y , " H o s p i t a l School S e r v i c e 8 (1926): 351, m i c r o f i l m , Vancouver C i t y A r c h i v e s . 75. B r i t i s h Columbia Teachers ' F e d e r a t i o n , Minute Book 6, 21 A p r i l 1922. 76. Census of Canada, 1921, 4 : 3 1 8 - 1 9 ; and Census of Canada, 1931, 7 : 4 . . 77. LG 23 (December 1923): 1385. 78. M a c G i l l , i b i d . , 353"54. 79. S u t h e r l a n d , C h i l d r e n i n E n g l i s h - C a n a d i a n S o c i e t y , 165. Both the Putman-Weir Survey and the Canada Year Book noted that dur ing the 1920s attendance improved at the h igher l e v e l s when ado lescents exper ienced d i f f i c u l t y s e c u r i n g employment. PWS, 270; and TCYB, 1932, 832. 80. See Appendix 1, 2, 3 , and Census of Canada, 1931, 1:1133. 81. See Appendix 4. 82. AR. 1912-13. 43. 83. Times, 20 May 1921, 18. See a l s o Susan E. Houston, " P o l i t i c s , S c h o o l s , and S o c i a l Change i n Upper Canada," Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review L I I I (September 1972): 249-271. 84. AR. 1923-24. 35. 85. S u t h e r l a n d , i b i d 86. AR, 1912-13, 36. 87. AR. 1910-11. 40. 88. AR. 1914-15. 36. 89. AR, 1907-08. 27. 90. AR, 1912-13, 4 3 ; AR, 1914-15. 34; AR, 1919-20. 2 4 - 2 7 ; and AR, 1929-30. 37. 110 Footnotes 91. Appendix 4 and 5; B r i t i s h Co lumbia , S t a t u t e s , An Act fo r g r a n t i n g c e r t a i n sums of Money fo r the P u b l i c S e r v i c e of the Prov ince of B r i t i s h Columbia . 1900. V i c t o r i a ch . 36; 1910, Edward ch . 46 ; 1920, George ch . 88; and 1928, George c h . 44. 92. Appendix 4. 93. Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: A H i s t o r y . 337. 94. Appendix 4. 95 . P a u l R. Tennant, "The In f luence of L o c a l School Boards on C e n t r a l Educat ion A u t h o r i t i e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia" (M.A. t h e s i s , The U n i v e r s i t y of Ch icago , 1962): 1, 2, and 120. 96. PWS, 2 7 0 - 7 1 . See a l s o Jorgen D a h l i e , "The Japanese i n B . C . : l o s t o p p o r t u n i t y : Some aspects of the educat ion of m i n o r i t i e s , " BC Stud ies 8 (Winter 1970-71) : 3 - 1 6 . 97. For evidence of t h i s process i n the Uni ted S t a t e s , see Tyack, The One Best System; Laze rson , O r i g i n s Of The Urban S c h o o l : and Bowles and G i n t i s , Schoo l ing In C a p i t a l i s t Amer ica ; No comparable s t u d i e s have been done i n Canada y e t . 98. R u t h e r f o r d , "Tomorrow's M e t r o p o l i s : The Urban Reform Movement In Canada, 1880 -1920, " 213 -14 . 99. H a r r i s , " L o c a t i n g the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , " 114 -15 . 100. Ormsby, i b i d . , 3 3 8 - 4 1 . 101. MacDonald, "A C r i t i c a l Growth Cyc le fo r Vancouver, 1900 -1914, " 38-39 102. BCT (January 1924): 105. 103. AR, 1925-26. 49. 104. (Toronto: Norman Fergus B l a c k , Peace and E f f i c i e n c y i n School A d m i n i s t r a t i o n J . M . Dent and Sons L t d . , 1926): 82. 105. AR, 1900-01 : and PWS, 365. 106. AR. 1929-30. 107. BCT, (January 1924): 105-07. 108. AR. 1925-26. 49. 109. AR, 1916-17. 3 2 - 3 3 . 110. BCT, (January 1924) :111. 111. AR, 1929-30, 8. I l l Footnotes 112. AR. 1914-15. 56. 113. Appendix 6; AR. 1929-30 and ca lculated from S t a t i s t i c a l Returns; AR 1900-01. ca lcula ted from S t a t i s t i c a l Returns; and AR. 1929-30. ca lcu la ted from S t a t i s t i c a l Returns. 114. TCYB. 1924. 865. See a lso PWS, 414. 115. PWS, 177. 116. E l i z a b e t h Graham, "Schoolmarms and E a r l y Teaching i n O n t a r i o , " i n Women at Work: Ontar io , 185Q-1930. 165-66 and 181-82. David Tyack makes the same point for American teachers. See Tyack, The One Best System, 62. 117. PWS, 416. 118. AR, 1917-18, 28. See a lso A l i s o n Prent i ce , "The Feminizat ion of Teaching i n B r i t i s h North America and Canada, 1845-1875," h i s t o i r e / s o c i a l e S o c i a l Hi s tory 8 (May 1975): 5-20. 119. D a i l y C o l o n i s t , 7 March 1923, 11. 120. Tyack, i b i d . , 60. 121. AR, 1899-1900, 205; MacLaurin, "The Hi s tory of Education i n the Crown Colonies of Vancouver Island and B r i t i s h Columbia and i n the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia , " 262; G . N . E . Green, "The Development of the Curr iculum i n the Elementary Schools of B r i t i s h Columbia P r i o r to 1936" (M.A. thes i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1938); and Green, "The Development of the Curriculum i n the Secondary Schools of B r i t i s h Columbia Including Academic, Commercial, T e c h n i c a l , I n d u s t r i a l Ar t s and Correspondence Courses" (D. of Ped . , U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto, 1944). 122. Tyack, i b i d . , 55. 123. AR, 1900-01. 44. 124. AR, 1900-01. 251. 125. Margaret Ross, "The New Conception of E d u c a t i o n , " The B r i t i s h Columbia Monthly 14 (January 1919): 23. 126. BCT, (January 1924): 111. 127. AR, 1899-1900, 205. Recent h i s to r i ans c la im thi s "hidden curr iculum" inculcated i n d u s t r i a l norms inc lud ing r e g u l a r i t y , promptness, competi t ion, subordinat ion and indus t ry . See Katz, C la s s , Bureaucracy, &., Schools ; Morr i son, "Reform As S o c i a l Tracking : The/Case Of I n d u s t r i a l Education In Ontar io , 1870-1900," George S. Tomkins. " T r a d i t i o n and Change i n Canadian Education: H i s t o r i c a l and Contemporary Per spec t ive s , " i n Precepts , P o l i c y and Process: Perspect ives on Contemporary Canadian Educat ion, 1-20. 128. A Teachers ' Notebook from Vancouver, Vancouver C i t y Arch ives . 112 Footnotes 129. PWS, 85 and 111. 130. AR. 1903-04. 7. 131. Johnson, A H i s t o r y Of P u b l i c Educat ion In B r i t i s h Co lumbia . 63. 132. BCT, (February 1923): 135. 133. The F i r s t F i f t y Y e a r s : Vancouver High S c h o o l s , 1890-1940 ( n . p . , n . d . ) : 62. 135 AR. 1902-03. 31 . 136. The F i r s t F i f t y Years : Vancouver High S c h o o l s , 1890-1940, 62. See a l s o AR, 1904-05, 8. 137., Appendix 3. 138. Appendix 2: and AR. 1921-22, 42. 139. AR. 1915-16. 7 3 - 7 4 ; AR, 1916-17, 82 and AR. 1918-19. 81 . 140. BCT, (February 1923), 134. 141. PWS, 58 and 60. 142. I b i d . , 5 9 - 6 1 , 85"87, and 390. See a l s o AR, 1915-16, 74; AR, 1921-22, 42. 143. PWS, 8 5 - 8 7 , and 390. 144. Appendix 5 ; M a c L a u r i n , "The H i s t o r y of Educat ion i n the Crown C o l o n i e s of Vancouver I s l a n d and B r i t i s h Columbia and i n the Prov ince of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , " 188 and 268; Green, "The Development of the C u r r i c u l u m i n the Secondary Schools of B r i t i s h Columbia I n c l u d i n g Academic, Commercial , T e c h n i c a l , I n d u s t r i a l A r t s and Correspondence C o u r s e s , " 255; and AR, 1900-20, c a l c u l a t e d from S t a t i s t i c a l Returns . 145. AR, 1916-•17, 38. 146. AR, 1916-•17, 82; and AR. 1919-20. 84-85 147. AR, 1922- 23, 54; and PWS, 102. 148. B r i t i s h Co lumbia , Department of E d u c a t i o n , Programme of S tud ies fo r the J u n i o r High Schools of B r i t i s h Co lumbia , 1927-1928 ( V i c t o r i a : K i n g ' s P r i n t e r , 1927): 5 - 6 . 134. Vancouver C i t y Teachers ' I n s t i t u t e , M i n u t e s , 15 A p r i l 1901. 149. Johnson, A H i s t o r y of P u b l i c Educat ion i n B r i t i s h Columbia , 157; and PWS, 87. 113 Footnotes 150. Green, "The Development of the C u r r i c u l u m i n the Secondary Schools of B r i t i s h Columbia I n c l u d i n g Academic, Commercial , T e c h n i c a l , I n d u s t r i a l A r t s and Correspondence C o u r s e s , " 181. 151. AR. 1927-28, 52; and AR, 1928-29, 41 . 152. PWS, 101. 153. .Vocat ional E d u c a t i o n , 8 (December 1923), 6. 154. AR. 1924-25. 58; and PWS, 386. Chapter 4 V o c a t i o n a l i s m And I t s Promoters Between 1900 and 1929 B r i t i s h Co lumbia 's schoo ls adapted to an emerging i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y by r a t i o n a l i z i n g the e d u c a t i o n a l system, d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g the programme of s t u d i e s , adding v o c a t i o n a l i n s t r u c t i o n , and i n t r o d u c i n g j u n i o r h i g h s c h o o l s , guidance and t e s t i n g . T h i s chapter examines v o c a t i o n a l i s m ' s h i s t o r i c a l r o o t s and B r i t i s h Co lumbia 's promoters of v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n . V o c a t i o n a l i s m was s imply o r i e n t i n g c h i l d r e n i n s c h o o l to t h e i r l i k e l y o c c u p a t i o n a l d e s t i n i e s . T h i s was c l e a r l y one i n n o v a t i o n educators expressed when they moved to make p u b l i c s c h o o l i n g more r e l e v a n t to s o c i e t y by p r e p a r i n g youth f o r r e s p o n s i b l e c i t i z e n s h i p . I The a s s o c i a t i o n between s c h o o l i n g and work i n Canada dates back a t l e a s t to the m i d - n i n e t e e n t h century when Eger ton Ryerson was O n t a r i o ' s Ch ief Super intendent of E d u c a t i o n . Dur ing t h i s p e r i o d Canada-had: s t a r t e d to i n d u s t r i a l i z e . ' ' " Rye rson ' s 18,"71 atinual'. r e p o r t s a i d : T e c h n i c a l educat ion i s i n s t r u c t i o n i n the p e c u l i a r knowledge or s p e c i a l s k i l l r e q u i r e d i n any bus iness or o c c u p a t i o n , the t r a i n i n g which w i l l render the t a l e n t s of the c i t i z e n most u s e f u l to the s t a t e i n t h a t p a r t i c u l a r c r a f t or p r o f e s s i o n i n which he or she i s engaged, whether mechanic , fa rmer , eng ineer , teacher - ; .merchant , a r c h i t e c t , m i n i s t e r , d o c t o r , or lawyer . As the educat ion of the common s c h o o l f i t s the youth f o r tKepperformance of h i s d u t i e s as a c i t i z e n , s o . t h e t e c h n i c a l s c h o o l prepares him f o r the s p e c i a l d u t i e s of h i s t r a d e or p r o f e s s i o n . D i v i n i t y , law , and m e d i c a l s c h o o l s f o r s p e c i a l or t e c h n i c a l i n s t r u c t i o n have long been i n s u c c e s s f u l o p e r a t i o n . 