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Progressive education and the depression in British Columbia Mann, Jean Simpson 1978

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PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION AND THE DEPRESSION IN BRITISH COLUMBIA by JE7AN SIMPSON MANN B.A. University of Toronto, 1947 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFIIIJ4ENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Educational Foundations) We accept this thesis as conforming to the. required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH' COLUMBIA September, 1978 Jean Simpson Mann, 1978 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Brit ish Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writ ten pe rm i ss i on . Department of fi~ H U c a 1 p |/i The University of Br i t ish Columbia 2075 W e s b r o o k P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , C a n a d a V6T 1WS i i J^STRACT With the onset of the depression i n 1929 the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia found i t s e l f almost immediately in economic d i f f i -culties. As a province dependent to a very great extent on exports of raw and semi-processed products i t faced by the winter of 1930 mounting unemployment, with which i t was ill-prepared to cope, and declining revenues. The efforts of the Conservative government in power to meet the situation by attempting to implement the policy of a balanced budget were unsuccessful and by 1932 the province was facing a severe financial c r i s i s . In the ensuing failure of morale the Conservatives allowed representatives of the business community, chiefly concentrated i n Vancouver, to inspect the a c t i v i t i e s of a l l government departments and make recommendations which would help to improve the condition of the provincial treasury. The resultant Kidd Report, as i t became known, threw education into high r e l i e f and in the subsequent election i t became an important issue. The controversy over education brought out a number of issues which had been the cause of debate and dissension since the turn of the century. The question of the best means of financing the schools was the most pressing and.obvious one. Every economic recession i n the past had highlighted this problem as schools under such circumstances usually suffered from inadequate local revenues and reduced government grants. In addition the problem was generally exacerbated by an increasing school population. But other questions disturbed educations: i i i what subjects should be taught i n schools, what emphasis should be given to traditional academic subjects and what to the more prac-t i c a l l y oriented ones, what structure of schools was the best, what was the function of public education, and most fundamentally, what was the philosophy of education which should be adopted in the changed and changing world of the twentieth century? Until very recently i t has generally been stated by historians and educators writing about education that the changes which were pro-posed and implemented during the decade of the t h i r t i e s were the product of a genuinely humanitarian impulse, a desire to make education more democratic and egalitarian, and dedicated to the cultivation of the worth of each individual child. However, the developments i n the f i e l d of education which occurred under the Liberal administration cast serious doubts on this interpretation. The Liberal victory i n the f a l l of 1933 brought to power i n Bri t i s h Columbia a party which under the leadership of T. Dufferin Pattullo was, at least i n stated social and economic policy, consi-derably to the l e f t of the federal Liberal party, but nevertheless strongly committed to the preservation of the capitalist system. Pattullo appointed as Minister of Education G.M. Weir, head of the Department of Education at the University of British Columbia and co-author of the Putman-Weir Survey, an exhaustive survey of education i n the province written i n 1925. He was widely known as a progressive educator, one who was i n favour of the innovations of the "new education". Such innovations were not new to Bri t i s h Columbia but the reasons for i v their adoption during the f i r s t two decades of the century suggest primarily a desire for the production of a socially and vocationally e f f i c i e n t citizenry, a theme which i s also basic to the Putman-Vfeir Survey. Similarly through the years from 1933 to 1940 the sane moti-vation seems apparent i n the words and actions of those educators most responsible for educational change. Both the King Report on School Finance i n British Columbia written i n 1935 and the extensive curriculum revisions of elementary, junior and senior secondary schools undertaken i n 1935, 1936 and 1937 give ample evidence of this. In addition there appears during these years an overriding concern with the preservation of the state. Fearful that the democratic state as they understood i t had been placed i n jeopardy by an unbridled individualism, educators i n British Columbia sought to make the schools primarily the vehicle for what they tented the socializing of the student. In effect this amounted to conditioning him to retain those values which were deemed v i t a l for the state's survival, and to reject those which seemed to act as a barrier to necessary social and economic change. V TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT 1 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS v ACKNOWLEDGEMENT v i Chapter I. LNTRODUCTION 1 I I . BRITISH COLUMBIA SCHOOLS: THE INTRODUCTION OF THE "NEW EDUCATION" BEFORE 1929 27 I I I . EDUCATION UNDER THE CONSERVATIVE ADMINISTRATION, THE KIDD REPORT AND THE GENERAL ELECTION OF 1933 59 IV. EDUCATIONAL CHANGE UNDER THE NEW LIBERAL GOVERNMENT, 1933-1935 94 V. PROBLEMS OF EDUCATIONAL FINANCE AND THE KING REPORT.. 133 VI. CURRICULUrl REVISION 176 VII. CONCLUSION 226 BIBLIOGRAPHY 237 vi AC^ OWLEDGFJVENT I would like to express my sincere thanks to my supervisor Dr. J. Donald Wilson for his attentive supervision and guidance at every stage of this thesis. My thanks also go to Professors M. Lazerson, G. Tomkins and N. Sutherland for their careful reading of the thesis and their helpful comments. I am also obligated to the Library staff, especially those in Special Collections. To my husband, Howard, and my three daughters, Katherine, Alison and Valerie, I would like to express my deepest gratitude for their unfailing encouragement and patience. CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The children who enter the public schools i n B r i t i s h Columbia to-day are the heirs to an educational system which i n many of i t s aspects i s the result of changes made during the period of the Great Depression. Health education, home economics, industrial education, vocational guidance and varied curricula, a l l now accepted — a l b e i t not always u n c r i t i c a l l y — as part of schooling became firmly established i n the school system, province wide during the 1930's. Behind these and other changes lay a new philosophy of education, a radically different pedagogy and a cluster of attitudes which were at variance with many of the traditional methods and goals of schooling. Taken as a whole the new theories and practices were an indicator and a reflection of a society i n the process of economic, social and p o l i t i c a l change. Since the transformation of educational history i n the late 1950's from institutional history to a branch of social history concerned with education i n the words of Bernard Bailyn, "in i t s elaborate, intricate involvements with the rest of society",^" Canadian educational historians have been engaged i n relating education to social change. Particularly since the appearance on the historiographical stage of those, termed 2 radical revisionists by some, a considerable amount of detailed analytical work has been done on the origins of the Canadian public school system, with the preponderance of attention being given to Ontario. The exten-siveness of the research and the quality of the resultant articles and 2 monographs i s such that new and immeasurably higher standards have been set i n the writing of the history of education i n Canada. Unfortunately very few of the new historians have chosen to turn their attention to the changes i n education which have taken place i n the 20th century. A number of eminent American scholars have written about what i s loosely termed progressive education focussing most frequently on the period from 1890-1920. These decades, known as the Progressive period i n American history, witnessed the introduction of many facets of progressive education and have proven to be f e r t i l e and fascinating areas of study for historians. The variety of approaches and methodologies employed, and the different conclusions reached bear adequate testimony to the complexity and importance of the period. A lesser amount of work has been done on the years between the wars although Lawrence Cremin has taken the history of progressivism to the demise of the Progressive Education Association i n 1957 i n his trend-setting The Transformation of  the School. Although i t may be true that the basic structure of public education 3 i n both the United States and Canada was set i n the 19th century, many obvious changes d i d occur after the turn of the century which warrant a close examination. The results of any study of progressivism i n the 20th century should serve to increase understanding of the kind and magnitude of the changes and the reasons for their adoption. To date what has been written on the history of progressive education i n Canada has been scant i n quantity and frequently indifferent i n qual i ty . 3 Seme Canadian historians eschew the term progressive, partly because of i t s ambiguity and partly because Canada, unlike the United States, did not experience an era, p o l i t i c a l , administrative and social, to which the label progressive has become attached. These historians prefer to use the term the "new education" when referring to educational change after the turn of the century. Generally speaking Canadian historians who have adopted this term have been concerned with innovations i n curricula and theintellectual and pedagogical changes which occurred. However as Michael Katz has pointed out, change occurred on a variety of levels which sometimes overlapped and sometimes remained quite separate, and any analysis of progressive education must include them a l l . Following Katz then, this thesis w i l l include i n the term progressive education not only the changes referred to above but also "the attempt to alter the p o l i t i c a l control of education...and...the injection of s c i e n t i f i c 4 . . . management into administrative practice". An analysis of Canadian his-t o r i c a l writing dealing with this period reveals that much of i t appears in text books concerned with the development of education on the national or provincial l e v e l ; the rest i s found i n chapters of books devoted to 5 wider topics, i n arti c l e s , and unpublished theses. By and large the writing f a l l s into one of three categories. F i r s t , there i s that writing which i s based uncr i t i c a l l y on the rhetoric of the period and views the changes and innovations as the expression of an increasingly democratic and egalitarian society, an expression, i t could be said, of the w i l l of the people. Second there are those works of a generally narrative 7 nature which catalogue change i n approving i f not laudatory terms. 4 Lastly there are those writings, most of which have been done i n the 1960's and 1970's which follow Bailyn's prescription as well as taking g a more c r i t i c a l and analytical look at. their material. However i t can be said that very l i t t l e of the published hi s t o r i c a l writing done i n Canada on the period which saw progressivism make i t s greatest impact on public schooling, the years between the two world wars, adopts the 9 pessimistic stance of the radical revisionists. It i s ironic that the one work which can only be termed a diatribe against progressivism i n Canadian education (although i t cannot be called a history of progressive education) was written by a l i b e r a l historian. In So L i t t l e for the Mind, published in*1951, Hilda Neatby labelled progressive education i n Canada at mid-century an exercise i n manipulation and indoctrination, ultimately anti-democratic and totalitarian. Just four years after Neatby's scathing indictment appeared, C E . Phi l l i p s published his lengthy and comprehensive Development of Education  i n Canada. In the tradition of Whig historiography, P h i l l i p s saw the development of progressive education as yet another forward step i n the democratization of education. In P h i l l i p s ' view Canadian education i n the mid 50's was a shining success standing as a triumph of reform over reaction, of the enlightened forces of new world egalitarian democracy over aristocratic exclusive old world concepts. In the preface to his work Ph i l l i p s stated his basic assumptions; f i r s t "... that l i f e i n Canada to-day i s the best kind of l i f e we know,""'"^  moving progressively into a golden age; secondly that "... one purpose now of education under public 5 control i s to strengthen the a b i l i t y of successive generations to decide — i n education as i n other off ices of l i f e and government — the means and ends of their l i v e s " . ^ Based on these assumptions the work was de-signed as " . . . an account of past developments as leading to the present 12 and as judged by the values of the present". It should be noted that P h i l l i p s was not a professional historian but a professor of education at the Ontario College of Education. He was here voicing sentiments spoken by many other schoolmen at the time. Whatever the more subtle coercive implications of some p o l i c i e s , or the unegalitarian outcomes of some methods may have been, most of those i n positions of administrative authority believed that they were strengthening and broadening democracy. Dealing s p e c i f i c a l l y with the progressive era P h i l l i p s saw the adoption of progressive measures i n education i n part as an expression of the desire of the people to influence the education offered to their children instead of leaving i t ent i re ly i n the hands of academics and provincial o f f i c i a l s . He viewed with approval the shif ts i n direction and emphasis of the new curr icula , i n fact most of the pedagogical changes of progressivism. Most innovations were interpreted as a move away from authoritarianism toward individual inner-directedness. He d i d , however, take exception to the s c i e n t i f i c measurement movement, which he described as " . . . one of the insubstantial corner stones of the new educational 13 methods that developed i n the 20th century." He claimed that Peter Sandiford, himself a student of Edward Thorndike, and the foremost advocate of testing i n Canada at that time, was well aware of the "ant-democratic implications of the results of intelligence tests but urged 6 teachers to attempt t o discover and develop t a l e n t s i n a l l " . P h i l l i p s himself saw the t e s t i n g movement as a regressive one i n terms o f educational development; nevertheless, he accepted the r e s u l t s o f q u a n t i t a t i v e o measurement as i r r e f u t a b l e . While he acknowledged a p a r a l l e l between educational and p o l i t i c a l development i n Canada he made l i t t l e serious attempt to r e l a t e e i t h e r t o the f a b r i c o f s o c i e t y . The most s c h o l a r l y approaches to the subject o f progressivism have been taken by N e i l Sutherland, i n h i s r e c e n t l y published Children  i n English-Canadian Society, Robert M. Stamp i n several a r t i c l e s which appear i n P r o f i l e s of Canadian Educators, and i n the unpublished theses o f R.S. Patterson, D.C. Jones and T.A. Dunn. A l l o f these h i s t o r i a n s show a keen awareness o f the s o c i a l and economic conditions of the time periods which they are exandning and the r e l a t i o n s h i p o f these conditions with innovations and changes i n education. While Sutherland has taken a l l of E n g l i s h Canada as h i s purview, the others have confined t h e i r analyses to the provinces o f A l b e r t a and B r i t i s h Columbia, and i n the case of Stamp to s e v e r a l educators o f p r o v i n c i a l importance. Sutherland's work, which i s s u b - t i t l e d Framing the Twentieth- Century Consensus i s concerned with the changing a t t i t u d e s toward c h i l d r e n and the f u n c t i o n of the family which began t o take shape during the l a t t e r years o f the nineteenth century and the i n s t i t u t i o n s which gave form and thrust to these changes. Schools, being c e n t r a l ' t o the l i f e o f the average Canadian c h i l d f o r about f i v e to s i x years a t that time, became a p r i n c i p a l focus f o r those wishing to see the new a t t i t u d e s c r y s t a l l i z e d 7 and given concrete expression. As the child was coming to be seen not 15 as a "marble: being to be 'pounded into shape'" but as a tender plant requiring constant and careful nurturing, moral intellectual and physical, schools were called upon to embody this view. The benefits which were expected would accrue not only to the individual child but to society as a whole. At the same time there were a number.of Canadians who believed that education was deficient because i t failed to provide the practical training which would assist young people i n earning a l i v i n g , whether i n an urban or a rural setting. In Sutherland's opinion these two major strains coalesced around 1900 to c a l l for the addition of 'manual training' 16 to the school curriculum. Although the movement spread rapidly i n the early years of the twentieth century, by 1915 those to whom manual training was pre-vocational or vocational i n intent had broken away from those who "saw manual act i v i t i e s . . . t a s an integral part of the general education of a l l youngsters: 'a means for the development of brain,eye and hand, through handicraft' to produce men' 'whose every power' was 'fully developed 17 and nobly guided"'. Nevertheless Sutherland does not see the two groups, the child-centred reformers and the work-centred reformers as exhibiting any basic dichotomy i n their promotion of what came to be known as the "new education". Taking exception to American historian Joel Spring's statement that progressive education was "' a conglomeration of educational changes with no particular bonds except that they represented something 18 new'", Sutherland sees the "overlapping groups of Canadian reformers" as having come up with a "cluster of ideas that they believed would help Canadian children l i v e happy, useful lives i n the industrialized c i t i e s 8 xy . . . and the regenerated countryside". In conclusion while admitting that there was much to c r i t i c i z e i n the "new education", he feels that the brunt of the criticism should be borne by those who implemented i t and should have "seen i t s weaknesses, rather than i t s original promoters. R.M. Stamp i n his sketches of James L. Hughes and Adelaide Hoodless outlines the contribution of these two Ontarians, prominently mentioned i n Sutherland's work, to the introduction of educational innovation at 20 the turn of the century. He too sees these proselyifizers for the J "new education" as essentially motivated by humanitarianism. Hughes who was inspector of public schools i n Toronto from 1874 to 1913 i s credited with being a major force i n the introduction of kindergartens and manual training i n Ontario schools. Decisively influenced by the writings of Friedrich Ffoebel, Hughes retained throughout his l i f e a fai t h i n the child which he saw "not as a miniature adult incompletely formed, but as 21 an individual i n his own right". Although Stamp places great emphasis on Hughes'role i n the successful' implementation of educational change i n Ontario he does point out that i t was the "province's dramatic urban growth that created the climate for the rise and pa r t i a l acceptance of 22 the new education movement!'. While Hughes was a child-centred reformer Hoodless could be classified as a work-centred reformer, although the work she so extensively promoted was the woman's work of the home. Fearful that the increasing independence of women i n the new urban-industrial environment would lead to the ultimate breakdown of the home, already 23 "'fast f a l l i n g into decay'" she campaigned t i r e l e s s l y to have domestic 9 science made an integral part of the curriculum for g i r l s . While her endeavours were ultimately crowned with success i t was not, according to Stamp, exactly the success for which she had wished, for the general public came to see domestic science as a purely practical subject, whereas i n her mind the ethical considerations were of more importance. Stamp gives a comprehensive picture of a vigorous woman, completely dedicated to her cause, but he f a i l s to explain why so many women and women's organizations flocked to her support. Although neither of these profiles was intended to be an in-depth study and each takes into account the social conditions of the times, they nevertheless tend to leave the rather erroneous impression that marked changes came about simply due to the o unflagging efforts of a single individual. In his doctoral thesis "Agriculture, The Land, and Education. Bri t i s h Columbia 1914-1929" D.C. Jones has provided a study of another reformer, J.W. Gibson, a pioneer i n agricultural education. Like Sutherland and Stamp, Jones sees his protagonists, Gibson and the group of d i s t r i c t supervisors he directed, as sincerely devoted to the task of rev i t a l i z i n g v/ rural l i f e through the agency of the school. S k i l l f u l l y Jones weaves together the efforts of these o f f i c i a l s of the Provincial Department of Education and the reactions of the rural people they f e l t i t was their mission to help. He argues convincingly that Gibson's myth of the land and the definition of his ultimate purposes as character training and moral u p l i f t did not correspond with the aspirations of the majority of the rural population. Their need was for a greater vocationalism which concerned 10 i t s e l f with the economic, the practical and the production aspects of agriculture.which by assisting i n raising the standard of l i v i n g of the rural population would help to stem the tide from the land. Despite the failure of Gibson and his supervisors to accomplish their mission i t i s Jones'judgement that the experiment was not a complete failure for i t opened lines of communication between parents and school boards and an increasingly bureaucratized and professionalized teaching profession and Department of Education. Jones', point of view towards his subject i s of particular interest to the educational historian because i t provides an example which appears to contradict the conviction of the radical revisionist historians that social control has been a fundamental purpose behind most educational change. c Both i n his thesis and an a r t i c l e entitled "The Maleficent Obsession: Social Control and the Schools" Jones argues against this school of historians, i n particular Alison Prentice whose recently published The School Promoters dealing with schooling i n Ontario up to 1876, i s the f i r s t '-major monograph emerging, from i t i n Canada.. While praising Prentice-' s work for the fact that i t illuminates some of the basic beliefs of mid-nineteenth century educators which were also shared by early twentieth century schoolmen, he claims that she "appears to distort history .in the interest 24 of her social control theory". As well he states that she "misrepresents 25 the meaning and complexity of social control". The f i r s t criticism i s 26 one which has been levelled at most radical revisionists and i t i s impossible to judge i t s v a l i d i t y i n this instance without a detailed knowledge of the subject written about. The second brings up a fundamental 11 question i n h i s t o r i c a l interpretation. The g i s t of Jones' argument seems to be that social control does not always mean "domination and oppression", i t can also be a manifestation of love and was so i n the case of Prentice's school promoters because they were often "devout men 27 l i k e Ryerson... fashioned after the Word". Although a man's beliefs w i l l play a part i n determining his motivation and his actions i t i s surely necessary to examine them i n great detail before making such a broad generalization. Men "fashioned after the Word" have shown themselves throughout history to be capable of interpreting i t i n many different ways and following many contrasting courses of action. Surely Professor Jones does not have to be reminded that the Dutch;Reformed Church and many Afrikaners were "fashioned after the Word" and i t . i s d i f f i c u l t to find, depending of course on where one stands, the "inescapable connection between 28 God's laws (restriction and control) and love". T.A. Dunn i n his Master's Thesis "Work, Class and Education: Vocationalism i n B r i t i s h Columbia's Public Schools, 1900-1929" has, i n contrast to the historians mentioned above, Prentice excepted, concluded that although i n i t i a l l y vocational training "was thought to benefit a l l " i t "quickly" emerged as an agent of social control to deal with society 1s 29 recalcitrants". Dunn's work i s essentially a rebuttal of the cornrnonly accepted h i s t o r i c a l interpretation that vocational education was a response to the need for s k i l l e d personnel i n a rapidly industrializing society. He shows by means of carefully compiled s t a t i s t i c s , that with the r i s e of modern industrial capitalism i n B r i t i s h Columbia the installation of 3( machines actually subdivided the work process and i n effect "deskilled i t " . 12 This being so the constant demand by businessmen for the expansion of vocational education as part of the school system must have had another source. Dunn argues persuasively that this development was one aspect of a "thrust for efficiency" which many influential members of the middle class believed would ensure social stability. This thesis makes a valuable contribution to social and educational history by inviting historians to re-examine a generally accepted hypothesis. In his doctoral thesis "The Establishment of Progressive Education in Alberta" R.S. Patterson has also sought to determine the relationship of education to the society of which i t was the product. In fact he states the central problem in his thesis was that of " — determining the nature of the forces operative within Alberta which facilitated the 31 acceptance and the adoption of progressive education." In addition he considers the kind of progressivism adopted in Alberta and its relationship to American progressivism both in its philosophical foundations and in its practice. Although Patterson avoids a consideration of the worth of progressive education as he defines i t , he displays throughout a sympathy with the aims and innovations of progressivism in his native province. 32 Similarly, in a subsequent article on Hubert C. Newland, the chief architect of the "new education" in Alberta, he emphasizes Newland's deep commitment to democracy and his conviction that the schools could be made a vital' force: i h the democratization of society. In Newland's view 33 "political and economic democracy were inseparable" and as an acknowledged disciple of George.. S. Counts he became the foremost advocate in Canada of 13 that strain of American progressivism which caused such controversy and debate, known as social reconstructionism. 34 Taken as a whole, Patterson's work stands i n the l i b e r a l tradition of Canadian historiography. He echoes i n essence much of what Phi l l i p s says i n his earlier work, for he sees progressivism as basically an expression of a genuine impulse for genuine reform. In his analysis i t was an attempt to meet the challenge of changing economic and social conditions by adjusting education to the needs of the conmunity i n the s p i r i t of greater concern for individual development and of equal opportunity for a l l children. The acceptance of progressive education i n Alberta appears then as a natural corollary of those p o l i t i c a l movements which arose i n western Canada (Progressive Party, U.F.A. Social Credit and C.C.F.) with their goals of social reform and a more direct democracy. Patterson has confined his research mainly to Alberta which he regards as a "... vali d case study for reviewing progressive education 35 i n Canada". Nevertheless he does admit that what has been labelled progressivism i n education l i t e r a l l y defies definition. Even the most comprehensive i s superficial at best and f a i l s to ccmmand agreement. In practice not a l l had the same understanding of the principles of progres--sivism, nor was the same pri o r i t y or importance attached to each. He concludes that "... the meaning of progressive education varied according 36 to time and according to spokesman". And to that might be added place and the differences which that term implies f for the development of progressive education i n B r i t i s h Columbia, although contemporaneous with 14 that of Alberta, presents differences i n emphasis and objective which cannot be explained merely by reference to the different personalities of the various spokesmen. Not only did the chief promoters of the "new education" hold different social philosophies but the p o l i t i c a l , social and economic milieu offers so many contrasts that these must be taken into consideration before a comprehensive account of educational change i n Canada can be given. Similarities, of course, exist; the principal source of ideas was American, despite the statements made i n British Columbia that the Bri t i s h Hadow Report had been the model followed for educational change i n the province. As well the problems faced during the 1920's and 1930's by these provinces, both largely dependent economically on the exports of primary industry, were i n many ways, the same. However the response of a province largely composed of independent farmers was not the same as that of a province where a large proportion of the population were employees. I t should be noted i n this connection that the Progressive Party made very l i t t l e impact west of the Rocky Mountains. In addition B r i t i s h Columbia was by the 1930's a much more industrialized and urbanized province than Alberta. I t faced, at least i n the perception of those concerned with or i n a position to influence the course of education, problems not unlike those which confronted the United States i n i t s period of great industrial and urban expansion just prior to and after the turn of the century. To date although i t i s usually stated that B r i t i s h Columbia ranks with Alberta as a leader i n the adoption of the "new education", reference i s usually confined to the Putman-Weir Survey of 1925 and the extensive 15 curricular revisions introduced i n the later years of the 1930's. While the Putman-Weir Survey has been acknowledged to be one of the most comprehensive surveys ever undertaken i n Canada and the curricular revisions to be the most all-inclusive, neither of these landmarks i n the history of education i n the province has received much more than cursory attention 37 from educational historians. One historian, however, A.H. Child has written a p r o f i l e of H.B. King, B r i t i s h Columbia's f i r s t chief inspector of schools and one of the prime movers of the changes i n the educational system which were instituted during this period. King's Report on School Finance i n B r i t i s h Columbia, made public i n the summer of 1935, set forth underlying reasons for and philosophy of the changes that were subsequently to be made. This document i s v i t a l to an understanding of the raison d'etre for the adoption of the "new education" i n B r i t i s h Columbia, for King had been named chief adviser to the committee on curriculum reform. Child i n writing of the Report concentrates mainly on the administrative changes recommended by King, i n particular those dealing with the consolidation of school d i s t r i c t s and the abolition of school boards. Both of these recommendations were met with h o s t i l i t y , the former being implemented only 38 slowly over a considerable span of time, the latter discarded altogether. These recommendations are indicative of fundamental attitudes toward society which are significant aspects of the thought of those most powerfully involved i n implementing progressive education i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Perhaps Child does not deal with them because he believes that o 39 progressive education was "to a large extent a one-man crusade". 16 I t i s i n this approach to his subject that the basic weakness of the a r t i c l e l i e s . King appears to be working i n a vacuum. L i t t l e or no reference i s made to the widespread changes taking place i n the society around him. The turmoil of the depression hardly seems to exist . Although i t i s generally agreed that the changes i n education which were implemented were not the result of a popular movement for educational reform embracing a whole society, nevertheless various features of i t were the expression of certain speci f ic groups i n society. These groups were giving voice to opinions which were the product primarily of their experience of the society i n which they were l i v i n g . Like Patterson, Chi ld i s favourable to the progressive movement i n education as i t was promoted i n the province about which he i s wri t ing . He doubts neither the rightness of the cause nor the rhetoric which accom-panied i t . He does, nevertheless, permit a note of skepticism to creep i n once or twice. He allows that the teachers may have had a v a l i d point when they came to the conclusion that on the basis of experiments i n consolidation and centralization the government was more concerned with economical than quality education. He also notes that although the new curriculum was much publicized as a group effor t by special is ts i n each f i e l d of study i t was amazing how much of i t bore the marks of King's s t y l e . F. Henry Johnson i n his History of Public Education i n B r i t i s h  Columbia published i n 1964 adopts substantially the same attitude. Progressivism as i t was attempted i n B r i t i s h Columbia was i n his opinion 17 truly a reform movement. This work tracing the development of public schooling i n Br i t i s h Columbia from i t s beginnings i n 1872 to the present i s essentially an institutional history. L i t t l e reference i s made to the social history of the province; the depression i s mentioned largely to explain the financial plight of the provincial government. To Johnson the period from .1924, when the Putman-Weir Survey was begun u n t i l 1946 was one of progressive reform. The Putman-Weir Survey he considers a landmark i n the history of education i n the province. With i t s prescription for curriculum reform, demand for greater attention to health and physical training, c a l l for changes i n the system of pupil promotions, better teacher training, and strong support for the development of junior high schools and the consolidation of school d i s t r i c t s i t became a blueprint for the future. Some proposals were implemented immediately and a beginning was made on others. Principals i n the new junior high schools under a new programme of studies were encouraged to be experimental and innovative with the result that vocational guidance, the Morrison unit plan and student government along with other things appeared on the educational scene-. Unfortunately the depression brought financial stringency and the c u r t a i l -ment of expansion and change and i t was not u n t i l 1933, with the election of a Liberal government and the appointment as Minister of Education of G.M. Weir, co-author of the Putman-Weir report and head of the Department of Education at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, that fundamental changes i n education were vigorously promoted. Johnson sees Weir and King, both of whom he characterizes as true reformers dedicated to democratic principles, as the chief architects of 18 the "new education." Quoting Bruce Hutchison, the most noteworthy p o l i t i c a l journalist i n Br i t i s h Columbia during the 1930's,he pictures Weir as an emotional dynamic crusader whose "diction f a i r l y sizzles l i k e a high tension wire" a man " f i l l e d with a consuming f i r e of passionate protest, 40 the zeal of a real reformer". Temporarily distracted from the restructur-ing of the educational system by the c r i t i c a l financial problems created by the depression, Weir had to struggle, Johnson writes, with the problem of how he and his department could cut the "ever growing costs of the 41 school system without reducing the quality of education". When the new elementary school curriculum was launched i n 1936 Weir pronounced i t "the most modern treatise on elementary teaching and education i n America, 42 probably i n the world" a judgement not challenged by the author. Johnson also has high praise for King's recommendations regarding school finance i n Br i t i s h Columbia. He defends King from the charges of being undemocratic which were hurled at him from many quarters for his suggestion to abolish a l l school boards and place the direction of education completely i n the hands of the Department of Education. Johnson states approvingly King's defence of himself and then adds a colourful one of his own. "Like Curzon of India King aimed at efficiency, not home rule, but he firmly believed that he was standing for the highest principle 43 of democracy—equality of opportunity for a l l " . One further work should be mentioned which deals with progressive education during roughly the same period, J.W. Rule's "Innovation and Experimentation i n Ontario's Public and Secondary School System 1919-1940". 