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Progressive education and the depression in British Columbia Mann, Jean Simpson 1978

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PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION AND THE DEPRESSION IN BRITISH COLUMBIA by  JE7AN SIMPSON MANN B.A. University of Toronto, 1947  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFIIIJ4ENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Educational Foundations)  We accept this thesis as conforming to the. required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH' COLUMBIA September, 1978 Jean Simpson Mann, 1978  In presenting this thesis in partial  fulfilment of the requirements for  an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library  shall make it freely available for reference and study.  I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this  thesis  for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives.  It  is understood that copying or publication  of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writ ten pe rm i ss i on .  Department of  fi~ H U c a  1 p |/i  The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V 6 T 1WS  ii  J^STRACT  With the onset o f the depression i n 1929 the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia found i t s e l f almost immediately culties.  i n economic d i f f i -  As a province dependent to a very great extent on exports  o f raw and semi-processed products i t faced by the winter o f  1930  mounting unemployment, with which i t was i l l - p r e p a r e d to cope, and d e c l i n i n g revenues.  The e f f o r t s of the Conservative government i n  power to meet the s i t u a t i o n by attempting to implement the p o l i c y of a balanced budget were unsuccessful and by 1932 the province was facing a severe f i n a n c i a l c r i s i s .  In the ensuing f a i l u r e of morale  the Conservatives allowed representatives of the business community, c h i e f l y concentrated i n Vancouver, to inspect the a c t i v i t i e s of a l l government departments and make recommendations which would help to improve the condition of the p r o v i n c i a l treasury.  The resultant  Kidd Report, as i t became known, threw education into high r e l i e f and i n the subsequent e l e c t i o n i t became an important issue.  The controversy over education brought out a number o f issues which had been the cause o f debate and dissension since the turn of the century.  The question of the best means o f financing the schools  was the most pressing and.obvious one. Every economic recession i n the past had highlighted t h i s problem as schools under such  circumstances  usually suffered from inadequate l o c a l revenues and reduced government grants.  In addition the problem was generally exacerbated by an  increasing school population.  But other questions disturbed educations:  iii  what subjects should be taught i n schools, what emphasis should be given t o t r a d i t i o n a l academic subjects and what t o the more pract i c a l l y oriented ones, what structure o f schools was the best, what was the function of p u b l i c education, and most fundamentally, what was the philosophy o f education which should be adopted i n the changed and changing world o f the twentieth century?  U n t i l very recently i t has generally been stated by h i s t o r i a n s and educators w r i t i n g about education that the changes which were proposed and implemented during the decade o f the t h i r t i e s were the product of a genuinely humanitarian impulse, a desire to make education more democratic and e g a l i t a r i a n , and dedicated t o the c u l t i v a t i o n o f the worth o f each i n d i v i d u a l c h i l d .  However, the developments i n the f i e l d  of education which occurred under the L i b e r a l administration cast serious doubts on t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n .  The L i b e r a l v i c t o r y i n the f a l l of 1933 brought t o power i n B r i t i s h Columbia a party which under the leadership o f T. Dufferin P a t t u l l o was, at l e a s t i n stated s o c i a l and economic p o l i c y , c o n s i derably t o the l e f t o f the federal L i b e r a l party, but nevertheless strongly committed t o the preservation o f the c a p i t a l i s t system. P a t t u l l o appointed as M i n i s t e r o f Education G.M. Weir, head o f the Department o f Education at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia and coauthor o f the Putman-Weir Survey, an exhaustive survey o f education i n the province written i n 1925.  He was widely known as a progressive  educator, one who was i n favour o f the innovations o f the "new education". Such innovations were not new t o B r i t i s h Columbia but the reasons f o r  iv  t h e i r adoption during the f i r s t two decades o f the century suggest primarily a desire f o r the production of a s o c i a l l y and vocationally e f f i c i e n t c i t i z e n r y , a theme which i s also basic t o the Putman-Vfeir Survey. S i m i l a r l y through the years from 1933 to 1940 the sane motivation seems apparent i n the words and actions of those educators most responsible f o r educational change.  Both the King Report on School  Finance i n B r i t i s h Columbia written i n 1935 and the extensive curriculum revisions o f elementary, junior and senior secondary schools undertaken i n 1935, 1936 and 1937 give ample evidence of t h i s .  In addition there  appears during these years an overriding concern with the preservation of the state.  F e a r f u l that the democratic state as they understood i t  had been placed i n jeopardy by an unbridled individualism, educators i n B r i t i s h Columbia sought t o make the schools p r i m a r i l y the vehicle f o r what they tented the s o c i a l i z i n g o f the student.  In e f f e c t t h i s  amounted to conditioning him to r e t a i n those values which were deemed v i t a l f o r the state's s u r v i v a l , and to r e j e c t those which seemed t o act as a b a r r i e r to necessary s o c i a l and economic change.  V  TABLE OF CONTENTS  Page ABSTRACT  1  TABLE OF CONTENTS  v  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  v  1  i  Chapter I.  II.  III.  IV.  V.  VI.  VII.  LNTRODUCTION  1  BRITISH COLUMBIA SCHOOLS: THE INTRODUCTION OF THE "NEW EDUCATION" BEFORE 1929  27  EDUCATION UNDER THE CONSERVATIVE ADMINISTRATION, THE KIDD REPORT AND THE GENERAL ELECTION OF 1933  59  EDUCATIONAL CHANGE UNDER THE NEW LIBERAL GOVERNMENT, 1933-1935  94  PROBLEMS OF EDUCATIONAL FINANCE AND THE KING REPORT..  133  CURRICULUrl REVISION  176  CONCLUSION  226  BIBLIOGRAPHY  237  vi  AC^OWLEDGFJVENT  I would like to express my sincere thanks to my supervisor Dr. J . Donald Wilson for his attentive supervision and guidance at every stage of this thesis.  My thanks also go to Professors  M. Lazerson, G. Tomkins and N. Sutherland for their careful reading of the thesis and their helpful comments. I am also obligated to the Library staff, especially those i n Special Collections. To my husband, Howard, and my three daughters, Katherine, Alison and Valerie, I would like to express my deepest gratitude for their unfailing encouragement and patience.  CHAPTER 1  INTRODUCTION The c h i l d r e n who enter the p u b l i c schools i n B r i t i s h Columbia to-day are the h e i r s t o an educational system which i n many o f i t s aspects i s the r e s u l t o f changes made during the period o f the Great Depression.  Health education, home economics, i n d u s t r i a l education,  vocational guidance and v a r i e d c u r r i c u l a , a l l now accepted  —albeit  not always u n c r i t i c a l l y — as p a r t o f schooling became f i r m l y established i n the school system, province wide during the 1930's.  Behind these and  other changes l a y a new philosophy o f education, a r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t pedagogy and a c l u s t e r o f a t t i t u d e s which were a t variance with many o f the t r a d i t i o n a l methods and goals o f schooling.  Taken as a whole the  new theories and p r a c t i c e s were an i n d i c a t o r and a r e f l e c t i o n o f a society i n the process o f economic, s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l change.  Since the transformation o f educational h i s t o r y i n the l a t e 1950's from i n s t i t u t i o n a l h i s t o r y to a branch o f s o c i a l h i s t o r y concerned with education i n the words o f Bernard Bailyn, " i n i t s elaborate, i n t r i c a t e involvements with the r e s t o f society",^" Canadian educational h i s t o r i a n s have been engaged i n r e l a t i n g education to s o c i a l change.  Particularly  since the appearance on the h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l stage o f those, termed 2 r a d i c a l r e v i s i o n i s t s by some,  a considerable amount o f d e t a i l e d a n a l y t i c a l  work has been done on the o r i g i n s o f the Canadian p u b l i c school system, with the preponderance o f attention being given to Ontario.  The exten-  siveness o f the research and the q u a l i t y o f the resultant a r t i c l e s and  2  monographs i s such that new and immeasurably higher standards have been set i n the w r i t i n g of the h i s t o r y of education i n Canada. Unfortunately very few o f the new h i s t o r i a n s have chosen to turn t h e i r attention to the changes i n education which have taken place i n the 20th century.  A number o f eminent American scholars have written  about what i s loosely termed progressive education focussing most frequently on the period from 1890-1920.  These decades, known as the Progressive  period i n American h i s t o r y , witnessed the introduction of many facets o f progressive education and have proven to be f e r t i l e and f a s c i n a t i n g areas o f study f o r h i s t o r i a n s .  The v a r i e t y of approaches and methodologies  employed, and the d i f f e r e n t conclusions reached bear adequate testimony to the complexity and importance of the p e r i o d .  A l e s s e r amount of work  has been done on the years between the wars although Lawrence Cremin has taken the h i s t o r y o f progressivism to the demise of the Progressive Education Association i n 1957 i n h i s trend-setting The Transformation of the School. Although i t may be true that the basic structure of p u b l i c education 3  i n both the United States and Canada was set i n the 19th century,  many  obvious changes d i d occur a f t e r the turn o f the century which warrant a close examination.  The r e s u l t s o f any study of progressivism i n the 20th  century should serve to increase understanding of the kind and magnitude of the changes and the reasons f o r t h e i r adoption. To date what has been written on the h i s t o r y of progressive education i n Canada has been scant i n quantity and frequently i n d i f f e r e n t i n q u a l i t y .  3  Seme Canadian h i s t o r i a n s eschew the term progressive, p a r t l y because of i t s ambiguity and p a r t l y because Canada, unlike the United States, d i d not experience an era, p o l i t i c a l , administrative and social, to which the l a b e l progressive has become attached. the term the "new  These h i s t o r i a n s p r e f e r to use  education" when r e f e r r i n g to educational change a f t e r  the turn of the century.  Generally speaking Canadian h i s t o r i a n s who  have adopted t h i s term have been concerned with innovations i n c u r r i c u l a and t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l and pedagogical changes which occurred.  However as  Michael Katz has pointed out, change occurred on a v a r i e t y of l e v e l s which sometimes overlapped and sometimes remained quite separate, and any analysis of progressive education must include them a l l .  Following  Katz then, t h i s thesis w i l l include i n the term progressive education not only the changes referred to above but a l s o "the attempt to a l t e r the p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l of education...and...the i n j e c t i o n o f s c i e n t i f i c 4 management i n t o administrative p r a c t i c e " .  .  .  .  An analysis of Canadian h i s -  t o r i c a l w r i t i n g dealing with t h i s period reveals that much o f i t appears i n text books concerned with the development of education on the national or p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l ; the r e s t i s found i n chapters o f books devoted to 5  wider t o p i c s , i n a r t i c l e s , and unpublished theses. w r i t i n g f a l l s i n t o one of three categories.  By and large the  F i r s t , there i s that w r i t i n g  which i s based u n c r i t i c a l l y on the r h e t o r i c of the period and views the changes and innovations as the expression of an i n c r e a s i n g l y democratic and e g a l i t a r i a n society, an expression, i t could be said, of the w i l l of the people.  Second there are those works o f a generally narrative  7 nature which catalogue change i n approving i f not laudatory terms.  4  L a s t l y there are those writings, most of which have been done i n the 1960's and 1970's which follow Bailyn's p r e s c r i p t i o n as w e l l as taking g  a more c r i t i c a l and a n a l y t i c a l look at. t h e i r material.  However i t  can be s a i d that very l i t t l e o f the published h i s t o r i c a l w r i t i n g done i n Canada on the period which saw progressivism make i t s greatest impact on p u b l i c schooling, the years between the two world wars, adopts the 9  pessimistic stance of the r a d i c a l r e v i s i o n i s t s .  I t i s i r o n i c that the  one work which can only be termed a d i a t r i b e against progressivism i n Canadian education  (although i t cannot be c a l l e d a h i s t o r y o f progressive  education) was written by a l i b e r a l h i s t o r i a n .  In So L i t t l e f o r the Mind,  published in*1951, H i l d a Neatby l a b e l l e d progressive education i n Canada at mid-century an exercise i n manipulation and indoctrination, ultimately anti-democratic and t o t a l i t a r i a n . Just four years a f t e r Neatby's scathing indictment appeared,  CE.  P h i l l i p s published h i s lengthy and comprehensive Development of Education i n Canada.  In the t r a d i t i o n of Whig historiography, P h i l l i p s saw  the  development of progressive education as yet another forward step i n the democratization of education.  In P h i l l i p s ' view Canadian education i n  the mid 50's was a shining success standing as a triumph of reform over reaction, of the enlightened forces o f new world e g a l i t a r i a n democracy over a r i s t o c r a t i c exclusive o l d world concepts.  In the preface to h i s  work P h i l l i p s stated h i s b a s i c assumptions; f i r s t "... that l i f e i n Canada to-day i s the best kind of l i f e we know,""'"^ moving progressively i n t o a golden age; secondly that "... one purpose now of education under p u b l i c  5  control i s to strengthen the a b i l i t y of successive generations to decide — i n education as i n other o f f i c e s of l i f e and government — the means and ends of t h e i r l i v e s " . ^  Based on these assumptions the work was de-  signed as " . . . an account o f past developments as leading to the present 12 and as judged by the values of the present".  It should be noted that  P h i l l i p s was not a professional h i s t o r i a n but a professor of education at the Ontario College of Education.  He was here v o i c i n g sentiments spoken  by many other schoolmen at the time.  Whatever the more subtle coercive  implications o f some p o l i c i e s , or the unegalitarian outcomes o f some methods may have been, most of those i n positions o f administrative authority believed that they were strengthening and broadening democracy. Dealing s p e c i f i c a l l y with the progressive era P h i l l i p s saw the adoption o f progressive measures i n education i n part as an expression of the desire of the people to influence the education o f f e r e d to t h e i r children instead of leaving i t e n t i r e l y i n the hands of academics and provincial o f f i c i a l s .  He viewed with approval the s h i f t s i n d i r e c t i o n  and emphasis of the new c u r r i c u l a , i n f a c t most of the pedagogical changes o f progressivism.  Most innovations were interpreted as a move away from  authoritarianism toward i n d i v i d u a l inner-directedness.  He d i d , however,  take exception to the s c i e n t i f i c measurement movement, which he described as " . . . one o f the i n s u b s t a n t i a l corner stones of the new educational 13 methods that developed i n the 20th century."  He claimed that Peter  Sandiford, himself a student o f Edward Thorndike, and the foremost advocate of t e s t i n g i n Canada at that time, was w e l l aware o f the  "ant-  democratic implications of the r e s u l t s o f i n t e l l i g e n c e t e s t s but urged  6  t e a c h e r s t o attempt h i m s e l f saw  t o d i s c o v e r and d e v e l o p t a l e n t s i n a l l " .  Phillips  t h e t e s t i n g movement as a r e g r e s s i v e one i n terms o f e d u c a t i o n a l  development; n e v e r t h e l e s s , he a c c e p t e d t h e r e s u l t s o f q u a n t i t a t i v e measurement as i r r e f u t a b l e .  o  W h i l e he acknowledged a p a r a l l e l between  e d u c a t i o n a l and p o l i t i c a l development i n Canada he made l i t t l e s e r i o u s attempt  t o r e l a t e e i t h e r t o the f a b r i c o f s o c i e t y .  The most s c h o l a r l y approaches t o t h e s u b j e c t o f p r o g r e s s i v i s m have been t a k e n by N e i l S u t h e r l a n d , i n h i s r e c e n t l y p u b l i s h e d C h i l d r e n i n E n g l i s h - C a n a d i a n S o c i e t y , Robert M.  Stamp i n s e v e r a l a r t i c l e s w h i c h  appear i n P r o f i l e s o f Canadian E d u c a t o r s , and i n t h e u n p u b l i s h e d of  R.S.  P a t t e r s o n , D.C.  Jones and T.A.  Dunn.  theses  A l l o f these h i s t o r i a n s  show a keen awareness o f t h e s o c i a l and economic c o n d i t i o n s o f t h e  time  p e r i o d s w h i c h t h e y a r e exandning and t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p o f t h e s e c o n d i t i o n s w i t h i n n o v a t i o n s and changes i n e d u c a t i o n .  W h i l e S u t h e r l a n d has t a k e n a l l  of  E n g l i s h Canada as h i s purview, t h e o t h e r s have c o n f i n e d t h e i r a n a l y s e s  to  t h e p r o v i n c e s o f A l b e r t a and B r i t i s h Columbia, and i n t h e c a s e o f Stamp  to  s e v e r a l educators o f p r o v i n c i a l  importance.  S u t h e r l a n d ' s work, w h i c h i s s u b - t i t l e d Framing t h e  Twentieth-  Century Consensus i s concerned w i t h t h e changing a t t i t u d e s toward c h i l d r e n and t h e f u n c t i o n o f t h e f a m i l y w h i c h began t o t a k e shape d u r i n g t h e y e a r s o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y and t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s w h i c h gave form t h r u s t t o t h e s e changes.  latter and  Schools, being c e n t r a l ' t o the l i f e o f the  average Canadian c h i l d f o r about f i v e t o s i x y e a r s a t t h a t time, became a p r i n c i p a l f o c u s f o r t h o s e w i s h i n g t o see t h e new  attitudes  crystallized  7  and given concrete expression.  As the c h i l d was coming t o be seen not 15  as a "marble: being to be 'pounded i n t o shape'"  but as a tender p l a n t  requiring constant and c a r e f u l nurturing, moral i n t e l l e c t u a l and p h y s i c a l , schools were c a l l e d upon to embody t h i s view.  The b e n e f i t s which were  expected would accrue not only t o the i n d i v i d u a l c h i l d but to society as a whole.  At the same time there were a number.of Canadians who believed  that education was d e f i c i e n t because i t f a i l e d t o provide the p r a c t i c a l t r a i n i n g which would a s s i s t young people i n earning a l i v i n g , whether i n an urban o r a r u r a l s e t t i n g .  In Sutherland's opinion these two major  s t r a i n s coalesced around 1900 t o c a l l f o r the addition o f 'manual t r a i n i n g ' 16 to the school curriculum.  Although the movement spread r a p i d l y i n the  e a r l y years o f the twentieth century, by 1915 those t o whom manual t r a i n i n g was pre-vocational o r vocational i n i n t e n t had broken away from those who "saw manual a c t i v i t i e s . . . a s an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f the general education t  of a l l youngsters:  'a means f o r the development o f brain,eye and hand,  through handicraft' t o produce men' 'whose every power' was ' f u l l y developed 17 and nobly guided"'.  Nevertheless Sutherland does not see the two groups,  the child-centred reformers and the work-centred reformers as e x h i b i t i n g any basic dichotomy i n t h e i r promotion o f what came t o be known as the "new education".  Taking exception t o American h i s t o r i a n J o e l Spring's  statement that progressive education was "' a conglomeration o f educational changes with no p a r t i c u l a r bonds except that they represented something 18 new'",  Sutherland sees the "overlapping groups o f Canadian reformers"  as having come up with a "cluster o f ideas that they believed would help Canadian c h i l d r e n l i v e happy, useful l i v e s i n the i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c i t i e s  8  .  xy  and the regenerated countryside".  .  .  In conclusion while admitting that  there was much t o c r i t i c i z e i n the "new education", he f e e l s that the brunt o f the c r i t i c i s m should be borne by those who implemented i t and should have "seen i t s weaknesses, rather than i t s o r i g i n a l promoters. R.M. Stamp i n h i s sketches o f James L. Hughes and Adelaide Hoodless outlines the contribution o f these two Ontarians, prominently mentioned i n Sutherland's work, t o the introduction o f educational innovation a t 20 the turn o f the century. J  He too sees these proselyifizers f o r the  "new education" as e s s e n t i a l l y motivated by humanitarianism.  Hughes who  was inspector o f p u b l i c schools i n Toronto from 1874 t o 1913 i s credited with being a major force i n the introduction o f kindergartens and manual t r a i n i n g i n Ontario schools.  Decisively influenced by the writings o f  F r i e d r i c h Ffoebel, Hughes retained throughout h i s l i f e a f a i t h i n the c h i l d which he saw "not as a miniature adult incompletely formed, but as 21 an i n d i v i d u a l i n h i s own r i g h t " .  Although Stamp places great emphasis  on Hughes'role i n the successful' implementation  o f educational change i n  Ontario he does point out that i t was the "province's dramatic urban growth that created the climate f o r the r i s e and p a r t i a l acceptance o f 22 the new education movement!'.  While Hughes was a child-centred reformer  Hoodless could be c l a s s i f i e d as a work-centred  reformer, although the  work she so extensively promoted was the woman's work o f the home.  Fearful  that the increasing independence o f women i n the new urban-industrial environment would lead t o the ultimate breakdown o f the home, already 23 " ' f a s t f a l l i n g i n t o decay'" she campaigned t i r e l e s s l y t o have domestic  9  science made an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f the curriculum f o r g i r l s .  While her  endeavours were u l t i m a t e l y crowned with success i t was not, according to Stamp, exactly the success f o r which she had wished, f o r the general p u b l i c came t o see domestic science as a purely p r a c t i c a l subject, whereas i n her mind the e t h i c a l considerations were o f more importance. Stamp gives a comprehensive p i c t u r e o f a vigorous woman, completely dedicated to her cause, but he f a i l s to explain why so many women and women's organizations flocked t o her support.  Although neither o f these p r o f i l e s  was intended t o be an in-depth study and each takes i n t o account the s o c i a l conditions o f the times, they nevertheless tend to leave the rather erroneous impression that marked changes came about simply due t o the  o unflagging e f f o r t s o f a single i n d i v i d u a l . In h i s doctoral thesis "Agriculture, The Land, and Education. B r i t i s h Columbia 1914-1929" D.C. Jones has provided a study o f another reformer, J.W. Gibson, a pioneer i n a g r i c u l t u r a l education.  Like Sutherland  and Stamp, Jones sees h i s protagonists, Gibson and the group o f d i s t r i c t supervisors he d i r e c t e d , as sincerely devoted t o the task o f r e v i t a l i z i n g v/ r u r a l l i f e through the agency o f the school.  S k i l l f u l l y Jones weaves  together the e f f o r t s o f these o f f i c i a l s o f the P r o v i n c i a l Department o f Education and the reactions o f the r u r a l people they f e l t i t was t h e i r mission t o help.  He argues convincingly that Gibson's myth of the land  and the d e f i n i t i o n o f h i s ultimate purposes as character t r a i n i n g and moral u p l i f t d i d not correspond with the aspirations o f the majority o f the r u r a l population.  Their need was f o r a greater vocationalism which concerned  10  i t s e l f with the economic, the p r a c t i c a l and the production aspects of agriculture.which by a s s i s t i n g i n r a i s i n g the standard of l i v i n g o f the r u r a l population would help to stem the t i d e from the land.  Despite  the f a i l u r e of Gibson and h i s supervisors to accomplish t h e i r mission i t i s Jones'judgement that the experiment was not a complete f a i l u r e f o r i t opened l i n e s of communication between parents and school boards and an increasingly bureaucratized and p r o f e s s i o n a l i z e d teaching profession and Department of Education.  Jones', point of view towards h i s subject  i s of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t to the educational h i s t o r i a n because i t provides an example which appears to contradict the conviction o f the r a d i c a l r e v i s i o n i s t h i s t o r i a n s that s o c i a l c o n t r o l has been a fundamental purpose behind most educational change. c  Both i n h i s t h e s i s and an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "The Maleficent Obsession:  S o c i a l Control and the Schools" Jones argues against t h i s  school of h i s t o r i a n s , i n p a r t i c u l a r A l i s o n Prentice whose recently published The School Promoters dealing with schooling i n Ontario up to 1876,  i s the f i r s t  '-major monograph emerging, from i t i n Canada.. While p r a i s i n g Prentice-' s work for the f a c t that i t illuminates some of the basic b e l i e f s o f mid-nineteenth century educators which were also shared by e a r l y twentieth century schoolmen, he claims that she "appears to d i s t o r t h i s t o r y .in the i n t e r e s t 24 of her s o c i a l control theory". As w e l l he states that she "misrepresents 25 the meaning and complexity of s o c i a l c o n t r o l " . The f i r s t c r i t i c i s m i s 26 one which has been l e v e l l e d at most r a d i c a l r e v i s i o n i s t s  and i t i s  impossible to judge i t s v a l i d i t y i n t h i s instance without a d e t a i l e d knowledge of the subject written about.  The second brings up a fundamental  11  question i n h i s t o r i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n .  The g i s t o f Jones' argument  seems to be that s o c i a l c o n t r o l does not always mean "domination and oppression",  i t can also be a manifestation of love and was  so i n the  case o f Prentice's school promoters because they were often "devout men 27 l i k e Ryerson... fashioned a f t e r the Word".  Although a man's b e l i e f s  w i l l play a part i n determining h i s motivation and h i s actions i t i s surely necessary to examine them i n great d e t a i l before making such a broad generalization.  Men  "fashioned a f t e r the Word" have shown themselves  throughout h i s t o r y to be capable of i n t e r p r e t i n g i t i n many d i f f e r e n t ways and following many contrasting courses of action.  Surely Professor Jones  does not have to be reminded that the Dutch;Reformed Church and many Afrikaners were "fashioned a f t e r the Word" and i t . i s d i f f i c u l t to f i n d , depending of course on where one stands, the "inescapable connection between 28 God's laws ( r e s t r i c t i o n and control) and love". T.A.  Dunn i n h i s Master's Thesis "Work, Class and  Education:  Vocationalism i n B r i t i s h Columbia's Public Schools, 1900-1929" has, i n contrast to the h i s t o r i a n s mentioned above, Prentice excepted, concluded that although i n i t i a l l y vocational t r a i n i n g "was  thought to b e n e f i t a l l "  i t "quickly" emerged as an agent of s o c i a l c o n t r o l to deal with s o c i e t y s 1  29 recalcitrants".  Dunn's work i s e s s e n t i a l l y a r e b u t t a l of the cornrnonly  accepted h i s t o r i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n that vocational education was to the need f o r s k i l l e d personnel i n a r a p i d l y  a response  i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g society.  He shows by means of c a r e f u l l y compiled s t a t i s t i c s , t h a t with the r i s e o f modern i n d u s t r i a l capitalism i n B r i t i s h Columbia the i n s t a l l a t i o n o f 3( machines a c t u a l l y subdivided the work process and i n e f f e c t " d e s k i l l e d i t " .  12  This being so the constant demand by businessmen for the expansion of vocational education as part of the school system must have had another source.  Dunn argues persuasively that this development was one aspect  of a "thrust for efficiency" which many influential members of the middle class believed would ensure social stability.  This thesis makes a  valuable contribution to social and educational history by inviting historians to re-examine a generally accepted hypothesis. In his doctoral thesis "The Establishment of Progressive Education i n Alberta" R.S. Patterson has also sought to determine the relationship of education to the society of which i t was the product.  In fact he  states the central problem i n his thesis was that of " —  determining  the nature of the forces operative within Alberta which facilitated the 31  acceptance and the adoption of progressive education."  In addition he  considers the kind of progressivism adopted i n Alberta and i t s relationship to American progressivism both i n i t s philosophical foundations and i n i t s practice. Although Patterson avoids a consideration of the worth of progressive education as he defines i t , he displays throughout a sympathy with the aims and innovations of progressivism i n his native province. 32  Similarly, in a subsequent article on Hubert C. Newland,  the chief  architect of the "new education" i n Alberta, he emphasizes Newland's deep commitment to democracy and his conviction that the schools could be made a vital' force: i h the democratization of society. In Newland's view 33  "political and economic democracy were inseparable"  and as an acknowledged  disciple of George.. S. Counts he became the foremost advocate i n Canada of  13  that s t r a i n of American progressivism which caused such controversy and debate, known as s o c i a l reconstructionism. 34 Taken as a whole, Patterson's work t r a d i t i o n of Canadian historiography.  stands i n the l i b e r a l  He echoes i n essence much of what  P h i l l i p s says i n h i s e a r l i e r work, f o r he sees progressivism as b a s i c a l l y an expression of a genuine impulse f o r genuine reform.  In h i s analysis  i t was an attempt to meet the challenge of changing economic and s o c i a l conditions by adjusting education to the needs of the conmunity i n the s p i r i t of greater concern f o r i n d i v i d u a l development and of equal opportunity f o r a l l children.  The acceptance of progressive education i n Alberta  appears then as a natural c o r o l l a r y of those p o l i t i c a l movements which arose i n western Canada (Progressive Party, U.F.A. S o c i a l C r e d i t and C.C.F.) with t h e i r goals o f s o c i a l reform and a more d i r e c t democracy. Patterson has confined h i s research mainly to A l b e r t a which he regards as a "... v a l i d case study f o r reviewing progressive education 35 i n Canada".  Nevertheless he does admit that what has been l a b e l l e d  progressivism i n education l i t e r a l l y d e f i e s d e f i n i t i o n .  Even the most  comprehensive i s s u p e r f i c i a l a t best and f a i l s to ccmmand agreement.  In  p r a c t i c e not a l l had the same understanding o f the p r i n c i p l e s of progres-sivism, nor was  the same p r i o r i t y or importance attached to each.  concludes that "... the meaning of progressive education 36 to time and according to spokesman".  He  v a r i e d according  And to that might be added place  and the differences which that term implies f f o r the development of progressive education i n B r i t i s h Columbia, although contemporaneous with  14  that of Alberta, presents differences i n emphasis and objective which cannot be explained merely by reference t o the d i f f e r e n t p e r s o n a l i t i e s of the various spokesmen.  Not only d i d the c h i e f promoters o f the  "new education" hold d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l philosophies but the p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and economic m i l i e u o f f e r s so many contrasts that these must be taken i n t o consideration before a comprehensive account of educational change i n Canada can be given.  S i m i l a r i t i e s , o f course, e x i s t ; the  p r i n c i p a l source o f ideas was American, despite the statements made i n B r i t i s h Columbia that the B r i t i s h Hadow Report had been the model followed f o r educational change i n the province.  As w e l l the problems faced during  the 1920's and 1930's by these provinces, both l a r g e l y dependent economically on the exports o f primary industry, were i n many ways, the same.  However  the response o f a province l a r g e l y composed o f independent farmers was not the same as that o f a province where a large proportion o f the population were employees.  I t should be noted i n t h i s connection that  the Progressive Party made very l i t t l e impact west o f the Rocky Mountains. In addition B r i t i s h Columbia was by the 1930's a much more i n d u s t r i a l i z e d and urbanized province than Alberta.  I t faced, a t l e a s t i n the perception  of those concerned with o r i n a p o s i t i o n to influence the course o f education, problems not unlike those which confronted the United States i n i t s period o f great i n d u s t r i a l and urban expansion j u s t p r i o r t o and a f t e r the turn o f the century.  To date although i t i s usually stated that B r i t i s h Columbia ranks with Alberta as a leader i n the adoption o f the "new education", reference i s usually confined t o the Putman-Weir Survey o f 1925 and the extensive  15  c u r r i c u l a r r e v i s i o n s introduced i n the l a t e r years of the 1930's.  While  the Putman-Weir Survey has been acknowledged to be one of the most comprehensive surveys ever undertaken i n Canada and the c u r r i c u l a r r e v i s i o n s to be the most a l l - i n c l u s i v e , neither of these landmarks i n the h i s t o r y o f education i n the province has received much more than cursory attention 37 from educational h i s t o r i a n s . One h i s t o r i a n , however, A.H. H.B.  C h i l d has written a p r o f i l e of  King, B r i t i s h Columbia's f i r s t c h i e f inspector o f schools and  one  of the prime movers of the changes i n the educational system which were i n s t i t u t e d during t h i s period.  King's Report on School Finance i n B r i t i s h  Columbia, made p u b l i c i n the summer of 1935, set f o r t h underlying reasons f o r and philosophy o f the changes that were subsequently This document i s v i t a l to an understanding adoption of the "new  to be made.  o f the raison d'etre f o r the  education" i n B r i t i s h Columbia, f o r King had been  named chief adviser to the committee on curriculum reform.  Child i n  w r i t i n g of the Report concentrates mainly on the administrative changes recommended by King, i n p a r t i c u l a r those dealing with the consolidation of school d i s t r i c t s and the a b o l i t i o n of school boards.  Both of these  recommendations were met with h o s t i l i t y , the former being implemented only 38 slowly over a considerable span o f time, the l a t t e r discarded altogether. These recommendations are i n d i c a t i v e o f fundamental attitudes toward society which are s i g n i f i c a n t aspects of the thought o f those most powerfully involved i n implementing progressive education i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Perhaps C h i l d does not deal with them because he believes that 39 progressive education was "to a large extent a one-man crusade". o  16  I t i s i n t h i s approach to h i s subject that the basic weakness of the a r t i c l e l i e s .  King appears to be working i n a vacuum.  Little  or no reference i s made to the widespread changes taking place i n the society around him.  The turmoil of the depression hardly seems to e x i s t .  Although i t i s generally agreed that the changes i n education which were implemented were not the r e s u l t of a popular movement f o r educational reform embracing a whole s o c i e t y , nevertheless various features of i t were the expression of c e r t a i n s p e c i f i c groups i n s o c i e t y .  These groups  were giving voice to opinions which were the product p r i m a r i l y of t h e i r experience of the society i n which they were l i v i n g . Like Patterson, C h i l d i s favourable to the progressive movement i n education as i t was promoted i n the province about which he i s w r i t i n g . He doubts neither the rightness o f the cause nor the r h e t o r i c which accompanied i t .  He does, nevertheless, permit a note of skepticism to creep  i n once or twice.  He allows that the teachers may have had a v a l i d point  when they came to the conclusion that on the basis o f experiments i n consolidation and c e n t r a l i z a t i o n the government was more concerned with economical than q u a l i t y education.  He also notes that although the new  curriculum was much p u b l i c i z e d as a group e f f o r t by s p e c i a l i s t s i n each f i e l d of study i t was amazing how much o f i t bore the marks of King's style. F. Henry Johnson i n h i s History o f P u b l i c Education i n B r i t i s h Columbia published i n 1964 adopts s u b s t a n t i a l l y the same a t t i t u d e . Progressivism as i t was attempted i n B r i t i s h Columbia was i n h i s opinion  17  t r u l y a reform movement.  This work t r a c i n g the development o f p u b l i c  schooling i n B r i t i s h Columbia from i t s beginnings i n 1872 t o the present i s e s s e n t i a l l y an i n s t i t u t i o n a l h i s t o r y .  L i t t l e reference i s made t o  the s o c i a l h i s t o r y o f the province; the depression i s mentioned l a r g e l y to explain the f i n a n c i a l p l i g h t o f the p r o v i n c i a l government.  To Johnson  the period from .1924, when the Putman-Weir Survey was begun u n t i l 1946 was one o f progressive reform.  The Putman-Weir Survey he considers a  landmark i n the h i s t o r y o f education i n the province.  With i t s p r e s c r i p t i o n  f o r curriculum reform, demand f o r greater attention t o health and p h y s i c a l t r a i n i n g , c a l l f o r changes i n the system o f p u p i l promotions, b e t t e r teacher t r a i n i n g , and strong support f o r the development o f junior high schools and the consolidation o f school d i s t r i c t s i t became a b l u e p r i n t f o r the future.  Some proposals were implemented immediately  was made on others.  and a beginning  P r i n c i p a l s i n the new junior high schools under a  new programme o f studies were encouraged t o be experimental and innovative with the r e s u l t that vocational guidance, the Morrison u n i t plan and student government along with other things appeared on the educational scene-. Unfortunately the depression brought f i n a n c i a l stringency and the c u r t a i l ment of expansion and change and i t was not u n t i l 1933, with the e l e c t i o n o f a L i b e r a l government and the appointment as Minister o f Education o f G.M. Weir, co-author o f the Putman-Weir report and head o f the Department o f Education a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, that fundamental changes i n education were vigorously promoted.  Johnson sees Weir and King, both o f whom he characterizes as true reformers dedicated t o democratic p r i n c i p l e s , as the c h i e f a r c h i t e c t s o f  18  the "new  education."  Quoting Bruce Hutchison, the most noteworthy p o l i t i c a l  j o u r n a l i s t i n B r i t i s h Columbia during the 1930's,he pictures Weir as an emotional dynamic crusader whose " d i c t i o n f a i r l y s i z z l e s l i k e a high tension wire" a man  " f i l l e d with a consuming f i r e of passionate protest, 40  the zeal of a r e a l reformer".  Temporarily d i s t r a c t e d from the r e s t r u c t u r -  ing of the educational system by the c r i t i c a l f i n a n c i a l problems created by the depression, Weir had to struggle, Johnson writes, with the problem of how he and h i s department could cut the "ever growing costs o f the 41 school system without reducing the q u a l i t y of education". new elementary school curriculum was  When the  launched i n 1936 Weir pronounced i t  "the most modern t r e a t i s e on elementary teaching and education i n America, 42 probably i n the world" a judgement not challenged by the author. Johnson also has high p r a i s e f o r King's recommendations regarding school finance i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  He defends King from the charges o f  being undemocratic which were hurled a t him from many quarters f o r h i s suggestion to abolish a l l school boards and place the d i r e c t i o n of education completely i n the hands of the Department of Education.  Johnson states  approvingly King's defence of himself and then adds a c o l o u r f u l one of his own.  "Like Curzon of India King aimed at e f f i c i e n c y , not home r u l e ,  but he firmly believed that he was standing f o r the highest p r i n c i p l e 43 of democracy—equality of opportunity f o r a l l " . One further work should be mentioned which deals with progressive education during roughly the same period, J.W.  Rule's "Innovation  and  Experimentation i n Ontario's P u b l i c and Secondary School System 1919-1940".  19  In t h i s master's t h e s i s , Rule has r e l a t e d educational change to p o l i t i c a l change.  He claims that the three successive administrations o f the period  under review, the United Farmers,of Ontario, the Conservatives and the L i b e r a l s , each implemented educational p o l i c i e s which r e f l e c t e d t h e i r p o l i t i c a l biases.  Thus the U.F.O. with t h e i r broad r u r a l base passed  l e g i s l a t i o n aimed a t improving r u r a l schools and through them the population.  own  farming  Conversely the Conservatives with greater strength i n urban  areas tended to improve the urban school.  While the L i b e r a l s more broadly  based than e i t h e r attempted reforms which would b e n e f i t a l l the c h i l d r e n of the province, i n p a r t i c u l a r the New  Programme of Studies introduced i n 44  1937.  Rule simply l a b e l s t h i s new curriculum as "applied Deweyisms"  and makes no serious attempt to analyze i t , or account f o r i t s creation or acceptance other than as a r e v o l t against an out-moded r i g i d pedagogy. Although the thesis was presented i n 1975 i t makes no reference to any recent works Canadian or American on educational h i s t o r y , nor are any l i s t e d i n the bibliography.  The whole has a curiously out-of-date a i r ,  f o r as Sutherland states i n h i s introduction to Education and S o c i a l Change:  Themes from Ontario's Past, " I f t h e i r work i s to be taken s e r i o u s l y 45  h i s t o r i a n s o f education are obliged to give serious attention".. to some of the propositions of the r a d i c a l r e v i s i o n i s t h i s t o r i a n s , and t h i s Rule f a i l s to do. In review i t appears that most h i s t o r i c a l work on the  "new  education" or progressive education views the changes which resulted from these movements as p o s i t i v e forward steps i n the development of education i n Canada.  Some, such as Johnson's f i t s neatly with the e a r l y historiography  20  o f education, a hymn o f p r a i s e t o the admirable condition o f education based on the assumption o f the i n e v i t a b i l i t y o f progress.  In the estimation  of T.R. Morrison t h i s opinion i s not s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from that held by most Canadians who " c l i n g u n c r i t i c a l l y to a b e l i e f i n p u b l i c schools as the i n s t i t u t i o n a l embodiment o f a deep s o c i a l commitment t o the values o f e q u a l i t y , j u s t i c e and knowledge.  This conviction has  provided a r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n f o r our enormous expenditure o f time, energy 46  and d o l l a r s i n the process o f p u b l i c schooling". Although t h i s generalization has a c e r t a i n v a l i d i t y , there has been much c r i t i c i s m o f Canadian education from many quarters since the 1950's.  I t has run the gamut from pleas f o r greater freedom f o r both  teacher and student t o urgent requests f o r an increase i n authority and d i s c i p l i n e ; from recommendations f o r ever greater choice o f subject matter to a demand f o r a return t o basics; from s t r i c t u r e s that i t i s the prime function o f the school t o teach c h i l d r e n how t o a r r i v e a t a system o f values to s t r i c t u r e s that p u b l i c educational i n s t i t u t i o n s should confine themselves t o the teaching o f a body o f knowledge.  A l l o f these contro-  versies are reminiscent o f those which took place regarding education i n the 1920's and 1930's i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  On the face o f i t i t would  appear that there was a p o l a r i z a t i o n o f attitudes and that i n the ensuing struggle the proponents o f a more free, humanistic, democratic and e g a l i - • ' t a r i a n education were v i c t o r i o u s . this parallel.  However i t would be a mistake t o draw  The ethos o f the inter-war years was a v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t  one from the post World War I I decades.  With the distance o f time one can  more r e a d i l y determine the issues involved and t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e i n the  21  society o f the time.  The years between the wars were turbulent ones which saw Canada change from a primarily  r u r a l to an urban and i n d u s t r i a l society,  with  a l l the s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l problems such a change engenders. The changes were i n t e n s i f i e d and complicated by the Great Depression.  It  i s the purpose o f t h i s study covering the years 1920-1940, t o "assess the relationship  among society, demography, p o l i t i c s and educational change"  i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  In t h i s process i t w i l l be p o s s i b l e t o show how  why c r i t i c a l decisions were made i n education i n t h i s province and  how  they related to the reforming movement known as progressive education.  and  22  Notes  Chapter I  1  As quoted i n J.D. Wilson, R.M. Stamp and L-P. Audet, Canadian Education: a History. Preface, p. v i i .  2  Not necessarily r a d i c a l i n the generally accepted p o l i t i c a l sense. For a complete analysis o f t h i s point see N e i l Sutherland, "Introduction: Towards a History of English Canadian Youngsters" i n Paul H. Mattingly and Michael B. Katz, eds. Education and S o c i a l Change: Themes from Ontario's Past (New York, 1975), pp. xvii-xxv.  3  See introduction to Michael B. Katz, Class, Bureaucracy, and Schools The I l l u s i o n of Educational Change i n America. Expanded E d i t i o n , (New York, 1975).  4  Katz, Op. Cit., p.  5  Examples: J.D. Wilson, R.M. Stamp, and L-P. Audet eds. Op. C i t . . Chapter.17. ' N e i l Sutherland, Children i n English-Canadian Society: Framing the Twentieth-Century Consensus (Toronto, 1976) Part IV. A.H. C h i l d , "H.B. King, Administrative I d e a l i s t " i n R.S. Patterson, J.W. Chalmers and J.W. Friesen, eds. P r o f i l e s of Canadian Educators (D.C. Heath Canada Ltd., 1971). J.W. Rule, "Innovation and Experimentation i n Ontario's Public and Secondary School System 1919-1940." unpublished M.A. t h e s i s , University o f Western Ontario, 1975.  6  For example C E . P h i l l i p s , The Development o f Education i n Canada, (Toronto, 1957).  7  F. Henry Johnson, A History of Public Education i n B r i t i s h Columbia. (Vancouver, 1964).  8  N e i l Sutherland, Op. C i t .  114.  23  An exception to t h i s i s T.A. Dunn, "Work, Class and Education: Vocationalism i n B r i t i s h Columbia's Public Schools 1900-1929", unpublished M.A. Thesis, University o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1978.  P h i l l i p s , Op. C i t . Preface, p. x i i . Ibid., x i . Ibid., x i i . Ibid., p. 463. P h i l l i p s claims that t h i s was Sandiford's opinion, but gives no c i t a t i o n . Ibid., Sutherland, Op. C i t : , p. 18. Ibid., p. 179. This term included "hand work, hand and eye t r a i n i n g , constructive work, and i n d u s t r i a l education". By 1910 p r a c t i c a l education had been divided into 5 categories 'manual a r t s ' f o r younger children, manual t r a i n i n g , vocational and technical education, domestic science, and nature study and home gardening. Ibid., p. 184.  Ibid., p.  179.  Ibid., p. 223, quoted from J o e l Spring, "Education and Progressivism", History of Education Quarterly. Volume X (Spring 1970) p. 53. Ibid. Both a r t i c l e s appear i n R.S. Patterson, J.W. Op. C i t .  Ibid., p.  199.  Chalmers and J.W.  Friesen,  24  Ibid., p.  196.  Ibid., p.  216.  David C. Jones, "The Maleficent Obsession: S o c i a l Control and the Schools", The Journal of Educational Thought, V o l . 12, No.l (1978) p. 52. Ibid., p.  53.  See Marvin Lazerson, "Revisionism and American Educational History", Harvard Educational Review 43 (May, 1973) Jones, Op. C i t . , p.  54.  I t i s only very recently since world p u b l i c opinion has turned so d e c i s i v e l y against South A f r i c a ' s r a c i a l p o l i c i e s that churches i n South A f r i c a have taken a stand against apartheid. Dunn, Op. C i t . , p. Ibid., p.  156.  46.  R.S. Patterson, "The Establishment of Progressive Education i n Alberta", p. 4. R.S. Patterson, "Hubert C. Newland Theorist of Progressive Education" Chapter 15, R.S. Patterson, J.W. Chalmers and J.W. Friesen, Op. C i t .  Ibid., p.  305.  Robert S. Patterson, "Society and Education During the Wars and t h e i r Interlude: 1914-1945", Chapter 17, J.D. Wilson, R.M. Stamp and L-P. Audet, Op. C i t .  25  35  R.S. Patterson, "The Establishment o f Progressive Education i n Alberta".  36  Robert S. Patterson, "The Future of Progressive Education" i n Terence Morrison, Anthony Burton, eds. Options: Reforms and Alternatives f o r Canadian Education, (Toronto, 1973) p. 31.  37  F. Henry Johnson's work and the theses of D.C. Jones and T.A. Dunn are exceptions; a l l make considerable reference t o the PutmanWeir Survey.  38  In 1944 the government of B r i t i s h Columbia appointed Dr. Maxwell A. Cameron of the Department of Education of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, as a one man commission o f Inquiry i n t o Educational Finance. Cameron, making no reference to the King Report, vetoed the i d e a of a completely c e n t r a l i z e d administration and advocated the retention of school boards, and large scale consolidation of school d i s t r i c t s i n r u r a l areas. A f t e r p o i n t i n g out the defects of c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , r i g i d i t y , lack of experimentation and loss of l o c a l i n t e r e s t , \ he concluded that l o c a l management o f schools should be retained i f t h i s could be done "while achieving a subrs t a n t i a l degree of equality of opportunity f o r our c h i l d r e n and a equality of burden f o r our taxpayers", p. 37. Report o f the Coirmission of Inquiry i n t o Educational Finance, ( V i c t o r i a , 1945).  