2 I n f luenced by Great B r i t a i n ' s 1881 Roya l Commission on T e c h n i c a l I n s t r u c t i o n , the f e d e r a l Roya l Commission on the R e l a t i o n s of Labour and C a p i t a l i n Canada recommended i n 1889 that the p u b l i c s c h o o l c u r r i c u l u m be re-arranged!" 'with a v iew of making the i n s t r u c t i o n more p r a c t i c a l . " The 114 115 concept of vocational education became refined and no longer took on the broad meaning intimated by Ryerson. According to the report i t was the "right of everyone to receive such an education as w i l l best f i t him for the proper performance of his duties, in whatever sphere he may labour." While a classical education prepared people for professions, vocational o training came to mean preparing manual workers for- industry. The commissioners stressed technical schools increased working class prosperity and elevated their 3 social position, thus making them "more contented and happy." The common usage of the term vocational education as i t applied to the public schools became limited to the preparation of potential manual workers in the trades 4 and industries, as well as the training of clerks and domestics. This new meaning also evolved in British Columbia by 1900. II Support for the vocational training came from business, labour, service groups, politicians and professional educators. The rationale for vocational instruction coalesced around the challenges of industrialization. Businessmen argued vocational education fostered industrial development. The CMA lobbied federal and provincial governments for a positive state policy to establish a programme of vocational education. "Technical and vocational education of every kind in a l l parts of the Dominion," i t claimed, would "bring Canada quickly to the forefront of modern nations in the matter of 5 6 industrial efficiency." Chambers of Commerce held similar sentiments. Information presented to the Technical Education Commission by William Dalton of the Vancouver Board of Trade in 1910 suggested that schools teach navigation, shipbuilding, engineering, and mining because they were useful to the growing economy and the port of Vancouver.^ In 1917 Victoria's Board of Trade requested that the provincial government give the expansion of vocational training "their early consideration." 116 Board Member, J . J . S h a l l c r o s s , expressed that some s c h o o l s u b j e c t s , most n o t a b l y c l a s s i c s , had l i t t l e v a l u e . Economic change brought on by the "march of p r o g r e s s " r e q u i r e d v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g to "equ ip the coming g e n e r a t i o n f o r the i n d u s t r i a l p u r s u i t s demanded by the a g e ; . . . " P r o v i s i o n should be made f o r c o n t i n u a t i o n schoo ls f o r the use of p u p i l s up to the age of e i g h t e e n , s i n c e such p u p i l s would be unable to devote up a l l t h e i r t ime to cont inuous e d u c a t i o n . . . . I t was a l s o e s s e n t i a l . . . that a f t e r the age of twelve the g e n e r a l s c h o o l system should be so f a r d i f f e r e n t i a t e d as to g i ve the o p p o r t u n i t y of some amount of v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g . Fur thermore, he made i t abundant ly c l e a r tha t i n d u s t r y wanted a supply of 9 " e f f i c i e n t " workers to i n c r e a s e p r o d u c t i v i t y . A decade l a t e r the Vancouver P r o v i n c e argued t e c h n i c a l educat ion ensured youth a g a i n s t " b l i n d - a l l e y jobs.""'"^ Whi le drumming up support f o r a money b y - l a w i n 1927 f o r a new t e c h n i c a l s c h o o l , the P r o v i n c e s a i d " t e c h n i c a l educat ion i s i n l i n e w i t h modern p r o g r e s s , and i f Vancouver, as an i n d u s t r i a l c i t y , wishes to remain 11 i n the van or near the v a n , i t must keep s t e p . " As elsewhere i n Canada, o rgan i zed labour i n B r i t i s h Columbia a t the t u r n of the century had i n i t i a l r e s e r v a t i o n s about manual t r a i n i n g be ing i n t r o d u c e d i n t o the p u b l i c s c h o o l s . They f e a r e d i t might subver t the a p p r e n t i c e s h i p system a l r e a d y i n d e c l i n e and f l o o d the labour market w i t h 12 cheap s e m i - s k i l l e d l a b o u r . But i n 1901, some c r a f t unions j o i n e d w i t h bus iness to get government support f o r v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n . The Dominion TLC r e s o l v e d that the f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments enact l e g i s l a t i o n f o r t e c h n i c a l educat ion to t r a i n youth i n s u b j e c t s i n c l u d i n g e l e c t r i c a l , 13 chemica l and c i v i l e n g i n e e r i n g . They b e l i e v e d v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g f o s t e r e d job m o b i l i t y and promotion to management p o s i t i o n s . Labour a l s o h e l d that t e c h n i c a l educat ion was necessary f o r the c o u n t r y ' s i n d u s t r i a l development, which i n t u r n would p rov ide more employment f o r s k i l l e d workers . A d e l e g a t i o n to Prime M i n i s t e r L a u r i e r i n 1901 " p o i n t e d out tha t i t was 117 important tha t Canadians should have the o p p o r t u n i t y to be t r a i n e d i n the 14 theory and p r a c t i c e of t r a d e s . " Vancouver and V i c t o r i a l o c a l s of the TLC l o b b i e d the p r o v i n c i a l government f o r t e c h n i c a l schoo ls to supplement but not d i s p l a c e the a p p r e n t i c e s h i p . Conservat i ve c r a f t unions i n the b u i l d i n g t rades thought t e c h n i c a l educat ion broadened y o u t h ' s l e a r n i n g p r o v i d i n g them w i t h a wide range of exper iences which would p r o t e c t them l a t e r as workers a g a i n s t changes i n l a b o u r market demands."'""' Community s e r v i c e groups worked hard to e s t a b l i s h v o c a t i o n a l educat ion i n the p r o v i n c e ' s p u b l i c s c h o o l s . A f t e r 1895 p r o v i n c i a l branches of n a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s emerged, i n c l u d i n g the L o c a l C o u n c i l of Women and the Young Men's C h r i s t i a n A s s o c i a t i o n . These two groups i n p a r t i c u l a r were i n f l u e n t i a l i n promoting domestic s c i e n c e and manual t r a i n i n g because they drew on n a t i o n a l exper ience and prominent people from the ranks of government, bus iness and the p r o f e s s i o n s . The i r concern was f o r the w e l f a r e of c h i l d r e n and they a g i t a t e d f o r l e g i s l a t i o n to p r o t e c t youth from economic e x p l o i t a t i o n and the seamier s i d e of urban i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . Reformers thought p r a c t i c a l educat ion p rov ided c h i l d r e n : w i t h an o c c u p a t i o n a l f o u n d a t i o n , r a i s e d work ing c l a s s l i v i n g s t a n d a r d s , and improved the q u a l i t y . o f . w o r k e r s ' f a m i l y l i f e . Through t h e i r own v o c a t i o n a l demonst rat ion p r o j e c t s and by l o b b y i n g the p r o v i n c i a l government and l o c a l s c h o o l boards , v o l u n t a r y community groups helped i n c o r p o r a t e domestic s c i e n c e and manual t r a i n i n g i n t o the p u b l i c 16 schoo ls i n B r i t i s h Columbia between 1903 and 1905. The L o c a l C o u n c i l of Women's t h r u s t f o r domest ic s c i e n c e never ended w i t h t h e i r concern f o r c h i l d r e n ' s w e l f a r e . V i c t o r i a ' s L o c a l C o u n c i l of Women t o l d the T e c h n i c a l Educat ion Commission i n 1910 that there was a shortage of domestic servants because g i r l s want ing to work sought c l e r i c a l employment. " Th i s unhappy s t a t e of t h i n g s can on ly be a l t e r e d when a thorough t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g i s a f f o r d e d to these g i r l s , so that they w i l l 118 be a b l e to a p p r e c i a t e the t rue d i g n i t y of l a b o u r , and as a r e s u l t w i l l be more advanced i n i n t e l l i g e n c e and s k i l l . F o l l o w i n g the F i r s t World War o ther '^serv ice o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n c l u d i n g the Rotary C l u b , Canadian C l u b , Kiwanas and the V i c t o r i a R e c o n s t r u c t i o n Group supported i n c r e a s e d v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n , s t r e s s i n g s i m i l a r ends. For example, the V i c t o r i a R e c o n s t r u c t i o n Group a s s e r t e d t h a t - e d u c a t i m be " l e s s f o r m a l and b e t t e r adapted to the needs of l i f e , " and more c o n s c i o u s l y prepare youth f o