19 In this master's thesis, Rule has related educational change to p o l i t i c a l change. He claims that the three successive administrations of the period under review, the United Farmers,of Ontario, the Conservatives and the Liberals, each implemented educational policies which reflected their own p o l i t i c a l biases. Thus the U.F.O. with their broad rural base passed legislation aimed at improving rural schools and through them the farming population. Conversely the Conservatives with greater strength i n urban areas tended to improve the urban school. While the Liberals more broadly based than either attempted reforms which would benefit a l l the children of the province, i n particular the New Programme of Studies introduced i n 44 1937. Rule simply labels this new curriculum as "applied Deweyisms" and makes no serious attempt to analyze i t , or account for i t s creation or acceptance other than as a revolt against an out-moded r i g i d pedagogy. Although the thesis was presented i n 1975 i t makes no reference to any recent works Canadian or American on educational history, nor are any l i s t e d i n the bibliography. The whole has a curiously out-of-date a i r , for as Sutherland states i n his introduction to Education and Social Change: Themes from Ontario's Past, "If their work i s to be taken seriously 45 historians of education are obliged to give serious attention".. to some of the propositions of the radical revisionist historians, and this Rule f a i l s to do. In review i t appears that most h i s t o r i c a l work on the "new education" or progressive education views the changes which resulted from these movements as positive forward steps i n the development of education i n Canada. Some, such as Johnson's f i t s neatly with the early historiography 20 of education, a hymn of praise to the admirable condition of education based on the assumption of the inev i t a b i l i t y of progress. In the estimation of T.R. Morrison this opinion i s not significantly different from that held by most Canadians who "cling uncritically to a belief i n public schools as the institutional embodiment of a deep social commitment to the values of equality, justice and knowledge. This conviction has provided a rationalization for our enormous expenditure of time, energy 46 and dollars i n the process of public schooling". Although this generalization has a certain v a l i d i t y , there has been much criticism of Canadian education from many quarters since the 1950's. I t has run the gamut from pleas for greater freedom for both teacher and student to urgent requests for an increase i n authority and discipline; from recommendations for ever greater choice of subject matter to a demand for a return to basics; from strictures that i t i s the prime function of the school to teach children how to arrive at a system of values to strictures that public educational institutions should confine themselves to the teaching of a body of knowledge. A l l of these contro-versies are reminiscent of those which took place regarding education i n the 1920's and 1930's i n B r i t i s h Columbia. On the face of i t i t would appear that there was a polarization of attitudes and that i n the ensuing struggle the proponents of a more free, humanistic, democratic and egali- • ' -tarian education were victorious. However i t would be a mistake to draw this para l l e l . The ethos of the inter-war years was a vastly different one from the post World War II decades. With the distance of time one can more readily determine the issues involved and their significance i n the 21 society of the time. The years between the wars were turbulent ones which saw Canada change from a primarily rural to an urban and industrial society, with a l l the social, economic, and p o l i t i c a l problems such a change engenders. The changes were intensified and complicated by the Great Depression. It i s the purpose of this study covering the years 1920-1940, to "assess the relationship among society, demography, p o l i t i c s and educational change" i n B r i t i s h Columbia. In this process i t w i l l be possible to show how and why c r i t i c a l decisions were made in education i n this province and how they related to the reforming movement known as progressive education. 22 Notes Chapter I 1 As quoted i n J.D. Wilson, R.M. Stamp and L-P. Audet, Canadian  Education: a History. Preface, p. v i i . 2 Not necessarily radical i n the generally accepted p o l i t i c a l sense. For a complete analysis of this point see Neil Sutherland, "Introduction: Towards a History of English Canadian Youngsters" i n Paul H. Mattingly and Michael B. Katz, eds. Education and Social Change: Themes from Ontario's Past (New York, 1975), pp. xvii-xxv. 3 See introduction to Michael B. Katz, Class, Bureaucracy, and  Schools The Illusion of Educational Change i n America. Expanded Edition, (New York, 1975). 4 Katz, Op. Cit., p. 114. 5 Examples: J.D. Wilson, R.M. Stamp, and L-P. Audet eds. Op. Cit. . Chapter.17. ' Neil Sutherland, Children i n English-Canadian Society:  Framing the Twentieth-Century Consensus (Toronto, 1976) Part IV. A.H. Child, "H.B. King, Administrative Idealist" i n R.S. Patterson, J.W. Chalmers and J.W. Friesen, eds. Profiles of Canadian Educators (D.C. Heath Canada Ltd., 1971). J.W. Rule, "Innovation and Experimentation i n Ontario's Public and Secondary School System 1919-1940." unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Western Ontario, 1975. 6 For example C E . P h i l l i p s , The Development of Education i n  Canada, (Toronto, 1957). 7 F. Henry Johnson, A History of Public Education i n B r i t i s h Columbia. (Vancouver, 1964). 8 Neil Sutherland, Op. Cit. 23 An exception to this i s T.A. Dunn, "Work, Class and Education: Vocationalism i n B r i t i s h Columbia's Public Schools 1900-1929", unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1978. P h i l l i p s , Op. Cit. Preface, p. x i i . Ibid., x i . Ibid., x i i . Ibid., p. 463. P h i l l i p s claims that this was Sandiford's opinion, but gives no citation. Ibid., Sutherland, Op. C i t : , p. 18. Ibid., p. 179. This term included "hand work, hand and eye training, constructive work, and industrial education". By 1910 practical education had been divided into 5 categories 'manual arts' for younger children, manual training, vocational and technical education, domestic science, and nature study and home gardening. Ibid., p. 184. Ibid., p. 179. Ibid., p. 223, quoted from Joel Spring, "Education and Progressivism", History of Education Quarterly. Volume X (Spring 1970) p. 53. Ibid. Both articles appear i n R.S. Patterson, J.W. Chalmers and J.W. Friesen, Op. C i t . Ibid., p. 199. 24 Ibid., p. 196. Ibid., p. 216. David C. Jones, "The Maleficent Obsession: Social Control and the Schools", The Journal of Educational Thought, Vol. 12, No.l (1978) p. 52. Ibid., p. 53. See Marvin Lazerson, "Revisionism and American Educational History", Harvard Educational Review 43 (May, 1973) Jones, Op. Cit., p. 54. It i s only very recently since world public opinion has turned so decisively against South Africa's r a c i a l policies that churches i n South Africa have taken a stand against apartheid. Dunn, Op. Cit., p. 156. Ibid., p. 46. R.S. Patterson, "The Establishment of Progressive Education i n Alberta", p. 4. R.S. Patterson, "Hubert C. Newland Theorist of Progressive Education" Chapter 15, R.S. Patterson, J.W. Chalmers and J.W. Friesen, Op. C i t . Ibid., p. 305. Robert S. Patterson, "Society and Education During the Wars and their Interlude: 1914-1945", Chapter 17, J.D. Wilson, R.M. Stamp and L-P. Audet, Op. C i t . 25 35 R.S. Patterson, "The Establishment of Progressive Education i n Alberta". 36 Robert S. Patterson, "The Future of Progressive Education" i n Terence Morrison, Anthony Burton, eds. Options: Reforms and  Alternatives for Canadian Education, (Toronto, 1973) p. 31. 37 F. Henry Johnson's work and the theses of D.C. Jones and T.A. Dunn are exceptions; a l l make considerable reference to the Putman-Weir Survey. 38 In 1944 the government of Br i t i s h Columbia appointed Dr. Maxwell A. Cameron of the Department of Education of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, as a one man commission of Inquiry into Educational Finance. Cameron, making no reference to the King Report, vetoed the idea of a completely centralized administration and advocated the retention of school boards, and large scale consolidation of school d i s t r i c t s i n rural areas. After pointing out the defects of centralization, r i g i d i t y , lack of experimentation and loss of local interest, \ he concluded that local management of schools should be retained i f this could be done "while achieving a subr-stantial degree of equality of opportunity for our children and a equality of burden for our taxpayers", p. 37. Report of the Coirmission of Inquiry into Educational Finance, (Victoria, 1945). 39 A.H. Child, Op. C i t . , p. 319. 40 F. Henry Johnson, Op. Cit., p. 101. 41 Ibid., p. 104. 42 Ibid., p. 102. 43 Ibid., p. 109. 44 J.W. Rule, "Innovation and Experimentation i n Ontario's Public and Secondary School System 1919-1940", p. 89. 26 45 Sutherland "Introduction: Towards a History of English Canadian Youngsters", Op. Cit., p. xix. 46 Terence Morrison, Anthony Burton eds. Op. Cit., p. 234. 47 Michael B. Katz, Class Bureaucracy and Schools Expanded Ed., (New York, 1975), p. 167. CHAPTER II BRITISH COLUMBIA SCHOOLS: THE INTRODUCTION OF THE "NEW EDUCATION" BEFORE 1929 The "new education" began to be introduced into the public schools of B r i t i s h Columbia i n the early years of the century, particularly i n Vancouver. In comparison with some American c i t i e s , the adoption of innovations i n eduation was later and slower. However i t should be noted that most progressive reforms did not become incorporated into school systems i n the United States u n t i l the depression years. Similarly B r i t i s h Columbia did not make many aspects of the "new education" part of the provincial educational system u n t i l the 1930s. But the direction of many future developments was given i n the earlier decades. It i s not surprising that new courses and methods were introduced into schools after the turn of the century,for the province was, at that time, undergoing a period of rapid industrialization. As Dunn has pointed out, between 1880 and the outbreak of World War I there were rapid develops . ments i n the extraction and processing of natural resources and with the emergence of industrial capitalism, B r i t i s h Columbia experienced the fastest growth rate i n Canada. During" this period Vancouver reflected the province's economic expansion and became i t s most important c i t y . In the last decade of the 19th century the population of Vancouver doubled, i n the next i t quadrupled. With the a r r i v a l of the Canadian Pacific Railway the c i t y entered a period of growth exceeding that of any other city i n the country. Immigrants poured into Vancouver by the thousands, 28 sometimes at the rate of one thousand per month. By 1911 the population 2 figure stood at around 110,000. A great many of the newcomers to the city in the f i r s t years of its growth from 1886 to 1893 were Canadians from Eastern Canada, British Americans and Orientals. A second wave of immigration during the f i r s t decade of the 20th century brought large numbers of Europeans, the vast majority of whom were unable to speak English, a great many from Britain with a working class background, as well as another influx of Orientals. The labour movement quickly gained momentum and the Provincial Federation of Labour had a membership of nineteen union locals in 1891. "In no 3 other part of Canada were working men as radical" social tension and unrest tended to become chronic and many began to fear that the labour 4 movement in British Columbia was being inspired by Bolshevik doctrines. Although a l l the labour unrest did not occur in Vancouver i t was a centre of labour activity and remained so in the decade which followed. Vancouver, then, had never experienced a period of slow evolution or planned development. It had sprung into being with a l l the trappings of an industrial city, characterized by a small stratum of wealth and power and a large stratum of working class. The industrial and commercial centre of a province geared to export.markets, i t was subject to rapid cycles of boom and bust. In 1894 a recession had caused "such starvation 5 and misery" that soup kitchens were set up. A l i t t l e over ten years later however, Vancouver was enjoying such prosperity that the city could boast of having 1050 real estate dealers and 325 grocers. In 1913 the bubble 29 burst again and a year later the cost of unemployment r e l i e f i n Vancouver reached the figure of $150,000. The men who took on the task of directing and providing for the education of the children of Vancouver were faced with a polyglot population, of largely working class background where unemployment and strikes were frequent occurrences. School boards at this time had a considerable degree of autonomy. A trend begun i n 1889 of placing greater financial responsibility i n the hands of school boards had brought with i t an increased authority i n curriculum planning. It i s interesting to note, i n view of the contentiousness of the question of the role of school boards during the 1930's, that this development was welcomed at the time. As one editor put i t , i n this decentralization of power "... w i l l be found the vast development and the greatest success of our educational system. For the dead uniformity which now characterizes 7 the larger schools throughout the province w i l l now disappear." Ey the early years of the century, although the f i n a l word on curriculum and standards s t i l l lay with the Provincial Department of Education, the recommendations of the Vancouver school board with regard to curriculum changes and the expansion of school services were nearly always accepted, although sometimes with a time lag. From 1892 to 1918 Vancouver School Board Minutes and Annual Reports provide a good record of changes made i n administration, curriculum and school services as well as some insight into the thinking of those most instrumental i n bringing about those changes. L i t t l e i s known about the socio-economic background of the members of the school board except what 3Q is mentioned in a special brochure issued by the board in 1910. From the biographical data given about the trustees holding office during that year, i t would appear that they were from the middle echelon of 8 business and the professions. This impression is reinforced by the findings of Kept. A.J. McDonald in his doctoral thesis"Business Leaders in Early Vancouver, 1886-1914"i In the decade before 1913, he points out, "large numbers of self-interested businessmen" went into civic affairs, 9 but few were from the economically powerful elite. Most of the trustees were Eastern Canadians and immigrants from the United Kingdom who had come to the west before the turn of the century and had carved out a niche of comfort, rather than wealth, and civic prominence. Towards the end of the 1890's the fi r s t stirrings of discontent with the school curriculum became evident. The trustees gave consideration to the introduction of drawing, needlework, sewing and knitting into the curriculum, and the building of a gymnasium. "^ It was suggested that changes be made to add to the popularity of the high school by making some compulsory subjects optional."'""'" At the same time a proposal of Sir William MacDonald to establish a school of manual training for the city was met by great enthusiasm not only by school board members, but also by 12 the mayor and council, and the Vancouver Board of Trade. During the f i r s t decade of the century the pace of change began to quicken. The curriculum was broadened, extra-curricular activities were sponsored by the schools, and night classes were added. School board members were disturbed by the small percentage of pupils who passed the 31 high school entrance examinations. Much of their concern appeared to centre on the fact that the majority of those who failed would leave 13 school untrained for any position i n the business world. The rationale for a l l changes seemed to f a l l into four categories, vocational preparation, physical fitness, character building and the refinement of the se n s i b i l i t i e s . When the trustees were planning a new high school i n 1903, their major preoccupations appeared to be the organization of a cadet corp and the development of a commercial course. The cadet corp was seen as being of "... immense advantage to our boys 14 which w i l l build up a strong and more healthy manhood i n our ci t y . " It was hoped that the commercial course would "... meet i n f u l l the requirements of this progressive era of commercial activity""^ i n Vancouver. In 1904 music was added to the curriculum. Its purpose was to develop the intellectual faculties, to assist the correlation of mind and body, to strengthen the body through singing, and above a l l to improve 16 the character. In 1906 domestic science became a part of the curriculum. This was a development much desired by women's groups, and petitioned for by the Vancouver Local Council of Women as part of their campaign to strengthen the home. However the pace of change did not appear to be fast enough to please many board members. There was a sense of urgency i n the report of the chairman of the school board i n 1908. He stated, i n part, "Very few people realize the part which more and more every year i s played by schools i n the social l i f e of the 32 people. Owing to an increasing portion of the population of c i t i e s l i v i n g i n apartment and tenement houses, and, I am sorry to say the general loosening of the ties of home l i f e , schools are more and more taking the place and doing the duties which parents used to •do, and there i s no use our trying to shirk the responsibility..." He concluded by suggesting the desirability of encouraging class emulation." The following year the board expanded the social function of the schools by employing a f u l l time medical off i c e r and a nurse. Just as i t was f e l t that the school was not f u l f i l l i n g i t s social „role adequately, so too i t was thought that the vocationalizing of the schools was not proceeding satisfactorily. One annual report of the school board bemoaned the fact that no advance had been made i n manual 18 training programmes since their inception. A management cerariittee's report of a-.few years later, said that the underlying principle of the high school should be to make i t a "finishing" school with two main branches. One to take the place of "the decayed apprenticeship system, should tend i n the direction of Trade and Technical School Work" while another "should run much stronger on commercial lines than i t does now 19 and should include courses i n Spanish, Chinese and Japanese." Despite setbacks the Vancouver school board continued i n the second decade of the century to increase the school's role as a socializing 20 agent and as a vocational training institution. The social function which the board saw i t s e l f f u l f i l l i n g was illustrated by the management committee's plans for future school buildings. I t was anticipated that 33 the downtown area of the ci t y would, as had happened i n many American c i t i e s , become overly congested, with many children l i v i n g under dis-advantageous conditions. Old schools were to be torn down rather than repaired and new ones erected "around three stories, to have as much room for playground as possible, with f a c i l i t i e s for systematic physical training and.. .with auditoriums so that the school may be a social 21 centre for the cx^mmunity". Around this time school assembly halls began to loom large as the locus of social work i n their respective d i s t r i c t s . "Through the agency of lectures, meetings and discussions i t i s hoped that the new citizens of cosmopolitan Vancouver", can be raised to acceptable standards, "... morally, socially and financially, 22 from the youngest to the oldest". On the vocational side, by 1912 the municipal inspector of schools reported eleven centres for manual training 23 for public school pupils and two for high school pupils. In 1914 pre-vocational courses were introduced into three high schools. The students divided their time between vocational and academic pursuits, two thirds being given to academic work and one third to vocational work. These courses were described as being "particularly suited to those students whose a b i l i t i e s l i e i n a practical direction rather than i n academic studies". 2^ The impression that they were for defective children had to be countered by a school o f f i c i a l making c a l l s on a number of parents. Depression arid retrenchment affected the board's plans during the war years, but by 1918 the momentum of change began to quicken again. A wider range of technical courses was made available to both boys and g i r l s i n high school, there was a cormiercial high school devoted particularly 34 to business instruction,and night classes were extended. Classes for the retarded had existed for some time and now a "room of opportunity" was created for those pupils who had d i f f i c u l t y with the regular curriculum. At the urging of the University Women's Club the schools established L i t t l e Mothers' Leagues to train children over twelve years 25 of age i n the care of babies. This can be seen as a response to a . report made by the school nurse some years earlier which pointed out that i n many homes young school age children were l e f t i n charge of infants while the mother went to work. Under such circumstances, the nurse concluded, many babies "die simply from il l n e s s which, i n the 26 majority of cases i s caused by ignorance". However there was s t i l l a great deal of dissatisfaction on the part of board members with the progress being made. The school system i t was said by some was s t i l l woefully behind the best thought of the day. Although only seven percent of the students went on to the university, i t was said that the high school curriculum was based on university entrance, and the public school system was based on high school entrance. Said one board chairman, "This means that ninety three percent are to a certain extent (not wholly) sacrificed to the seven percent and certainly i f a 27 sacrifice be needed i t should be the other way around". This did not mean that the "cultural side of things should be wholly neglected" she continued, -but i t did mean "the poss i b i l i t y of cutting out some of the unnecessary grind and replacing that with work that w i l l not only be more practical but for which the average student has far more inclination 28 as well as natural a b i l i t y " . 35 Between 1897 and 1918 the school system which evolved i n Vancouver under the aegis of the Vancouver school board pointed the direction i n which many future changes and developments would proceed, not only i n 29 Vancouver but also i n the rest of the province. What school board members wanted for the Vancouver schools during this period of the city's rapid expansion and industrialization would become, i n many instances, what professional educators would desire for a l l the schools of the province at a later date. On the basis of the records used, the reasons that appear predominant i n the board's decisions were a desire, i n the f i r s t place, to make the schools an integral part of the city's commercial and industrial growth by providing i t with a sk i l l e d work force; and secondly, to assist i n moulding the future citizens to the values necessary for a business oriented society's s t a b i l i t y and expansion. The s p i r i t of optimism which was engendered by the ending of World War I did not last long i n Vancouver or i n many parts of the province. By 1919 an economic recession had brought unemployment, social unrest and financial problems to government at a l l levels. Both urban and rural school boards were caught i n a bind between insufficient funds and ris i n g enrollments which necessitated increases i n both plant and equipment. Even after the depression gave way i n 1923 to the greatest wave of prosperity that the province had'ever known,financial problems continued to plague most school boards. A reading of the Vancouver school board minutes covering the years 1920 to 1924 indicates graphically the d i f f i c u l t i e s faced. Reviewing t 36 the work of past mangement committees, the chairman i n 1922 pointed to "the repeated defeat of money by-laws since 1918 and the consequent d i f f i c u l t y of providing proper accommodation for our school children (and) the ever increasing administrative work for a growing population". Various solutions had been attempted to meet the pressure of numbers. In 1920, 34 part-time classes had been instituted but this had been thought to be "inefficient, expensive and wasteful, especially of children's 31 liv e s " . As a consequence, class size was increased to f i f t y pupils. Faced with another c r i s i s i n numbers i n 1921, the board had once more to resort to part-time classes as well as overcrowded ones. By the 1922-23 school year class averages were down to 43, although some classes contained 60 pupils. To the trustees this situation was deleterious both to teacher and child, particularly to the slow child who would, i n their opinion, be put ahead unprepared or through discouragement f a l l by the wayside. The social result they pointed out, would be disastrous. "It w i l l mean" wrote the chairman of the management committee "... more pupils for our industrial schools, detention homes and prisons, misery i n -stead of happiness for the homes, less production i n industrial l i f e and more expense to the state i n taking care of , criminals. For l e t me say, that every discouraged child i s one more centre of moral leprosy". 32 By January of 1923 a l l of the school children i n Vancouver had been accommodated i n full-time classes with an average class enrollment of 40 by the expediency of using temporary wooden structures erected on 37 school grounds. However, despite financial stringency and the need for permanent additional classrooms the board was recommending the appointment of specialized teachers, and a vocational guidance o f f i c e r as well as the extension of junior high school work and the opening of a technical school for g i r l s . The previous year the board with the approval of the Department of Education had opened a junior high school. This school was not designed to be an integral part of the school system as were those being set up i n many c i t i e s i n the United States. Its function was as a two year vocational training school for those pupils who had passed through' the elementary school, and who, i t was thought could not benefit from the ordinary high school courses. I t was stated that i t was hoped that as the public became more acquainted with the "value and status" of the school i t would grow by "leaps and bounds" and become the "most important link i n our system for those pupils between the ages of 14 and 33 16". The chairman of the board stated that he was confident the continual expansion of vocational and technical training would divert many who were overcrowding the university at "great economic loss both to the 34 country and themselves". As an interesting footnote to the foregoing, when the f i r s t vocational o f f i c e r was appointed to the Vancouver schools i n October 1924, the announcement of his appointment was accompanied by his own statement that his f i r s t job would be the direction of the lives of the "Misfits" among the 20,000 pupils of the Vancouver schools who would otherwise go astray. This was to be his primary function "while the other boys and 38 g i r l s seeking vocational direction would come after them". Fear of anti-social behaviour, so evident i n school board reports was not confined to those responsible for running the schools. The public i n general and parents i n particular were seriously concerned. 36 The war had brought i n i t s wake a breakdown i n traditional values which was intensified by rapid urbanization. Vancouver, i n particular, was well on i t s way to achieving a reputation as a centre of vice and crime. As an indication of i t s anxiety over the weakendLng of morality, the Parent-Teacher movement, then strong i n B r i t i s h Columbia, concentrated a great deal of i t s attention on moral issues and advocated that moral instruction be given i n the schools and that a l l reading materials be censored. A mass meeting of Parent Teacher Associations i n the spring of 1924 i n Vancouver passed with only a small number of dissenting votes, a motion i n favour of optional Bible reading and teaching i n the schools 37 for one school period a week. As was borne out by the experience of the Putman-Weir Survey no issue aroused as much public interest, with the exception of finance, as the teaching of religion i n the schools. 38 Bedevilled by inadequate budgets which hampered i t i n implementing the policies which i t thought important to society the Vancouver School Board, i n conjunction with others i n the province, began i n 1922 to petition the government to appoint an educational survey. Just as insistent as school boards on a thorough survey of the province 1s educational system was 39 the Br i t i s h Columbia Teachers' Federation, which had passed a resolution at i t s Easter, convention i n 1922 requesting the Department of Education to 39 make "a complete assessment of the system i n a l l i t s aspects of curriculum, 40 administration and finance". Unfortunately the B.C.T.F. records of that time do not indicate what the main specific areas of concern were, or whether dissatisfaction was widespread, or noticeably more pronounced i n one section of the province than another. Inspectors' reports, however, covering the years 1921 to 1924 expressed varying degrees of dissatisfaction with school f a c i l i t i e s , curricula, teaching and organization i n a l l parts of the province. The c r i s i s of numbers facing the high schools emerged as a top pr i o r i t y problem. The postwar world had created a demand for a more extended period of education. High schools, once the preserve of the few,had become the expectation of the many. The government had partly alleviated the situation i n 1921 when the Department of Education extended the elementary school curriculum from 7 to 8 years. But by 1923 the high enrollment showed an increase of 90 percent over the previous 6 years, a situation which could not be met by existing f a c i l i t i e s . While the urban school was subject to drastic overcrowding, i n many rural areas, high schools were non-existent. The inequity of this situation v/as constantly pointed out by the inspectors. Although many more children were quali-fying for high school entrance, most were unable to continue their studies because of the absence of high school f a c i l i t i e s . "One cannot pass from a city school to a rural school" wrote one inspector, "without feeling acutely the l i t t l e opportunity for advancement afforded the rural child 41 as compared with that presented to the ci t y child." One result of this situation was that rural schools contained as many as 40 percent of 40 overage pupils. Another was that rural children sent to ci t y high schools tended to obtain jobs and remain i n the ci t y on completion of their schooling. Rural schools also suffered because of inexperienced teachers, high teacher turnover and ungraded class.rooms. By this time the Agricultural Instruction Act had been discontinued and the dedicated band of d i s t r i c t supervisors who had gone to rural areas to revitalize 42 education had begun to disperse. The brightest ray of hope for the educational system seemed to l i e , according to many inspectors, i n the increasing number of schools and teachers using the methods of the "new education".. Inspectors pointed with pride to those teachers who, " f o r t i f i e d by a sound university training, imbued with the s p i r i t of s c i e n t i f i c research and intolerant of worn-out 43 shibboleths" were bringing to their pupils the practical application of their training. The "new education", as referred to i n inspectors' reports of this time, seemed to consist chiefly of testing, by means of IQ and standardized achievement tests, the project method, socialized recitation and the teaching of sile n t reading. There was apparent a revolt against formalism and an over reliance on the text book, and a desire to bring the child's school experience into closer accord with the world he would meet:.on leaving school. One inspector, when advising a reduction i n written work i n elementary schools wrote, "It has been estimated that upwards of 75 percent of the world's business i s transacted orally and the schools, i n preparing children for l i f e ' s duties, should 44 devote an equal proportion of school time to oral and mental instruction." 41 It i s inpossible to determine i f the Minister of Education J.D. MacLean, or the upper rank of c i v i l servants i n the Department of Education were i n favour of va survey of education being made at that time. The premier, John Oliver, does not appear to have shown any interest i n education, during his p o l i t i c a l career. However, his statement that "we are keeping our children i n school too long, and we are teaching them 45 too many fads", - would seem to indicate that he, i f not his party, wished to see the educational curriculum curtailed and simplified. A lack of interest on the part of politicians could be deduced from the fact that none of the members of the legislature appeared at a special session 46 called to allow them to present their own views on educational matters. After two years of inaction, Oliver, just a few days before the election of June 1924, announced the appointment of two prominent Canadian educators to head a survey i n education i n the province. The terms of reference were very broad, the areas of investigation to include teacher qualifications, normal schools, curricula, administration and financing, nineteen categories i n a l l . The government's decision to appoint a survey at this time could be interpreted as a vote getting ploy. The Liberals, i n office since 1916, had been closely associated with reform movements. By the mid-twenties, however they were becoming tainted with charges of corruption and were daily being accused of being i n the hands of the liquor interests. Labour support had dwindled, the reform minded middle class had become disillusioned and there was a general feeling of disenchantment with the existing party system. As evidence of this the 42 Provincial Party had just been formed which hoped.to garner some of i t s 47 support from progressively oriented and dissident Liberal supporters. In addition the government had promised reductions i n personal property taxes and land tax rates i n rural areas. How school boards, already-incapacitated by insufficient revenues, were to meet their objectives under such circumstances was a problem which the Liberals may have wished the survey to answer. If school boards were seeking an educational survey as a vindi-cation of their attitudes and consequent demands, municipalities were anxious for a survey which would point out waste and inefficiencies i n the school system. The day after the survey was announced, the vUnion of Municipalities stated that i t s goal was to take over the administration 48 of the schools and eliminate elected school boards. At the same time, property owners' associations were reported to be preparing exhaustive reports designed primarily to raise the standard of efficiency i n the 49 schools. The two commissioners appointed by the Liberal government to head the survey were J.H. Putman and G;M. Weir, well known for what was referred to by the press as their progressive views. Both men were professional educators, with doctorates i n education earned at Ontario universities. Putman was the senior inspector of the Ottawa schools, a leader i n the child study movement, and a strong advocate of junior high schools. He was. also the author of a h i s t o r i c a l study, Egerton Ryerson and Education 50 . . i n Upper Canada. Weir, who was subsequently to become very influential 43 i n the history of education i n Br i t i s h Columbia, was the head of the, at that time new and very small, Department of Education at the University of Br i t i s h Columbia. Born at Miami,Manitoba i n 1885, Weir had received his B.A. from McGill University i n 1911, his M.A. from the University 51 of Saskatchewan m 1914, and his D. Paed. from Queen' s University i n 1918 after completing his studies there and at the University of Chicago. He had taught school i n Saskatchewan, been an inspector of schools i n that province and later principal of the normal school i n Saskatoon from 1918 u n t i l his 1923 appointment as a professor of education at the University of British Columbia. Weir was a convinced westerner with a strong antipathy toward eastern Canada. In educational matters he f e l t strongly that i t 52 was the role of the west to lead the way for the rest of Canada. The report, which was issued a year after the commissioners were appointed, was according to C E . P h i l l i p s , "the most thorough examination 53 of any school system i n Canada" to that time. I t was lengthy and com-prehensive, considering i n d e t a i l a l l aspects of i t s terms of reference. The survey set out i n the opening chapter the philosophy of education of the commissioners emphasizing their great faith i n the new science of education to solve a majority of problems. A strong anti-traditionalist stand was adopted, and vituperation was levelled at those who were termed reactionaries or ultra-conservatives, who stood i n the way of educational progress. - The public was encouraged to trust the experts, as the "mere opinion" of any others was of " l i t t l e value inasmuch as i t proves nothing of a positive nature".