39  A.H. C h i l d , Op. C i t . , p.  40  F. Henry Johnson, Op. C i t . , p.  41  Ibid., p.  104.  42  Ibid., p.  102.  43  Ibid., p.  109.  44  J.W. Rule, "Innovation and Experimentation i n Ontario's Public and Secondary School System 1919-1940", p. 89.  319. 101.  26  45  Sutherland "Introduction: Towards a History of English Canadian Youngsters", Op. Cit., p. xix.  46  Terence Morrison, Anthony Burton eds. Op. Cit., p. 234.  47  Michael B. Katz, Class Bureaucracy and Schools Expanded Ed., (New York, 1975), p. 167.  CHAPTER I I BRITISH COLUMBIA SCHOOLS:  THE INTRODUCTION OF THE "NEW  EDUCATION"  BEFORE 1929 The "new  education" began to be introduced i n t o the p u b l i c schools  of B r i t i s h Columbia i n the e a r l y years of the century, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Vancouver.  In comparison with some American c i t i e s , the adoption of  innovations i n eduation was  l a t e r and slower.  However i t should be  noted that most progressive reforms d i d not become incorporated i n t o school systems i n the United States u n t i l the depression years.  Similarly  B r i t i s h Columbia d i d not make many aspects of the "new  education" p a r t  of the p r o v i n c i a l educational system u n t i l the 1930s.  But the d i r e c t i o n  o f many future developments was given i n the e a r l i e r decades.  I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that new courses and methods were introduced i n t o schools a f t e r the turn o f the century,for the province was, time, undergoing a period of rapid i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n .  at that  As Dunn has pointed  out, between 1880 and the outbreak of World War I there were rapid develops . ments i n the extraction and processing of natural resources and with the emergence of i n d u s t r i a l capitalism, B r i t i s h Columbia experienced the f a s t e s t growth rate i n Canada.  During" t h i s period Vancouver r e f l e c t e d  the province's economic expansion and became i t s most important c i t y .  In  the l a s t decade of the 19th century the population of Vancouver doubled, i n the next i t quadrupled.  With the a r r i v a l of the Canadian P a c i f i c  Railway the c i t y entered a period of growth exceeding that of any other c i t y i n the country.  Immigrants poured i n t o Vancouver by the thousands,  28  sometimes at the rate of one thousand per month. By 1911 the population 2 figure stood at around 110,000. A great many of the newcomers to the city i n the f i r s t years of i t s growth from 1886 to 1893 were Canadians from Eastern Canada, British Americans and Orientals.  A second wave of immigration during the f i r s t  decade of the 20th century brought large numbers of Europeans, the vast majority of whom were unable to speak English, a great many from Britain with a working class background, as well as another influx of Orientals. The labour movement quickly gained momentum and the Provincial Federation of Labour had a membership of nineteen union locals i n 1891. 3 other part of Canada were working men as radical"  "In no  social tension and  unrest tended to become chronic and many began to fear that the labour 4 movement i n British Columbia was being inspired by Bolshevik doctrines. Although a l l the labour unrest did not occur i n Vancouver i t was a centre of labour activity and remained so i n the decade which followed. Vancouver, then, had never experienced a period of slow evolution or planned development.  It had sprung into being with a l l the trappings  of an industrial city, characterized by a small stratum of wealth and power and a large stratum of working class.  The industrial and commercial  centre of a province geared to export.markets, i t was subject to rapid cycles of boom and bust.  In 1894 a recession had caused "such starvation 5  and misery" that soup kitchens were set up.  A l i t t l e over ten years later  however, Vancouver was enjoying such prosperity that the city could boast of having 1050 real estate dealers and 325 grocers.  In 1913 the bubble  29  burst again and a year l a t e r the cost o f unemployment r e l i e f i n Vancouver reached the f i g u r e o f $150,000. The men who took on the task o f d i r e c t i n g and providing f o r the education o f the c h i l d r e n o f Vancouver were faced with a p o l y g l o t population, o f l a r g e l y working c l a s s background where unemployment and s t r i k e s were frequent occurrences. considerable degree o f autonomy.  School boards a t t h i s time had a A trend begun i n 1889 o f p l a c i n g greater  f i n a n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n the hands o f school boards had brought with i t an increased authority i n curriculum planning.  I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to  note, i n view o f the contentiousness o f the question o f the r o l e o f school boards during the 1930's, that t h i s development was welcomed a t the time.  As one e d i t o r put i t , i n t h i s d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n o f power "...  w i l l be found the vast development and the greatest success o f our educational system.  For the dead uniformity which now characterizes 7  the larger schools throughout the province w i l l now disappear."  Ey  the e a r l y years o f the century, although the f i n a l word on curriculum and standards s t i l l lay with the P r o v i n c i a l Department o f Education, the recommendations o f the Vancouver school board with regard to curriculum changes and the expansion o f school services were nearly always accepted, although sometimes with a time l a g . From 1892 to 1918 Vancouver School Board Minutes and Annual Reports provide a good record o f changes made i n administration, curriculum and school services as w e l l as some i n s i g h t i n t o the thinking o f those most instrumental i n bringing about those changes.  L i t t l e i s known about the  socio-economic background o f the members o f the school board except what  3Q  i s mentioned i n a special brochure issued by the board i n 1910.  From  the biographical data given about the trustees holding office during that year, i t would appear that they were from the middle echelon of 8  business and the professions.  This impression i s reinforced by the  findings of Kept. A.J. McDonald i n his doctoral thesis"Business Leaders in Early Vancouver, 1886-1914"i  In the decade before 1913, he points out,  "large numbers of self-interested businessmen" went into c i v i c affairs, 9  but few were from the economically powerful e l i t e .  Most of the  trustees were Eastern Canadians and immigrants from the United Kingdom who had come to the west before the turn of the century and had carved out a niche of comfort, rather than wealth, and c i v i c prominence. Towards the end of the 1890's the f i r s t stirrings of discontent with the school curriculum became evident.  The trustees gave consideration  to the introduction of drawing, needlework, sewing and knitting into the curriculum, and the building of a gymnasium. "^  I t was suggested  that changes be made to add to the popularity of the high school by making some compulsory subjects optional."'""'"  At the same time a proposal of  Sir William MacDonald to establish a school of manual training for the city was met by great enthusiasm not only by school board members, but also by 12  the mayor and council, and the Vancouver Board of Trade. During the f i r s t decade of the century the pace of change began to quicken.  The curriculum was broadened, extra-curricular activities  were sponsored by the schools, and night classes were added.  School board  members were disturbed by the small percentage of pupils who passed the  31  high school entrance examinations.  Much o f t h e i r concern appeared t o  centre on the f a c t that the majority o f those who f a i l e d would leave 13 school untrained f o r any p o s i t i o n i n the business world. The r a t i o n a l e f o r a l l changes seemed to f a l l into four categories, vocational preparation, p h y s i c a l f i t n e s s , character b u i l d i n g and the refinement o f the s e n s i b i l i t i e s . When the trustees were planning a new high school i n 1903, t h e i r major preoccupations  appeared t o be the  organization o f a cadet corp and the development o f a commercial course. The cadet corp was seen as being o f "... immense advantage to our boys 14 which w i l l b u i l d up a strong and more healthy manhood i n our c i t y . " I t was hoped that the commercial course would "... meet i n f u l l the requirements o f t h i s progressive era o f commercial a c t i v i t y " " ^ i n Vancouver.  In 1904 music was added t o the curriculum.  I t s purpose was  to develop the i n t e l l e c t u a l f a c u l t i e s , to a s s i s t the c o r r e l a t i o n o f mind and body, t o strengthen the body through singing, and above a l l to improve 16 the character.  In 1906 domestic science became a p a r t o f the curriculum.  This was a development much desired by women's groups, and p e t i t i o n e d f o r by the Vancouver Local Council o f Women as p a r t o f t h e i r campaign t o strengthen the home. However the pace o f change d i d not appear to be f a s t enough to please many board members.  There was a sense o f urgency i n the report o f  the chairman o f the school board i n 1908.  He stated, i n part,  "Very few people r e a l i z e the p a r t which more and more every year i s played by schools i n the s o c i a l l i f e o f the  32  people. Owing to an increasing portion of the population of c i t i e s l i v i n g i n apartment and tenement houses, and, I am sorry to say the general loosening of the t i e s o f home l i f e , schools are more and more taking the place and doing the duties which parents used to •do, and there i s no use our t r y i n g to shirk the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . . . "  He concluded by suggesting the d e s i r a b i l i t y o f encouraging c l a s s emulation." The following year the board expanded the s o c i a l function of the schools by employing a f u l l time medical o f f i c e r and a nurse. Just as i t was f e l t that the school was not f u l f i l l i n g i t s s o c i a l „role adequately, so too i t was thought that the v o c a t i o n a l i z i n g of the schools was not proceeding s a t i s f a c t o r i l y .  One annual report of the  school board bemoaned the f a c t that no advance had been made i n manual  18 t r a i n i n g programmes since t h e i r inception.  A management cerariittee's  report of a-.few years l a t e r , said that the underlying p r i n c i p l e of the high school should be t o make i t a " f i n i s h i n g " school with two main branches.  One to take the place of "the decayed apprenticeship system,  should tend i n the d i r e c t i o n of Trade and Technical School Work" while another "should run much stronger on commercial l i n e s than i t does now  19 and should include courses i n Spanish, Chinese and  Japanese."  Despite setbacks the Vancouver school board continued i n the second decade o f the century to increase the school's r o l e as a s o c i a l i z i n g 20 agent and as a vocational t r a i n i n g i n s t i t u t i o n .  The s o c i a l function  which the board saw i t s e l f f u l f i l l i n g was i l l u s t r a t e d by the management committee's plans f o r future school buildings.  I t was anticipated that  33  the downtown area of the c i t y would, as had happened i n many American c i t i e s , become overly congested, with many c h i l d r e n l i v i n g under d i s advantageous conditions. Old schools were to be torn down rather than repaired and new ones erected "around three s t o r i e s , to have as much room f o r playground as possible, with f a c i l i t i e s f o r systematic p h y s i c a l t r a i n i n g and.. .with auditoriums so that the school may be a s o c i a l 21 centre f o r the cx^mmunity".  Around t h i s time school assembly h a l l s  began to loom large as the locus o f s o c i a l work i n t h e i r respective districts.  "Through the agency of lectures, meetings and discussions  i t i s hoped that the new c i t i z e n s of cosmopolitan Vancouver", can be raised to acceptable standards, "... morally, s o c i a l l y and f i n a n c i a l l y , 22 from the youngest to the oldest". On the vocational side, by 1912 the municipal inspector of schools reported eleven centres f o r manual t r a i n i n g 23 f o r p u b l i c school p u p i l s and two f o r high school p u p i l s . vocational courses were introduced i n t o three high schools.  In 1914 preThe  students divided t h e i r time between vocational and academic p u r s u i t s , two thirds being given to academic work and one t h i r d to vocational work. These courses were described as being " p a r t i c u l a r l y suited to those students whose a b i l i t i e s l i e i n a p r a c t i c a l d i r e c t i o n rather than i n academic studies". ^ 2  The impression that they were f o r defective children had to  be countered by a school o f f i c i a l making c a l l s on a number of parents. Depression arid retrenchment affected the board's plans during the war years, but by 1918 the momentum o f change began to quicken again. A wider range of technical courses was made available to both boys and g i r l s i n high school, there was a cormiercial high school devoted p a r t i c u l a r l y  34  to business instruction,and night classes were extended.  Classes f o r  the retarded had existed f o r some time and now a "room o f opportunity" was created f o r those pupils who had d i f f i c u l t y with the regular curriculum.  A t the urging o f the University Women's Club the schools  established L i t t l e Mothers' Leagues t o t r a i n children over twelve years  25 of  age i n the care o f babies.  This can be seen as a response t o a .  report made by the school nurse some years e a r l i e r which pointed out that i n many homes young school age children were l e f t i n charge o f infants while the mother went t o work.  Under such circumstances, the  nurse concluded, many babies "die simply from i l l n e s s which, i n the majority o f cases i s caused by ignorance".  26  However there was s t i l l a great deal o f d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n on the part o f board members with the progress being made.  The school system  i t was s a i d by some was s t i l l woefully behind the best thought o f the day.  Although only seven percent o f the students went on t o the u n i v e r s i t y ,  i t was s a i d that the high school curriculum was based on u n i v e r s i t y entrance, and the p u b l i c school system was based on high school entrance.  Said one  board chairman, "This means that ninety three percent are t o a c e r t a i n extent (not wholly) s a c r i f i c e d to the seven percent and c e r t a i n l y i f a  27 s a c r i f i c e be needed i t should be the other way around".  This d i d  not mean that the " c u l t u r a l side o f things should be wholly neglected" she continued, -but i t d i d mean "the p o s s i b i l i t y o f c u t t i n g out some o f the unnecessary grind and replacing that with work that w i l l not only be more p r a c t i c a l but f o r which the average student has f a r more i n c l i n a t i o n as w e l l as natural a b i l i t y " .  28  35  Between 1897 and 1918 the school system which evolved i n Vancouver under the aegis o f the Vancouver school board pointed the d i r e c t i o n i n which many future changes and developments would proceed, not only i n 29 Vancouver but also i n the r e s t o f the province.  What school board  members wanted f o r the Vancouver schools during t h i s period o f the c i t y ' s rapid expansion and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n would become, i n many instances, what professional educators would desire f o r a l l the schools o f the province a t a l a t e r date.  On the basis o f the records used, the reasons  that appear predominant i n the board's decisions were a desire, i n the f i r s t place, t o make the schools an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f the c i t y ' s commercial and i n d u s t r i a l growth by providing i t with a s k i l l e d work force; and secondly, t o a s s i s t i n moulding the future c i t i z e n s t o the values necessary f o r a business oriented society's s t a b i l i t y and expansion. The s p i r i t o f optimism which was engendered by the ending o f World War I d i d not l a s t long i n Vancouver o r i n many parts o f the province. By 1919 an economic recession had brought unemployment, s o c i a l unrest and f i n a n c i a l problems to government a t a l l l e v e l s .  Both urban and r u r a l  school boards were caught i n a bind between i n s u f f i c i e n t funds and r i s i n g enrollments which necessitated increases i n both p l a n t and equipment. Even a f t e r the depression gave way i n 1923 to the greatest wave o f prosperity that the province had'ever known,financial problems continued to plague most school boards. A reading o f the Vancouver school board minutes covering the years 1920 to 1924 indicates g r a p h i c a l l y the d i f f i c u l t i e s faced.  Reviewing  t  36  the work o f past mangement committees, the chairman i n 1922 pointed to "the repeated defeat o f money by-laws since 1918 and the consequent d i f f i c u l t y o f providing proper accommodation f o r our school c h i l d r e n (and) the ever increasing administrative work f o r a growing population". Various solutions had been attempted to meet the pressure o f numbers. In 1920, 34 part-time classes had been i n s t i t u t e d but t h i s had been thought to be " i n e f f i c i e n t , expensive and wasteful, e s p e c i a l l y o f children's 31 lives".  As a consequence, c l a s s s i z e was increased to f i f t y p u p i l s .  Faced with another c r i s i s i n numbers i n 1921, the board had once more to resort t o part-time classes as w e l l as overcrowded ones.  By the  1922-23 school year c l a s s averages were down t o 43, although some classes contained 60 p u p i l s .  To the trustees t h i s s i t u a t i o n was deleterious both  to teacher and c h i l d , p a r t i c u l a r l y to the slow c h i l d who would, i n t h e i r opinion, be put ahead unprepared or through discouragement f a l l by the wayside.  The s o c i a l r e s u l t they pointed out, would be disastrous. " I t  w i l l mean" wrote the chairman o f the management committee "... more p u p i l s f o r our i n d u s t r i a l schools, detention homes and prisons, misery i n stead o f happiness f o r the homes, less production i n i n d u s t r i a l l i f e and more expense t o the state i n taking care o f , criminals. For l e t me say, that every discouraged c h i l d i s one more centre of moral leprosy". 32  By January o f 1923 a l l o f the school c h i l d r e n i n Vancouver had been accommodated i n f u l l - t i m e classes with an average c l a s s enrollment of 40 by the expediency o f using temporary wooden structures erected on  37  school grounds.  However, despite f i n a n c i a l stringency and the need f o r  permanent a d d i t i o n a l classrooms the board was  recommending the appointment  o f specialized teachers, and a vocational guidance o f f i c e r as w e l l as the extension o f j u n i o r high school work and the opening o f a t e c h n i c a l school f o r g i r l s .  The previous year the board with the approval of the  Department of Education had opened a j u n i o r high school.  This school  was not designed to be an i n t e g r a l p a r t of the school system as were those being set up i n many c i t i e s i n the United States.  I t s function was  as a two year vocational t r a i n i n g school f o r those p u p i l s who had passed through' the elementary school, and who, from the ordinary high school courses.  i t was I t was  thought could not b e n e f i t stated that i t was hoped  that as the p u b l i c became more acquainted with the "value and status" o f the school i t would grow by "leaps and bounds" and become the "most important l i n k i n our system f o r those p u p i l s between the ages of 14 and 33 16".  The chairman of the board stated that he was confident the  continual expansion of vocational and t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g would d i v e r t many who were overcrowding the u n i v e r s i t y at "great economic loss both to the 34 country and themselves". As an i n t e r e s t i n g footnote t o the foregoing, when the f i r s t vocational o f f i c e r was appointed to the Vancouver schools i n October the announcement of h i s appointment was  accompanied by h i s own  1924,  statement  that h i s f i r s t job would be the d i r e c t i o n of the l i v e s of the " M i s f i t s " among the 20,000 p u p i l s of the Vancouver schools who would otherwise astray.  This was  go  to be h i s primary function "while the other boys and  38  g i r l s seeking vocational d i r e c t i o n would come a f t e r them". Fear of a n t i - s o c i a l behaviour, so evident i n school board reports was not confined to those responsible f o r running the schools.  The  p u b l i c i n general and parents i n p a r t i c u l a r were seriously concerned. 36 The war had brought i n i t s wake a breakdown i n t r a d i t i o n a l values which was i n t e n s i f i e d by r a p i d urbanization. was w e l l on i t s way crime.  Vancouver, i n p a r t i c u l a r ,  to achieving a reputation as a centre of v i c e and  As an i n d i c a t i o n of i t s anxiety over the weakendLng o f morality,  the Parent-Teacher  movement, then strong i n B r i t i s h Columbia, concentrated  a great deal of i t s attention on moral issues and advocated that moral i n s t r u c t i o n be given i n the schools and that a l l reading materials be censored.  A mass meeting of Parent Teacher Associations i n the spring  of 1924 i n Vancouver passed with only a small number o f dissenting votes, a motion i n favour of optional B i b l e reading and teaching i n the schools 37 f o r one school period a week.  As was borne out by the experience of  the Putman-Weir Survey no issue aroused as much p u b l i c i n t e r e s t , with the exception of finance, as the teaching of r e l i g i o n i n the schools. 38 Bedevilled by inadequate budgets  which hampered i t i n implementing  the p o l i c i e s which i t thought important to society the Vancouver School Board, i n conjunction with others i n the province, began i n 1922 to p e t i t i o n the government to appoint an educational survey.  Just as i n s i s t e n t as school  boards on a thorough survey o f the province s educational system was 39 1  the B r i t i s h Columbia Teachers' Federation,  which had passed a r e s o l u t i o n  at i t s Easter, convention i n 1922 requesting the Department of Education to  39  make "a complete assessment o f the system i n a l l i t s aspects o f curriculum, 40 administration and finance".  Unfortunately the B.C.T.F. records o f  that time do not indicate what the main s p e c i f i c areas o f concern were, o r whether d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n was widespread, o r noticeably more pronounced i n one section o f the province than  another.  Inspectors' reports, however, covering the years 1921 t o 1924 expressed varying degrees o f d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with school f a c i l i t i e s , c u r r i c u l a , teaching and organization i n a l l parts o f the province.  The  c r i s i s o f numbers facing the high schools emerged as a top p r i o r i t y problem.  The postwar world had created a demand f o r a more extended  period o f education.  High schools, once the preserve o f the few,had  become the expectation o f the many.  The government had p a r t l y a l l e v i a t e d  the s i t u a t i o n i n 1921 when the Department o f Education extended the elementary school curriculum from 7 t o 8 years.  But by 1923 the high  enrollment showed an increase o f 90 percent over the previous 6 years, a s i t u a t i o n which could not be met by e x i s t i n g f a c i l i t i e s .  While the urban  school was subject to d r a s t i c overcrowding, i n many r u r a l areas, high schools were non-existent.  The inequity o f t h i s s i t u a t i o n v/as constantly  pointed out by the inspectors.  Although many more c h i l d r e n were q u a l i -  fying f o r high school entrance, most were unable t o continue t h e i r studies because o f the absence o f high school f a c i l i t i e s .  "One cannot pass from  a c i t y school t o a r u r a l school" wrote one inspector, "without  feeling  acutely the l i t t l e opportunity f o r advancement afforded the r u r a l c h i l d 41 as compared with that presented t o the c i t y c h i l d . "  One r e s u l t o f  t h i s s i t u a t i o n was that r u r a l schools contained as many as 40 percent o f  40  overage p u p i l s .  Another was  that r u r a l c h i l d r e n sent to c i t y high  schools tended to obtain jobs and remain i n the c i t y on completion o f t h e i r schooling.  Rural schools also suffered because of inexperienced  teachers, high teacher turnover and ungraded class.rooms.  By t h i s time  the A g r i c u l t u r a l Instruction Act had been discontinued and the dedicated band o f d i s t r i c t supervisors who had gone to r u r a l areas to r e v i t a l i z e 42 education had begun to disperse. The b r i g h t e s t ray of hope f o r the educational system seemed to l i e , according to many inspectors, i n the increasing number o f schools and teachers using the methods of the "new with pride to those teachers who,  education".. Inspectors pointed  " f o r t i f i e d by a sound u n i v e r s i t y t r a i n i n g ,  imbued with the s p i r i t o f s c i e n t i f i c research and i n t o l e r a n t of worn-out 43 shibboleths" their training.  were bringing to t h e i r p u p i l s the p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n o f The "new  education", as r e f e r r e d to i n inspectors'  reports of t h i s time, seemed to c o n s i s t c h i e f l y o f t e s t i n g , by means of IQ and standardized achievement t e s t s , the p r o j e c t method, s o c i a l i z e d r e c i t a t i o n and the teaching o f s i l e n t reading.  There was apparent a  r e v o l t against formalism and an over r e l i a n c e on the t e x t book, and a desire to b r i n g the c h i l d ' s school experience i n t o c l o s e r accord with the world he would meet:.on leaving school.  One inspector, when advising a  reduction i n w r i t t e n work i n elementary schools wrote, " I t has been estimated that upwards of 75 percent of the world's business i s transacted o r a l l y and the schools, i n preparing c h i l d r e n f o r l i f e ' s duties, should 44 devote an equal proportion of school time to o r a l and mental i n s t r u c t i o n . "  41  I t i s inpossible to determine i f the M i n i s t e r o f Education  J.D.  MacLean, or the upper rank of c i v i l servants i n the Department of Education were i n favour of a survey of education being made a t that time. v  The  premier, John O l i v e r , does not appear to have shown any i n t e r e s t i n education, during h i s p o l i t i c a l career.  However, h i s statement that  "we are keeping our children i n school too long, and we are teaching them 45 too many fads", - would seem to i n d i c a t e that he, i f not h i s party, wished to see the educational curriculum c u r t a i l e d and s i m p l i f i e d .  A lack of  i n t e r e s t on the p a r t of p o l i t i c i a n s could be deduced from the f a c t that none o f the members o f the l e g i s l a t u r e appeared a t a s p e c i a l session 46 c a l l e d to allow them to present t h e i r own views on educational matters. A f t e r two years of inaction, O l i v e r , j u s t a few days before the e l e c t i o n of June 1924, announced the appointment of two prominent Canadian educators to head a survey i n education i n the province.  The terms of  reference were very broad, the areas o f i n v e s t i g a t i o n to include teacher q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , normal schools, c u r r i c u l a , administration and financing, nineteen categories i n a l l .  The government's d e c i s i o n to appoint a  survey a t t h i s time could be interpreted as a vote getting ploy.  The  L i b e r a l s , i n o f f i c e since 1916, had been c l o s e l y associated with reform movements.  By the mid-twenties, however they were becoming tainted with  charges of corruption and were d a i l y being accused of being i n the hands of the l i q u o r i n t e r e s t s .  Labour support had dwindled, the reform minded  middle class had become d i s i l l u s i o n e d and there was a general f e e l i n g of disenchantment with the e x i s t i n g party system.  As evidence o f t h i s the  42  P r o v i n c i a l Party had just been formed which hoped.to garner some o f i t s 47 support from progressively oriented and d i s s i d e n t L i b e r a l supporters. In addition the government had promised reductions i n personal property taxes and land tax rates i n r u r a l areas.  How  school boards, already-  incapacitated by i n s u f f i c i e n t revenues, were to meet t h e i r objectives under such circumstances was a problem which the L i b e r a l s may have wished the survey to answer. I f school boards were seeking an educational survey as a v i n d i cation o f t h e i r attitudes and consequent demands, m u n i c i p a l i t i e s were anxious f o r a survey which would p o i n t out waste and i n e f f i c i e n c i e s i n the school system. The day a f t e r the survey was announced, the Union of v  M u n i c i p a l i t i e s stated that i t s goal was  to take over the administration 48  of the schools and eliminate elected school boards.  At the same time,  property owners' associations were reported to be preparing exhaustive reports designed p r i m a r i l y to r a i s e the standard o f e f f i c i e n c y i n the 49 schools. The two commissioners appointed by the L i b e r a l government to head the survey were J.H. Putman and G;M.  Weir, w e l l known f o r what was referred  to by the press as t h e i r progressive views.  Both men were p r o f e s s i o n a l  educators, with doctorates i n education earned at Ontario u n i v e r s i t i e s . Putman was  the senior inspector of the Ottawa schools, a leader i n the  c h i l d study movement, and a strong advocate of junior high schools.  He  was. also the author of a h i s t o r i c a l study, Egerton Ryerson and Education i n Upper Canada.  50  . . Weir, who was subsequently to become very i n f l u e n t i a l  43  i n the h i s t o r y o f education i n B r i t i s h Columbia, was  the head of the,  a t that time new and very small, Department of Education a t the University o f B r i t i s h Columbia. h i s B.A.  Born at Miami,Manitoba i n 1885, Weir had received  from M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y i n 1911, h i s M.A.  from the U n i v e r s i t y  51 o f Saskatchewan m  1914,  and h i s D. Paed.  from Queen' s University i n  1918 a f t e r completing h i s studies there and a t the University of Chicago. He had taught school i n Saskatchewan, been an inspector of schools i n that province and l a t e r p r i n c i p a l of the normal school i n Saskatoon from  1918  u n t i l h i s 1923 appointment as a professor of education at the University o f B r i t i s h Columbia.  Weir was a convinced westerner with a strong antipathy  toward eastern Canada. was  In educational matters he f e l t strongly that i t 52 the r o l e of the west to lead the way f o r the r e s t of Canada. The report, which was issued a year a f t e r the commissioners were  appointed, was according to C E .  P h i l l i p s , "the most thorough  examination  53 of any school system i n Canada"  to that time.  I t was  lengthy and com-  prehensive, considering i n d e t a i l a l l aspects o f i t s terms o f reference. The survey set out i n the opening chapter the philosophy of education of the commissioners emphasizing t h e i r great f a i t h i n the new science of education to solve a majority o f problems. stand was adopted, and vituperation was  A strong a n t i - t r a d i t i o n a l i s t  l e v e l l e d at those who were termed  reactionaries o r ultra-conservatives, who  stood i n the way o f educational  progress. - The p u b l i c was encouraged to t r u s t the experts, as the "mere opinion" of any others was of " l i t t l e value inasmuch as i t proves nothing of a p o s i t i v e n a t u r e " . ^  44  What the experts decreed was free secondary education i n the name o f equal opportunity f o r a l l .  The establishment o f j u n i o r high schools  was strongly recommended, to cover the years of early adolescence when p u p i l s could discover t h e i r educational and vocational i n t e r e s t s and capabilities.  Dunn i n h i s thesis,"Work,  Class and Education"has d e a l t  with the vocational and technical education aspects o f the survey.  He  has concluded that the "educators firmly believed that i n d i v i d u a l s best 55  served society through t h e i r vocation."  Although t h i s i s a defensible  p o s i t i o n i t would be i n c o r r e c t to i n t e r p r e t the survey as being t o t a l l y concerned with vocationalism.  The primary thrust o f the survey i s the  f o s t e r i n g by means of the educational<system attitudes.  of s p e c i f i c values and s o c i a l  Like the Vancouver school trustees, the commissioners defended  the extended r o l e o f the school i n the realms of health' and moral i n s t r u c t i o n and f o r a longer period of time on the grounds that the educative agencies, home, church and community had l o s t much of t h e i r effectiveness.  I t was  the purpose of every course i n the curriculum to impart the same attitudes, f o r L a t i n , Greek, higher mathematics and home economics, i n the words o f 56  the survey had "the same c u l t u r a l value, using that term i n i t s true sense". The survey made no c r i t i c i s m of the basic values most widely held i n the community.  Putman and Weir seemed to accept, broadly speaking,  the s o c i a l structure..  Not .that i n j u s t i c e s d i d not e x i s t ; f o r example  the r e l a t i v e poverty o f educational f a c i l i t i e s i n r u r a l areas, which the report singled out f o r improvement.  However, although they conceded  that s o c i a l progress should be one of the aims of p u b l i c education, they  45  contended that i t was  " i n any event slow.  I t s increment during the span 57  of a single generation i s scarcely perceptible".  Any  implementation  of a-programme of s o c i a l betterment the report continued, would have to depend on an i n d u s t r i a l , s o c i a l and occupational survey o f the province. In the absence of t h i s , present observation had t o be r e l i e d upon.  Such  observation indicated overcrowding and unemployment i n i n d u s t r i a l areas and underpopulation i n r u r a l areas.  This meant, the survey concluded "that  e i t h e r the s o c i a l , economic and i n d u s t r i a l conditions i n the Province are unhealthy, or badly balanced, or maladjusted, or the schools are not doing t h e i r f u l l duty toward the young people who leave with faces s e t 58 toward the world and i t s work."  Without argument the report placed  the blame on the schools, and the question of s o c i a l progress resolved . i t s e l f i n t o a question of vocational guidance and work attitudes. The curriculum recornrendations made i n the survey were extensive. I t was proposed that the elementary curriculum should remain s u b s t a n t i a l l y the same, but s i m p l i f i e d , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n music, geography and arithmetic. The junior high school curriculum was d e a l t with i n much greater d e t a i l . At t h i s point ct common curriculum f o r a l l disappeared and was replaced by a widely d i f f e r e n t i a t e d one containing a core of compulsory courses which declined i n number with each succeeding year.  Continuing the pattern of  the middle school, i t was proposed that the high school, or senior secondary school, should provide a highly d i f f e r e n t i a t e d curriculum, one no longer exclusively geared to u n i v e r s i t y entrance. 3-3  system which would replace the e x i s t i n g 8-4  The proposed  6-  system was put forward  not only as being an educationally sound one but also one which would  46  ensure "the elimination of great waste" and the securing of a "much l a r g e r  59 educational value f o r every d o l l a r spent". In the realm of pedagogy, the survey drew heavily on the psychol o g i c a l theories of c h i l d growth and development which had been propounded l a r g e l y by American psychologists during the previous two decades.  It  was prescribed that the content of any course be t a i l o r e d to f u l f i l l i n g each stage of a c h i l d ' s growth, keeping i n mind that, only that could be learned e f f e c t i v e l y which was c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to h i s experience. The Putman-Weir Survey c l e a r l y owed most of i t s i n s p i r a t i o n to American educational thought and t h i s was authors.  f r e e l y acknowledged by i t s  P r a c t i c a l l y a l l of i t s recommendations could be f i t t e d i n t o  that broad spectrum of educational innovation known generally by the name of progressive education.  I t embodied, as i t s authors claimed, much o f  the l a t e s t thought on schooling, i t s methods and purposes.  The  final  impression l e f t , however, i s not so much one of r a d i c a l change, although the advocacy of change abounded, but of conservative continuity, f o r the ultimate and underlying purpose seems t o be not t o l i b e r a t e the i n t e l l i g e n c e but to lead i t to an acceptance of the s o c i a l norms of contemporary society.  During the remaining years of the L i b e r a l administration the Department of Education began to implement the recommendations o f the survey.  The one idea e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y adopted was  junior high schools and by 1926 course of studies f o r them.  the a d v i s a b i l i t y of  a departmental committee had drawn up a  The new curriculum stated as i t s b a s i c  p r i n c i p l e the p r o v i s i o n f o r i n d i v i d u a l differences i n student a b i l i t y and  47  aptitude. would  By means of the addition of more options i t was hoped that pupils  be able to f i n d or discover t h e i r interests and c a p a b i l i t i e s and  60 the number of dropouts would be reduced.  I t i s impossible to assess  how successful these schools, 11 i n a l l by 1930, were i n accomplishing their objectives.^  But i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that the p r i n c i p a l s  of some of these schools went on to become some of the c h i e f spokesmen for the new education during the 1930's. A f u r t h e r s t r u c t u r a l change i n the school system was made i n accordance with the Putman-Weir Survey.  A committee appointed by the  Department o f Education, with members drawn from both the high schools and the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, brought i n a reccstimendation i n 1929 that the high school course be extended from three to four years..  The  Department adopted t h i s change and the system of schooling i n the province became o f f i c i a l l y a 6-3-3 one, s i x years of elementary school, three years of junior high school and three years of senior high school.  The adoption  of the restructured system was, of course, s t i l l a matter of l o c a l option, and was very much hindered by the onset o f the depression, because of the expense e n t a i l e d i n the construction o f new schools and the equipment required.  Two other developments of t h i s period which were i n l i n e with  the survey were the use of i n t e l l i g e n c e tests and the greater emphasis placed on home economics i n the school curriculum.  The question o f  technical education, judged by Putman and Weir to be Vancouver's most pressing educational problem,has been covered i n d e t a i l i n Dunn's t h e s i s . A reading o f the inspectors' reports of the years 1925-1929 gives some i n d i c a t i o n of the reasons for the implementation of these p a r t i c u l a r  48  recommendations of the survey. during these years was  The most outstanding feature of schooling  the continuous  increase i n the s i z e of the school  population, p a r t i c u l a r l y a t the high school l e v e l . r u r a l d i s t r i c t s there was  M though i n the  s t i l l a low attendance at high school, i n  those areas classed as m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , both urban and r u r a l , i n c l u d i n g , f o r example, Burnaby and Point Grey, the attendance was history.  the highest i n  While the increased enrolment was welcomed by inspectors as  a s i g n o f "an ever-increasing i n t e r e s t and an ever-growing appreciation 62 o f secondary education"  the problems attendant upon the expanded  enrollment provided much cause f o r concern. was  The problem of retardation  a vexatious one f o r i t greatly increased costs as w e l l as leading to  a high drop-out rate.  The causes of the problem were deemed to be  numerous,. •.. as were the suggestions made f o r i t s s o l u t i o n . -  However by  general:consensus; c a r e f u l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of p u p i l s seems to have been judged the best means of remedying the s i t u a t i o n .  One inspector noted that i n  h i s school area retardation had been reduced sharply by r e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of pupils "by the p r i n c i p a l and teachers keeping i n mind the age of the p u p i l s , the length of time spent i n a c e r t a i n grade, and the a b i l i t y of 63 the p u p i l as shown by the progress made during the year". Such statements could be duplicated from many inspectors' reports during t h i s period.  The greatest a i d i n t h i s r e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n process  were i n t e l l i g e n c e t e s t s and standardized achievement t e s t s .  From  1924  onwards r e l i a n c e on these t e s t s seems to have increased markedly, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n urban and r u r a l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s .  The Putman-Weir Survey had  requested inspectors to administer c e r t a i n t e s t s to s p e c i f i c age groups,  49  and t h i s appears to have generated great enthusiasm f o r t e s t i n g on the part not only o f inspectors but also o f p r i n c i p a l s and teachers.  In 1926  the New Westminster inspector wrote that i n many schools "retardation has been seriously grappled with, the r e s u l t s i n some cases being p a r t i cularly gratifying.  This movement has been f a c i l i t a t e d greatly by the 64  use o f mental and achievement t e s t s " .  . Another inspector reporting  i n the same year probably summed up the s i t u a t i o n best when he stated that "of a l l the movements i n education, no doubt mental t e s t i n g and measuring have given an impetus t o the study o f educational problems greater than they have received during the past 25 years"  In Vancouver the  teachers were reported to have displayed so much i n t e r e s t i n the use o f standardized tests that a series o f lectures dealing with psychology and standard t e s t s and measurements was given t o c i t y teachers as w e l l as to those from surrounding m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . ^ ^ Nevertheless while regrading, a b i l i t y - g r o u p i n g and streaming  reduced  retardation, and a system o f recommendation on the advice o f p r i n c i p a l s eased the passage t o high school, the r e s u l t s o f high school entrance examinations and the number o f p u p i l s who dropped out a f t e r f a i l i n g t o complete e i t h e r grades 7 o r 8 gave much cause f o r concern.  I t was f e l t  that something had to be done f o r these p u p i l s , and that "the Junior High School plan as o u t l i n e d i n the recent Survey would c e r t a i n l y overcome the 67 weakness i n the present system".  The many references made t o j u n i o r  high schools i n the inspectors' reports leave l i t t l e  doubt as to the  important, even key, p o s i t i o n which i t was thought they would hold i n the future school system.  Not only were they t o eliminate, o r nearly so,  51  This included a great deal more than sewing and cooking as he pointed i n the  out  following passage. " I t means f o r one thing, a better understanding on the part of the teachers of those v i t a l s o c i a l and economic problems that beset every home, but more p a r t i c u l a r l y those homes from which the p u p i l s come. I t means, i n the second place, that the teacher must be capable of g i v i n g p o s i t i v e leadership and expert guidance to both boys and g i r l s , and through them to parents as w e l l , i n many things pertaining to health and s o c i a l welfare... There can be no more important educational objective i n t h i s o r any other country than the development of high i d e a l s i n a l l things pertaining to the home as our f i r s t and greatest social institution." 70  During the four years subsequent to the p u b l i c a t i o n of the PutmanWeir Survey then the educational system i n B r i t i s h Columbia began to take on some of the features advocated i n the report.  The j u n i o r high school  emerged as the key element i n reconstruction of the system.  Mention was  made i n inspectors' reports of the s p e c i a l psychological needs of e a r l y adolescence, but the major emphasis was placed on two factors; the great a s s i s t i t would have i n eliminating retardation and dropouts, and the provision of schooling f o r the vast majority who were not benefiting-from the academic curriculum. smoothly running system was  capable o f  The open sesame to t h i s  seen as t e s t i n g and measurement.  new  I t would be  d i f f i c u l t to f i n d more than a handful of reports of t h i s period which d i d not acknowledge with g r a t e f u l thanks the supply of t e s t s made a v a i l a b l e by the Department of Education.  Providing f o r i n d i v i d u a l differences was  p • -*>"/  5 0  i^eaJjL^  retardation and dropouts, at l e a s t u n t i l the age of 15, but they were to pave the way to the establishment of a new type of composite high school, one organized i n four departments, home economics.  academic, t e c h n i c a l , commercial, and  "This type of school" i t was stated, " i s c e r t a i n l y  the  most suitable type f o r a democratic coimunity, and one which would lend 68 i t s e l f admirably to the introduction of the Junior High School system". D i f f e r e n t i a t e d c u r r i c u l a within one school were coming to be seen as answer to educating a l l of the c h i l d r e n i n the community.  the  A further  b e n e f i t to be derived from junior high schools was also noted i n 'a Vancouver inspector's  report of 1928,  the p o s s i b i l i t y of increasing c l a s s s i z e .  "In junior high schools p a r t i c u l a r l y where a large number of p u p i l s i n each grade which makes c l a s s i f i c a t i o n according to a b i l i t y possible and where we are p l a c i n g our stronger teachers, larger classes should be taught."  69  In t h e i r advocacy of g i v i n g home economics a more prominent place i n the curriculum educators were joined by groups i n the community, most notably Parent Teacher Associations and Local Councils o f Women.  A l l three  groups founded t h e i r arguments on the assumption of the decline of the family and the a b i l i t y of the school to provide s u f f i c i e n t i n s t r u c t i o n to ensure that the homemakers of the future would stem t h i s degenerative trend.  social  The a c t i n g - p r i n c i p a l of the Normal School i n V i c t o r i a summed up  t h e i r thinking when he c a l l e d for more s p e c i a l t r a i n i n g f o r teachers " i n those things which pertain to worthy home -membership", a goal of schooling to achieve wide advocacy a f t e r the p u b l i c a t i o n i n .1918 of the c a r d i n a l p r i n c i p l e s report of the National Education Association o f the United States.  52  the r a t i o n a l e given f o r the r e s t r u c t u r i n g o f the system.  However, the  inspectors' reports would seem to i n d i c a t e that the b a s i c motivation f o r i t s advocacy was  that c h i l d r e n could be more e a s i l y retained i n the  school long enough to ensure the i n c u l c a t i o n o f the proper s o c i a l values and the choice of a vocation. I t should be remembered that the t o t a l enrolment': i n the high schools of the province at the end of the twenties was not more than 12 per cent of the t o t a l school population.  The schoolmen were c l e a r l y looking to  the United States where secondary school enrolment had been increasing at a f a s t e r pace than i n Canada and attempting to set up a s i m i l a r system to be able to cope with the s-i-tuation. junior high school system was  As one inspector put i t the  new  "modelled a f t e r well-known Junior High School  Programmes" i n the United States, and contained " p r a c t i c a l features not 71 found i n other courses of study". the p r a c t i c a l . was  The emphasis was everywhere on  Many o f those who welcomed the new education such as i t  to t h i s point adopted i n B r i t i s h Columbia, appear to have done so  because i t o f f e r e d p r a c t i c a l solutions to p r a c t i c a l problems brought on by increased enrolment.  53  Notes  Chapter II  1  For a detailed, account of the economic development o f B r i t i s h Columbia a t t h i s time see T . A . Dunn "Work Class and Education: Vocationalism i n B r i t i s h Columbia's Public Schools 1900-1929". Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1978.  2  Margaret A . Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: A History, p . 354.  3  I b i d . , p . 331.  4  Radical ideas were introduced into B r i t i s h Columbia by immigrants from B r i t a i n who had been influenced by socialism and Marxism, and by Americans from the P a c i f i c west coast where the s o c i a l i s t movement was u n i t i n g with a western f r o n t i e r radicalism. See Paul A . P h i l l i p s , No Power Greater: A Century of Labour i n B r i t i s h Columbia, (Vancouver, 1967).  5  Op. C i t . , p . 313.  6  Martin Robin, The Rush f o r S p o i l s , . . . . . The Company Province 1871-1933. (Toronto, 1972), p . 137.  7  Vancouver Weekly News Advertiser, February 6, 1889.  8  The Growth and Progress o f Vancouver's Schools 1910, Special Brochure issued i n conjunction with the annual report of the Vancouver School Board, 1910.  9  Robt. A . J . McDonald,"Business Leaders i n Early Vancouver 1886-1914", Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis,=University o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1977, p . 284.  (Vancouver,1971)  10  Vancouver School Trustees Minute Books Volume 2, June, 1899.  11  I b i d . , Volume 1, December, 1897.  54  12  Ibid., Volume 2, November, 1899.  13  Ibid., June, 1904.  14  Vancouver Board of School Trustees Annual Report, 1903.  15  Ibid.  16  The Growth and Progress of Vancouver's Schools 1910.  17  Vancouver Board of School Trustees Annual Report, 1908.  18  Ibid., 1907.  19  Ibid., 1909.  20  Inspectors reports of these years chiefly reflect a concern with instruction i n the basic curriculum.  21  Ibid., 1911.  22  Ibid.  23  Vancouver School Trustees Minute Books Volume 3, December, 1912.  24  Vancouver Board of School Trustees Annual Report, 1914.  25  The Vancouver Board of School Trustees Annual Report of 1911 states that i t was planned to set up a short course i n home nursing and the care and feeding of infants for the older g i r l s i n the public schools but subsequent reports do not indicate i f this was done.  26  Ibid., 1911.  55  27  I b i d . , 1917.  28  Ibid.  29  That the main impetus f o r change came from the school trustees rather than from the educational bureaucracy i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the following two examples. In 1911 the inspector o f high schools f o r the province (Complained o f the strong sentiment outside the teaching profession i n favour o f technical t r a i n i n g and a remodelling o f the high school curriculum. "Too many people" he stated, "are of the opinion that a course o f study i s p r a c t i c a l l y useless unless i t supplies the student with a fund o f knowledge that w i l l make the earning o f money r a p i d l y and at an early age a c e r t a i n t y " . Annual Report o f the Public Schools of the Province o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1910-11. A27 In 1913 a Vancouver school inspector advocated not a broadening of the curriculum t o prevent drop-outs but rather a cessation of the practice of passing a l l c h i l d r e n regardless o f competence through the early grades. "Pupils who have been advanced by t h i s means to the upper grades" he contended " . . . f i n d themselves a t a loss to cope with the more d i f f i c u l t s t u d i e s . . . a n d are c o m p e l l e d . . . t o leave school t o t a l l y u n f i t t e d to take t h e i r place i n the world o f business and labour they must enter". Annual Report of The Public Schools o f the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia" 1912-1913. A36.  