r 18 "democrat ic c i t i z e n s h i p . " A f t e r 1910 prominent p o l i t i c i a n s i n c r e a s i n g l y overshadowed-! the r o l e of v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s . In 1910 W.L. Mackenzie K i n g , the f e d e r a l M i n i s t e r of Labour , s t a t e d that 624 c o a l miners l o s t t h e i r l i v e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia s i n c e 1900. He argued that v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g reduced i n d u s t r i a l a c c i d e n t s . Fur thermore , K ing c la imed the Dominion 's development r e q u i r e d v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n . Canadians cou ld o n l y h o l d t h e i r own a g a i n s t modern . .competit ion. .by " b r i n g i n g t h e i r workmen up to the h i g h e s t degree of e f f i c i e n c y , " and see ing tha t 1' " t h e i r i n d u s t r i e s were managed by men second to none i n t e c h n i c a l knowledge." B r i t i s h Co lumbia 's Educat ion M i n i s t e r , Dr . Henry Esson Young, expressed i n t e r e s t i n t e c h n i c a l educat ion i n 1912 a f t e r h i s t r i p to England where he i n s p e c t e d many t e c h n i c a l schoo ls and was " q u i t e s a t i s f i e d " that they were an " a b s o l u t e n e c e s s i t y under modern i n d u s t r i a l and commercial c o n d i t i o n s . " Employers , he observed , were anx ious to secure graduates from these s c h o o l s , and suggested " t r a i n e d men command b e t t e r wages and the net r e s u l t of the work was to improve the c o n d i t i o n s of the workingman and b r i n g about a b e t t e r 20 f e e l i n g between c a p i t a l and l a b o r . . . . " A decade l a t e r the p r o v i n c i a l government cont inued to s t r e s s the v a l u e of v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n . J . D . McNiven, Deputy M i n i s t e r of Labour , t o l d the V i c t o r i a CMA that " the manufacturers should favo r the movement f o r t e c h n i c a l educat ion as i t w i l l r e s u l t i n more s k i l l e d labour and t rade workers . Ins tead of a boy l e a v i n g 119 s c h o o l to f i l l a ' b l i n d ' job w i l l be a b l e t o c f i t h i m s e l f f o r a v o c a t i o n which 21 s u i t s him before he leaves s c h o o l . " There ;was no d i s c u s s i o n , however, on who would then f i l l the short term and low paying b l i n d j o b s . The most v igorous proponents of v o c a t i o n a l i n s t r u c t i o n i n B r i t i s h Co lumbia , and indeed i n Canada, were u n i v e r i t y p r o f e s s o r s , Educat ion Department o f f i c i a l s , teachers and t r u s t e e s . The i r r a t i o n a l e coa lesced around s i m i l a r o v e r r i d i n g themes put f o r t h by the other groups ment ioned. E d u c a t o r s ' concerns fo r v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g stemmed both from Canada's growing economy and e d u c a t i o n a l developments i n the Un i ted S ta tes and Europe. Canadian educators were a c u t e l y aware of the needs and problems generated by indus t r ia l i za t ion , and so they a r t i c u l a t e d v o c a t i o n a l i s m ' s r o l e . In 1882, p r o f e s s o r Wal ter S m i t h , p r i n c i p a l of B o s t o n ' s Conservatory School of F i n e A r t s , t o l d the C o u n c i l of A r t s and Manufacturers of Quebec at M o n t r e a l , that Canada needed a n a t i o n a l p o l i c y of t e c h n i c a l e d u c a t i o n . When the whole world i s moving, the stagnant c o u n t r y . . . w i l l soon f i n d i t s e l f out of the race of p r o g r e s s . . . . T h e r e i s no p r o f i t and no honour i n be ing the hewers of wood and drawers of water fo r the s k i l l e d n a t i o n s . . . . A manufacturer i n P a r i s and London and B e r l i n i s t h i s moment competing w i t h one of our own manufacturers i n the next s t r e e t , and w i l l beat him because he i s more s k i l l e d , has b e t t e r workmen, has a more steady demand from a c u l t i v a t e d p u b l i c fo r h i s good, and can t h e r e f o r e a f f o r d to put more work, s k i l l and beauty i n t o them, than we can , or even know how t o . U n t i l 1900 v o c a t i o n a l i s m was not n a t i o n a l l y e s t a b l i s h e d a l though some c l a s s e s e x i s t e d i n e a s t e r n Canadian schools and mechanics ' i n s t i t u t e s . In 1900 the Macdonald movement f inanced manual t r a i n i n g across Canada thus i n t r o d u c i n g i t i n t o B r i t i s h Co lumbia . Robertson made the school/work r e l a t i o n s h i p c l e a r . . I n . . . B r i t i s h Co lumbia , w i t h her immense u n d e r d e v e l o p e d . . . r e s o u r c e s , the importance of manual t r a i n i n g . . . cannot be o v e r e s t i m a t e d , as i t would g i ve the boys a s u b s t a n t i a l grounding i n rudimentary mechanics which would f i t 23 t h e m . . . t o s a p p r o a c h and grasp the h igher branches of a t e c h n i c a l e d u c a t i o n . He l a t e r e labora ted how the o b j e c t i v e s of the 1910 f ' Roya l Commission on T e c h n i c a l Educat ion and the 1909 Commission on Conserva t ion d o v e - t a i l e d . Regarding the l a t t e r i n v e s t i g a t i n g the conservat ionaand u t i l i z a t i o n of Canada's r e s o u r c e s , these cannot be u t i l i z e d to advantage un less the people be competent i n the performance of i n t e l l i g e n t , s k i l l f u l l a b o u r . I n t e l l i g e n c e and s k i l l i n l a b o u r , as f a c t o r s , i n i d u s t r i a l e f f i c i e n c y , are promoted by some form of i n d u s t r i a l t r a i n i n g and technical e d u c a t i o n . The two Commissions are an e x p r e s s i o n of the n a t i o n ' s d e s i r e to a s c e r t a i n w i t h some measure o f . . . 120 clearness what we have in our material resources and how best and most . may be made of them and of the human talent inherent in our people.^ 4 Citing Robertson, J.W. Gibson, British Columbia's Director of Elementary Agricultural Education, reported in 1920 "that the experiences of the schools should tend more directly toward the inculcation and conservation of a love of productive, constructive, and conserving labour." Provincial education o f f i c i a l s asserted that vocationalism stimulated economic expansion and stressed that programmes be vigourously extended into the high schools.. In 1907 Harry Dunnell, Inspector of Manual Training, pointed to manual instruction's growing prominence abroad, then emphasized: "Can a young country like ours, that is constantly drawing from the older countries for i t s increasing population, ignore this fact? Our schools... 26 cannot afford to lag behind...." Three years later while promoting technical schools, Dunnell said: on the eve of the development of a great province, i t behooves us to look about and examine ourselves, and ask...the question, "Are we doing a l l that we possibly can to train our boys that they w i l l be able to take up the great burden of successfully developing and building up...British Columbia?"-^ John Kyle was vocationalism's most prominent spokesman in the province after 1914 when he became Organizer of Technical Education. That year he championed vocational education, addressing school trustees and public bodies, 28 writing in newspapers, and contacting "hundreds of business firms." During the war he argued "the hope of the Empire depends upon the training of the rising generation in industrial efficiency and i n s t i l l i n g noble ideas of public service in the minds of those who w i l l be the men and 29 women of the future." Although he attracted interest from Boards of Trade and Manufacturers' Associations, their overriding concern for costs o n and the "government's p i t i f u l policy of retrenchment," hampered his efforts. Kyle continued to draw public attention to vocationalism and after the 121 war he gathered i n c r e a s e d support as the p rov ince p u l l e d out of the r e c e s s i o n 31 and as the f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments made funds a v a i l a b l e a f t e r 1919. Teachers l e n t support to the v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g movement. J . G . L i s t e r , a Vancouver shop t e a c h e r , c la imed t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g p rov ided an educat ion 32 f o r those e n t e r i n g i n d u s t r i a l j o b s . The B .C . Teacher p o i n t e d to the pos t -war Germany as an example of how a n a t i o n rocked by war , r e v o l u t i o n and c r i s i s f o l l o w i n g the Treaty of V e r s a i l l e s expanded v o c a t i o n a l programmes i n t h e i r 33 s c h o o l system. Harry C h a r l e s w o r t h , Genereal S e c r e t a r y of the B r i t i s h Columbia Teachers ' F e d e r a t i o n , informed community s e r v i c e groups that v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g countered the h i g h s c h o o l ' s academic b i a s , c a t e r i n g to on ly the " t e n p e r c e n t " who entered the p r o f e s s i o n s , and argued t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g stemmed the dropout 34 r a t e and enabled youth to f i l l exper t j o b s . I n f luenced by v o c a t i o n a l i s m ' s approva l by eminent e d u c a t i o n i s t s , the 1923 BCTF convent ion r e s o l v e d tha t the Educat ion Department make "manual t r a i n i n g compulsory i n the Senior Grades of the P u b l i c Schools