^ 44 What the experts decreed was free secondary education i n the name of equal opportunity for a l l . The establishment of junior high schools was strongly recommended, to cover the years of early adolescence when pupils could discover their educational and vocational interests and capabilities. Dunn i n his thesis,"Work, Class and Education"has dealt with the vocational and technical education aspects of the survey. He has concluded that the "educators firmly believed that individuals best 5 5 served society through their vocation." Although this i s a defensible position i t would be incorrect to interpret the survey as being totally concerned with vocationalism. The primary thrust of the survey i s the fostering by means of the educational<system of specific values and social attitudes. Like the Vancouver school trustees, the commissioners defended the extended role of the school i n the realms of health' and moral instruction and for a longer period of time on the grounds that the educative agencies, home, church and community had lost much of their effectiveness. I t was the purpose of every course i n the curriculum to impart the same attitudes, for Latin, Greek, higher mathematics and home economics, i n the words of 56 the survey had "the same cultural value, using that term i n i t s true sense". The survey made no cr i t i c i s m of the basic values most widely held i n the community. Putman and Weir seemed to accept, broadly speaking, the social structure.. Not .that injustices did not exist; for example the relative poverty of educational f a c i l i t i e s i n rural areas, which the report singled out for improvement. However, although they conceded that social progress should be one of the aims of public education, they 45 contended that i t was "in any event slow. Its increment during the span 57 of a single generation i s scarcely perceptible". Any implementation of a-programme of social betterment the report continued, would have to depend on an industrial, social and occupational survey of the province. In the absence of this, present observation had to be relied upon. Such observation indicated overcrowding and unemployment i n industrial areas and underpopulation i n rural areas. This meant, the survey concluded "that either the social, economic and industrial conditions i n the Province are unhealthy, or badly balanced, or maladjusted, or the schools are not doing their f u l l duty toward the young people who leave with faces set 58 toward the world and i t s work." Without argument the report placed the blame on the schools, and the question of social progress resolved . i t s e l f into a question of vocational guidance and work attitudes. The curriculum recornrendations made i n the survey were extensive. It was proposed that the elementary curriculum should remain substantially the same, but simplified, particularly i n music, geography and arithmetic. The junior high school curriculum was dealt with i n much greater d e t a i l . At this point ct common curriculum for a l l disappeared and was replaced by a widely differentiated one containing a core of compulsory courses which declined i n number with each succeeding year. Continuing the pattern of the middle school, i t was proposed that the high school, or senior secondary school, should provide a highly differentiated curriculum, one no longer exclusively geared to university entrance. The proposed 6-3-3 system which would replace the existing 8-4 system was put forward not only as being an educationally sound one but also one which would 46 ensure "the elimination of great waste" and the securing of a "much larger 59 educational value for every dollar spent". In the realm of pedagogy, the survey drew heavily on the psycho-logical theories of child growth and development which had been propounded largely by American psychologists during the previous two decades. I t was prescribed that the content of any course be tailored to f u l f i l l i n g each stage of a child's growth, keeping i n mind that, only that could be learned effectively which was closely related to his experience. The Putman-Weir Survey clearly owed most of i t s inspiration to American educational thought and this was freely acknowledged by i t s authors. Practically a l l of i t s recommendations could be f i t t e d into that broad spectrum of educational innovation known generally by the name of progressive education. It embodied, as i t s authors claimed, much of the latest thought on schooling, i t s methods and purposes. The f i n a l impression l e f t , however, i s not so much one of radical change, although the advocacy of change abounded, but of conservative continuity, for the ultimate and underlying purpose seems to be not to liberate the intelligence but to lead i t to an acceptance of the social norms of contemporary society. During the remaining years of the Liberal administration the Department of Education began to implement the recommendations of the survey. The one idea enthusiastically adopted was the advisability of junior high schools and by 1926 a departmental committee had drawn up a course of studies for them. The new curriculum stated as i t s basic principle the provision for individual differences i n student a b i l i t y and 47 aptitude. By means of the addition of more options i t was hoped that pupils would be able to f ind or discover their interests and capabil i t ies and 60 the number of dropouts would be reduced. It i s impossible to assess how successful these schools, 11 i n a l l by 1930, were i n accomplishing their o b j e c t i v e s . ^ But i t i s interesting to note that the principals of some of these schools went on to become some of the chief spokesmen for the new education during the 1930's. A further structural change i n the school system was made i n accordance with the Putman-Weir Survey. A committee appointed by the Department of Education, with members drawn from both the high schools and the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, brought i n a reccstimendation i n 1929 that the high school course be extended from three to four years.. The Department adopted this change and the system of schooling i n the province became o f f i c i a l l y a 6-3-3 one, six years of elementary school, three years of junior high school and three years of senior high school. The adoption of the restructured system was, of course, s t i l l a matter of l o c a l option, and was very much hindered by the onset of the depression, because of the expense entailed i n the construction of new schools and the equipment required. Two other developments of this period which were i n l ine with the survey were the use of intell igence tests and the greater emphasis placed on home economics i n the school curriculum. The question of technical education, judged by Putman and Weir to be Vancouver's most pressing educational problem,has been covered i n d e t a i l i n Dunn's thesis . A reading of the inspectors' reports of the years 1925-1929 gives some indication of the reasons for the implementation of these part icular 48 recommendations of the survey. The most outstanding feature of schooling during these years was the continuous increase i n the size of the school population, particularly at the high school level. M though i n the rural d i s t r i c t s there was s t i l l a low attendance at high school, i n those areas classed as municipalities, both urban and rural, including, for example, Burnaby and Point Grey, the attendance was the highest i n history. While the increased enrolment was welcomed by inspectors as a sign of "an ever-increasing interest and an ever-growing appreciation 62 of secondary education" the problems attendant upon the expanded enrollment provided much cause for concern. The problem of retardation was a vexatious one for i t greatly increased costs as well as leading to a high drop-out rate. The causes of the problem were deemed to be numerous,. •.  as were the suggestions made- for i t s solution. However by general:consensus; careful classification of pupils seems to have been judged the best means of remedying the situation. One inspector noted that i n his school area retardation had been reduced sharply by reclassification of pupils "by the principal and teachers keeping i n mind the age of the pupils, the length of time spent i n a certain grade, and the a b i l i t y of 63 the pupil as shown by the progress made during the year". Such statements could be duplicated from many inspectors' reports during this period. The greatest aid i n this reclassification process were intelligence tests and standardized achievement tests. From 1924 onwards reliance on these tests seems to have increased markedly, p a r t i -cularly i n urban and rural municipalities. The Putman-Weir Survey had requested inspectors to administer certain tests to specific age groups, 49 and this appears to have generated great enthusiasm for testing on the part not only of inspectors but also of principals and teachers. In 1926 the New Westminster inspector wrote that i n many schools "retardation has been seriously grappled with, the results i n some cases being p a r t i -cularly gratifying. This movement has been f a c i l i t a t e d greatly by the 64 . use of mental and achievement tests". Another inspector reporting i n the same year probably summed up the situation best when he stated that "of a l l the movements i n education, no doubt mental testing and measuring have given an impetus to the study of educational problems greater than they have received during the past 25 years" In Vancouver the teachers were reported to have displayed so much interest i n the use of standardized tests that a series of lectures dealing with psychology and standard tests and measurements was given to city teachers as well as to those from surrounding municipalities.^^ Nevertheless while regrading, ability-grouping and streaming reduced retardation, and a system of recommendation on the advice of principals eased the passage to high school, the results of high school entrance examinations and the number of pupils who dropped out after f a i l i n g to complete either grades 7 or 8 gave much cause for concern. It was f e l t that something had to be done for these pupils, and that "the Junior High School plan as outlined i n the recent Survey would certainly overcome the 67 weakness i n the present system". The many references made to junior high schools i n the inspectors' reports leave l i t t l e doubt as to the important, even key, position which i t was thought they would hold i n the future school system. Not only were they to eliminate, or nearly so, 5 1 This included a great deal more than sewing and cooking as he pointed out i n the following passage. "It means for one thing, a better under-standing on the part of the teachers of those v i t a l social and economic problems that beset every home, but more particularly those homes from which the pupils come. It means, i n the second place, that the teacher must be capable of giving positive leadership and expert guidance to both boys and g i r l s , and through them to parents as well, i n many things pertaining to health and social welfare... There can be no more important educational objective i n this or any other country than the development of high ideals i n a l l things pertaining to the home as our f i r s t and greatest social institution." 70 During the four years subsequent to the publication of the Putman-Weir Survey then the educational system i n Br i t i s h Columbia began to take on some of the features advocated i n the report. The junior high school emerged as the key element i n reconstruction of the system. Mention was made i n inspectors' reports of the special psychological needs of early adolescence, but the major emphasis was placed on two factors; the great assist i t would have i n eliminating retardation and dropouts, and the provision of schooling for the vast majority who were not capable of benefiting-from the academic curriculum. The open sesame to this new smoothly running system was seen as testing and measurement. I t would be d i f f i c u l t to find more than a handful of reports of this period which did not acknowledge with grateful thanks the supply of tests made available by the Department of Education. Providing for individual differences was 5 0 p • -*>"/ i^eaJjL^ retardation and dropouts, at least u n t i l the age of 15, but they were to pave the way to the establishment of a new type of composite high school, one organized i n four departments, academic, technical , commercial, and home economics. "This type of school" i t was stated, " i s certainly the most suitable type for a democratic coimunity, and one which would lend 68 i t s e l f admirably to the introduction of the Junior High School system". Differentiated curricula within one school were coming to be seen as the answer to educating a l l of the children i n the community. A further benefit to be derived from junior high schools was also noted i n 'a Vancouver inspector's report of 1928, the p o s s i b i l i t y of increasing class s ize . "In junior high schools part icular ly where a large number of pupils i n each grade which makes c l a s s i f i c a t i o n according to a b i l i t y possible and where we are placing our stronger teachers, larger classes should be taught . " 6 9 In their advocacy of giving home economics a more prominent place i n the curriculum educators were joined by groups i n the community, most notably Parent Teacher Associations and Local Councils of Women. A l l three groups founded their arguments on the assumption of the decline of the family and the a b i l i t y of the school to provide s u f f i c i e n t instruction to ensure that the homemakers of the future would stem this degenerative social trend. The acting-principal of the Normal School i n V i c t o r i a summed up their thinking when he cal led for more special t raining for teachers " i n those things which pertain to worthy home -membership", a goal of schooling to achieve wide advocacy after the publication i n .1918 of the cardinal p r i n -ciples report of the National Education Association of the United States. 52 the rationale given for the restructuring of the system. However, the inspectors' reports would seem to indicate that the basic motivation for i t s advocacy was that children could be more easily retained i n the school long enough to ensure the inculcation of the proper social values and the choice of a vocation. It should be remembered that the t o t a l enrolment': in the high schools of the province at the end of the twenties was not more than 12 per cent of the total school population. The schoolmen were clearly looking to the United States where secondary school enrolment had been increasing at a faster pace than i n Canada and attempting to set up a similar system to be able to cope with the s-i-tuation. As one inspector put i t the new junior high school system was "modelled after well-known Junior High School Programmes" i n the United States, and contained "practical features not 71 found i n other courses of study". The emphasis was everywhere on the practical. Many of those who welcomed the new education such as i t was to this point adopted i n B r i t i s h Columbia, appear to have done so because i t offered practical solutions to practical problems brought on by increased enrolment. 53 Notes Chapter II 1 For a detailed, account of the economic development of B r i t i s h Columbia at this time see T .A. Dunn "Work Class and Education: Vocationalism i n B r i t i s h Columbia's Public Schools 1900-1929". Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1978. 2 Margaret A. Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: A History, (Vancouver,1971) p. 354. 3 I b i d . , p. 331. 4 Radical ideas were introduced into B r i t i s h Columbia by immigrants from Br i ta in who had been influenced by socialism and Marxism, and by Americans from the Pac i f i c west coast where the s o c i a l i s t movement was uniting with a western frontier radicalism. See Paul A. P h i l l i p s , No Power Greater: A Century of Labour i n  B r i t i s h Columbia, (Vancouver, 1967). 5 Op. C i t . , p. 313. 6 Martin Robin, The Rush for Spoils , . . . . . The Company Province 1871-1933. (Toronto, 1972), p . 137. 7 Vancouver Weekly News Advertiser, February 6, 1889. 8 The Growth and Progress of Vancouver's Schools 1910, Special Brochure issued i n conjunction with the annual report of the Vancouver School Board, 1910. 9 Robt. A . J . McDonald,"Business Leaders i n Early Vancouver 1886-1914", Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis,=University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1977, p. 284. 10 Vancouver School Trustees Minute Books Volume 2, June, 1899. 11 I b i d . , Volume 1, December, 1897. 54 12 Ibid., Volume 2, November, 1899. 13 Ibid., June, 1904. 14 Vancouver Board of School Trustees Annual Report, 1903. 15 Ibid. 16 The Growth and Progress of Vancouver's Schools 1910. 17 Vancouver Board of School Trustees Annual Report, 1908. 18 Ibid., 1907. 19 Ibid., 1909. 20 Inspectors reports of these years chiefly reflect a concern with instruction in the basic curriculum. 21 Ibid., 1911. 22 Ibid. 23 Vancouver School Trustees Minute Books Volume 3, December, 1912. 24 Vancouver Board of School Trustees Annual Report, 1914. 25 The Vancouver Board of School Trustees Annual Report of 1911 states that i t was planned to set up a short course in home nursing and the care and feeding of infants for the older girls in the public schools but subsequent reports do not indicate i f this was done. 26 Ibid., 1911. 55 27 I b i d . , 1917. 28 Ibid. 29 That the main impetus for change came from the school trustees rather than from the educational bureaucracy i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the following two examples. In 1911 the inspector of high schools for the province (Complained of the strong sentiment outside the teaching profession i n favour of technical training and a remodelling of the high school curriculum. "Too many people" he stated, "are of the opinion that a course of study i s prac t ica l ly useless unless i t supplies the student with a fund of knowledge that w i l l make the earning of money rapidly and at an early age a certainty". Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1910-11. A27 In 1913 a Vancouver school inspector advocated not a broadening of the curriculum to prevent drop-outs but rather a cessation of the practice of passing a l l children regardless of competence through the early grades. "Pupils who have been advanced by this means to the upper grades" he contended " . . . f ind themselves at a loss to cope with the more d i f f i c u l t s tudies . . .and are compelled.. . to leave school to ta l ly unfitted to take their place i n the world of business and labour they must enter". Annual Report of  The Public Schools of the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia" 1912-1913. A36. 30 Vancouver School Trustees Minute Books, Report of the Management Committee, January 11, 1922. 31 Ibid. 32 Ibid. 33 I b i d . , December 11, 1923. 34 Ibid. 35 Vancouver Sun, October 24, 1924. 56 36 It is difficult to determine to what extent this was so. The fact was that many people perceived this to be so and this perception provided an impetus to their actions. 37 Ibid., April 14, 1924. 38 Between 1918 and 1922 every money by-law presented to the Vancouver ratepayers had been defeated. 39 Hereafter referred to as the B.C.T.F. 40 F. Henry Johnson, A History of Public Education in British Columbia, p. 102. 41 Province of British Columbia Sessional Papers, 1923, F24. 42 D.C. Jones, "Agriculture, the Land and Education, 1914-1929," unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1978,. pp. 390-395. 43 Province of British Columbia Sessional Papers, 1924, T52. 44 Ibid., 1922, C29. 45 As quoted in Robin, Op. Cit., p. 178. 46 Vancouver Sun, November 14, 1924. 47 For a detailed account of this movement see Margaret A. Ormsby "The United Farmers of British Columbia, an Abortive Third-Party Movement". British Columbia Historical Quarterly, 16-17, 1952-53, pp. 57-77. 48 Ibid., June, 1924. 49 Ibid. 57 Putrnan considered that Ryerson's greatest contribution to the development of education i n Ontario was the creation of the public sentiment which made his work possible. Weir makes i t clear i n his Doctoral Thesis "Evolution of Separate School Law" later published as The Separate School Question  i n Canada' that he was unsympathetic to actions of provincial legislatures i n granting language rights to separate schools. He argued that .although this was legally permissable i t was unwise for predominantly English speaking provinces to do so. A l l that was required was that the dis t i n c t l y deno-minational character of separate schools would not be prejudiced. Just because the government of Quebec, he > concluded, was willing to allow the Protestant minority to do what i t wished i n the matter of language instruction i t did not mean that any other province was under a legal or moral obligation to do likewise for i t s Roman Catholic minorities. Weir did not wish any direction i n education to come from Ottawa because this would result i n B.C. being held back to the pace of the east. C E . P h i l l i p s , The Development of Education i n Canada (Toronto, 1957), p. 263. Putman-Weir Survey, Preface, p. 8. Dunn, Op. Cit., p. 141. Putman-Weir Survey, p. 337. Ibid., p. 83. Ibid. Ibid., p. 103. F. Henry Johnson, Op. Cit., p. 97. 58 It i s interesting to note that an M.A. Thesis written at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1933 by J.F.K. English, entitled "The Combined Junior-Senior High School and Its General Adaptability to the Small Centres of B r i t i s h Columbia1 promotes this type of organization on the grounds of i t s economy. A questionnaire sent to a l l State Superintendents of Education i n the United States had revealed that "economy in school equipment and i n teaching power" was the reason most frequently given for i t s advocacy. The second reason most often cited was the greater holding power of the junior-senior high school. Although the opportunity afforded the student to develop his own individual capacities was mentioned as a factor, more emphasis was given to the role of extra-curricular a c t i v i t i e s . Superintendents themselves seemed to be most impressed with the greater p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n socialization which this school structure afforded. I t i s worthy of note that English later became a member of the secondary school curriculum revision committee and achieved an important place i n the educational hierarchy of the province. Province of B r i t i s h Columbia Sessional Papers, 1922, C22. Ibid., 1924, T60. Ibid., 1926, R36. Ibid., R29. Ibid., R33. Ibid. Ibid., 1925, M57, M58. Ibid., 1928, V33. Ibid., 1928, V43. Ibid., 1927, M29,. CHAPTER III EDUCATION UNDER THE CONSERVATIVE ADMINISTRATION, THE KIDD REPORT AND THE GENERAL ELECTION OF 1933 In August, 1928 the Liberals after more than ten years i n of f i c e were defeated at the polls and a Conservative administration came to power. One historian has attributed the severe drubbing the Liberals received only 12 Liberals elected as against 35 Conservatives to the inadequacies of the new Liberal-leader Dr. John D. MacLean. MacLean i s faulted for f a i l i n g to carry on the record of progressive legislation adopted latterly by former premier Oliver, or to lead a vigorous campaign."'" Br i t i s h Columbia i n the year 1928 was enjoying an unprecedented prosperity, with the highest payroll i n i t s history, wages at record levels and very l i t t l e labour unrest. Since 1918 Vancouver had dominated the economic l i f e of the province and by the middle 20's i t s growth was remarkable. The chief impetus to this growth was the spectacular increase i n secondary and tertiary industry. After 1911, Bri t i s h Columbia had become progressively less dependent on the importation; of manufactured goods as i t increasingly produced for local markets. More important i t became much more involved i n trade with other areas. Much of the processing of primary resources for export took place i n Vancouver. The manufacturing of forest products ranked f i r s t followed by the processing of f i s h and food products. Along with this went a great increase i n transportation and the service industries. One study of the economic growth of B r i t i s h Columbia estimates that between 1911 and 1951 only about five per cent of 60 the increase i n the work force could be attributed directly to the extractive sector of the economy. "The really huge increases i n employment accrued" this study concludes "in manufacturing, i n the services, and 2 i n trade". The study does not indicate i f this rate was constant over the whole period, but i t i s f a i r l y safe to assume that i t i s sufficiently accurate to give a reliable p r o f i l e of economic growth during the 1920's 3 for the purposes of this thesis. The picture that emerges of the economy of the province just before the onset of the depression i s one based on primary industry with a large part of i t s labour force engaged i n the manufacture for export of the finished or semi-finished products of those industries. When export markets disappeared such an economy resulted i n the creation of a large unemployed work force incapable of self support, concentrated i n c i t i e s and towns. i When the crash did come the effect was f e l t almost instanteously i n Vancouver. The winter of 1929-30 saw an increase of three hundred per cent i n the number of unemployed persons and "the people were beginning to 4 believe that the c i t y was being occupied by a Red Army". The fear of Ccranunist agitators was one which would haunt citizens and governments throughout the years of the depression and have a decisive effect on provincial government policies. During the summer of 1931 the Conservative government, fearful of c i v i l unrest, set up camps i n the interior to house 5 a l l the unemployed men from the c i t i e s . The Provincial Minister of Finance, J.W. Jones, writing to Prime Minister Bennett j u s t i f i e d this policy 61 "on account of the Communist elements being very active. Strikes had occurred i n several of the mills, riots have occurred i n the City of Vancouver with the rough element threatening to break loose." By the winter of 1931-32 economic conditions had become c r i t i c a l i n a l l parts of the province, c i t i e s , small towns and farming areas alike. In 1931 i t had cost Vancouver $1,300,000. to support i t s jobless; by the spring of 1932 over one-tenth of i t s population was on r e l i e f . In February, the number of registered unemployed i n the whole province rose to 67,128. I n i t i a l l y the depression had l i t t l e affect on the school system. Government grants remained at pre-depression rates and municipal incomes were sufficient to keep teachers' salaries stable. By 1930-31, however, school boards were feeling the pinch. Not only had government revenues both at the provincial and municipal levels dropped but most school boards were being required to educate more pupils particularly at the secondary level. Vancouver offered the most striking example of the extent of the problem. The report of the Superintendent of Vancouver schools for the year 1930-31 summed up the c r i s i s : an increase i n the school population 7 of 1,293 over the previous year, with a similar increase predicted for the following year: with more than 75% of the increase being at the high g school level. The decline i n the b i r t h rate i n the later 1920's had resulted i n a noticeable decrease i n enrolment i n the lower grades of elementary schools. The report went on to explain that i t had not been thought wise to present a new building plan to the ratepayers at this time. It was decided that many would not "regard the meeting of these school needs as equally urgent, or nearly as urgent, as the meeting of personal 62 needs that cannot easily be met". During the year i n Vancouver several measures had been taken to affect economies without "losing efficiency"."^ With some success an attempt was made to check the "unwarranted tendency""''''" to smaller classes i n junior high schools and high schools and, the supervisory staffs i n both home economics and music were reduced. On the other hand the staff was added to by the appointment of a director of vocational guidance, "in an endeavour to prepare boys and g i r l s better for f i t t i n g into occupations 12 on leaving school". The addition of vocational guidance personnel to the school staff had been one of the recommendations made i n the brief presented by the B.C.T.F. to the Putman-Weir Survey and this development was enthusiastically welcomed by the teachers i n Vancouver who joined 13 classes conducted by the director to study vocational guidance. The f i r s t and most important step i n the new programme was to collect and make available to students definite and reliable occupational information. By the autumn of 1931 the new high school programme of studies was i n effect i n the province. With i t s increased recognition of such subjects as art, music and dramatics i t was praised for i t s creation of "greater opportunities 14 for the student to elect courses of study adapted to his aptitudes". Students were now able to take a prescribed number of units and obtain high school graduation standing without having to study matriculation or normal school entrance courses. During the winter of 1930-31 criticism had begun to mount with 15 regard to the efficiency with which schools of the province were run and 63 the high level of teachers' salaries. The latter was particularly vulnerable as teachers' salaries made up the largest single item in the 16 educational budget. This subject was to remain a controversial one for several years and served to bring about the alienation of the majority of teachers from the Conservative government. The Premier; Dr. S.F. Tolmie,had appointed as Minister of Education, his old friend and political adviser Dr. Joshua Hinchliffe. Canon Hinchliffe, who had been at various times during his career businessman, educator and clergyman in the Anglican Church, was one of the few members of the Tolmie cabinet to have legislative experience and Tolmie was sometimes reported to be relying too heavily on his judgement. Hinchliffe who was referred to frequently by both press and opposition as antedeluvian, mediaeval and the possessor of a fine crinoline mind considered himself something of an authority on matters educational, and he appears ideologically as a direct descendant of Bishop Strachan. However just as Strachan has recently been rescued by historians 17 from the opprobrium to which he had been assigned for so long, a second look at Hinchliffe may dislodge somewhat the label of hidebound reactionary pinned on him by his political opponents. Comparison with his successor G.M. Weir, who liked to play Ryerson and liberal reformer to conservative class-bound reactionaries, will reveal that despite sharp differences there were striking similarities. In the autumn of 1930 Hinchliffe writing to Tolmie stated his objec- " tive with regard to his department to be to put the finances of education 18 "on a satisfactory, sound and permanent basis". Hinchliffe recommended 64 that land was to remain the basis of school financing, "every acre to 19 be taxed a just amount", but in addition to this he proposed a levy of a tax of one-half of one per cent on a l l incomes, in addition to a l l other taxes and levies. "Every citizen of the province", he wrote, "is 20 required to pay his just share of educational costs." The money so. raised was to be distributed in such a way as to relieve those taxpayers who had been paying too heavily for the upkeep of schools. This would involve an increase in government grants to some school areas. The yard-stick for these grants was to be teachers' salaries which would be fixed, subject to change only by the consent of the municipal council or the ratepayers. From this recommendation came the appointing of fi r s t one, then two(then three committees to try to determine a just level of teachers' 21 salaries with a l l the attendant acrimony. The attack on the school system itself came chiefly from municipal councils, ratepayers' associations, the conservative press and business organizations. Criticism generally centred on inefficient adrrdjiistration and the curriculum, its extent and variety, or what was generally referred 22 to as fads and f r i l l s . Inspectors and superintendents were well aware of these criticisms and sought to defend themselves. The increasing cost of education in Vancouver was justified on the grounds that i t was "increased payment for increased or better school service demanded by 23 those who pay the b i l l s " . Generally speaking school boards refused to bow to the demands for cutting the curriculum back to the basic subjects. The provincial director of home economics, Miss Jessie McLenaghan stated 65 with pride i n her report of the year 1930-31 that no school board had dispensed with home economics. "To have survived this test" she stated, "i s to assume that at last we have outlived the stage when home economics 24 as a school subject might be called a ' f r i l l ' . " Similarly manual training was said to be firmly entrenched i n the school curriculum. Under the searching criticism, i t was thought that "technical work had become more widely understood, not only for i t s educational value but for 25 i t s practical lead towards industrial a c t i v i t i e s " . At the same time the new four year high school course offering a wide variety of options continued to be viewed with approval and promoted both by schoolmen and school boards. As the depression wore on, however, i t became more and more d i f f i c u l t for school boards, both urban and rural, to maintain the system as i t had been b u i l t up over the preceding few years. By the school year 1931-32 the total amount spent on education i n the province f e l l by $342,000,or a, mere 3.5%, but greater cuts were to come. By the summer of 1931 the financial position of the province had become very perilous indeed. With a large debt structure inherited from the previous Liberal governments, large r e l i e f expenditures, decreased revenues, and a $3,000,000. note due, in New York i n the autumn, the province was tottering on the brink of bankruptcy. In November Tolmie demanded that Hinchliffe "explore every avenue for reducing costs" and that he "regard the matter as one of urgent 26 necessity, not to be regarded from any other point of view". Hinchliffe i n his reply advised eliminating the free text book branch, closing one of 66 the Normal Schools, since twice as many teachers were being trained as the system could absorb, cutting teachers 1salaries, nominally i n rural areas and from 25 to 30 per cent i n urban areas; and making a substantial 27 cut i n the grant to the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. When the budget was brought down i n the spring of 1932 a huge reduction was shown i n the Department of Education estimates. The vote asked was $2,846,012 compared with $4,737,110. for 1931-32. Given the desperate financial circumstances of the government, the lack of confidence shown by financial institutions i n their refusal to extend credit, the tardiness of the federal government i n reaching an agreement on the sharing of the cost of unemployment r e l i e f , there was l i t t l e less that could be done other than to cut expenditure. The only other alternative, additional taxation, had been resorted to i n the budget brought down during the session of 1931. Instead of the one half of one' per cent suggested by Hinchliffe earlier, the Minister of Finance had, i n order to produce additional government revenue, imposed a supertax of one per cent on a l l classes of incomes over $25. a week for married men and $15. for other employees. However the revenue so collected was not earmarked for any specific purpose and the tax proved uniformly unpopular with a l l classes of society. Drastically reduced government expenditure on education was not the only problem faced by school boards at this time. In March, 1932 Hinchliffe made known his intention of giving to c i t y and municipal councils the power to prohibit school boards from continuing or establishing courses i n manual training, domestic science, technical education and other courses 67 which had been described as educational f r i l l s . School trustees immediately protested this proposal claiming that "councils were not concerned with details of educational policy and should not have power 29 to direct school boards". For the time being the matter was shelved, but i t was now very apparent that most subjects outside of the traditional ones were s t i l l regarded by many as expendable f r i l l s . The financial position of municipal councils was an unenviable one. Their revenues were decreasing as property taxes became increasingly d i f f i c u l t to collect, while they bore the burden of high r e l i e f costs. Since early i n 1932 the municipalities had been "obliged to finance the tot a l cost of their r e l i e f expenditures out of their own meagre resources instead of the third of the costs for which they were •responsible according to the agreement of the previous August""^0 made with the provincial government. At the same time-school boards were finding themselves with an increased enrolment at the secondary school level where per pupil costs were higher. In Vancouver the increase i n enrolment was attributed not only to the desire of parents to have their children acquire more education and the unavailability of; jobs, but also to the new res t r i c t i v e policy regarding entrance to the University of Br i t i s h Columbia. A maximum had been placed on the number of students who could be enrolled i n any faculty and the entrance requirements had been raised. The report on the Vancouver schools for 1931-32 predicted an even greater enlargement of classes i n the near future to cope with the situation. At the same time i t was regretfully announced that a cut i n teachers' salaries of 10 per cent on a l l those of $1,200. per annum or more, and 5 per cent on a l l others 68 had been made. However, despite reduced revenues i t had not been found necessary to discontinue any essential services. The report concluded proudly "It i s deserving of note that, during a year marked by persistent attempts to prac t ica l ly abolish School Boards or place School Board finances i n a greater measure under the control of loca l Councils, ostensibly i n the interests of economy, the Vancouver School Board and the City Council have co-operated 100 per cent with each other 31 and not under compulsion but g ladly . " The following school year 1932-33 was to see even greater pressure 32 brought to bear on school boards and the "new education" which had been slowly but steadily gaining ground part icular ly i n the c i t i e s and larger municipalities of the province. In A p r i l , 1932 the Conservative government, confused and demoralized, with a provincial debt well over the $143 m i l l i o n mark, and a bank overdraft for unemployment r e l i e f of ' $2,393,600., sanctioned the appointment of a committee of business executives 33 to look into the f inancial a f fa i rs of the province. These men, George Kidd, W.L. MacKen, Austin Taylor, A . H . Douglas and R.W. Mayhew representing business organizations mainly i n Vancouver and V i c t o r i a which were highly c r i t i c a l of the government's handling were given permission to scrutinize the records of a l l departments of government of provincial finances. In July, the committee reported and i t s report was made public the following month. The Kidd Report as i t became known after the name of the chairman of the cranmittee exploded l i k e a bomb on the p o l i t i c a l stage. The Kidd Report was i n essence a plea for a balanced budget through 69 the drastic curtailment of expenditures. It was also, more profoundly, a statement of the p o l i t i c a l and social attitudes of the highly conser-. . 34 vative, B r i t i s h rather than American oriented, business e l i t e of the province's two major c i t i e s , and the most prominent backers of the Conservative party. To these men the idea of higher taxes was completely inimical, and the Keynesian concept of d e f i c i t financing was either unknown to them or so far outside the pale of business orthodoxy as to be total l y unacceptable. The greatest area of public expenditure was social services, and within that area the largest percentage was devoted to education. So educational expenditures f e l l very heavily under the axe. Pointing to figures which would indicate a phenomenal rise i n educational expenditures over the previous 21 years, the report attributed the causes to school boards which fai l e d to collect fees from the considerable number of pupils i n the schools who had passed their fifteenth birthday, to politicians who promised educational progress through increased expenditure, "without much consideration of the results that are being 35 obtained", to the Teachers' Federation and the Parent Teacher Association for constantly pushing for more costly equipment, the competition among school boards for the most s k i l l e d and highly trained teachers, and f i n a l l y and, most importantly, the amount and kind of education which most pupils were receiving. The last item before the report's l i s t of recommendations with regard to schooling read "160.