30  Vancouver School Trustees Minute Books, Report o f the Management Committee, January 11, 1922.  31  Ibid.  32  Ibid.  33  I b i d . , December 11, 1923.  34  Ibid.  35  Vancouver Sun, October 24, 1924.  56  36  It i s d i f f i c u l t to determine to what extent this was so. The fact was that many people perceived this to be so and this perception provided an impetus to their actions.  37  Ibid., April 14, 1924.  38  Between 1918 and 1922 every money by-law presented to the Vancouver ratepayers had been defeated.  39  Hereafter referred to as the B.C.T.F.  40  F. Henry Johnson, A History of Public Education i n British Columbia, p. 102. Province of British Columbia Sessional Papers, 1923, F24.  41 42  D.C. Jones, "Agriculture, the Land and Education, 1914-1929," unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1978,. pp. 390-395.  43  Province of British Columbia Sessional Papers, 1924, T52.  44  Ibid., 1922, C29.  45  As quoted i n Robin, Op. Cit., p. 178.  46  Vancouver Sun, November 14, 1924.  47  For a detailed account of this movement see Margaret A. Ormsby "The United Farmers of British Columbia, an Abortive ThirdParty Movement". British Columbia Historical Quarterly, 16-17, 1952-53, pp. 57-77.  48  Ibid., June, 1924.  49  Ibid.  57  Putrnan considered that Ryerson's greatest contribution t o the development o f education i n Ontario was the creation o f the p u b l i c sentiment which made h i s work p o s s i b l e . Weir makes i t c l e a r i n h i s Doctoral Thesis "Evolution o f Separate School Law" l a t e r published as The Separate School Question i n Canada' that he was unsympathetic t o actions o f p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e s i n granting language r i g h t s t o separate schools. He argued that .although t h i s was l e g a l l y permissable i t was unwise f o r predominantly E n g l i s h speaking provinces to do so. A l l that was required was that the d i s t i n c t l y denominational character o f separate schools would not be prejudiced. Just because the government o f Quebec, he > concluded, was w i l l i n g to allow the Protestant minority to do what i t wished i n the matter o f language i n s t r u c t i o n i t d i d not mean that any other province was under a l e g a l o r moral o b l i g a t i o n t o do likewise f o r i t s Roman Catholic minorities.  Weir d i d not wish any d i r e c t i o n i n education t o come from Ottawa because t h i s would r e s u l t i n B.C. being held back t o the pace o f the east. C E . P h i l l i p s , The Development o f Education i n Canada (Toronto, 1957), p. 263. Putman-Weir Survey, Preface, p. 8. Dunn, Op. C i t . , p. 141. Putman-Weir Survey, p. 337. Ibid., p. 83. Ibid. Ibid., p. 103. F. Henry Johnson, Op. C i t . , p. 97.  58  I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that an M.A. Thesis written at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1933 by J.F.K. English, e n t i t l e d "The Combined Junior-Senior High School and I t s General A d a p t a b i l i t y to the Small Centres of B r i t i s h Columbia promotes t h i s type o f organization on the grounds of i t s economy. A questionnaire sent to a l l State Superintendents o f Education i n the United States had revealed that "economy i n school equipment and i n teaching power" was the reason most frequently given f o r i t s advocacy. The second reason most often c i t e d was the greater holding power of the junior-senior high school. Although the opportunity afforded the student to develop h i s own i n d i v i d u a l c a p a c i t i e s was mentioned as a factor, more emphasis was given to the r o l e of extra-curricular a c t i v i t i e s . Superintendents themselves seemed to be most impressed with the greater p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n s o c i a l i z a t i o n which t h i s school structure afforded. I t i s worthy o f note that English l a t e r became a member of the secondary school curriculum r e v i s i o n committee and achieved an important place i n the educational hierarchy o f the province.  Province of B r i t i s h Columbia Sessional Papers, 1922, Ibid., 1924,  T60.  Ibid., 1926,  R36.  Ibid.,  R29.  Ibid.,  R33.  Ibid. Ibid., 1925, M57, Ibid., 1928,  V33.  Ibid., 1928,  V43.  Ibid., 1927,  M29,.  M58.  C22.  1  CHAPTER I I I EDUCATION UNDER THE CONSERVATIVE ADMINISTRATION, THE KIDD REPORT AND THE GENERAL ELECTION OF 1933 In August, 1928 the L i b e r a l s a f t e r more than ten years i n o f f i c e were defeated a t the p o l l s and a Conservative administration came t o power.  One h i s t o r i a n has a t t r i b u t e d the severe drubbing the L i b e r a l s  received  only 12 L i b e r a l s elected as against 35 Conservatives  inadequacies o f the new Liberal-leader Dr. John D. MacLean.  t o the  MacLean  i s faulted f o r f a i l i n g t o carry on the record o f progressive l e g i s l a t i o n adopted l a t t e r l y by former premier O l i v e r , o r t o lead a vigorous campaign."'" B r i t i s h Columbia i n the year 1928 was enjoying an unprecedented prosperity, with the highest p a y r o l l i n i t s h i s t o r y , wages a t record l e v e l s and very l i t t l e labour unrest.  Since  1918 Vancouver had dominated  the economic l i f e o f the province and by the middle 20's i t s growth was remarkable.  The c h i e f impetus to t h i s growth was the spectacular increase  i n secondary and t e r t i a r y industry. A f t e r 1911, B r i t i s h Columbia had become progressively less dependent on the importation; o f manufactured goods as i t increasingly produced f o r l o c a l markets.  More important i t  became much more involved i n trade with other areas.  Much o f the processing  of primary resources f o r export took place i n Vancouver. of  The manufacturing  forest products ranked f i r s t followed by the processing o f f i s h and  food products.  Along with t h i s went a great increase i n transportation  and the service i n d u s t r i e s .  One study o f the economic growth o f B r i t i s h  Columbia estimates that between 1911 and 1951 only about f i v e per cent o f  60  the increase i n the work force could be attributed d i r e c t l y to the extractive sector of the economy.  "The r e a l l y huge increases i n employment  accrued" t h i s study concludes " i n manufacturing,  i n the services, and  2 i n trade".  The study does not indicate i f t h i s rate was constant over  the whole period, but i t i s f a i r l y safe to assume that i t i s s u f f i c i e n t l y accurate to give a r e l i a b l e p r o f i l e of economic growth during the 1920's 3 f o r the purposes of t h i s thesis. The p i c t u r e that emerges of the economy of the province j u s t before the onset o f the depression i s one based on primary industry with a large p a r t of i t s labour force engaged i n the manufacture f o r export of the f i n i s h e d o r semi-finished products of those i n d u s t r i e s .  When export  markets disappeared such an economy resulted i n the creation of a large unemployed work force incapable of s e l f support, concentrated i n c i t i e s and towns. i  When the crash d i d come the e f f e c t was i n Vancouver.  f e l t almost instanteously  The winter o f 1929-30 saw an increase of three hundred per  cent i n the number of unemployed persons and "the people were beginning to 4 believe that the c i t y was being occupied by a Red Army".  The fear o f  Ccranunist agitators was one which would haunt c i t i z e n s and governments throughout the years of the depression and have a d e c i s i v e e f f e c t on p r o v i n c i a l government p o l i c i e s .  During the summer of 1931 the Conservative  government, f e a r f u l of c i v i l unrest, set up camps i n the i n t e r i o r to house 5  a l l the unemployed men Finance, J.W.  from the c i t i e s .  The P r o v i n c i a l M i n i s t e r of  Jones, w r i t i n g to Prime M i n i s t e r Bennett j u s t i f i e d t h i s p o l i c y  61  "on account o f the Communist elements being very a c t i v e .  Strikes had  occurred i n several o f the m i l l s , r i o t s have occurred i n the C i t y o f Vancouver with the rough element threatening t o break loose."  By the  winter o f 1931-32 economic conditions had become c r i t i c a l i n a l l parts of the province, c i t i e s , small towns and farming areas a l i k e .  In 1931  i t had cost Vancouver $1,300,000. t o support i t s jobless; by the spring of 1932 over one-tenth o f i t s population was on r e l i e f .  In February,  the number o f registered unemployed i n the whole province rose t o 67,128. I n i t i a l l y the depression had l i t t l e a f f e c t on the school system. Government grants remained a t pre-depression rates and municipal incomes were s u f f i c i e n t t o keep teachers' s a l a r i e s stable. school boards were f e e l i n g the pinch.  By 1930-31, however,  Not only had government revenues  both a t the p r o v i n c i a l and municipal l e v e l s dropped but most school boards were being required to educate more p u p i l s p a r t i c u l a r l y a t the level. problem.  secondary  Vancouver o f f e r e d the most s t r i k i n g example o f the extent o f the The report o f the Superintendent o f Vancouver schools f o r the  year 1930-31 summed up the c r i s i s :  an increase i n the school population  7 of 1,293 over the previous year, the following year: g school l e v e l .  with a s i m i l a r increase predicted f o r  with more than 75% o f the increase being a t the high  The decline i n the b i r t h rate i n the l a t e r 1920's had  resulted i n a noticeable decrease i n enrolment i n the lower grades o f elementary schools.  The report went on t o explain that i t had not been  thought wise t o present a new b u i l d i n g plan to the ratepayers a t t h i s time. I t was decided that many would not "regard the meeting o f these school needs as equally urgent, o r nearly as urgent, as the meeting o f personal  62  needs that cannot e a s i l y be met". During the year i n Vancouver several measures had been taken t o a f f e c t economies without "losing e f f i c i e n c y " . " ^  With some success an  attempt was made t o check the "unwarranted tendency""''''" t o smaller classes i n junior high schools and high schools and, the supervisory s t a f f s i n both home economics and music were reduced.  On the other hand the s t a f f  was added t o by the appointment o f a d i r e c t o r o f vocational guidance, " i n an endeavour t o prepare boys and g i r l s better f o r f i t t i n g i n t o occupations 12 on leaving school".  The addition o f vocational guidance personnel t o  the school s t a f f had been one o f the recommendations made i n the b r i e f presented by the B.C.T.F. to the Putman-Weir Survey and t h i s development was e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y welcomed by the teachers i n Vancouver who joined 13 classes conducted by the d i r e c t o r t o study vocational guidance.  The  f i r s t and most important step i n the new programme was t o c o l l e c t and make available t o students d e f i n i t e and r e l i a b l e occupational information. By the autumn o f 1931 the new high school programme o f studies was i n e f f e c t i n the province.  With i t s increased recognition o f such subjects as a r t ,  music and dramatics i t was praised f o r i t s creation o f "greater opportunities 14 f o r the student t o e l e c t courses o f study adapted t o h i s aptitudes". Students were now able t o take a prescribed number o f u n i t s and obtain high school graduation standing without having t o study matriculation o r normal school entrance courses. During the winter o f 1930-31 c r i t i c i s m had begun to mount with 15 regard t o the e f f i c i e n c y  with which schools o f the province were run and  63  the high level of teachers' salaries.  The latter was particularly  vulnerable as teachers' salaries made up the largest single item i n the 16  educational budget.  This subject was to remain a controversial one  for several years and served to bring about the alienation of the majority of teachers from the Conservative government.  The Premier; Dr. S.F.  Tolmie,had appointed as Minister of Education, his old friend and p o l i t i c a l adviser Dr. Joshua Hinchliffe.  Canon Hinchliffe, who had been at various  times during his career businessman, educator and clergyman i n the Anglican Church, was one of the few members of the Tolmie cabinet to have legislative experience and Tolmie was sometimes reported to be relying too heavily on his judgement. Hinchliffe who was referred to frequently by both press and opposition as antedeluvian, mediaeval and the possessor of a fine crinoline mind considered himself something of an authority on matters educational, and he appears ideologically as a direct descendant of Bishop Strachan.  However just as Strachan has recently been rescued by historians 17  from the opprobrium to which he had been assigned for so long,  a second  look at Hinchliffe may dislodge somewhat the label of hidebound reactionary pinned on him by his p o l i t i c a l opponents.  Comparison with his successor  G.M. Weir, who liked to play Ryerson and liberal reformer to conservative class-bound reactionaries, w i l l reveal that despite sharp differences there were striking similarities. In the autumn of 1930 Hinchliffe writing to Tolmie stated his objec- " tive with regard to his department to be to put the finances of education "on a satisfactory, sound and permanent basis".  18  Hinchliffe recommended  64  that land was to remain the basis of school financing, "every acre to 19  be taxed a just amount",  but i n addition to this he proposed a levy  of a tax of one-half of one per cent on a l l incomes, i n addition to a l l other taxes and levies.  "Every citizen of the province", he wrote, " i s 20  required to pay his just share of educational costs."  The money so.  raised was to be distributed i n such a way as to relieve those taxpayers who had been paying too heavily for the upkeep of schools.  This would  involve an increase i n government grants to some school areas.  The yard-  stick for these grants was to be teachers' salaries which would be fixed, subject to change only by the consent of the municipal council or the ratepayers.  From this recommendation came the appointing of f i r s t one,  then two then three committees to try to determine a just level of teachers' (  salaries with a l l the attendant acrimony.  21  The attack on the school system i t s e l f came chiefly from municipal councils, ratepayers' associations, the conservative press and business organizations.  Criticism generally centred on inefficient adrrdjiistration  and the curriculum, i t s extent and variety, or what was generally referred 22  to as fads and f r i l l s .  Inspectors and superintendents were well aware  of these criticisms and sought to defend themselves.  The increasing cost  of education i n Vancouver was justified on the grounds that i t was "increased payment for increased or better school service demanded by 23  those who pay the b i l l s " .  Generally speaking school boards refused to  bow to the demands for cutting the curriculum back to the basic subjects. The provincial director of home economics, Miss Jessie McLenaghan stated  65  with pride i n her report of the year 1930-31 that no school board had dispensed with home economics.  "To have survived t h i s t e s t " she stated,  " i s to assume that a t l a s t we have o u t l i v e d the stage when home economics 24 as a school subject might be c a l l e d a ' f r i l l ' . "  S i m i l a r l y manual  t r a i n i n g was said to be f i r m l y entrenched i n the Under the searching c r i t i c i s m , i t was  school curriculum.  thought that "technical work had  become more widely understood, not only f o r i t s educational value but f o r 25 i t s p r a c t i c a l lead towards i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s " .  At the same time  the new four year high school course o f f e r i n g a wide v a r i e t y of options continued to be viewed with approval and promoted both by schoolmen and school boards. As the depression wore on, however, i t became more and more d i f f i c u l t f o r school boards, both urban and r u r a l , to maintain the system as i t had been b u i l t up over the preceding few years.  By the school year 1931-32  the t o t a l amount spent on education i n the province f e l l by $342,000,or a, mere 3.5%, but greater cuts were to come.  By the summer o f 1931  the  f i n a n c i a l p o s i t i o n of the province had become very p e r i l o u s indeed.  With  a large debt structure inherited from the previous L i b e r a l governments, large r e l i e f expenditures, decreased revenues, and a $3,000,000. note due, i n New York i n the autumn, the province was t o t t e r i n g on the brink of bankruptcy.  In November Tolmie demanded that H i n c h l i f f e "explore every  avenue f o r reducing costs" and that he "regard the matter as one of urgent 26 necessity, not to be regarded from any other point of view".  Hinchliffe  i n h i s reply advised eliminating the free t e x t book branch, c l o s i n g one of  66  the Normal Schools, since twice as many teachers were being trained as the system could absorb, cutting t e a c h e r s s a l a r i e s , nominally i n r u r a l 1  areas and from 25 to 30 per cent i n urban areas; and making a substantial 27 cut i n the grant t o the University o f B r i t i s h Columbia. When the budget was brought down i n the spring o f 1932 a huge reduction was shown i n the Department o f Education estimates. asked was $2,846,012 compared with $4,737,110. f o r 1931-32.  The vote Given the  desperate f i n a n c i a l circumstances o f the government, the lack o f confidence shown by f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n t h e i r r e f u s a l t o extend c r e d i t , the tardiness o f the federal government i n reaching an agreement on the sharing o f the cost of unemployment r e l i e f , there was l i t t l e less that could be done other than to cut expenditure.  The only other a l t e r n a t i v e , a d d i t i o n a l  taxation, had been resorted t o i n the budget brought down during the session of 1931.  Instead o f the one h a l f o f one' per cent suggested by H i n c h l i f f e  e a r l i e r , the M i n i s t e r o f Finance had, i n order t o produce a d d i t i o n a l government revenue, imposed a supertax o f one per cent on a l l classes o f incomes over $25. a week f o r married men and $15. f o r other employees. However the revenue so c o l l e c t e d was not earmarked f o r any s p e c i f i c purpose and the tax proved uniformly unpopular with a l l classes o f society.  D r a s t i c a l l y reduced government expenditure on education was not the only problem faced by school boards a t t h i s time.  In March, 1932  H i n c h l i f f e made known h i s intention o f g i v i n g t o c i t y and municipal councils the power t o p r o h i b i t school boards from continuing o r e s t a b l i s h i n g courses i n manual t r a i n i n g , domestic science, technical education and other courses  67  which had been described as educational f r i l l s .  School trustees  immediately protested t h i s proposal claiming that "councils were not concerned with d e t a i l s o f educational p o l i c y and should not have power 29 to d i r e c t school boards".  For the time being the matter was shelved,  but i t was now very apparent that most subjects outside o f the t r a d i t i o n a l ones were s t i l l regarded by many as expendable f r i l l s . The f i n a n c i a l p o s i t i o n o f municipal councils was an unenviable one.  Their revenues were decreasing as property taxes became increasingly  d i f f i c u l t t o c o l l e c t , while they bore the burden of high r e l i e f costs. Since early i n 1932 the municipalities had been "obliged t o finance the t o t a l cost o f t h e i r r e l i e f expenditures out of t h e i r own meagre resources instead of the t h i r d o f the costs f o r which they were •responsible according to  the agreement of the previous August""^ made with the p r o v i n c i a l  government.  0  At the same time-school boards were finding themselves with  an increased enrolment a t the secondary school l e v e l where per p u p i l costs were higher.  In Vancouver the increase i n enrolment was a t t r i b u t e d not  only to the d e s i r e of parents t o have t h e i r children acquire more education and the u n a v a i l a b i l i t y of; jobs, but also t o the new r e s t r i c t i v e p o l i c y regarding entrance t o the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia.  A maximum  had been placed on the number o f students who could be enrolled i n any f a c u l t y and the entrance requirements had been raised.  The report on the  Vancouver schools f o r 1931-32 predicted an even greater enlargement o f classes i n the near future t o cope with the s i t u a t i o n .  At the same time  i t was r e g r e t f u l l y announced that a cut i n teachers' s a l a r i e s o f 10 per cent on a l l those o f $1,200. per annum o r more, and 5 per cent on a l l others  68  had been made.  However, despite reduced revenues i t had not been  found necessary to discontinue any e s s e n t i a l services.  The report  concluded proudly " I t i s deserving o f note that, during a year marked by persistent attempts to p r a c t i c a l l y abolish School Boards o r place School Board finances i n a greater measure under the control o f l o c a l Councils, ostensibly i n the i n t e r e s t s o f economy, the Vancouver School Board and the C i t y Council have co-operated 100 per cent with each other and not under compulsion but g l a d l y . "  31  The following school year 1932-33 was t o see even greater pressure 32 brought to bear on school boards and the "new education"  which had been  slowly but s t e a d i l y gaining ground p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the c i t i e s and larger municipalities of the province.  In A p r i l ,  1932 the Conservative  government, confused and demoralized, with a p r o v i n c i a l debt w e l l over the $143 m i l l i o n mark, and a bank overdraft f o r unemployment r e l i e f o f ' $2,393,600., sanctioned the appointment of a committee of business executives 33 to look i n t o the f i n a n c i a l a f f a i r s o f the province.  These men, George  Kidd, W.L. MacKen, Austin Taylor, A . H . Douglas and R.W. Mayhew representing business organizations mainly i n Vancouver and V i c t o r i a which were highly c r i t i c a l o f the government's handling were given permission t o s c r u t i n i z e the records o f a l l departments o f government o f p r o v i n c i a l finances.  In  J u l y , the committee reported and i t s report was made p u b l i c the following month.  The Kidd Report as i t became known a f t e r the name of the chairman  of the cranmittee exploded l i k e a bomb on the p o l i t i c a l stage. The Kidd Report was i n essence a p l e a f o r a balanced budget through  69  the d r a s t i c curtailment of expenditures.  I t was also, more profoundly,  a statement of the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l attitudes of the highly conser. . 34 vative, B r i t i s h rather than American oriented, business e l i t e of the province's two major c i t i e s , and the most prominent backers of the Conservative party.  To these men the idea of higher taxes was  i n i m i c a l , and the Keynesian concept of d e f i c i t financing was  completely  either  unknown to them or so f a r outside the pale of business orthodoxy as to be t o t a l l y unacceptable.  The greatest area of p u b l i c expenditure was  s o c i a l services, and within that area the largest percentage was to education. axe.  devoted  So educational expenditures f e l l very heavily under the  Pointing to figures which would indicate a phenomenal r i s e i n  educational expenditures over the previous 21 years, the report a t t r i b u t e d the causes to school boards which f a i l e d to c o l l e c t fees from the considerable number of pupils i n the schools who had passed t h e i r f i f t e e n t h birthday, to p o l i t i c i a n s who promised educational progress through increased expenditure, "without much consideration of the r e s u l t s that are being 35 obtained", for  to the Teachers' Federation and the Parent Teacher Association  constantly pushing f o r more c o s t l y equipment, the competition among  school boards f o r the most s k i l l e d and highly trained teachers, and f i n a l l y and, most importantly, the amount and kind of education which most p u p i l s were receiving.  The l a s t item before the report's l i s t of recommendations  with regard to schooling read "160.—We further question i n the i n t e r e s t s of many o f the pupils themselves, the wisdom of t h e i r taking up the study of the more advanced branches of learning when  70  t h e i r time might be spent with more ultimate advantage to themselves i n acquiring some other i n d u s t r i a l occupation, i n which t h e i r l i v e s are to be spent. Once the elementary stage of education has been passed ; the sooner the majority of the students commence to a s s i s t i n producing the wealth l y i n g dormant i n our natural resources, the b e t t e r w i l l i t be f o r themselves and the society i n which they l i v e . A conception of education which i s confined to s c h o l a s t i c attainments i s f a r too prevalent. The s k i l l of the a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t to produce, the craftsman to create and the salesman to d i s t r i b u t e , are as worthy of esteem as i s any other branch of human endeavour. The capacity o f society, as i t i s a t present constituted, to absorb aspirants, whether q u a l i f i e d or not to the scholastic, professional, executive, and s i m i l a r occupations i s l i m i t e d , and our educational authorities should not ignore t h i s very p r a c t i c a l aspect of t h e i r problem," 36  This section of the report and the one which followed i t , which recommended l i m i t i n g free education to the completion of the p u p i l ' s fourteenth year caused a great p u b l i c outcry and damned the report i n the eyes of teachers, trustees, the educational bureaucracy and many professors at the university.  These two sections were regarded by educators and  large numbers of the p u b l i c as a turning back of the clock on educational progress, anti-democratic, a d e n i a l of e q u a l i t y o f opportunity and a classbiased attempt to create a c l a s s of s e r f s .  On c l o s e r inspection,  however, i t becomes apparent that the c r i t i q u e o f education set out i n the report i s very s i m i l a r to those c r i t i c i s m s which had been voiced by some 37 educators m  the province f o r years.  Indeed i t was the attempt to  71  dislodge "a conception o f education which i s confined to s c h o l a s t i c 38 attainments"  which lay a t the heart o f most o f the innovations o f the  "new education".  The junior high school movement, the new four year  high school course, the Putman-Weir Survey i t s e l f were.all assaults on t r a d i t i o n a l a t t i t u d e s toward education.  S i m i l a r l y the view that the  majority o f the population should d i r e c t t h e i r e f f o r t s t o developing the wealth o f the province was i n t e g r a l t o the thinking o f most o f the educators i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  Statements made i n defence d f the U n i v e r s i t y  of B r i t i s h Columbia, and innumerable inspectors' reports over previous decades bear adequate testimony t o t h i s f a c t .  The main differences between  the thinking o f the businessmen o f the early 30's and t h e i r counterparts i n the educational establishment was the means o f achieving t h e i r goals and the emphasis given to the importance o f the school" s r o l e i n the s o c i a l 1  conditioning o f the c h i l d . p u b l i c t o t a l l y on t h e i r side.  Generally speaking the educators had the 39 I t was surely the height o f f o l l y to  expect that i n ' a province devastatingly h i t by depression there would be much p u b l i c support f o r the suggestion that students 14 years o f age and over pay fees s u f f i c i e n t to cover "50 per cent o f the e n t i r e cost o f h i s education including i n t e r e s t and sinking fund charges on c a p i t a l raised 40 f o r the school b u i l d i n g " .  In f a c t t h i s recomriendation was widely  interpreted a t the time by academics, educators, teachers, e d i t o r i a l w r i t e r s and parents as a crude means o f eliminating large numbers o f c h i l d r e n from secondary schooling, and i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o see i t i n any other l i g h t .  72  To mitigate the blow o f compulsory school fees the report recommended the establishment of a scholarship fund by the p r o v i n c i a l government and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , "so that a l l p u p i l s o f exceptional a b i l i t y and promise may have an opportunity o f enjoying the f u l l b e n e f i t s o f 41 our complete educational facilities";«  On the contentious question  of the control of school expenditures i t was advocated that such c o n t r o l be "vested i n the body charged with the duty of r a i s i n g the taxes to 42 pay them, namely the Municipal Council".  School boards should be  abolished and t h e i r functions performed by a standing committee appointed by the Municipal Council.  I t was  further suggested that a minority o f  t h i s standing committee be elected by the e l e c t o r s , i n order to ensure them "the r i g h t of p l a c i n g on t h i s standing committee those s p e c i a l l y 43 q u a l i f i e d by experience and t r a i n i n g i n educational matters".  Although  the issue of teachers' s a l a r i e s was a t the time of the w r i t i n g o f the report under review by a committee o f nine teachers and nine laymen, the Kidd committee expressed "no h e s i t a t i o n i n recommending that a  new  schedule be prepared providing f o r a reduction i n the aggregate of s a l a r i e s 44 by 25 per cent".  The report a l s o advocated the payment of fees to cover  the f u l l cost of teacher education a t Normal Schools.  I t was the opinion  of the committee that the government would not be able to continue the grant of $250,000. to the u n i v e r s i t y , even i f i t s discontinuance might lead to the demise o f the u n i v e r s i t y . schools and correspondence  I t was recommended that night  classes be continued.  The l a t t e r was a v i r t u a l  necessity i f the recommendation regarding the number of c h i l d r e n required 45 i n an area before a r u r a l school could be opened was adopted.  73  In the weeks following the p u b l i c a t i o n of the Kidd Report a barrage of words issued from groups and i n d i v i d u a l s interested i n education. The Government published a rebuttal i n a pamphlet which included the report i n which i t refused to consider reducing the a g e - l i m i t of free education to 14 years.  An e d i t o r i a l i n the B . C . Teacher, the o f f i c i a l organ of  the B . C . T . F . , praised the reaction o f the "crammon people" i n opposing "any attempt at interference with the equal p r i v i l e g e s and opportunities 46 which are so r i g h t l y given to a l l by t h i s v i t a l i n s t i t u t i o n of the State". The e d i t o r i a l took the report to task f o r what i t saw as the assumptions underlying sections 160 and 161;  a narrow view of education which saw i t  only as a means to making a l i v i n g ; an erroneous estimate of the educational requirements of industry; and ignorance of the secondary school curriculum.  A l l these c r i t i c i s m s appear v a l i d .  The arguments used to  back them up r e l i e d heavily on an i d e a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the aims and accomplishments of education.  The e d i t o r i a l attributed the assumptions  of the Kidd committee to i t s idea of a proper s o c i a l order, "not that of 47 a democracytbut of a feudal or caste system". The B . C . T . F . also roundly condemned the recommendation to a b o l i s h school boards as a ' d i s t i n c t l y 48 retrograde s t e p ' , one which would have a disastrous e f f e c t "  upon the  educational system. Most of the c r i t i c i s m s l e v e l l e d at those sections o f the Kidd Report pertaining to education were f a i r l y s i m i l a r to those enunciated by the B . C . T . F .  Professor H . F . Angus, head o f the Department o f Economics  at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia and one of the most p e r s i s t e n t and  74  outspoken c r i t i c s of the report, condemned the proposals as emotional and i r r a t i o n a l .  Adopting the commonly held depression point of view  that the greatest economic problem was overproduction, he c r i t i c i z e d 49 the report for s e t t i n g as a goal the increase of the work f o r c e . The proposal to impose fees on secondary school students he designated as one to " r e s t r i c t access to c e r t a i n occupations to those who can pay f o r t h e i r t r a i n i n g and ' p u p i l s of exceptional a b i l i t y and promise', who may 50 receive scholarships". To achieve t h i s — " t h e comfort o f these two classes"^"'"— he claimed the majority were to be "forced i n t o handicrafts, 52 salesmanship and a g r i c u l t u r e " . He concluded that although not a declaration of class war, the report nevertheless was a "highly provocative 53 act i n i n t e r - c l a s s diplomacy!".  Dr. G.M. Weir stormed against the  report claiming that i t condemned the young people of the province to 54 i n t e l l e c t u a l serfdom "at the caprice of c e r t a i n c a p i t a l i s t parvenus". As f o r c l o s i n g the u n i v e r s i t y t h i s , he maintained, would only serve to increase the crime rate among the disadvantaged poor who could not a f f o r d to go e l s e w h e r e . ^ This l a s t note—the fear of youthful lawlessness— had been sounded with greater frequency as the depression deepened.  The L i b e r a l opposition  had stated during the debate on the budget i n the spring o f 1932  that  continuance a t school was preferable at any cost to the growth of juvenile misdemeanour.^  I t now became one of the most prominent arguments i n  favour of allowing students to remain i n school on a non-feepaying basis through l a t e adolescence.  An e d i t o r i a l i n the V i c t o r i a D a i l y Times  75  quoted a Winnipeg judge's warning that "where school boards shut o f f f u l l classes they are making criminals.  There i s a CTiminal responsibility 57  on them. Youth w i l l become demoralized and degenerate".  The cost  to the taxpayer, he asserted, to rehabilitate these young men and women would be much greater than extra educational training.  A Vancouver School  Board Trustee presented the Rotary Club of Vancouver with substantially the same argument.  Responding to the Kidd committee's proposal regarding  the termination point for free education he said that the money saved would have to be spent on reformatories and police work.  I t was, he  contended, "just as important i n the long run, that the state should have good citizens  citizens with a proper idea of their duties toward the  state and toward their fellows  as i t i s that i t should have citizens 58  capable of maintaining a decent level of subsistence".  Training i n the  rudiments of citizenship was incidental i n elementary schools, he explained. At the secondary level, however, i t was a deliberate part of the curriculum.  For a student to miss his secondary education, he concluded,  meant that "he would miss a great deal that would have helped make him a 59 . . . . better citizen". Dean R.W. Brock of the University of British Columbia took up the same theme when he offered youths education as a shelter from the depression. Speaking to the Vancouver Kiwanis Club i n October, 1932, he said the great need of the day was the care of the rising population. One generation had been lost i n the war, he asserted, and there was the danger that i f care was not taken another generation might be lost "with 60  worse results to the nation than the penalty paid i n the war".  It  was his opinion that with no work available young men should be kept i n  76  high schools and the u n i v e r s i t y rather than thrown on the streets where they were i n great danger of becoming 'hobos*.  61  The government rested i t s case against the Kidd Report on i t s moral duty to provide education f o r a l l youngsters of the province, r i c h 62 and poor a l i k e .  As i t was, s a i d H i n c h l i f f e , the burden of educational  expenses f e l l more heavily on the poor than on the r i c h and i f the Kidd Committee Report were followed the dice would be loaded even more heavily against the poor.  In a statement quoted i n the Vancouver Province i n  December, 1932 he further stated, "Even though a poor man withdraws h i s c h i l d r e n from school when they are f i f t e e n (the age l i m i t now provided for) he must s t i l l pay taxes towards the school system which allows the c h i l d r e n of r i c h e r men to continue s t u d i e s . . .  I f the age l i m i t was reduced to  i t would make i t s t i l l more u n f a i r f o r parents of l i m i t e d means."  63  14,  With  regard to allowing free Normal School t r a i n i n g , the same reason was given, that the province had a moral r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to provide teachers even i f those able to q u a l i f y f o r t r a i n i n g were unable to pay the f u l l cost of t h e i r tuition.  Neither were the Conservatives prepared to s c u t t l e the u n i v e r s i t y .  Such would be a retrograde step f o r the "bountiful resources o f the province demand a u n i v e r s i t y with s p e c i a l courses to enable our r i s i n g generation to be equipped f o r the task of developing our  resources".  64  To what extent these p u b l i c pronouncements were a r e a l i s t i c statement of Conservative p o l i c y on education i s d i f f i c u l t to say.  Certainly  no p o l i t i c a l party whose term was running out would be l i k e l y to espouse the recommendations of the Kidd Commission i n view of the adverse p u b l i c  77  reaction which they had occasioned.  There i s l i t t l e doubt, however,  that Conservative thinking tended toward an e l i t i s t view, but an e l i t i s m based on brains, not only on wealth.  In a memorandum o f 1930,  Hinchliffe  wrote that a Government funded programme of scholarships and bursaries 65 " l i e s a t the foundation of my i d e a l f o r education i n B r i t i s h Columbia". These scholarships and bursaries were to be granted "on such terms and conditions, e s p e c i a l l y with respect t o character, i n t e l l e c t u a l a b i l i t y and 66 f i n a n c i a l circumstances" Instruction.  as might be prescribed by the Council o f Public  "In t h i s way" he continued, "I am hoping i n years to come  to see a system established i n B.C., whereby the c h i l d o f the poorest parents, who  shows that he has the ambition to get along, can have the 67  advantage of scholarships offered by the Government".  The same  i n t e l l e c t u a l e l i t i s m i s apparent i n h i s approach t o the p r o v i n c i a l u n i v e r s i t y which he declared he wished to see as a u n i v e r s i t y "into which only students 68 with r e a l a b i l i t y and ambition can enter". to see the leaving  Although he d i d not wish  age reduced there i s never a h i n t that he wished to see  i t increased u n t i l a f t e r the p u b l i c a t i o n of the Kidd Report when he i s reported t o have s a i d that " i t might even be questioned i f t h i s age should 69 not be increased".  Hinchliffe .also declared himself i n 1930, i n favour :  of many of the new innovations i n education.  In a speech before the  Vancouver Board o f Trade i n A p r i l of that year he defended the educational system of the province, the changes i n methodology and the new courses which had been added i n recent years, i n h i s opinion i n response t o p u b l i c demand. "The new standard costs more" he stated "and i t i s worth i t .  I f we  reduce  the cost of education, we reduce i t s effectiveness and i t s e f f e c t on the  78  generation who w i l l occupy the province a f t e r u s . "  / u  After delivering  his speech H i n c h l i f f e defended h i s p o s i t i o n i n the face of severe c r i t i c i s m from the members, the same kind of c r i t i c i s m which was to surface l a t e r i n the Kidd Report. I t i s l i k e l y that a speech made by Premier Tolmie during education week i n November 1932, summed up the Conservative party's thinking on the education of the majority.  "Are we bringing up our young people to look  at a d o l l a r ' s worth of o v e r a l l s with a c u r l i n g l i p " he asked h i s audience. The answer o f course, at l e a s t i n h i s mind, was that young people had developed a contempt f o r work, p a r t i c u l a r l y manual work which was needed to develop, the province.  In h i s opinion i t was  "impossible t o s t r e s s too  strongly the importance o f t r a i n i n g our young people along l i n e s which are l i k e l i e s t to a s s i s t i n the development of the province and which are 71 most l i k e l y to develop as the province develops". A f t e r the sound and fury occasioned by the Kidd Report had died down the p r o v i n c i a l government, m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and school boards were s t i l l faced with the problem o f how to keep the schools running with v a s t l y decreased revenues.  Government expenditures of education f o r the year  1932-33 were over $1,165,000. less than f o r the previous year, a drop from a cost per p u p i l per year of $33.18 t o $23.98..  Most school reports of  the year brought out the e f f e c t of the depression on both teachers and pupils.  Reduced s a l a r i e s , overcrowded and inadequate f a c i l i t i e s . , i n s u f f i -  c i e n t reading material, and children s u f f e r i n g the e f f e c t s o f malnutrition or inadequate clothing.  In a number of r u r a l areas a problem of non-  79  attendance had a r i s e n because parents were keeping c h i l d r e n out of school t o a s s i s t with farm chores and harvesting.  The report f o r the Vancouver  schools f o r the f i r s t time struck a p e s s i m i s t i c note. the superintendent,  In the words of  "To report on conditions i n the Vancouver Schools  f o r the school year 1932-33 i s to turn from years of 'expansion and confidence  1  to one o f 'contraction and perplexity!".'"' The sum t o t a l of the  year s a c t i v i t i e s were described as "a s l i g h t l y forced r e t r e a t educationally, 1  72 despite strenuous e f f o r t s to maintain ground previously gained". There had been no attempt made to increase school accommodation as the anticipated increase i n high school students had not materialized.  The  elementary school teaching s t a f f had been reduced by s i x , the high school s t a f f had been increased by one.  Eight s p e c i a l classes had been closed  and there had been a marked reduction i n school services.  Attendance  o f f i c e r s and inspectors were not replaced on retirement and s p e c i a l supervisors and i n s t r u c t o r s were assigned to regular teaching p o s i t i o n s ; health services were c u r t a i l e d and the dental c l i n i c was closed.  In February,  1933 the school board had found i t necessary to cut s a l a r i e s o f under $1,200. by 10 per cent, those over that amount by 20 per cent. At the end o f 1932 the committees working on the contentious problems of the control of school finances submitted t h e i r reports.  Early  i n 1933 the M i n i s t e r of Education announced h i s proposed l e g i s l a t i o n on these issues.  Teachers' s a l a r i e s were to be f i x e d a t $780. f o r elementary  school teachers and $1,200 f o r high school teachers i r r e s p e c t i v e of location.  In an attempt to equalize the taxation burden throughout the  province the government proposed to reorganize i t s grants i n such a way  80  •  that the various c i t i e s and towns whether large or small would a l l tax themselves i n the neighbourhood o f 2h m i l l s .  In the cases of Vancouver  and V i c t o r i a t h i s meant r a i s i n g the tax rates V% and 1 m i l l respectively, while many small towns would be able to lower t h e i r s by 3 and 4 per cent.  I t should be noted that t h i s change was i n l i n e with recommendations 73  made i n the Putman-Weir Survey. With regard to control of school finance, l e g i s l a t i v e amendments were made to the P u b l i c Schools Act which would give municipal councils "the r i g h t to r e f e r back to school boards ordinary estimates considered 74 beyond the a b i l i t y of taxpayers to meet".  I f the two bodies could not  resolve t h e i r differences, the matter would then be l a i d before an a r b i t r a t o r . Opposition from teachers, parents and school boards had obviously been strong enough to prevent the government from following i t s declared p o l i c y of the previous year. No r e l i e f appeared i n s i g h t f o r harassed school boards or poorly paid teachers during the spring of 1933.  The budget brought down continued  the philosophy of retrenchement and s t i l l more retrenchment i n an e f f o r t to produce a balanced budget.  The Conservatives were by t h i s time a  disunited i f not demoralized party.  S p l i t between those who wished to  follow Tolmie's lead to form a c o a l i t i o n government and those who wished to r e t a i n the t r a d i t i o n a l party p o l i t i c s regardless of depression problems, the government, whose term ran out on the f i r s t o f September, waited u n t i l the end of August to announce the date o f the e l e c t i o n .  The ensuing .  e l e c t i o n campaign was notable f o r the f a c t that i t saw the appearance f o r  81  t h e f i r s t t i m e o f t h e Canadian Commonwealth F e d e r a t i o n was  (C.C.F.) p a r t y . But i t  a l s o n o t a b l e f o r t h e e d u c a t i o n a l h i s t o r i a n , because o f t h a t r a r e e v e n t  i n p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s - : e d u c a t i o n was  The K i d d Report had i>t was  a major i s s u e .  thrown e d u c a t i o n i n t o t h e s p o t l i g h t and  t o remain u n t i l a f t e r t h e e l e c t i o n .  o p i n i o n and i n t h e p r o c e s s the business e l i t e .  there  I t had a l s o h e l p e d t o p o l a r i z e  to i d e n t i f y Conservative p o l i c y with that of  The L i b e r a l s h i t them h a r d as hidebound r e a c t i o n a r i e s ,  w h i l e some members o f t h e C.C.F. added t o t h a t charge a p r o m i s e t o e l i m i n a t e any c l a s s o r i e n t a t i o n i n t h e s c h o o l s by t u r n i n g them i n t o i n s t i t u t i o n s d e d i c a t e d t o the i n d o c t r i n a t i o n o f s o c i a l i s t  The L i b e r a l p a r t y had Dr. G.M.  ideology.  as i t s spokesman on e d u c a t i o n a l  matters,  Weir, on l e a v e o f absence from t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia.  Weir, a t t h i s p o i n t i n h i s c a r e e r , was t o quote t h e Vancouver Sun,  c o n s i d e r e d t o be a man  who  typified,  "the u n i v e r s i t y and s c h o o l groups s c i e n t i f i c a l l y  75 e l e v a t x n g t h e mind and a b i l i t y o f t h e human r a c e " .  M t h o u g h as r e c e n t l y  as t h e f a l l o f 1931  i n v e s t i g a t o r who  he had  lauded t h e r e p o r t o f a U.S.  had by t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f "the c o l d l o g i c ; o f s t a t i s t i c a l f i g u r e s t o  the  76 e d u c a t i o n a l systems o f t h e Canadian p r o v i n c e s " r e s t , he now state.  p l a c e d B.C.  ahead o f  the  d e c l a r e d t h e p r o v i n c e ' s e d u c a t i o n a l system t o be i n a p a r l o u s  A message t o t h e t e a c h e r s o f B r i t i s h Columbia r e f e r r e d t o t h e  " b a n e f u l i n f l u e n c e o f e d u c a t i o n a l r e a c t i o n " w h i c h "even b e f o r e t h e  financial  d e p r e s s i o n had produced i t s unhappy r e s u l t s " and t h e harm wrought by u n i q u e c o m b i n a t i o n o f government i n e p t i t u d e and m i n i s t e r i a l towards p u b l i c e d u c a t i o n " .  77  hostility  The L i b e r a l p a r t y , i t c o n t i n u e d ,  would  "a  82  restore education t o i t s r i g h t f u l place as the most important of the state.  activity  The system would be characterized by the p r i n c i p l e s o f  democracy and ensure educational opportunity f o r a l l . The L i b e r a l party platform with regard to education was long on r h e t o r i c and short on p r a c t i c a l proposals.  At its'/convention i n the f a l l  o f 1932 the B.C. L i b e r a l Association had passed several resolutions with regard t o educational matters.  The convention went on record as r e j e c t i n g  "any proposed organization o r reorganization which involves a caste system o f education", and as being i n favour o f an educational system  "democratic  i n p r i n c i p l e so as to f a c i l i t a t e such i n t e l l e c t u a l growth o f each i n d i v i d u a l member o f society as may be required t o equip him f o r h i s d a i l y tasks, and f o r the enjoyment o f such c u l t u r a l pursuits as may be i n keeping with 78 our s o c i a l customs".  A t h i r d r e s o l u t i o n was passed i n favour o f a  general review o f the educational system i n order to place i t on as sound an administrative footing as possible.  I t would seem that attacks on  Conservative educational p o l i c y and promises t o implement a democratic system dedicated t o equality o f opportunity i n the schools was the thrust of the L i b e r a l party's message. The C.C.F., too, concentrated i t s f i r e on the current system. However as an amalgam of various s o c i a l i s t and r a d i c a l p a r t i e s which had existed i n the province over the l a s t three decades, as w e l l as converts to the new party's p o l i c i e s , the C.C.F. contained members, some o f whom were candidates, whose p r e s c r i p t i o n f o r improving education f a r outran the party's o f f i c i a l platform.  Party p o l i c y with regard to education c a l l e d  83  for the establishment of a "thoroughly democratic progressive education, free to a l l , adapted to individual needs and designed to prepare young 79  people for a f u l l and complete participation i n a co-operative order". There was nothing very revolutionary about this, indeed i t might have been l i f t e d from a Liberal party policy statement.  In addition the C.C.F.  called for the "creation of vocational schools, particularly i n order to care, for the educational needs of unemployed youths pending such time as 80 they can be drafted into the industrial scheme". radical objective.  Again not a very  But from election meetings throughout the province  came statements about revising text-books to suit the teachings of socialism, having night classes for school teachers i n socialism, dismissing any teacher who would not advocate socialism i n the schools, and, having the children "generally trained from an early age to socialist theories and 81 ideals".  Such pronouncements stirred up a furor i n the press. The  C.C.F. was labelled Marxist, CDrnrtunist, autocratic,, opposed to freedom of thought and speech, and at the very least utterly lacking i n p o l i t i c a l acumen. I t i s almost certain that the controversy occasioned by the more radical of some of i t s members caused the new party to lose some potential support. The brunt of the criticism which assailed the Conservatives was borne by Minister of Education Hinchliffe who remained loyal to Tolmie i n the now disoriented party.  By and large he defended the record of his  department but made no statements regarding future plans for education other than a review of the curriculum, of both elementary and secondary schools.  The B.C.T.F. had passed a resolution at i t s annual meeting i n  84  1932 advocating such a review, but a t the t i n e H i n c h l i f f e had turned i t down as unnecessary.  