of c i t i e s of the f i r s t and second c l a s s , and i n the f i r s t and second years of the h i g h s c h o o l s i n such c i t i e s , and i n . : a l l c i t i e s , d i s t r i c t s 35 and m u n i c p a l i t i e s where now e s t a b l i s h e d . " Vancouver and V i c t o r i a branches 36 of the Parent Teachers ' A s s o c i a t i o n a l s o forwarded s i m i l a r arguments. School t r u s t e e s , e x p e c i a l l y i n the l a r g e r urban c e n t r e s , pressed f o r v o c a t i o n a l i n s t r u c t i o n . Dr . B rydon - Jack , Chairman of the Vancouver School Board , l e c t u r e d the Trades and Labour C o u n c i l i n 1913 i n order to g a i n support f o r t e c h n i c a l e d u c a t i o n . He reassured l a b o r tha t v o c a t i o n a l i s m was not t rades t r a i n i n g , a s s e r t i n g t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g i s an educat ion f o r i n d u s t r i a l p u r p o s e s . . . . T h e t e c h n i c a l s c h o o l i s in tended to broaden the knowledge of the p r i n c i p l e s of r e s p e c t i v e t rades or employment, thereby tend ing to i n c r e a s e the e f f i c i e n c y of the workers , to shor ten the hours of work, and to i n c r e a s e the r a t e of wages. He a l s o warned that l a r g e numbers of young people were l e a v i n g s c h o o l w i t h and incomplete t r a i n i n g and consequent ly were d r i f t i n g i n t o "temporary 122 occupat ions tha t head nowhere .""" New Westminster t r u s t e e and former p r o v i n c i a l Ch ie f Inspecto r of Machinery , John Peck , adopted a n a t i v i s t i c argument to g a i n support f o r a V i c t o r i a t e c h n i c a l s c h o o l i n 1929. He t o l d a p u b l i c meeting that " t e c h n i c a l educat ion addressed to the d e s i r a b i l i t y of hav ing the resources of the country developed by our own p e o p l e , r . i n s t e a d of hav ing to depend upon o u t s i d e r s , i n cases where more or l e s s t e c h n i d a l - k h o w l e d g e i s r e q u i r e d . Such p o s i t i o n s be ing f i l l e d by s t r a n g e r s , has been l e a v i n g a l l our people 38 i n more m e n i a l p o s i t i o n s . . . . " V i c t o r i a t r u s t e e , G . A . A . Hebden, p laced v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g i n t o the context of i n d u s t r i a l work. He observed the growing t rend of o c c u p a t i o n a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and i t s a f f e c t s on work a t t i t u d e s . He thought t e c h n i c a l educat ion r e s t o r e d t r a d i t i o n a l work va lues by g i v i n g a boy a concept ion of the purpose of h i s work. T h i s i s very necessary and i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n the s t o r y of th ree men who were c h i p p i n g rock w i t h c h i s s e l s . When asked what they were d o i n g , one s a i d he was ' c u t t i n g rock , ' ' ano ther s a i d he'was working f o r $7.50 a d a y , ' and the t h i r d s a i d he was ' h e l p i n g to b u i l d a c a t h e d r a l . ' 3 9 I I I Few l e a d i n g educators i n B r i t i s h Columbia d u r i n g the f i r s t th ree decades of the t w e n t i e t h century d i s p u t e d tha t modern e d u c a t i o n ' s main purpose was to p r o v i d e youth w i t h i n d u s t r i a l c i t i z e n s h i p . They cou ld not ag ree , however, on the best means to promote t h i s end. As Greater Vancouver and New Westminster became more important i n d u s t r i a l and commercial cent res and some i n t e r i o r communities b lossomed, educators pressed f o r i n c r e a s e d v o c a t i o n a l i s m , and cons idered i t to be more r e l e v a n t than the c l a s s i c s to changing c o n d i t i o n s . The; Putman-Weir Survey v i g o u r o u s l y supported v o c a t i o n a l educat ion and quest ioned the c o n t r i b u t i o n of " f o r e i g n languages" m"social progressV" . . . S o c i a l progress i n g e n e r a l i n a democracy i s dependent upon progress i n p u b l i c e d u c a t i o n . . . . S o c i a l p rogress i n any event i s s l o w . . . . I f p u b l i c 123 educational i n s t i t u t i o n s are to give i t a sustained and w e l l directed push, then educational leaders and p u b l i c i s t s must have c l e a r l y - defined ideas upon the aims of s o c i a l progress and upon the underlying s o c i a l , i n d u s t r i a l and economic, and p o l i t i c a l phenomena around them which determine i t s momentum and direction....Parents say: What s h a l l I .'do with my c h i l d when he leaves high school? What openings are there for him that have any r e l a t i o n to the kind of education he i s now receiving? What i s the use i n educating our boys and g i r l s f o r a status i n l i f e which they cannot hope to attain? Why teach our boys L a t i n and French when they have to become messengers, c l e r k s , or day-labourers? Such questions on the part of parents i n urban centres point unmistakably to one of two things. Either the s o c i a l , economic, and i n d u s t r i a l conditions of the Province are unhealthy, or badly balanced, or maladjusted, or the schools are not doing t h e i r f u l l duty toward the young people who leave t h e i r doors with faces set toward the world and i t s work. Either; thousands of people are crowding into urban centres where they are f a i l i n g to achieve an economic independence i n harmony with desire and personal f i t n e s s or the school aims are too much divorced from the needs of the r e a l world about i t . 4 ^ Quoting H.G. Wells, John Kyle, Organizer of Technical Education, stated: "We need to invigorate and reinvigorate education....We need to create a sustained counter-effort to the perpetual tendency of a l l educational organizations 41 toward c l a s s i c a l i s m , secondary issues, and the evasion of l i f e . " Throughout the period vocationalism did not go unchallenged as supporters of the t r a d i t i o n a l curriculum countered t h e i r c r i t i c s with a s p i r i t e d defence. School inspector J.S. Gordon claimed proponents of t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g were of the "opinion that a course of study i s p r a c t i c a l l y useless unless i t supplies the student with a fund of knowledge that w i l l make the earning of money ra p i d l y , and at an early age a c e r t a i n t y . The commercial value of a study alone appeals to them. They lose sight of the fa c t that to learn how to l i v e 42 i s j u s t as important as to learn how to earn a l i v i n g . " Writing i n the B.C. Teacher, S i r Arthur Currie, P r i n c i p a l of M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y and World War I hero, reminded those who lashed out against a c l a s s i c a l education that schooling was'a"discipline of the mind, and that whatever produces that d i s c i p l i n e — whether Algebra or L a t i n grammar, — i s of great value to the boy." He hoped people were beginning to r e a l i z e how f a r the eagerness for immediate p r o f i t and u t i l i t y has led our reformers to disregard any general mental c u l t i v a t i o n 124 which cannot be interpreted in terms of material gain."4"3 In addition, traditionalists blamed their opponents for many children leaving school at fourteen because criticisms of the curricula generated antipathy amongst "mentally inactive students" toward their studies. It was a ".difficult task to develop the reasoning faculties of a youth," claimed one schoolman, i f he had "the idea that the study" was "useless1.'. Consequently, criticisms encouraged students... to drop out of school...to begin life's 44 work: with l i t t l e knowledge and very l i t t l e s k i l l . " More important, conservative educators perceived vocationalism as a threat to a corporate society which they claimed was founded upon moral character. They maintained the function of the school was certainly not to train youth for specialized careers, although education i f i t was done "properly" provided the necessary preparation for work. For them, the essential service of the public school was "to train a strong, united democracy; to establish a common interest, which subsequent adherence to party or sect shall not avoid to.impair, and which shall conserve for each individual his personal value and his proper liberty with a due regard to the common weal nor should any teaching be admitted to shelter under the aegis of the public school which might in any way tend to weaken, or obscure this end. School methods, then, are to be brought to this test:" Are they such as to develop power of body, of mind, of character, or corporate action? Are the conditions of the school and is the mode of presentation and correlation of studies such as to impress the sense of - , a.common interdependence and an underlying unity? 