—We further question i n the interests of many of the pupils themselves, the wisdom of their taking up the study of the more advanced branches of learning when 70 their time might be spent with more ultimate advantage to themselves i n acquiring some other industrial occupation, i n which their lives are to be spent. Once the elementary stage of education has been passed ; the sooner the majority of the students commence to assist i n producing the wealth lying dormant i n our natural resources, the better w i l l i t be for themselves and the society i n which they l i v e . A conception of education which i s confined to scholastic attainments i s far too prevalent. The s k i l l of the agriculturalist to produce, the craftsman to create and the salesman to distribute, are as worthy of esteem as i s any other branch of human endeavour. The capacity of society, as i t i s at present constituted, to absorb aspirants, whether qualified or not to the scholastic, professional, executive, and similar occupations i s limited, and our educational authorities should not ignore this very practical aspect of their problem," 36 This section of the report and the one which followed i t , which recommended limiting free education to the completion of the pupil's fourteenth year caused a great public outcry and damned the report i n the eyes of teachers, trustees, the educational bureaucracy and many professors at the university. These two sections were regarded by educators and large numbers of the public as a turning back of the clock on educational progress, anti-democratic, a denial of equality of opportunity and a classbiased attempt to create a class of serfs. On closer inspection, however, i t becomes apparent that the critique of education set out i n the report i s very similar to those criticisms which had been voiced by some 37 educators m the province for years. Indeed i t was the attempt to 71 dislodge "a conception of education which i s confined to scholastic 38 attainments" which lay at the heart of most of the innovations of the "new education". The junior high school movement, the new four year high school course, the Putman-Weir Survey i t s e l f were.all assaults on traditional attitudes toward education. Similarly the view that the majority of the population should direct their efforts to developing the wealth of the province was integral to the thinking of most of the educators i n Bri t i s h Columbia. Statements made i n defence df the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, and innumerable inspectors' reports over previous decades bear adequate testimony to this fact. The main differences between the thinking of the businessmen of the early 30's and their counterparts i n the educational establishment was the means of achieving their goals and the emphasis given to the importance of the school"1 s role i n the social conditioning of the child. Generally speaking the educators had the 39 public totally on their side. It was surely the height of f o l l y to expect that i n ' a province devastatingly h i t by depression there would be much public support for the suggestion that students 14 years of age and over pay fees sufficient to cover "50 per cent of the entire cost of his education including interest and sinking fund charges on capital raised 40 for the school building". In fact this recomriendation was widely interpreted at the time by academics, educators, teachers, editorial writers and parents as a crude means of eliminating large numbers of children from secondary schooling, and i t i s d i f f i c u l t to see i t i n any other light. 72 To mitigate the blow of compulsory school fees the report recommended the establishment of a scholarship fund by the provincial government and municipalities, "so that a l l pupils of exceptional a b i l i t y and promise may have an opportunity of enjoying the f u l l benefits of 41 our complete educational facilities";« On the contentious question of the control of school expenditures i t was advocated that such control be "vested i n the body charged with the duty of raising the taxes to 42 pay them, namely the Municipal Council". School boards should be abolished and their functions performed by a standing committee appointed by the Municipal Council. I t was further suggested that a minority of this standing committee be elected by the electors, i n order to ensure them "the right of placing on this standing committee those specially 43 qualified by experience and training i n educational matters". Although the issue of teachers' salaries was at the time of the writing of the report under review by a committee of nine teachers and nine laymen, the Kidd committee expressed "no hesitation i n recommending that a new schedule be prepared providing for a reduction i n the aggregate of salaries 44 by 25 per cent". The report also advocated the payment of fees to cover the f u l l cost of teacher education at Normal Schools. I t was the opinion of the committee that the government would not be able to continue the grant of $250,000. to the university, even i f i t s discontinuance might lead to the demise of the university. I t was recommended that night schools and correspondence classes be continued. The latter was a v i r t u a l necessity i f the recommendation regarding the number of children required 45 i n an area before a rural school could be opened was adopted. 73 In the weeks following the publication of the Kidd Report a barrage of words issued from groups and individuals interested i n education. The Government published a rebuttal i n a pamphlet which included the report i n which i t refused to consider reducing the age-limit of free education to 14 years. An e d i t o r i a l i n the B.C. Teacher, the o f f i c i a l organ of the B . C . T . F . , praised the reaction of the "crammon people" i n opposing "any attempt at interference with the equal privileges and opportunities 46 which are so r ight ly given to a l l by this v i t a l ins t i tut ion of the State". The e d i t o r i a l took the report to task for what i t saw as the assumptions underlying sections 160 and 161; a narrow view of education which saw i t only as a means to making a l i v i n g ; an erroneous estimate of the educational requirements of industry; and ignorance of the secondary school curriculum. A l l these crit icisms appear v a l i d . The arguments used to back them up r e l i e d heavily on an ideal interpretation of the aims and accomplishments of education. The e d i t o r i a l attributed the assumptions of the Kidd committee to i t s idea of a proper soc ia l order, "not that of 47 a democracytbut of a feudal or caste system". The B . C . T . F . also roundly condemned the recommendation to abolish school boards as a ' d i s t i n c t l y 48 retrograde step' , one which would have a disastrous effect" upon the educational system. Most of the crit icisms levelled at those sections of the Kidd Report pertaining to education were f a i r l y similar to those enunciated by the B . C . T . F . Professor H.F . Angus, head of the Department of Economics at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia and one of the most persistent and 74 outspoken c r i t i c s of the report, condemned the proposals as emotional and i r r a t i o n a l . Adopting the commonly held depression point of view that the greatest economic problem was overproduction, he c r i t i c i z e d 49 the report for setting as a goal the increase of the work force. The proposal to impose fees on secondary school students he designated as one to " res t r ic t access to certain occupations to those who can pay for their training and 'pupils of exceptional a b i l i t y and promise', who may 50 receive scholarships". To achieve this—"the comfort of these two classes"^"'"— he claimed the majority were to be "forced into handicrafts, 52 salesmanship and agriculture" . He concluded that although not a declaration of class war, the report nevertheless was a "highly provocative 53 act i n inter-class diplomacy!". Dr. G.M. Weir stormed against the report claiming that i t condemned the young people of the province to 54 i n t e l l e c t u a l serfdom "at the caprice of certain c a p i t a l i s t parvenus". As for closing the university this , he maintained, would only serve to increase the crime rate among the disadvantaged poor who could not afford to go elsewhere.^ This las t note—the fear of youthful lawlessness— had been sounded with greater frequency as the depression deepened. The Liberal opposition had stated during the debate on the budget i n the spring of 1932 that continuance at school was preferable at any cost to the growth of juvenile misdemeanour.^ I t now became one of the most prominent arguments i n favour of allowing students to remain i n school on a non-feepaying basis through late adolescence. An e d i t o r i a l i n the Vic tor ia Daily Times 75 quoted a Winnipeg judge's warning that "where school boards shut off f u l l classes they are making criminals. There is a CTiminal responsibility 57 on them. Youth will become demoralized and degenerate". The cost to the taxpayer, he asserted, to rehabilitate these young men and women would be much greater than extra educational training. A Vancouver School Board Trustee presented the Rotary Club of Vancouver with substantially the same argument. Responding to the Kidd committee's proposal regarding the termination point for free education he said that the money saved would have to be spent on reformatories and police work. It was, he contended, "just as important in the long run, that the state should have good citizens citizens with a proper idea of their duties toward the state and toward their fellows as i t is that i t should have citizens 58 capable of maintaining a decent level of subsistence". Training in the rudiments of citizenship was incidental in elementary schools, he explained. At the secondary level, however, i t was a deliberate part of the curri-culum. For a student to miss his secondary education, he concluded, meant that "he would miss a great deal that would have helped make him a 59 . . . . better citizen". Dean R.W. Brock of the University of British Columbia took up the same theme when he offered youths education as a shelter from the depression. Speaking to the Vancouver Kiwanis Club in October, 1932, he said the great need of the day was the care of the rising population. One generation had been lost in the war, he asserted, and there was the danger that i f care was not taken another generation might be lost "with 60 worse results to the nation than the penalty paid in the war". It was his opinion that with no work available young men should be kept in 76 high schools and the university rather than thrown on the streets where 61 they were i n great danger of becoming 'hobos*. The government rested i t s case against the Kidd Report on i t s moral duty to provide education for a l l youngsters of the province, r i c h 62 and poor a l i k e . As i t was, said H i n c h l i f f e , the burden of educational expenses f e l l more heavily on the poor than on the r i c h and i f the Kidd Committee Report were followed the dice would be loaded even more heavily against the poor. In a statement quoted i n the Vancouver Province i n December, 1932 he further stated, "Even though a poor man withdraws his children from school when they are f i f teen (the age l i m i t now provided for) he must s t i l l pay taxes towards the school system which allows the children of richer men to continue s t u d i e s . . . I f the age l i m i t was reduced to 14, 63 i t would make i t s t i l l more unfair for parents of l imited means." With regard to allowing free Normal School t raining, the same reason was given, that the province had a moral responsibil i ty to provide teachers even i f those able to qualify for training were unable to pay the f u l l cost of their t u i t i o n . Neither were the Conservatives prepared to scuttle the university. Such would be a retrograde step for the "bountiful resources of the province demand a university with special courses to enable our r i s i n g 64 generation to be equipped for the task of developing our resources". To what extent these public pronouncements were a r e a l i s t i c statement of Conservative policy on education i s d i f f i c u l t to say. Certainly no p o l i t i c a l party whose term was running out would be l i k e l y to espouse the recommendations of the Kidd Commission i n view of the adverse public 77 reaction which they had occasioned. There i s l i t t l e doubt, however, that Conservative thinking tended toward an e l i t i s t view, but an elitism based on brains, not only on wealth. In a memorandum of 1930, Hinchliffe wrote that a Government funded programme of scholarships and bursaries 65 " l i e s at the foundation of my ideal for education i n B r i t i s h Columbia". These scholarships and bursaries were to be granted "on such terms and conditions, especially with respect to character, intellectual a b i l i t y and 66 financial circumstances" as might be prescribed by the Council of Public Instruction. "In this way" he continued, "I am hoping i n years to come to see a system established i n B.C., whereby the child of the poorest parents, who shows that he has the ambition to get along, can have the 67 advantage of scholarships offered by the Government". The same intellectual elitism i s apparent i n his approach to the provincial university which he declared he wished to see as a university "into which only students 68 with real a b i l i t y and ambition can enter". Although he did not wish to see the leaving age reduced there i s never a hint that he wished to see i t increased u n t i l after the publication of the Kidd Report when he i s reported to have said that " i t might even be questioned i f this age should 69 not be increased". Hinchliffe :.also declared himself i n 1930, i n favour of many of the new innovations i n education. In a speech before the Vancouver Board of Trade i n Ap r i l of that year he defended the educational system of the province, the changes i n methodology and the new courses which had been added i n recent years, i n his opinion i n response to public demand. "The new standard costs more" he stated "and i t i s worth i t . I f we reduce the cost of education, we reduce i t s effectiveness and i t s effect on the 78 generation who w i l l occupy the province after us." / u After delivering his speech Hinchliffe defended his position i n the face of severe cr i t i c i s m from the members, the same kind of criticism which was to surface later i n the Kidd Report. It i s l i k e l y that a speech made by Premier Tolmie during education week i n November 1932, summed up the Conservative party's thinking on the education of the majority. "Are we bringing up our young people to look at a dollar's worth of overalls with a curling l i p " he asked his audience. The answer of course, at least i n his mind, was that young people had developed a contempt for work, particularly manual work which was needed to develop, the province. In his opinion i t was "impossible to stress too strongly the importance of training our young people along lines which are l i k e l i e s t to assist i n the development of the province and which are 71 most l i k e l y to develop as the province develops". After the sound and fury occasioned by the Kidd Report had died down the provincial government, municipalities and school boards were s t i l l faced with the problem of how to keep the schools running with vastly decreased revenues. Government expenditures of education for the year 1932-33 were over $1,165,000. less than for the previous year, a drop from a cost per pupil per year of $33.18 to $23.98.. Most school reports of the year brought out the effect of the depression on both teachers and pupils. Reduced salaries, overcrowded and inadequate facilities., i n s u f f i -cient reading material, and children suffering the effects of malnutrition or inadequate clothing. In a number of rural areas a problem of non-79 attendance had arisen because parents were keeping children out of school to assist with farm chores and harvesting. The report for the Vancouver schools for the f i r s t time struck a pessimistic note. In the words of the superintendent, "To report on conditions i n the Vancouver Schools for the school year 1932-33 i s to turn from years of 'expansion and confidence 1 to one of 'contraction and perplexity!".'"' The sum total of the year 1 s activities were described as "a slightly forced retreat educationally, 72 despite strenuous efforts to maintain ground previously gained". There had been no attempt made to increase school accommodation as the anticipated increase i n high school students had not materialized. The elementary school teaching staff had been reduced by six, the high school staff had been increased by one. Eight special classes had been closed and there had been a marked reduction i n school services. Attendance officers and inspectors were not replaced on retirement and special supervisors and instructors were assigned to regular teaching positions; health services were curtailed and the dental c l i n i c was closed. In February, 1933 the school board had found i t necessary to cut salaries of under $1,200. by 10 per cent, those over that amount by 20 per cent. At the end of 1932 the committees working on the contentious problems of the control of school finances submitted their reports. Early i n 1933 the Minister of Education announced his proposed legislation on these issues. Teachers' salaries were to be fixed at $780. for elementary school teachers and $1,200 for high school teachers irrespective of location. In an attempt to equalize the taxation burden throughout the province the government proposed to reorganize i t s grants i n such a way 80 • that the various c i t i e s and towns whether large or small would a l l tax themselves i n the neighbourhood of 2h mills. In the cases of Vancouver and Victoria this meant raising the tax rates V% and 1 m i l l respectively, while many small towns would be able to lower theirs by 3 and 4 per cent. It should be noted that this change was i n line with recommendations 73 made i n the Putman-Weir Survey. With regard to control of school finance, legislative amendments were made to the Public Schools Act which would give municipal councils "the right to refer back to school boards ordinary estimates considered 74 beyond the a b i l i t y of taxpayers to meet". If the two bodies could not resolve their differences, the matter would then be l a i d before an arbitrator. Opposition from teachers, parents and school boards had obviously been strong enough to prevent the government from following i t s declared policy of the previous year. No r e l i e f appeared i n sight for harassed school boards or poorly paid teachers during the spring of 1933. The budget brought down continued the philosophy of retrenchement and s t i l l more retrenchment i n an effort to produce a balanced budget. The Conservatives were by this time a disunited i f not demoralized party. S p l i t between those who wished to follow Tolmie's lead to form a coalition government and those who wished to retain the traditional party p o l i t i c s regardless of depression problems, the government, whose term ran out on the f i r s t of September, waited u n t i l the end of August to announce the date of the election. The ensuing . election campaign was notable for the fact that i t saw the appearance for 81 the f i r s t time of the Canadian Commonwealth Federation (C.C.F.) party. But i t was a l s o notable f o r the educational h i s t o r i a n , because o f that rare event i n p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s - : education was a major i s s u e . The Kidd Report had thrown education i n t o the s p o t l i g h t and there i>t was t o remain u n t i l a f t e r the e l e c t i o n . I t had a l s o helped to p o l a r i z e opinion and i n the process to i d e n t i f y Conservative p o l i c y with that of the business e l i t e . The L i b e r a l s h i t them hard as hidebound r e a c t i o n a r i e s , while some members o f the C.C.F. added to t h a t charge a promise t o eliminate any c l a s s o r i e n t a t i o n i n the schools by turning them i n t o i n s t i t u t i o n s dedicated to the i n d o c t r i n a t i o n o f s o c i a l i s t ideology. The L i b e r a l party had as i t s spokesman on educational matters, Dr. G.M. Weir, on leave o f absence from the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia. Weir, at t h i s p o i n t i n h i s career, was considered to be a man who t y p i f i e d , t o quote the Vancouver Sun, "the u n i v e r s i t y and school groups s c i e n t i f i c a l l y 75 elevatxng the mind and a b i l i t y o f the human race". Mthough as r e c e n t l y as the f a l l o f 1931 he had lauded the report of a U.S. i n v e s t i g a t o r who had by the a p p l i c a t i o n of "the c o l d logic; of s t a t i s t i c a l f i g u r e s to the 76 educational systems o f the Canadian provinces" placed B.C. ahead o f the r e s t , he now declared the province's educational system to be i n a parlous s t a t e . A message to the teachers o f B r i t i s h Columbia r e f e r r e d to the "baneful influence of educational r e a c t i o n " which "even before the f i n a n c i a l depression had produced i t s unhappy r e s u l t s " and the harm wrought by "a unique combination o f government ineptitude and m i n i s t e r i a l h o s t i l i t y 77 towards p u b l i c education". The L i b e r a l party, i t continued, would 82 restore education to i t s rightful place as the most important activity of the state. The system would be characterized by the principles of democracy and ensure educational opportunity for a l l . The Liberal party platform with regard to education was long on rhetoric and short on practical proposals. At its'/convention i n the f a l l of 1932 the B.C. Liberal Association had passed several resolutions with regard to educational matters. The convention went on record as rejecting "any proposed organization or reorganization which involves a caste system of education", and as being i n favour of an educational system "democratic i n principle so as to f a c i l i t a t e such intellectual growth of each individual member of society as may be required to equip him for his daily tasks, and for the enjoyment of such cultural pursuits as may be i n keeping with 78 our social customs". A third resolution was passed i n favour of a general review of the educational system i n order to place i t on as sound an administrative footing as possible. It would seem that attacks on Conservative educational policy and promises to implement a democratic system dedicated to equality of opportunity i n the schools was the thrust of the Liberal party's message. The C.C.F., too, concentrated i t s f i r e on the current system. However as an amalgam of various s o c i a l i s t and radical parties which had existed i n the province over the last three decades, as well as converts to the new party's policies, the C.C.F. contained members, some of whom were candidates, whose prescription for improving education far outran the party's o f f i c i a l platform. Party policy with regard to education called 83 for the establishment of a "thoroughly democratic progressive education, free to a l l , adapted to individual needs and designed to prepare young 79 people for a f u l l and complete participation in a co-operative order". There was nothing very revolutionary about this, indeed i t might have been lifted from a Liberal party policy statement. In addition the C.C.F. called for the "creation of vocational schools, particularly in order to care, for the educational needs of unemployed youths pending such time as 80 they can be drafted into the industrial scheme". Again not a very radical objective. But from election meetings throughout the province came statements about revising text-books to suit the teachings of socialism, having night classes for school teachers in socialism, dismissing any teacher who would not advocate socialism in the schools, and, having the children "generally trained from an early age to socialist theories and 81 ideals". Such pronouncements stirred up a furor in the press. The C.C.F. was labelled Marxist, CDrnrtunist, autocratic,, opposed to freedom of thought and speech, and at the very least utterly lacking in political acumen. It is almost certain that the controversy occasioned by the more radical of some of its members caused the new party to lose some potential support. The brunt of the criticism which assailed the Conservatives was borne by Minister of Education Hinchliffe who remained loyal to Tolmie in the now disoriented party. By and large he defended the record of his department but made no statements regarding future plans for education other than a review of the curriculum, of both elementary and secondary schools. The B.C.T.F. had passed a resolution at its annual meeting in 84 1932 advocating such a review, but at the tine Hinchliffe had turned i t down as unnecessary. In an address to the B.C. School Trustees Annual Convention he said that what was needed i n the schools was utilitarianism. Referring to the new general course which had been introduced i n the high schools he pointed out that this course "followed the modern trend towards utilitarianism.. .and would help materially i n training youths for their 82 l i f e work". The other significant innovation made during his ministerial term, the change i n the formula for provincial grants, was often cited as, * an attempt to minimize the distinction between rich and poor, urban and rural. The most revealing remarks, however, made by Hinchliffe on public education, i t s role and purpose, were given i n an address to a church group several months before the beginning of the election campaign. Centring his comments on the question of what should be the li m i t to public education paid for out of the public purse, he based his remarks on the assumption that "the greatest part of education including character building at the f i r s t and the application of knowledge later was conducted entirely outside of school l i f e . Schooling was then but a part of education, and 83 public schooling as a part again of the smaller division." From this ^is apparent the great gulf which separated Hinchliffe and the Conservat- ' ives from :the liberals and Weir:whose. Survey emphasized the primary importance of character building i n public schooling at a l l levels. Within the limits thus defined Hinchliffe then set out the chief concern of the state i n the provision of public schooling, the making of a 85 good citizen. The good citizen was then defined as "one who would earn a livelihood for himself and his dependents; bear i n turn his share of the costs of state institutions; and thus keep up the revolving fund out 84 of which his children i n turn would be taught". In addition this good citizenship also entailed imparting a proper appreciation of and loyalty to Canada, Britain and the Bri t i s h Empire. Further to that the state had no responsibility. The profession or occupation i n l i f e which he chose to follow was the responsibility of the student and his parents. "If the state had to decide that question i t would have to examine every chi l d to determine that for which i t was best suited. I say very de-f i n i t e l y " , he concluded, "that the state i s not concerned whether any pupil shall become a doctor or a sewer digger. It i s concerned that each shall be taught to secure an honest l i v i n g , and become an asset and not 85 a l i a b i l i t y to the state." In addition to this he stated on a number of occasions that i t was his intention to try to determine the type of training needed for entry into various professions and businesses. On the basis of this information i t would then be possible to see what adjustments 86 i n schooling "might be both feasible and warranted". Here too the difference i n attitude between Hinchliffe and Weir i s apparent. Mthough both were proponents of the practical i n education, Weir's view certainly encompassed a role for the public schools and indirectly the state i n directing students into vocations and professions. But an increased role for the state i n education and i n other areas of l i f e , was the trend of thinking of many groups and organizations. For example, i n the autumn of 1933 both the Roman Catholic Bishop of Vancouver 86 and tiie Baptist Church i n Br i t i s h Columbia were declaring themselves i n favour of direct intervention' by the state i n the economy, and i t s 87 provision of adequate support for the unemployed. The Parent Teacher Association and the Vancouver Principals' Association, while not supporting any party, called on government to assume a greater role i n economic and social affairs. The election results confirmed public opinion's s h i f t to the l e f t . The new legislature would contain 34 Liberals, 3 Conservatives and 7 C.C.F.ers with the C.C.F. forming the o f f i c i a l opposition. I t i s impossible to guage how important an issue education was i n the election. As far as the Liberals were concerned i t was part and parcel of their policy of the time, which called for a greatly increased role for government, both i n the managing of the economy and the provision of social services. In a province which was experiencing severe economic hardship, where the total number of unemployed had reached the figure of 100,000, the electorate had turned away from the philosophy of the balanced budget to the "left-learning reform platform articulated by the Liberals but one which f e l l short of 88 the centralized state control for which the C.C.F. stood". In addition, and this certainly applied with regard to education, they had turned to the only party which they believed would preserve equal opportunity for a l l unobstructed by the authoritarianism of the right or the l e f t . This was a theme much played upon by the Liberals after i t became apparent that the CC-iF. was going to be a force to be reckoned with. Repeatedly the Liberals referred to themselves or were referred to by the press as the only force which could preserve society and i t s freedoms from the tyranny of a s e l f i s h capitalism or a dictatorial socialism. 87 Notes Chapter III 1 Margaret A. Qrmsby, British Columbia: A History (Vancouver, 1971), pp. 431-434. 2 R.E. Caves and R.H. Hoi ton, "An Outline of the Economic History of British Columbia, 1881-1951" in J.W. Friesen and H.K. Ralston eds. Historical Essays on British Columbia (Toronto, 1976), pp. 152-166. 3 Timothy Allan Dunn, "Work, Class and Education: Vocationalism in British Columbia's Public Schools 1900-1929" M.A. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1978. For a detailed account of economic developments in British Columbia during this period see Chapter II of this thesis. 4 Ormsby, Op. Cit., p. 443. 5 Ibid., p. 445. 6 Robert E. Groves, "Business Government, Party Politics and the British Columbia Business Ctommunity 1928-1933". M.A. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1976, quoted p. 104. 7 Percentage increase slightly less than 5%. 8 There is no general agreement among historians as to the causes of the increase in attendance at the high school level. The two most probable reasons are the lack of employment for young people coming out of school and a conviction on the part of parents and students that more education was now needed for advancement in the world of work. In this instance the superintendent also mentions greater difficulties faced by students wishing to attend university. 9 60th Annual Report of The Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1930-31. L41 " 10 Ibid., L42 88 Ibid., L42. Ibid., L42. Ibid., L42. Ibid., L44. The Victoria ratepayers Association went so far as to request that the cost of education in the province be reduced by 50%. Victoria Colonist, July 20, 1932. It was estimated that about 95% of the provincial government's grants to school districts was for direct services which included teachers' salaries. This figure did not include the salaries of those teachers administering the correspondence courses for elementary and high schools, industrial education or those employed by the two provincial normal schools and the school for the deaf and the blind, which amounted to an additional 5% of the government's share of education costs. It is impossible from the data available to determine the percentage of the amount expended by districts which went towards teachers' salaries. For a good example see J.D. Purdy 'John Strachan: Conservative Reformer"in Profiles of Canadian Educators. Hinchliffe to Tolmie 1930, Tolmie Papers, Box 7. Ibid., Tolmie Papers, Box 7. Ibid., Tolmie Papers, Box, 7. Provincial salary committees were in existence from 1931 to 1933. Difficulties arose because the teachers1panel and the so-called people's panel composed of government appointees could not come to any agreement. 89 Usually used to refer to those subjects which were not part of the standard academic curriculum i.e. manual training, domestic science. 59th Annual Report of The Public Schools of the Province of  Br i t i s h Columbia, 1929-30. Q 34. 60th Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of B r i t i s n Columbia, 1930-31, L40. ~ * 61st Annual Report of the public schools of the Province of Bntxsh Columbia, 1931-32. L30. Tolmie to Hinchliffe Nov. 1931, Tolmie Papers, Box 7. Hinchliffe to Tolmie November 9, 1931, Tolmie Papers, Box 7. These courses were frequently.described as f r i l l s by those wish-ing to pare education costs such as.municipal councils/ property owners'associations and some businessmen's associations not only because they required extra teachers but also because they frequently necessitated the purchase of costly equipment. Vancouver Sun, March 22, 1932. Groves, Gp. Cit., p. 109. 61st Annual Report, Ibid., L36. The most reliable source of information on the extent of the adoption of the "new education" up to this time are the annual reports of the public schools of the province and they by no means give a complete picture. They provide evidence that there were 11 junior secondary schools, that manual training and industrial arts, and home economics had been introduced i n many schools i n the province, but s t a t i s t i c a l evidence i s i n most cases lacking. The 1929-1930 report, for example, states that there were 83 home economics centres i n the province but dees not state where they were. The report of the same year also 90 records that most of the high schools i n Vancouver had introduced a course i n industrial arts but gives no indication of the number of classes or the number of students enrolled i n them. With reference to the introduction of new pedagogical techniques the evidence i s even more inexact. Ormsby, Cp. Cit., pp. 446-448. D.C. Jones and T.A. Dunn, "Education, The Depression, and The Kidd Report". Unpublished paper, A p r i l , 1976, p. 7. Kidd Report Section 156, Quoted from May Committee Report. Ibid., Section 160. This does not imply that an educational system based on the Kidd Report recxsmmendations would have been the same as one based on the Putman-Weir Survey. The former would i n a l l probability have pared education down to the three'r's. Kidd Report,Section 160. Jones and Dunn Op. C i t . , p. 18. Not even the business community was united i n support of the Kidd Report. Kidd Report, Section 161. Ibid., Section 163. Ibid., Section 169. Ibid., Section 169. Ibid., Section 173. Ibid., Section 166. This section recommended the closing of any school i n a municipal school d i s t r i c t or a rural school d i s t r i c t i f the average attendance f e l l below 10. 91 46 B.C. Teacher, October, 1932, p. 1. 47 Ibid., p. 7. 48 Ibid., p. 9. 49 D.C. Jones and T.A. Dunn Op. Cit., Union leaders rejected the report on the grounds that i t was solely i n the interests of the r i c h and would throw thousands more on an overcrowded labour market, p. 19, p. 26. 50 B.C. Teacher, Op. Cit . , p. 23. 51 Ibid., p. 23. 52 Ibid., p. 23. 53 Ibid., p. 23. 54 Vancouver Province, August 31, 1932. 55 Ibid.,. 56 Victoria Colonist, A p r i l 1, 1932, Tolmie Papers Box 14. According to newspapers, the chief opposition c r i t i c s of the Conservative government's education policies appear to have been T.D. Pattullo, the Liberal leader and A.M. Manson, Liberal member from Omineca. 57 Editorial Victoria Daily Times September 15, 1932. Tolmie Papers Box 14. 58 Vancouver Province October 21, 1932. Tolmie Papers Box 14. 59 Ibid. 60 Vancouver Sun, October 5, 1932. 92 61 Ibid. 62 The Conservatives took exception to some of the recommendations made in connection with every department of government. 63 Vancouver Province, December 7, 1932. Tolmie Papers Box 14. 64 Victoria Colonist, August 20, 1932. Tolmie Papers, Box 14. 65 Memorandum Minister of Education Tolmie Papers Box 20. 66 Ibid. 67 Ibid. 68 Victoria Daily Times, March 10, .1931. Tolmie Papers Box 14. 69 Victoria Colonist, November 24, 1932. 70 Vancouver Sun, April 29, 1930. 71 Victoria Colonist, November, 1932. 72 62nd Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1932-33. M49 73 Putman-Weir Survey, p. 287. 74 Victoria Daily. Times March 20, 1933 Tolmie Papers, Box 14. 75 Vancouver Sun September 27, 1933, Tolmie Papers Box 15. 76 Vancouver Sun, October 7, 1931. 93 77 B.C. Teacher, October, 1933. 78 B.C. Liberal Association Minute Book,March, 1927-October 3, 1932 Minutes of Convention Oct. 3 and 4, 1932, Resolution 9. 79 C.C.F. Provincial Platform and Manifesto (Vancouver: C.C.F., 1933) Section 11. McCarter Collection Special Collections U.B.C. 80 Ibid. 81 Victoria Daily Times October 2, 1933. Tolmie Papers, Box 15. 82 Victoria Colonist September 19, 1933. Tolmie Papers, Box 14. 83 Ibid., May 27, 1933. 84 Ibid. 85 Ibid. 86 Ibid. 87 Vancouver Sun, October 3, 1933. Vancouver Sun, September 20, 1933 Tolmie Papers, Box 15. 88. Groves, Op. Cit. CHAPTER IV EDUCATIONAL CHANGE 1933-1935 UNDER THE NEW LIBERAL GOVERNMENT When the Liberal party took office in the late f a l l of 1933, i t was the focus of the hopes of a majority of the electorate. A new era, i f not of pre-depression prosperity, at least of an adequate human standard of living, would, i t was thought, soon become a reality. Liberal leader Duff Pattullo's slogan of "Work and Wages" had led people to believe that the provincial government could ensure that a l l who wished to work would be able to do so in the very near future. But the voters were unaware of the intricacies and difficulties of public finance, nor did they forsee the intransigence of both Conservative and Liberal prime ministers when faced with demands from the provinces for greater financial assistance. Neither Pattullo nor his government wet=e unaware of the magnitude of the problems facing them, but the euphoria of the moment led them to feel that a l l difficulties were surmountable. That the Liberal party in British Columbia would ultimately help to seal its doom by the intransigence of its own stand vis-a-vis the federal government was probably never contem-plated. Like F.D. Roosevelt, who also came to power in the dark winter of 1933-34, Pattullo voiced ideas which seemed to some at the time to be too socialistic, even to pose a threat to the;continued existence of capitalism. The severity of the depression with its attendant social problems had convinced both men that government must play a much greater role in the economic and social affairs of the state than had hitherto been 95 the case. This was not to say that either p o l i t i c i a n was radical i n the sense of wishing to create a new restructured society. As most American historians now agree Roosevelt succeeded admirably i n preserving the essentials of the c a p i t a l i s t system i n the United States, and like Keynes, his administration's most famous economic mentor, might most accurately be described as a radical conservative. The same term might equally well be applied to Pattullo. Pattullo was 60 years of age when he became premier. He had spent the last seventeen years i n p o l i t i c s as a member of the provincial legislature, cabinet minister and leader of the opposition. LXrcing this time he became known as a strong party man with a great admiration for the common man who had come to the west and through courage and enterprise 10 1 had b u i l t the'province. With the onset of the depression he began to question a system which was bringing misery to so many and whose basic assumptions were being openly assailed by both socialists and coMiunists even i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The result was his adoption of a position which was certainly more radical than the generally accepted Canadian Liberalism 2 of the day. He gradually became convinced that B r i t i s h Columbia "...like the entire western world, was entering a new period i n which the state was determined to play a just, creative role i n lightening the burden of others 'unable to carry the load'. Under the new system, characterized by wider Government control, regulation and direction, individual ownership would be preserved, but capital would be used 'for the benefit and not the 9 6 u/'^' detriment of the people as a whole'". 