In an address to the B.C. School Trustees Annual Convention  he s a i d that what was needed i n the schools was u t i l i t a r i a n i s m .  Referring  to the new general course which had been introduced i n the high schools he pointed out that t h i s course "followed the modern trend towards u t i l i t a r i a n i s m . . .and would help m a t e r i a l l y i n t r a i n i n g youths f o r t h e i r 82 l i f e work".  The other s i g n i f i c a n t innovation made during h i s m i n i s t e r i a l  term, the change i n the formula f o r p r o v i n c i a l grants, was often c i t e d as, * an attempt t o minimize the d i s t i n c t i o n between r i c h and poor, urban and rural. The most revealing remarks, however, made by H i n c h l i f f e on p u b l i c education, i t s r o l e and purpose, were given i n an address t o a church group several months before the beginning o f the e l e c t i o n campaign. Centring h i s comments on the question o f what should be the l i m i t to p u b l i c education paid f o r out o f the p u b l i c purse, he based h i s remarks on the assumption that "the greatest p a r t o f education including character b u i l d i n g at the f i r s t and the application o f knowledge l a t e r was conducted outside of school l i f e .  entirely  Schooling was then but a p a r t o f education, and 83  p u b l i c schooling as a p a r t again of the smaller d i v i s i o n . "  From t h i s  ^is apparent the great gulf which separated H i n c h l i f f e and the Conservatives from the l i b e r a l s and Weir:whose. Survey emphasized the primary :  importance o f character b u i l d i n g i n p u b l i c schooling a t a l l  levels.  Within the l i m i t s thus defined H i n c h l i f f e then s e t out the c h i e f concern o f the state i n the p r o v i s i o n o f p u b l i c schooling, the making o f a  '  85  good c i t i z e n .  The good c i t i z e n was then defined as "one who would earn  a l i v e l i h o o d f o r himself and h i s dependents; bear i n turn h i s share o f the costs o f state i n s t i t u t i o n s ; and thus keep up the revolving fund out 84 of which h i s c h i l d r e n i n turn would be taught".  In addition t h i s  good c i t i z e n s h i p also e n t a i l e d imparting a proper appreciation o f and l o y a l t y to Canada, B r i t a i n and the B r i t i s h Empire. had no r e s p o n s i b i l i t y .  Further t o that the state  The profession o r occupation i n l i f e which he  chose t o follow was the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f the student and h i s parents. " I f the state had t o decide that question i t would have t o examine every c h i l d t o determine t h a t f o r which i t was best suited.  I say very de-  f i n i t e l y " , he concluded, "that the state i s not concerned whether any p u p i l s h a l l become a doctor o r a sewer digger.  I t i s concerned that each  s h a l l be taught to secure an honest l i v i n g , and become an asset and not 85 a liability  t o the state."  In addition t o t h i s he stated on a number  of occasions that i t was h i s i n t e n t i o n t o t r y t o determine the type o f t r a i n i n g needed f o r entry i n t o various professions and businesses.  On the  basis o f t h i s information i t would then be possible t o see what adjustments 86 i n schooling "might be both f e a s i b l e and warranted".  Here too the  difference i n a t t i t u d e between H i n c h l i f f e and Weir i s apparent.  Mthough  both were proponents o f the p r a c t i c a l i n education, Weir's view c e r t a i n l y encompassed a r o l e f o r the p u b l i c schools and i n d i r e c t l y the state i n d i r e c t i n g students i n t o vocations and professions. But an increased r o l e f o r the state i n education and i n other areas o f l i f e , was the trend o f thinking o f many groups and organizations. For example, i n the autumn o f 1933 both the Roman Catholic Bishop o f Vancouver  86  and tiie B a p t i s t Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia were declaring themselves i n favour of d i r e c t intervention' by the state i n the economy, and i t s 87 provision of adequate support f o r the unemployed.  The Parent Teacher  Association and the Vancouver P r i n c i p a l s ' Association, while not supporting any party, c a l l e d on government to assume a greater r o l e i n economic and social affairs. The e l e c t i o n r e s u l t s confirmed p u b l i c opinion's s h i f t to the l e f t . The new l e g i s l a t u r e would contain 34 L i b e r a l s , 3 Conservatives and 7 C.C.F.ers with the C.C.F. forming the o f f i c i a l opposition.  I t i s impossible  to guage how important an issue education was i n the e l e c t i o n .  As f a r as  the L i b e r a l s were concerned i t was p a r t and p a r c e l of t h e i r p o l i c y of the time, which c a l l e d f o r a greatly increased r o l e f o r government, both i n the managing of the economy and the p r o v i s i o n o f s o c i a l services. In a province which was experiencing severe economic hardship, where the t o t a l number o f unemployed had reached the figure of 100,000, the electorate had turned away from the philosophy of the balanced budget to the " l e f t - l e a r n i n g reform platform a r t i c u l a t e d by the L i b e r a l s but one which f e l l short of 88 the centralized state c o n t r o l f o r which the C.C.F. stood".  In addition,  and t h i s c e r t a i n l y applied with regard to education, they had turned to the only party which they believed would preserve equal opportunity f o r a l l unobstructed by the authoritarianism o f the r i g h t or the l e f t .  This was  a theme much played upon by the L i b e r a l s a f t e r i t became apparent that the CC-iF. was going to be a force to be reckoned with.  Repeatedly the L i b e r a l s  referred to themselves o r were referred to by the press as the only force which could preserve society and i t s freedoms from the tyranny of a s e l f i s h capitalism or a d i c t a t o r i a l socialism.  87  Notes  Chapter III  1  Margaret A. Qrmsby, British Columbia: pp. 431-434.  2  R.E. Caves and R.H. Hoi ton, "An Outline of the Economic History of British Columbia, 1881-1951" i n J.W. Friesen and H.K. Ralston eds. Historical Essays on British Columbia (Toronto, 1976), pp. 152-166.  3  Timothy Allan Dunn, "Work, Class and Education: Vocationalism i n British Columbia's Public Schools 1900-1929" M.A. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1978. For a detailed account of economic developments i n British Columbia during this period see Chapter II of this thesis.  4  Ormsby, Op. Cit., p. 443.  5  Ibid., p. 445.  6  Robert E. Groves, "Business Government, Party Politics and the British Columbia Business Ctommunity 1928-1933". M.A. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1976, quoted p. 104.  7  Percentage increase slightly less than 5%.  8  There i s no general agreement among historians as to the causes of the increase i n attendance at the high school level. The two most probable reasons are the lack of employment for young people coming out of school and a conviction on the part of parents and students that more education was now needed for advancement i n the world of work. In this instance the superintendent also mentions greater d i f f i c u l t i e s faced by students wishing to attend university.  9  60th Annual Report of The Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1930-31. L41 "  10  Ibid., L42  A History (Vancouver, 1971),  88  Ibid., L42. Ibid., L42. Ibid., L42. Ibid., L44. The Victoria ratepayers Association went so far as to request that the cost of education i n the province be reduced by 50%. Victoria Colonist, July 20, 1932. It was estimated that about 95% of the provincial government's grants to school districts was for direct services which included teachers' salaries. This figure did not include the salaries of those teachers administering the correspondence courses for elementary and high schools, industrial education or those employed by the two provincial normal schools and the school for the deaf and the blind, which amounted to an additional 5% of the government's share of education costs. I t i s impossible from the data available to determine the percentage of the amount expended by districts which went towards teachers' salaries. For a good example see J.D. Purdy 'John Strachan: Reformer"in Profiles of Canadian Educators.  Conservative  Hinchliffe to Tolmie 1930, Tolmie Papers, Box 7. Ibid., Tolmie Papers, Box 7. Ibid., Tolmie Papers, Box, 7. Provincial salary committees were i n existence from 1931 to 1933. Difficulties arose because the teachers panel and the so-called people's panel composed of government appointees could not come to any agreement. 1  89  Usually used to r e f e r to those subjects which were not part o f the standard academic curriculum i . e . manual t r a i n i n g , domestic science.  59th Annual Report o f The Public Schools o f the Province o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1929-30. Q 34. 60th Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province o f Columbia, 1930-31, L40. ~ * B  r  i  t  i  s  n  61st Annual Report o f the p u b l i c schools o f the Province o f B n t x s h Columbia, 1931-32. L30. Tolmie t o H i n c h l i f f e Nov. 1931, Tolmie Papers, Box 7. H i n c h l i f f e to Tolmie November 9, 1931, Tolmie Papers, Box 7. These courses were frequently.described as f r i l l s by those wishing to pare education costs such as.municipal councils/ property owners'associations and some businessmen's associations not only because they required extra teachers but also because they frequently necessitated the purchase o f c o s t l y equipment. Vancouver Sun, March 22, 1932. Groves, Gp. C i t . , p. 109. 61st  Annual Report, Ibid., L36.  The most r e l i a b l e source of information on the extent o f the adoption of the "new education" up to t h i s time are the annual reports o f the p u b l i c schools of the province and they by no means give a complete p i c t u r e . They provide evidence that there were 11 junior secondary schools, that manual t r a i n i n g and i n d u s t r i a l a r t s , and home economics had been introduced i n many schools i n the province, but s t a t i s t i c a l evidence i s i n most cases lacking. The 1929-1930 report, f o r example, states that there were 83 home economics centres i n the province but dees not state where they were. The report o f the same year also  90  records that most o f the high schools i n Vancouver had introduced a course i n i n d u s t r i a l a r t s but gives no i n d i c a t i o n of the number o f classes or the number o f students enrolled i n them. With reference to the introduction of new pedagogical techniques the evidence i s even more inexact. Ormsby, Cp. C i t . , pp. 446-448. D.C. Jones and T.A. Dunn, "Education, The Depression, and The Kidd Report". Unpublished paper, A p r i l , 1976, p. 7. Kidd Report Section 156, Quoted from May Committee Report. Ibid., Section 160. This does not imply that an educational system based on the Kidd Report recxsmmendations would have been the same as one based on the Putman-Weir Survey. The former would i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y have pared education down to the three'r's. Kidd Report,Section  160.  Jones and Dunn Op. C i t . , p. 18. Not even the business community was united i n support o f the Kidd Report. Kidd Report, Section 161. Ibid., Section 163. Ibid., Section 169. Ibid., Section 169. Ibid., Section 173.  Ibid., Section 166. This s e c t i o n recommended the c l o s i n g of any school i n a municipal school d i s t r i c t or a r u r a l school d i s t r i c t i f the average attendance f e l l below 10.  91  46  B.C. Teacher, October, 1932, p. 1.  47  Ibid., p. 7.  48  Ibid., p. 9.  49  D.C. Jones and T.A. Dunn Op. C i t . , Union leaders rejected the report on the grounds that i t was s o l e l y i n the i n t e r e s t s o f the r i c h and would throw thousands more on an overcrowded labour market, p. 19, p. 26.  50  B.C. Teacher, Op. C i t . , p. 23.  51  Ibid., p. 23.  52  Ibid., p. 23.  53  Ibid., p. 23.  54  Vancouver Province, August 31, 1932.  55  Ibid.,.  56  V i c t o r i a Colonist, A p r i l 1, 1932, Tolmie Papers Box 14. According to newspapers, the c h i e f opposition c r i t i c s o f the Conservative government's education p o l i c i e s appear to have been T.D. P a t t u l l o , the L i b e r a l leader and A.M. Manson, L i b e r a l member from Omineca.  57  E d i t o r i a l V i c t o r i a Daily Times September 15, 1932.  Tolmie Papers  Box 14. 58  Vancouver Province October 21, 1932.  59  Ibid.  60  Vancouver Sun, October 5, 1932.  Tolmie Papers Box 14.  92  61  Ibid.  62  The Conservatives took exception to some of the recommendations made i n connection with every department of government.  63  Vancouver Province, December 7, 1932.  Tolmie Papers Box 14.  64  Victoria Colonist, August 20, 1932.  65  Memorandum Minister of Education Tolmie Papers Box 20.  66  Ibid.  67  Ibid.  68  Victoria Daily Times, March 10, .1931. Tolmie Papers Box 14.  69  Victoria Colonist, November 24, 1932.  70  Vancouver Sun, April 29, 1930.  71  Victoria Colonist, November, 1932.  72  62nd Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of  Tolmie Papers, Box 14.  British Columbia, 1932-33. M49 73  Putman-Weir Survey, p. 287.  74  Victoria Daily. Times March 20, 1933 Tolmie Papers, Box 14.  75  Vancouver Sun September 27, 1933, Tolmie Papers Box 15.  76  Vancouver Sun, October 7, 1931.  93  77  B.C. Teacher, October, 1933.  78  B.C. L i b e r a l Association Minute Book,March, 1927-October 3, 1932 Minutes o f Convention Oct. 3 and 4, 1932, Resolution 9.  79  C.C.F. P r o v i n c i a l Platform and Manifesto (Vancouver: C.C.F., 1933) Section 11. McCarter C o l l e c t i o n Special Collections U.B.C.  80  Ibid.  81  V i c t o r i a Daily Times October 2, 1933.  82  V i c t o r i a Colonist September 19, 1933.  83  Ibid., May 27, 1933.  84  Ibid.  85  Ibid.  86  Ibid.  87  Vancouver Sun, October 3, 1933. Tolmie Papers, Box 15.  88.  Groves, Op. C i t .  Tolmie Papers, Box 15. Tolmie Papers, Box 14.  Vancouver Sun, September 20, 1933  CHAPTER IV EDUCATIONAL CHANGE 1933-1935 UNDER THE NEW LIBERAL GOVERNMENT When the Liberal party took office i n the late f a l l of 1933, i t was the focus of the hopes of a majority of the electorate. A new era, i f not of pre-depression prosperity, at least of an adequate human standard of living, would, i t was thought, soon become a reality.  Liberal leader  Duff Pattullo's slogan of "Work and Wages" had led people to believe that the provincial government could ensure that a l l who wished to work would be able to do so i n the very near future. But the voters were unaware of the intricacies and d i f f i c u l t i e s of public finance, nor did they forsee the intransigence of both Conservative and Liberal prime ministers when faced with demands from the provinces for greater financial assistance. Neither Pattullo nor his government wet=e unaware of the magnitude of the problems facing them, but the euphoria of the moment led them to feel that a l l d i f f i c u l t i e s were surmountable.  That the Liberal party i n British  Columbia would ultimately help to seal i t s doom by the intransigence of i t s own stand vis-a-vis the federal government was probably never contemplated. Like F.D. Roosevelt, who also came to power i n the dark winter of 1933-34, Pattullo voiced ideas which seemed to some at the time to be  too socialistic, even to pose a threat to the continued existence of ;  capitalism.  The severity of the depression with i t s attendant social  problems had convinced both men that government must play a much greater role i n the economic and social affairs of the state than had hitherto been  95  the case.  This was not t o say that e i t h e r p o l i t i c i a n was  sense of wishing to create a new h i s t o r i a n s now  restructured society.  r a d i c a l i n the  As most American  agree Roosevelt succeeded admirably i n preserving the  essentials o f the c a p i t a l i s t system i n the United States, and l i k e Keynes, h i s administration's most famous economic mentor, might most accurately be described as a r a d i c a l conservative.  The same term might equally  w e l l be applied to P a t t u l l o . P a t t u l l o was  60 years of age when he became premier.  He had spent  the l a s t seventeen years i n p o l i t i c s as a member of the p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e , cabinet minister and leader of the opposition.  LXrcing t h i s  time he became known as a strong party man with a great admiration the common man who  for  had come to the west and through courage and enterprise 10  1  had b u i l t the'province.  With the onset of the depression he began to  question a system which was bringing misery to so many and whose basic assumptions were being openly a s s a i l e d by both s o c i a l i s t s and even i n B r i t i s h Columbia. was  coMiunists  The r e s u l t was h i s adoption of a p o s i t i o n which  c e r t a i n l y more r a d i c a l than the generally accepted Canadian Liberalism 2  of the day.  He gradually became convinced that B r i t i s h Columbia " . . . l i k e the e n t i r e western world, was entering a new period i n which the state was determined to play a just, creative r o l e i n l i g h t e n i n g the burden of others 'unable to carry the load'. Under the new system, characterized by wider Government c o n t r o l , regulation and d i r e c t i o n , i n d i v i d u a l ownership would be preserved, but c a p i t a l would be used 'for the b e n e f i t and not the  J  u/'^'  9 6  detriment of the people as a whole'".  3  P a t t u l l o frequently bemoaned the f a c t that i n h i s own  province,  as w e l l as Canada as a whole, so l i t t l e was being done to mobilize e f f o r t to bring the new  system i n t o being.  the  He feared, as he stated i n  a l e t t e r to R.J. Cromie, publisher of the"'Vancouver Sun i n 1932,  that  the p a s s i v i t y o f governments would "increase the attractiveness o f O^rmunism as an a l t e r n a t i v e f o r the disadvantaged, e s p e c i a l l y as times 4 became harder". The r o l e that P a t t u l l o intended h i s government to play then was that of economic planner, i n order to minimize as much as possible the vagaries of unrestricted l a i s s e z - f a i r e capitalism, and to protect and those who  suffered most from capitalism's excesses.  assist  In p r a c t i c a l terms  t h i s meant the s e t t i n g up of an economic council to advise government on what measures i t could take to a s s i s t i n the d i r e c t i o n of the economy, labour l e g i s l a t i o n to r e s t r i c t hours o f work and increase minimum wages, and continued and, i f necessary, greater government spending i n the f i e l d of s o c i a l services.  "Schools, hospitals and welfare agencies, he thought,  must not s u f f e r f o r lack o f funds during the depression-.'" belived that i t was  5  Pattullo  the duty o f the p o l i t i c i a n to "wrest concessions from  business f o r h i s dispossessed  constituents, to help create new  opportunities, thereby maximizing employment".  business  I f a l l possible measures  taken by p r i v a t e enterprise proved unsuccessful i n taking up the slack of employment he was prepared to t r y " a l l methods, short of p u b l i c ownership and expropriation, to f a c i l i t a t e f u l l employment and r e l i e v e the poor from  97  the despair of poverty". 7 Both the reactionary businessman and the socialist were equally condemned for being the cause of social unrest and perhaps, ultimately, conflict.  To Pattullo the liberal way pro-  vided the means to achieve a harmonious and just society. society was never thought of as an egalitarian one.  Such a  Economic and  social inequality, he believed, was rooted i n nature, had existed in a l l societies and was inevitable notwithstanding the form of government. The only role the liberal politician could f u l f i l l was to try to prevent the abuse of social and economic power; and to lead public opinion to the acceptance of the view that the "welfare of every individual in the state i s the concern of a l l the individuals of the state".  8  Although Pattullo made relatively few public statements about education, generally leaving this subject to G.M. Weir, his indefatigable Minister of Education, and those i n his party who had been closely involved in educational matters, i t i s reasonable to suppose that education occupied an important place i n his concept of a stable and prosperous society. In a speech made immediately prior to the election he emphasized his party's policy of abolishing fees for those students over the age of fifteen who had not yet finished their high school education. Youths should be allowed to remain in high school throughout adolescence without, monetary obligation. "I am not", he stated, "opposed to the so-called f r i l l s i n education. We have too l i t t l e education.  That's what the country i s suffering from now.  The trouble i s that the financial side of the country has not kept pace 9 with scientific progress."  Again in the spring of 1935 he returned to  the theme of the paramount importance of education i n an address delivered  98  at the annual meeting o f the B.C.T.F. e n t i t l e d 'Education as a Public Service . 1  He defended education past the primary l e v e l f o r i t s important  contribution to t±ie: •training of the mind, the b u i l d i n g of character and the i n c u l c a t i o n of a s p i r i t of service. i t was  He asserted that i n h i s opinion  the educational system which had "contributed i n no small way  that mental s t a b i l i t y and soundness of character which have enabled  to our  people to preserve t h e i r s a n i t y . . . i n what has too often appeared to be a d i s i n t e r g r a t i n g w o r l d " . P a t t u l l o also stressed the economic value of education as a "medium of c i r c u l a t i n g d o l l a r s and cents". education" he asserted "has  "Through  come about higher standards of l i v i n g .  In  the l i g h t of discovery and invention people are not prepared to l i v e i n the p r i m i t i v e fashion which existed within the memory of us a l l and which i n outlying d i s t r i c t s e x i s t s i n the same measure to-day."^" There was notiiing p a r t i c u l a r l y new i n a l l t h i s .  Since the  beginnings  of p u b l i c education i n Canada, indeed i n North America generally, most educators and many p o l i t i c i a n s had been e x t o l l i n g the r o l e of education i n the cause of s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l betterment.  However as the  perspectives on the problems of a society changed,so too d i d the s p e c i f i c means by which education was  seen to be able to a s s i s t i n t h e i r s o l u t i o n .  Without doubt the 1930's was  a time of heightened  i n t e r e s t i n education with  educators and l a y people of varying p o l i t i c a l hues c a l l i n g on the schools to f u l f i l l the hopes of a l l i n the creation of a happier and more prosperous 12 world.  By t h i s time i n her h i s t o r y B r i t i s h Columbia with i t s strong  r a d i c a l element and the ever-present threat o f violence, a s u r p r i s i n g l y successful s o c i a l i s t party, a substantial urban p r o l e t a r i a t , and a wealthy,  99  extremely conservative business e l i t e presented a p r o f i l e d i s t i n c t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t from any other province o f Canada.  Headed by a L i b e r a l  adirdxiistration committed t o t r a d i t i o n a l c a p i t a l i s t values as w e l l as the necessity o f state leadership i n economic and s o c i a l a f f a i r s , i t was t o draw from the broad spectrum o f ideas c a l l e d progressive education, those which seemed best f i t t e d t o her problems, her t r a d i t i o n s and her aspirations. By and large the decisions regarding educational matters were made by a r e l a t i v e l y small number o f educators, o f whom by f a r the most i n f l u e n t i a l was G.M. Weir, both by v i r t u e o f h i s status as an educator and h i s p o s i t i o n as M i n i s t e r o f Education. 7  A f t e r j o i n i n g the s t a f f o f  the Department o f Education a t the University o f B r i t i s h Columbia, he became a consistent advocate o f the.new education and of r a i s i n g teaching standards i n the p u b l i c schools.  His outspoken c r i t i c i s m o f the Kidd  jreport had helped t o marshall p u b l i c opinion against i t s recommendations 13 regarding education.  His co-authorship o f the Putman-Weir Survey had  brought him national prominence and i n 1929 he was asked by the Canadian Medical Association and the Canadian Nurses Association t o conduct a thorough investigation o f nursing education i n Canada. A Survey o f Nursing Education i n Canada, which was published i n 1932 affords i n s i g h t i n t o Weir's s o c i a l philosophy as w e l l as h i s b e l i e f s , attitudes and values i n the f i e l d o f education which make more understandable h i s future career as Minister o f Education and P r o v i n c i a l Secretary with r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r health services.  The Survey had been commissioned  because o f disagreement 'in both associations as t o what constituted a  100  desirable standard of nursing education.  The nurses generally favoured  the raising of standards while some sections of the medical profession argued that standards should be lowered thereby decreasing nursing fees and thus bridging the gap between patient and nurse.  The report came out,  predictably, solidly i n favour of the raising of the entrance requirements for nursing schools and improvement i n the quality and methods of instruction given to student nurses. In presenting his-case for the raising of admission requirements Weir relied heavily on the evidence provided by I.Q. tests..  Such tests  administered i n different parts of the country had shown 2 2 per cent of nurses to have an I.Q. less than 9 0 , and 3 9 per cent to have an I.Q. less than 9 5 . "It appears very doubtful" he wrote "whether any profession which has such a dead-weight i n i t s ranks can attain high levels of achievement unless i t s standards be considerably elevated.  A purging process seems  overdue"."^ Anticipating criticism of his findings, Weir defended the I.Q. tests on the grounds of their validity and their applicability to the nursing profession.  As well he pointed to the relationship which the tests allegedly  proved between intelligence and nationality and socio-economic background. He claimed that the tests given, a modification of the American Army Alpha test and the same one as had been used i n the British Columbia School Survey "with highly satisfactory results" was a "guaranteed measure of 15  abilities".  These tests, "standardized by competent authorities,  constructed on scientific principles, free from ambiguity" were, he wrote,  101  "adapted t o the purposes the survey had i n mind when the t e s t i n g programme was  undertaken"."^ Mthough the i n t e l l i g e n c e t e s t s were designed to measure?the a b i l i t y  to learn and not moral values, they served as w e l l as a f a i r l y r e l i a b l e though not i n f a l l i b l e guide t o an i n d i v i d u a l ' s moral worth, Weir claimed. 17 Adopting the same p o s i t i o n as Thorndike  Weir wrote that "dullness and  moral delinquency are related almost as c l o s e l y as twin brothers.  The  i n v e s t i g a t i o n of numerous cases has proved t h i s statement beyond reasonable doubt.  The converse also, with c e r t a i n exceptions, appears true. 18  gent people usually have the greatest moral worth."  Intelli-  He further claimed  that there was a high degree of c o r r e l a t i o n between "abstract or pure i n t e l l i g e n c e (such as the tests are alleged to measure) on the one hand, and s o c i a l i n t e l l i g e n c e (tact, handling people) and motor i n t e l l i g e n c e on 19 the other".  F i n a l l y Weir made c l e a r that the most i n t e l l i g e n t students  were of English, Scotch and I r i s h ancestry and middle class background. "The average i n t e l l i g e n c e of student nurses, whose parents belong to the professional group," he pointed out, "considerably exceeded that o f the students whose parents are engaged i n various occupations and types of 20 u n s k i l l e d and semi-skilled labour".  On the basis of the foregoing Weir  concluded that I.Q. t e s t s should be administered to a l l applicants f o r admission to nursing schools and that a l l with I.Q.s under 100 should be rejected.  This was not to be the only c r i t e r i o n f o r admission; other  factors such as s o c i a l background, family h i s t o r y and character should also be taken i n t o consideration.  102  In Weir's opinion, once the student nurse had embarked on her t r a i n i n g she should receive an education much more i n t e l l e c t u a l l y rigorous than had been the case i n most nursing schools up to that time.  Nursing  must be taken out of the category of a trade and professionalized as quickly as possible "the i n e x o r a b i l i t y of s o c i a l evolution, with i t s emphasis on p u b l i c health education, s p e c i a l i z a t i o n i n medical science, preventive medicine, as w e l l as enlightened p u b l i c i n t e r e s t i n health  21 matters".  Superior education would, the Survey claimed, r e s u l t i n  greater open-mindedness, a willingness to co-operative attitude of mind, and greater s o c i a l a d a p t i b i l i t y .  Weir had come to the conclusion that  education was the sine qua non f o r s u r v i v a l i n the world of h i s day.  He  wrote, "Modern democracy has declared i t s f a i t h i n the value o f superior education. Nations are vying with one.another to r a i s e the l e v e l o f s o c i a l i n t e l l i gence by exterminating the b l i g h t of ignorance. In i n t e r n a t i o n a l as i n national and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , leaders of foresight r e a l i z e today as never before that 'the race i s to the s w i f t . No i n d i v i d u a l , no occupation and no profession that aspires to success can a f f o r d to ignore t h i s homely t r u t h . " 22 1  However,arguments for i n t e l l i g e n c e and education were not always pitched on such a high plane.  Education was necessary to the nurses not  only f o r reasons o f professional competence but a l s o to ensure a pleasant r e l a t i o n s h i p with educated patients.  Unless the nurse were educated she  was i n danger of f e e l i n g i n f e r i o r and awkward i n the presence of such  103  patients, and o f r e s o r t i n g to gossiping about the h o s p i t a l s t a f f . c u l t u r a l background o f many nurses was very poor, bemoaned one  The  doctor  quoted by the. survey, " l i t t l e i f any better than the c u l t u r a l background 23 of the s e r v a n t - g i r l c l a s s " .  So t r y i n g could the r e l a t i o n s h i p between  p a t i e n t and nurse become that convalescence  could be retarded, as i n the  case of a convalescing doctor whose nurse was unable to read Dickens i n t e l l i g i b l y out loud to him. On the subject of health care Weir was  completely convinced of the  necessity and i n e v i t a b i l i t y of state supported h o s p i t a l and medical •service. Arguments against p u b l i c assistance f o r health care were, he stated, 24 "reminiscent of arguments versus p u b l i c education a century ago".  Many  Canadians had come to think that every c i t i z e n had a r i g h t to be healthy and to be protected against i l l - h e a l t h .  Canadians, he declared,were 25  becoming "ccmmunity-minded without becoming coimtunists". of state medicine had a r i s e n at approximately  The question  75 per cent of the meetings  to discuss nursing problems, the survey stated.  There were, however, two  dangerous classes of opinion which m i l i t a t e d against the..achievement of a sound and sensible s o l u t i o n o f the problems o f health care, and which were mischievous i n t h e i r "influence on the judgement of the average working 26 class c i t i z e n " .  On the one hand there was caranunism which would trans-  form the p o l i t i c a l system i n t o a tyranny o f hate under which i t was "certain that few men  and women of high i d e a l s and i n t e l l i g e n c e would e i t h e r  27 enter or remain" hand there was  i n the medical and nursing professions.  On the other  a " c e r t a i n school of psuedo-professional individualism"  which was quite i n d i f f e r e n t to the "toad beneath the harrow".  Followers  104  of this philosophy were motivated primarily by greed.  Although there  were few who could be classed i n this category, according to Weir, 28 "relatively fewer than the extreme osmmunists",  he saw their influence  as equally harmful. Weir was anxious to counter the arguments of the proponents of individualism and did so i n a revealing section entitled "Intelligence and Improvidence".  According to their thinking the average citizen could  afford to look after his own health needs, and i f he were sufficiently provident to budget for the possible contingency of future illness.  With  "the fact that -Mr. average man i s a notoriously improvident person"Weir emphatically agreed.  However the corollary of that was hot to l e t him  suffer for his improvidence, but rather to have the state force him to be provident, and by so doing in large part remove the burden of costs from 29 the "shoulders of the paying patient of moderate means".  In summation  Weir stated "If we assume—and the assumption does not appear unwarrantable—that the average intelligence of the 2280 student nurses discussed i n Chapter Ten i s at least equivalent to the average intelligence of the citizens of Canada, the conclusion appears inescapable that approximately 50% of the latter need some guidance and possibly even compulsory direction, paternal or otherwise, i n the matter of providing against the high and constantly mounting costs of illness." 30 Weir did not elaborate on this or otherwise i n the above passage,, 1  but the implications are clear.  1  Freedom of choice was not the right of  105  those deemed a r b i t r a r i l y to be i n f e r i o r .  I f peaceful persuasion proves  i n e f f e c t i v e then sanctions must be used.  The p a r a l l e l with fascism c i r c a  1933  i s d i f f i c u l t to avoid.  He continued i n the same vein,  "This i s not the statement of any new conclusion based on s c i e n t i f i c f a c t — although the f a c t s are scarcely subject to d i s p u t e — b u t a well-known p r i n c i p l e already accepted i n the sphere of p u b l i c education. I f compulsory attendance at school i s j u s t i f i a b l e f o r the prot e c t i o n of the state against the e v i l s of ignorance and i l l i t e r a c y , the seedbed of anarchy and conimunism, i s not same form o f compulsory health insurance also j u s t i f i a b l e f o r the protection o f the community as w e l l as the i n d i v i d u a l against the improvidence of that rather large section of the population that lacks s u f f i c i e n t foresight or moral stamina or earning capacity or s o c i a l opportunity to protect i t s e l f and i t s dependents against the possible inroads' of disease?" 31  Here, f o r once,Weir drops the conventional l i b e r a l r h e t o r i c of the state being made f o r man  not man  f o r the state.  The primary and only  necessary j u s t i f i c a t i o n of any action by the state i s i t s own protection i and perpetuation.  Views such as those expressed above provides substanti-  ation f o r the t h e s i s of Karier and other American h i s t o r i a n s that i n times of c r i s i s the weaknesses i n l i b e r a l ideology are exposed, and l i b e r a l i s m 32 moves to a d i c t a t o r i a l r i g h t . Weir now  Having established h i s b a s i c p o s i t i o n  goes on to i n j e c t a note of humanity. "The question of state intervention i n the matter of health insurance, however, cannot be determined on the basis of  106  one factor, namely i n t e l l i g e n c e . The presence of lowgrade i n t e l l i g e n c e i s only one aspect o f t h i s problem. There are also many people o f normal o r superior i n t e l l i g e n c e who are notoriously improvident while many are, i r r e s p e c t i v e of i n t e l l i g e n c e , the victims o f unavoidable misfortunes and lack o f opportunity that c r i p p l e t h e i r productive c a p a c i t i e s . The state, therefore, can strengthen i t s case f o r compulsory health insurance on other grounds than improvidence due to low grade i n t e l l i g e n c e . Cwing to the f a c t that i n t e l l i g e n c e , unlike education, cannot be appreciably improved, the improvidence a r i s i n g from t h i s source must ever remain a f a i r l y constant factor. But lack o f the individual's earning and saving capacity, whatever be i t s composite cause and lack o f i n t e l l i g e n c e i s probably one o f the most potent s i n g l e causes along with the inescapable incidence and mounting cost o f i l l n e s s must provide the ultimate j u s t i f i c a t i o n for state intervention i n the matter o f health insurance." 33 However i n h i s concluding paragraph Weir returned t o h i s f i r s t theme,eugenics.  He wrote, "While, i n the judgement o f the Survey, there i s ample evidence on the above grounds t o j u s t i f y the adoption o f compulsory health insurance i n the i n t e r e s t s o f the average adult, c e r t a i n more r a d i c a l and u l t i m a t e l y more e f f e c t i v e methods o f combatting disease are also desirable. These are the following:— (a)  S t e r i l i z a t i o n o f the feebleminded and morons.  (b)  More vigorous and comprehensive programmes o f preventive medicine and p u b l i c health teaching." 34  107  Mthough i t i s extremely doubtful that i n h i s r o l e as p o l i t i c i a n and Minister o f Education Weir ever expressed the low opinion he had o f the  i n t e l l i g e n c e o f such a large percentage o f the population as c i t e d  above, such a conviction was basic t o many o f the changes he and the L i b e r a l government subsequently proposed.  Those deemed t o be lacking i n  i n t e l l i g e n c e were not a t any cost t o be l e f t t o t h e i r own devices, f o r i n that way l a y the possible d i s i n t e g r a t i o n o f the state and the almost c e r t a i n irrpoverishment of the middle c l a s s .  In a subsequent passage Weir  quoted with approval a prominent B r i t i s h doctor whose case f o r state intervention i n health matters was founded on Darwinian theory.  So too  throughout the Survey the b e l i e f expressed was that the recommendations made were ultimately i n e v i t a b l e , i n tune with an inexorable evolutionary develop35 ment.  As a c o r o l l a r y t o t h i s i t was the i n t e l l i g e n t , moral and educated,  i n f a c t the middle class o f Anglo-Saxon stock, who must assume the leadership and guidance o f society i n t h i s c r i t i c a l period o f i t s development. The authoritarianism, intolerance, prejudice, e l i t i s m and racism which appeared i n the Survey reappear, sometimes subtly, a t other times b l a t a n t l y i n the subsequent events i n the f i e l d o f education during the depression years. Immediately a f t e r assuming o f f i c e , the new Minister o f Education issued a message t o the teachers o f B r i t i s h Columbia.  Addressing them as  36 "sentinels o f the new S o c i a l Order,"  he urged them t o r e t a i n t h e i r f a i t h  " i n the e f f i c a c y o f education as the chief cornerstone o f national w e l l 37 being"  and i n the eventual surmounting o f a l l obstacles i n the path o f  108  educational improvement.  The B . C . Teacher responded with a statement of  f a i t h that the new M i n i s t e r ' s understanding of educational problems 38 would lead to a "sane and progressive educational development" the future.  in  "He has the confidence of the teachers," the e d i t o r i a l  continued, who "well know that education w i l l not be c a l l e d upon to bear more than i t s f a i r share of the necessary economies".  39  True to t h e i r e l e c t i o n promises the new L i b e r a l administration proceeded during i t s f i r s t session to make important changes to the educational system o f the province.  Amendments were made to the "Public  Schools Act" increasing the pay of teachers at both the elementary and secondary school l e v e l s and the grants to some school d i s t r i c t s .  As w e l l ,  the age up to which a p u p i l was e n t i t l e d to free t u i t i o n was raised from 40 15 to 18, o r u n t i l the p u p i l had completed grade 12. the l e g i s l a t u r e i n March, 1934,  In a speech to  Weir stated that i t was also h i s desire  to provide education for unemmployed youths and foster adult education. The i n t e l l e c t u a l and s p i r i t u a l bankruptcy of youth must be avoided, f o r to f a i l to do so would be to eventually increase the population of the j a i l s he asserted.  "Education, the greatest business and s o c i a l  enterprise  of the s t a t e . . . c o u l d not remain s t a t i c but must be made s o c i a l l y e f f e c t i v e " . This would e n t a i l modernizing the curriculum, allowing a broader s e l e c t i o n of courses,  and p l a c i n g greater emphasis on vocational guidance.  42  A l l of these conmitments, plans, and proposals e n t a i l e d , o f course, the expenditure of considerable sums o f p u b l i c monies.  A L i b e r a l party  e l e c t i o n message to the teachers of B r i t i s h Columbia had proudly stated  109  that i t would have a s o l u t i o n f o r the f i n a n c i a l problems of education, f o r i t was  "absurd to suppose that B r i t i s h Columbia cannot pay f o r her  43 schools".  This, however was a d i f f i c u l t feat to perform.  With an  inherited d e f i c i t , f a l l i n g revenues, and increased carmitments to education, as w e l l as other s o c i a l services, the only s o l u t i o n which the L i b e r a l government was able t o propose during the spring of 1934 was  to further  increase the d e f i c i t without at the same time making any p r o v i s i o n f o r 44 sinking fund or unemployment r e l i e f expenditures.  Despite increased  grants, many school d i s t r i c t s continued to go bankrupt and become the administrative charge of a government appointed o f f i c i a l trustee.  Other  d i s t r i c t s , with l o c a l budgets severely r e s t r i c t e d , dropped plans f o r proposed changes or r a d i c a l l y a l t e r e d t h e i r methods of handling the e x i s t i n g curriculum.  Vancouver and New Westminster were two cases i n point.  45 In h i s report f o r the school year 1933-34 ^H..N. MacCorkindale, Superintendent  of Schools i n Vancouver, o u t l i n e d the changes i n organization  and i n s t r u c t i o n of manual t r a i n i n g and home economics i n the elementary schools.  Heretofore these courses had been organized as s p e c i a l subjects,  taught i n s p e c i a l l y equipped classrooms by s p e c i a l l y t r a i n e d teachers. The cost o f such a system being r e l a t i v e l y high a new  form of organization  had been adopted which incorporated manual arts i n the school organization 46 "on the same basis as any other subject".  Instruction would be given  by grade teachers from grades 1 to 6, and by s p e c i a l teachers a t the junior and secondary school l e v e l s , under the category o f p r a c t i c a l a r t s (drafting, woodwork, e l e c t r i c i t y , applied a r t and design, foods and c l o t h i n g ) .  The  110  same year New Westminster dropped the 6-3-3 plan, although i t had been f u l l y implemented the previous year and e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y praised as instrumental i n the retention o f many p u p i l s i n school and o f successfully bridging the gap between elementary and senior high schools.  This had the r e s u l t 47  of the c i t y schools a l l reverting t o the 8-4 system. While f i n a n c i a l stringency and how t o cope with i t preoccupied governments, school boards, adinruiistrators and teachers, other issues were being debated by educators.  The question o f examinations once again became  the centre o f controversy.  Gradually examinations had been l o s i n g t h e i r 48  place o f prominence i n the educational system;  promotions were being made  from grade t o grade and elementary to junior secondary and from junior secondary to senior secondary schools l a r g e l y on the basis o f the recommendations o f teachers and p r i n c i p a l s .  However matriculation examinations,  s e t by the Department o f Education, had s t i l l t o be passed by a l l students seeking u n i v e r s i t y entrance.  In addition many students wrote those  examinations t o s a t i s f y personal pride, parental pride and the demands o f prospective employers, although since 1930, a High School Graduation Diploma could be granted t o any student who had successfully completed a general high school course.  The goal o f many educators and the Department o f Education  was the reduction o f the number o f students required t o write the Junior Matriculation examinations  and the creation o f a High School Graduation 49 Diploma which would be a l l - i n c l u s i v e . However the achievement o f t h i s goal e n t a i l e d the s o l u t i o n o f a number of problems.  With the elimination o f the standard s e t by province-  Ill  wide examinations how were standards to be set?  I f by each high school  operating independently, what assurance could there be that a s u f f i c i e n t l y high l e v e l of standards was maintained ? One approach to the problem was suggested by the High School P r i n c i p a l s ' Association of the Lower Mainland. They proposed that uniform t e s t s be given to a l l students and by the winter o f 1934 committees o f teachers i n the Lower Mainland were drawing up  lists  of questions which had been t r i e d and found s a t i s f a c t o r y i n algebra, 50 English grammar, L a t i n , French and general science. t h i s plan c i t e d a number of reasons f o r i t s adoption.  The proponents of Uniform t e s t s they  contended would "add greater prestige to the High School  graduation  c e r t i f i c a t e by furnishing a larger and more representative number on which 51 to carry out the l e t t e r grading"; be b e t t e r t e s t s as they would be the r e s u l t of the cooperative work of many teachers; "promote greater uniformity 52 i n the teaching of the various schools"; and most importantly "may free 53 the teachers from the unfairness of external examinations". I t was as the B.C. Teacher wrote, "another step i n the d i r e c t i o n of the accredited 54 high school". But, as the a r t i c l e a l s o pointed out, i t had i t s c r i t i c s who forward sound arguments against i t .  brought  B r i e f l y , they contended that uniform  tests would bring back " a l l the e v i l s o f the o l d examination system", teaching f o r examinations and "thus k i l l i n g spontaneity, i n i t i a t i v e and i n d i v i d u a l i t y , 55 and making f o r an exhausting and i r r i t a t i n g r i v a l r y between colleagues". They also doubted the "wisdom of so much objective t e s t i n g and of the modern tendency to t r a i n the c h i l d r e n to do l i t t l e more than f i l l i n blanks."  112  And finally they regretted this "trend towards standardization, this conformity to a pattern, this stereotyped sort of work". They considered much was being "sacrificed to please the scientific and s t a t i s t i c a l l y 56  minded to whom medians, norms, and curves are the breath of l i f e " . It i s interesting to note that one of the most prominent members of the High School Principals' Association of the Lower Mainland was H.B. King, then principal of Kitsilano High School i n Vancouver, and shortly to be named technical advisor to the royal commission on School Finance i n British Columbia.  Subsequently he was appointed policy advisor  to a cotimittee set up to revise the public school curriculum, i n 1936 represented the Department of Education on a committee on the accrediting of senior high schools, and i n the following year was appointed Chief Inspector of Schools for the province.  At the B.C.T.F. convention of 1934  the subject of testing was very much to the fore.  One speaker, who addressed  a meeting on the question, was reported to have the support of the teachers 57  when he advocated that "teaching rather than testing"  be stressed. He  f e l t that better teachers, encouraged by a group of trained supervisors, would be the most effective way of attaining the "uniformity of achievement...necessary for the accrediting of High Schools".  58  To this point  of view King objected as there was "no science of education mentioned".  59  There i s no doubt that the scientific, or psuedoscientific, aspect of progressive education, as expressed i n the whole testing movement, was of primary importance to the leading educators of the province, even though i t may not have held sway over the rank and f i l e of the teaching profession.  The opinions outside of the system cannot be assessed. I t  113  i s probable that i t was considered a subject too s p e c i a l i z e d f o r the general p u b l i c , one which should be l e f t to the experts. On another aspect o f education, much i n the forefront of discussion at t h i s time, there was a general consensus o f opinion held by the educational hierarchy, teachers, students, and t h e i r parents, and many segments o f the p u b l i c , a l i k e .  P r a c t i c a l i t y was deemed, by many, to  be the key to educating large numbers o f students i n an age o f s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l s t r e s s .  Not only d i d t h i s include pre-vocational  and vocational t r a i n i n g , but also a wide v a r i e t y of subjects which were thought o f as t r a i n i n g f o r the students' future worthy use of l e i s u r e . From the moment of h i s appointment as M i n i s t e r of Education, Weir emphasized the f a c t that the L i b e r a l government intended to insure that education be made more relevant to the everyday needs of the students. Although by the m i d - t h i r t i e s only about 20% of the number o f children  who  entered the school system i n B r i t i s h Columbia, completed high school, the high school was the focus of most discussion concerning the "objectives and aims, and curriculum o f education.  As i n the United States a t an  e a r l i e r date, educators wished to encourage a l l p u p i l s to carry through 60 t h e i r education to the completion of secondary school.  The nub of  the question was what kind of education should be offered to a high school population, only a small proportion of whom would proceed to some form of post-secondary education. f a c i n g t h i s dilemma.  B r i t i s h Columbia was not alone i n  A l l provinces were to some extent involved i n  attempting to f i n d an answer to the question of what constituted the best  114  education for a l l children.  The idea which had motivated the early  educational leaders on the North American continent, that a l l children should have access to the same education, presumably the best although rarely i n practice so, thus providing social cohesion and affording equality of opportunity had been crumbling since before the turn of the century.  I t had been supplanted by the concept that equality i n education  meant providing for each child the type of education best suited to i t s needs.  From this i t was hoped that a happy adjustment of each individual  to his environment would follow, thus contributing to the achievement of a stable society.  The problem was how to make the transition from a  system b u i l t up on the f i r s t premise to one built up on the second.  The  Canadian Education Association at i t s convention i n November 1934 recognized the problem and put secondary education at the head of i t s agenda. At this convention "the opinion was frequently and vigorously expressed by speakers that the curriculum of the secondary schools should be determined by the needs of that large body of students who never go beyond that stage, rather than by the admission requirements of the universities. In other words, secondary education should be post-primary and not pre-university". 61 Delegates to the Canadian Education Association were drawn from Departments of Education, universities, administrators, teachers and trustees associations.  One can be certain that most delegates from  British Columbia were i n agreement with the opinions mentioned.  