4^ The dangers of an overly vocational curriculum compared to the virtues of a general humanistic one emerged ful l blown at the height of the Great War. Inspector A.C. Dove warned against denuding the curricula of language, literature, and history, and pointed to the German example of a too practical education. "It is just the absence of...humanizing qualities that constitutes the 125 d i f f e r n e c e between the merely p r a c t i c a l k u l t u r of the German and the c u l t u r e of the r e s t of the w o r l d ; i t i s t h e i r l o s s tha t has turned the German of today i n t o the mal ignant d i s e a s e , the cancer of humani t y . " Dove saw the war as a d i r e c t " r e s u l t " of a "merely p r a c t i c a l e d u c a t i o n . " Fur thermore, c r i t i c s argued tha t s imply s o c i a l i z i n g youth w i t h an outworn and d i s c o r d a n t work e t h i c , as w e l l as h a b i t u a t i n g them to r i g i d work rhythms, cou ld not e f f e c t i v e l y counteract the i n d u s t r i a l w o r k p l a c e ' s m i s e r a b l e c o n d i t i o n s and p e j o r a t i v e image. C . L . Gibbs of Edmonton's T e c h n i c a l School wrote i n the B .C . Teacher that so long as those who do the w o r l d ' s manual work are looked upon as the c h i p s i n a game of p r o f i t poker and t h e i r labour power as a commodity to be b a r t e r e d as men haggle over a horse d e a l , so long w i l l the d i g n i t y and a t t r a c t i o n of manual work remain a medieva l legend and j u s t so long w i l l parents and c h i l d r e n a l i k e s t r i v e and s t r u g g l e to avo id o v e r a l l s and enter the ranks of those - who do a minimum of t o i l i n g and s p i n n i n g . 4 7 Many parents and teachers b e l i e v e d tha t i n d u s t r i a l employment d i d not r e q u i r e educat ion or s p e c i a l t r a i n i n g . Moreover , they saw mannual work w i t h i t s low s t a t u s as u n d e s i r a b l e and looked upon v o c a t i o n a l courses as a s u i t a b l e p l a c e f o r "mental d e f e c t l v e s ^ a n d r e t a r d e d p u p i l s . " C h i l d r e n too r e f l e c t e d t h i s a t t i t u d e and took academic c l a s s e s i n order to " e l i m i n a t e the n e c e s s i t y of 48 work ing w i t h t h e i r hands or s o i l i n g t h e i r c l o t h e s . " Gibbs suggested many parents o f t e n approved of v o c a t i o n a l i s m , but not f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n . The parents are i n favour of t e c h n i c a l educat ion — on g e n e r a l p r i n c i p l e s — yet they send t h e i r c h i l d r e n to the academic h i g h s c h o o l s ; they are i n favour of i n d u s t r i a l t r a i n i n g and v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n — o n genera l p r i n c i p l e s — b u t when they are t h i n k i n g i n terms of t h e i r c h i l d r e n ' s l i v e l i h o o d they send them to the academic h i g h s c h o o l s . A g a i n , i n s p i t e of the much hera lded f a i l u r e of the academic schoo ls to r e l a t e t e a c h i n g to l i f e , parents do seem to l i n k themselves up t o , and even j e a l o u s l y guard the approaches to those avenues of l i f e which appear to the average parent most w o r t h w h i l e . In s p i t e of t h e i r p roc la imed i n a b i l i t y to q u a l i f y f o r the m a j i c a t t r i b u t e , ' v o c a t i o n a l , ' academic schoo ls are s t i l l the on ly i n s t i t u t i o n s whose c e r t i f i c a t e s g i ve a p r a c t i c a l v o c a t i o n a l s tand ing and p r e s t i g e . 4 9 In the r u r a l areas many parents ob jec ted to v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n ' s h i g h c o s t s . A d d i t i o n a l l y , the s t a t u s of handwork s u b j e c t s was p r e c a r i o u s s i n c e parents o f t e n 126 h e l d tha t s c h o o l was a p l a c e where the c h i l d went to "study a b o o k . " The Putnam-Weir Survey repor ted that f o r the schoo l to attempt to teach a boy how to use t o o l s or a g i r l to sew or make bread was " to put shame upon the f a t h e r and mother" who were " h i g h l y accompl ished a long these l i n e s . " " ^ To be s u r e , e d u c a t i o n a l c r i t i c s d i d not c a t e g o r i c a l l y oppose a l l v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g . On the c o n t r a r y , they proposed i t emphasized a c u l t u r a l d imension to prepare people f o r consumption and l e i s u r e . Vancouver t e a c h e r , Margaret Ross cogent l y s t a t e d : The new educat ion accepts the duty of t r a i n i n g the c h i l d f o r h i s l e i s u r e as w e l l as f o r work. The mechaniz ing of labour makes t h i s i n c r e a s i n g l y v i t a l . The workman of the past had at l e a s t some i n t e r e s t i n h i s f i n i s h e d p r o d u c t ; the workman of today spends h i s t ime a t a s t a n d a r d i z e d p a r t . He i s much b e t t e r p a i d , and h i s work i s i n c r e a s i n g l y monotonous. H i s l e i s u r e i s g r e a t e r ; h i s t r a i n i n g to enjoy i t n i l . He i s easy prey of the a g i t a t o r and the bes t a v a i l a b l e m a t e r i a l f o r s o c i a l upheava ls . The s o l u t i o n of the disharmony between c a p i t a l and labour l i e s l a r g e l y i n the s c h o o l s . The s t r u g g l e of the masses f o r a share i n the comforts and l e i s u r e of l i f e can be made a p r o g r e s s i v e s t r u g g l e r a t h e r than a r e v o l u t i o n i f the c h i l d r e n are in t roduced s y m p a t h e t i c a l l y to the best of the age. I t i s not enough to p rov ide commerc ia l , t e c h n i c a l , v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n ; a l l c h i l d r e n i n a democracy have a r i g h t to a share i n the s o c i a l i n h e r i t a n c e of the r a c e . Some schoolmen a s s e r t e d that hobbies and r e c r e a t i o n l e a r n e d i n v o c a t i o n a l c l a s s e s en larged the "human s p i r i t . " Consequent ly , " i n d i v i d u a l h a p p i n e s s , " "community p r o g r e s s , " and " i n d u s t r i a l e f f i c i e n c y " were enhanced because 52 workers re turned to t h e i r "men ia l j o b s " with"renewed e n e r g i e s . " W.L. Grant a s s e r t e d tha t "man i s by nature c i v i c " and " t h a t the Cash Nexus i s an inadequate bond f o r the members of the s t a t e and must be supplanted by something deeper and more s p i r i t u a l . . . . I f the workingman i s to be a c i t i z e n , he must have 53 l e i s u r e and must be educated to use tha t l e i s u r e . " P r o f e s s o r ; H . T . J . Coleman, Ph i losophy Chairman at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia , argued i n 1929 that a broader concept ion of v o c a t i o n a l i n s t r u c t i o n s a t i s f i e d workers and gave them a p e r s p e c t i v e on how t h e i r s p e c i a l i z e d occupat ions f i t t e d i n t o the " . larger scheme of i n d u s t r i a l l i f e of the community and the n a t i o n and, i n d e e d , of the w o r l d . " H i s i d e a l s o c i e t y was one where no sharp demarcat ions between working and non-work ing hours e x i s t e d , where labour and l e i s u r e blended i n t o l i v i n g . How a man p l a y s may be consequent ly j u s t as important a q u e s t i o n f o r the man h i m s e l f , and f o r the community, as how he works . Here we have undoubtedly one of the fundamental uses of l e i s u r e . I t i s to r e s t o r e the balance which c i v i l i z e d l i f e of any s o r t i s bound to d i s t u r b . For we must remember tha t not on ly the muscular and nervous s t r u c t u r e s of our b o d i e s , but a l s o the t a s t e s and tendenc ies and d i s p o s i t i o n s of our minds , were a l l l a i d down d u r i n g the p r e - i n d u s t r i a l p e r i o d i n human l i f e — t h a t p e r i o d d u r i n g which there were no t i m e - c l o c k s or f a c t o r y w h i s t l e s and no machine i n d u s t r y L i k e w i s e , the B .C . Teacher , quot ing the C h r i s t i a n Sc ience M o n i t o r , concluded tha t w h i l e educat ion f o r a l i v e l i h o o d was i m p o r t a n t , an educat ion f o r " l i f e " was " e s s e n t i a l . " " In l e i s u r e the r e a l s e l f i s set f r e e ; i t i s master of i t s own a c t i v i t i e s , and i t i s these u n r e s t r a i n e d a c t i v i t i e s which a f f o r d the t r u e index to the p e r s o n a l i t y which e a r l y educat ion has b u i l t up. The t e s t of a man's educat ion i s what he chooses to do when he i s not o b l i g e d to do a n y t h i n g . " In sum, v o c a t i o n a l i s m ' s c r i t i c s s imply r e j e c t e d s c h o o l t r a i n i n g tha t p laced the " a q u i s i t i o n of what i s c a l l e d u s e f u l of money -get t ing knowledge be fo re the development of mind and c h a r a c t e r . . . . W e must not f o r g e t , " commented one man, tha t t e c h n i c a l e d u c a t i o n . . . s h o u l d always be the seque l to a g e n e r a l educat ion and never a s u b s t i t u t e f o r i t . . . . O n e of the great needs of our count ry today i s sound, genera l s c h o o l e d u c a t i o n not s p e c i a l i z e d to meet the requirements of a p a r t i c u l a r i n d u s t r y , but d i r e c t e d to the c u l t i v a t i o n of v a l u a b l e mental h a b i t s . . . . 