3 J Pattullo frequently bemoaned the fact that i n his own province, as well as Canada as a whole, so l i t t l e was being done to mobilize the effort to bring the new system into being. He feared, as he stated i n a letter to R.J. Cromie, publisher of the"'Vancouver Sun i n 1932, that the passivity of governments would "increase the attractiveness of O^rmunism as an alternative for the disadvantaged, especially as times 4 became harder". The role that Pattullo intended his government to play then was that of economic planner, i n order to minimize as much as possible the vagaries of unrestricted laissez-faire capitalism, and to protect and assist those who suffered most from capitalism's excesses. In practical terms this meant the setting up of an economic council to advise government on what measures i t could take to assist i n the direction of the economy, labour legislation to r e s t r i c t hours of work and increase minimum wages, and continued and, i f necessary, greater government spending i n the f i e l d of social services. "Schools, hospitals and welfare agencies, he thought, must not suffer for lack of funds during the depression-.'"5 Pattullo belived that i t was the duty of the p o l i t i c i a n to "wrest concessions from business for his dispossessed constituents, to help create new business opportunities, thereby maximizing employment". If a l l possible measures taken by private enterprise proved unsuccessful i n taking up the slack of employment he was prepared to try " a l l methods, short of public ownership and expropriation, to f a c i l i t a t e f u l l employment and relieve the poor from 97 7 the despair of poverty". Both the reactionary businessman and the socialist were equally condemned for being the cause of social unrest and perhaps, ultimately, conflict. To Pattullo the liberal way pro-vided the means to achieve a harmonious and just society. Such a society was never thought of as an egalitarian one. Economic and social inequality, he believed, was rooted in nature, had existed in a l l societies and was inevitable notwithstanding the form of government. The only role the liberal politician could f u l f i l l was to try to prevent the abuse of social and economic power; and to lead public opinion to the acceptance of the view that the "welfare of every individual in the state is the concern of a l l the individuals of the state". 8 Although Pattullo made relatively few public statements about education, generally leaving this subject to G.M. Weir, his indefatigable Minister of Education, and those in his party who had been closely involved in educational matters, i t is reasonable to suppose that education occupied an important place in his concept of a stable and prosperous society. In a speech made immediately prior to the election he emphasized his party's policy of abolishing fees for those students over the age of fifteen who had not yet finished their high school education. Youths should be allowed to remain in high school throughout adolescence without, monetary obligation. "I am not", he stated, "opposed to the so-called f r i l l s in education. We have too l i t t l e education. That's what the country is suffering from now. The trouble is that the financial side of the country has not kept pace 9 with scientific progress." Again in the spring of 1935 he returned to the theme of the paramount importance of education in an address delivered 98 at the annual meeting of the B.C.T.F. entitled 'Education as a Public Service 1. He defended education past the primary level for i t s important contribution to t±ie: •training of the mind, the building of character and the inculcation of a s p i r i t of service. He asserted that i n his opinion i t was the educational system which had "contributed i n no small way to that mental s t a b i l i t y and soundness of character which have enabled our people to preserve their sanity...in what has too often appeared to be a disintergrating w o r l d " . P a t t u l l o also stressed the economic value of education as a "medium of circulating dollars and cents". "Through education" he asserted "has come about higher standards of l i v i n g . In the light of discovery and invention people are not prepared to l i v e i n the primitive fashion which existed within the memory of us a l l and which i n outlying d i s t r i c t s exists i n the same measure to-day."^" There was notiiing particularly new i n a l l this. Since the beginnings of public education i n Canada, indeed i n North America generally, most educators and many politicians had been extolling the role of education i n the cause of social, economic and p o l i t i c a l betterment. However as the perspectives on the problems of a society changed,so too did the specific means by which education was seen to be able to assist i n their solution. Without doubt the 1930's was a time of heightened interest i n education with educators and lay people of varying p o l i t i c a l hues calling on the schools to f u l f i l l the hopes of a l l i n the creation of a happier and more prosperous 12 world. By this time i n her history B r i t i s h Columbia with i t s strong radical element and the ever-present threat of violence, a surprisingly successful s o c i a l i s t party, a substantial urban proletariat, and a wealthy, 99 extremely conservative business e l i t e presented a profi l e distinctively different from any other province of Canada. Headed by a Liberal adirdxiistration committed to traditional c a p i t a l i s t values as well as the necessity of state leadership i n economic and social affairs, i t was to draw from the broad spectrum of ideas called progressive education, those which seemed best f i t t e d to her problems, her traditions and her aspirations. By and large the decisions regarding educational matters were made by a relatively small number of educators, of whom by far the most infl u e n t i a l was G.M. Weir, both by virtue of his status as an educator and7 his position as Minister of Education. After joining the staff of the Department of Education at the University of Br i t i s h Columbia, he became a consistent advocate of the.new education and of raising teaching standards i n the public schools. His outspoken criticism of the Kidd jreport had helped to marshall public opinion against i t s recommendations 13 regarding education. His co-authorship of the Putman-Weir Survey had brought him national prominence and i n 1929 he was asked by the Canadian Medical Association and the Canadian Nurses Association to conduct a thorough investigation of nursing education i n Canada. A Survey of Nursing Education i n Canada, which was published i n 1932 affords insight into Weir's social philosophy as well as his beliefs, attitudes and values i n the f i e l d of education which make more understandable his future career as Minister of Education and Provincial Secretary with responsibility for health services. The Survey had been commissioned because of disagreement 'in both associations as to what constituted a 100 desirable standard of nursing education. The nurses generally favoured the raising of standards while some sections of the medical profession argued that standards should be lowered thereby decreasing nursing fees and thus bridging the gap between patient and nurse. The report came out, predictably, solidly in favour of the raising of the entrance requirements for nursing schools and improvement in the quality and methods of instruction given to student nurses. In presenting his-case for the raising of admission requirements Weir relied heavily on the evidence provided by I.Q. tests.. Such tests administered in different parts of the country had shown 2 2 per cent of nurses to have an I.Q. less than 9 0 , and 3 9 per cent to have an I.Q. less than 9 5 . "It appears very doubtful" he wrote "whether any profession which has such a dead-weight in its ranks can attain high levels of achievement unless its standards be considerably elevated. A purging process seems overdue"."^ Anticipating criticism of his findings, Weir defended the I.Q. tests on the grounds of their validity and their applicability to the nursing profession. As well he pointed to the relationship which the tests allegedly proved between intelligence and nationality and socio-economic background. He claimed that the tests given, a modification of the American Army Alpha test and the same one as had been used in the British Columbia School Survey "with highly satisfactory results" was a "guaranteed measure of 1 5 abilities". These tests, "standardized by competent authorities, constructed on scientific principles, free from ambiguity" were, he wrote, 101 "adapted to the purposes the survey had i n mind when the testing programme was undertaken"."^ Mthough the intelligence tests were designed to measure?the a b i l i t y to learn and not moral values, they served as well as a f a i r l y reliable though not i n f a l l i b l e guide to an individual's moral worth, Weir claimed. 17 Adopting the same position as Thorndike Weir wrote that "dullness and moral delinquency are related almost as closely as twin brothers. The investigation of numerous cases has proved this statement beyond reasonable doubt. The converse also, with certain exceptions, appears true. I n t e l l i -18 gent people usually have the greatest moral worth." He further claimed that there was a high degree of correlation between "abstract or pure intelligence (such as the tests are alleged to measure) on the one hand, and social intelligence (tact, handling people) and motor intelligence on 19 the other". Finally Weir made clear that the most intelligent students were of English, Scotch and Irish ancestry and middle class background. "The average intelligence of student nurses, whose parents belong to the professional group," he pointed out, "considerably exceeded that of the students whose parents are engaged i n various occupations and types of 20 unskilled and semi-skilled labour". On the basis of the foregoing Weir concluded that I.Q. tests should be administered to a l l applicants for admission to nursing schools and that a l l with I.Q.s under 100 should be rejected. This was not to be the only criterion for admission; other factors such as social background, family history and character should also be taken into consideration. 102 In Weir's opinion, once the student nurse had embarked on her training she should receive an education much more in te l lec tua l ly rigorous than had been the case i n most nursing schools up to that time. Nursing must be taken out of the category of a trade and professionalized as quickly as possible "the inexorabili ty of soc ia l evolution, with i t s emphasis on public health education, specialization i n medical science, preventive medicine, as well as enlightened public interest i n health 21 matters". Superior education would, the Survey claimed, result i n greater open-mindedness, a willingness to co-operative attitude of mind, and greater social adapt ibi l i ty . Weir had come to the conclusion that education was the sine qua non for survival i n the world of his day. He wrote, "Modern democracy has declared i t s fa i th i n the value of superior education. Nations are vying with one.another to raise the level of soc ia l i n t e l l i -gence by exterminating the bl ight of ignorance. In international as i n national and soc ia l relationships, leaders of foresight realize today as never before that 'the race i s to the s w i f t 1 . No individual , no occupation and no profession that aspires to success can afford to ignore this homely t ruth . " 22 However,arguments for intelligence and education were not always pitched on such a high plane. Education was necessary to the nurses not only for reasons of professional competence but also to ensure a pleasant relationship with educated patients. Unless the nurse were educated she was i n danger of feel ing i n f e r i o r and awkward i n the presence of such 103 patients, and of resorting to gossiping about the hospital staff. The cultural background of many nurses was very poor, bemoaned one doctor quoted by the. survey, " l i t t l e i f any better than the cultural background 23 of the servant-girl class". So trying could the relationship between patient and nurse become that convalescence could be retarded, as i n the case of a convalescing doctor whose nurse was unable to read Dickens i n t e l l i g i b l y out loud to him. On the subject of health care Weir was completely convinced of the necessity and in e v i t a b i l i t y of state supported hospital and medical •service. Arguments against public assistance for health care were, he stated, 24 "reminiscent of arguments versus public education a century ago". Many Canadians had come to think that every citizen had a right to be healthy and to be protected against i l l - h e a l t h . Canadians, he declared,were 25 becoming "ccmmunity-minded without becoming coimtunists". The question of state medicine had arisen at approximately 75 per cent of the meetings to discuss nursing problems, the survey stated. There were, however, two dangerous classes of opinion which militated against the..achievement of a sound and sensible solution of the problems of health care, and which were mischievous i n their "influence on the judgement of the average working 26 class citizen". On the one hand there was caranunism which would trans-form the p o l i t i c a l system into a tyranny of hate under which i t was "certain that few men and women of high ideals and intelligence would either 27 enter or remain" i n the medical and nursing professions. On the other hand there was a "certain school of psuedo-professional individualism" which was quite indifferent to the "toad beneath the harrow". Followers 104 of this philosophy were motivated primarily by greed. Although there were few who could be classed in this category, according to Weir, 28 "relatively fewer than the extreme osmmunists", he saw their influence as equally harmful. Weir was anxious to counter the arguments of the proponents of individualism and did so in a revealing section entitled "Intelligence and Improvidence". According to their thinking the average citizen could afford to look after his own health needs, and i f he were sufficiently provident to budget for the possible contingency of future illness. With "the fact that -Mr. average man is a notoriously improvident person"Weir emphatically agreed. However the corollary of that was hot to let him suffer for his improvidence, but rather to have the state force him to be provident, and by so doing in large part remove the burden of costs from 29 the "shoulders of the paying patient of moderate means". In summation Weir stated "If we assume—and the assumption does not appear unwarrantable—that the average intelligence of the 2280 student nurses discussed in Chapter Ten is at least equivalent to the average intelligence of the citizens of Canada, the conclusion appears inescapable that approximately 50% of the latter need some guidance and possibly even compulsory direction, paternal or otherwise, in the matter of providing against the high and constantly mounting costs of illness." 30 Weir did not elaborate on this 1 or otherwise1 in the above passage,, but the implications are clear. Freedom of choice was not the right of 105 those deemed arb i t r a r i l y to be inferior. If peaceful persuasion proves ineffective then sanctions must be used. The parallel with fascism circa 1933 i s d i f f i c u l t to avoid. He continued i n the same vein, "This i s not the statement of any new conclusion based on s c i e n t i f i c f a c t — although the facts are scarcely subject to dispute—but a well-known principle already accepted i n the sphere of public education. If compulsory attendance at school i s justifiable for the pro-tection of the state against the evils of ignorance and i l l i t e r a c y , the seedbed of anarchy and conimunism, i s not same form of compulsory health insurance also justifiable for the protection of the community as well as the individual against the improvidence of that rather large section of the population that lacks sufficient foresight or moral stamina or earning capacity or social opportunity to protect i t s e l f and i t s dependents against the possible inroads' of disease?" 31 Here, for once,Weir drops the conventional l i b e r a l rhetoric of the state being made for man not man for the state. The primary and only necessary justification of any action by the state i s i t s own protection i and perpetuation. Views such as those expressed above provides substanti-ation for the thesis of Karier and other American historians that i n times of c r i s i s the weaknesses i n l i b e r a l ideology are exposed, and liberalism 32 moves to a dic t a t o r i a l right. Having established his basic position Weir now goes on to inject a note of humanity. "The question of state intervention i n the matter of health insurance, however, cannot be determined on the basis of 106 one factor, namely intelligence. The presence of lowgrade intelligence i s only one aspect of this problem. There are also many people of normal or superior intelligence who are notoriously improvident while many are, irrespective of intelligence, the victims of unavoidable misfortunes and lack of opportunity that cripple their productive capacities. The state, therefore, can strengthen i t s case for compulsory health insurance on other grounds than improvidence due to low grade intelligence. Cwing to the fact that intelligence, unlike education, cannot be appreciably improved, the improvidence arising from this source must ever remain a f a i r l y constant factor. But lack of the individual's earning and saving capacity, whatever be i t s composite cause and lack of intelligence i s probably one of the most potent single causes along with the inescapable incidence and mounting cost of illn e s s must provide the ultimate justification for state intervention i n the matter of health insurance." 33 However i n his concluding paragraph Weir returned to his f i r s t theme,eugenics. He wrote, "While, i n the judgement of the Survey, there i s ample evidence on the above grounds to jus t i f y the adoption of compulsory health insurance i n the interests of the average adult, certain more radical and ultimately more effective methods of combatting disease are also desirable. These are the following:— (a) Sterilization of the feebleminded and morons. (b) More vigorous and comprehensive programmes of preventive medicine and public health teaching." 34 107 Mthough i t i s extremely doubtful that i n his role as p o l i t i c i a n and Minister of Education Weir ever expressed the low opinion he had of the intelligence of such a large percentage of the population as cited above, such a conviction was basic to many of the changes he and the Liberal government subsequently proposed. Those deemed to be lacking i n intelligence were not at any cost to be l e f t to their own devices, for i n that way lay the possible disintegration of the state and the almost certain irrpoverishment of the middle class. In a subsequent passage Weir quoted with approval a prominent B r i t i s h doctor whose case for state intervention i n health matters was founded on Darwinian theory. So too throughout the Survey the belief expressed was that the recommendations made were ultimately inevitable, i n tune with an inexorable evolutionary develop-35 ment. As a corollary to this i t was the intelligent, moral and educated, i n fact the middle class of Anglo-Saxon stock, who must assume the leadership and guidance of society i n this c r i t i c a l period of i t s development. The authoritarianism, intolerance, prejudice, elitism and racism which appeared i n the Survey reappear, sometimes subtly, at other times blatantly i n the subsequent events i n the f i e l d of education during the depression years. Immediately after assuming office, the new Minister of Education issued a message to the teachers of Bri t i s h Columbia. Addressing them as 36 "sentinels of the new Social Order," he urged them to retain their faith "in the efficacy of education as the chief cornerstone of national well-37 being" and i n the eventual surmounting of a l l obstacles i n the path of 108 educational improvement. The B.C. Teacher responded with a statement of f a i t h that the new Minister 's understanding of educational problems 38 would lead to a "sane and progressive educational development" i n the future. "He has the confidence of the teachers," the e d i t o r i a l continued, who "well know that education w i l l not be cal led upon to bear 39 more than i t s f a i r share of the necessary economies". True to their election promises the new Liberal administration proceeded during i t s f i r s t session to make important changes to the educational system of the province. Amendments were made to the "Public Schools Act" increasing the pay of teachers at both the elementary and secondary school levels and the grants to some school d i s t r i c t s . As well , the age up to which a pupil was ent i t led to free t u i t i o n was raised from 40 15 to 18, or u n t i l the pupil had completed grade 12. In a speech to the legislature i n March, 1934, Weir stated that i t was also his desire to provide education for unemmployed youths and foster adult education. The in te l lec tual and s p i r i t u a l bankruptcy of youth must be avoided, for to f a i l to do so would be to eventually increase the population of the j a i l s he asserted. "Education, the greatest business and social enterprise of the s ta te . . . could not remain s ta t ic but must be made soc ia l ly ef fec t ive" . This would enta i l modernizing the curriculum, allowing a broader selection 42 of courses, and placing greater emphasis on vocational guidance. A l l of these conmitments, plans, and proposals entailed, of course, the expenditure of considerable sums of public monies. A Liberal party election message to the teachers of B r i t i s h Columbia had proudly stated 109 that i t would have a solution for the financial problems of education, for i t was "absurd to suppose that B r i t i s h Columbia cannot pay for her 43 schools". This, however was a d i f f i c u l t feat to perform. With an inherited d e f i c i t , f a l l i n g revenues, and increased carmitments to education, as well as other social services, the only solution which the Liberal government was able to propose during the spring of 1934 was to further increase the d e f i c i t without at the same time making any provision for 44 sinking fund or unemployment r e l i e f expenditures. Despite increased grants, many school d i s t r i c t s continued to go bankrupt and become the administrative charge of a government appointed o f f i c i a l trustee. Other d i s t r i c t s , with local budgets severely restricted, dropped plans for proposed changes or radically altered their methods of handling the existing curriculum. Vancouver and New Westminster were two cases i n point. 45 In his report for the school year 1933-34 ^ H..N. MacCorkindale, Superintendent of Schools i n Vancouver, outlined the changes i n organization and instruction of manual training and home economics i n the elementary schools. Heretofore these courses had been organized as special subjects, taught i n specially equipped classrooms by specially trained teachers. The cost of such a system being relatively high a new form of organization had been adopted which incorporated manual arts i n the school organization 46 "on the same basis as any other subject". Instruction would be given by grade teachers from grades 1 to 6, and by special teachers at the junior and secondary school levels, under the category of practical arts (drafting, woodwork, e l e c t r i c i t y , applied art and design, foods and clothing). The 110 same year New Westminster dropped the 6-3-3 plan, although i t had been f u l l y implemented the previous year and enthusiastically praised as instrumental i n the retention of many pupils i n school and of successfully bridging the gap between elementary and senior high schools. This had the result 47 of the city schools a l l reverting to the 8-4 system. While financial stringency and how to cope with i t preoccupied governments, school boards, adinruiistrators and teachers, other issues were being debated by educators. The question of examinations once again became the centre of controversy. Gradually examinations had been losing their 48 place of prominence i n the educational system; promotions were being made from grade to grade and elementary to junior secondary and from junior secondary to senior secondary schools largely on the basis of the recommen-dations of teachers and principals. However matriculation examinations, set by the Department of Education, had s t i l l to be passed by a l l students seeking university entrance. In addition many students wrote those examinations to satisfy personal pride, parental pride and the demands of prospective employers, although since 1930, a High School Graduation Diploma could be granted to any student who had successfully completed a general high school course. The goal of many educators and the Department of Education was the reduction of the number of students required to write the Junior Matriculation examinations and the creation of a High School Graduation 49 Diploma which would be all-inclusive. However the achievement of this goal entailed the solution of a number of problems. With the elimination of the standard set by province-I l l wide examinations how were standards to be set? If by each high school operating independently, what assurance could there be that a sufficiently high level of standards was maintained ? One approach to the problem was suggested by the High School Principals' Association of the Lower Mainland. They proposed that uniform tests be given to a l l students and by the winter of 1934 committees of teachers i n the Lower Mainland were drawing up l i s t s of questions which had been tried and found satisfactory i n algebra, 50 English grammar, Latin, French and general science. The proponents of this plan cited a number of reasons for i t s adoption. Uniform tests they contended would "add greater prestige to the High School graduation certificate by furnishing a larger and more representative number on which 51 to carry out the letter grading"; be better tests as they would be the result of the cooperative work of many teachers; "promote greater uniformity 52 i n the teaching of the various schools"; and most importantly "may free 53 the teachers from the unfairness of external examinations". I t was as the B.C. Teacher wrote, "another step i n the direction of the accredited 54 high school". But, as the a r t i c l e also pointed out, i t had i t s c r i t i c s who brought forward sound arguments against i t . Briefly, they contended that uniform tests would bring back " a l l the evils of the old examination system", teaching for examinations and "thus k i l l i n g spontaneity, i n i t i a t i v e and individuality, 55 and making for an exhausting and i r r i t a t i n g r i v a l r y between colleagues". They also doubted the "wisdom of so much objective testing and of the modern tendency to train the children to do l i t t l e more than f i l l i n blanks." 112 And finally they regretted this "trend towards standardization, this conformity to a pattern, this stereotyped sort of work". They considered much was being "sacrificed to please the scientific and statistically-56 minded to whom medians, norms, and curves are the breath of l i f e " . It is interesting to note that one of the most prominent members of the High School Principals' Association of the Lower Mainland was H.B. King, then principal of Kitsilano High School in Vancouver, and shortly to be named technical advisor to the royal commission on School Finance in British Columbia. Subsequently he was appointed policy advisor to a cotimittee set up to revise the public school curriculum, in 1936 represented the Department of Education on a committee on the accrediting of senior high schools, and in the following year was appointed Chief Inspector of Schools for the province. At the B.C.T.F. convention of 1934 the subject of testing was very much to the fore. One speaker, who addressed a meeting on the question, was reported to have the support of the teachers 57 when he advocated that "teaching rather than testing" be stressed. He felt that better teachers, encouraged by a group of trained supervisors, would be the most effective way of attaining the "uniformity of achieve-58 ment...necessary for the accrediting of High Schools". To this point 59 of view King objected as there was "no science of education mentioned". There is no doubt that the scientific, or psuedoscientific, aspect of progressive education, as expressed in the whole testing movement, was of primary importance to the leading educators of the province, even though i t may not have held sway over the rank and f i l e of the teaching profession. The opinions outside of the system cannot be assessed. It 113 i s probable that i t was considered a subject too specialized for the general public, one which should be l e f t to the experts. On another aspect of education, much i n the forefront of discussion at this time, there was a general consensus of opinion held by the educational hierarchy, teachers, students, and their parents, and many segments of the public, alike. Practicality was deemed, by many, to be the key to educating large numbers of students i n an age of social, economic and p o l i t i c a l stress. Not only did this include pre-vocational and vocational training, but also a wide variety of subjects which were thought of as training for the students' future worthy use of leisure. From the moment of his appointment as Minister of Education, Weir emphasized the fact that the Liberal government intended to insure that education be made more relevant to the everyday needs of the students. Although by the mid-thirties only about 20% of the number of children who entered the school system i n Br i t i s h Columbia, completed high school, the high school was the focus of most discussion concerning the "objectives and aims, and curriculum of education. As i n the United States at an e a r l i e r date, educators wished to encourage a l l pupils to carry through 60 their education to the completion of secondary school. The nub of the question was what kind of education should be offered to a high school population, only a small proportion of whom would proceed to some form of post-secondary education. B r i t i s h Columbia was not alone i n facing this dilemma. A l l provinces were to some extent involved i n attempting to find an answer to the question of what constituted the best 114 education for a l l children. The idea which had motivated the early educational leaders on the North American continent, that a l l children should have access to the same education, presumably the best although rarely in practice so, thus providing social cohesion and affording equality of opportunity had been crumbling since before the turn of the century. It had been supplanted by the concept that equality in education meant providing for each child the type of education best suited to its needs. From this i t was hoped that a happy adjustment of each individual to his environment would follow, thus contributing to the achievement of a stable society. The problem was how to make the transition from a system built up on the f i r s t premise to one built up on the second. The Canadian Education Association at its convention in November 1934 recognized the problem and put secondary education at the head of its agenda. At this convention "the opinion was frequently and vigorously expressed by speakers that the curriculum of the secondary schools should be determined by the needs of that large body of students who never go beyond that stage, rather than by the admission requirements of the universities. In other words, secondary education should be post-primary and not pre-university". 61 Delegates to the Canadian Education Association were drawn from Departments of Education, universities, administrators, teachers and trustees associations. One can be certain that most delegates from British Columbia were in agreement with the opinions mentioned. Addressing the annual meeting of the B.C.T.F. in March, 1934 G.M. Weir promised his 115 audience that "during the next ten years, education i n the schools w i l l become more practical and r e a l i s t i c without the lessening of i t s Cry cultural value". The Superintendent of Schools for the c i t y of Vancouver H.N. MacCorkindale was more specific when he suggested that Latin, algebra and spelling were education f r i l l s which should be dropped from the curriculum. "The objective of the Vancouver school system" he said i n an address to the Kiwanis Club i n September, 1934, " i s to give each student an education i n keeping with his capacity of assimilation, 63 and which w i l l best f i t him for his future work i n l i f e " . It was particularly the role of the secondary school to give: the student a thorough knowledge of subjects that would prove of most use to him. MacCorkindale concluded, "one of the greatest wastes i n the system to-day. . . i s the teaching of subjects which should not be taught at a l l . 64 They were merely f r i l l s and an inheritance from the 19th century." The Annual reports of the Public Schools i n B r i t i s h Columbia contained statements of commendation for the practical approach to schooling. The director of home economics wrote that the "practical arts courses justify their place i n the curriculum to-day upon the basis of social ^ need as well as upon their cultural values to the individual, and they 65 have attained a new status i n education". This new status was the result of the growing awareness that the practical arts were a "necessary agency i n the development of types of knowledge, s k i l l s and attitudes that are increasingly necessary for successful l i v i n g i n a new and 66 extremely complex social order". Music, art and physical education were also singled out for commendation by a number of superintendents and 116 i n these areas despite economic stringency Vancouver added new teachers to the s t a f f . 6 7 Physical education became increasingly important i n the school curriculum at this time and was later to be the core of a province-wide 68 programme for unemployed youth sponsored by the Department of Education. An a r t i c l e i n the B.C. Teacher by a teacher i n a Vancouver high school i n February, 1934 seems to sum up the thinking of educators on the importance of this subject. C i v i l i z a t i o n , i n the view of the writer, was on the threshbld of a new epoch which would bring, along with many other changes, a shorter working day. This great increase i n leisure could be either a blessing or a curse, "for i t i s not hard to imagine the outcome 69 i f we do not educate our students for leisure as well as for vocation." Physical education, then assumed a role of great importance which because of i t s many branches "becomes a subject which develops mental attutides, acceptable social t r a i t s , s k i l l s for leisure time, mental efficiency and education of the emotions. In short a subject which makes a definite 70 contribution to the whole of l i f e . " Fear of the consequences to society of youth untrained to occupy non-^working time i n socially acceptable ways ran lik e a thread through many articles and speeches of the time. The previous month's issue of the B.C. Teacher published another a r t i c l e entitled "Youth and the Depression" by D.R. Buchanan, professor of education at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Pointing to a twelve-year study of the relationship between unemployment and delinquency i n Massachussets, which showed that 117 adult crimes were highest when unemployment was highest, but that the same trend was not observable with juveniles, Buchanan concluded that 71 one important factor was the "stabilizing influence of the schools". Let this be removed, he wrote, "and the result would be a tendency towards 72 delinquency—without a doubt". One of the answers to the question of what to do about unemployed youth was to make available courses that would "combine the cultural and the practical and lure the unemployed 73 . . . youths back into the schools". An edi t o r i a l i n the Victoria Daily Times that same winter gave voice to the same concern with delinquency. Taking i t s cue from a speech by a v i s i t i n g B r i t i s h advocate of governmental economy, on the high cost of education, the edi t o r i a l accused a l l those who advocated the restriction of education of having their heads i n the sand. "Keeping the young i n school" the editorial contended, "was a v i t a l requirement i n these times. They would cost Canada much more than $178,000,000 a year i f they were turned on to the streets. We can think 74 of no finer agency than this for the spread of an aggressive communism." If government spending were to be reduced i t should be done i n areas which did not "involve the direct and intimate well-being of the people. Moreover i t should not involve any increase i n the unemployment problem of the country, since that i s less a financial than a social l i a b i l i t y 75 charged with dynamite." The public also showed interest i n the promotion of a kind of education related to the practical problems of l i v i n g . At a public meeting held i n Victoria, a resolution was passed "favouring the establishment of classes and other training f a c i l i t i e s for the unemployed". The type 118 of education desired was along two lines; f i r s t the practical or vocational, and secondly the general—art, music and l i t e r a t u r e — or education for 76 leisure. I t was also probable that a sizeable number of the students themselves wished to have this kind of education. In the words of one teacher "practical and directly beneficial" subjects were what the majority of boys and g i r l s wanted to study. Boys knew that they "were not hired because of their knowledge of traditional subjects", but rather because they knew more about the job they were after than did other 77 applicants. As the apprenticeship system was no longer operative, students must receive the many different types of training required by the 78 machine age i n the schools. I t was not without reason that the trend toward practicality i n education with i t s emphasis on vocational guidance and subjects geared to leisure-time a c t i v i t i e s should be accelerated at this time. By toe winter of 1934 B r i t i s h Columbia had a total of 100,000 unemployed, and i n the spring the violence, always feared, had b r i e f l y broken out. In April., Vancouver was invaded by 1,700 men from the r e l i e f camps who had gone on strike for "work and wages". After several days, becoming restless, they had organized a march which f i n a l l y erupted into violence at the Hudson's Bay Company i n downtown Vancouver. Even after the r i o t act had been read there was "sporadic fighting i n the streets between the police and 79 the sympathizers of the strikers". The mayor, Gerry McGeer, was "convinced that Vancouver was 'being victimized by an organized attempt to capitalize, for revolutionary purposes, the conditions of depression which • 80 now e x i s t . 