Addressing  the annual meeting of the B.C.T.F. i n March, 1934 G.M. Weir promised his  115  audience that "during the next ten years, education i n the schools w i l l become more p r a c t i c a l and r e a l i s t i c without the lessening o f i t s Cry  c u l t u r a l value". Vancouver H.N.  The Superintendent  o f Schools f o r the c i t y of  MacCorkindale was more s p e c i f i c when he suggested that  L a t i n , algebra and s p e l l i n g were education f r i l l s which should be dropped from the curriculum.  "The objective of the Vancouver school system"  he said i n an address to the Kiwanis Club i n September, 1934,  " i s to  give each student an education i n keeping with h i s capacity of a s s i m i l a t i o n , 63 and which w i l l best f i t him f o r h i s future work i n l i f e " . p a r t i c u l a r l y the r o l e of the secondary school to give: the  I t was student a  thorough knowledge of subjects that would prove o f most use to him. MacCorkindale concluded,  "one of the greatest wastes i n the system t o -  day. . . i s the teaching of subjects which should not be taught at a l l . 64 They were merely f r i l l s and an inheritance from the 19th century." The Annual reports of the Public Schools i n B r i t i s h Columbia contained statements of commendation f o r the p r a c t i c a l approach to schooling. The d i r e c t o r of home economics wrote that the " p r a c t i c a l arts courses j u s t i f y t h e i r place i n the curriculum to-day upon the basis of s o c i a l  ^  need as w e l l as upon t h e i r c u l t u r a l values to the i n d i v i d u a l , and they 65 have attained a new status i n education". This new status was the r e s u l t of the growing awareness that the p r a c t i c a l arts were a  "necessary  agency i n the development of types of knowledge, s k i l l s and attitudes that are increasingly necessary f o r successful l i v i n g i n a new  and  66 extremely complex s o c i a l order".  Music, a r t and p h y s i c a l education  were also singled out f o r commendation by a number of superintendents  and  116  i n these areas despite economic stringency Vancouver added new to the s t a f f .  teachers  6 7  Physical education became increasingly important i n the school curriculum a t t h i s time and was l a t e r to be the core of a province-wide 68 programme f o r unemployed youth sponsored by the Department of Education. An a r t i c l e i n the B.C. Teacher by a teacher i n a Vancouver high school i n February, 1934 seems to sum up the thinking o f educators on the importance of t h i s subject. on the  C i v i l i z a t i o n , i n the view of the writer, was  threshbld of a new epoch which would bring, along with many other  changes, a shorter working day.  This great increase i n l e i s u r e could  be e i t h e r a b l e s s i n g or a curse, " f o r i t i s not hard to imagine the outcome 69 i f we do not educate our students f o r l e i s u r e as w e l l as f o r vocation." Physical education, then assumed a r o l e of great importance which because of i t s many branches "becomes a subject which develops mental attutides, acceptable s o c i a l t r a i t s , s k i l l s f o r l e i s u r e time, mental e f f i c i e n c y and education of the emotions.  In short a subject which makes a d e f i n i t e 70  contribution to the whole of l i f e . " Fear o f the consequences to society of youth untrained to occupy non-^working time i n s o c i a l l y acceptable ways ran l i k e a thread through many a r t i c l e s and speeches o f the time.  The previous month's issue of  the B.C. Teacher published another a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "Youth and the Depression" by D.R. o f B r i t i s h Columbia.  Buchanan, professor of education at the University Pointing to a twelve-year study o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p  between unemployment and delinquency i n Massachussets, which showed that  117  adult crimes were highest when unemployment was highest, but that the same trend was not observable with juveniles, Buchanan concluded that 71 one important f a c t o r was the " s t a b i l i z i n g influence of the schools". Let t h i s be removed, he wrote, "and the r e s u l t would be a tendency towards 72 delinquency—without a doubt".  One o f the answers to the question of  what t o do about unemployed youth was t o make available courses that would "combine the c u l t u r a l and the p r a c t i c a l and lure the unemployed 73 . . . youths back i n t o the schools".  An e d i t o r i a l i n the V i c t o r i a Daily  Times that same winter gave voice t o the same concern with delinquency. Taking i t s cue from a speech by a v i s i t i n g B r i t i s h advocate o f governmental economy, on the high cost of education, the e d i t o r i a l accused a l l those who advocated the r e s t r i c t i o n o f education o f having t h e i r heads i n the sand.  "Keeping the young i n school" the e d i t o r i a l contended,  v i t a l requirement i n these times.  "was a  They would cost Canada much more than  $178,000,000 a year i f they were turned on t o the streets.  We can think 74  of no f i n e r agency than t h i s f o r the spread o f an aggressive communism." I f government spending were to be reduced i t should be done i n areas which d i d not "involve the d i r e c t and intimate well-being o f the people. Moreover i t should not involve any increase i n the unemployment problem of the country, since that i s l e s s a f i n a n c i a l than a s o c i a l l i a b i l i t y 75 charged with dynamite." The p u b l i c also showed i n t e r e s t i n the promotion o f a kind o f education related to the p r a c t i c a l problems o f l i v i n g .  A t a p u b l i c meeting  held i n V i c t o r i a , a resolution was passed "favouring the establishment of classes and other t r a i n i n g f a c i l i t i e s f o r the unemployed".  The type  118  of education desired was  along two l i n e s ; f i r s t the p r a c t i c a l or vocational,  and secondly the g e n e r a l — a r t , music and l i t e r a t u r e — or education  for  76 leisure.  I t was  also probable that a sizeable number of the students  themselves wished to have t h i s kind of education.  In the words of one  teacher " p r a c t i c a l and d i r e c t l y b e n e f i c i a l " subjects were what the majority o f boys and g i r l s wanted to study.  Boys knew that they "were  not h i r e d because of t h e i r knowledge of t r a d i t i o n a l subjects", but rather because they knew more about the job they were a f t e r than d i d other 77 applicants. As the apprenticeship system was no longer operative, students must receive the many d i f f e r e n t types of t r a i n i n g required by 78 machine age i n the schools. I t was  the  not without reason that the trend toward p r a c t i c a l i t y i n  education with i t s emphasis on vocational guidance and subjects geared to leisure-time a c t i v i t i e s should be accelerated at t h i s time. winter of 1934  B r i t i s h Columbia had a t o t a l o f 100,000 unemployed, and i n  the spring the violence, always feared, had b r i e f l y broken out. Vancouver was  By toe  invaded by 1,700  s t r i k e f o r "work and wages".  men  from the r e l i e f camps who  In April.,  had gone on  A f t e r several days, becoming r e s t l e s s , they  had organized a march which f i n a l l y erupted i n t o violence at the Hudson's Bay Company i n downtown Vancouver. read there was  Even a f t e r the r i o t act had been  "sporadic f i g h t i n g i n the streets between the p o l i c e and 79  the sympathizers of the s t r i k e r s " . "convinced that Vancouver was  The mayor, Gerry McGeer, was  'being v i c t i m i z e d by an organized attempt to  c a p i t a l i z e , f o r revolutionary purposes, the conditions of depression which • 80 now e x i s t .  119  As the depression dragged on from year t o year with few signs o f hoped-for upswing i n the economy, more and more schoolmen came t o see the school as a saviour o f a society gone awry.  I t became the conviction  of many that the education o f the young was a c r u c i a l f a c t o r i n the reshaping o f society.  Educators o f every p h i l o s o p h i c a l and p o l i t i c a l  hue were p r e s c r i b i n g how the schools might best a i d i n bringing about a better world.  Canadian journals dealing with educational matters were  p r i n t i n g a r t i c l e s by such eminent American educators as John Dewey and William H. K i l p a t r i c k , as w e l l as prominent Canadians, Peter Sandiford, Hubert C. Newland and C C . Goldring, t o name but a few, i n addition t o those by many p r i n c i p a l s and teachers across the country.  One notable  trend evident i n B r i t i s h Columbia and across Canada was t o see i n the subject o f s o c i a l studies an instrument f o r the creation o f a v i a b l e democratic  society.  An a r t i c l e appearing i n the B.C. Teacher i n June, 1934 touched on the major themes discussed i n most w r i t i n g on: the s o c i a l studies; t h e i r place i n the school curriculum, t h e i r importance as an a i d i n forming a b e t t e r understanding o f mankind, t h e i r r o l e i n a s s i s t i n g i n the formation of values, and t h e i r guidance i n forming a b e t t e r society.  The c e n t r a l i t y  of the s o c i a l studies t o the school curriculum as expressed by the author Hugh Morrison, l a t e r to become a member o f the senior high school c u r r i culum r e v i s i o n committee, stated what many educators thought a t the time.  "The teaching o f the s o c i a l studies should constitute the core o f our future secondary school education. The other subjects should  120  be wrapped around them. With such a system more depth and s i g n i f i c a n c e would be imparted to our education, and a s o l i d foundation would be l a i d , upon which to b u i l d our vocational studies." 81 To a large extent s o c i a l studies had replaced the separate subjects, h i s t o r y , geography and c i v i c s i n the elementary schools of B r i t i s h Columbia as i t had i n some other provinces o f Canada.  In some  schools i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s , sociology and economics were included at the senior secondary l e v e l , although economics was sometimes considered too controversial to be allowed on the curriculum.  I t was the expressed  objective of most writers on the s o c i a l studies that t h i s fusion o f subjects would f a c i l i t a t e a more comprehensive programme o f studies on the many a c t i v i t i e s of mankind and through t h i s to a much deeper and more i n t e l l i g e n t understanding on the p a r t of both teacher and p u p i l .  Mthough  not ignoring the past the focus of study was to be the present, so that the student might learn o f the world around him i n which he must some day f i n d h i s place.  In t h i s process i t was confidently expected that the student would achieve a sense o f values.  In the view o f some, values were t o be  developed as p a r t of the l i f e s i t u a t i o n s which would be encountered i n the course of study; i n the opinion of others were t o be i n s t i l l e d i n the p u p i l s by the teacher.  Regardless of the route, however, there was  doubt, a t l e a s t i n Canada, as to the core values.  I n d i v i d u a l i s t i c values  were dead and had been supplanted by, or were i n the process o f being supplanted by, an e t h i c of co-operation.  no  Not only was such a change  121  imperative  to ensure society's s u r v i v a l , but i n the opinion o f many a l l  s o c i a l progress i n the past was the r e s u l t o f co-operative  effort.  "Mankind i s discovering, a f t e r many hard and p a i n f u l lessons, that C O OT  operation i s not merely desirable but absolutely imperative."  At  the feet o f 'rugged individualism' was l a i d a l l the g u i l t f o r the then sorry state o f c i v i l i z a t i o n .  Individual, corporate and national greed  had brought the world to depression  and near-disaster and only by i t s  suppression could s a l v a t i o n be achieved.  An a r t i c l e by Duncan McArthur,  Deputy Minister of Education i n Ontario, printed i n The School i n December, 1934,  and reprinted i n The Canadian School Journal the following year,  probably s e t out better than any other appearing i n Canada a t that time the thinking o f educators on that point.  McArthur took as h i s cue a  speech made by Woodrow Wilson shortly a f t e r the end o f the war,  i n which  he urged teachers to "increase materially the time and attention devoted to i n s t r u c t i o n bearing d i r e c t l y on the problems o f (community and national 83 life"  and t o re-emphasize and r e a f f i r m the i d e a l s o f democracy.  McArthur continued. "More f o r c i b l y even than the destruction effected by the war has the d i s t r e s s and misery wrought by the economic maladjustment revealed during the post-war period emphasized the insistence o f the p l e a issued by Woodrow Wilson. The o l d wine of unrestrained individualism, o f l a i s s e z f a i r e , the "God's i n His Heaven, a l l ' s w e l l with the world" complacency o f the V i c t o r i a n s w i l l not be contained within the new b o t t l e s o f respect f o r human r i g h t s , o f a planned economy, and o f subordination o f i n d i v i d u a l freedom t o the well-being o f the community." 84  122  The o l d e t h i c having been t r i e d and found wanting, i t now became the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f the school t o o r i e n t c h i l d r e n toward a society based on a new e t h i c . " I f the school o f to-day i s t o discharge adequately i t s r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i t must recognize that the o l d order has changed and prepare the new generation t o adjust i t s e l f harmoniously i n an independent and integrated s o c i e t y . . . I t i s necessary, therefore, a t the outset, that i n a l l the a c t i v i t i e s o f the school, emphasis should be placed on the development o f the A creative and s o c i a l rather than upon the ' a c q u i s i t i v e impulses." 85 The importance o f the community and cxarmunity l i v i n g must be learned within the school i n order that good c i t i z e n s h i p might follow i n adulthood. "The good c i t i z e n recognizes the binding force o f o b l i g a t i o n t o the ccmtianity and r e a l i z e s that h i s own well-being cannot be separated from that o f the commonweal. The foundations on which alone the structure o f good c i t i z e n s h i p may be erected must be l a i d i n the schools. The s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s formed within the coiimunity o f the c l a s s room o r the school w i l l influence the a t t i t u d e o f the young man o r woman t o the larger community of the state i n l a t e r years". 86  F i n a l l y McArthur places on the schools the onus o f i n t e r p r e t i n g to students the society i n which they l i v e , i n such a way that good c i t i z e n s h i p w i l l be assured. " S t i l l further, i t i s during these years  123  of i n s t r u c t i o n i n the school that the thought of the boy or g i r l i s f i r s t d i r e c t e d consciously towards the l a r g e r community and the s t a t e . The conception of the nature of the s o c i a l structure formed during the school period, i n large measure,' determines the character o f the c i t i z e n s h i p of l a t e r years." 87 The a r t i c l e then went on to discuss how the d i f f e r e n t subjects included under the heading of s o c i a l studies might be used by the school 88 to  "create and promote r i g h t s o c i a l attitudes".  Dealing with h i s t o r y  i t commended the recent trend away from m i l i t a r y and c o n s t i t u t i o n a l h i s t o r y to s o c i a l and economic h i s t o r y .  "History" i t concluded,  " i s essentially  a record of c i t i z e n s h i p , of the behavior of i n d i v i d u a l s as members o f s o c i a l groups".  While i t was admitted that to employ h i s t o r y to propa-  gate "certain theories" was a " v i o l a t i o n of a sacred t r u s t " , i t declared that i t was  "essential that i t should demonstrate the fundamental nature  of man  as a s o c i a l being and the interdependence 89 i n d i v i d u a l and the well-being of the group".  o f the welfare of the  The above could have been adopted as a manifesto regarding the place and function of s o c i a l studies i n the curriculum  by any Department  of Education i n any province i n Canada during the mid-depression  years.  Differences occurred over the a p p l i c a t i o n o f general p r i n c i p l e s to p r a c t i c e , and these in.turn were p a r t i a l l y at l e a s t related to the p o l i t i c a l concepts held by e i t h e r p r o v i n c i a l governments o r those most i n f l u e n t i a l i n the educational bureaucracy of the province. 91 p r i s e encouraged group work  90 In Alberta, the enter-  from the choice of a p r o j e c t through to i t s  conclusion, with each c h i l d contributing to the best o f h i s a b i l i t y to the  124  group, f o r the i n d i v i d u a l ' s happiness was seen t o be dependent upon s a t i s f a c t o r y group membership.  R e f l e c t i n g the s o c i a l democratic convictions  of those most i n f l u e n t i a l i n bringing about educational change i n that province, . i t was believed e s s e n t i a l that "those who d i r e c t education f o r s o c i a l behavior, before c o l l e c t i n g material and developing a technique should decide i n what kind o f a society the p u p i l should be taught to 92 live".  In t h i s case one administered by the contributing members, i n  which the i n d i v i d u a l could not take out more than he or she contributed, and otherwise could do as he pleased as long as he d i d not i n t e r f e r e with 93 the r i g h t s o f others, "the state was made f o r man not man f o r the state." In B r i t i s h Columbia, a d i f f e r e n t economy and p o l i t i c a l philosophy resulted i n d i f f e r e n t emphases throughout the educational system.  The  r e l a t i o n s h i p between the i n d i v i d u a l and the group and the c i t i z e n and the state, viewed d i f f e r e n t l y , c a l l e d forth, a t l e a s t on the t h e o r e t i c a l and b l u e p r i n t l e v e l , contrasts i n administration and curriculum.  125  Notes  Chapter IV  1  Margaret A. Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: MacMillan, rev. ed. 1971), p. 441.  a History (Vancouver:  2  Canadian Liberalism was slow to adopt the p o l i c y o f ^decisive state interference i n economic a f f a i r s . The L i b e r a l summer conference a t Port Hope i n 1933 explored the r e l a t i o n s h i p of p o l i t i c s and economics and came to the conclusion that a "new form o f a l l i a n c e between these two i s possible". Introduction The L i b e r a l Way, A Record o f Opinion on Canadian Problems as Expressed and Discussed a t the F i r s t L i b e r a l Summer Conference Port Hope, September,'1933. J.M. Dent and Sons Ltd., Vancouver, 1933. However even a f t e r the e l e c t i o n o f the L i b e r a l s i n 1935 the government was slow to implement any new p o l i c i e s .  3  Martin Robin, The Company Province, 1934-1972 (Toronto, 1973) p. 11. Quotations from P a t t u l l o Papers, P r o v i n c i a l Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia, T.D. P a t t u l l o to R.J. Cromie, June 10, 1932, and V i c t o r i a Colonist, September 1, 1935.  4  Robert A. Groves, "Business Government, Party P o l i t i c s and the B.C. Business Community, 1928-1933. Unpublished M.A. Thesis University o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1976. Quoted p. 77.  5  Ormsby, Op. C i t . , p. 456.  6  Robin, Op. C i t . , p. 10.  7  Ibid.  8  Ibid.  9  The School, November, 1933, p. 266.  10  B.C. Teacher, May, 1935, p. 8.  126  I b i d . , p . 9. In Canada p o l i t i c a l leaders covering the spectrum from R.B. Bennett to J . S . Wcodsworth were c a l l i n g on schools to a s s i s t i n b u i l d i n g a better world. Not only Weir but h i s colleagues at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Professors H . F . Angus, G . F . Drummond and W.A. Carrothers (later to become chairman of the economic council set up by Pattullo) attacked the report. G.M. Weir, Survey of Nursing Education i n Canada (Toronto, p. 210. Ibid., p.  1932)  198.  Ibid. Edward L . Thorndike was a major pioneer i n the development -of mental t e s t i n g and measurement, and also one of the leaders of the eugenics movement i n the United States. Throughout h i s career he maintained that there was a d e f i n i t e c o r r e l a t i o n between i n t e l l i g e n c e and moral v i r t u e . Weir Op. C i t . , p . I b i d . , p.  216.  I b i d . , p.  211.  I b i d . , p.  317.  I b i d . , p.  380.  I b i d . , p.  385.  I b i d . , p.  415.  200.  127  Ibid., p. 416. Ibid., p. 474. Ibid., p. 474.  Ibid., p. 475. Ibid., p. 478. Ibid. Ibid. See C.J. Karier, The Roots o f C r i s i s : American Education i n the Twentieth Century. Chapter V, " L i b e r a l Ideology and the Quest f o r Orderly Change". Weir, Op. C i t . , p. 478. Ibid., p. 479. When Weir moved second reading o f the Health Insurance B i l l i n March 1936 he again emphasized t h i s point. We are living,' he stated, i n an e r a of great s o c i a l and economic change when i t had become a v i t a l necessity to care f o r the masses and "although i t might be possible t o retard t h i s movement...it was -impossible t o thwart i t " . Three other points appear t o have been emphasized i n the speech. F i r s t that insuring against i l l n e s s was a businesslike way o f paying the b i l l s : second that people o f average means could be bankrupted f o r from 2 t o 5 years by a serious i l l n e s s : l a s t l y that the federal government had no r i g h t i n the f i e l d o f health insurance. He elaborated the l a s t point by saying that sex education, b i r t h control and the s t e r i l i z a t i o n o f the mentally u n f i t might be possible under the j u r i s d i c t i o n o f the province o f B r i t i s h Columbia, but i t would almost c e r t a i n l y be blocked f e d e r a l l y by Quebec, New Brunswick and "certain organizations ,in Ontario". V i c t o r i a Times March 24, 1936.  128  36  B.C. Teacher, November, 1933, p. 3.  37  Ibid.  38  Ibid., p. 1.  39  Ibid.  40  V i c t o r i a Colonist, March 6,  41  Ibid.  42  Ibid.  43  B.C. Teacher, October,  44  Ormsby, Op..; C i t . ,  45  H.N. MacCorkindale was appointed Superintendent of Schools f o r Vancouver i n September, 1933, a p o s i t i o n which he held f o r 21 years. At the time o f h i s appointment the B.C. Teacher welcomed the choice of the Board o f Trustees, saying that McCorkindale was a progressive educator, "keenly a l i v e to the modern trends o f educational p r a c t i c e " . He was also praised f o r h i s a b i l i t y to communicate t o the p u b l i c the new aims and p o l i c i e s of education. McCorkindale had been born and raised i n Ontario, graduated from the University o f Toronto i n Mathematics and Physics, and then moved to the west f i r s t to Calgary and then to Vancouver where he became p r i n c i p a l o f Prince o f Wales High School. During the years before h i s appointment as superintendent, he attended summer session courses a t the University o f C a l i f o r n i a , Berkley, and Stanford University. While superintendent he was also a member of the Senate of the University o f B r i t i s h Columbia, the Association df School Administrators o f the United States, the Vancouver C i t y Kiwanis Club and the Vancouver Board of Trade.  46  63rd Annual Report of the Public Schools o f B r i t i s h Cblumbia,  (  1933-34, N46.  1934.  1933.  459.  129  47  63rd Annual Report o f the Public Schools of B r i t i s h Columbia, 34, N49.  1933-  48  A number o f reasons were usually c i t e d f o r dispensing with examinations, the most common being that i t encouraged f a c t oriented teaching geared t o passing children i n examinations.  49  B.C. Teacher,,January 1934, p. 9.  50  I t was proposed that the tests would be written by every grade i n June, and the marks sent i n t o a c e n t r a l ccmmittee t o determine the l e t t e r grades. These would then be sent to each school to apply to i t s set o f marks.  51  B.C. Teacher, January, 1934, p. 19.  52  Ibid.  53  Ibid.  54  Ibid. The Department o f Education was a prime mover i n the movement towards the establishment o f accredited high schools. In a paper prepared f o r the sixteenth National Conference of Canadian U n i v e r s i t i e s , S.J. W i l l i s , Superintendent of Education f o r B r i t i s h Columbia, stated that the gradual elimination o f examinations throughout the school system i n the province had not resulted i n the lowering o f standards. Such being the case, he argued, the granting o f matriculation standing to students by those high schools accredited to do so by the Department of Education, should not r e s u l t i n reduced standards f o r u n i v e r s i t y entrance. B.C. Teacher, October, 1934, pp. 7-11.  55  Ibid., p. 20.  56  Ibid.  57  B.C. Teacher, A p r i l , 1934. p. 12.  130  58  Ibid.  59  Ibid.  60  This was believed necessary to ensure the socialization of students. See E.A. Krug, The ^Shaping of the American High School.  61  The School, December, 1934, p. 294.  62  Ibid., May, 1934, p. 824.  63  Vancouver Sun, September 14, 1934.  64  Ibid.  65  64th Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia.  1934-35. ~5W.  66  Ibid.  67  Ibid., S52, S53.  68  The Provincial Recreation Programme, sponsored by the Department of Education which became very popular during the second half of the decade was b u i l t almost entirely around gymnastics and sports.  69  B.C. Teacher, February, 1934, p. 24.  70  Ibid., p. 25.  71 72  Ibid., January, 1934, p. 7. Ibid.  131  73  Ibid., p. 10.  74  B.C. Teacher, March, 1934.  Quoted from, e d i t o r i a l reprinted from  V i c t o r i a Daily Times, February 27, 1934. 75  Ibid.  76  V i c t o r i a Colonist, January 16, 1934.  77  B.C. Teacher, A p r i l , 1934, p. 17.  78  Ibid., p. 18.  79  Ormsby, Op. C i t . , p. 463.  80  Ibid.  81  B.C. Teacher, June, 1934, p. 32.  82  The School, November, 1934, p. 185.  83  Ibid., December, 1934, p. 283.  84  Ibid., p. 284.  85  Ibid.  86  Ibid., p. 285.  87  Ibid.  88  Ibid.  89  Ibid., p. 286.  132  90  The enterprise approach was most widely adopted a t the elementary l e v e l although i t was applicable t o a l l l e v e l s o f schooling. See R.S. Patterson, "The Establishment o f Progressive Education i n Alberta". Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Michigan State University 1968. pp. 136-146.  91  In Manitoba the " a c t i v i t y method" became p a r t o f the curriculum of the upper grades i n the elementary schools. This method centred around group projects which, i n the s o c i a l studies, f o r example, would involve students i n the making of a r t i f a c t s , charts and maps. D.A. Lawr and R.D. Gidney, Educating Canadians, pp. 216-217.  (Toronto, 1973)  92  Donalda Dickie.The Enterprise i n Theory and Practice (Toronto, 1941) p. 51.  93  Ibid., p. 52.  CHAPTER V  PROBLEMS OF EDUCATIONAL FINANCE AND THE KING REPORT While the s u r v i v a l o f democracy and the kind o f curriculum best suited t o the school population i n a world o f economic depression and, as many were convinced, o f profound s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l change, were questions o f long-range s i g n i f i c a n c e , the immediate and pressing question was how t o finance education i n a time of shrinking p r o v i n c i a l and l o c a l revenues.  The problem o f school financing had been a recurring and  constant one i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  The province had never, despite  surveys, submissions, and suggestions from.groups concerned with education, been able to come up with formulas f o r the financing of schools which would please urban and r u r a l d i s t r i c t s , r i c h and poor areas, municipal councils and school boards o r p o l i t i c i a n s and t h e i r constituents. Adjustments and readjustments never seemed t o s a t i s f y f o r more than a short period o f time.  The d i f f i c u l t y o f finding a s a t i s f a c t o r y solution  to the problem o f educational financing i n a growing province with f l u c t u a t i n g population d e n s i t i e s , a wide divergence o f economic l e v e l s , and an economy very susceptible t o booms and slumps was not an easy one. The depression had exacerbated the d i f f i c u l t i e s o f the s i t u a t i o n and, as the government w e l l knew, a long-term solution would have t o be found. This appeared as a pressing necessity to those who saw u n i v e r s a l schooling as fundamental t o the s u r v i v a l and ultimate adjustment o f society t o a changed world.  During the e l e c t i o n campaign i n 1933, Weir had frequently r e i t e r a t e d  134  the promise that a Liberal government would find answers to the problems which plagued education.  Further he had given strong indications  of the kind of solutions which he hoped would ultimately be adopted. At an all-party election rally i n October, 1933, he had advocated "a centralized, efficient, educational system, giving equal opportunities for a l l , and raising the standards of the teacher".''"  Two months later  he was reported to have emphasized again the importance of centralization i n his plans for education i n the future.  "While there i s no immediate  possibility of the province assuming the entire cost and control of education, the door w i l l be l e f t open for future examination of state 2  education by practical methods" he said.  Centralized control of education  was not a new idea; many European countries had been following this plan 3 of organization for decades.  However i n North America, with i t s long  tradition of local control of education i t had always proved unpopular. Any suggestion to diminish the power of or abolish local school boards had always been met by strong resistance from the boards themselves backed 4 by considerable support from public opinion.  I t was argued that the  school board allowed parents more direct control over the education of their children, that i t was more responsive to the needs of i t s own community than a centralized administration could ever be, and that i t was an essential institution i n a democratic society. Oh the other hand there were a number of reasons advanced against school boards which tended to become increasingly convincing as economic conditions worsened.  The Royal Corrmission on Municipal Taxation appointed  by the Tolmie government i n 1933 gave ample evidence of this.  Generally  135  speaking i t was contended that education costs, which accounted f o r a large part o f l o c a l revenues, were too high, as the r e s u l t o f i n e f f i c i e n t administration, the i n c l u s i o n o f too many "fads and f r i l l s " i n the< c u r r i culum, and too high a l e v e l o f teachers' s a l a r i e s .  The Vancouver Real Estate Exchange summed up the thinking o f many people when i t stated that (i) The c i t y council should have the power to control e f f e c t i v e l y any and a l l expenditures proposed by School Boards: (2) The whole system o f education needs a r a d i c a l over-hauling: (3) The time has now come when education should be c o n t r o l l e d throughout the whole province by the P r o v i n c i a l Department o f Education, assisted by 5 small advisory unpaid committees nominated by the councils.  The school  trustees themselves were i n favour o f the province covering the "ordinary costs o f education" with the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s "providing sums f o r school buildings and other such extraordinary expenditures".  Such a system  they conculded, would ensure the adoption o f a "real p r o v i n c i a l salary schedule".^  Superintendents had frequently complained not only o f low  teachers' s a l a r i e s , but also o f the poor l i v i n g and working conditions 7  provided by some school boards. C l e a r l y the times were auspicious f o r the adoption o f a much more c e n t r a l i z e d system.  Early i n 1934 Weir had asked teachers t o co-  operate with him by s e t t i n g up committees t o study and report upon the financing o f education i n the province and the administration o f education for leisure.  No record o f these conrnittees are available but i n A p r i l  i t was reported that many preliminary discussions and conferences had been g  held with the M i n i s t e r o f Education.  Whatever proposals were made by  136  teachers, they could not have f a i l e d to.emphasize the urgency o f the f i n a n c i a l problem.  Meanwhile an increasing number o f school d i s t r i c t s ,  unable to r a i s e s u f f i c i e n t revenues from land taxes to cover t h e i r proportion o f school costs were requesting that the government furnish the a d d i t i o n a l funds required.  I t was also apparent a f t e r the r e f u s a l  of Prime Minister Bennett to meet P a t t u l l o ' s request f o r $8,000,000. that the p o l i c y o f robbing Peter to pay Paul and then having the federal 9 government make up the difference could not be pursued further.  To  have passed l e g i s l a t i o n making r a d i c a l alterations t o the administrative system o f the p u b l i c schools, l e g i s l a t i o n which would have necessitated r e v i s i o n of taxation, could have been a dangerous move.  The government  therefore adopted the usual expedient o f appointing a commission. In June 1934, the Minister of Education announced the s e t t i n g up of the Commission on School Finance.  Weir had cast a wide net and the  general committee contained some twenty members,, drawn from business organi z a t i o n s , the B.C.T.F. and the Trades and Labour Councils o f Vancouver and V i c t o r i a , presided over by Harry Charlesworth o f the B.C.T.F."^ Weir also appointed a r e v i s i o n corrmittee o f s i x whose task i t was t o review a l l the submissions made to the larger committee and a l l the reoammendaticns made by t h a t committee and prepare a preliitanary report. The r e v i s i o n committee consisted o f three members o f the l e g i s l a t u r e drawn from each o f the three p a r t i e s , Mrs. Paul Smith, L i b e r a l , and former chairman o f the Vancouver School Board,. Herbert Ansoombe, Gonservantive and the Reverend Robert Connell, C.C.F.; two University o f B r i t i s h Columbia professors, H.F. Angus and G.F. Drummond;. and a Vancouver educationist Dr. W.D.  Knott.  In addition H.B. King, Weir's o l d f r i e n d  137  and colleague, was appointed technical adviser.  Looking over  the composition of the commission one would expect that the f i n a l report would be i n line with the Minister's tliinking.  The completed  work of the committees was to be reviewed by Weir and John Hart, the Minister of Finance, the two commissioners, and they were to present a f i n a l report to the legislature. The announcement of the commission's formation met with a mixed reaction.  The teachers responded enthusiastically; they seemed most  impressed with the size and composition of the general committee, feeling that this would ensure that a l l opinions would be "given due consideration" and would add "greatly to the value of the work and  doubtless give  12 greater confidence to the ultimate findings".  A Conservative newspaper,  on the other hand, saw i t as yet one more enquiry in a long series which achieved l i t t l e i n improving the educational system but added to the  13 burden of the taxpayer.  Municipal heads objected strenuously to the  number of educationists on the committees, a l l of whom would be take the educationists' viewpoint rather than the taxpayers'.  likely to The upshot  of these complaints was that Mayor David Leeming of Victoria, vicepresident of the Union of B.C. Municipalities, was appointed to the revision committee.  Subsequently his place was taken by R.F. Blandy,  Municipal Assessor of Oak Bay, and Professor Drummond was replaced by Gharlesworth. The commission held i t s f i r s t public meeting in'Victoria near the end of June and briefs were requested from a l l interested groups and  138  individuals.  The question being asked of the p u b l i c was how educational  costs should be met.  In the neantime, u h t i l the crarmission had reported,  no further major decisions would be made regarding education.  The  planned curriculum r e v i s i o n would not be c a r r i e d out u n t i l the survey had been completed.  "The f i r s t job" s a i d Weir " i s to f i n d out how much  education the community can pay f o r and then add a curriculum to the 14 f i n a n c i a l capacity".  Later i n the summer i n a radio address  Vancouver, p a r t i c u l a r l y to h i s constituents  to  i n the Point Grey r i d i n g , he  intimated that they would be asked to pay considerably more i n the near future i n t o the p r o v i n c i a l treasury.  The taxation structure of the  province, he t o l d h i s l i s t e n e r s , was undergoing a complete overhaul and the income tax levy would probably be d r a s t i c a l l y changed. he predicted higher taxes on mining.'''  In addition  5  From the end of J u l y through September the Commission held hearings i n Vancouver, V i c t o r i a and centres i n the i n t e r i o r of the province. Several themes emerged i n the submissions made.  In the f i r s t place  v i r t u a l l y a l l were agreed t h a t the province should assume a greater share of the costs o f education.  However there was a wide divergence of opinion  as to the proportion i n r e l a t i o n to l o c a l taxes.  The Vancouver School  Board wanted a grant of at l e a s t ten per cent of the t o t a l cost of the Vancouver school system, while the B . C . T . F . suggested that the province provide a minimum standard of schooling and the l o c a l areas supply the funds f o r f a c i l i t i e s beyond that p o i n t .  Secondly there was general  agreement that land was being required to bear too much of the burden of school c o s t s .  The B . C . Union of M u n i c i p a l i t i e s judged the present  tax  139  confiscatory and urged that other  bases f o r taxation be found, and the  B.C. Parent Teacher Federation requested a more uniform assessment of property.  T h i r d l y , i f i t were conceded that a d d i t i o n a l revenue would  be needed to finance the schools, an increase i n taxes was the most common, s o l u t i o n offered.''"  6  The b r i e f which made the most r a d i c a l suggestions, some o f which were l a t e r incorporated i n the f i n a l King Report, was submitted by the B.C. branch o f the Canadian Manufacturers Association. The province, i t recommended, should take over f u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r providing funds f o r education and school boards as such should be abolished.  At the  same time the administrative control o f education should be c e n t r a l i z e d and although school d i s t r i c t s should continue to e x i s t they should be enlarged to conform to topography and population rather than municipal boundaries.  The d i r e c t i o n of each school d i s t r i c t should be i n the  hands of one o f f i c i a l responsible to the c e n t r a l p r o v i n c i a l authority. On the contentious questions o f how much free education should be provided and how the monies f o r education should be raised, the submission  suggested  that "education be l i m i t e d up to the point o f the p u p i l ' s a b i l i t y to 17 assimilate i t , which would be discovered by elimination of examijiations". and that revenues should be provided by a s p e c i a l school levy i n each municipality. The Vancouver Board of Trade records demonstrate that the Vancouver business community had made l i t t l e change i n i t s thinking since the spring o f 1932.  George Kidd was, the current president and some of the  140  members of the Council had worked on the Kidd Report.  Reporting  to  the Board on the s i t t i n g s of the enquiry which he had attended, a Council member drew attention to the many suggestions which had been made f o r increasing revenue by heavier taxation on higher incomes, those of $5,000. a year or more.  He recommended that i f the Board should decide to submit  a b r i e f that i t concentrate on the necessity of further economies.  He  warned that any further increases i n taxation whether on incomes, corporations, or land would merely serve to discourage c a p i t a l investment and i n d u s t r i a l expansion.  "The time has a r r i v e d " he wrote, "when business  i n t e r e s t s , so v i t a l l y affected, must again make a strong stand against those who  demand increasing p u b l i c services at the expense of business 18  recovery".  The memo also argued f o r c e n t r a l i z e d c o n t r o l and  by the p r o v i n c i a l government.  supervisxon  The w r i t e r concluded by saying that he  thought that i f the Canadian Manufacturers' Association co-operated with the Vancouver Board .of Trade, as he believed they would i n "demanding greater economy i n administration" and no further increases i n taxation, 19 he "had reason to believe that much would be accomplished". I t i s possible to i n f e r from t h i s statement that the business cxrariunity o f the province had received c o n f i d e n t i a l assurances from the L i b e r a l government that i f they presented a s o l i d f r o n t t h e i r recommendations would be the d e c i s i v e ones.  Thus f a r had the L i b e r a l s come from the  work and wages campaign of 1933. t r a d i t i o n a l stand,labour was  While business was  reiterating i t s  requesting that the cost of education  removed from improved property and placed on incomes.  be  Both the V i c t o r i a  and D i s t r i c t Trades and Labour Council and the Vancouver and New  Westminster  141  Trades and Labour Council advocated a graded tax on higher incomes and " s o c i a l equality" i n the educational system.  The V i c t o r i a and  D i s t r i c t council a l s o suggested that cadet t r a i n i n g be eliminated and 20 replaced by a course o f s o c i a l and economic education. Several weeks a f t e r i t s o r i g i n a l discussions regarding educational finance the Vancouver Board of Trade approved a motion to submit a b r i e f along s i m i l a r l i n e s to the Canadian Manufacturers' Association. In t h e i r f i n a l forms the b r i e f s d i f f e r e d i n two respects. Manufacturers''Association  The Canadian  "suggested that consideration be given to  increasing the gross income tax by one per cent as the f a i r e s t method of d i s t r i b u t i n g over the l a r g e s t proportion of the population" the extra admini s t r a t i v e costs which would have to be assumed by the p r o v i n c i a l governon  . .  ment.  The Board of Trade stuck to i t s p o s i t i o n that no a d d i t i o n a l 22  sources of revenue should be sanctioned.  I t a l s o , while deploring the  m u l t i p l i c i t y of school boards i n the province, acknowledged that i f i t were 23 "not found possible t o eliminate School Boards e n t i r e l y "  much l a r g e r  school d i s t r i c t s would be a step towards the goals of economy and  effi-  24 ciency. In the spring of 1935 a f t e r the report of the Revision Committee 25 o f the Commission on School Finance  had been made p u b l i c , education  again became a subject of discussion of the Vancouver Board of Trade.  It  i s s i g n i f i c a n t that i n one p a r t i c u l a r area the education committee of the Board had adopted a new p o l i c y .  Always staunchly opposed to the extension  of free p u b l i c schooling past the age of 15 years, as adding unnecessarily  142  to school costs, the committee following the lead o f the Revision Committee recommended that the government's p o l i c y o f not charging fees f o r students under the age o f 18 years should be continued.  Present conditions o f  unemployment, i t stated, made i t much more p r o f i t a b l e f o r children to 26 continue t h e i r education than to leave school. Such a r a d i c a l departure from the t r a d i t i o n a l a t t i t u d e o f these businessmen p a r t i c u l a r l y a t a time when t o keep youths i n school t o that age could r e s u l t i n demands f o r increased taxation, c a l l s f o r some explanation.  From the summer o f 1934 t o the spring o f 1935 economic conditions  had worsened i n B r i t i s h Columbia and the Vancouver area had borne the brunt o f them.  The promises o f better times held out by the L i b e r a l s i n  the e l e c t i o n campaign o f November, 1933 had f a i l e d to m a t e r i a l i z e .  The  L i b e r a l s had come to r e a l i z e that t h e i r p r o v i n c i a l New Deal was dependent to a considerable extent on an "inter-governmental New Deal, a restructuring 27 of the r e l a t i o n s h i p "  between the f e d e r a l government and the p r o v i n c i a l  28 governments.  Consequently P a t t u l l o and h i s party were expending much  of t h e i r energies on a campaign f o r better terms from Ottawa. even short-term p a l l i a t i v e solutions were ignored.  /As a r e s u l t  The l e g i s l a t i v e session  of 1935 saw few b i l l s o f major importance introduced, and those which were passed were "hardly calculated t o c u r t a i l high employment o r mobilize 29 e f f o r t i n support o f the new c o l l e c t i v i s m " . I t was generally agreed that B r i t i s h Columbia was a t that time the most r a d i c a l province i n Canada. ^ 3  In A p r i l , coincidental with the  Vancouver Board o f Trade's discussions on education, s t r i k e r s from the  143  camps  had invaded the c i t y with disturbing r e s u l t s .  A subsequent  memorandum t o the Council o f the Board f o r c e f u l l y drew attention t o the f a c t that the men were " h e a r t i l y supported by the people of the town" while a t the same time a lecture sympathetic t o Soviet Russia was drawing large audiences.  I t was also pointed out that i n the event of  a concerted movement o f a l l camp inmates upon Vancouver (probably 5,000) there might be violence and bloodshed.  The suggestion was then put  forward that a ccmmittee be formed of representatives of the larger industries of the c i t y to .try to f i n d out the "true s i t u a t i o n " i n the camps 32 and what the "authorities are a c t u a l l y doing i n the matter".  The  businessmen of Vancouver were obviously distressed and frightened by the mood o f the c i t y and interested i n new ways of coping with the unemployment problem.  Extending the age of f r e e education to 18 years and  thereby keeping young men o f f the s t r e e t s , out of the work camps and, i f possible, away from pernicious influences must have had considerable appeal. But t h i s was not the only measure which the Department o f Education inaugurated to meet the problem o f youth unemployment which was enthusia s t i c a l l y backed by coimtunity leaders and the c i t i z e n s of Vancouver i n general.  In November, 1934 Weir announced the opening during the coring  winter of 9 or 10 centres i n Vancouver f o r sports and r e c r e a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s for unemployed youths.  Both the Vancouver School Board and the Vancouver  Park Board had pledged t h e i r complete co-operation and f a c i l i t i e s . ; . s i m i l a r plan had been i n s t i t u t e d i n 1930 by the Park Board, operated  A  144  successfully f o r two winters and then dropped f o r lack o f funds. was  It  f e l t that with the Department o f Education assuming the cost i t could  not f a i l .  Writing t o the Park Board Chairman, Weir r e i t e r a t e d h i s view  o f the importance o f h e a l t h f u l exercise as a preventative f o r the p h y s i c a l and moral degeneration of unemployed youth.  I t was absolutely necessary  to them t o have r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s . a v a i l a b l e to them i n order that 33 they might "improve t h e i r physique and keep t h e i r minds clean". The Revision Committee's Report was made p u b l i c shortly a f t e r the M i n i s t e r o f Finance had brought down the budget i n which i t was declared that no increase i n taxes could be attempted that year"nor could increased 34 a i d t o m u n i c i p a l i t i e s be forthcoming immediately.  Under these  circumstances the recommendations o f the report t o increase grants to school d i s t r i c t s and t o impose a 1-2% tax on incomes i n excess o f $50.00'. per month could not be implemented r i g h t away although they were completely i n l i n e with the M i n i s t e r o f Education's s t a t e d - p o l i c i e s that the government should gradually assume a l l educational costs, and that the m u l t i p l i c i t y o f school d i s t r i c t s be replaced by large educational u n i t s .  I t had become apparent  that the complete overhaul of the p r o v i n c i a l taxation system referred t o e a r l i e r by Weir was e i t h e r not y e t ready f o r unveiling o r had been dropped. As l a t e r events were t o i n d i c a t e the l a t t e r was the case.  In addition  King's Report which was submitted t o the government l a t e r i n March was not made p u b l i c u n t i l August and the f i n a l report expected from Hart and Weir never materialized.  As Dorothy Steeves, M.L.A. o f the C.C.F. c o r r e c t l y  predicted, neither the recommendations contained i n the Revision Committee's  145  Report nor the health insurance b i l l which Weir was a t that time p i l o t i n g 35 through the house would become a r e a l i t y . A number of factors were operating a t the time which could have produced the decision not to proceed with r a d i c a l school reform.  It is  possible, as Mrs. Steeves suggested, that Weir was no longer able to 36 obtain h i s party's support f o r proposed s o c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n .  By the  spring o f 1935 the reforming ardour of the L i b e r a l party had begun to cool.  Weir's health insurance l e g i s l a t i o n had been met with the determined  opposition o f employers- (who objected to the compulsory contribution o f (  1% on ..the wage b i l l ) Boards o f Trade, Chambers of Commerce and trade associations, a l l o f wham condemned i t as a "dangerous s o c i a l i s t experi37 . • ment". Most adamant o f a l l was the Canadian Medical Association which was reported to have s e t up a p o l i t i c a l fund o f $10,000. and joined with 38 delegations o f businessmen and farmers i n lobbying the L i b e r a l causes. At the same time the government was faced with a d i f f i c u l t problem i n corimunication.  Although p r o v i n c i a l grants to hospitals might be reduced  i n the long run by health insurance, the immediate problem was to convince people i n depressed times to submit to what was seen as a form o f increased taxation. school.  The same s i t u a t i o n existed with regard to changes i n the Despite assurances that the net cost o f education would not be  increased under a c e n t r a l i z e d system, p a r t l y because such a system would make possible new economies, the most obvious f a c t was that an increase i n income taxes would be forthcoming.  immediate  L a s t l y , i f Weir had had  to make a conscious choice as t o which would receive p r i o r i t y / school o r health l e g i s l a t i o n he would i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y have chosen the health  146  insurance act.  He had made i t p l a i n on a number o f occasions as w e l l as  i n h i s report on nursing education that i n h i s opinion the state's consideration should be the good health o f i t s c i t i z e n s .  first  To educate  those i n poor health was simply a waste o f time and money. I t i s understandable that King's Report, with i t s controversial proposals regarding school boards guaranteed to alienate y e t another segment of  the population, was not immediately released a f t e r being presented to  the government.  When i t was f i n a l l y made p u b l i c economic conditions i n  the province were most d i s t r e s s i n g and the L i b e r a l party's fortunes were at a low ebb.  By that time neither Hart nor Weir, even had they been  able t o agree on a report,seemed w i l l i n g to r i s k further a l i e n a t i n g members of  the business and professional middle c l a s s .  Conversely they ran the  r i s k o f loss o f support of those voters who had seen the L i b e r a l party as the authors of a more j u s t and progressive society.  I t would appear that  the support o f the former weighed much more heavily than the support o f the l a t t e r .  In the ensuing weeks King was allowed t o assume f u l l  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r h i s report, while Weir t r i e d to a l l a y the fears o f those who would be most seriously affected i f the report were to become o f f i c i a l government p o l i c y .  