5 6 They b e l i e v e d that too much v o c a t i o n a l i n s t r u c t i o n would " s t a r v e a mental f a c u l t y " and t h e r e f o r e " i m p a i r the whole m i n d , " and on ly a genera lr . educat ion enhanced menta l development. C l a s s i c a l schoolmen concluded the main o b j e c t of educat ion was to " e s t a b l i s h c h a r a c t e r , to make moral c h a r a c t e r more e f f i c i e n t through knowledge, to make moral c h a r a c t e r more e f f i c i e n t through mental d i s c i p l i n e . IV Desp i te some c o n f u s i o n sur rounding the numerous but not u n r e l a t e d aims 128 of v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n , the number of manual t r a i n i n g , domest ic s c i e n c e , and the t e c h n i c a l c l a s s e s grew d r a m a t i c a l l y d u r i n g the f i r s t th ree decades of the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . In 1900, manual t r a i n i n g was in t roduced i n Vancouver, V i c t o r i a and New Westminster schoo ls and served on ly a h a n d f u l of s t u d e n t s . By 1928-29 there were 114,981 s t u d e n t s , 111 cent res and 89 t e a c h e r s . S i m i l a r i l y , domestic s c i e n c e was in t roduced i n 1903 i n t o the major urban schoo ls and expanded r a p i d l y to i n c l u d e 12,231 s t u d e n t s , 78 cen t res and 73 teachers by 1 9 2 9 - 2 9 . E q u a l l y impress i ve was the steady growth of t e c h n i c a l 58 schoo ls i n the decade a f t e r the 1919 T e c h n i c a l Educat ion A c t . Jus t p r i o r to the e x p i r o r y of the f e d e r a l funds from the Act the p r o v i n c i a l government moved on 2 January 1929 to p e t i t i o n Ottawa to extend the Act f o r another ten 59 years s i n c e B r i t i s h Columbia had not used i t s f u l l a l l o t m e n t . But what was the substance of v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g ? 129 Footnotes 1. Steven Langdon, "The Emergence of the Canadian W o r k i n g - C l a s s Movement, 1 8 4 5 - 7 5 , " J o u r n a l of Canadian S tud ies 7 (May 1973) : 3 - 1 2 . 2. V o c a t i o n a l Educat ion 28 (August .1928) : 1 . 3 . Canada, P a r l i a m e n t , Report of the Royal Commission on the R e l a t i o n s of Labour and C a p i t a l i n Canada, 2 r e p o r t s and 5 volumes of ev idence . (Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1889) , r e p o r t 1 : 1 2 1 . 4 . V o c a t i o n a l Educat ion 19 (March 1927: 1 . Manual t r a i n i n g , domestic s c i e n c e , i n d u s t r i a l t r a i n i n g , home economics, and t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g were a l l forms of v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n . Manual t r a i n i n g and domestic s c i e n c e were e q u i v a l e n t , the former be ing f o r boys , the l a t t e r f o r g i r l s . I t was "hand and eye" t r a i n i n g designed to educate the "whole c h i l d , " both a t the elementary and secondary l e v e l s . T e c h n i c a l educat ion was theory o r i e n t e d and geared to i n d u s t r i a l management t r a i n i n g f o r h i g h s c h o o l s t u d e n t s . Home economics was a l s o f o r h i g h schoo l s tudents and taught the theory and p r a c t i c e of c o o k i n g , sewing, and f a m i l y management. For a more d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n of these terms see : M . J . B rew in , "The Es tab l i shment of an I n d u s t r i a l Educat ion System i n O n t a r i o " (M.A. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto , 1967) ; and Semple, "John S e a t h ' s Concept of V o c a t i o n a l Educat i o n i n the School System of O n t a r i o , 1884—1911." In B r i t i s h Columbia, however, these d i s t i n c t i o n s were seldom made and the terms were synonomous as they were o f t e n used i n t e r c h a n g a b l y . The terms i n d u s t r i a l and t e c h n i c a l educat ion were used f r e q u e n t l y but t rades and management t r a i n i n g never emerged i n the p r o v i n c e ' s h i g h s c h o o l s . For the purpose of t h i s t h e s i s the term v o c a t i o n a l education w i l l i n c l u d e commercial t r a i n i n g , manual t r a i n i n g , domest ic s c i e n c e , home economics and t e c h n i c a l e d u c a t i o n , w i t h the l a t t e r two be ing advanced v e r s i o n s of manual t r a i n i n g and domestic s c i e n c e . 5 . DL (1910) : 9 5 - 9 6 ; and LG 13 (October 1913) : 4 5 . For a thorough d i s c u s s i o n of l o b b y i n g by the CMA and TLC see Stamp, " T e c h n i c a l E d u c a t i o n , the N a t i o n a l P o l i c y , and F e d e r a l P r o v i n c i a l R e l a t i o n s i n Canadian E d u c a t i o n , 1 8 9 9 - 1 9 1 9 . " 6 . Times, 8 February 1929, 3 . 7. RCITTE, 4 : 2 3 4 0 . 8 . Times, 14 J u l y 1917, 7. 9 . Times, 13 J u l y 1917, 1 1 . 10. P r o v i n c e , 26 January 1926, 6. B l i n d - a l l e y jobs were u n s k i l l e d , low pay ing and shor t term. 1 1 . P r o v i n c e , 24 June 1927, 6 . 12. D a i l y C o l o n i s t , 26 August 1900, 1 2 . 1 3 . DL (1910) : 96. 14. F o s t e r , "Educat ion and Work i n a Changing S o c i e t y : B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 8 7 9 - 1 9 3 0 , " 78. 130 Footnotes 15. F o s t e r , "Educat ion and Work i n a Changing S o c i e t y : B r i t i s h Columbia, 1879-1930, 8 0 - 9 0 . 16. VSB, M i n u t e s , 15 May 1904; and RCITTE, 4:2329 and 2348. For a thorough d i s c u s s i o n of the dynamics of how v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s i n f l u e n c e d v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g i n the p r o v i n c e ' s p u b l i c schoo ls see F o s t e r , i b i d . , c h . 4. 17. RCITTE, 4 : 2 3 4 8 . 18 . Times, 1 A p r i l 1919, 6. See a l s o D a i l y C o l o n i s t , 15 January 1919, 7; Times, 20 March 1928, 1 ; Times, 1 February 1929, 1 ; D a i l y C o l o n i s t , 13 January 1921. 4 ; D a i l y C o l o n i s t , 15 January 1919, 7; D a i l y C o l o n i s t , 22 October 1920, 7; Times, 30 January 1929, 2 ; and BCT, (March 1923) , 150. 19. DL (1914) : 67; and LG 10 (January 1910) : 807. 20. C l i p p i n g from D a i l y C o l o n i s t , 22 September 1912 i n the Robertson P a p e r s , B6, F 2 . See a l s o D a i l y C o l o n i s t , 4 June 1918, 8 . 21 . Times, 28 March 1928, 1 5 . 22. V o c a t i o n a l Educat ion 28 (August 1928) : 1 - 2 . 23. D a i l y C o l o n i s t , 20 November 1900, 2. 24. Robertson P a p e r s , B 5 , F 5 . H i s t o r i a n s Cook and Brown p l a c e d the Conserva t ion Commission i n t o the contex t of the changing demands of an urban i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y , and c la imed the Commission's work " d i p l a y e d the commitment of both bus iness and government to r a t i o n a l , s c i e n t i f i c methods i n o r g a n i z i n g Canadian s o c i e t y . L i k e Mackenzie K i n g ' s Department of Labour , the Commission of Conserva t ion was p a r t of the new, e f f i c i e n t , exper t bureaucracy tha t was an emerging counte rpar t of the i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . Robert C. Brown and Ramsay Cook, Canada 1896-1921 A N a t i o n Transformed (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart L i m i t e d , 1974) : 96. 25. AR, 1 9 1 9 - 2 0 , 48 . 26. AR, 1 9 0 8 - 0 8 , 3 2 - 3 3 . 27. AR, 1910-1911, 39 . 28. AR, 1 9 1 4 - 1 5 , 86 . 29. AR, 1 9 1 6 - 1 7 , 79. 30. AR, 1 9 1 4 - 1 5 , 86 ; and D a i l y C o l o n i s t , 6 February 1918, 7. 3 1 . AR, 1 9 1 8 - 1 9 , 8 1 ; AR, 1 9 1 9 - 2 0 , 8 5 . 32 . The Educator of Canada 1 (June 1919) : 1 . Organ of the BCTF. 33 . BCT, (November 1922) , 72 . 34. D a i l y C o l o n i s t , 13 January 1921, 4 ; and Times, 6 May 1921, 3 . 131 Footnotes 35. BCT, ( A p r i l k 9 2 3 ) : 189. 36. P r o v i n c e , 5 A p r i l 1928, 6 ; and D a i l y C o l o n i s t , 23 February 1928, 6. 37. F e d e r a t i o n i s t , 7 February 1913, 1 . 38 . Times, 13 February 1929, 10 . 39. T imes, 26 February 1929, 5 . 40. PWS, 8 3 - 8 4 . 4 1 . AR, 1 9 2 4 - 2 5 , 59. 42. AR, 1 9 1 0 - 1 1 , 27. 43 . BCT, (March 1923) , 152. 44. AR, 1 9 1 0 - 1 1 , 27 . 4 5 . AR, 1915-16 , 40. 46. AR, 1917 -18 , 3 1 - 3 2 . 47. BCT, (September 1929)* 7. 48 . DL (1926) : 72 . 49. BCT, (September 1929) : 8 . 50. PWS, 96. 51 . Ross , "The New Concept ion of E d u c a t i o n , " 20. 52. BCT, (January 1931) : 37 . See a l s o BCT, (May 1929) : 1 3 - 1 7 ; BCT ' (September 1929) : 9 - 1 0 ; BCT, (February 1923) : 137; and H . T . J . Coleman, " T r a i n i n g For The New C i t i z e n s h i p , " Queen's Q u a r t e r l y 2 ( J u l y 1919) : 1 2 - 2 1 . 5 3 . W.L. G r a n t , "The Educat ion of the Workingman," Queen's Q u a r t e r l y 27 (October 1919) : 159 -167 . 54. BCT, (May 1929) : 1 6 - 1 7 . See Thompson, "T ime, W o r k - D i s c i p l i n e , And I n d u s t r i a l C a p i t a l i s m , " f o r a f u l l development of t h i s theme. 55 . BCT, (February 1923) : 137. 5 6 - BCT, (March 1923) : 5 1 - 5 2 . 57. BCT, (March 1923) : 5 1 - 5 2 . 58. Appendix 7. 