119 As the depression dragged on from year to year with few signs of hoped-for upswing i n the economy, more and more schoolmen came to see the school as a saviour of a society gone awry. I t became the conviction of many that the education of the young was a crucial factor i n the reshaping of society. Educators of every philosophical and p o l i t i c a l hue were prescribing how the schools might best aid i n bringing about a better world. Canadian journals dealing with educational matters were printing articles by such eminent American educators as John Dewey and William H. Kilpatrick, as well as prominent Canadians, Peter Sandiford, Hubert C. Newland and CC. Goldring, to name but a few, i n addition to those by many principals and teachers across the country. One notable trend evident i n B r i t i s h Columbia and across Canada was to see i n the subject of social studies an instrument for the creation of a viable democratic society. An a r t i c l e appearing i n the B.C. Teacher i n June, 1934 touched on the major themes discussed i n most writing on: the social studies; their place i n the school curriculum, their importance as an aid i n forming a better understanding of mankind, their role i n assisting i n the formation of values, and their guidance i n forming a better society. The centrality of the social studies to the school curriculum as expressed by the author Hugh Morrison, later to become a member of the senior high school c u r r i -culum revision committee, stated what many educators thought at the time. "The teaching of the social studies should constitute the core of our future secondary school education. The other subjects should 120 be wrapped around them. With such a system more depth and significance would be imparted to our education, and a s o l i d foundation would be l a i d , upon which to build our vocational studies." 81 To a large extent social studies had replaced the separate subjects, history, geography and civics i n the elementary schools of Br i t i s h Columbia as i t had i n some other provinces of Canada. In some schools international relations, sociology and economics were included at the senior secondary level, although economics was sometimes considered too controversial to be allowed on the curriculum. I t was the expressed objective of most writers on the social studies that this fusion of subjects would f a c i l i t a t e a more comprehensive programme of studies on the many acti v i t i e s of mankind and through this to a much deeper and more intelligent understanding on the part of both teacher and pupil. Mthough not ignoring the past the focus of study was to be the present, so that the student might learn of the world around him i n which he must some day find his place. In this process i t was confidently expected that the student would achieve a sense of values. In the view of some, values were to be developed as part of the l i f e situations which would be encountered i n the course of study; i n the opinion of others were to be i n s t i l l e d i n the pupils by the teacher. Regardless of the route, however, there was no doubt, at least i n Canada, as to the core values. Individualistic values were dead and had been supplanted by, or were i n the process of being supplanted by, an ethic of co-operation. Not only was such a change 121 imperative to ensure society's survival, but i n the opinion of many a l l social progress i n the past was the result of co-operative effort. "Mankind i s discovering, after many hard and painful lessons, that C O -OT operation i s not merely desirable but absolutely imperative." At the feet of 'rugged individualism' was l a i d a l l the g u i l t for the then sorry state of c i v i l i z a t i o n . Individual, corporate and national greed had brought the world to depression and near-disaster and only by i t s suppression could salvation be achieved. An a r t i c l e by Duncan McArthur, Deputy Minister of Education i n Ontario, printed i n The School i n December, 1934, and reprinted i n The Canadian School Journal the following year, probably set out better than any other appearing i n Canada at that time the thinking of educators on that point. McArthur took as his cue a speech made by Woodrow Wilson shortly after the end of the war, i n which he urged teachers to "increase materially the time and attention devoted to instruction bearing directly on the problems of (community and national 83 l i f e " and to re-emphasize and reaffirm the ideals of democracy. McArthur continued. "More forcibly even than the destruction effected by the war has the distress and misery wrought by the economic maladjust-ment revealed during the post-war period emphasized the insistence of the plea issued by Woodrow Wilson. The old wine of unrestrained individualism, of laissez faire, the "God's i n His Heaven, a l l ' s well with the world" complacency of the Victorians w i l l not be contained within the new bottles of respect for human rights, of a planned economy, and of subordination of individual freedom to the well-being of the community." 84 1 2 2 The old ethic having been tried and found wanting, i t now became the responsibility of the school to orient children toward a society based on a new ethic. "If the school of to-day i s to discharge adequately i t s responsibilities i t must recognize that the old order has changed and prepare the new generation to adjust i t s e l f harmoniously i n an independent and integrated society...It i s necessary, therefore, at the outset, that i n a l l the activities of the school, emphasis should be placed on the development of the A creative and social rather than upon the ' acquisitive impulses." 85 The importance of the community and cxarmunity l i v i n g must be learned within the school i n order that good citizenship might follow i n adulthood. "The good citizen recognizes the binding force of obligation to the ccmtianity and realizes that his own well-being cannot be separated from that of the common-weal. The foundations on which alone the structure of good citizenship may be erected must be l a i d i n the schools. The social relations formed within the coiimunity of the class room or the school w i l l influence the attitude of the young man or woman to the larger community of the state i n later years". 86 Finally McArthur places on the schools the onus of interpreting to students the society i n which they l i v e , i n such a way that good citizenship w i l l be assured. " S t i l l further, i t i s during these years 123 of instruction i n the school that the thought of the boy or g i r l i s f i r s t directed consciously towards the larger community and the state. The conception of the nature of the social structure formed during the school period, i n large measure,' determines the character of the citizenship of later years." 87 The a r t i c l e then went on to discuss how the different subjects included under the heading of social studies might be used by the school 88 to "create and promote right social attitudes". Dealing with history i t commended the recent trend away from military and constitutional history to social and economic history. "History" i t concluded, " i s essentially a record of citizenship, of the behavior of individuals as members of social groups". While i t was admitted that to employ history to propa-gate "certain theories" was a "violation of a sacred trust", i t declared that i t was "essential that i t should demonstrate the fundamental nature of man as a social being and the interdependence of the welfare of the 89 individual and the well-being of the group". The above could have been adopted as a manifesto regarding the place and function of social studies i n the curriculum by any Department of Education i n any province i n Canada during the mid-depression years. Differences occurred over the application of general principles to practice, and these in.turn were pa r t i a l l y at least related to the p o l i t i c a l concepts held by either provincial governments or those most influential 90 i n the educational bureaucracy of the province. In Alberta, the enter-91 prise encouraged group work from the choice of a project through to i t s conclusion, with each child contributing to the best of his a b i l i t y to the 124 group, for the individual's happiness was seen to be dependent upon satisfactory group membership. Reflecting the social democratic convictions of those most influential i n bringing about educational change i n that province, .it was believed essential that "those who direct education for social behavior, before collecting material and developing a technique should decide i n what kind of a society the pupil should be taught to 92 li v e " . In this case one administered by the contributing members, i n which the individual could not take out more than he or she contributed, and otherwise could do as he pleased as long as he did not interfere with 93 the rights of others, "the state was made for man not man for the state." In B r i t i s h Columbia, a different economy and p o l i t i c a l philosophy resulted i n different emphases throughout the educational system. The relationship between the individual and the group and the citizen and the state, viewed differently, called forth, at least on the theoretical and blueprint level, contrasts i n administration and curriculum. 125 Notes Chapter IV 1 Margaret A. Ormsby, Br i t i s h Columbia: a History (Vancouver: MacMillan, rev. ed. 1971), p. 441. 2 Canadian Liberalism was slow to adopt the policy of ^ decisive state interference i n economic affairs. The Liberal summer conference at Port Hope i n 1933 explored the relationship of p o l i t i c s and economics and came to the conclusion that a "new form of alliance between these two i s possible". Introduction The Liberal Way, A Record of Opinion on Canadian Problems as Expressed and Discussed at the F i r s t Liberal Summer Conference Port Hope, September,'1933. J.M. Dent and Sons Ltd., Vancouver, 1933. However even after the election of the Liberals i n 1935 the government was slow to implement any new policies. 3 Martin Robin, The Company Province, 1934-1972 (Toronto, 1973) p. 11. Quotations from Pattullo Papers, Provincial Archives of Br i t i s h Columbia, T.D. Pattullo to R.J. Cromie, June 10, 1932, and Victoria Colonist, September 1, 1935. 4 Robert A. Groves, "Business Government, Party P o l i t i c s and the B.C. Business Community, 1928-1933. Unpublished M.A. Thesis University of Br i t i s h Columbia, 1976. Quoted p. 77. 5 Ormsby, Op. C i t . , p. 456. 6 Robin, Op. Cit . , p. 10. 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid. 9 The School, November, 1933, p. 266. 10 B.C. Teacher, May, 1935, p. 8. 126 I b i d . , p. 9. In Canada p o l i t i c a l leaders covering the spectrum from R.B. Bennett to J . S . Wcodsworth were c a l l i n g on schools to assist i n building a better world. Not only Weir but his colleagues at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Professors H.F. Angus, G.F . Drummond and W.A. Carrothers (later to become chairman of the economic council set up by Pattullo) attacked the report. G.M. Weir, Survey of Nursing Education i n Canada (Toronto, 1932) p. 210. I b i d . , p . 198. Ibid. Edward L . Thorndike was a major pioneer i n the development -of mental testing and measurement, and also one of the leaders of the eugenics movement i n the United States. Throughout his career he maintained that there was a definite correlation between intelligence and moral vir tue . Weir Op. C i t . , p. 200. I b i d . , p . 216. I b i d . , p. 211. I b i d . , p . 317. I b i d . , p. 380. I b i d . , p. 385. I b i d . , p. 415. 127 Ibid., p. 416. Ibid., p. 474. Ibid., p. 474. Ibid., p. 475. Ibid., p. 478. Ibid. Ibid. See C.J. Karier, The Roots of C r i s i s : American Education i n the  Twentieth Century. Chapter V, "Liberal Ideology and the Quest for Orderly Change". Weir, Op. Cit., p. 478. Ibid., p. 479. When Weir moved second reading of the Health Insurance B i l l i n March 1936 he again emphasized this point. We are living,' he stated, i n an era of great social and economic change when i t had become a v i t a l necessity to care for the masses and "although i t might be possible to retard this movement...it was -impossible to thwart i t " . Three other points appear to have been emphasized i n the speech. F i r s t that insuring against il l n e s s was a businesslike way of paying the b i l l s : second that people of average means could be bankrupted for from 2 to 5 years by a serious i l l n e s s : l a s t l y that the federal government had no right i n the f i e l d of health insurance. He elaborated the la s t point by saying that sex education, b i r t h control and the s t e r i l i z a t i o n of the mentally unfit might be possible under the jurisdiction of the province of Bri t i s h Columbia, but i t would almost certainly be blocked federally by Quebec, New Brunswick and "certain organizations ,in Ontario". Victoria Times March 24, 1936. 128 36 B.C. Teacher, November, 1933, p. 3. 37 Ibid. 38 Ibid., p. 1. 39 Ibid. 40 Victoria Colonist, March 6, 1934. 41 Ibid. 42 Ibid. 43 B.C. Teacher, October, 1933. 44 Ormsby, Op..; ( C i t . , 459. 45 H.N. MacCorkindale was appointed Superintendent of Schools for Vancouver i n September, 1933, a position which he held for 21 years. At the time of his appointment the B.C. Teacher welcomed the choice of the Board of Trustees, saying that McCorkindale was a progressive educator, "keenly alive to the modern trends of educational practice". He was also praised for his a b i l i t y to communicate to the public the new aims and policies of education. McCorkindale had been born and raised i n Ontario, graduated from the University of Toronto i n Mathematics and Physics, and then moved to the west f i r s t to Calgary and then to Vancouver where he became principal of Prince of Wales High School. During the years before his appointment as superintendent, he attended summer session courses at the University of California, Berkley, and Stanford University. While superintendent he was also a member of the Senate of the University of Br i t i s h Columbia, the Association df School Administrators of the United States, the Vancouver City Kiwanis Club and the Vancouver Board of Trade. 46 63rd Annual Report of the Public Schools of B r i t i s h Cblumbia, 1933-34, N46. 129 47 63rd Annual Report of the Public Schools of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1933-34, N49. 48 A number of reasons were usually cited for dispensing with examinations, the most common being that i t encouraged fact-oriented teaching geared to passing children i n examinations. 49 B.C. Teacher,,January 1934, p. 9. 50 I t was proposed that the tests would be written by every grade i n June, and the marks sent i n to a central ccmmittee to determine the letter grades. These would then be sent to each school to apply to i t s set of marks. 51 B.C. Teacher, January, 1934, p. 19. 52 Ibid. 53 Ibid. 54 Ibid. The Department of Education was a prime mover i n the movement towards the establishment of accredited high schools. In a paper prepared for the sixteenth National Conference of Canadian Universities, S.J. W i l l i s , Superintendent of Education for Br i t i s h Columbia, stated that the gradual elimination of examinations throughout the school system i n the province had not resulted i n the lowering of standards. Such being the case, he argued, the granting of matriculation standing to students by those high schools accredited to do so by the Department of Education, should not result i n reduced standards for university entrance. B.C. Teacher, October, 1934, pp. 7-11. 55 Ibid., p. 20. 56 Ibid. 57 B.C. Teacher, A p r i l , 1934. p. 12. 130 58 Ibid. 59 Ibid. 60 This was believed necessary to ensure the socialization of students. See E.A. Krug, The ^ Shaping of the American High School. 61 The School, December, 1934, p. 294. 62 Ibid., May, 1934, p. 824. 63 Vancouver Sun, September 14, 1934. 64 Ibid. 65 64th Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia. 1934-35. ~5W. 66 Ibid. 67 Ibid., S52, S53. 68 The Provincial Recreation Programme, sponsored by the Department of Education which became very popular during the second half of the decade was built almost entirely around gymnastics and sports. 69 B.C. Teacher, February, 1934, p. 24. 70 Ibid., p. 25. 71 Ibid., January, 1934, p. 7. 72 Ibid. 131 73 Ibid., p. 10. 74 B.C. Teacher, March, 1934. Quoted from, ed i t o r i a l reprinted from Victoria Daily Times, February 27, 1934. 75 Ibid. 76 Victoria Colonist, January 16, 1934. 77 B.C. Teacher, A p r i l , 1934, p. 17. 78 Ibid., p. 18. 79 Ormsby, Op. Cit., p. 463. 80 Ibid. 81 B.C. Teacher, June, 1934, p. 32. 82 The School, November, 1934, p. 185. 83 Ibid., December, 1934, p. 283. 84 Ibid., p. 284. 85 Ibid. 86 Ibid., p. 285. 87 Ibid. 88 Ibid. 89 Ibid., p. 286. 132 90 The enterprise approach was most widely adopted at the elementary level although i t was applicable to a l l levels of schooling. See R.S. Patterson, "The Establishment of Progressive Education i n Alberta". Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Michigan State University 1968. pp. 136-146. 91 In Manitoba the "activity method" became part of the curriculum of the upper grades i n the elementary schools. This method centred around group projects which, i n the social studies, for example, would involve students i n the making of artifacts, charts and maps. D.A. Lawr and R.D. Gidney, Educating Canadians, (Toronto, 1973) pp. 216-217. 92 Donalda Dickie.The Enterprise i n Theory and Practice (Toronto, 1941) p. 51. 93 Ibid., p. 52. CHAPTER V PROBLEMS OF EDUCATIONAL FINANCE AND THE KING REPORT While the survival of democracy and the kind of curriculum best suited to the school population i n a world of economic depression and, as many were convinced, of profound social and p o l i t i c a l change, were questions of long-range significance, the immediate and pressing question was how to finance education i n a time of shrinking provincial and local revenues. The problem of school financing had been a recurring and constant one i n Br i t i s h Columbia. The province had never, despite surveys, submissions, and suggestions from.groups concerned with education, been able to come up with formulas for the financing of schools which would please urban and rural d i s t r i c t s , r i c h and poor areas, municipal councils and school boards or politicians and their constituents. Adjustments and readjustments never seemed to satisfy for more than a short period of time. The d i f f i c u l t y of finding a satisfactory solution to the problem of educational financing i n a growing province with fluctuating population densities, a wide divergence of economic levels, and an economy very susceptible to booms and slumps was not an easy one. The depression had exacerbated the d i f f i c u l t i e s of the situation and, as the government well knew, a long-term solution would have to be found. This appeared as a pressing necessity to those who saw universal schooling as fundamental to the survival and ultimate adjustment of society to a changed world. During the election campaign i n 1933, Weir had frequently reiterated 134 the promise that a Liberal government would find answers to the problems which plagued education. Further he had given strong indications of the kind of solutions which he hoped would ultimately be adopted. At an all-party election rally in October, 1933, he had advocated "a centralized, efficient, educational system, giving equal opportunities for a l l , and raising the standards of the teacher".''" Two months later he was reported to have emphasized again the importance of centralization in his plans for education in the future. "While there is no immediate possibility of the province assuming the entire cost and control of education, the door will be left open for future examination of state 2 education by practical methods" he said. Centralized control of education was not a new idea; many European countries had been following this plan 3 of organization for decades. However in North America, with its long tradition of local control of education i t had always proved unpopular. Any suggestion to diminish the power of or abolish local school boards had always been met by strong resistance from the boards themselves backed 4 by considerable support from public opinion. It was argued that the school board allowed parents more direct control over the education of their children, that i t was more responsive to the needs of its own community than a centralized administration could ever be, and that i t was an essential institution in a democratic society. Oh the other hand there were a number of reasons advanced against school boards which tended to become increasingly convincing as economic conditions worsened. The Royal Corrmission on Municipal Taxation appointed by the Tolmie government in 1933 gave ample evidence of this. Generally 135 speaking i t was contended that education costs, which accounted for a large part of local revenues, were too high, as the result of inefficient administration, the inclusion of too many "fads and f r i l l s " i n the< c u r r i -culum, and too high a level of teachers' salaries. The Vancouver Real Estate Exchange summed up the thinking of many people when i t stated that (i) The ci t y council should have the power to control effectively any and a l l expenditures proposed by School Boards: (2) The whole system of education needs a radical over-hauling: (3) The time has now come when education should be controlled throughout the whole province by the Provincial Department of Education, assisted by 5 small advisory unpaid committees nominated by the councils. The school trustees themselves were in favour of the province covering the "ordinary costs of education" with the municipalities "providing sums for school buildings and other such extraordinary expenditures". Such a system they conculded, would ensure the adoption of a "real provincial salary schedule".^ Superintendents had frequently complained not only of low teachers' salaries, but also of the poor l i v i n g and working conditions 7 provided by some school boards. Clearly the times were auspicious for the adoption of a much more centralized system. Early in 1934 Weir had asked teachers to co-operate with him by setting up committees to study and report upon the financing of education in the province and the administration of education for leisure. No record of these conrnittees are available but in April i t was reported that many preliminary discussions and conferences had been g held with the Minister of Education. Whatever proposals were made by 136 teachers, they could not have fai l e d to.emphasize the urgency of the financial problem. Meanwhile an increasing number of school d i s t r i c t s , unable to raise sufficient revenues from land taxes to cover their proportion of school costs were requesting that the government furnish the additional funds required. I t was also apparent after the refusal of Prime Minister Bennett to meet Pattullo's request for $8,000,000. that the policy of robbing Peter to pay Paul and then having the federal 9 government make up the difference could not be pursued further. To have passed legislation making radical alterations to the administrative system of the public schools, legislation which would have necessitated revision of taxation, could have been a dangerous move. The government therefore adopted the usual expedient of appointing a commission. In June 1934, the Minister of Education announced the setting up of the Commission on School Finance. Weir had cast a wide net and the general committee contained some twenty members,, drawn from business organ-izations, the B.C.T.F. and the Trades and Labour Councils of Vancouver and Victoria, presided over by Harry Charlesworth of the B.C.T.F."^ Weir also appointed a revision corrmittee of six whose task i t was to review a l l the submissions made to the larger committee and a l l the reoammendaticns made by that committee and prepare a preliitanary report. The revision committee consisted of three members of the legislature drawn from each of the three parties, Mrs. Paul Smith, Liberal, and former chairman of the Vancouver School Board,. Herbert Ansoombe, Gonser-vantive and the Reverend Robert Connell, C.C.F.; two University of B r i t i s h Columbia professors, H.F. Angus and G.F. Drummond;. and a Vancouver educationist Dr. W.D. Knott. In addition H.B. King, Weir's old friend 137 and colleague, was appointed technical adviser. Looking over the composition of the commission one would expect that the final report would be in line with the Minister's tliinking. The completed work of the committees was to be reviewed by Weir and John Hart, the Minister of Finance, the two commissioners, and they were to present a final report to the legislature. The announcement of the commission's formation met with a mixed reaction. The teachers responded enthusiastically; they seemed most impressed with the size and composition of the general committee, feeling that this would ensure that a l l opinions would be "given due consideration" and would add "greatly to the value of the work and doubtless give 12 greater confidence to the ultimate findings". A Conservative newspaper, on the other hand, saw i t as yet one more enquiry in a long series which achieved l i t t l e in improving the educational system but added to the 13 burden of the taxpayer. Municipal heads objected strenuously to the number of educationists on the committees, a l l of whom would be likely to take the educationists' viewpoint rather than the taxpayers'. The upshot of these complaints was that Mayor David Leeming of Victoria, vice-president of the Union of B.C. Municipalities, was appointed to the revision committee. Subsequently his place was taken by R.F. Blandy, Municipal Assessor of Oak Bay, and Professor Drummond was replaced by Gharlesworth. The commission held its first public meeting in'Victoria near the end of June and briefs were requested from a l l interested groups and 138 individuals . The question being asked of the public was how educational costs should be met. In the neantime, u h t i l the crarmission had reported, no further major decisions would be made regarding education. The planned curriculum revision would not be carried out u n t i l the survey had been completed. "The f i r s t job" said Weir " i s to f ind out how much education the community can pay for and then add a curriculum to the 14 f inancia l capacity". Later i n the summer i n a radio address to Vancouver, par t icular ly to his constituents i n the Point Grey r i d i n g , he intimated that they would be asked to pay considerably more i n the near future into the provincial treasury. The taxation structure of the province, he told his l is teners , was undergoing a complete overhaul and the income tax levy would probably be dras t ica l ly changed. In addition he predicted higher taxes on mining.' ' ' 5 From the end of July through September the Commission held hearings i n Vancouver, V i c t o r i a and centres i n the inter ior of the province. Several themes emerged i n the submissions made. In the f i r s t place v i r t u a l l y a l l were agreed that the province should assume a greater share of the costs of education. However there was a wide divergence of opinion as to the proportion i n relation to local taxes. The Vancouver School Board wanted a grant of at least ten per cent of the to ta l cost of the Vancouver school system, while the B . C . T . F . suggested that the province provide a minimum standard of schooling and the loca l areas supply the funds for f a c i l i t i e s beyond that point. Secondly there was general agreement that land was being required to bear too much of the burden of school costs. The B .C. Union of Municipalit ies judged the present tax 139 confiscatory and urged that other bases for taxation be found, and the B.C. Parent Teacher Federation requested a more uniform assessment of property. Thirdly, i f i t were conceded that additional revenue would be needed to finance the schools, an increase in taxes was the most common, solution offered.''"6 The brief which made the most radical suggestions, some of which were later incorporated i n the f i n a l King Report, was submitted by the B.C. branch of the Canadian Manufacturers Association. The province, i t recommended, should take over f u l l responsibility for providing funds for education and school boards as such should be abolished. At the same time the administrative control of education should be centralized and although school d i s t r i c t s should continue to exist they should be enlarged to conform to topography and population rather than municipal boundaries. The direction of each school d i s t r i c t should be i n the hands of one o f f i c i a l responsible to the central provincial authority. On the contentious questions of how much free education should be provided and how the monies for education should be raised, the submission suggested that "education be limited up to the point of the pupil's a b i l i t y to 17 assimilate i t , which would be discovered by elimination of examijiations". and that revenues should be provided by a special school levy i n each municipality. The Vancouver Board of Trade records demonstrate that the Vancouver business community had made l i t t l e change i n i t s thinking since the spring of 1932. George Kidd was, the current president and some of the 140 members of the Council had worked on the Kidd Report. Reporting to the Board on the sittings of the enquiry which he had attended, a Council member drew attention to the many suggestions which had been made for increasing revenue by heavier taxation on higher incomes, those of $5,000. a year or more. He recommended that i f the Board should decide to submit a brief that i t concentrate on the necessity of further economies. He warned that any further increases i n taxation whether on incomes, corporations, or land would merely serve to discourage capital investment and industrial expansion. "The time has arrived" he wrote, "when business interests, so v i t a l l y affected, must again make a strong stand against those who demand increasing public services at the expense of business 18 recovery". The memo also argued for centralized control and supervisxon by the provincial government. The writer concluded by saying that he thought that i f the Canadian Manufacturers' Association co-operated with the Vancouver Board .of Trade, as he believed they would i n "demanding greater economy i n administration" and no further increases i n taxation, 19 he "had reason to believe that much would be accomplished". It i s possible to infer from this statement that the business cxrariunity of the province had received confidential assurances from the Liberal government that i f they presented a s o l i d front their recommendations would be the decisive ones. Thus far had the Liberals come from the work and wages campaign of 1933. While business was reiterating i t s traditional stand,labour was requesting that the cost of education be removed from improved property and placed on incomes. Both the Victoria and D i s t r i c t Trades and Labour Council and the Vancouver and New Westminster 141 Trades and Labour Council advocated a graded tax on higher incomes and "social equality" i n the educational system. The Victoria and D i s t r i c t council also suggested that cadet training be eliminated and 20 replaced by a course of social and economic education. Several weeks after i t s original discussions regarding educational finance the Vancouver Board of Trade approved a motion to submit a brief along similar lines to the Canadian Manufacturers' Association. In their f i n a l forms the briefs differed i n two respects. The Canadian Manufacturers''Association "suggested that consideration be given to increasing the gross income tax by one per cent as the fairest method of distributing over the largest proportion of the population" the extra admin-ist r a t i v e costs which would have to be assumed by the provincial govern-on . . ment. The Board of Trade stuck to i t s position that no additional 22 sources of revenue should be sanctioned. I t also, while deploring the multiplicity of school boards i n the province, acknowledged that i f i t were 23 "not found possible to eliminate School Boards entirely" much larger school d i s t r i c t s would be a step towards the goals of economy and e f f i -24 ciency. In the spring of 1935 after the report of the Revision Committee 25 of the Commission on School Finance had been made public, education again became a subject of discussion of the Vancouver Board of Trade. I t i s significant that i n one particular area the education committee of the Board had adopted a new policy. Always staunchly opposed to the extension of free public schooling past the age of 15 years, as adding unnecessarily 142 to school costs, the committee following the lead of the Revision Committee recommended that the government's policy of not charging fees for students under the age of 18 years should be continued. Present conditions of unemployment, i t stated, made i t much more profitable for children to 26 continue their education than to leave school. Such a radical departure from the traditional attitude of these businessmen particularly at a time when to keep youths i n school to that age could result i n demands for increased taxation, c a l l s for some expla-nation. From the summer of 1934 to the spring of 1935 economic conditions had worsened i n B r i t i s h Columbia and the Vancouver area had borne the brunt of them. The promises of better times held out by the Liberals i n the election campaign of November, 1933 had fai l e d to materialize. The Liberals had come to realize that their provincial New Deal was dependent to a considerable extent on an "inter-governmental New Deal, a restructuring 27 of the relationship" between the federal government and the provincial 28 governments. Consequently Pattullo and his party were expending much of their energies on a campaign for better terms from Ottawa. /As a result even short-term p a l l i a t i v e solutions were ignored. The legislative session of 1935 saw few b i l l s of major importance introduced, and those which were passed were "hardly calculated to c u r t a i l high employment or mobilize 29 effor t i n support of the new collectivism". I t was generally agreed that B r i t i s h Columbia was at that time the most radical province i n Canada.3^ In A p r i l , coincidental with the Vancouver Board of Trade's discussions on education, strikers from the 143 camps had invaded the c i t y with disturbing results. A subsequent memorandum to the Council of the Board forcefully drew attention to the fact that the men were "heartily supported by the people of the town" while at the same time a lecture sympathetic to Soviet Russia was drawing large audiences. I t was also pointed out that i n the event of a concerted movement of a l l camp inmates upon Vancouver (probably 5,000) there might be violence and bloodshed. The suggestion was then put forward that a ccmmittee be formed of representatives of the larger industries of the ci t y to .try to find out the "true situation" i n the camps 32 and what the "authorities are actually doing i n the matter". The businessmen of Vancouver were obviously distressed and frightened by the mood of the c i t y and interested i n new ways of coping with the unemploy-ment problem. Extending the age of free education to 18 years and thereby keeping young men off the streets, out of the work camps and, i f possible, away from pernicious influences must have had considerable appeal. But this was not the only measure which the Department of Education inaugurated to meet the problem of youth unemployment which was enthusi-ast i c a l l y backed by coimtunity leaders and the citizens of Vancouver i n general. In November, 1934 Weir announced the opening during the coring winter of 9 or 10 centres i n Vancouver for sports and recreational a c t i v i t i e s for unemployed youths. Both the Vancouver School Board and the Vancouver Park Board had pledged their complete co-operation and facilities.;. A similar plan had been instituted i n 1930 by the Park Board, operated 144 successfully for two winters and then dropped for lack of funds. I t was f e l t that with the Department of Education assuming the cost i t could not f a i l . Writing to the Park Board Chairman, Weir reiterated his view of the importance of healthful exercise as a preventative for the physical and moral degeneration of unemployed youth. I t was absolutely necessary to them to have recreational facilities.available to them i n order that 33 they might "improve their physique and keep their minds clean". The Revision Committee's Report was made public shortly after the Minister of Finance had brought down the budget i n which i t was declared that no increase in taxes could be attempted that year"nor could increased 34 aid to municipalities be forthcoming immediately. Under these circumstances the recommendations of the report to increase grants to school d i s t r i c t s and to impose a 1-2% tax on incomes i n excess of $50.00'. per month could not be implemented right away although they were completely i n line with the Minister of Education's stated-policies that the government should gradually assume a l l educational costs, and that the multiplicity of school d i s t r i c t s be replaced by large educational units. It had become apparent that the complete overhaul of the provincial taxation system referred to earlie r by Weir was either not yet ready for unveiling or had been dropped. As later events were to indicate the latter was the case. In addition King's Report which was submitted to the government later i n March was not made public u n t i l August and the f i n a l report expected from Hart and Weir never materialized. As Dorothy Steeves, M.L.A. of the C.C.F. correctly predicted, neither the recommendations contained i n the Revision Committee's 145 Report nor the health insurance b i l l which Weir was at that time pi l o t i n g 35 through the house would become a reality. A number of factors were operating at the time which could have produced the decision not to proceed with radical school reform. I t i s possible, as Mrs. Steeves suggested, that Weir was no longer able to 36 obtain his party's support for proposed social legislation. By the spring of 1935 the reforming ardour of the Liberal party had begun to cool. Weir's health insurance legislation had been met with the determined opposition of employers-( who objected to the compulsory contribution of 1% on ..the wage b i l l ) Boards of Trade, Chambers of Commerce and trade associations, a l l of wham condemned i t as a "dangerous s o c i a l i s t experi-37 . • ment". Most adamant of a l l was the Canadian Medical Association which was reported to have set up a p o l i t i c a l fund of $10,000. and joined with 38 delegations of businessmen and farmers i n lobbying the Liberal causes. At the same time the government was faced with a d i f f i c u l t problem i n corimunication. Although provincial grants to hospitals might be reduced i n the long run by health insurance, the immediate problem was to convince people i n depressed times to submit to what was seen as a form of increased taxation. The same situation existed with regard to changes i n the school. Despite assurances that the net cost of education would not be increased under a centralized system, partly because such a system would make possible new economies, the most obvious fact was that an immediate increase i n income taxes would be forthcoming. Lastly, i f Weir had had to make a conscious choice as to which would receive priority/ school or health legislation he would i n a l l probability have chosen the health 146 insurance act. He had made i t plain on a number of occasions as well as i n his report on nursing education that i n his opinion the state's f i r s t consideration should be the good health of i t s citizens. To educate those i n poor health was simply a waste of time and money. It i s understandable that King's Report, with i t s controversial proposals regarding school boards guaranteed to alienate yet another segment of the population, was not immediately released after being presented to the government. When i t was f i n a l l y made public economic conditions i n the province were most distressing and the Liberal party's fortunes were at a low ebb. By that time neither Hart nor Weir, even had they been able to agree on a report,seemed w i l l i n g to risk further alienating members of the business and professional middle class. Conversely they ran the risk of loss of support of those voters who had seen the Liberal party as the authors of a more just and progressive society. I t would appear that the support of the former weighed much more heavily than the support of the latter. In the ensuing weeks King was allowed to assume f u l l responsibility for his report, while Weir tried to allay the fears of those who would be most seriously affected i f the report were to become o f f i c i a l government policy. In his letter to Weir and Hart on the submission of his report King l i s t e d the 13 recommendations which he considered the most important. In summary they advised that the provincial government take over the complete financial responsibility for education, l i s t e d various sources of revenue, and advocated the ultimate abolition of school boards and 147 the creation of large educational areas, each to be administered by a Director of Education under the Superintendent of Education. King dis-agreed with the Revision Committee that a l l incomes over $50. per month 39 be taxed 2% as this "would be oppressive on people of low earnings" and recommended the continuance of existing exemptions. When asked which of the reconimendations might be implemented, Weir replied that "resulting action would be a matter of policy much of which must wait u n t i l 40 the next s i t t i n g of the legislature". The report engendered much comment and discussion i n the weeks that followed i t s publication, not only i n B r i t i s h Columbia but i n educa-tional circles across the country. Reactions were mixed, most accepting some recxDimmendations while condemning others. In general the proposed reduction of taxes on land for school purposes was welcomed ,as was the replacement of a large number of small administrative units with a few larger ones. At the annual meeting of the B.C. School Trustees Association some of the main points of criticism were highlighted. Centralized administration i t was feared might result i n p o l i t i c a l interference and extravagance once local control was removed. The sales tax which King had suggested as possible alternative to the income tax was thought by 41 many of the trustees to impose too heavy a burden on industry. But i t was the abolition of school boards and the consequences of this which occasioned the greatest debate. The Chairman of the Vancouver school board, speaking on the King Report just two days after i t s publication, probably expressed the consensus of opinion favourable to the retention of 148 school boards when he said that although there were some areas i n which a consolidation of school boards should take place, school boards as such should be retained "as a means whereby the parents can keep i n contact with school management and the management know sometiiing of the parents' wishes". I t was also his opinion that the eliirdnation of a l l 42 school boards would not "effect any great economy". The Daily Province i n a lengthy critique rebuked Hart and Weir for having passed on their duties to King, rejected the proposal for centralized control and the abolition of school boards and reminded the public of the Minister of Education's stand on the same matter taken ten years earl i e r by quoting from the Putman-Weir Report the following passage "In the opinion of the surveyors such a system of centralized control and administration for administration and control cannot be separated—would be more Prussian than Br i t i s h i n i t s essential characteristics. The enervating effect on our future democracy/ through the weakening of i t s powers of local self-government i n school matters, would more than counter-balance any real or imaginary gains from such a dangerous experiment. Nor would such a system of centralized control lead to increased efficiency o f the system. Rather, indeed, the converse would be the case". 