In h i s l e t t e r to Weir and Hart on the submission of h i s report King l i s t e d the 13 recommendations which he considered the most important. In summary they advised that the p r o v i n c i a l government take over the complete f i n a n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r education, l i s t e d various sources of revenue, and advocated the ultimate a b o l i t i o n o f school boards and  147  the creation o f large educational areas, each to be administered Director of Education under the Superintendent o f Education.  by a  King d i s -  agreed with the Revision Committee that a l l incomes over $50. per month  39 be taxed 2% as t h i s "would be oppressive on people of low and recommended the continuance of e x i s t i n g exemptions.  earnings" When asked  which of the reconimendations might be implemented, Weir r e p l i e d that " r e s u l t i n g action would be a matter of p o l i c y much o f which must wait u n t i l 40 the next s i t t i n g o f the l e g i s l a t u r e " . The report engendered much comment and discussion i n the weeks that followed i t s p u b l i c a t i o n , not only i n B r i t i s h Columbia but i n educat i o n a l c i r c l e s across the country.  Reactions were mixed, most accepting  some recxDimmendations while condemning others.  In general the proposed  reduction of taxes on land f o r school purposes was welcomed ,as was replacement o f a large number o f small administrative units with a larger ones.  At the annual meeting of the B.C.  Centralized  feared might r e s u l t i n p o l i t i c a l interference and  extravagance once l o c a l control was  removed.  The sales tax which King  had suggested as possible a l t e r n a t i v e to the income tax was  thought by 41  many of the trustees to impose too heavy a burden on industry. was  few  School Trustees Association  some of the main points of c r i t i c i s m were highlighted. administration i t was  the  But i t  the a b o l i t i o n of school boards and the consequences of t h i s which  occasioned  the greatest debate.  The Chairman of the Vancouver school  board, speaking on the King Report j u s t two days a f t e r i t s p u b l i c a t i o n , probably expressed the consensus of opinion favourable to the retention of  148  school boards when he said that although there were some areas i n which a consolidation o f school boards should take place, school boards as such should be retained "as a means whereby the parents can keep i n contact with school management and the management know sometiiing o f the parents' wishes".  I t was also h i s opinion that the eliirdnation o f a l l 42  school boards would not " e f f e c t any great economy". The Daily Province i n a lengthy c r i t i q u e rebuked Hart and Weir f o r having passed on t h e i r duties t o King, rejected the proposal f o r c e n t r a l i z e d control and the a b o l i t i o n o f school boards and reminded the p u b l i c o f the Minister o f Education's stand on the same matter taken ten years e a r l i e r by quoting from the Putman-Weir Report the following passage "In the opinion o f the surveyors such a system of c e n t r a l i z e d control and administration f o r administration and control cannot be separated—would be more Prussian than B r i t i s h i n i t s essential characteristics. The enervating e f f e c t on our future democracy/ through the weakening o f i t s powers o f l o c a l self-government i n school matters, would more than counterbalance any r e a l o r imaginary gains from such a dangerous experiment. Nor would such a system o f c e n t r a l i z e d control lead t o increased e f f i c i e n c y o f the system. Rather, indeed, the converse would be the case". 43  The c r i t i q u e concluded by endorsing the foregoing opinion and reminding the reader that the experiment i n c e n t r a l i z e d c o n t r o l i n the Peace River 44 area had not been met with ITiarmony and peace". An e d i t o r i a l i n The School, published by the Ontario College o f Education, took much the same stand.  While not doubting that c e n t r a l i z a t i o n  149  would bring greater efficiency i n administration the writer wondered i f this efficiency would not be purchased at too high a price.  The  immense value that "local interest, local initiative, and the training a craraTunity receives i n managing i t s own affairs" are to a democracy should not be sacrificed, particularly as "most of the benefits which Mr. King 45  hopes to secure can be got through the erection of larger school areas". The editorial also took strong exception to other recommendations i n the report aimed at the saving of money: the closing of small rural schools and very small classes i n high schools for some subjects, home economics, art music, manual training, typewriting and science.  "Behind  a l l these proposals" the editorial pointed out, "are two fundamental fallacies of which Mr. King i s no doubt fully aware, although he i s forced by the exigencies of the financial situation to irinimize them: f i r s t that correspondence or lecturing or demonstrations can satisfactorily take the place of effective classroom teaching and pupil experimentation; second, that classes can be made larger and larger without impairing 46  seriously the effectiveness of the teaching. The above c r i t i c a l comments bring into focus the question of the extent to which considerations of economy and efficiency were the guiding principles of the report.  Had King adopted completely the outlook of  the Canadian Manufacturers' Association that the principles of business administration must be applied by the educational authorities to schooling i n order to produce an efficient system? Was the proposal of complete centralization, so radical i n the Canadian context, prompted solely by a desire to save money by being able to apply economy of scale and a  150  bureaucratic  adndnistration? Were educational considerations and values  being consciously sacrificed to financial ones? The report gives indications of the answers, for i t includes not only the necessary financial data, but also a history of education i n British Columbia, sections on the meaning and purpose of education, the educational systems of other countries and the economic effects of education. Strangely none of the published comments and criticisms on the report give these sections more than a passing mention.  I t i s impossible  to t e l l whether this omission indicated agreement or whether these were considered secondary to the main purpose of the enquiry.  However i t was  i n these passages that King set out his philosophy of education on which the practical recommendations were to a considerable extent based.  In  addition they indicate what to him were the important features of the "new"  or progressive education. King's exposition of his beliefs i s terse, trenchant and uncom-  promising as befitted a man inordinately proud of his military training 47 and achievements.  Like the officer giving orders to his subordinates  King had no use for subtleties or complexities.  Everything was either  self-evidently right or self-evidently wrong; there was no room for equivocation.  Truth also was a cxmmodity which was relative to his arguments.  Surely i t was stretching a point, even for Canadian education, to state that "there have been no clearly defined objectives, no well-thought-out 48 philosophy of education". And to refer to the "Seven Cardinal Principles of Education" as being the "purposes of education as understood 49 by recent authoritative writers" although they had been formulated i n  151  the United States two decades before and were no longer agreed to by prominent a u t h o r i t i e s on education, e x h i b i t s e i t h e r a dishonest disregard of f a c t s , or a woeful ignorance about the f i e l d i n which he considered himself a pre-eminent authority. King's arguments centred around three main points, the necessity for e f f i c i e n c y i n education, the p r o v i s i o n of equality of opportunity and the pre-eminence of the s t a t e .  He never questioned the "he  who  pays the piper c a l l s the tune" and that he, the state i n t h i s case, had the r i g h t to demand whatever those i n authority deemed necessary f o r i t s perpetuation.  I t was  the duty of the i n d i v i d u a l to conform and h i s only  r i g h t s , at l e a s t as f a r as education were concerned, were the aye  and  nay of the b a l l o t box and a powerless voice on an advisory committee. C h i l d i n the introduction to h i s a r t i c l e on King has s a i d that he  (King)  "combined a curious love of authoritarianism with h i s ccmmi-tarent to the 50 freedom of progressive education".  I t i s unfortunate that the only  evidence of the l a t t e r given i n h i s report i s the highly debatable  one  of freedom o f choice of subjects and curriculum, and even that i s q u a l i f i e d by the emphasis on the necessity f o r expert guidance. King had discarded the ideas of the purposes of p u b l i c education as d i s c i p l i n e , c u l t u r e and s e l f - r e a l i z a t i o n .  Although the p u r s u i t o f any  of these i d e a l s might be of advantage to the i n d i v i d u a l , he statecl, an education devoted to these goals would be the "purely personal possession" 51 of the i n d i v i d u a l and thus not e n t i t l e d to state support.  It is  d i f f i c u l t to see how a d i s c i p l i n e d , cultured, s e l f - f u l f i l l e d populace  152  would not also contribute to the creation of a vigorous state. to King's narrow s t a t i s t mind t h i s was not the case. these goals from  However  In eliminating  consideration i n education he showed h i s r e j e c t i o n o f  that s t r a i n o f child-centred progressivism, which saw the c u l t i v a t i o n of freedom and self-expression i n the c h i l d as an ultimate guarantee o f a healthy society.  52  . . Interestingly he also discarded education f o r s o c i a l  e f f i c i e n c y and s o c i a l welfare, the impulse behind many o f the  educational  p r i n c i p l e s he espoused, on the grounds that they d i d not lead to a proper balance between the "claims and nature of the i n d i v i d u a l and  the  53 nature and demands of the State."  He concluded that the only j u s t i -  f i c a t i o n f o r the support of "public education i s that education i s a p u b l i c function, necessary both f o r the safety and preservation of the 54 State and f o r i t s progress".  Although King believed that the "safety  and preservation" of the state were the overriding concern of a system o f p u b l i c education he d i d not believe that the i n d i v i d u a l should regarded as an automaton.  be  The i n d i v i d u a l should be allowed to be the  k i n d of person he wished to be as long as he was  i n harmony with society.  Nevertheless the i n d i v i d u a l had no s i g n i f i c a n c e from an educational point of view, f o r education as a p u b l i c function was  "not p r i m a r i l y maintained  i n the i n t e r e s t s of the i n d i v i d u a l as distinguished from the c i t i z e n or . . 55 future c i t i z e n " . King, l i k e most o f h i s contemporaries i n the f i e l d of placed the school above a l l other educative i n s t i t u t i o n s .  education,  While not  denying that the school had a r o l e to play as a transmitter of the  153  s o c i a l inheritance  the experience of the race  of i t " , he believed that i t s c h i e f function was  and f o r the  extension  as an "integrating s o c i a l  56 influence". c r i s i s was  That society had not collapsed during the a t t r i b u t a b l e to t h i s function.  Such educative  depression institutions  as the "Church, the Press, and industry i t s e l f " had contributed to the development of c i v i l i z a t i o n , b u t they i n turn had been "dependent upon education f o r t h e i r own development, ...been moulded and modified  by  57 it." Business and industry, i n f a c t " i n t h e i r organized t e c h n i c a l complexities, would be helpless without the continued supply of young 58 r e c r u i t s furnished by the schools".  Seen i n t h i s way  educational system was p r i m a r i l y a supplier of raw, processed material f o r other i n s t i t u t i o n s . tutions was  then the  semi-processed or  I t s influence on these i n s t i -  not only through the s k i l l s i t s products brought to them, but  more importantly through i t s attitudes and values, which would act as the ultimate s o c i a l cement.  The e s s e n t i a l r o l e s of the school i n King's  view can be summed up as vocationalism and s o c i a l c o n t r o l . not to imply that King was  This i s  a n t i - i n t e l l e c t u a l ; as a c l a s s i c s teacher  defended the much maligned L a t i n and Greek.  he  But i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a i n i n g  was  necessary only f o r those few with the capacity who would become the I 59 leaders of the future. I f the state were to serve i t s e l f w e l l e f f i c i e n c y was  This was  axiomatic i n King's mind.  he declared was  necessary.  The duty df the democratic state  to create " r a t i o n a l well-integrated systems" necessary  60 f o r e f f i c i e n c y and economy. of things.  E f f i c i e n c y and economy demanded a number  Of primary importance was  a c e n t r a l i z e d system which would  154  ensure that disadvantaged communities would receive the benefits of advantaged coitmunities, those which offered manual t r a i n i n g , domestic science, a g r i c u l t u r a l education, junior high schools and vocational training.  In the second p l a c e , e f f i c i e n c y necessitated a trained  educational bureaucracy guided by the correct s o c i a l philosophy and the science of education.  As education was King wrote a " p e c u l i a r l y  d i f f i c u l t p r o f e s s i o n a l task" i t was imperative that i t be taken out of 61 the hands of laymen.  He was prepared to allow a place f o r l o c a l  p a r t i c i p a t i o n , e i t h e r through the Parent Teacher Association, or an elected school committee which could express the l o c a l point of view to an area 62 d i r e c t o r of education.  But i n no  way  were such groups to be allowed  any measure of c o n t r o l , f o r to do so might s i g n a l a return to the o l d days which he characterized as having been "as though an army was cont r o l l e d by elected Municipal Councils and organized and trained by regimental o f f i c e r s brought up upon the t r a d i t i o n s of Wellington, under 63 a general s t a f f with l i m i t e d executive powers".  A t h i r d ingredient  was e s s e n t i a l i f schools were to run e f f i c i e n t l y , a curriculum fashioned according to s c i e n t i f i c p r i n c i p l e s .  Such a curriculum providing a wide  v a r i e t y of options would eliminate the enormous waste incurred under the then e x i s t i n g c u r r i c u l a .  Under such a reformed system students would  no longer take academic courses "although destined to f a i l i n them". They would be persuaded through a strong programme of vocational guidance, not to seek f o r " s o c i a l p o s i t i o n through education" but to follow courses 64 suited to t h e i r "tastes, needs and c a p a c i t i e s " . The ultimate j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r a l l these e f f i c i e n c y measures was  155  that only i n t h i s way could equality of opportunity "the essence of 65  democracy" be provided.  The question a r i s e s as to whether King's  major preoccupation was with the p r o v i s i o n of equality of opportunity, o r e f f i c i e n c y and economy.  The two considerations are, of course, i n  the s i t u a t i o n under discussion very neatly intertwined.  I t i s probably  impossible, unless the teacher i s one o f extraordinary c a p a b i l i t i e s , to provide a f i r s t class education to p u p i l s i n a one-room school i n a poor remote area of the province.  More a f f l u e n t areas, p a r t i c u l a r l y urban  ones with a wide v a r i e t y of f a c i l i t i e s and s p e c i a l i s t s can obviously provide a much b e t t e r educational environment.  Any measure which would  make these a v a i l a b l e to a l l children regardless of the affluence of t h e i r parents would increase e q u a l i t y of opportunity.  On the other hand  equality o f opportunity could be seen merely as a by-product of a streamlined e f f i c i e n t system constructed along the l i n e s of a business corporation, and a t that more apparent than r e a l .  In order to attempt to  f i n d an answer to t h i s b a s i c a l l y important question i t i s necessary to examine other sections of the report. In a chapter e n t i t l e d "What They Think i n England" King published the r e p l i e s of a number of prominent Englishmen to the question of who should be educated at p u b l i c expense and to what extent.  The c r u c i a l  sentences i n the l e t t e r sent by King-requesting t h i s information were "Can the problems which a f f e c t the i n d i v i d u a l and society be solved by the t r a i n i n g of a small i n t e l l e c t u a l e l i t e . . . . o r w i l l the e l i t e be impotent i f the masses are not educated s u f f i c i e n t l y to follow them". King's stated purpose was to demonstrate to those i n B r i t i s h Columbia  66  156  dominated by so-called English ideas regarding education that English education was i n r e a l i t y s i m i l a r to and guided by the same attitudes as he and h i s colleagues.  However, attempts to s e l l the new system of  education to the p u b l i c on the grounds that i t took i t s i n s p i r a t i o n and models from B r i t i s h educational theory and p r a c t i c e , wear c l o s e r inspection.  t h i n on  Canadian educational thought was derivative of  American and nowhere was t h i s more apparent than i n i t s preoccupation with e f f i c i e n c y .  Neither the sentences quoted above, nor the r e s t of the  l e t t e r r e f l e c t e d a concern with e q u a l i t y of opportunity or the d i f f u s i o n of democratic p r i n c i p l e s throughout the educational process.  The main  problem was seen as the creation of a r a t i o n a l system which could turn out people capable of f i t t i n g i n t o a complex society, vocationally and e t h i c a l l y , i n accordance with the designs o f i t s leaders. In another section King gave the opinions of a wide v a r i e t y o f economists on the economic e f f e c t s of education, i n an e f f o r t to show that "education i s not merely an a c t i v i t y of society upon which wealth i s expended, but that i t d i r e c t l y contributes to production and i s i n  67 f a c t one of the productive a c t i v i t i e s o f society".  The excerpts  from the writings reinforce t h i s opinion by stating that increased or more s p e c i a l i z e d education increased worker productivity, raised the .standard o f l i v i n g which i n turn made f o r more productive e f f i c i e n c y and wider demands f o r consumption.  developed  Like the chapter on E n g l i s h education  t h i s can be interpreted as a r e b u t t a l of the Kidd Report.  In f a c t the  King Report can be viewed as another attempt to vanquish the authors and supporters of the Kidd Report who,  i t was c l e a r , had changed t h e i r thinking  157  very l i t t l e since  1932.  I t i s probable that those who have written about education i n B r i t i s h Columbia at t h i s time have accepted King's assessment of the s i t u a t i o n as progressives versus reactionaries, or out-of-date, a r i s t o c r a t i c , old-world t r a d i t i o n s versus a modern, democratic outlook.  However,despite  the obvious differences there were s t r i k i n g s i m i l a r i t i e s between the two points of view.  To begin with neither spokesman f o r t h e i r respective  set of educational values had an o p t i m i s t i c assessment of the i n t e l l e c t u a l capacities of the school population.  Although King on the basis of  I.Q.  tests argued that h a l f of the school or at l e a s t 40 per cent were f i t t e d for secondary education,only a small percentage of these were capable o f the t r a d i t i o n a l academic kind which allowed entrance to the u n i v e r s i t i e s and ultimately to p o s i t i o n s of leadership. were e l i t i s t i n t h e i r thinking.  Secondly both King and Kidd  The only difference lay i n the. f a c t that  Kidd would draw society's leaders from the ranks of the well-to-do those few who  and  could obtain scholarships, while King would remove any  f i n a n c i a l obstacles.  The structure of society would remain the same but  the rules would be somewhat changed.  In the t h i r d place both would reduce  the one democratic element i n the administration of schools, the one by p l a c i n g school boards under the c o n t r o l of municipal councils, the other by replacing them by p r o v i n c i a l bureaucrats.  King.and Kidd were each e s s e n t i a l l y conservative and h i e r a r c h i c a l i n outlook.  Their differences had t h e i r roots i n t h e i r perceptions of  society and i t s needs and the r o l e the school could play i n f u l f i l l i n g  158  those needs.  To Kidd, and the conservative business and professional  community he represented, c l a s s i c a l l a i s s e z - f a i r e doctrine, whether or not i t was defined as such, s t i l l held sway.  I f the economy could be  kept buoyant and expansive, a task f o r the unfettered i n i t i a t i v e o f the businessman, then the problems o f society would i n e v i t a b l y be solved i n s o f a r as the l i M t a t i o n s o f human nature would allow.  In B r i t i s h  Columbia which depended f o r i t s prosperity on primary resources,  and  where i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n was not generally dependent on an advanced technology, the r o l e of the school was to t r a i n those few leaders required, and provide the r e s t with a rudimentary general education and the commercial and t e c h n i c a l education needed f o r a r e l a t i v e l y unsophisticated economyKing and the " l i b e r a l progressives" f o r whom he spoke, had on the other hand, l o s t f a i t h i n the e f f i c a c y and j u s t i c e of the unseen hand.  Two  things were needed to ensure that society would remain stable and progressive,  1 for s o c i a l progressxveness was  seen as a necessity f o r s u r v i v a l :  greater  government intervention i n economic l i f e , and an improved and comprehensive educational system.  To the conservative, nothing must be  allowed to i n t e r f e r e with the flow of c a p i t a l i n t o economic investment; therefore tax rates must be kept down, and such e s s e n t i a l services as schools must be run as e f f i c i e n t l y and economically as possible.  To  the l i b e r a l educator the importance of e f f i c i e n c y i n the construction of an educational system i s more d i f f i c u l t to assess. In the opinion of the w r i t e r i n The School King was  consciously  s a c r i f i c i n g sound educational values to e f f i c i e n c y i n order to ward o f f the accusation o f extravagance from h i s conservative c r i t i c s and to make  159  h i s educational recommendations palatable t o them.  This i n t e r p r e t a t i o n  that educators were forced i n self-defence t o adopt p o l i c i e s o f e f f i c i e n c y to placate the wealthy, m a t e r i a l i s t i c and i n f l u e n t i a l was frequently used t o explain s i m i l a r occurrences i n American education i n the early part o f the century.  Raymond E. Callahan, i n h i s book Education and  the C u l t o f E f f i c i e n c y an exploration of the " o r i g i n and development o f the adoption of business values and practices i n educational, administration Callahan points out that emphasis on e f f i c i e n c y originated around the turn o f the century i n the United States a t a time o f massive immigration and rapid i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and urbanization.  ^  The problems attendent  on these developments were thought by reformers to be amenable t o s o l u t i o n by the a p p l i c a t i o n o f "modern business methods" and " e f f i c i e n c y " , and also the concepts o f s c i e n t i f i c management o f F.W. Taylor and h i s followers.  These ideas gained such p r e s t i g e that soon they were being  applied t o the schools and the schools were found wanting.  American  educators then began to apply the same methods t o t h e i r own enterprise 69  and the "era o f the d o l l a r as educational c r i t e r i o n "  was ushered i n .  But i t was F r a n k l i n Bobbitt, i n s t r u c t o r i n educational administration a t the University of Chicago, who applied s c i e n t i f i c management t o schooling and fathered the s c i e n t i f i c administration movement with approval by King i n h i s report. According t o Bobbitt "education was a shaping process as much as the manufacture o f s t e e l r a i l s ' . ^ 1  7  J u s t as the manufacturing  process required standards, so too d i d the education process require both q u a l i t a t i v e and quantitative standards from which there were " p r a c t i c a l l y 71  no l i m i t s to the b e n e f i t s to be achieved".  I f standards were s u f f i c i e n t l y  160  defined,"teachers would know i n s t a n t l y when students were f a i l i n g . 72 P r i n c i p a l s would know when teachers were i n e f f i c i e n t "  and so on.  In  Bobbitt's view j u s t as standards and s p e c i f i c a t i o n s f o r s t e e l r a i l s were set by the consumer, so too should educational standards be "set 73 by the community and not by the educators".  Under t h i s system the  duties o f the i n s p e c t o r i a l department were twofold.  F i r s t i t should  undertake independent t e s t i n g of the work being done i n the schools. Secondly,the inspectors should f i n d the best s c i e n t i f i c procedures or methods  to be used i n the schools, a job "too large and too complicated 74  to be l a i d on the shoulders of the teachers".  This approach to  administration took such a hold, Callahan states quoting a prominent educator, that by 1930 a l l work i n educational administration was 75 with the philosophy o f management, of business e f f i c i e n c y " .  "permeated  Despite  t h i s f a c t Callahan believes that most administrators adopted the approach to administration of Bobbitt and h i s school i n self-defence. There i s l i t t l e question that King had adopted the stance of the s c i e n t i f i c administrator, indeed he s p e c i f i c a l l y stated that the application of the science o f adrninistration was a necessity i f education was to be improved.  In the chapter e n t i t l e d "Economy" King gave repeated evidence  of the importance he attached to economy, "the A r i s t o t e l i a n mean between 76 the v i c i o u s extremes of parsimony and waste!-'.  In f a c t waste was  the  key word i n the chapter and a l l means and methods were judged good i f they helped to eliminate i t .  The junior high schools i n Vancouver were  commended f o r having reduced the cost of educating p u p i l s i n comparison with the cost of educating them i n the elementary school and the high  161  school.  According t o the Bureau o f Measurements o f the C i t y o f Vancouver,  the junior high schools a c t u a l l y saved the ratepayers over $70,000. i n 1931.  High school and elementary school correspondence courses were  praised f o r the economies they could e f f e c t .  The c l o s i n g o f a small  r u r a l school would r e s u l t i n a saving o f approximately $100. per p u p i l per year.  There was no discussion as to the comparable value to the  p u p i l o f i n s t r u c t i o n received i n t h i s manner, other than to mention that i t was "well organized pedagogically".  Such was not the case, King  pointed out, when the Kidd comiittee recommended more use o f the Correspondence Department which was a t that time " i n a formative stage and i n 77 no state t o undertake the duties s a t i s f a c t o r i l y " . When he discussed economy i n the p r a c t i c a l arts subjects, manual t r a i n i n g and home economics, typewriting and science, King d e a l t with the educational aspects o f the more economical methods advocated.  In the  case o f manual a r t s , t r a d i t i o n a l l y small classes o f 20 t o 24 should how be supplanted by classes o f 40, thereby halving teacher costs because experience with large classes i n junior secondary schools i n Vancouver had proven that the r e s u l t s were equally good.  The c r u c i a l requirement  f o r the teaching o f large groups, King asserted, was the use o f jobsheets and information sheets.  Such a method, he explained, allowed students  to advance a t t h e i r own speed, develop more i n i t i a t i v e , r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and s e l f - r e l i a n c e , and more time on the part o f the i n s t r u c t o r f o r 78 individual instruction.  In other words s e l f i n s t r u c t i o n , an impersonal  atmosphere, and i n d i v i d u a l i n s t r u c t i o n on the basis o f approximately one and one h a l f minutes per p u p i l i n an average sized c l a s s o f 40 pupils would  162  provide an ideal learning environment. The comparison with the factory i s almost too obvious to mention. In his defence of more economical methods of instruction i n the sciences King placed himself i n the ranks of pedagogical conservatives and i n opposition to one of the most cherished pedagogical principles of the "new education".  The teaching of science was made costly by  the extensive use of laboratory equipment. But the use of such expensive apparatus, he argued, was not necessary i n order to achieve the objectives of secondary science education, "...the important outcome of science study i s the understanding of the major concepts, principles, laws and general ideas which are to be learned from...science... Experimental studies with parallel class groups have demonstrated that the objectives of science-teaching...are better achieved by the teacher demonstration method than by the method of individual experimentation. This i s what would naturally be expected. The focusing of attention upon the fundamental principles which are to be learned...is more likely to result i n learning than when these principles are lost i n the manipulation of complicated apparatus. By manipulating apparatus the student simply learns to manipulate apparatus. He acquires a certain manipulative s k i l l which may be of advantage to those few students who afterwards take the honour science courses i n the university..." 79 King did not recommend the total elimination of experimental work because i t "stimulates interest" and 'gives a satisfaction which i s favourable to 80 learning".  The project method, the enterprise, learning by doing  163  were thus expendable depending on the cost f a c t o r .  A l l that was  necessary, except f o r those of superior i n t e l l i g e n c e , were the  really teacher  and the text-book. King made other recommendations f o r greater economy i n the schools r e l a t i n g to the use of the l i b r a r y , high school study h a l l s , supervision, and budgeting and accounting. p r i n c i p l e was  economy of s i z e .  In t h i s way,  teacher  Throughout,the guiding f o r example, study h a l l s  would be large enough to hold several classes at a time under the superv i s i o n of one teacher, thus saving the cost of the services of several teachers.  He also suggested the c l o s i n g of one of the province's Normal  Schools.  The whole trend of the administrative system was  geared to  greater s i z e of classes and school areas, more p r o f e s s i o n a l i z a t i o n , and more bureaucratization.  In a l l a s i g n i f i c a n t l y more depersonalized  system  i n which paradoxically every p u p i l was to be accurately guided i n t o h i s l i f e ' s work. I t i s d i f f i c u l t to accept King's advocacy o f e f f i c i e n c y and economy as a h y p o c r i t i c a l pose, adopted to placate h i s reactionary c r i t i c s .  There  i s too much of a r i n g of conviction i n h i s writings to be able to place him i n the ranks of Callahan's  administrators who  management as an act of self-defence.  espoused s c i e n t i f i c  Taken i n conjunction with statements 81  made on other issues, King appears as a convinced b e l i e v e r .  This i s  not to say, however, that he f i t t e d exactly i n t o the Bobbitt mould nor that s c i e n t i f i c aditdjiistration was thought.  the overriding concept i n h i s educational  There i s no evidence to suggest that he wished to t a i l o r the  164  schools to the express wishes of the business coranianity.  Yet he appears  to find no conflict between administrative values and educational values: the one would seem to follow the other. King's primary objective was to create a system which would f u l f i l l i t s most important function, as he termed i t , i t s integrative function. A rational, efficient, administrative system was a very important factor i n the achievement of his goal, but i t was not the only one.  If the  schools were to be effective integrative agents they must ensure that a l l children and young people were provided with the means whereby they could become trained to f i t into and unify society.  In this sense eguality  of opportunity was an essential element i n ensuring the safety, perpetuity and, i n liberal eyes, the progressiveness of the state. Equality of opportunity as a condition of social mobility was not a consideration: i n fact education sought for that reason was roundly condemned.  The  student should be encouraged to develop his capacities to the fullest, but he should do so not for the purpose of personal advancement but rather for the satisfaction to be gained from being a contributing member of . society. The tool to be used to produce the right kind of citizen was curriculum.  the  As had been promised, shortly after the Report on Finance  was submitted Weir announced that curriculum committees would be set up i n order that the curricula of elementary, junior high, high and technical schools might be revised.  The work was to be under the direction  of a central committee of five members, "with a background of administrative  165  experience and special equipment i n educational psychology, educational sociology, comparative education and the history of education, research and s t a t i s t i c a l procedures".  One member of this committee would have  the function of curriculum adviser (King was subsequently given this task), to advise upon " a l l phases and aspects of the revision...afford guidance i n the principles to be laid down and followed throughout... and assist i n effecting articulation and co-ordination i n each stage i n 82  the processs".  The guiding principles were to be found i n the works 83  of "such writers as Spencer, Bobbitt, Snedden, Bonser, Chapman and Counts" a l l with one exception men who emphasized the practical, vocationalism and social efficiency. But i t was not only i n the curriculum that changes were to be made. Having failed to carry his party and the public with him i n his grand design for a centralized educational system Weir set out to achieve his secondary goal of the consolidation of school districts.  The government  had already made a beginning i n this direction when, i n October 1934, 84  i t combined 37 school districts i n the Peace River region into four units. School boards had been abolished and an o f f i c i a l trustee appointed by the Department of Education.  In August 1935 the Abbotsford, Matsqui,  Sumas d i s t r i c t was set up i n the Fraser Valley under the complete financial control of the government.  Two months later, the entire Peace River  District with the exception of three larger centres, was placed under the control of the o f f i c i a l trustees. In the Abbotsford, Matsqui, Sumas d i s t r i c t 85  most of the people "welcomed the change".  In the Peace River, however,  both i n 1934 and 1935 there were outbursts against i t , but the government  166  held f a s t to the plan.  Indeed i t was necessary f o r Weir to prove to  the province by successful t e s t cases that a completely government controlled school system would r e s u l t i n b e t t e r education and greater e f f i c i e n c y and economy. Unable to acquire more funds from the p r o v i n c i a l treasury f o r h i s department,Weir, l i k e the premier and h i s cabinet colleagues,turned h i s attention to acquiring greater grants f o r education from the federal government.  In a l e t t e r to the p r o v i n c i a l premiers i n the f a l l of  1934  Prime M i n i s t e r Bennett had asked whether the provinces were prepared to "surrender t h e i r exclusive j u r i s d i c t i o n over l e g i s l a t i o n dealing with such s o c i a l problems as o l d age pensions e t c . to the Dominion Parliament... 86 and i f so on what terms and conditions". had been made of education Weir immediately  Although no s p e c i f i c mention took a very determined  stand  i n defence of the B.N.A. Act and the retention by the provinces of comp l e t e j u r i s d i c t i o n over education.  At the same time he began pressing  demands f o r greater federal assistance f o r education.  Addressing the  fourth b i e n n i a l convention of the Home and School Federation of Canada he stated that the Act "had d e f i n i t e l y i n mind elementary education" when education was placed under p r o v i n c i a l c o n t r o l , "even high school education was probably not thought o f .  This being the case, the federal government  was therefore "free to a s s i s t the provinces i n the conduct of education 87 without i n f r i n g i n g on matters covered by section 93".  As assistance  had previously been given to technical education and a g r i c u l t u r a l education i t might now grant money to the provinces " i n a i d of vocational education, adult education and health education.  A l l health serves to  167  undo much of the benefit to be derived from education".  00  The establishment  of a bureau of education federally funded to do research and recommend policies had long been the desire of many educators.  Weir added his  voice i n advocating such a bureau, but cautioned that i t have only "advisory 89  functions, but no legislative powers".  He was an indefatigable defender  of provincial rights, and like the school boards he wished to abolish, he wanted the money provided by someone else while he retained f u l l control on the grounds that his knowledge of local conditions far surpassed that of the central government. The King Report was destined never to be implemented, the Abbotsford,Matequi,  Sumas experiment did not live up to the expectations  of i t s supporters, and the B.C.T.F., which had made many of the suggestions which were discussed and amplified i n the report under the heading of economy finally became convinced that the government was more interested i n economy 90  than a better quality of education.  However the King Report i s  historically important because of the insight i t affords into the social and educational theories of those few who had at that time the direction of the schools i n their hands.  168  Notes  Chapter V  1  The School, December, 1933, p. 363.  2  Ibid., January, 1934, p. 458. The school system i n B r i t i s h Columbia had completed c e n t r a l i z a t i o n o f school financing from 1872-1888. However elected three-man school boards were authorized under the Public Schools Act, but t h e i r functions were r e l a t i v e l y limited.  4  For example see reaction o f school boards to the suggestion that they be absorbed by municipal councils i n B r i t i s h Columbia 1920-1925.  5  The Report of the Municipal Taxation Commission, (Victoria King's P r i n t e r , 1934) p. 6.  6  Ibid., p. 18.  1933.  Although teachers wanted a minimum salary set, they d i d not want maximums set. They wished these to remain a t d i s c r e t i o n of l o c a l school boards. 8  B.C. Teacher, A p r i l , 1934, p. 4.  9  Margaret A. Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: rev. ed., 1971), p. 459.  10  A History (MacMillan,  Harry Charlesworth, General Secretary of the B.C.T.F. had been a strong advocate of the "new education".. In a speech delivered to the Department o f Superintendance i n Minneapolis,. February, 1933 he urged that the schools lead the way i n creating a less i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c more s o c i a l l y oriented society. . Charlesworth papers, Special Collections, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. ;  11  "King was not only a personal f r i e n d , confident and p o l i t i c a l supporter o f Weir, but also a professional associate, having  169  11  served as part-time l e c t u r e r a t U.B.C. since 1925." A.H. C h i l d "Herbert B.King,Administrative I d e a l i s t " Chapter 16, P r o f i l e s of Canadian Educators; R.S. Patterson, J.W. Chalmers, and J.W. Friesen, eds. (D.C. Heath Canada Ltd., 1974) p. 310.  12  B.C. Teacher, June, 1934, p. 2.  13  V i c t o r i a Colonist, June 29,  14  Vancouver Sun, July 14,  15  Ibid., J u l y 20,  1934.  16  I b i d . , J u l y 31,  1934.  17  I b i d . , September 7,  18  Vancouver Board o f Trade, Council Minutes, Volume 12, p. Vancouver C i t y Archives.,  19  Ibid.  20  V i c t o r i a Colonist, J u l y 19, 1934; July 31,  21  Vancouver Board o f Trade, Op. C i t . , pp. 145-147.  22  Ibid.  23  Ibid.  24  I t should be noted that t h i s was by no means a new or novel proposal; the larger u n i t had been strongly recommended i n Canada, by educators, since long before World War I.  25  Volume 13, p. 63.  1934.  1934.  1934. 133.,  1934.  170  26  Vancouver Board of Trade, Op. C i t . , Volume 13, p. 63.  27  Martin Robin, The Company Province, 1934-1972.  28  For a f u l l discussion of t h i s point see Margaret A. Ormsby "T. D u f f e r i n P a t t u l l o and the L i t t l e New Deal" Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review, V o l . XLIII no. 4, December, 1962.  (Toronto, 1973), p. 16.  Ormsby claims that P a t t u l l o was w e l l aware that h i s promise o f 'work and wages' was dependent f o r i t s r e a l i z a t i o n on massive f i n a n c i a l assistance from the federal government. However "many p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c i a n s although they mounted the slogan d i d not know what" P a t t u l l o meant by i t ; i n f a c t "almost no one i n B.C. comprehended the scope o f h i s proposals". P a t t u l l o had no success i n convincing e i t h e r the Conservative Prime Minister, R.B. Bennett, although he d i d manage t o wring a few f i n a n c i a l concessions from him, or the L i b e r a l Prime Minister W.L. MacKenzie King of the soundness o f h i s economic theories.  29  Ibid., p. 15.  30  Ibid., p. 17, p. 22.  31  Ormsby, Op;.\.Cit., p i 463. Vancouver was invaded by 1,700 men from r e l i e f camps i n the i n t e r i o r who had gone on s t r i k e f o r "work and wages". Violence broke out i n the Hudson's Bay store and i n other parts o f the c i t y .  32  Vancouver Board of Trade, Op. C i t . , Volume 12, p. 202.  33  Vancouver Sun, November 9, 1934.  34  V i c t o r i a Colonist, March 5, 1935.  35  Vancouver Sun, February 16, 1935.  36  V i c t o r i a Colonist, February 16, 1935.  171  Robin, Op. C i t . , p. 29. Ibid. H.B.  King,School Finance i n B r i t i s h Columbia., p. i v and v.  V i c t o r i a Colonist, August 8,  1935.  The School, November, 1935, p. 261. Vancouver Sun, August 10,  1935.  The School, February, 1936. Province o f December 13,  Quoted from the Vancouver Daily 1935.  In October, 1934, i n the Peace River d i s t r i c t 37 school d i s t r i c t s had been combined i n t o 4, school boards were abolished and an o f f i c i a l trustee placed i n charge. Despite the outcry from many people i n the area the government i n October, 1935 placed the e n t i r e d i s t r i c t with the exception o f three, l a r g e r centres under an o f f i c i a l trustee and there were renewed protests.  The School, October, 1935, p. 92. Ibid. H.B. King was born i n Ontario and began h i s teaching career there. A f t e r moving t o B r i t i s h Columbia he taught c l a s s i c s a t K i t s i l a n o Junior-Senior High School, l a t e r becoming i t s p r i n c i p a l . According to A.H. C h i l d few people who remembered him' spoke favourably o f him, "usually s t r e s s i n g h i s vanity, arrogance and intolerance." He saw service overseas during World War I and thereafter i n s i s t e d on being addressed as Major King even a f t e r being., granted a Doctor o f Pedagogy degree from the University o f Washington i n 1936.  H.B.  King, School Finance i n the Province o f B r i t i s h Columbia. ( V i c t o r i a King's P r i n t e r , 1935), p. 27.  172  49  Ibid., p. 32.  50  R.S.  Patterson, J.W.  Chalmers and J.W.  Friesen, eds.  'Profiles o f  Canadian Educators, (D.C. Heath Canada Ltd., 1974), p.  308.  51  H.B.  52  Lawrence Cremin, The Transformation o f the School (New York,  53  pp. 201-202. H.B. King, Opt. C i t . , p. 31.  54  Ibid.  55  Ibid., p. 32.  56  Ibid., p. 27.  57  Ibid., p. 27.  58  King, Op. C i t . , p. 31. 1964)  . Ibid.  59  I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that Neatby i n her broadside against progressive education accused i t o f being anti-i-ntellectual and f o r f a i l i n g to provide- the i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a i n i n g / f o r the c u l t i v a t i o n of leadership i n a l l f i e l d s . Whatever the r e s u l t s may have been t h i s i s an erroneous i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , at l e a s t of the intent of the leaders o f progressive education i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  60  H.B.  61  Ibid., p. 27.  62  Ibid., p.  King, Op. C i t . , p.  125.  128.  63  Ibid., p. 27.  64  Ibid., p. 29.  65  Ibid., p. 128.  66  Ibid., p. 46.  67  Ibid., p. 38.  68  Raymond E. Callahan, Education and the Cult of E f f i c i e n c y . (Chicago', 1962), Preface.  69  Ibid., p. ,72.  70  Ibid., p. 82.  71  Ibid.  72  Ibid.  73  Ibid., p. 83.  74  I b i d . , p. 84.  75  Ibid., p. 199.  76  H.B. King, Op. C i t . , p. 141.  77  Ibid., p.146.  78  Ibid., pp. 149-150.  79  Ibid., pp. 156-157.  174  80  Ibid., p.  157.  81  Prentice i n The School Promoters (Toronto, 1977) traces the d r i v e f o r e f f i c i e n c y i n the educational system of mid-nineteenth century Ontario and ilinks i t with the desire to give education a p u b l i c function.  82  B.C.  83  Ibid. Herbert Spencer; English philosopher whose works, p a r t i c u l a r l y had a great impact on American thought. He stated that the function o f education was preparation f o r complete l i v i n g , i e . a c t i v i t i e s ministering to self-preservation and securing the n e c e s s i t i e s o f l i f e .  Teacher, A p r i l , 1935,  p.  21.  David Snedden; American s o c i o l o g i s t , v i r t u a l founder of the sociology of education who believed that a l l education should be judged by i t s contribution to s o c i a l e f f i c i e n c y . He was also a consistent advocate of vocational education. Frederick Gordon Bonser; American educator who pioneered c u r r i c u l a centred around the production and consumption of goods. He also promoted i n d u s t r i a l arts and economic education. George S. Counts; American educator c h i e f l y noted f o r h i s s o c i a l c r i t i c i s m . With the p u b l i c a t i o n of a pamphlet e n t i t l e d "Dare the Schools B u i l d a New S o c i a l Order" i n 1932 he became the leading f i g u r e i n the s o c i a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n i s t movement i n American education. ^ J . Crosby Chapman; English born and educated educational psychologist who became professor o f educational psychology at Yale University. He co-authored one work with Edward L. Thorndike and another with George S. Counts, the l a t t e r e n t i t l e d the "Principles of Education". 84  On the basis of reports of inspectors of the ineffectiveness of the l o c a l school boards to provide s u i t a b l e accommodation and an adequate education, the Department of Education, proposed the s e t t i n g up of the four units on an experimental basis. The units were created from former school d i s t r i c t s i n which the trustees were i n e l i g i b l e to hold o f f i c e because of unpaid school taxes. 65th Annual Report of the P u b l i c Schools o f the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1935-36, H 59.  175  85  Patterson, Chalmers and Friesen eds., Op. C i t . , p. 313.  86  The School, October, 1934, p. 145.  87  Ibid., September, 1935, p. 86.  88  Ibid.  89  Ibid., p. 88.  90  Patterson, Chalmers and Friesen eds., Op. C i t . , p. 313.  CHAPTER VT  OJRRICUTJUM  REVISION  When the province of B r i t i s h Columbia embarked upon a r e v i s i o n of the curriculum i n .the spring and summer o f 1935 i t was not beginning a new of unique task.  Curriculum r e v i s i o n had been an ongoing a f f a i r  i n the province f o r a number of years, the l a s t p a r t i a l revisions having been made i n the elementary programme of studies i n 1933, i n the j u n i o r high school programme i n 1932 and i n the high school programme i n 1933. What was new was the scope and extent of the l a t e s t venture.  Every  subject i n every grade from one through high school was t o be examined and reformulated, i f necessary, i n accordance with the p r i n c i p l e s of the "new education".  I t was a formidable task requiring the e f f o r t s of four  committees with a t o t a l o f 55 members, under which "over 250 teachers, supervisors, normal-school i n s t r u c t o r s and inspectors of schools were 2 selected to revise the programmes o f study i n the various subjects". The c e n t r a l r e v i s i o n committee, consisting of f i v e members included, i n addition to H.B.  King, D.L. MacLaurin, Assistant Superintendent of  Education as chairman, H.N.  MacCorkindale, Superintendent o f Schools f o r  Vancouver, C.B. Wood, a member of the s t a f f of the Department of Education a t the. University of B r i t i s h Columbia, and J . Roy Sanderson, o f King Edward High School i n Vancouver.  Principal  The membership of the elementary  school committee was overwhelmingly drawn from Vancouver and V i c t o r i a schools, as was the membership o f the convening section of the junior high school r e v i s i o n committee, under the chairmanship of King, and the  177  convening s e c t i o n of the senior high school r e v i s i o n committee under the chairmanship  of MacCorkindale.  The advisory sections o f the l a t t e r  two committees were composed l a r g e l y of school p r i n c i p a l s i n the smaller  3 c i t i e s and towns i n the province.  A l l members o f a l l committies were  selected by the Central Curriculum Revision Committee and approved by the Department of Education, none was selected by t h e i r peers.  It is  c l e a r that despite the numbers involved, the work of curriculum r e v i s i o n would be t i g h t l y controlled by a small group drawn from Vancouver whose ideas would be consonant with the thinking of the M i n i s t e r of Education 4 and h i s p r i n c i p l e advisor. Weir d i d request the "cooperation of a l l teachers, parent-teacher associations, i n d u s t r i a l leaders, service clubs, 5 l o c a l councils o f women and s i m i l a r organizations".  Teachers were urged  to "forward t h e i r suggestions f o r the c a r e f u l scrutiny and consideration of the Department".  sympathetic  As w e l l they were i n v i t e d to forward  to the chairmen of subject committees "any constructive suggestions they may  care to make f o r the r e v i s i o n o f the programme i n the respective  subjects".  I t i s unfortunate that no records e x i s t which would i n d i c a t e  to what extent teachers and <x>mmunity organizations contributed suggestions and what s i g n i f i c a n c e they had i n the formulation of the new  curriculum.  But B r i t i s h Columbia was not the only province which undertook t o r e v i s e the school curriculum during the 1930's. Manitoba, Ontario, and New reform during t h i s period.  A l b e r t a , Saskatchewan,  Brunswick a l l engaged i n extensive curriculum A l l were convinced that much i n e x i s t i n g  c u r r i c u l a was out-of-date, the remnants of a t r a d i t i o n no longer relevant  178  to the greatly changed world which had come i n t o being i n the past decade or two. Whatever differences existed between educators i n d i f f e r e n t parts o f the country with regard t o educational philosophy o r pedagogical methods, a l l were agreed that a changed world demanded a changed education. As the report o f the Committee on Educational Philosophy, under the Charimanship o f C.B. Wood put i t "The purpose o f the school i s t o a s s i s t the c h i l d i n h i s adjustment to society.  