59. Times, 16 March 1929; and LG 29 (June 1929) : 610. C h a p t e r 5 V o c a t i o n a l E d u c a t i o n : Work S k i l l s Or Work D i s c i p l i n e s ? By t e a c h i n g y o u t h h work s k i l l s and d i s c i p l i n e s , a s s e r t e d e d u c a t i o n a l r e f o r m e r s , v o c a t i o n a l i n s t r u c t i o n e n h a n c e d d e v e l o p m e n t , f o s t e r e d m o b i l i t y and r e s t o r e d s o c i a l h a r m o n y . To what e x t e n t , h o w e v e r , d i d v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a p r o v i d e s t u d e n t s w i t h m a r k e t a b l e work s k i l l s be t ween 1900 and t h e G r e a t D e p r e s s i o n ? I T r a i n i n g f o r c o m m e r c i a l o c c u p a t i o n s was c l e a r l y t h e o n l y a s p e c t o f v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g s e r i o u s l y i m p a r t i n g work s k i l l s . P e r h a p s J . J . S h a l l c r o s s o f t h e V i c t o r i a B o a r d o f T r a d e b e s t summed up t h e d e g r e e o f s k i l l s t r a i n i n g i n t h e p r o v i n c e when h e c o g e n t l y s t a t e d : " A t b e s t , we a r e t r a i n i n g f o r c l e r i c a l work i n o f f i c e s , b u t n o t f o r t h e much more i m p o r t a n t i n d u s t r i e s . " " ^ P r i o r t o t h e m i d - 1 8 9 0 s p r i v a t e s h c o o l s o f f e r e d c o u r s e s i n b o o k k e e p i n g , s t e n o g r a p h y and p e n m a n s h i p , e a s i l y m e e t i n g c o m m e r c i a l manpower r e q u i r e m e n t s . As o f f i c e s , w a r e h o u s i n g and w h o l e s a l i n g grew p r i v a t e s c h o o l s a l o n e c o u l d n o t c o p e w i t h l a b o u r demands. A f t e r 1895 p u b l i c s c h o o l s f i l l e d t h e gap o f f e r i n g 2 c o m m e r c i a l c o u r s e s p r o v i d i n g y o u t h w i t h o f f i c e s k i l l s . The c o m m e r c i a l c o u r s e i n V i c t o r i a H i g h S c h o o l i n 1 9 0 4 - 0 5 , n o t e d P r i n c i p a l Edward B . P a u l , was " v e r y c o m p l e t e , and w h i l e p r o v i d i n g f o r t h e t e c h n i c a l i n s t r u c t i o n r e q u i r e d i n a c o m m e r c i a l c a r e e r , i t s u p p l i e s a good g e n e r a l e d u c a t i o n i n E n g l i s h , m a t h m a t i c s , h i s t o r y e t c . " He recommended t h a t a 3 modern l a n g u a g e be a d d e d t o t h e programme. A d e c a d e l a t e r V a n c o u v e r •. e s t a b l i s h e d i t s e l f as a n i m p o r t a n t d i s t r i b u t i o n c e n t r e f o r t h e w e s t e r n p r o v i n c e s , t h e O r i e n t a n d a p o r t o f e n t r y f o r i m m i g r a n t s . E d u c a t o r s and b u s i n e s s m e n p r e s s e d f o r l a n g u a g e t r a i n i n g a r g u i n g i t f a c i l i t a t e d t r a d i n g w i t h 132 133 non-Anglophones.^ Commercial courses had two s t reams, s e c r e t a r i a l and a c c o u n t i n g . Students took bus iness correspondence and f i l i n g , t y p e w r i t i n g and commercial law, bookkeeping and account ing^ commercial geography, shor thand , E n g l i s h and a r i t h m e t i c . The courses were w e l l at tended and enrolment i n c r e a s e d s t e a d i l y , sometimes making i t d i f f i c u l t to o b t a i n competent i n s t r u c t o r s . ^ By 1924-25 commercial courses a t t r a c t e d 1,179 s tudents and K y l e c la imed t e c h n i c a l schoo ls o f f e r e d the most " thorough o f f i c e t r a i n i n g " i n B r i t i s h Co lumbia . At open compet i t i ons i n t y p e w r i t i n g and stenography t e c h n i c a l s tudents he ld " t h e i r own w i t h other c o m p e t i t o r s " and a n n u a l l y c a r r i e d o f f a "good share of t r o p h i e s to t h e i r s c h o o l s . " O f f i c e t r a i n i n g improved fo?om year to year and became "more and more a t t e n t i v e to the requi rements of employers" and the growing p r o v i n c i a l c i v i l s e r v i c e . " I t i s h i g h l y d e s i r a b l e i n c o u r s e s , " remarked K y l e , " t h a t a d e f i n i t e path be f o l l o w e d l e a d i n g from s c h o o l to the a c t u a l work which some day w i l l have to be u n d e r t a k e n . " ^ School i n s p e c t o r s repeated l y conf i rmed businessmen's p r a i s e f o r t h e i r o f f i c e employees w i t h s c h o o l o f f i c e t r a i n i n g . Students w i t h a T e c h n i c a l Leav ing C e r t i f i c a t e r e a d i l y found a g " d i r e c t avenue to o f f i c e - w o r k . " Moreover , s u i t a b l e work h a b i t s , d i s c i p l i n e s and appearances lea rned i n s c h o o l were as important as the c o g n i t i v e s k i l l s to the c l e r k s ' s u c c e s s f u l job performance. The commercial course emphasized K y l e , "embodying as i t does the study of deportment and e t h i c s , together w i t h c o n s i d e r a t i o n of a l l that makes - fo r good c i t i z e n s h i p , would prove of 9 immense v a l u e to those who are p r e p a r i n g f o r the bus iness w o r l d . " Mar jory MacMurchy added that many r u l e s and customs cou ld on ly be learned a t the o f f i c e , but conf i rmed tha t g i r l s must e x e r c i s e s e l f - c o n t r o l and t a c t , c a r r y a bus iness c o n v e r s a t i o n , be q u i e t and a g r e e a b l e , t r a n q u i l ; i a n d w e l l - p o i s e d , and have a good g e n e r a l appearance."*"^ I I In c o n t r a s t to the case of commerce e d u c a t i o n , manual t r a i n i n g , domestic s c i e n c e , home economics and t e c h n i c a l educat ion p rov ided r a t h e r l i m i t e d marketable job s k i l l s f o r y o u t h . But w h i l e educators u s u a l l y denied v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g taught work s k i l l , they s t i l l r e l a t e d i t to the w o r k p l a c e . Robertson mainta ined tha t w h i l e schoo ls should impart " g e n e r a l i n f o r m a t i o n and develop g e n e r a l i n t e l l i g e n c e , " they should a l s o prepare c h i l d r e n ' s "hands and eyes to b e r t r a i n e d to obey r e a d i l y and s k i l f u l l y the d e s i r e s of 11 the m i n d . " Inspector J . B . De Long expanded upon the nature of Vancouver 's K i n g Edward High S c h o o l ' s t e c h n i c a l c l a s s e s . " I f i n a d d i t i o n to menta l t r a i n i n g r e c e i v e d , the t e c h n i c a l s u b j e c t s are p r e p a r i n g the boys f o r any one of many d i f f e r e n t t rades by g i v i n g them a nervous system capable of c o - o r d i n a t e d 12 e f f o r t s and a w i d e l y a p p l i c a b l e s k i l l of hand and e y e . " L i k e w i s e , the Putman-Weir Survey s t a t e d manual t r a i n i n g d i d not make boys c a r p e n t e r s , s h i p b u i l d e r s or meta l workers , and home economics d i d not f u l l y t r a i n g i r l s 13 to be housemaids, cooks , seamstresses or l a u n d r e s s e s . Upon opening New Westmins te r ' s T . J . Trapp T e c h n i c a l School i n 1928, Educat ion M i n i s t e r Joshua H i n c h l i f f e s a i d "he wished to c o r r e c t the impress ion h e l d by many persons tha t t e c h n i c a l schoo ls turned out graduates who were f i n i s h e d workmen. These schoo ls were not f o r such purposes . They d i d , however, s t a r t boys and g i r l s a long the l i n e s best s u i t e d to them, and i n which &y 14 they were most apt to be s u c c e s s f u l . " A l though t e c h n i c a l schoo ls o f f e r e d courses i n s t a t i o n a r y e n g i n e e r i n g , e l e c t r i c a l e n g i n e e r i n g , s h e e t - m e t a l w o r k i n g , automobi le mechanics , cab ine tmak ing , c a r p e n t r y , j o i n e r y , b u i l d i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n and p a i n t i n g , the courses taught boys " fundamental p r i n c i p l e s of every t r a d e " so they would be "ready to l e a r n f o r themselves.""'""' Manual i n s t r u c t i o n f o r s k i l l s t r a i n i n g was s u p e r f i c i a l at b e s t . At the elementary l e v e l s tudents had on ly th ree hoursoof manual t r a i n i n g and domestic 135 s c i e n c e per week. The form of i n d u s t r i a l work at the j u n i o r l e v e l c o n s i s t e d of paper c u t t i n g , paper f o l d i n g , mat-weaving arid r a f f i a work, w h i l e i n the i n t e r m e d i a t e and s e n i o r grades g i r l s took sewing and cooking and boys 16 woodwork. P roduc t io ns i n manual t r a i n i n g cent res were not always of a " s e r i o u s n a t u r e . " K y l e urged that the "making of automobi les out of appleboxes , s c o o t e r s form r o l l e r - s k a t e s , and other ingen ious p l a y t h i n g s may w e l l be l e f t to the b o y ' s own t ime when he works i n h i s basement and back y a r d . " " ^ A d d i t i o n a l l y , overcrowded and u n d e r s t a f f e d workshops hampered the q u a l i t y of p r a c t i c a l course's and t e c h n i c a l c l a s s e s were not equipped f o r a very wide range of shopwork. " O w i n g . . . t o the l a c k of adequate workshop f a c i l i t i e s . c o m p l a i n e d K y l e , " the m a n i p u l a t i v e s i d e of the courses f o r boys had i n s u f f i c i e n t scope, w h i l e i n the Household Sc ience course f o r g i r l s the want of l a b o r a t o r y compel led the i n s t r u c t o r to s u b s t i t u t e c l a s s 18 demonstrat ions f o r the more e f f e c t i v e i n d i v i d u a l e x p e r i m e n t . " ' He lamented 19 that the t e c h n i c a l c l a s s e s at T r a i l developed i n t o " s i m p l e manual t r a i n i n g . " The P rov ince summed up manual t r a i n i n g ' s " u t i l i t a r i a n v a l u e , " s t a t i n g that " a boy a c q u i r e s a p r a c t i c a l knowledge of the c h i e f c a r p e n t e r ' s t o o l s , the use arid nature of h a l f a dozen woods, and the making and i n t e r p r e t i n g of 20 work ing d r a w i n g s . " The D a i l y C o l o n i s t was not so generous a s s e r t i n g that manual t r a i n i n g j u s t r e l a x e d and r e l i e v e d "minds overburdened w i t h the 21 m u l t i p l i c i t y of t e x t - b o o k s . " A l s o , v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g competed w i t h academic s u b j e c t s . Even i n the t e c h n i c a l schoo ls p r a c t i c a l i n s t r u c t i o n p layed second f i d d l e to the 22 academic courses . The three year t e c h n i c a l programme f o r boys and household s c i e n c e f o r g i r l s at K i n g EdwardIHigh Schoo l gave s tudents a T e c h n i c a l Leav ing C e r t i f i c a t e e n a b l i n g g i r l s to enter Normal School and