43 The critique concluded by endorsing the foregoing opinion and reminding the reader that the experiment i n centralized control i n the Peace River 44 area had not been met with ITiarmony and peace". An editorial i n The School, published by the Ontario College of Education, took much the same stand. While not doubting that centralization 149 would bring greater efficiency in administration the writer wondered i f this efficiency would not be purchased at too high a price. The immense value that "local interest, local initiative, and the training a craraTunity receives in managing its own affairs" are to a democracy should not be sacrificed, particularly as "most of the benefits which Mr. King 45 hopes to secure can be got through the erection of larger school areas". The editorial also took strong exception to other recommendations in the report aimed at the saving of money: the closing of small rural schools and very small classes in high schools for some subjects, home economics, art music, manual training, typewriting and science. "Behind a l l these proposals" the editorial pointed out, "are two fundamental fallacies of which Mr. King is no doubt fully aware, although he is forced by the exigencies of the financial situation to irinimize them: f i r s t that correspondence or lecturing or demonstrations can satisfactorily take the place of effective classroom teaching and pupil experimentation; second, that classes can be made larger and larger without impairing 46 seriously the effectiveness of the teaching. The above critical comments bring into focus the question of the extent to which considerations of economy and efficiency were the guiding principles of the report. Had King adopted completely the outlook of the Canadian Manufacturers' Association that the principles of business administration must be applied by the educational authorities to schooling in order to produce an efficient system? Was the proposal of complete centralization, so radical in the Canadian context, prompted solely by a desire to save money by being able to apply economy of scale and a 150 bureaucratic adndnistration? Were educational considerations and values being consciously sacrificed to financial ones? The report gives indications of the answers, for i t includes not only the necessary financial data, but also a history of education in British Columbia, sections on the meaning and purpose of education, the educational systems of other countries and the economic effects of education. Strangely none of the published comments and criticisms on the report give these sections more than a passing mention. It is impossible to t e l l whether this omission indicated agreement or whether these were considered secondary to the main purpose of the enquiry. However i t was in these passages that King set out his philosophy of education on which the practical recommendations were to a considerable extent based. In addition they indicate what to him were the important features of the "new" or progressive education. King's exposition of his beliefs is terse, trenchant and uncom-promising as befitted a man inordinately proud of his military training 47 and achievements. Like the officer giving orders to his subordinates King had no use for subtleties or complexities. Everything was either self-evidently right or self-evidently wrong; there was no room for equivocation. Truth also was a cxmmodity which was relative to his arguments. Surely i t was stretching a point, even for Canadian education, to state that "there have been no clearly defined objectives, no well-thought-out 48 philosophy of education". And to refer to the "Seven Cardinal Principles of Education" as being the "purposes of education as understood 49 by recent authoritative writers" although they had been formulated in 151 the United States two decades before and were no longer agreed to by prominent authorities on education, exhibits either a dishonest disregard of facts, or a woeful ignorance about the f i e l d i n which he considered himself a pre-eminent authority. King's arguments centred around three main points, the necessity for efficiency i n education, the provision of equality of opportunity and the pre-eminence of the state. He never questioned the "he who pays the piper c a l l s the tune" and that he, the state i n this case, had the right to demand whatever those i n authority deemed necessary for i t s perpetuation. I t was the duty of the individual to conform and his only rights, at least as far as education were concerned, were the aye and nay of the ballot box and a powerless voice on an advisory committee. Child i n the introduction to his a r t i c l e on King has said that he (King) "combined a curious love of authoritarianism with his ccmmi-tarent to the 50 freedom of progressive education". It i s unfortunate that the only evidence of the latter given i n his report i s the highly debatable one of freedom of choice of subjects and curriculum, and even that i s qualified by the emphasis on the necessity for expert guidance. King had discarded the ideas of the purposes of public education as discipline, culture and self-realization. Although the pursuit of any of these ideals might be of advantage to the individual, he statecl, an education devoted to these goals would be the "purely personal possession" 51 of the individual and thus not entitled to state support. I t i s d i f f i c u l t to see how a disciplined, cultured, s e l f - f u l f i l l e d populace 152 would not also contribute to the creation of a vigorous state. However to King's narrow s t a t i s t mind this was not the case. In eliminating these goals from consideration i n education he showed his rejection of that strain of child-centred progressivism, which saw the cultivation of freedom and self-expression i n the child as an ultimate guarantee of 52 . . a healthy society. Interestingly he also discarded education for social efficiency and social welfare, the impulse behind many of the educational principles he espoused, on the grounds that they did not lead to a proper balance between the "claims and nature of the individual and the 53 nature and demands of the State." He concluded that the only j u s t i -fication for the support of "public education i s that education i s a public function, necessary both for the safety and preservation of the 54 State and for i t s progress". Although King believed that the "safety and preservation" of the state were the overriding concern of a system of public education he did not believe that the individual should be regarded as an automaton. The individual should be allowed to be the kind of person he wished to be as long as he was i n harmony with society. Nevertheless the individual had no significance from an educational point of view, for education as a public function was "not primarily maintained i n the interests of the individual as distinguished from the citizen or . . 55 future citizen". King, l i k e most of his contemporaries i n the f i e l d of education, placed the school above a l l other educative institutions. While not denying that the school had a role to play as a transmitter of the 153 social inheritance the experience of the race and for the extension of i t " , he believed that i t s chief function was as an "integrating social 56 influence". That society had not collapsed during the depression c r i s i s was attributable to this function. Such educative institutions as the "Church, the Press, and industry i t s e l f " had contributed to the development of civilization,but they i n turn had been "dependent upon education for their own development, ...been moulded and modified by 57 i t . " Business and industry, i n fact "in their organized technical complexities, would be helpless without the continued supply of young 58 recruits furnished by the schools". Seen i n this way then the educational system was primarily a supplier of raw, semi-processed or processed material for other institutions. Its influence on these i n s t i -tutions was not only through the s k i l l s i t s products brought to them, but more importantly through i t s attitudes and values, which would act as the ultimate social cement. The essential roles of the school i n King's view can be summed up as vocationalism and social control. This i s not to imply that King was anti-intellectual; as a classics teacher he defended the much maligned Latin and Greek. But intellectual training was necessary only for those few with the capacity who would become the I 59 leaders of the future. If the state were to serve i t s e l f well efficiency was necessary. This was axiomatic i n King's mind. The duty df the democratic state he declared was to create "rational well-integrated systems" necessary 60 for efficiency and economy. Efficiency and economy demanded a number of things. Of primary importance was a centralized system which would 154 ensure that disadvantaged communities would receive the benefits of advantaged coitmunities, those which offered manual training, domestic science, agricultural education, junior high schools and vocational training. In the second place,efficiency necessitated a trained educational bureaucracy guided by the correct social philosophy and the science of education. As education was King wrote a "peculiarly d i f f i c u l t professional task" i t was imperative that i t be taken out of 61 the hands of laymen. He was prepared to allow a place for local participation, either through the Parent Teacher Association, or an elected school committee which could express the local point of view to an area 62 director of education. But i n no way were such groups to be allowed any measure of control, for to do so might signal a return to the old days which he characterized as having been "as though an army was con-trolled by elected Municipal Councils and organized and trained by regimental officers brought up upon the traditions of Wellington, under 63 a general staff with limited executive powers". A third ingredient was essential i f schools were to run e f f i c i e n t l y , a curriculum fashioned according to s c i e n t i f i c principles. Such a curriculum providing a wide variety of options would eliminate the enormous waste incurred under the then existing curricula. Under such a reformed system students would no longer take academic courses "although destined to f a i l i n them". They would be persuaded through a strong programme of vocational guidance, not to seek for "social position through education" but to follow courses 64 suited to their "tastes, needs and capacities". The ultimate j u s t i f i c a t i o n for a l l these efficiency measures was 155 that only i n this way could equality of opportunity "the essence of 65 democracy" be provided. The question arises as to whether King's major preoccupation was with the provision of equality of opportunity, or efficiency and economy. The two considerations are, of course, i n the situation under discussion very neatly intertwined. I t i s probably impossible, unless the teacher i s one of extraordinary capabilities, to provide a f i r s t class education to pupils i n a one-room school i n a poor remote area of the province. More affluent areas, particularly urban ones with a wide variety of f a c i l i t i e s and specialists can obviously provide a much better educational environment. Any measure which would make these available to a l l children regardless of the affluence of their parents would increase equality of opportunity. On the other hand equality of opportunity could be seen merely as a by-product of a streamlined e f f i c i e n t system constructed along the lines of a business corporation, and at that more apparent than real. In order to attempt to find an answer to this basically important question i t i s necessary to examine other sections of the report. In a chapter entitled "What They Think i n England" King published the replies of a number of prominent Englishmen to the question of who should be educated at public expense and to what extent. The crucial sentences i n the letter sent by King-requesting this information were "Can the problems which affect the individual and society be solved by the training of a small intellectual elite....or w i l l the e l i t e be 66 impotent i f the masses are not educated sufficiently to follow them". King's stated purpose was to demonstrate to those i n B r i t i s h Columbia 156 dominated by so-called English ideas regarding education that English education was i n rea l i t y similar to and guided by the same attitudes as he and his colleagues. However, attempts to s e l l the new system of education to the public on the grounds that i t took i t s inspiration and models from Br i t i s h educational theory and practice, wear thin on closer inspection. Canadian educational thought was derivative of American and nowhere was this more apparent than i n i t s preoccupation with efficiency. Neither the sentences quoted above, nor the rest of the letter reflected a concern with equality of opportunity or the diffusion of democratic principles throughout the educational process. The main problem was seen as the creation of a rational system which could turn out people capable of f i t t i n g into a complex society, vocationally and ethically, i n accordance with the designs of i t s leaders. In another section King gave the opinions of a wide variety of economists on the economic effects of education, i n an effort to show that "education i s not merely an activity of society upon which wealth i s expended, but that i t directly contributes to production and i s i n 67 fact one of the productive a c t i v i t i e s of society". The excerpts from the writings reinforce this opinion by stating that increased or more specialized education increased worker productivity, raised the .standard of l i v i n g which i n turn made for more productive efficiency and developed wider demands for consumption. Like the chapter on English education this can be interpreted as a rebuttal of the Kidd Report. In fact the King Report can be viewed as another attempt to vanquish the authors and supporters of the Kidd Report who, i t was clear, had changed their thinking 157 very l i t t l e since 1932. It i s probable that those who have written about education i n B r i t i s h Columbia at this time have accepted King's assessment of the situation as progressives versus reactionaries, or out-of-date, aristocratic, old-world traditions versus a modern, democratic outlook. However,despite the obvious differences there were striking similarities between the two points of view. To begin with neither spokesman for their respective set of educational values had an optimistic assessment of the intellectual capacities of the school population. Although King on the basis of I.Q. tests argued that half of the school or at least 40 per cent were f i t t e d for secondary education,only a small percentage of these were capable of the traditional academic kind which allowed entrance to the universities and ultimately to positions of leadership. Secondly both King and Kidd were e l i t i s t i n their thinking. The only difference lay i n the. fact that Kidd would draw society's leaders from the ranks of the well-to-do and those few who could obtain scholarships, while King would remove any financial obstacles. The structure of society would remain the same but the rules would be somewhat changed. In the third place both would reduce the one democratic element i n the administration of schools, the one by placing school boards under the control of municipal councils, the other by replacing them by provincial bureaucrats. King.and Kidd were each essentially conservative and hierarchical i n outlook. Their differences had their roots i n their perceptions of society and i t s needs and the role the school could play i n f u l f i l l i n g 158 those needs. To Kidd, and the conservative business and professional community he represented, clas s i c a l laissez-faire doctrine, whether or not i t was defined as such, s t i l l held sway. If the economy could be kept buoyant and expansive, a task for the unfettered i n i t i a t i v e of the businessman, then the problems of society would inevitably be solved insofar as the l i M t a t i o n s of human nature would allow. In B r i t i s h Columbia which depended for i t s prosperity on primary resources, and where industrialization was not generally dependent on an advanced techno-logy, the role of the school was to train those few leaders required, and provide the rest with a rudimentary general education and the commercial and technical education needed for a relatively unsophisticated economy-King and the " l i b e r a l progressives" for whom he spoke, had on the other hand, lost faith i n the efficacy and justice of the unseen hand. Two things were needed to ensure that society would remain stable and progressive, 1 for social progressxveness was seen as a necessity for survival: greater government intervention i n economic l i f e , and an improved and compre-hensive educational system. To the conservative, nothing must be allowed to interfere with the flow of capital into economic investment; therefore tax rates must be kept down, and such essential services as schools must be run as e f f i c i e n t l y and economically as possible. To the l i b e r a l educator the importance of efficiency i n the construction of an educational system i s more d i f f i c u l t to assess. In the opinion of the writer i n The School King was consciously sacrifi c i n g sound educational values to efficiency i n order to ward off the accusation of extravagance from his conservative c r i t i c s and to make 1 5 9 his educational recommendations palatable to them. This interpretation that educators were forced i n self-defence to adopt policies of efficiency to placate the wealthy, materialistic and influential was frequently used to explain similar occurrences i n American education i n the early part of the century. Raymond E. Callahan, i n his book Education and the Cult of Efficiency an exploration of the "origin and development of the adoption of business values and practices i n educational, administration Callahan points out that emphasis on efficiency originated around the turn of the century i n the United States at a time of massive immigration ^ and rapid industrialization and urbanization. The problems attendent on these developments were thought by reformers to be amenable to solution by the application of "modern business methods" and "efficiency", and also the concepts of s c i e n t i f i c management of F.W. Taylor and his followers. These ideas gained such prestige that soon they were being applied to the schools and the schools were found wanting. American educators then began to apply the same methods to their own enterprise 6 9 and the "era of the dollar as educational criterion" was ushered i n . But i t was Franklin Bobbitt, instructor i n educational administration at the University of Chicago, who applied s c i e n t i f i c management to schooling and fathered the s c i e n t i f i c administration movement with approval by King i n his report. According to Bobbitt "education was a shaping process as much as the manufacture of steel r a i l s ' 1 . 7 ^ Just as the manufacturing process required standards, so too did the education process require both qualitative and quantitative standards from which there were "practically 7 1 no limits to the benefits to be achieved". If standards were sufficiently 160 defined,"teachers would know instantly when students were f a i l i n g . 72 Principals would know when teachers were inefficient" and so on. In Bobbitt's view just as standards and specifications for steel r a i l s were set by the consumer, so too should educational standards be "set 73 by the community and not by the educators". Under this system the duties of the inspectorial department were twofold. F i r s t i t should undertake independent testing of the work being done i n the schools. Secondly,the inspectors should find the best s c i e n t i f i c procedures or methods to be used i n the schools, a job "too large and too complicated 74 to be l a i d on the shoulders of the teachers". This approach to administration took such a hold, Callahan states quoting a prominent educator, that by 1930 a l l work i n educational administration was "permeated 75 with the philosophy of management, of business efficiency". Despite this fact Callahan believes that most administrators adopted the approach to administration of Bobbitt and his school i n self-defence. There i s l i t t l e question that King had adopted the stance of the s c i e n t i f i c administrator, indeed he specifically stated that the application of the science of adrninistration was a necessity i f education was to be improved. In the chapter entitled "Economy" King gave repeated evidence of the importance he attached to economy, "the Aristotelian mean between 76 the vicious extremes of parsimony and waste!-'. In fact waste was the key word i n the chapter and a l l means and methods were judged good i f they helped to eliminate i t . The junior high schools i n Vancouver were commended for having reduced the cost of educating pupils i n comparison with the cost of educating them i n the elementary school and the high 161 school. According to the Bureau of Measurements of the City of Vancouver, the junior high schools actually saved the ratepayers over $70,000. i n 1931. High school and elementary school correspondence courses were praised for the economies they could effect. The closing of a small rural school would result i n a saving of approximately $100. per pupil per year. There was no discussion as to the comparable value to the pupil of instruction received i n this manner, other than to mention that i t was "well organized pedagogically". Such was not the case, King pointed out, when the Kidd comiittee recommended more use of the Corres-pondence Department which was at that time "in a formative stage and i n 77 no state to undertake the duties satisfactorily". When he discussed economy i n the practical arts subjects, manual training and home economics, typewriting and science, King dealt with the educational aspects of the more economical methods advocated. In the case of manual arts, traditionally small classes of 20 to 24 should how be supplanted by classes of 40, thereby halving teacher costs because experience with large classes i n junior secondary schools i n Vancouver had proven that the results were equally good. The crucial requirement for the teaching of large groups, King asserted, was the use of jobsheets and information sheets. Such a method, he explained, allowed students to advance at their own speed, develop more i n i t i a t i v e , responsibility and self-reliance, and more time on the part of the instructor for 78 individual instruction. In other words self instruction, an impersonal atmosphere, and individual instruction on the basis of approximately one and one half minutes per pupil i n an average sized class of 40 pupils would 162 provide an ideal learning environment. The comparison with the factory i s almost too obvious to mention. In his defence of more economical methods of instruction in the sciences King placed himself in the ranks of pedagogical conservatives and in opposition to one of the most cherished pedagogical principles of the "new education". The teaching of science was made costly by the extensive use of laboratory equipment. But the use of such expensive apparatus, he argued, was not necessary in order to achieve the objectives of secondary science education, "...the important outcome of science study is the understanding of the major concepts, principles, laws and general ideas which are to be learned from...science... Experimental studies with parallel class groups have demonstrated that the objectives of science-teaching...are better achieved by the teacher demonstration method than by the method of individual experimentation. This is what would naturally be expected. The focusing of attention upon the fundamental principles which are to be learned...is more likely to result in learning than when these principles are lost in the manipulation of complicated apparatus. By manipulating apparatus the student simply learns to manipulate apparatus. He acquires a certain manipulative s k i l l which may be of advantage to those few students who afterwards take the honour science courses in the university..." 79 King did not recommend the total elimination of experimental work because i t "stimulates interest" and 'gives a satisfaction which is favourable to 80 learning". The project method, the enterprise, learning by doing 163 were thus expendable depending on the cost factor. A l l that was really necessary, except for those of superior intelligence, were the teacher and the text-book. King made other recommendations for greater economy i n the schools relating to the use of the library, high school study halls, teacher supervision, and budgeting and accounting. Throughout,the guiding principle was economy of size. In this way, for example, study halls would be large enough to hold several classes at a time under the super-vision of one teacher, thus saving the cost of the services of several teachers. He also suggested the closing of one of the province's Normal Schools. The whole trend of the administrative system was geared to greater size of classes and school areas, more professionalization, and more bureaucratization. In a l l a significantly more depersonalized system i n which paradoxically every pupil was to be accurately guided into his l i f e ' s work. It i s d i f f i c u l t to accept King's advocacy of efficiency and economy as a hypocritical pose, adopted to placate his reactionary c r i t i c s . There i s too much of a ring of conviction i n his writings to be able to place him i n the ranks of Callahan's administrators who espoused s c i e n t i f i c management as an act of self-defence. Taken i n conjunction with statements 81 made on other issues, King appears as a convinced believer. This i s not to say, however, that he f i t t e d exactly into the Bobbitt mould nor that s c i e n t i f i c aditdjiistration was the overriding concept i n his educational thought. There i s no evidence to suggest that he wished to t a i l o r the 164 schools to the express wishes of the business coranianity. Yet he appears to find no conflict between administrative values and educational values: the one would seem to follow the other. King's primary objective was to create a system which would f u l f i l l i t s most important function, as he termed i t , i t s integrative function. A rational, efficient, administrative system was a very important factor in the achievement of his goal, but i t was not the only one. If the schools were to be effective integrative agents they must ensure that a l l children and young people were provided with the means whereby they could become trained to f i t into and unify society. In this sense eguality of opportunity was an essential element in ensuring the safety, perpetuity and, in liberal eyes, the progressiveness of the state. Equality of opportunity as a condition of social mobility was not a consideration: in fact education sought for that reason was roundly condemned. The student should be encouraged to develop his capacities to the fullest, but he should do so not for the purpose of personal advancement but rather for the satisfaction to be gained from being a contributing member of . society. The tool to be used to produce the right kind of citizen was the curriculum. As had been promised, shortly after the Report on Finance was submitted Weir announced that curriculum committees would be set up in order that the curricula of elementary, junior high, high and technical schools might be revised. The work was to be under the direction of a central committee of five members, "with a background of administrative 165 experience and special equipment in educational psychology, educational sociology, comparative education and the history of education, research and statistical procedures". One member of this committee would have the function of curriculum adviser (King was subsequently given this task), to advise upon " a l l phases and aspects of the revision...afford guidance in the principles to be laid down and followed throughout... and assist in effecting articulation and co-ordination in each stage in 82 the processs". The guiding principles were to be found in the works 83 of "such writers as Spencer, Bobbitt, Snedden, Bonser, Chapman and Counts" a l l with one exception men who emphasized the practical, vocationalism and social efficiency. But i t was not only in the curriculum that changes were to be made. Having failed to carry his party and the public with him in his grand design for a centralized educational system Weir set out to achieve his secondary goal of the consolidation of school districts. The government had already made a beginning in this direction when, in October 1934, 84 i t combined 37 school districts in the Peace River region into four units. School boards had been abolished and an off i c i a l trustee appointed by the Department of Education. In August 1935 the Abbotsford, Matsqui, Sumas district was set up in the Fraser Valley under the complete financial control of the government. Two months later, the entire Peace River District with the exception of three larger centres, was placed under the control of the of f i c i a l trustees. In the Abbotsford, Matsqui, Sumas district 85 most of the people "welcomed the change". In the Peace River, however, both in 1934 and 1935 there were outbursts against i t , but the government 166 held fast to the plan. Indeed i t was necessary for Weir to prove to the province by successful test cases that a completely government controlled school system would result i n better education and greater efficiency and economy. Unable to acquire more funds from the provincial treasury for his department,Weir, l i k e the premier and his cabinet colleagues,turned his attention to acquiring greater grants for education from the federal government. In a letter to the provincial premiers i n the f a l l of 1934 Prime Minister Bennett had asked whether the provinces were prepared to "surrender their exclusive jurisdiction over legislation dealing with such social problems as old age pensions etc. to the Dominion Parliament... 86 and i f so on what terms and conditions". Although no specific mention had been made of education Weir immediately took a very determined stand i n defence of the B.N.A. Act and the retention by the provinces of com-plete jurisdiction over education. At the same time he began pressing demands for greater federal assistance for education. Addressing the fourth biennial convention of the Home and School Federation of Canada he stated that the Act "had definitely i n mind elementary education" when education was placed under provincial control, "even high school education was probably not thought of. This being the case, the federal government was therefore "free to assist the provinces i n the conduct of education 87 without infringing on matters covered by section 93". As assistance had previously been given to technical education and agricultural education i t might now grant money to the provinces "in aid of vocational education, adult education and health education. A l l health serves to 167 undo much of the benefit to be derived from education".00 The establishment of a bureau of education federally funded to do research and recommend policies had long been the desire of many educators. Weir added his voice in advocating such a bureau, but cautioned that i t have only "advisory 89 functions, but no legislative powers". He was an indefatigable defender of provincial rights, and like the school boards he wished to abolish, he wanted the money provided by someone else while he retained f u l l control on the grounds that his knowledge of local conditions far surpassed that of the central government. The King Report was destined never to be implemented, the Abbotsford,Matequi, Sumas experiment did not live up to the expectations of its supporters, and the B.C.T.F., which had made many of the suggestions which were discussed and amplified in the report under the heading of economy finally became convinced that the government was more interested in economy 90 than a better quality of education. However the King Report is historically important because of the insight i t affords into the social and educational theories of those few who had at that time the direction of the schools in their hands. 168 Notes Chapter V 1 The School, December, 1933, p. 363. 2 Ibid., January, 1934, p. 458. The school system i n B r i t i s h Columbia had completed centralization of school financing from 1872-1888. However elected three-man school boards were authorized under the Public Schools Act, but their functions were relatively limited. 4 For example see reaction of school boards to the suggestion that they be absorbed by municipal councils i n B r i t i s h Columbia 1920-1925. 5 The Report of the Municipal Taxation Commission, 1933. (Victoria King's Printer, 1934) p. 6. 6 Ibid., p. 18. Although teachers wanted a minimum salary set, they did not want maximums set. They wished these to remain at discretion of local school boards. 8 B.C. Teacher, A p r i l , 1934, p. 4. 9 Margaret A. Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: A History (MacMillan, rev. ed., 1971), p. 459. 10 Harry Charlesworth, General Secretary of the B.C.T.F. had been a strong advocate of the "new education".. In a speech delivered to the Department of Superintendance i n Minneapolis,. February, 1933 he urged that the schools lead the; way i n creating a less individualistic more socially oriented society. . Charlesworth papers, Special Collections, University of Br i t i s h Columbia. 