As society i s constantly changing  7 the adjustment must be f l e x i b l e and progressive."  This d i d not mean  that a l l the e x i s t i n g c u r r i c u l a had to be jettisoned. Weir admitted  that  a great deal o f excellent work was "exemplified i n the present programme" and that "many improvements undoubtedly have been made i n the. curriculum since the report o f the School Survey i n 1925".  But nothing was, i n  the words o f an a r t i c l e on Saskatchewan's new school curriculum, to be 9 "tolerated because o f the s a n c t i t y o f long use". I t i s l i k e l y that the people o f Saskatchewan remodelled  their  e x i s t i n g curriculum, they d i d not "simply open the doors and l e t i t blow away on a p r a i r i e wind".  And i t i s u n l i k e l y that they erected "on a  new foundation...a noble structure, designed on the four square pattern o f u t i l i t y , hope, self-expression and the joy o f achievement.. .with i t s spires o f character-building" pointing "heavenward". extravagant phraseology  10  However such  does capture something o f the f e e l i n g o f the  magnitude o f the task and the hope and expectation o f the r e s u l t s . For the curriculum was t o be the main instrument used by the school t o create a better society.  In a speech to the r e v i s i o n catimittees Weir emphasized  179  the school's s o c i a l r o l e and decried e a r l i e r education which had f a i l e d the adults o f the day.  "The schools o f to-morrow", he stated, "must  teach co-operation rather than s e l f i s h competition".  Their p r i n c i p a l  task must be that o f " s o c i a l i z i n g the youth o f the nation".  /And, he  continued, "we must make such p r o v i s i o n f o r adult education as w i l l i n some measure indemnify the present adult generation f o r the imperfections of t r a d i t i o n a l educational methods and institutions". "'" 1  Turning to the  subject matter o f the curriculum Weir pointed out that i t must have "immediate" appeal t o the p u p i l as w e l l as " s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e " .  At  the same time subject matter must never assume greater importance than the learner.  The p u p i l s p h y s i c a l , mental, and moral health must always  be the paramount concern o f curriculum maker and teacher.  In t h i s  connection he noted that a t the present B r i t i s h Columbia was "limping f a r i n the rear, i n comparison say with Russia, as regards p h y s i c a l and recreational education.  These are the matters that appeal t o laymen, 12  whose sympathetic support conditions the success o f educational reforms." Weir concluded by urging those planning the curriculum t o keep i n mind that the material used should be selected "primarily f o r i t s functional 13 value with s o c i a l u t i l i t y i n mind". This speech to the r e v i s i o n corimittees revealed c l e a r l y Weir's major preoccupations and h i s general cast o f mind.  Fresh from h i s struggles  with businessmen and the medical profession over the issue o f health insurance, he placed the i n c u l c a t i o n o f co-operative s o c i a l attitudes at the head o f the school's functions.  The very f a c t that he wished  to attempt the re-education o f the adult population i n t h i s regard t e s t i f i e d  180 i  eloquently to the.-strength of h i s convictions.  I t appears obvious that  from h i s observations of the society i n which he was  l i v i n g and  the  p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l developments which were taking place i n the r e s t of the world, Weir had concluded that democracy as he understood i t was i n a p e r i l o u s state, Weir also indicated that the other major concern o f schooling should be with the health of the p u p i l .  And here too, i t s  importance seemed to be c l o s e l y linked i n h i s mind with the s u r v i v a l of the state.  Throughout the MLnister's words e x h i b i t a b e l i e f i n the i n -  disputable rightness of h i s convictions and also a c e r t a i n authoritarianism which was  evident i n the Report on Nursing Education.  There does not  appear to be any doubt i n Weir's iriind that c r i t i c a l and constructive thinking w i l l not lead i n e v i t a b l y to h i s point of view. be persuaded to see the l i g h t must nevertheless  Those who  follow the prescribed  The task of remaking the curriculum i n terms o f an philosophy  cannot way.  educational  r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t from that of the 19th century, was  one  which was being attempted with increasing frequency i n the United States. Beginning j u s t a f t e r the turn o f the century the movement had gained such momentum that by 1931  i t was  estimated that 168 large c i t y school systems 14  i n that country were engaged i n rebuilding t h e i r c u r r i c u l a . s t a f f of e n t i r e school systems were reported to be working on problems, and "curriculum and course study b u i l d i n g was  Teaching curriculum  the theme of  15 educational year books". However despite t h i s f e v e r i s h a c t i v i t y there was much c r i t i c i s m of the work being done.  Prominent educators were by no means of one mind  181  as to what was' being done or of what should be done.  There was  skepticism  about the very p o s s i b i l i t y that c u r r i c u l a could be constructed according to the much quoted s c i e n t i f i c p r i n c i p l e s , and the b e l i e f that most curriculum changes, despite t h e i r authors use of the term, were l a r g e l y subjective."^  John Dewey c r i t i c i z e d the developments i n American  education at the beginning of the 30's as lacking i n a "great d i r e c t i v e 17 aim".  David Snedden, a pioneer i n educational sociology agreed and 18  added that i t expanded and improved only by "piecemeal additions". Snedden himself would substitute f o r over-arching p h i l o s o p h i c a l statements of educational purpose, concrete l i m i t e d objectives, s c i e n t i f i c a l l y 19 determined i n terms o f s o c i a l e f f i c i e n c y . There was obviously not the agreement among leading educators  on  the most important educational questions of the day that King had asserted, nor was  there the same confidence i n what science had accomplished or  could accomplish.  However i n one sense h i s statement can be regarded  as  accurate, namely, the s o - c a l l e d seven c a r d i n a l p r i n c i p l e s of education had been adopted by most of those involved i n curriculum r e v i s i o n . principles:  These  health, command of fundamental processes, worthy home  membership, vocation, c i t i z e n s h i p , worthy use of l e i s u r e and e t h i c a l 20 character, had become the "slogan formulation" which guided many schoolmen. The popularity of the report which set f o r t h these p r i n c i p l e s was  such  21 that by 1929  110,000 copies had been s o l d .  The report was  the product  of the Committee on the Reorganization of Secondary Education s e t up by the National Education Association of the United States i n 1915,  under  182  the chairmanship o f Clarence D. Kingsley an a s s i s t a n t to David Sneddon at the State Department o f Education o f Massachussets. I t i s pertinent a t t h i s point t o examine b r i e f l y the rationale for  these p r i n c i p l e s which exerted such an influence on American schoolmen  and on the most i n f l u e n t i a l educators i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  In h i s  exhaustive work The Shaping o f the American High School Edward A. Krug gives a d e t a i l e d analysis of the report.  Although t h i s was by no means  the f i r s t study made on secondary education the authors j u s t i f i e d t h e i r report on the grounds of the extent o f s o c i a l change during the previous decade.  Not only had the l i f e o f the i n d i v i d u a l become more complex but  at the same time agencies other than the school were doing l e s s than before to support and educate him.  Under these circumstances the school  must take up the task o f t r a i n i n g the youth o f the nation f o r l i f e i n a democracy, the purpose of which was, stated the report, "so t o organize society that each member may develop h i s personality p r i m a r i l y t_hrough a c t i v i t i e s designed f o r the well-being of h i s fellow men and o f society 22 as a whole". As i t was the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f the school to t r a i n the whole person f o r the t o t a l i t y of h i s future l i f e , the cardinal p r i n c i p l e s grew out o f an o f the l i f e patterns which the majority o f people were most l i k e l y to adopt. "Normally, s a i d the report, the i n d i v i d u a l was a member of a family, o f a vocational group, and o f various c i v i c groups. The next consideration was that o f l e i s u r e , discussed i n the report  183  as an adjunct o f efficiency...The next objective, that o f health, was important because o f i t s e f f e c t on the ' v i t a l i t y of the race' and the 'defence o f the Nation'. E t h i c a l character...gained i t s place i n the l i s t , p a r t l y on i t s own merits and p a r t l y through i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p t o good c i t i z e n s h i p , vocational excellence and the worthy use o f l e i s u r e time... Command o f fundamental processes, was viewed not as 'an end i n i t s e l f but nevertheless as indispensible t o the a f f a i r s o f l i f e . . . " 23 I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o note that the report i n i t s o r i g i n a l d r a f t d i d not 24 include fundamental processes. In Krug's opinion, the report was consistent with the thinking of many educators o f the time, but i t i n no way expressed the break with t r a d i t i o n a l education which many o f Kingsley's contemporaries would l i k e to have seen.  Vocational education was not emphasized, and Kingsley  prescribed that a l l high school p u p i l s should take four or f i v e o f the t r a d i t i o n a l subjects.  The committee also rejected the proposals o f  some educators f o r d i f f e r e n t c u r r i c u l a f o r groups o f students.  I t proposed  that the comprehensive high school should remain the standard type of secondary school as a means o f achieving s o c i a l unity.  The report also  came out strongly f o r u n i v e r s a l secondary education t o the age o f 18, again i n the i n t e r e s t o f promoting a "sense o f s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y " .  In t h i s  regard the report declared, "'To the extent t o which the objectives outlined here are adopted as the c o n t r o l l i n g aims o f education...to that extent w i l l i t be recognized that an extended education f o r every boy and g i r l i s e s s e n t i a l t o the welfare and even t o the existence o f democratic  184  society. * " " £  J  King saw the c a r d i n a l p r i n c i p l e s report as an expression o f the s c i e n t i f i c s o c i a l e f f i c i e n c y movement i n education which had dominated the thinking o f many educators f o r more than a decade before the report was written.  The i n t e l l e c t u a l o r i g i n s o f t h i s movement were t o be found  i n the s o c i a l philosophy o f two professors o f sociology, Charles H. Cooley and Edward A. Ross who wrote and lectured during the years before and a f t e r the turn o f the century.  Both were considered  progressives  who influenced the leaders o f p o l i t i c a l progressivism i n the United States, but i n the words o f one h i s t o r i a n w r i t i n g i n the e a r l y 1970's an analysis o f t h e i r theories "reveals a sophisticated i n t e l l e c t u a l 26  j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r repression".  Both men, according t o Paul C. V i o l a s ,  thought that an era o f rapid change with i t s attendant s o c i a l problems required "ever-increasing functional s p e c i a l i z a t i o n " and the leadership of an expert e l i t e which was allowed t o make "correct s o c i a l decisions". "Education,  they contended, would play a c r u c i a l r o l e as the c h i e f s o r t i n g 27  agency i n society".  They d i d not deny equality o f opportunity o r  s o c i a l mobility o r i n d i v i d u a l i t y , but only, i n V i o l a s view, as a means o f obtaining a s o c i a l unity which was determined by the "corporate organism' or i n e f f e c t the expert e l i t e . Violas'analysis o f Cooley and Ross points up p a r a l l e l s between t h i s school o f American sociology and B r i t i s h Columbia educators Weir and King.  For example these pronouncements by Cooley and Ross on demo-  cracy surely s t r i k e responsive chords with l i b e r a l i s m i n B r i t i s h Columbia  185  i n the 1930's.  Ross wrote, "... democracy at i t s best, substitutes  the d i r e c t i o n o f the recognized moral and i n t e l l e c t u a l e l i t e f o r the r u l e of the strong, the r i c h or the p r i v i l e g e d " . ^ 3  And Cooley declared  "The r u l e of p u b l i c opinion, then means...a l a t e n t authority which the p u b l i c w i l l exercise when s u f f i c i e n t l y d i s s a t i s f i e d with the s p e c i a l i s t . . . I t cannot extend to the immediate p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the group as a whole 31 i n the d e t a i l s o f p u b l i c business". In an a r t i c l e published i n 1930,  e n t i t l e d "The H u r t f u l Influence  o f Scholars on Useful Education" Snedden gives i l l u s t r a t i o n s of the educational s o c i o l o g i s t s approach to curriculum construction.  Taking  h i s t o r y f o r one of h i s examples he questions that most h i s t o r y i s of use to the p r i n c i p a l s and experienced teachers whose job i t i s to draw up courses and c u r r i c u l a .  Although some h i s t o r y may  contribute to c u l t u r a l  education by g i v i n g accounts of s o c i a l change t h i s i s secondary to the main purpose of i n s t r u c t i o n i n the schools.  "The schoolmaster knows" he wrote  that "even f o r h i s b r i g h t p u p i l s only a very few incidents.. .or other findings from...history can be made s i g n i f i c a n t i n producing e i t h e r c i v i c . . 32 motivation or c i v i c guidance". This a r t i c l e points out very c l e a r l y that the goal to be sought was quite simply the moulding of the school population i n t o the kind of c i t i z e n s that the schools thought that society required..  What was  to  be emphasized i n any course of study, were those ideas, concepts or f a c t s which would condition the p u p i l to desirable s o c i a l behavior.  I t i s Krug's  contention that the s c i e n t i f i c management movement and the movement f o r  186  s o c i a l e f f i c i e n c y merged a f t e r 1905  and became the dominant point of  view among American educators a f t e r 1910.  The implications of t h i s  development f o r the curriculum were that a l l subjects  had to j u s t i f y  themselves on the basis of t h e i r contribution to the production of a socially efficient individual.  Thus c l a s s i c s and mathematics, because  they were found, on s c i e n t i f i c enquiry, to contribute l i t t l e i n t h i s regard, were the l e a s t necessary subjects f o r any curriculum.  Conversely,  home economics was one of the most important. As mentioned e a r l i e r , although the c a r d i n a l p r i n c i p l e s report adopted the aims and objectives of the dominant educational theory of i t s time i t retained the t r a d i t i o n a l subjects a t the core of the curriculum f o r a l l students.  I t d i d not demand as s o c i a l e f f i c i e n c y and  scientific  management had done, that the subjects prove t h e i r r i g h t to e x i s t , but 33  i t c a l l e d on them "to make t h e i r contribution to the objectives". There was one other aspect of the work that should be mentioned.  Although  the report d i d not emphasize vocationalism, i t d i d consider that vocational guidance was  essential.  The discovery of aptitudes i n the i n d i v i d u a l was  deemed to be e s s e n t i a l and i t was used toward t h i s  recommended that systematic t e s t i n g be  end.  When Weir set out the duties of the c e n t r a l committee he instructed the members to formulate fundamental p r i n c i p l e s o f education from an analysis of the writings of a number of educators and several reports, including that of the seven c a r d i n a l p r i n c i p l e s .  He noted also that the  theories of several prominent educators were set f o r t h i n a book e n t i t l e d  187  The Technique of Curriculum Making.  The author Henry Harrap, a professor  at Western Reserve University, was noted f o r h i s i n t e r e s t i n furthering economic education i n the schools.  The book was  f i r s t printed i n 1928  and had since gone tlirough s i x p r i n t i n g s . " ^  The work can hardly be s a i d to contain even an elementary analysis of the writers mentioned, Spencer, Bobbitt, Chapman Snedden, Bonser and Counts.  What i t does do i s to set out a formula f o r curriculum construction  which incorporates some o f educational objectives mentioned i n the writings of these men.  Harrap s book i s e s s e n t i a l l y a rather s i m p l i s t i c piece 1  o f propaganda f o r the school of s c i e n t i f i c management and s o c i a l e f f i c i e n c y of which F r a n k l i n Bobbitt was  the c h i e f spokesman, modified by a plea  that the schools help to reconstruct American l i f e .  I d e a l l y speaking,  Harrap stated the objectives of any curriculum should be determined by a d i r e c t analysis of the needs o f the learner.  This method being  c o s t l y , however, curriculum makers should base t h e i r work on the "wealth of quantative data already i n existence which describes the actual habits  35 of people, t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s , t h e i r d e f i c i e n c i e s , t h e i r needs".  He  countered the c r i t i c i s m that education based on t h i s approach to curriculum making was geared mainly to adjustment to the status quo, by saying that most curriculum makers were convinced that the emphasis should be on s o c i a l improvement through democratic processes.  To t h i s end those i n  charge of fashioning new curriculums, were s t r e s s i n g the s o c i a l education of the c h i l d rather than h i s mental development and discouraging the i n e f f e c t i v e and unwholesome idea of personal development as a  "conscious  188  objective f o r i n d i v i d u a l s " .  Such then were the models and r a t i o n a l e f o r curriculum construction advocated by the Minister o f Education advocated f o r the guidance o f those who were t o be responsible for.the revised curriculum f o r B r i t i s h Columbia. I t remains t o make a c r i t i c a l assessment o f the curriculum t o determine i n what respects i t embodied the s o c i a l philosophy and objectives o f both the c a r d i n a l p r i n c i p l e s report and Harrap's work.  The new curriculum was issued t o the schools i n a s e r i e s o f successive b u l l e t i n s from the summer o f 1936 t o the autumn o f 1937, and i t s implementation began during those years.  The b u l l e t i n s f o r the  new programme o f studies f o r the elementary school and the j u n i o r secondary school each ran t o approximately  660 pages, while those f o r the senior  secondary school, including one f o r parents, t o t a l l e d over 1,000 pages. The curriciilum fdr„each l e v e l o f schooling was prefaced by the same statement o f educational philosophy, followed by a complete o u t l i n e o f every course a t each grade l e v e l accompanied by a statement o f the s p e c i f i c objectives to be r e a l i z e d . hensiveness and d e t a i l .  The outlines were formidable i n t h e i r compreA t the same time i t was frequently stated that  course o u t l i n e s were not intended t o be binding on teachers who were instructed instead t o use t h e i r own ideas and i n i t i a t i v e s , provided that they were i n harmony with the general aims o f the course.  The much heralded "Aims and Philosophy o f Education i n B r i t i s h Columbia" d e a l t with the functions o f the system o f education, both from  189  an i n d i v i d u a l and a s o c i a l point o f view, and l e f t no doubt that the s o c i a l function took precedence over the i n d i v i d u a l .  The opening  sentence sounded the keynote f o r the section, "From the point o f view o f society" i t read, "the schools i n any state e x i s t t o develop c i t i z e n s 37 or subjects according t o the dominating i d e a l s o f the state o r society". Although the i n d i v i d u a l ' s "growth and s e l f r e a l i z a t i o n " were important, they were of secondary consideration t o h i s adjustment t o h i s environment, 38 both s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l .  I t was admitted that the process o f adjustment  and growth, although "largely complementary"  sometimes "involve c o n f l i c t " .  In such instances i t was the function o f the school t o discourage development which " i s opposed t o the s o c i a l good" and foster that development which 39 i s "conducive t o the good o f a l l " . However there was another side t o the problem o f adjustment o f the p u p i l t o h i s environment.  As the s o c i a l environment d i d not remain  s t a t i c the school must also t r a i n the young t o be able t o make adjustments to a constantly changing order.  While i t was possible that the student  at some future date "may be" able t o change the environment, the emphasis was not on t r a i n i n g f o r active p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the modification process, 40 but on t r a i n i n g f o r "progressive adjustment" t o change.  The q u a l i t i e s  which were required o f the i n d i v i d u a l t o f a c i l i t a t e t h i s adaptability were the a b i l i t y t o think c r i t i c a l l y with an "open-mindedness and freedom from 41 prejudice unimpeded by unregulated emotion".  These a t t r i b u t e s were  subsumed under the heading o f character, which, i t was stated might therefore "be said t o be the main objectives o f education.  The school and  190  the curriculum should be organized t o achieve t h i s end." The section on character education, included i n the parents' b u l l e t i n , re-emphasized  the primary importance o f the development of  moral character i n the students, and set out i n considerable d e t a i l the methods the school should use i n a t t a i n i n g t h i s goal.  Despite the  pre-eminent place given to character education, i t was never  specified  what character was, or what character t r a i t s , other than those mentioned above, were considered admirable and most amenable to c u l t i v a t i o n i n a school setting.  However those who had drawn up the curriculum were  quite d e f i n i t e as to the type of person they would l i k e to see emerge from the process o f schooling.  The person of character was one who acted i n  such a way as to contribute t o the s o c i a l welfare and the good of others. The emphasis should be, i t was pointed out, "upon doing good rather than 43 upon being good".  This meant not following a r i g i d moral code but  rather a f l e x i b l e morality "dependent upon i n s i g h t i n t o the i n s t i t u t i o n a l 44 problems which surround us". The ways and means of achieving the 'main objective of education' were numerous.  School clubs were valuable i n a s s i s t i n g "the adolescent 45  i n h i s change from an i n d i v i d u a l to a s o c i a l outlook".  The  guidance  counsellor was important i n co-ordinating the e f f o r t s of teachers and any s p e c i a l i s t s who might be necessary to deal with a student's problems. Teachers were iitportant not only because of t h e i r day-to-day influence on the students but also because o f the l i a i s o n which they should with the home.  establish  The tone of the school and the handling of d i s c i p l i n e  191  were also v i t a l .  The i n d i v i d u a l conference,  the case study and the  group discussion were a l l techniques recommended as u s e f u l i n i n s t r u c t i o n related to moral character and conduct. Group discussion appeared to be the most favoured as there was "no surer way of c u l t i v a t i n g a s o c i a l point o f view than by encouraging discussion by a c l a s s o f problems a f f e c t i n g the whole group".  46  . A f t e r group discussion, c a r e f u l l y directed  by the teacher, proper conduct was to be achieved by group pressure,  for  "the approval of the group i s the most e f f e c t i v e way o f achieving the 47 results desired". Taken as a whole the section on character education r e f l e c t s a downgrading of the i n d i v i d u a l and the elevation of the group, under the leadership of those possessed with the correct a t t i t u d e s .  Not only i s  the i n d i v i d u a l seen as as prone to idleness, s e l f i s h n e s s ,  self-centredness,  and i r r a t i o n a l i t y , but the family, as noted e a r l i e r , suspicion.  i s viewed with  There i s no doubt l e f t that i n c o n f l i c t s of attitudes between  the home and the school, i t i s the home which i s i n e r r o r .  None o f t h i s  can be seen as s u r p r i s i n g , when taken i n the context of the Report on Nursing Education and the King Report, both o f which point up the  falli-  b i l i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l and the s u p e r i o r i t y of the corporate e n t i t y when guided by those with the r i g h t s o c i a l values.  A section headed  " D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of I n s t r u c t i o n , " also included i n the parents' b u l l e t i n , reinforced the point made by Weir i n the Report on Nursing Education that 48 those of superior i n t e l l i g e n c e were also those of greater moral worth. The salvation of society was to be accomplished by weaning the young away  192  from t r a d i t i o n and conditioning them to accept the change deemed necessary by those with superior i n s i g h t i n t o society's needs. means of i t s most v i t a l i n s t i t u t i o n the school, was  The state, by to replace the  church, the family and i n d i v i d u a l conscience as the c h i e f a r b i t r a t o r of morality and conduct. An analysis of the programme of s o c i a l studies i l l u s t r a t e s the dominant place that the i n c u l c a t i o n of s o c i a l values held i n the minds o f the curriculum planners.  S o c i a l studies provide perhaps the best  example because they occupied an important p o s i t i o n i n the curriculum as s o c i a l i z i n g agents, "The S o c i a l Studies are designed to t r a i n the p u p i l 49 as a member of society and to c u l t i v a t e h i s s o c i a l e f f i c i e n c y "  stated  the opening paragraph o f the section on s o c i a l studies f o r senior secondary schools.  In l i n e with Sneddon's outlook the preamble.further asserted  that a l l branches of the s o c i a l studies "must contribute...toward aim of developing  the  i n the p u p i l a s o c i a l and c i v i c personality...From  each  of these separate d i s c i p l i n e s such materials are drawn as can be used i n 50 achieving the general and s p e c i f i c objectives o f the S o c i a l Studies". A reading of some of the "Eight Ideals and Attitudes" to be developed by the junior secondary s o c i a l studies programme, i l l u s t r a t e s the extensiveness o f the goal the curriculum makers had set, as w e l l as the inconsistencies involved. "1. Love f o r other nations of the B r i t i s h Ccarmonwealth and f o r our c o n s t i t u t i o n a l monarchy. 3. A sincere appreciation of our great pioneers of empire, government and reform, science and invention.  193  4. Tolerance and respect f o r other nations and races. 7. A respect f o r the r i g h t s and property of others. 9. An appreciation of the d i g n i t y of labour and i t s p a r t i n the development of character."  51  One wonders how the curriculum planners intended to reconcile S i r Robert Peel, Wilberforce,  C l i v e , C e c i l Rhodes, Lord Durham and George Brown with  one another, l e t alone with tolerance and respect f o r other races, and 52 the r i g h t s and property of others. The i n s t r u c t i o n s on methods set out i n the s o c i a l studies programme f o r senior secondary schools asked teachers to note that although "the development of desirable s o c i a l attitudes and responses" should be the aim 53 of the course different.  the expectations f o r each category o f p u p i l s should be "In general" i t was stated, " d u l l p u p i l s should develop the  true essentials of s o c i a l l i v i n g — t h e a b i l i t y to get along agreeably and e f f e c t i v e l y with the people with whom they associate d a i l y ; some power as consumers to evaluate the merits of various solutions to vexing s o c i a l problems:  some a b i l i t y to choose among candidates f o r leadership". Bright  pupils needed a l l ' t h i s and more including the "need to learn the responsi54 b i l i t i e s and duties of leadership". The s o c i a l studies curriculum a l s o made a p l e a f o r the encouragement of c r i t i c a l thinking and open-mindedness.  The teacher was  to r e f r a i n from propagandizing "his own views r e l i g i o u s , or other  cautioned  p o l i t i c a l , economic,  or with the views of any party o r group to which he 55  may belong or with which he may sympathize"  and urged to "exercise the  194  highest measure of objectivity and impartiality".  The discussion on  methodology pointed out that students must be trained to exercise analytical and c r i t i c a l powers by means of the material with which social studies provided them. Clearly, the members of curriculum revision committees had placed themselves on the horns of a dilemma.  The only  resolutions possible were either to assert that objectivity must lead inevitably to one conclusion, an untenable intellectual position, or to indulge i n pupil manipulation to achieve the desired results. While the problem i s not dealt with directly, manipulation seems to be quite acceptable. The methods to be used at the senior secondary level, were "essentially inherent i n the objectives and must be such as w i l l ensure the maximum of pupil co-operation toward the attainment of ends with which he has been led to identify his interest".  57  Taken within the p o l i t i c a l context of British Columbia during the mid-thirties, the injunction to teachers to be impartial and refrain from propagandizing can be interpreted, not so much as a statement of general principle, but as a warning to those with radical sympathies.  It i s  impossible to estimate how many teachers at that time held p o l i t i c a l opinions which could be interpreted as being to the l e f t of the Liberal administration.  Nor can i t be known how many may have been influenced by  the social reconstruction theories then at their zenith i n the United States.  However i t i s probably safe to assume that the proportion was  at least as great as i n the population at large,  58  and i t was predicted  by p o l i t i c a l observers i n 1936, that had an election been called i n British  195  Columbia at that time, the C.C.F. would have been certain of victory. It i s significant that the statements regarding impartiality and objectivity appeared i n the revision of the senior secondary curriculum after rumours had been widely circulated about socialist and even corraunist 59 theories having been disseminated m  the schools.  On the other hand there i s no doubt that Weir was determined to use the schools to attempt to achieve the kind of society which he envisaged.  Whatever reservations others might have had, he never appeared  to have questioned that c r i t i c a l thinking and the right values were synonomous, or that both were identical with Liberalism as he understood it.  In a speech delivered to the Laurier Club of Vancouver i n August  1947, and later published as a pamphlet, Weir expressed his faith i n Liberalsim as the virtual saviour of democracy, i f not of mankind. Liberalism, he stated was practically the equivalent of "sane Humanitarianism" and i f the application of i t s principles should f a i l , then the "outlook  60 for democracy i s well-nigh hopeless".  Taken as a whole the speech  i s a paen of praise to Liberalism past and present and an exorcism of a l l other p o l i t i c a l philosophies, or,isms, as they were referred to. The speech i s of interest to the educational historian because i t points up the parallels between Weir's p o l i t i c a l convictions and his educational policies.  P o l i t i c a l ideologies of the right and the l e f t  were abhorrent because the one glorified unrestricted free enterprise and the other centralization and collectivism.  He repudiated the charge that  Liberalism upheld the doctrine of laissez-faire.  In his version of  196  B r i t i s h h i s t o r y l a i s s e z - f a i r e economic a c t i v i t y became more and more circumscribed during the 19th century largely due to the onslaughts of Liberalism most p a r t i c u l a r l y "government-controlled education of the masses".  Liberalism i n i t s present form, Weir stated, r e f l e c t e d the  extremely complex nature of society and stood both f o r " s o c i a l control  62 and free enterprise".  E q u a l i t y on the other hand  was discarded because  i t was not rooted i n nature and therefore an u n r e a l i s t i c goal.  The  equality promised by some p o l i t i c i a n s would i n e f f e c t be the enforced equality of the t o t a l i t a r i a n state.  I t should be pointed out that Weir  was not r e f e r r i n g only to cxmttunism here but also to socialism which bore the main brunt of h i s opprobrium i n t h i s speech.  In h i s opinion  those with superior i n t e l l i g e n c e quotients should be allowed to achieve the greatest success, indeed i t was almost i n e v i t a b l e that they would. The best that a democracy could do was to guarantee "so-called e q u a l i t y  63 of opportunity to a l l the children of a l l the c i t i z e n s " them with a good education.  by providing  A f t e r that i f free competition were allowed  to operate l i f e would reward those with superior i n t e l l e c t u a l and moral attributes.  Only L i b e r a l s i m i n Weir's estimation would allow these  conditions to p e r t a i n . There i s no doubt that f o r Weir p o l i t i c a l and educational theory were c l o s e l y related.  With such an u n c r i t i c a l f a i t h i n L i b e r a l i s m combined  with such complete condemnation of a l l other p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s and creeds i t was not s u r p r i s i n g that he should f i n d nothing reprehensible i n making the schools the v e h i c l e f o r a L i b e r a l s e t of values.  I t i s worth noting  197  that no mention was made i n Weir's speech that a p o l i t i c a l party, or for that matter democracy i t s e l f should represent the attitudes,, aspirations, or w i l l of the people.  Only the Liberal party i s aware of what i s best^  for the masses and more important i s able to lead them to the promised / land.  The promises of other parties are merely snares and delusions  which w i l l utlimately lead them by means of the evils of collectivism and centralization to dictatorship.  I t seems to be implicit i n a l l  this the feeling that the average person i s incapable of directing his own destiny.  Certainly the curriculum guides would seem to bear this con-  tention out.  Despite the glowing rhetoric of public speeches and the King  Report concerning the ability of large numbers of students to benefit from a high school education, the new secondary school curriculums repeatedly made the crude categorization of pupils into the bright and the dull, on the basis of which different subject matter was prescribed and different results expected.  Nowhere i s there a mention made of the average pupil.  At the school level there were only the bright and the d u l l , the morally superior and the morally inferior, those to be initiated into leadership and those who could be expected to acquire some judgement "as consumers" as to the merits of p o l i t i c a l platforms and candidates. From the point of view of pedagogy, the new curriculum adopted a unit form of organization. Every course was divided into "units of learning", centring around one specific topic.  When a topic was finished  64 no further reference or testing was to be done on i t .  Although the  project method was to be used both for group and individual work was no suggestion as with the enterprise programme i n Alberta that topics were  198  to be chosen on the basis o f a j o i n t d e c i s i o n o f teacher and p u p i l s . Each u n i t was prescribed by the curriculum guide complete with the general and s p e c i f i c aims to be r e a l i z e d .  However the items o f subject matter were  to be based on the i n t e r e s t s of the c h i l d "either native o r a c q u i r e d " . ^ The mastering of f a c t s was not t o be considered as an aim o f any u n i t . Programmes, because o f the need to recognize c h i l d i n t e r e s t had t o maintain a c e r t a i n amount of f l e x i b i l i t y , but nevertheless t h i s d i d not "necessitate the abandonment o f subject matter, the e s s e n t i a l s of which are f i x e d i n advance".  66  The model used as a guide f o r the organization  of units was the State o f Montana Course o f Study "classed as 'excellent' 67 by the Teachers College Columbia University". Guidance, on which King had placed so much emphasis i n h i s report, received a prominent place i n the curriculum of grades 9, 10, 11, and 12. and gave much more importance to educational, moral, s o c i a l and c i v i c guidance than i t d i d to vocational.  This was understandable i n view  o f the f a c t that the school now "considers i t s e l f responsible f o r the Child's moral, p h y s i c a l , and s o c i a l development as w e l l as f o r h i s i n t e l l e c t u a l development and h i s vocational guidance".  68  This l a s t statement  regarding guidance can be taken as a summing up o f the new curriculum. While i t .is probably true that the moral and s o c i a l development o f the c h i l d have always taken precedence i n the minds of the c h i e f promoters i n 69 North America, stated as such.  i t was not u n t i l the 20th century that i t was so e x p l i c i t l y I n t e l l e c t u a l development, or command o f fundamental  processes, as the c a r d i n a l p r i n c i p l e s report termed i t , was merely one o f  199  the many concerns of schooling, and as the B r i t i s h Columbia curriculum made abundantly c l e a r by no means one of the most important. The new programme of studies followed c l o s e l y the pattern set down by the c a r d i n a l p r i n c i p l e s report with i t s emphasis on s o c i a l u t i l i t y and preparation f o r l i f e s i t u a t i o n s . guide was  The dimension added by Harrap s 1  the importance of adjustment to desirable s o c i a l change.  What  i s noticeable i n a l l three instances i s that while the growth of the i n d i v i d u a l was  frequently mentioned as a most worthy goal of education,  the welfare of society or the state took precedence.  The school population  was to be adjusted to a value system d i c t a t e d by a minute rninority of society, i n t h i s case of a progressive l i b e r a l i s m of t r u l y enormous pretensions.  At the heart of both the p o l i t i c a l and the educational  philosophy there lay a dogma which had l i t t l e f a i t h i n the i n d i v i d u a l ' s a b i l i t y to d i r e c t h i s own l i f e or contribute i n any meaningful way the d i r e c t i o n o f society.  He was  to  a consumer, not a producer, and as  such, must be conditioned to consume what was best f o r society/ which by d e f i n i t i o n was  also best f o r him.  When the new curriculum revisions were published in'±he autumn o f 1936  they received wide coverage i n the d a i l y press as w e l l as educational  publications.  In general the p u b l i c response was  favourable, even  enthusiastic.  When the f i r s t b u l l e t i n was issued containing the statement  of educational aims Weir announced that the B r i t i s h Columbia Government was aiming a t nothing less than a "new  philosophy of education".  An  e d i t o r i a l w r i t e r commenting on t h i s statement, t o l d h i s readers not to be  200  alarmed as there was nothing "revolutionary i n t h i s programme of studies as indicated i n the statement of educational aims."  Nothing was new i n  substance, although i t might sound new to those who were "unfamiliar with the academic d i a l e c t " . ^  0  The e d i t o r of the B.C. Teacher thought  that although many educators i n many parts of Canada were working on  new  programmes o f studies, nowhere had the "problem of c u r r i c u l a r r e v i s i o n been faced with such i n t e l l i g e n t awareness of basic p r i n c i p l e s and such wise i n s i s t e n c e upon the unity of the whole undertaking".  Mistakes  had  been made he conceded, and there were even some thoughtful teachers  who  "questioned the i n f a l l i b i l i t y of the Commission s Confession of F a i t h i n 1  71 the matter of educational aims and philosophy".  However as the  new  programme was not intended to be f i x e d and s t a t i c , differences and d i f f i c u l t i e s could be resolved i n the future.  The School ran a s e r i e s of  a r t i c l e s on the new curriculum, written by a T.A.  Brough of Vancouver,  which were both lengthy and laudatory. That no c r i t i c a l appraisals of the new programme of studies ever reached the printed page of educational publications i s unfortunate. Perhaps those who  disagreed among the teaching profession were f e a r f u l  of the consequences o f outspoken p u b l i c c r i t i c i s m .  However that disagree-  ment e x i s t e d with the p h i l o s o p h i c a l basis o f the new curriculum was indicated by an e d i t o r i a l which appeared i n the B.C. 1937.  again  Teacher i n February  The e d i t o r i a l defended the "Aims and Objectives" against "those  q u a l i f i e d to express an opinion" who approval e s p e c i a l l y those who  could not give i t t h e i r  unreserved  "believe that i n i t they see traces of the  201  ideology o f the corporate state".  Even i f t h i s were the case the  w r i t e r concludes i t was productive o f worthwhile goals.  I t i s impossible  to determine t o what extent t h i s e d i t o r i a l expressed the views o f the w r i t e r alone o r was the concensus o f a sizeable body o f the teaching profession i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  I f i t were the l a t t e r i t indicates not  so much whole-hearted agreement as the enthusiastic acceptance o f what were seen t o be concrete, understandable,  unequivocal, p r a c t i c a l objectives  where none o r a confusion o r m l t i p l i c i t y had existed before.  Certainly the teachers responded e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y t o the new programmes o f studies, a t l e a s t according to the inspectors' reports o f the years 1936, 1937, and 1938.  Most inspectors noted a "perceptible 73  qickening o f p r o f e s s i o n a l i n t e r e s t "  while a Burnaby inspector commented  approvingly that many p r i n c i p a l s , i n order t o give competent leadership to t h e i r s t a f f s were taking education courses a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h 74 Columbia and the University o f Washington during the summer. By the f a l l o f 1939 inspectors were almost uniformly w r i t i n g approvingly o f the improved conditions o f the schools how that the new programmes o f study were i n f u l l operation.  H.N. McCorkindale wrote that  the school year 1938-39 "should be c a l l e d a year o f consolidation o f p o l i c i e s inaugurated i n the previous two years".  His only c r i t i c i s m was that the  school plant and equipment were not s u f f i c i e n t t o provide a t the secondary school l e v e l , the "necessary t r a i n i n g suited t o the varying a b i l i t i e s o f 75 t h i s large heterogeneous group o f students".  The C i t y o f V i c t o r i a  inspector a t t r i b u t e d the increased high school enrolment a t l e a s t i n p a r t  202  to the "recent r e v i s i o n of the Programme of Studies and the r e s u l t i n g 76 changes i n high school organization".  The New Westminster inspector  wrote glowingly that the year had been marked by the "continued development of an e x c e l l e n t i n s t r u c t i o n a l programme providing as i t d i d f o r the i n d i v i d u a l p u p i l the opportunity to develop mentally, morally, p h y s i c a l l y 77 and s p i r i t u a l l y to the most o f h i s capacity". In 1940, H.B.  King issued h i s f i r s t report as Chief Inspector  o f Schools f o r the province.  The new curriculum was pronounced a success,  f o r the e f f o r t to "understand and apply" i t had given an " i n t e l l e c t u a l quickening to the teaching body which has brought freshness and v i t a l i t y 78 to t h e i r teaching".  Unfortunately not a l l the teachers had shown the  same keen i n t e r e s t i n the new philosophy and methods.  P r i n c i p a l s and  secondary school teachers he had noted had been "conspicuously absent" from summer school programmes although eminent educationists had given  79 courses "keyed to the l e v e l of the more able and mature teachers".  King,  always aware of those he would have termed h i s reactionary English c r i t i c s , drew attention to the f a c t that the most recent Handbook of Suggestion f o r Teachers issued by the E n g l i s h Board of Education was  very  s i m i l a r to the: l a t e s t curriculum b u l l e t i n s issued by the Department of Education i n B r i t i s h Columbia, although neither he nor h i s committees had been aware of t h i s p u b l i c a t i o n u n t i l a f t e r t h e i r work was  finished.  This was an educational movement of the English-speaking world, he 80 emphasized, not an "American p e c u l i a r i t y " . I t i s of course impossible to judge how many teachers earnestly  203  tried to teach to the new aims and objectives and applied the new methodologies.  Reading the inspectors' reports for the years 1935 to 1940, two  themes stand out:  the greater number and variety of courses being offered,  and the prevalence of testing.  In those schools i n which they were not  already taught home economics, industrial education, music and art were consistently seen as welcome additions to the curriculum. With the increase i n options available many inspectors reported urging teachers, trustees, and parents to encourage children to opt for the high school graduation course rather than the matriculation course.  One wonders to  what extent the addition of these subjects reflected a desire to discover their talents and a b i l i t i e s or an attempt to make the schools more effective holding institutions.  I t i s not unlikely that there were many who met  with Weir i n the summer of 1936 to request curriculum changes because the "holding quality of the curriculum did not appeal to the majority of the 81 high school students".  One wonders also how many pupils without any  noticeable mechanical, musical or a r t i s t i c capacities were encouraged to enrol i n such courses because the demands made on the student were so low that he was assured of successfully completing the course. By the late 30's the use of intelligence and standardized achievement tests seems to have become a generally accepted procedure i n a l l schools.  The Vancouver Bureau of Measurements supplied many of their  examinations and standardized tests to the "various inspectors and other 82 o f f i c i a l s of the Department of Education". During the 1935-36 year the Bureau had, i n accordance with an agreement between the Vancouver School  204  Board and the Vancouver General Hospital, given i n t e l l i g e n c e tests to 83 "both probation classes of the h o s p i t a l t r a i n i n g school".  The same  year t e s t s were administered to Vancouver school c h i l d r e n i n reading and arithmetic and the r e s u l t s compared with the t e s t scores obtained by c h i l d r e n i n the same grades i n 1924, when tests were given to provide data f o r the Putman-Weir Report.  Interestingly the r e s u l t s showed very  l i t t l e improvement i n medium scores except i n Grade 6 reading where the score increased by j u s t under 8 points.  Retardation i n reading had by 84  t h i s time become a much discussed t o p i c i n the schools.  I t was  felt  to be the cause of much l a t e r school f a i l u r e and an increased emphasis was being placed on remedial reading i n s t r u c t i o n .  In Vancouver the  Medical Department and the Bureau of Measurements were engaged i n a cooperative e f f o r t to a r r i v e a t the causes f o r the number of repeaters i n Grades 1 and 2.  "By eliminating much o f the retardation a t t h i s early  age i n t h e i r school experience" McCorkindale wrote "I f e e l confident that 85 less juvenile delinquency w i l l occur i n our cxarimunity".  In V i c t o r i a ,  the inspector stated that i n t e l l i g e n c e t e s t s and standardized achievement t e s t s were being extensively used.  The r e s u l t s of these t e s t s i n conjunction  with "objective and other achievement t e s t s constructed by teachers and supplemented by the teachers  judgement were the main basis for promotion 86 and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n to the higher grades". 1  Even i f inspectors and a large number o f the teaching profession were s a t i s f i e d or even enthusiastic about -the new curriculum i t was  still  necessary to make sure that the p u b l i c was i n sympathy with the changes  205  which had been made, and the new d i r e c t i o n s being taken.  The government  had been c r i t i c i z e d f o r being a r b i t r a r y and d i c t a t o r i a l i n i t s p o l i c i e s regarding s o c i a l services and education, and although p u b l i c input might not be welcomed neither was p u b l i c antipathy.  In November, 1935 Weir  addressed the Vancouver I n s t i t u t e and defended h i s p o l i c i e s of "introducing highly trained u n i v e r s i t y graduates i n t o the administrative s t a f f i n place of p o l i t i c a l appointees":  increasing c e n t r a l i z a t i o n i n education:  and extending the benefits of p u b l i c health services "especially i n the matter of health education and preventive services".  The u n i v e r s i t y  graduates were, he contended, "making a great contribution to the ;  r a t i o n a l i z i n g of p u b l i c thought".  C e n t r a l i z a t i o n of education had resulted  i n an "increase of e f f i c i e n c y through standardization and government assistance".  He concluded by d e f l e c t i n g the charges of "Hitlerism and  d i c t a t o r s h i p " which had been l e v e l l e d at the government by saying the' "people don 1 worry very much about d i c t a t o r s h i p when they get the services 1  they want".^  During education week the following spring, McCorkindale f o r the "maximum co-operation" between the home and the school.  called This  was necessary more than ever before because the school, he declared, had i n many ways "changed as much as the modern store or factory", and was how attempting to develop the whole man, personality".  and hence to i n t e n s i f y the  In t h i s process both education f o r l e i s u r e and physical and  health education were necessary.  Education f o r l e i s u r e he said, quoting  an E n g l i s h educator was not "'a luxury provided by the taxpayer f o r the children of the ambitious poor ". 1  I t was  ".'.Society's self-assurance against  206  disruption ". 1  With regard t o p h y s i c a l and health education the  p u b l i c appeared t o be i n complete agreement with Weir and McCorkindale. At i t s annual convention i n A p r i l 1936 the Parent Teacher Federation thanked t h e Vancouver School Board f o r the progress already made i n t h i s subject and pledged i t s e l f t o work f o r the day when every school on the province would have the proper f a c i l i t i e s f o r p h y s i c a l education and recreation.  "Give us a younger generation" the president stated i n her  address "which knows and can observe the laws o f healthy thinking and  89 healthy l i v i n g and h a l f o f our economic troubles w i l l be over." During 1936 and 1937 Weir and King used every opportunity to p u b l i c i z e the new curriculum.  