boys who took s u f f i c i e n t academic e l e c t i v e s and passed the m a t r i c u l a t i o n 23 examinat ions to go on to u n i v e r s i t y . T e c h n i c a l courses s u f f e r e d " f rom 1-36 b e i n g bound too c l o s e l y to academic i d e a l s . " But shopwork r e c e i v e d no c r e d i t f o r u n i v e r s i t y m a t r i c u l a t i o n e x a m i n a t i o n s , f u r t h e r handicapping 24 t e c h n i c a l enrolment . F a i l i n g the h i g h s c h o o l entrance examinat ion at - - 25 V i c t o r i a and T r a i l denied s tudents access to t e c h n i c a l courses . The Putman-weir Survey cqncluded that i n our o p i n i o n the weakness i n the' T e c h n i c a l School i s the i n d e f i n i t e n e s s of i t s a im. I t would appear tha t those r e s p o n s i b l e f o r i t s o r g a n i z a t i o n are very much i n doubt as to what i t s f u n c t i o n ought to be . They know i t must be something d i f f e r e n t form the other h i g h schools ' . They appear to be a f r a i d f r a n k l y to c a l l i t a v o c a t i o n a l s c h o o l . The r e s u l t i s a h y b r i d o r g a n i z a t i o n s t e e r i n g a z i g - z a g - Course w i t h one eye on the' u n i v e r s i t y and the other on v a r i o u s t rades and i n d u s t r i e s . " 2 6 The academic c o l o u r of Vancouver T e c h n i c a l School predominated u n t i l 1926 27 when m a t r i c u l a t i o n s u b j e c t s were dropped fr>Qm the c u r r i c u l u m . V o c a t i o n a l i n s t r u c t i o n taught few u s e f u l job s k i l l s . The D a i l y C o l o n i s t r e v e a l e d that a " c o n s i d e r a b l e percentage of those who are b e i n g t r a i n e d f a i l to f i n d 28 i t u s e f u l i n t h e i r c a r e e r s . " Th is was not s u r p r i s i n g g iven the nature • of most i n d u s t r i a l work which demanded r e l a t i v e l y few s k i l l e d workers and the low l e v e l of s k i l l i n s t r u c t i o n i n the school 's . Businessmen made r e l a t i v e l y few re fe rences to the need f o r v o c a t i o n a l i n s t r u c t i o n tha t taught work s k i l l s , and o thers made i t q u i t e c l e a r such t r a i n i n g was not even f e a s i b l e . Vancouver b u s i n e s s i n t e r e s t s supported the schoo l b o a r d ' s w a r - t i m e retrenchment p o l i c y tha t trimmed expend i tu res 29 -on c o s t l y schoo l shop equipment. K y l e on the o ther hand, complained at t h e i r " u n f o r t u n a t e l a c k of i n t e r e s t , " and looked forward to the t ime when each Board of Trade or M a n u f a c t u r e r s ' A s s o c i a t i o n would appoint a " T e c h n i c a l Educat ion Committee, and i n t h i s respect f o l l o w the l e a d of the 30 great' i n d u s t r i a l c e n t r e s . " F o l l o w i n g the war the Vancouver' Board of Trade and the t r u s t e e s d i d , however, work together on the l o c a t i o n f o r a new t e c h n i c a l s c h o o l , and the Manufac tu re rs ' A s s o c i a t i o n endorsed ai School b y - l a w . J ± But the merchants remained caut ious warning that " t h e c i t i z e n s of Vancouver must not be alarmed at any demand made on them f o r t e c h n i c a l e d u c a t i o n . Money' spent on that w i l l be w e l l s p e n t , i f w i s e l y , but the spending must be c a r e f u l l y 32 w a t c h e d . " W r i t i n g i n the B.C. Teacher , C .L . Gibbs of the Edmonton T e c h n i c a l S c h o o l , noted t h a t demands f o r t e c h n i c a l educat ion teaching ' marketable work s k i l l s came "most l y from the p r o f e s s i o n a l t e c h n i c a l educat ion e x p e r t . The c a p t a i n s of i n d u s t r y have always appeared to me 33 r a t h e r luke-warm on the p o i n t . " To be s u r e , bus iness d i d not want p u b l i c c a p i t a l i n v e s t e d i n c o s t l y t rades t r a i n i n g because hav ing s k i l l e d workers i n an i n d u s t r i a l landscape r e q u i r e i n g l a r g e l y u n s k i l l e d l a b o u r p a i d few d i v i d e n d s . . With i n d u s t r i e s r a p i d l y changing becuase of t e c h n o l o g i c a l i n n o v a t i o n s , p l a n n i n g a system of i n d u s t r i a l educat ion meeting s k i l l requirements and 34 employment demands was d i f f i c u l t . Gibbs c o r r e c t l y argued that to t r a i n youth f o r i n d u s t r i a l work n e c e s s i t a t e d r e p l i c a t i n g the some t o o l s and machines and cont inued changes i n method and l a y o u t . " Furthermore, he s t r e s s e d most i n d u s t r i e s r e q u i r e d few s k i l l e d workers and the v a s t m a j o r i t y 35 of jobs cou ld be lea rned q u i c k l y and e a s i l y . S i m i l a r l y , A.W.- Crawford , F e d e r a l D i r e c t o r of T e c h n i c a l E d u c a t i o n , argued tha t work ing c o n d i t i o n s and the g e n e r a l environment of the s c h o o l were r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t from those of i n d u s t r y . "Speed, s k i l l and conf idence must be acqu i red through r e p e t i t i o n and v a r i e d exper iences such as on ly i n d u s t r y can p r o v i d e . The , a b i l i t y to co -opera te w i t h a d u l t s and to work harmoniously under a shop 36 foreman must be a c q u i r e d on the j o b . " Some thought schoo ls shou ld c o r r e l a t e t h e i r courses w i t h work s k i l l s needed by i n d u s t r i e s . Dr. R iggs of the K iwanis Club thought that d e f i n i t e knowledge of i n d u s t r i e s employing youth labour be s e c u r e d , and tha t the s c h o o l ' s work be connected w i t h these i n d u s t r i e s . S i m i l a r l y , the Putman- Weir Survey concerned i t s e l f w i t h the need to prepare " s k i l l e d w o r k e r s . " Indust ry and commerce are becoming so h i g h l y s p e c i a l i z e d tha t the t r a i n i n g r e q u i r e d f o r them, beyond tha t g i ven i n an elementary or g e n e r a l h i g h s c h o o l , must a l s o be s p e c i a l i z e d . And any v o c a t i o n a l schoo l that attempts to meet these needs must know them and then p l a n a s p e c i f i c programme f o r each. Th is i s no easy m a t t e r , but the v o c a t i o n a l s c h o o l w i l l j u s t i f y i t s e x i s t e n c e on ly i n p r o p o r t i o n to the progress made a long these l i n e s . 3 8 G ibbs , however, responded to such " s t r a i g h t - j a c k e t " p roposa ls by quot ing P a u l Douglas , an expert on American v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g . As we have seen , the d i v i s i o n of labour was the r e a l des t roye r of a p p r e n t i c e s h i p . Indust ry developed so many s u b d i v i s i o n s tha t a l l - r o u n d t r a i n i n g was both expensive and u s e l e s s . Th is same o b s t a c l e c o n f r o n t s any scheme f o r i n d u s t r i a l educat ion today . Many l o o s e - t h i n k i n g advocates of v o c a t i o n a l educat ion have ignored t h i s f a c t and have assamed that there i s a l i m i t l e s s demand f o r s k i l l e d workers . Such i s not the c a s e . Gibbs r e j e c t e d the "ph i losophy of making the s c h o o l not only the antechamber but a l s o a counterpar t of the f a c t o r y i n a l l i t s d e t a i l s . " Moreover , he d i d not b e l i e v e the c a p t a i n s of i n d u s t r y clamoured f o r tha t type of educat ion because they were " p r a c t i c a l enough to know that i t cannot be g i ven i n a schoo l w i thout a much c l o s e r c o - o r d i n a t i o n and more s t r i n g e n t s t a t e 39 r e g u l a t i o n of i n d u s t r y than i s p o s s i b l e under the p r o f i t s y s t e m . " I l l ® h i l e s k i l l s i n s t r u c t i o n drew only a min imal committment i n the form of o f f i c e t r a i n i n g , re formers t r i e d to make schoo ls r e l e v a n t to the p rov inces t r a n s f o r m i n g economic and s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s by p r o v i d i n g youth w i t h the d i s c i p l i n e s and i n c e n t i v e s r e q u i r e d by an i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g s o c i e t y . P h y s i c a l l a b o u r , e s p e c i a l l y i n the p r o v i n c e ' s resource i n d u s t r i e s , was d i r t y , dangerous and seasona l and p laced a low premium on s k i l l . Consequent ly , few workers saw low pay ing manual l a b o u r , devalued by i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t i o n , as a source of moral growth or d i g n i t y . Educators and businessmen blamed the s c h o o l ' s wh i te c o l l a r b i a s f o r the st igma at tached to manual l a b o u r . E a s t e r n Canadian educators recogn ized t h i s problem as e a r l y as 1889 when the Report of the Royal Commission on the R e l a t i o n s of Labour and C a p i t a l i n Canada suggested that prominence be g i ven to hand and eye t r a i n i n g because i t tended to " c r e a t e a d e s i r e i n the minds of c h i l d r e n to s e l e c t i n d u s t r i a l i n p re fe rence to p r o f e s s i o n a l or commercial p u r s u i t s . . . ' . ' " The present system u n f i t s the s c h o l a r f o r mechanica l l i f e . . . • There can be no doubfct tha t the proper a u t h o r i t i e s must s o l v e t h i s q u e s t i o n i n a p r a c t i c a l manner w i t h as l i t t l e delay as p o s s i b l e . We must see that the educat ion tha t the c h i l d r e n are r e c e i v i n g i s one adapted to our own i n d u s t r i a l