Both decried the influence that examinations  had had on education i n the past and heralded the new system which made promotion dependent on the recommendation of teachers and p r i n c i p a l s . Promotion by t h i s means was i n r e a l i t y nothing new; i t had been p r a c t i c e d f o r a number o f years i n many schools.  But with the introduction o f  the new programme o f studies i t became more widespread.  When accrediting  of high schools became o f f i c i a l p o l i c y i n 1937 u n i v e r s i t y entrance could be achieved without the w r i t i n g o f departmental examinations.  "It i s  harder to get r i d o f the examination influence i n the modern curriculum than t o move a graveyard" s a i d King addressing a Women's i n s t i t u t e Convention.  Now that the new curriculum had accomplished t h i s , however,  teachers would no longer teach f o r examinations but concentrate on the  90 child.  And t h i s from the man who but a short time e a r l i e r had been  such a vigorous spokesman f o r standardized tests f o r high school students.  9  207  Addressing a L i b e r a l party meeting i n 1937 Weir stressed the newd i r e c t i o n that education was taking "away from the Prussian system which Canada had h i t h e r t o followed."  B r i t i s h Columbia was i n f a c t leading  Canada i n educational reform he claimed. to  1  The aim of i t s education was  "adapt c h i l d r e n f o r the p r a c t i c a l p a r t they would f i l l i n l i f e , i n  a rounded education, paying attention to character-forming studies to c b r i n g about i n d i v i d u a l s e l f - r e a l i z a t i o n i n harmony with s o c i a l adjustment".' Throughout the speech the importance o f the i n d i v i d u a l was constantly emphasized.  The new programmes of study were presented as being the  f i r s t attempt i n the h i s t o r y of schooling i n Canada to take any i n t e r e s t i n the learner.  The impression was  l e f t that t h i s was the f i r s t  truly  democratic system of education ever launched i n t h i s country. With the approach of the e l e c t i o n set f o r the f i r s t of June, 1937, the so-called deomcratization of education was one of the themes most frequently heard i n the L i b e r a l campaign i n r e l a t i o n to education. other was the decrease i n per capita costs f o r education,  The  "notwithstanding  93 increased e f f i c i e n c y and expanding services".  Unlike the previous  e l e c t i o n , however, education was not a major issue.  There seemed to be  no p u b l i c disagreement while the importance accorded to health and p h y s i c a l education seems to have been applauded i n a l l quarters.  Of 'the two  opposition p a r t i e s , the C.C.F. appeared to be most i n harmony with the new d i r e c t i o n s .  In an address given i n the f a l l of 1936,  j u s t a f t e r the  issuance of the new courses of study f o r elementary and junior  secondary 94  schools, the Reverend Robert Connell leader of the p r o v i n c i a l party, gave h i s stand on educational matters.  He advocated concentration on the  208  p r a c t i c a l aspects o f schooling as w e l l as the development of character and the a b i l i t y to think.  He declared himself i n favour of more education  f o r everyone as the country was moving forward i n t o a new era o f a "more j u s t d i s t r i b u t i o n of the ocranunity's wealth" and a more widely d i f f u s e d education was needed "to face these changes i n t e l l i g e n t l y " .  At the  same time he was i n favour of teaching a trade to "every g i r l and boy, as a means o f spreading knowledge and the use of tools and eliminating 95 a tendency to overcrowd the white c o l l a r professions". The Conservatives on the other hand, tended to see i n the  new  curriculum's insistence that education should adapt p u p i l s to future s o c i a l change an unwelcome move to the l e f t .  Weir countered Conservative c r i t i c i s m  by claiming that there was no p o l i t i c s i n education.  In an address to  the Lady L a u r i e r Club three weeks before the e l e c t i o n , he denied that the new curriculum was s o c i a l i s t i c .  " I f our curriculum i s s o c i a l i s t i c " he  declared "...then that of Great B r i t a i n ' s conservative government i s ODmmunistic i n i t s s o c i a l i z a t i o n of education".  Weir also said that he had  no need to know the p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s of h i s inspectors.  "We  are t r y i n g "  he stated "to b u i l d up a c i v i l service on merit, with t e c h n i c a l l y - t r a i n e d 96 men i n technical jobs". The e l e c t i o n held on June, 1937 gave a resounding v i c t o r y to the L i b e r a l s who but a year before had been predicted to be c e r t a i n losers. The r e s u l t s showed the L i b e r a l s to have won  31 seats, the Conservatives  8, thereby becoming the o f f i c i a l opposition, and the C.C.F. 7. also two independents of s o c i a l i s t persuasion.  There were  I t seemed obvious that  209  the province was beginning t o turn from i t s much p u b l i c i z e d radicalism to a more conservative stance.  P a t t u l l o seems a t any rate to have  interpreted the e l e c t i o n r e s u l t s i n t h i s way f o r he became much more 97 cautious and conservative i n h i s p o l i c i e s from then on.  The reasons  f o r t h i s probably ran the gamut from disenchantment with the C.C.F. because 98 of i t s confusion i n leadership,  and growing scepticism with what  governments could do t o a l t e r conditions, t o the dramatically increased a c t i v i t y i n lumbering and mining and P a t t u l l o ' s northern v i s i o n o f new wealth i n mining and o i l . Jjmmediately following the e l e c t i o n Weir took the opportunity t o again defend the new curriculum against charges o f s o c i a l i s m and radicalism. Addressing 700 teachers a t the opening o f the summer school i n V i c t o r i a , he based h i s speech on the idea that change was a basic condition o f existence.  This being the case, he stated "What we are s t r i v i n g t o do i s  to l a y the foundation f o r a changing c i v i l i z a t i o n " .  Two o f the courses  being given a t the summer school, "The New Curriculum, I t s Objectives and Procedures" and "The School i n the S o c i a l Order" both by Dr. Roy Evan Johnson o f the University o f Chicago were concerned with the school as a s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n r e l a t e d t o s o c i a l change.  There would be s p e c i a l  value i n t h i s t r a i n i n g Weir f e l t f o r i t would help the students t o "Distinguish between the propagandist and t h e teacher who had a sense o f 99 p r a c t i c a l r e a l i t y and f a c t as w e l l as the i d e a l " . A few days l a t e r the Conservative Daily Colonist i n a lengthy e d i t o r i a l r e p l i e d to Weir's speech.  Taking as h i s cue the phrase laying  210  the foundation f o r a new  s o c i a l order the w r i t e r accused the M i n i s t e r  of wishing to "march ahead and blaze the t r a i l toward the s o c i a l  millenium".  The e d i t o r i a l went on to question whether the educators i n B r i t i s h Columbia s e r i o u s l y wished to adjust young people to society as i t existed. Were they not i n f a c t t r y i n g to use the schools to t r a i n the young to "became members of a society organized on l i n e s approved by our masters"?  educational  I f such were the case the w r i t e r c a l l e d on the Department of  Education when a S o c i a l i s t i c planned economy was the schools.  to be ushered i n through  The e d i t o r i a l concluded by saying that the "doctrine of  h i s t o r i c Liberalism" seemed to be undergoing a notable change as the stand o f same very advanced L i b e r a l s d i d not seem to be very d i f f e r e n t from the Socialists.  1 0 0  Shortly afterwards, . King, addressing the c l o s i n g assembly  of the sunnier school came t o the a i d of Weir i n h i s b a t t l e with the Conservatives.  He c a t e g o r i c a l l y denied that he had any b e l i e f i n the idea  that the schools should bring about a new  s o c i a l order.  No one knew, he  declared, what society would be l i k e i n the future, and i f the  schools  attempted to t r a i n people f o r a " d e f i n i t e s o c i a l order i n the future", i t would end by producing people maladjusted f o r the future a l s o " . At the same time he asserted that i t was "capable of new  adjustments i n an evolving progressive s o c i a l order"  because that was he was  the aim of the schools to produce people  the way  a democratic system l i v e d and g r e w .  101  Whether  aware of the inconsistency i n h i s thinking one cannot t e l l ,  h i s c r i t i c s were.  Their mistake was  but  to i n t e r p r e t i t as s o c i a l i s t convictions  which both he and Weir s i n c e r e l y denied, f o r neither were i n favour of any b a s i c r e s t r u c t u r i n g of society which was basic to the s o c i a l i s m of the  day.  211  The press heaved a collective sign of relief  when the new curri-  culum for senior high schools was published i n the summer of 1937 with 102  i t s instructions to teachers to "rigidly exclude propaganda from classes". It was hoped that those socialist teachers who did not heed the warning would be "inhibited from attempting to spread their doctrines among the 103  youth".  Weir was hailed as an enlightened Liberal, desirous of  making education "in i t s e l f the very essence of democracy" available as a 104  "sovereign right to every child".  As with the two previous courses  of studies, those for senior high schools met with general approval. The Vancouver Sun praised them for the great prominence given to physical and health education, singling out for particular commendation the course on t r a f f i c s a f e t y . ^  5  Although there may not have been many criticisms from teachers about the philosophy or the overall direction of the new programmes of study there appears to have been considerable disagreement with specific units within the programmes.  The B.C.T.F. convention i n the spring of  1937 passed a resolution requesting that the Department of Education be "asked to include a majority of teachers who are actually teaching the 106  subjects i n each curriculum revision committee".  Perhaps i n response  to this resolution as well as criticism from inspectors and teachers, King i n December, 1937 issued a statement requesting any teacher or group of teachers, "anywhere to be effective participants i n curriculum improvement" by submitting either suggestions for improved organization of courses or new material.  He blamed geography, i n large part" for the fact  212  that "much of the professional a b i l i t y o f the teaching body was untapped" during the o r i g i n a l work of curriculum r e v i s i o n .  Now  however i t had been  decided that although the work could be done by s p e c i a l i s t s , there were 107 "advantages i n a more democratic procedure".  I f King and the d e c i s i o n  makers who decided on the personnel o f the r e v i s i o n committees were a f r a i d that teachers might not understand nor be i n favour of the new d i r e c t i o n s i n education t h e i r fears appear to have unfounded.  Cn the basis of  resolutions passed a t B.C.T.F. meetings, a t any rate, teachers appeared to think that the new curriculum was not being s u f f i c i e n t l y implemented. One r e s o l u t i o n complained that teachers were l i m i t e d too much to the text book method, another advocated that the s o c i a l studies courses of Grades 7 and 8 be revised again to bring them more i n t o l i n e with the 108 "basic p r i n c i p l e s suggested i n the 1936 Programme of Studies". A f t e r the autumn of 1937,  l i t t l e appears to have been spoken or  heard about new educational philosophies, character education, s o c i a l adjustment or the dissemination of the subversive doctrines of s o c i a l i s m or communism i n the schools.  Despite i t s resounding v i c t o r y at the p o l l s  the L i b e r a l Government d i d not continue to pursue p o l i c i e s which were aimed a t the amelioration o f s o c i a l problems. i n 1936  A new committee set up  to r e d r a f t medicare l e g i s l a t i o n had run i n t o j u s t as much opposition  from lobbyists as the previous one.  In the view of one h i s t o r i a n P a t t u l l o ,  f e a r f u l of d r i v i n g large numbers of the middle c l a s s i n t o the arms of the Conservatives, or a l i e n a t i n g "the lower s t r a t a who had flocked to the 109 L i b e r a l camp i n the work and wages campaign of 1933"  made the health  insurance plan the subject of a referendum t o be held i n conjunction with  213  the e l e c t i o n .  Although the refendum was approved by a 4 t o 3 margin,  health insurance was shelved u n t i l a f t e r the newly appointed Commission on Dominion P r o v i n c i a l r e l a t i o n s should bring down i t s report.  The  administration adopted a middle o f the road course o f action, with the exception o f i t s attack on the f u e l monopolies.  The main thrust o f L i b e r a l p o l i c y continued t o be obtaining better terms from Ottawa, p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the upturn i n employment which had occurred i n 1936 and 1937 was followed by a sharp recession i n 1938. With t h i s economic slump came renewed demands that the province assume the f u l l cost o f education as many m u n i c i p a l i t i e s were going bankrupt thereby making government grants t o education useless.  A t t h e i r convention  at Kelowna i n the summer o f 1938 the L i b e r a l s voted f o r the adoption o f a l l educational costs by the p r o v i n c i a l government.  As the r e s o l u t i o n  read such a move would a f f o r d "permanent r e l i e f " and d e f i n i t e l y solve the "problem of municipal finance and credit"."'""'"^  Although P a t t u l l o d i d  not oppose the r e s o l u t i o n he indicated that he would p r e f e r t o see i t deferred.  Where, he asked, would the money come come from?  I f land  were not to provide the revenues then with p r o v i n c i a l c o f f e r s low i t would have t o be r e a l i z e d by a tax on industry o r incomes. f a c t that he had promised t o give industry a " f a i r deal"  In view d f the and t r y t o  improve the p o s i t i o n o f the working man he d i d not see how t h i s could be done.  I t was not j u s t the L i b e r a l party which had renewed the idea that the province pay the f u l l cost o f education, many m u n i c i p a l i t i e s were  214  p e t i t i o n i n g the government with the same request.  In some areas f a c i l i t i e s  were woefully inadequate, i n others schools were forced to close altogether.  McCorkindale, w r i t i n g i n January, 1939 to S.J. W i l l i s ,  Superintendent o f Schools, stated that the previous year of the depression i n Vancouver.  In some schools i n the c i t y "as many as 60 percent of the  parents of students were on reliefs"."'""''  1  With educational finance once more occupying the centre of educational discussions, those most involved with schooling, a t l e a s t i n Vancouver, were increasingly advocating that students concentrate on vocational t r a i n i n g and choose a course o f p r a c t i c a l studies. spring of 1937, the Chairman o f the Vancouver School Board, W.D.  In the McLaren,  an engineer, was reported as being "persistent" i n bringing the need f o r increased vocational and technical t r a i n i n g i n Vancouver to the attention 112 o f the p u b l i c .  During the depression as the supply o f s k i l l e d mechanics  had decreased, "leading educators and friends of education" were pointing out that i f normal times returned there was the danger that s k i l l e d workmen would have to be brought i n from outside.  In Vancouver the  technical school was crowded and f i r s t and second year courses were being covered i n several of the academic high schools.  In order that s u f f i c i e n t  t e c h n i c a l education might be provided i t was thought that a technical high school f o r g i r l s and another f o r boys was needed. too joined the cry f o r increased trade t r a i n i n g .  McCorkindale  In June, 1939 he stated  before the school board that "there was too much academic education i n 112 Vancouver high schools".  He c a l l e d f o r more manual t r a i n i n g and  vocational courses i n the upper grades, with only English, s o c i a l studies  215  c i t i z e n s h i p and.health as compulsory subjects.  The professions he  declared were overcrowded, and there were many on r e l i e f who a r t i s a n o r trade t r a i n i n g .  lacked  There was s t i l l " i n s p i t e of the advancement 114  of science...demand f o r people to work with t h e i r hands". on McCorkindale s 1  Commenting  speech an e d i t o r i a l i n the Vancouver Sun s a i d  " I t would seem as Mr. McCorkindale i n f e r s , that the f i r s t duty o f the schools would be to create a supply of young people, commensurate i n kind and q u a l i t y with the economic and s o c i a l demand. 'When a boy gets to be sixteen' says Mr. McCorkindale 'we ought to o f f e r him something u s e f u l to him'. Under present conditions, that i s as f a i r a d e f i n i t i o n of the educational duty as we have seen." 115 There are here more than f a i n t echoes of the maligned e l i t i s t Conservative edcuation p o l i c y of eight years e a r l i e r and of Tolmie's speech urging educators not to b r i n g up youth to scorn o v e r a l l s .  I f a leading progressive  educator and the leading L i b e r a l newspaper of the province could e x h i b i t these a t t i t u d e s a f t e r s i x years and the introduction of a "completely philosophy o f education" one i s l e d to ask how i n education r e a l l y were.  new  fundamental the changes  To state the question i n another way,  i tis  necessary to decide whether the movement generally referred to as progressive education was motivated by a sincere concern f o r the welfare of the c h i l d , and an attempt to make the educational system more humane, democratic and e g a l i t a r i a n , or i f i t had a t i t s heart a desire f o r s o c i a l c o n t r o l . In order to a r r i v e a t an answer f o r the province of B r i t i s h Columbia i t w i l l be necessary to review the evidence presented i n the preceding chapters.  216  Notes  Chapter VI  1  65th Annual Report o f the Public Schools o f the Province o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1935-36, H26.  2  Ibid., H 28.  3  Ibid., H 27, H 28.  4  In a statement issued i n the spring o f 1935, Weir made the c r u c i a l r o l e o f the c e n t r a l ccmmittee quite c l e a r . " A l l other committees" he wrote, " w i l l conform with the p r i n c i p l e s l a i d down by the Central Committee and with i t s d i r e c t i o n s . " Furthermore one member of the central committee was to be appointed curriculum advisor t o have "general advisory functions upon a l l phases and aspects o f the r e v i s i o n . . . a f f o r d guidance i n the p r i n c i p l e s t o be l a i d down and followed throughout, and. . . a s s i s t i n e f f e c t i n g a r t i c u l a t i o n and co-ordination a t each stage o f the process". B.C. Teacher, A p r i l , 1935, p. 21.  5  B.C. Teacher, A p r i l , 1935, p. 23.  6  The School, January, 1936, p. 452.  7  B.C. Teacher, February, 1936, p. 23.  8  Ibid., A p r i l , 1935, p. 20.  9  Ibid., November, 1934, p..8.  10  Ibid.  11  Ibid., February, 1936, p. 11.  12  Ibid., p. 12.  217  13  Ibid.  14  School and Society, Volume XXXIII, January-June 1931, p. 17.  15  Ibid.  16  Ibid., Volume XXXII, July-December 1930, pp. 411-414.  17  Ibid., Volume XXXIV, July-December 1931, pp. 581-584.  18  Ibid., p. 746.  19  Ibid., pp. 745-747.  20  Ibid., p. 746.  21  Edward A. Krug, The Shaping o f the American High School, Volume 2, (Madison, 1972), p. 20.  22  Edward A. Krug, The Shaping of the American High School, Volume 1, (New York, 1974) p. 387.  23  Ibid., p. 388.  24  Ibid., p. 384.  25  Ibid., p. 392.  26  Clarence J . Karier, Paul C. V i o l a s , J o e l Spring, The Roots of C r i s i s : American Education i n the Twentieth Century, (Chicago, 1973). Chapter 3, "Progressive S o c i a l Philosophy: Charles Horton Cooley and Edward Alsworth Ross" Paul C. V i o l a s , p. 41.  27  Ibid., p. 42.  218  Ibid. No concrete evidence e x i s t s that e i t h e r Weir or King had read the works o f these American s o c i o l o g i s t s . The point i s that the progressive l i b e r a l i s m of the early decades o f the century d i d not contain the conmitment to i n d i v i d u a l freedom \ arid worth, which i t i s frequently reputed to have had, and t h i s can be seen both i n the writings o f men who were important progressive t h e o r i s t s and the words and actions of educators and p o l i t i c i a n s . Karier, V i o l a s , Spring, Op. C i t . , p. 49.  Ibid., p. 50. School and Society, Volume XXXI, Janaury-June, 1930, p. 135. Krug, Op. C i t . , Volume I, p. 389. Henry Harap, The Technique of Qirriculum Making, (New York: The MacMillan Company, 1935). Ibid., p. 77. Ibid., p. 48. Programme o f Studies f o r the Elementary Schools of B r i t i s h Columbia, B u l l e t i n 1, ( V i c t o r i a , 1936), p. 7. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid.  219  Ibid.  Programme of Studies f o r the Junior Secondary Schools of B r i t i s h Columbia, B u l l e t i n 1. ( V i c t o r i a , 1936), p. 266. I t should be noted that the development of character was also held to be the ultimate objective of education according to the Putman-Weir Survey.  Ibid., The passage from which the quotation i s taken stated that morally desirable conduct was s o c i a l l y determined, not the product of a r i g i d set of t r a d i t i o n a l rules about r i g h t and wrong. Character education then consisted of encouraging i n youth "a f l e x i b l e and progressive s o c i a l a t t i t u d e dependent upon etc." Ibid., p.  263.  Ibid., p.  267.  Ibid., p.  266.  Ibid., B u l l e t i n 6, p. 17. Teachers were t o l d to keep i n mind that b r i g h t and d u l l pupils might require d i f f e r e n t teaching procedures. To a s s i s t the teacher i n d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g between the two groups, four sets of contrasting c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were set out. The l a s t of these r e l a t e d to correct attitudes. D u l l p u p i l s , i t was pointed out, often "possess narrow and i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c points of view", while b r i g h t p u p i l s usually "possess a thoroughly s o c i a l point of view". Programme of Studies f o r the Senior Secondary Schools of B r i t i s h Columbia, B u l l e t i n 1. (Victoria, 1937), p. 110. Ibid. Programme of Studies f o r the Junior Secondary Schools of B r i t i s h Columbia, B u l l e t i n 1. (Victoria, 1936), p. 233.  220  52  The curriculum guide l i s t s approximately ten books which may be used i n connection with each unit i n the junior secondary curriculum. Without reading a f a i r sampling i t i s not possible to give reliable answers, however one work which appears several times on these l i s t s may provide some clues. W. Stewart Wallace's "A New History of Great Britain and Canada" sets out a clear and unequivocal portrayal of British colonial policy on the basis of the right of the superior to impose control over or acquire, temporarily or permanently, the lands of others. The account i s replete with such phrases as the British "right of expansion' and those who oppose incorporation into the 'fold of the British Empire are termed simple, backward, d i f f i c u l t , unreasonable or corrupt. Commercial gain i s never mentioned, but in\;the legitimate interests of trade Britain i s occasionally 'compelled' to go to war. There i s certainly l i t t l e here that connects with items 4 and 7 on l i s t of right ideals and attitudes, but there i s a great deal of material for the exercise of c r i t i c a l thinking. W. Stewart Wallace, A New History of Great Britain and Canada, (Toronto, 1935) Chapters VT, VTI, and VIII.  53  Programme of Studies for the Junior Secondary Schools of British Columbia, Bulletin 1. (Victoria, 1936), p. 233.  54  Ibid.  55  Ibid., p. 110.  56  Programme of Studies for the Junior Secondary Schools of British Columbia, Bulletin 1. (Victoria, 1936), p. 233.  57  Programme of Studies for the Senior Secondary Schools of British Columbia, Bulletin 1 (Victoria, 1937), p. 113.  58  In the opinion of Professor William A. Bruneau, of the Faculty of Education of the University of British Columbia, at present at work on a historical study of the B.C.T.F., there were i n the ranks of the teaching profession i n British Columbia at that time, a small number of Communist sympathizers, whether card carrying members of the GDrrmunist party cannot be definitely established, while no less than 25 per cent and no more than 33 per cent were members of the C.C.F. Although a number of the  221  teachers were believed t o be adherents o f Counts s o c i a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n i s t theories, Professor Bruneau i s convinced that they d i d not use the class-room as a platform f o r the dissemination of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l convictions. A l l the newspapers o f the day i n B r i t i s h Columbia c a r r i e d these rumours, see p. 30 t h i s chapter. G.M. Weir, Our F a i t h i n Liberalism (Vancouver, 1947) pamphlet, Special C o l l e c t i o n s , University o f B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 6. Ibid., p. 21.  Ibid. I b i d . , p. 28. Education Department, Instructions t o Members o f the Junior and Senior High School Curriculum Conmittees, L e g i s l a t i v e Library, Province o f B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 1. V i c t o r i a B.C. 1936. Statement o f Educational Philosophy (Revised Report o f Subcommittee on Philosophy), L e g i s l a t i v e L i b r a r y , Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, V i c t o r i a , B.C., p. 4. Ibid., p. 5. Instructions to Members o f the Junior and Senior High School Qirriculum Committees, p. 1. Programme d f Studies f o r the Senior Secondary Schools o f B r i t i s h Columbia, B u l l e t i n 1, ( V i c t o r i a , 1937), p. 445. For a discussion o f t h i s point see A l i s o n Prentice, The School Promoters: Education and S o c i a l Class i n Mid-Nineteenth Century Upper Canada. (Toronto, 1977).  222  70  Victoria Colonist, August 6, 1936.  71  B.C. Teacher, October, 1936, pp. 49-51.  72  Ibid., February 1937, p. 260.  73  65th Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1935-36, H 41.  74  66th Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1936-37, 165.  75  68th Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1938-39, H56, H57.  76  Ibid., H 60.  77  Ibid., H 60.  78  69th Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1939-40, B32.  79  Ibid., B33.  80  Ibid., B32.  81 82  Victoria Colonist, July, 1936. 65th Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columiba, 1935-36, H 87. 67th Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1937-38, J51.  83  84  Reports, 1935-36, H87, 1937-38, J59, 1938-39, H64. In February 1939 King gave lectures to teachers i n the use of technical equipment i n diagnosing reading disabilities.  223  85  65th Annual Report o f the Public Schools of the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1935-36, H84.  86  Ibid., H 90.  87  Vancouver Sun, November 4,  88  Ibid., February 22,  89  I b i d . , A p r i l 20,  90  V i c t o r i a Colonist, August,  91  see Chapter IV.  92  V i c t o r i a Colonist, January 16,  93  Vancouver Sun, A p r i l 24,  94  While there i s no record o f the thinking of the r a d i c a l members o f the C.C.F. with regard to the new curriculum there was a f e e l i n g that the Department of Education was not above patronage. In 1937, E.E. Winch requested that the M i n i s t e r provide the l e g i s l a t u r e with information regarding the number of authorized books which had been w r i t t e n by o f f i c i a l s who occupied p o s i t i o n s i n the educational system of the province. The answer tabled was 56 of whom only a small percentage d i d not receive r o y a l t i e s .  1935.  1936.  1936. 1936.  1936.  1937.  L e g i s l a t i v e Library, Province of B r i t i s h Columiba, V i c t o r i a , 95  V i c t o r i a Colonist, October 8,  96  Vancouver Sun, May  97  Margaret A. Ormsby, "T. D u f f e r i n P a t t u l l o and the L i t t l e New Deal", Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review, V o l . XLIII No., 4 D e c , pp. 293-295.  5,  B.C.  1936.  1937.  1962.  224  98  The s p l i t over p o l i c i e s and leadership within the ranks o f the C.C.F. probably cost them some o f the votes which caused t h e i r percentage of the popular vote to f a l l from 32% i n the 1933 e l e c t i o n to 28.3%. The Conservatives, on the other hand, who were s p l i t i n t o several p a r t i e s during the 1933 e l e c t i o n campaign re-emerged as a united party, regained control of several c i t y seats and p o l l e d 28.3% of the popular vote.  100  Ibid., J u l y 13,  1937.  101  Ibid., August 7, 1937.  102  Vancouver Sun, August 11,  103  V i c t o r i a Colonist, October 31, 1937.  104  Vancouver Sun, August 16, 1937.  105  Ibid., September 2, 1937, January 31,  106  B.C. Teachers' Federation, Minutes, p. 1050.  107  B.C. Teacher, November, 1937, p. 181.  108  B.C. Teachers' Federation, Minutes, p. 1143.  109  Martin Robin, The Company Province 1934-1972, (Toronto, 1973), p. 30.  110  Vancouver Sun, August 27,  111  MacCorkindale to S.J. W i l l i s , Superintendent of Schools, Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, January 24, 1939. Dept. of Education, Correspondence, 1939.  112  The School, March, 1937, p. 622.  1937.  1938.  1938.  225  113  Vancouver Sun, June 23, 1939.  114  Ibid.  115  Ibid.  CHAPTER VTI CONCLUSION  The c e n t r a l problem with which t h i s thesis has been concerned has been the motivating force o r the b a s i c reasons f o r the adoption of the innovations i n schooling associated with the "new education" and those changes both i n attitudes and practices which were an expression o f the movement generally c a l l e d progressive education.  Lawrence Cremin,  i n the preface t o h i s landmark work The Transformation o f the School has stated that "progressive education began as p a r t o f a v a s t humanit a r i a n e f f o r t to apply the promise o f American l i f e government by, o f , and f o r the people  the i d e a l o f  t o urban-industrial society.  Since i t s p u b l i c a t i o n i n 1961, a number o f American h i s t o r i a n s subjecting the same movement t o very c r i t i c a l scrutiny have come t o very d i f f e r e n t conclusions.  Despite differences i n time periods, l o c a t i o n and approaches  to t h e i r material, most have concluded that the reforms o f progressivism, d i d not r e s u l t from "democracy, rationalism and humanitarianism" but rather from the "desire o f the middle c l a s s and professional educators", 2 to serve t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s .  The schools,viewed i n t h i s l i g h t ,  continued  to be a "vehicle of c o n t r o l and repression". Before applying e i t h e r o f these generalizations t o the educational h i s t o r y o f Canada i t i s necessary t o look c l o s e l y a t the changes that occurred i n schooling i n t h i s country i n conjunction with contemporaneous s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic conditions.  As Canada's regional differences  227  are so great i t i s not possible t o apply the findings o f one area t o the r e s t o f the country.  Nevertheless as B r i t i s h Columbia was, i n the  period under review, undergoing a process o f i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and urbanization, i t i s a p a r t i c u l a r l y good subject f o r study.  Although not a l l  regions o f Canada experienced the change from r u r a l and agrarian t o i n d u s t r i a l and urban a t the same time, a t the same rate, or t o the same extent, i t has been the dominant trend i n the development o f t h i s nation.  This d e c i s i v e s h i f t began i n B r i t i s h Columbia j u s t before the turn o f the century and was c h i e f l y concentrated i n Vancouver and the lower mainland area.  A t that time educational innovation.being very  l a r g e l y a t the d i s c r e t i o n o f l o c a l school boards, the decisions o f the Vancouver School Board provide very good evidence of, not only those changes made, but a l s o the reasons underlying them.  Between the years  1897 and 1918 manual t r a i n i n g , home economics, music and a r t became part of the curriculum o f a l l schools; and with the addition o f playgrounds a much greater emphasis was placed on p h y s i c a l f i t n e s s .  The new importance  accorded t o the health o f c h i l d r e n was r e f l e c t e d i n the addition o f a medical o f f i c e r and school nurse t o the school system.  A t the secondary  school l e v e l , a f u l l range o f t e c h n i c a l courses was made a v a i l a b l e t o both boys and g i r l s , pre-vocational classes were added and a comrrercial high school was established.  Behind some o f these changes lay a conviction  that with the growth o f the c i t y had come a "loosening o f the t i e s o f 4 home l i f e "  necessitating the schools take the place o f parents and do  the duties they used to do. Of equal importance was the firmly held  228  b e l i e f that i t was the r o l e o f the school t o provide vocational t r a i n i n g and thereby f o s t e r the economic growth o f the province.  Behind the  innovations o f the "new education" during the early years o f the century lay the f e e l i n g that the school must stand i n loco parentis providing the values and s k i l l s that the family would not o r could no'longer provide. The inter-war years saw the pendulum swing back and f o r t h between an emphasis on pre-vocational and vocational t r a i n i n g t o an emphasis on the i n c u l c a t i o n o f values arid character t r a i n i n g , although both were.always present..  During the immediate post-war economic slump the schools i n many parts o f the province experienced f i n a n c i a l hardships, and t h i s , plus the f e e l i n g held i n many quarters that the province was s u f f e r i n g from moral and s o c i a l degeneration, l e d t o the appointment o f the PutmanWeir Survey.  The:.report which covered  every:aspect o f education i n  the province from finance and administration t o teacher t r a i n i n g and the curriculum bore many o f the hallmarks o f progressive education i n i t s philosophy as w e l l as i t s suggestions f o r pedagogical change. I t s f a i t h i n science as the key t o the solution o f educational problems, i t s recommendation o f junior high schools and the cognizance i t took o f the developmental stages o f childhood, among many other features a l l gave evidence o f i t s debt t o the theory and p r a c t i c e o f progressive education i n the United States.  However there was absent the cornmitment t o s o c i a l  reform which was one o f the most distinguishing marks o f progressive education, a manifestation o f i t s connection with the larger movement of p o l i t i c a l progressiveness i n that country.  229  Slcwly some of the recommendations o f the Survey began to be implemented.  In p a r t i c u l a r , j u n i o r high schools and t e s t i n g received  the greatest amount of attention.  Both were seen .as a means of ccmbatting  retardation and keeping c h i l d r e n i n school f o r longer periods o f time. From the evidence available these innovations would seem to have stemmed l e s s from a concern with the i n d i v i d u a l c h i l d (for retardation was costly) than from a d e s i r e to obtain greater economy and e f f i c i e n c y , to keep children from becoming delinquent and a charge on the coimiunity, and to provide a b e t t e r work force f o r industry.  I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that  changes were most often implemented i n i n d u s t r i a l areas.  The greatest  number of junior high schools were b u i l t i n Vancouver and the p r i n c i p a l o f the secondary school i n Nanaimo was lauded f o r h i s thorough implement a t i o n of a p o l i c y o f promoting p u p i l s to a higher grade i n any subject 5  f o r which he had received a passing mark. The Putman-Weir Survey had been appointed by a L i b e r a l government and i t s implementation began under that aegis.  No changes appear to have  been made i n educational p o l i c y a f t e r the e l e c t i o n of the Conservatives to power i n 1928.  Junior high schools continued to be established, a  new curriculum was drawn up f o r them, and more p r a c t i c a l courses continued to be added to the programmes of study i n many schools.  However with  the onset of the depression the government reduced i t s grants to schools which now  found themselves i n severe f i n a n c i a l s t r a i t s because of lack  of funds a t the l o c a l l e v e l .  Committed to the theory of the balanced  budget and faced with f a l l i n g , revenues, large debt charges, and unemployment  230  r e l i e f costs, the p r o v i n c i a l government cut back on s o c i a l services. As the depression worsened and the f i n a n c i a l p o s i t i o n of the province became c r i t i c a l the Conservatives allowed a group of businessmen, r e presenting the business community of Vancouver,to review government spending and make recommendations to guide future government p o l i c y . The resultant report, known as the Kidd Report a f t e r the spokesman of the group, drew the i r e of a l l who believed that i t was the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of government to provide a good l e v e l of s o c i a l services to i t s c i t i z e n s . In p a r t i c u l a r , the report's proposals to cut back on the number of years of free schooling which should be provided f o r a l l children and the rationale put forward f o r a l l other curtailments i n the educational f i e l d came i n f o r s p e c i a l condemnation.  Not only educators, but the general  p u b l i c joined i n the outcry and the report was l a b e l l e d , class-biased and anti-democratic, opposed to the b a s i c concept embodied i n contemporary education of equal opportunity f o r a l l .  The Tliberal party strongly opposed the report, which became i d e n t i f i e d with Conservative p o l i c y although -the Conservatives repudiated many of i t s recommendations. of 1933.  Education became an issue i n the e l e c t i o n  The v i c t o r y of the L i b e r a l s on a platform o f government i n t e r -  vention i n s o c i a l and economic a f f a i r s and work and wages f o r the unemployed seemed to promise the voter a new deal i n which the i n t e r e s t s and welfare of the common man would take precedence over f i n a n c i a l considerations.  This f e e l i n g was c a r r i e d over i n t o education with the  promise to get r i d of old-fashioned fact-oriented, education, to implement the Putman-Weir Survey, to provide education f o r every c h i l d i n accordance  231  with h i s i n d i v i d u a l aptitudes and i n t e r e s t s , and t o ensure equal opportunity f o r a l l regardless o f geographic l o c a t i o n o r s o c i a l background. The man chosen t o guide B r i t i s h Columbia i n t o the new  era was  G.M. Weir co-author o f the Putman-Weir Survey, head o f the Department o f Education a t the University o f B r i t i s h Columbia, an educator politician.  Without f a l l i n g i n t o a d i s c r e d i t e d 'great man  1  turned theory o f  h i s t o r y , one can s t i l l say that h i s influence on the course o f education up t o the mid-1940's was c r u i c i a l .  I t i s not possible t o determine  on the basis o f the evidence a v a i l a b l e t o what extent h i s convictions were i n agreement with those o f the small c o t e r i e o f schoolmen who were the prime movers o f the changes which took place i n education during t h i s period.  But i t i s highly u n l i k e l y that he would have chosen H.B. King  for so many c r u c i a l and responsible assignments i f there had not existed a r e a l accord i n t h e i r thinking.  As the important members o f committtees  were a l l chosen by the Department o f Education, i t i s probably safe t o assume that no fundamental differences o f opinion existed.  The Survey o f Nursing Education undertaken by Weir just before the onset o f the depression and published i n 1932, set out c l e a r l y and unequivocally some o f h i s b a s i c b e l i e f s which were i n marked contrast t o the r h e t o r i c o f Liberalism.  Most notably, Weir expressed a t o t a l l y  u n c r i t i c a l faith' i n the v a l i d i t y o f i n t e l l i g e n c e t e s t s , even o f the crude v a r i e t y used by the United States m i l i t a r y during World War I . In l i n e with the thinking o f E.L. Thorndike, v i r t u a l founder o f the educational t e s t i n g movement i n the United States, as w e l l as a leading f i g u r e i n  232  the eugenics rnovement i n that country, Weir was  i n complete agreement with  the idea that the amount o f i n t e l l i g e n c e also indicated the degree of virtue.  The l i n k between the two appeared to him f i x e d and i n d i s s o l u b l e .  As the further down the i n t e l l i g e n c e scale the greater the incidence of crjjriinality and mental and p h y s i c a l disease became, he recommended the'-. s t e r i l i z a t i o n of the feeble minded and morons. over i n t o h i s advocacy of health insurance. regard was  Weir c a r r i e s these concepts  His basic argument i n t h i s  that low-grade i n t e l l i g e n c e and therefore improvidence,  necessitated the state's implementation of compulsory health p r i m a r i l y i n i t s own protection.  There was  insurance,  l i t t l e of humanitarianism,  o r f a i t h i n l i b e r t y or equality i n h i s assessment that at l e a s t f i f t y percent o f the population were i n need of guidance, even compulsory d i r e c t i o n , paternal o r otherwise. While Weir had shown l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n s o c i a l change i n the Poitman-Weir report,by the time he became Minister of Education he had become dedicated to the idea of using the schools as a vehicle f o r the achievement of s o c i a l reform. educators.  In t h i s he was  expressing the opinions of many Canadian  With few exceptions—H.C. Newland of Alberta was one  method to be used toward t h i s end was the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l . as the c a r d i n a l s i n to be eradicated. was  the  not the reform of i n s t i t u t i o n s but Individualism had come to be regarded Society, even c i v i l i z a t i o n i t s e l f ,  seen to have been brought close to the verge of d i s a s t e r by unrestricted  or rugged individualism.  Such s o c i a l i z a t i o n was not to be accomplished  i n the Deweyan sense by the increased p a r t i c i p a t i o n of a l l i n common i n t e r e s t s  233  so that by "free i n t e r a c t i o n and mutual adjustment" a "more worthy,lovely and harmonious" society should be b u i l t . the population were i n need of d i r e c t i o n ?  How  could i t be when h a l f of  Rather i t was to be accom-  p l i s h e d by the i n c u l c a t i o n of the 'right' s o c i a l values by means of the curriculum, teachers, p r i n c i p a l s , indeed by the whole s o c i a l structure of the school.  As the depression wore on with i t s ever present threat  o f s o c i a l unrest and the seduction o f the young by r a d i c a l p o l i t i c s , even the most conservative businessmen came to favour the L i b e r a l party's p o l i c y of providing free education up to the age of 18.  In t h i s  way  youth could be removed from contact with p e r n i c i o i u s influences and acquire the c o r r e c t s o c i a l values of the society through the school. Weir himself, i f not the L i b e r a l party, seemed to become more i n s i s t e n t on the s o c i a l i z i n g r o l e of the school as the projected health insurance l e g i s l a t i o n was vested i n t e r e s t s .  turned back by the determined obstruction of  Faced by a r a d i c a l C.C.F. dedicated to a thoroughgoing  programme of s o c i a l i z a t i o n of the economic system, i t appeared as i f the L i b e r a l party and i t s programme of preserving the c a p i t a l i s t system by means o f p o l i c i e s aimed a t s o c i a l amelioration might go down to defeat i n the next e l e c t i o n .  Under such circumstances  i t became v i t a l l y  important  that the e v i l of s e l f i s h individualism and s e l f i s h group i n t e r e s t s be rooted out.  The new programme of studies issued i n 1936  and 1937 were  intended, i n every p a r t i c u l a r , to be an embodiment o f the currently held idea of a v i a b l e and progressive society. The ten years between the p u b l i c a t i o n o f the Putman-Weir Survey and the t a b l i n g of the King Report saw not only a change i n the i±dnking  234  of the M i n i s t e r of Education on the r o l e of the school i n s o c i a l reform, but also on the r o l e of democracy i n education.  In h i s defence of school  boards against the encroachments of municipal councils Weir had written eloquently i n the Putman-Weir Survey of the"importance of t h i s democratic i n s t i t u t i o n i n the development of a sound educational system.  By the  time o f the appearance of the King Report, he had reversed h i s stand and become the advocate of a completely centralized system, with only minimal p u b l i c input, a view which accorded w e l l with h i s low estimate of the public's i n t e l l i g e n c e and morality.  The c r i t i c i s m s l e v i e d against  school boards, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n r u r a l areas, of incompetence, ignorance and mean-mindedness, were undoubtedly true.  To deduce from t h i s , however,  that the main reason f o r t h e i r elindnation was to ensure educational opportunity f o r a l l regardless of geographic location, does not accord w e l l with the f a c t s .  On the basis of the report i t s e l f the s e t t i n g up  of an e f f i c i e n t system, one which would provide good education a t lower cost, seems to be the primary motivation.  Given Weir's b e l i e f that superior  i n t e l l i g e n c e was c h i e f l y the preserve of the children o f Anglo-Saxon business and professional middle c l a s s parents, i n conjunction with the f a c t that the number of these children would be r e l a t i v e l y small i n p r i m a r i l y r u r a l d i s t r i c t s , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to accept the equality of opportunity argument.  6  I t i s f a r more reasonable to suppose that the  main impulse was to provide an education s u f f i c i e n t l y broad and varied to hold children i n school u n t i l they could acquire the r i g h t s o c i a l values and a sense of vocational d i r e c t i o n , t o become what was to a t the time as s o c i a l l y e f f i c i e n t c i t i z e n s .  frequently referred  235  Throughout the pronouncements and writings on education during the L i b e r a l administration i n the t h i r t i e s there was constant reference made t o the importance o f education i n the preservation o f the s t a t e . Indeed i n the King Report education was declared to be the primary function o f the democratic state and the primary reason why the country had been able t o weather the depression without s o c i a l collapse.  In view  of t h i s basic premise a l l educational change and innovation was an expression o f p o l i c i e s designed t o f o s t e r the strengthening o f democracy, g  as that concept was understood by those i n power.  Some American h i s t o r i a n s  have claimed that the concept o f democracy guiding educators a t t h i s time was  that o f the corporate s t a t e .  This i s a d i f f i c u l t hypothesis f o r  American h i s t o r i a n s to prove, and i t i s even more d i f f i c u l t i n the Canadian context as the h i s t o r i a n i s dealing with a less highly advanced i n d u s t r i a l nation.  Nevertheless the p a r a l l e l s between education and the corporate  state are numerous.  By the end o f the 1930's the educators i n authority  had attempted, although not i n every instance successfully,to i n s t i t u t e an educational system which was highly c e n t r a l i z e d bureaucratic, autocratic, geared t o the development o f a meritocracy o f i n t e l l i g e n c e , t o lead and d i r e c t an adequately s o c i a l i z e d majority. On the basis o f t h i s study education can be seen t o be a r e f l e c t i o n of p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l p o l i c y .  Looked a t i n that perspective, progressive  education cannot be interpreted as a humanitarian asserted, but rather notwithstanding  e f f o r t as Cremin has  the introduction o f a more c h i l d -  centred pedagogy and a concern f o r the whole c h i l d , as a massive e f f o r t at s o c i a l control i n the i n t e r e s t s o f the preservation o f the "progressive" state.  236  Notes  Chapter VII  1  Lawrence A. Cremin, The Transformation of the School, (New York, 1964), Preface v i i i .  2  Michael Katz as quoted i n C a r l F. Kaestle, "Social Reform and the Urban School" History of Education Quarterly, Summer, 1972, p. 212.  3  Clarence J . Karier, "American Educational History: a Perspective", Education Forum-Vol. 37, March 1973, p. 295.  4  Vancouver Board of School Trustees Annual Report,  5  B.C. Teacher, November, 1933. p. 28.  6  I t i s worth noting that King was a firm b e l i e v e r i n the theory that success i n l i f e was l a r g e l y determined by heredity. In a biography of a f r i e n d which he wrote a f t e r h i s retirement King attributed the success of h i s friend's s i x c h i l d r e n , a l l educated i n B r i t i s h Columbia, to t h e i r i n h e r i t e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . They have, he wrote "much more to thank t h e i r parents f o r than t h e i r education and the s t a r t i n l i f e which they have given them, they have t o thank them f o r t h e i r genes". Solomon Mussallem a Biography (Mission C i t y , B.C., 1955)., p. 136.  7  I t i s i r o n i c that Christopher Jencks s t a r t i n g as a severe c r i t i c of the f a i l u r e of the schools to provide equal opportunity has, i n h i s recent work Inequality, A Reassessment of the E f f e c t of Family and Schooling i n America, (Basic Books, 1972) come to the conclusion that school reform cannot make adults more equal. "None of the evidence reviewed" he writes, "suggests that school reform can be expected to b r i n g about s i g n i f i c a n t s o c i a l changes outside the school", p. 255.  8  See S. Bowles and H. G i n t i s Schooling i n C a p i t a l i s t America (New York, 1976), C.J. Karier; P.C. V i o l a s , J . Spring, The Roots of C r i s i s : American Education i n the Twentieth" Century, (Chicago, 1973), G. Kolko, The Triumph of Conservatism (New York, 1963) and J . Spring, Education arid the Rise of the Corporate State, (Boston, 1972).  1908.  BIBLIOGRAPHY Unpublished Material B r i t i s h Columbia Archives Department o f Education Correspondence, 1939. T.D. P a t t u l l o Papers. Premiers Papers, 1930-1939. L e g i s l a t i v e Library, Province o f B r i t i s h Columbia, V i c t o r i a ,  B.C.  Educational Movements and Changes 1936-38. Returns i n Reply to Questions Regarding School Text-Books Written by O f f i c i a l s o f the Department o f Education, 1937. Statement o f Educational Philosophy (Revised Report of Sub-Committee on Philosophy), 1936. Statement prepared by "Aims" Committee o f the General Elementary Curriculum Committee, 1936. Instructions to Members o f the Junior and Senior Curriculum Committees, 1936. Minutes o f Meeting with School Inspectors Held i n the O f f i c e o f the M i n i s t e r o f Education, October 22nd, 1937. Special C o l l e c t i o n s , University of B r i t i s h Columbia B r i t i s h Columbia L i b e r a l Association, Minute Books 1927-1941 (incomplete). Charlesworth Papers Mclnnis Papers Tolmie Papers Vancouver C i t y Archives Vancouver School Board Minute Books 1892 - 1939 Vancouver School Board Annual Reports, 1903 - 1939 Vancouver Board o f Trade Council Minutes 1930 - 1939  238  Vancouver Board of Trade Minutes of F u l l Board Meetings 1930 - 1939 Vancouver Board of Trade Minutes of Special Catimittees 1930 - 1939 British Columbia Teachers Federation B.C.T.F. Minute Books 1930 - 39 Unpublished Theses Dunn, Timothy Allan, "Work, Class and Education: Vocationalism i n British Columbia's Public Schools", M.A. British Columbia, 1978. 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