11 "King was not only a personal friend, confident and p o l i t i c a l supporter of Weir, but also a professional associate, having 169 11 served as part-time lecturer at U.B.C. since 1925." A.H. Child "Herbert B.King,Administrative Idealist" Chapter 16, Profiles  of Canadian Educators; R.S. Patterson, J.W. Chalmers, and J.W. Friesen, eds. (D.C. Heath Canada Ltd., 1974) p. 310. 12 B.C. Teacher, June, 1934, p. 2. 13 Victoria Colonist, June 29, 1934. 14 Vancouver Sun, July 14, 1934. 15 Ibid., July 20, 1934. 16 Ibid., July 31, 1934. 17 Ibid., September 7, 1934. 18 Vancouver Board of Trade, Council Minutes, Volume 12, p. 133., Vancouver City Archives., 19 Ibid. 20 Victoria Colonist, July 19, 1934; July 31, 1934. 21 Vancouver Board of Trade, Op. C i t . , pp. 145-147. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid. 24 It should be noted that this was by no means a new or novel proposal; the larger unit had been strongly recommended i n Canada, by educators, since long before World War I. 25 Volume 13, p. 63. 170 26 Vancouver Board of Trade, Op. Cit . , Volume 13, p. 63. 27 Martin Robin, The Company Province, 1934-1972. (Toronto, 1973), p. 16. 28 For a f u l l discussion of this point see Margaret A. Ormsby "T. Dufferin Pattullo and the L i t t l e New Deal" Canadian  Historical Review, Vol. XLIII no. 4, December, 1962. Ormsby claims that Pattullo was well aware that his promise of 'work and wages' was dependent for i t s realization on massive financial assistance from the federal government. However "many provincial politicians although they mounted the slogan did not know what" Pattullo meant by i t ; i n fact "almost no one i n B.C. comprehended the scope of his proposals". Pattullo had no success i n convincing either the Conservative Prime Minister, R.B. Bennett, although he did manage to wring a few financial concessions from him, or the Liberal Prime Minister W.L. MacKenzie King of the soundness of his economic theories. 29 Ibid., p. 15. 30 Ibid., p. 17, p. 22. 31 Ormsby, Op;.\.Cit., p i 463. Vancouver was invaded by 1,700 men from r e l i e f camps i n the interior who had gone on strike for "work and wages". Violence broke out i n the Hudson's Bay store and i n other parts of the ci t y . 32 Vancouver Board of Trade, Op. C i t . , Volume 12, p. 202. 33 Vancouver Sun, November 9, 1934. 34 Victoria Colonist, March 5, 1935. 35 Vancouver Sun, February 16, 1935. 36 Victoria Colonist, February 16, 1935. 171 Robin, Op. Cit., p. 29. Ibid. H.B. King,School Finance i n Br i t i s h Columbia., p. i v and v. Victoria Colonist, August 8, 1935. The School, November, 1935, p. 261. Vancouver Sun, August 10, 1935. The School, February, 1936. Quoted from the Vancouver Daily Province of December 13, 1935. In October, 1934, i n the Peace River d i s t r i c t 37 school d i s t r i c t s had been combined into 4, school boards were abolished and an o f f i c i a l trustee placed i n charge. Despite the outcry from many people i n the area the government i n October, 1935 placed the entire d i s t r i c t with the exception of three, larger centres under an o f f i c i a l trustee and there were renewed protests. The School, October, 1935, p. 92. Ibid. H.B. King was born i n Ontario and began his teaching career there. After moving to B r i t i s h Columbia he taught classics at Kitsilano Junior-Senior High School, later becoming i t s principal. According to A.H. Child few people who remembered him' spoke favourably of him, "usually stressing his vanity, arrogance and intolerance." He saw service overseas during World War I and thereafter insisted on being addressed as Major King even after being., granted a Doctor of Pedagogy degree from the University of Washington i n 1936. H.B. King, School Finance i n the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia. (Victoria King's Printer, 1935), p. 27. 172 49 Ibid., p. 32. 50 R.S. Patterson, J.W. Chalmers and J.W. Friesen, eds. 'Profiles of Canadian Educators, (D.C. Heath Canada Ltd., 1974), p. 308. 51 H.B. King, Op. Cit., p. 31. 52 Lawrence Cremin, The Transformation of the School (New York, 1964) pp. 201-202. 53 H.B. King, Opt. C i t . , p. 31. 54 Ibid. 55 Ibid., p. 32. 56 Ibid., p. 27. 57 Ibid., p. 27. 58 . Ibid. 59 It i s interesting to note that Neatby i n her broadside against progressive education accused i t of being anti-i-ntellectual and for f a i l i n g to provide- the intellectual training/for the cultivation of leadership i n a l l fields. Whatever the results may have been this i s an erroneous interpretation, at least of the intent of the leaders of progressive education i n Br i t i s h Columbia. 60 H.B. King, Op. Cit., p. 128. 61 Ibid., p. 27. 62 Ibid., p. 125. 63 Ibid., p. 27. 64 Ibid., p. 29. 65 Ibid., p. 128. 66 Ibid., p. 46. 67 Ibid., p. 38. 68 Raymond E. Callahan, Education and the Cult of Efficiency. (Chicago', 1962), Preface. 69 Ibid., p. ,72. 70 Ibid., p. 82. 71 Ibid. 72 Ibid. 73 Ibid., p. 83. 74 Ibid., p. 84. 75 Ibid., p. 199. 76 H.B. King, Op. Ci t . , p. 141. 77 Ibid., p.146. 78 Ibid., pp. 149-150. 79 Ibid., pp. 156-157. 174 80 Ibid., p. 157. 81 Prentice i n The School Promoters (Toronto, 1977) traces the drive for efficiency i n the educational system of mid-nineteenth century Ontario and ilinks i t with the desire to give education a public function. 82 B.C. Teacher, Apr i l , 1935, p. 21. 83 Ibid. Herbert Spencer; English philosopher whose works, particularly had a great impact on American thought. He stated that the function of education was preparation for complete l i v i n g , i e . a c t i v i t i e s ministering to self-preservation and securing the necessities of l i f e . David Snedden; American sociologist, v i r t u a l founder of the sociology of education who believed that a l l education should be judged by i t s contribution to social efficiency. He was also a consistent advocate of vocational education. Frederick Gordon Bonser; American educator who pioneered curricula centred around the production and consumption of goods. He also promoted industrial arts and economic education. George S. Counts; American educator chiefly noted for his social criticism. With the publication of a pamphlet entitled "Dare the Schools Build a New Social Order" i n 1932 he became the leading figure i n the social reconstructionist movement i n American education. ^ J . Crosby Chapman; English born and educated educational psychologist who became professor of educational psychology at Yale University. He co-authored one work with Edward L. Thorndike and another with George S. Counts, the latter entitled the "Principles of Education". 84 On the basis of reports of inspectors of the ineffectiveness of the local school boards to provide suitable accommodation and an adequate education, the Department of Education, proposed the setting up of the four units on an experimental basis. The units were created from former school d i s t r i c t s i n which the trustees were in e l i g i b l e to hold office because of unpaid school taxes. 65th Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of Br i t i s h Columbia, 1935-36, H 59. 175 85 Patterson, Chalmers and Friesen eds., Op. Cit., p. 313. 86 The School, October, 1934, p. 145. 87 Ibid., September, 1935, p. 86. 88 Ibid. 89 Ibid., p. 88. 90 Patterson, Chalmers and Friesen eds., Op. Cit., p. 313. CHAPTER VT O J R R I C U T J U M REVISION When the province of British Columbia embarked upon a revision of the curriculum i n .the spring and summer of 1935 i t was not beginning a new of unique task. Curriculum revision had been an ongoing a f f a i r i n the province for a number of years, the last p a r t i a l revisions having been made i n the elementary programme of studies i n 1933, i n the junior high school programme i n 1932 and i n the high school programme i n 1933. What was new was the scope and extent of the latest venture. Every subject i n every grade from one through high school was to be examined and reformulated, i f necessary, i n accordance with the principles of the "new education". I t was a formidable task requiring the efforts of four committees with a total of 55 members, under which "over 250 teachers, supervisors, normal-school instructors and inspectors of schools were 2 selected to revise the programmes of study i n the various subjects". The central revision committee, consisting of five members included, i n addition to H.B. King, D.L. MacLaurin, Assistant Superintendent of Education as chairman, H.N. MacCorkindale, Superintendent of Schools for Vancouver, C.B. Wood, a member of the staff of the Department of Education at the. University of B r i t i s h Columbia, and J. Roy Sanderson, Principal of King Edward High School i n Vancouver. The membership of the elementary school committee was overwhelmingly drawn from Vancouver and Victoria schools, as was the membership of the convening section of the junior high school revision committee, under the chairmanship of King, and the 177 convening section of the senior high school revision committee under the chairmanship of MacCorkindale. The advisory sections of the latter two committees were composed largely of school principals i n the smaller 3 c i t i e s and towns i n the province. A l l members of a l l committies were selected by the Central Curriculum Revision Committee and approved by the Department of Education, none was selected by their peers. I t i s clear that despite the numbers involved, the work of curriculum revision would be tightly controlled by a small group drawn from Vancouver whose ideas would be consonant with the thinking of the Minister of Education 4 and his principle advisor. Weir did request the "cooperation of a l l teachers, parent-teacher associations, industrial leaders, service clubs, 5 local councils of women and similar organizations". Teachers were urged to "forward their suggestions for the careful scrutiny and sympathetic consideration of the Department". As well they were invited to forward to the chairmen of subject committees "any constructive suggestions they may care to make for the revision of the programme i n the respective subjects". I t i s unfortunate that no records exist which would indicate to what extent teachers and <x>mmunity organizations contributed suggestions and what significance they had i n the formulation of the new curriculum. But B r i t i s h Columbia was not the only province which undertook to revise the school curriculum during the 1930's. Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Ontario, and New Brunswick a l l engaged i n extensive curriculum reform during this period. A l l were convinced that much i n existing curricula was out-of-date, the remnants of a tradition no longer relevant 178 to the greatly changed world which had come into being i n the past decade or two. Whatever differences existed between educators i n different parts of the country with regard to educational philosophy or pedagogical methods, a l l were agreed that a changed world demanded a changed education. As the report of the Committee on Educational Philosophy, under the Charimanship of C.B. Wood put i t "The purpose of the school i s to assist the child i n his adjustment to society. As society i s constantly changing 7 the adjustment must be flexible and progressive." This did not mean that a l l the existing curricula had to be jettisoned. Weir admitted that a great deal of excellent work was "exemplified i n the present programme" and that "many improvements undoubtedly have been made i n the. curriculum since the report of the School Survey i n 1925". But nothing was, i n the words of an a r t i c l e on Saskatchewan's new school curriculum, to be 9 "tolerated because of the sanctity of long use". It i s l i k e l y that the people of Saskatchewan remodelled their existing curriculum, they did not "simply open the doors and l e t i t blow away on a prairie wind". And i t i s unlikely that they erected "on a new foundation...a noble structure, designed on the four square pattern of u t i l i t y , hope, self-expression and the joy of achievement.. .with i t s spires of character-building" pointing "heavenward".10 However such extravagant phraseology does capture something of the feeling of the magnitude of the task and the hope and expectation of the results. For the curriculum was to be the main instrument used by the school to create a better society. In a speech to the revision catimittees Weir emphasized 179 the school's social role and decried earlier education which had failed the adults of the day. "The schools of to-morrow", he stated, "must teach co-operation rather than s e l f i s h competition". Their principal task must be that of "socializing the youth of the nation". /And, he continued, "we must make such provision for adult education as w i l l i n some measure indemnify the present adult generation for the imperfections of traditional educational methods and institutions". 1"'" Turning to the subject matter of the curriculum Weir pointed out that i t must have "immediate" appeal to the pupil as well as "social significance". At the same time subject matter must never assume greater importance than the learner. The pupils physical, mental, and moral health must always be the paramount concern of curriculum maker and teacher. In this connection he noted that at the present Br i t i s h Columbia was "limping far i n the rear, i n comparison say with Russia, as regards physical and recreational education. These are the matters that appeal to laymen, 12 whose sympathetic support conditions the success of educational reforms." Weir concluded by urging those planning the curriculum to keep i n mind that the material used should be selected "primarily for i t s functional 13 value with social u t i l i t y i n mind". This speech to the revision corimittees revealed clearly Weir's major preoccupations and his general cast of mind. Fresh from his struggles with businessmen and the medical profession over the issue of health insurance, he placed the inculcation of co-operative social attitudes at the head of the school's functions. The very fact that he wished to attempt the re-education of the adult population i n this regard t e s t i f i e d 180 i eloquently to the.-strength of his convictions. I t appears obvious that from his observations of the society i n which he was l i v i n g and the p o l i t i c a l and social developments which were taking place i n the rest of the world, Weir had concluded that democracy as he understood i t was i n a perilous state, Weir also indicated that the other major concern of schooling should be with the health of the pupil. And here too, i t s importance seemed to be closely linked i n his mind with the survival of the state. Throughout the MLnister's words exhibit a belief i n the i n -disputable rightness of his convictions and also a certain authoritarianism which was evident i n the Report on Nursing Education. There does not appear to be any doubt i n Weir's iriind that c r i t i c a l and constructive thinking w i l l not lead inevitably to his point of view. Those who cannot be persuaded to see the light must nevertheless follow the prescribed way. The task of remaking the curriculum i n terms of an educational philosophy radically different from that of the 19th century, was one which was being attempted with increasing frequency i n the United States. Beginning just after the turn of the century the movement had gained such momentum that by 1931 i t was estimated that 168 large c i t y school systems 14 i n that country were engaged i n rebuilding their curricula. Teaching staff of entire school systems were reported to be working on curriculum problems, and "curriculum and course study building was the theme of 15 educational year books". However despite this feverish activity there was much criticism of the work being done. Prominent educators were by no means of one mind 181 as to what was' being done or of what should be done. There was skepticism about the very poss i b i l i t y that curricula could be constructed according to the much quoted s c i e n t i f i c principles, and the belief that most curriculum changes, despite their authors use of the term, were largely subjective."^ John Dewey c r i t i c i z e d the developments i n American education at the beginning of the 30's as lacking i n a "great directive 17 aim". David Snedden, a pioneer i n educational sociology agreed and 18 added that i t expanded and improved only by "piecemeal additions". Snedden himself would substitute for over-arching philosophical statements of educational purpose, concrete limited objectives, s c i e n t i f i c a l l y 19 determined i n terms of social efficiency. There was obviously not the agreement among leading educators on the most important educational questions of the day that King had asserted, nor was there the same confidence i n what science had accomplished or could accomplish. However i n one sense his statement can be regarded as accurate, namely, the so-called seven cardinal principles of education had been adopted by most of those involved i n curriculum revision. These principles: health, command of fundamental processes, worthy home membership, vocation, citizenship, worthy use of leisure and ethical 20 character, had become the "slogan formulation" which guided many schoolmen. The popularity of the report which set forth these principles was such 21 that by 1929 110,000 copies had been sold. The report was the product of the Committee on the Reorganization of Secondary Education set up by the National Education Association of the United States i n 1915, under 182 the chairmanship of Clarence D. Kingsley an assistant to David Sneddon at the State Department of Education of Massachussets. It i s pertinent at this point to examine b r i e f l y the rationale for these principles which exerted such an influence on American schoolmen and on the most influential educators i n Br i t i s h Columbia. In his exhaustive work The Shaping of the American High School Edward A. Krug gives a detailed analysis of the report. Although this was by no means the f i r s t study made on secondary education the authors j u s t i f i e d their report on the grounds of the extent of social change during the previous decade. Not only had the l i f e of the individual become more complex but at the same time agencies other than the school were doing less than before to support and educate him. Under these circumstances the school must take up the task of training the youth of the nation for l i f e i n a democracy, the purpose of which was, stated the report, "so to organize society that each member may develop his personality primarily t_hrough acti v i t i e s designed for the well-being of his fellow men and of society 22 as a whole". As i t was the responsibility of the school to train the whole person for the t o t a l i t y of his future l i f e , the cardinal principles grew out of an of the l i f e patterns which the majority of people were most l i k e l y to adopt. "Normally, said the report, the individual was a member of a family, of a vocational group, and of various c i v i c groups. The next consideration was that of leisure, discussed i n the report 183 as an adjunct of efficiency...The next objective, that of health, was important because of i t s effect on the ' v i t a l i t y of the race' and the 'defence of the Nation'. Ethical character...gained i t s place i n the l i s t , partly on i t s own merits and partly through i t s relationship to good citizenship, vocational excellence and the worthy use of leisure time... Command of fundamental processes, was viewed not as 'an end i n i t s e l f but nevertheless as indispensible to the affairs of l i f e . . . " 23 It i s interesting to note that the report i n i t s original draft did not 24 include fundamental processes. In Krug's opinion, the report was consistent with the thinking of many educators of the time, but i t i n no way expressed the break with traditional education which many of Kingsley's contemporaries would like to have seen. Vocational education was not emphasized, and Kingsley prescribed that a l l high school pupils should take four or five of the traditional subjects. The committee also rejected the proposals of some educators for different curricula for groups of students. I t proposed that the comprehensive high school should remain the standard type of secondary school as a means of achieving social unity. The report also came out strongly for universal secondary education to the age of 18, again i n the interest of promoting a "sense of social solidarity". In this regard the report declared, "'To the extent to which the objectives outlined here are adopted as the controlling aims of education...to that extent w i l l i t be recognized that an extended education for every boy and g i r l i s essential to the welfare and even to the existence of democratic 184 society. * "£"J King saw the cardinal principles report as an expression of the sc i e n t i f i c social efficiency movement i n education which had dominated the thinking of many educators for more than a decade before the report was written. The intellectual origins of this movement were to be found i n the social philosophy of two professors of sociology, Charles H. Cooley and Edward A. Ross who wrote and lectured during the years before and after the turn of the century. Both were considered progressives who influenced the leaders of p o l i t i c a l progressivism i n the United States, but i n the words of one historian writing i n the early 1970's an analysis of their theories "reveals a sophisticated intellectual 26 j u s t i f i c a t i o n for repression". Both men, according to Paul C. Violas, thought that an era of rapid change with i t s attendant social problems required "ever-increasing functional specialization" and the leadership of an expert e l i t e which was allowed to make "correct social decisions". "Education, they contended, would play a crucial role as the chief sorting 27 agency i n society". They did not deny equality of opportunity or social mobility or individuality, but only, i n Violas view, as a means of obtaining a social unity which was determined by the "corporate organism' or i n effect the expert e l i t e . Violas'analysis of Cooley and Ross points up parallels between this school of American sociology and Br i t i s h Columbia educators Weir and King. For example these pronouncements by Cooley and Ross on demo-cracy surely strike responsive chords with liberalism i n Br i t i s h Columbia 185 i n the 1930's. Ross wrote, "... democracy at i t s best, substitutes the direction of the recognized moral and intellectual e l i t e for the rule of the strong, the rich or the privileged". 3^ And Cooley declared "The rule of public opinion, then means...a latent authority which the public w i l l exercise when sufficiently dissatisfied with the specialist... It cannot extend to the immediate participation of the group as a whole 31 i n the details of public business". In an a r t i c l e published i n 1930, entitled "The Hurtful Influence of Scholars on Useful Education" Snedden gives illustrations of the educational sociologists approach to curriculum construction. Taking history for one of his examples he questions that most history i s of use to the principals and experienced teachers whose job i t i s to draw up courses and curricula. Although some history may contribute to cultural education by giving accounts of social change this i s secondary to the main purpose of instruction i n the schools. "The schoolmaster knows" he wrote that "even for his bright pupils only a very few incidents.. .or other findings from...history can be made significant i n producing either c i v i c . . 32 motivation or c i v i c guidance". This a r t i c l e points out very clearly that the goal to be sought was quite simply the moulding of the school population into the kind of citizens that the schools thought that society required.. What was to be emphasized i n any course of study, were those ideas, concepts or facts which would condition the pupil to desirable social behavior. I t i s Krug's contention that the s c i e n t i f i c management movement and the movement for 186 social efficiency merged after 1905 and became the dominant point of view among American educators after 1910. The implications of this development for the curriculum were that a l l subjects had to justify themselves on the basis of their contribution to the production of a socially e f f i c i e n t individual. Thus classics and mathematics, because they were found, on s c i e n t i f i c enquiry, to contribute l i t t l e i n this regard, were the least necessary subjects for any curriculum. Conversely, home economics was one of the most important. As mentioned earlier, although the cardinal principles report adopted the aims and objectives of the dominant educational theory of i t s time i t retained the traditional subjects at the core of the curriculum for a l l students. It did not demand as social efficiency and s c i e n t i f i c management had done, that the subjects prove their right to exist, but 33 i t called on them "to make their contribution to the objectives". There was one other aspect of the work that should be mentioned. Although the report did not emphasize vocationalism, i t did consider that vocational guidance was essential. The discovery of aptitudes i n the individual was deemed to be essential and i t was recommended that systematic testing be used toward this end. When Weir set out the duties of the central committee he instructed the members to formulate fundamental principles of education from an analysis of the writings of a number of educators and several reports, including that of the seven cardinal principles. He noted also that the theories of several prominent educators were set forth i n a book entitled 187 The Technique of Curriculum Making. The author Henry Harrap, a professor at Western Reserve University, was noted for his interest i n furthering economic education i n the schools. The book was f i r s t printed i n 1928 and had since gone tlirough six printings."^ The work can hardly be said to contain even an elementary analysis of the writers mentioned, Spencer, Bobbitt, Chapman Snedden, Bonser and Counts. What i t does do i s to set out a formula for curriculum construction which incorporates some of educational objectives mentioned i n the writings of these men. Harrap 1s book i s essentially a rather simplistic piece of propaganda for the school of s c i e n t i f i c management and social efficiency of which Franklin Bobbitt was the chief spokesman, modified by a plea that the schools help to reconstruct American l i f e . Ideally speaking, Harrap stated the objectives of any curriculum should be determined by a direct analysis of the needs of the learner. This method being costly, however, curriculum makers should base their work on the "wealth of quantative data already i n existence which describes the actual habits 35 of people, their a c t i v i t i e s , their deficiencies, their needs". He countered the criticism that education based on this approach to curriculum making was geared mainly to adjustment to the status quo, by saying that most curriculum makers were convinced that the emphasis should be on social improvement through democratic processes. To this end those i n charge of fashioning new curriculums, were stressing the social education of the child rather than his mental development and discouraging the ineffective and unwholesome idea of personal development as a "conscious 188 objective for individuals". Such then were the models and rationale for curriculum construction advocated by the Minister of Education advocated for the guidance of those who were to be responsible for.the revised curriculum for Br i t i s h Columbia. It remains to make a c r i t i c a l assessment of the curriculum to determine i n what respects i t embodied the social philosophy and objectives of both the cardinal principles report and Harrap's work. The new curriculum was issued to the schools i n a series of successive bulletins from the summer of 1936 to the autumn of 1937, and i t s implementation began during those years. The bulletins for the new programme of studies for the elementary school and the junior secondary school each ran to approximately 660 pages, while those for the senior secondary school, including one for parents, totalled over 1,000 pages. The curriciilum fdr„each level of schooling was prefaced by the same statement of educational philosophy, followed by a complete outline of every course at each grade level accompanied by a statement of the specific objectives to be realized. The outlines were formidable i n their compre-hensiveness and det a i l . At the same time i t was frequently stated that course outlines were not intended to be binding on teachers who were instructed instead to use their own ideas and i n i t i a t i v e s , provided that they were i n harmony with the general aims of the course. The much heralded "Aims and Philosophy of Education i n Br i t i s h Columbia" dealt with the functions of the system of education, both from 189 an individual and a social point of view, and l e f t no doubt that the social function took precedence over the individual. The opening sentence sounded the keynote for the section, "From the point of view of society" i t read, "the schools i n any state exist to develop citizens 37 or subjects according to the dominating ideals of the state or society". Although the individual's "growth and self realization" were important, they were of secondary consideration to his adjustment to his environment, 38 both social and physical. I t was admitted that the process of adjustment and growth, although "largely complementary" sometimes "involve conflict". In such instances i t was the function of the school to discourage development which " i s opposed to the social good" and foster that development which 39 i s "conducive to the good of a l l " . However there was another side to the problem of adjustment of the pupil to his environment. As the social environment did not remain stati c the school must also train the young to be able to make adjustments to a constantly changing order. While i t was possible that the student at some future date "may be" able to change the environment, the emphasis was not on training for active participation i n the modification process, 40 but on training for "progressive adjustment" to change. The qualities which were required of the individual to f a c i l i t a t e this adaptability were the a b i l i t y to think c r i t i c a l l y with an "open-mindedness and freedom from 41 prejudice unimpeded by unregulated emotion". These attributes were subsumed under the heading of character, which, i t was stated might therefore "be said to be the main objectives of education. The school and 190 the curriculum should be organized to achieve this end." The section on character education, included i n the parents' bulletin, re-emphasized the primary importance of the development of moral character i n the students, and set out i n considerable detail the methods the school should use i n attaining this goal. Despite the pre-eminent place given to character education, i t was never specified what character was, or what character t r a i t s , other than those mentioned above, were considered admirable and most amenable to cultivation i n a school setting. However those who had drawn up the curriculum were quite definite as to the type of person they would like to see emerge from the process of schooling. The person of character was one who acted i n such a way as to contribute to the social welfare and the good of others. The emphasis should be, i t was pointed out, "upon doing good rather than 43 upon being good". This meant not following a r i g i d moral code but rather a flexible morality "dependent upon insight into the institutional 44 problems which surround us". The ways and means of achieving the 'main objective of education' were numerous. School clubs were valuable i n assisting "the adolescent 45 i n his change from an individual to a social outlook". The guidance counsellor was important i n co-ordinating the efforts of teachers and any specialists who might be necessary to deal with a student's problems. Teachers were iitportant not only because of their day-to-day influence on the students but also because of the liaison which they should establish with the home. The tone of the school and the handling of discipline 191 were also v i t a l . The individual conference, the case study and the group discussion were a l l techniques recommended as useful i n instruction related to moral character and conduct. Group discussion appeared to be the most favoured as there was "no surer way of cult ivat ing a soc ia l point of view than by encouraging discussion by a class of problems 46 . affecting the whole group". After group discussion, carefully directed by the teacher, proper conduct was to be achieved by group pressure, for "the approval of the group i s the most effective way of achieving the 47 results desired". Taken as a whole the section on character education reflects a downgrading of the individual and the elevation of the group, under the leadership of those possessed with the correct attitudes. Not only i s the individual seen as as prone to idleness, selfishness, self-centredness, and i r r a t i o n a l i t y , but the family, as noted e a r l i e r , i s viewed with suspicion. There i s no doubt l e f t that i n confl ic ts of attitudes between the home and the school, i t i s the home which i s i n error. None of this can be seen as surprising, when taken i n the context of the Report on  Nursing Education and the King Report, both of which point up the f a l l i -b i l i t y of the individual and the superiority of the corporate entity when guided by those with the r ight social values. A section headed "Differentiat ion of Instruction," also included i n the parents' b u l l e t i n , reinforced the point made by Weir i n the Report on Nursing Education that 48 those of superior intelligence were also those of greater moral worth. The salvation of society was to be accomplished by weaning the young away 192 from tradition and conditioning them to accept the change deemed necessary by those with superior insight into society's needs. The state, by means of i t s most v i t a l institution the school, was to replace the church, the family and individual conscience as the chief arbitrator of morality and conduct. An analysis of the programme of social studies illustrates the dominant place that the inculcation of social values held i n the minds of the curriculum planners. Social studies provide perhaps the best example because they occupied an important position i n the curriculum as socializing agents, "The Social Studies are designed to train the pupil 49 as a member of society and to cultivate his social efficiency" stated the opening paragraph of the section on social studies for senior secondary schools. In line with Sneddon's outlook the preamble.further asserted that a l l branches of the social studies "must contribute...toward the aim of developing i n the pupil a social and c i v i c personality...From each of these separate disciplines such materials are drawn as can be used i n 50 achieving the general and specific objectives of the Social Studies". A reading of some of the "Eight Ideals and Attitudes" to be developed by the junior secondary social studies programme, illustrates the extensiveness of the goal the curriculum makers had set, as well as the inconsistencies involved. "1. Love for other nations of the B r i t i s h Ccarmonwealth and for our constitutional monarchy. 3. A sincere appreciation of our great pioneers of empire, government and reform, science and invention. 193 4. Tolerance and respect for other nations and races. 7. A respect for the rights and property of others. 9. An appreciation of the dignity of labour and i t s part i n the development of character." 51 One wonders how the curriculum planners intended to reconcile Sir Robert Peel, Wilberforce, Clive, Cecil Rhodes, Lord Durham and George Brown with one another, l e t alone with tolerance and respect for other races, and 52 the rights and property of others. The instructions on methods set out i n the social studies programme for senior secondary schools asked teachers to note that although "the development of desirable social attitudes and responses" should be the aim 53 of the course the expectations for each category of pupils should be different. "In general" i t was stated, "dull pupils should develop the true essentials of social l i v i n g — t h e a b i l i t y to get along agreeably and effectively with the people with whom they associate daily; some power as consumers to evaluate the merits of various solutions to vexing social problems: some a b i l i t y to choose among candidates for leadership". Bright pupils needed a l l ' this and more including the "need to learn the responsi-54 b i l i t i e s and duties of leadership". The social studies curriculum also made a plea for the encouragement of c r i t i c a l thinking and open-mindedness. The teacher was cautioned to refrain from propagandizing "his own views p o l i t i c a l , economic, religious, or other or with the views of any party or group to which he 55 may belong or with which he may sympathize" and urged to "exercise the 194 highest measure of objectivity and impartiality". The discussion on methodology pointed out that students must be trained to exercise analytical and criti c a l powers by means of the material with which social studies provided them. Clearly, the members of curriculum revision committees had placed themselves on the horns of a dilemma. The only resolutions possible were either to assert that objectivity must lead inevitably to one conclusion, an untenable intellectual position, or to indulge in pupil manipulation to achieve the desired results. While the problem is not dealt with directly, manipulation seems to be quite acceptable. The methods to be used at the senior secondary level, were "essentially inherent in the objectives and must be such as will ensure the maximum of pupil co-operation toward the attainment of ends with which he has 57 been led to identify his interest". Taken within the political context of British Columbia during the mid-thirties, the injunction to teachers to be impartial and refrain from propagandizing can be interpreted, not so much as a statement of general principle, but as a warning to those with radical sympathies. It is impossible to estimate how many teachers at that time held political opinions which could be interpreted as being to the left of the Liberal administration. Nor can i t be known how many may have been influenced by the social reconstruction theories then at their zenith in the United States. However i t is probably safe to assume that the proportion was 58 at least as great as in the population at large, and i t was predicted by political observers in 1936, that had an election been called in British 195 Columbia at that time, the C.C.F. would have been certain of victory. It is significant that the statements regarding impartiality and objecti-vity appeared in the revision of the senior secondary curriculum after rumours had been widely circulated about socialist and even corraunist 59 theories having been disseminated m the schools. On the other hand there is no doubt that Weir was determined to use the schools to attempt to achieve the kind of society which he envisaged. Whatever reservations others might have had, he never appeared to have questioned that critical thinking and the right values were synonomous, or that both were identical with Liberalism as he understood i t . In a speech delivered to the Laurier Club of Vancouver in August 1947, and later published as a pamphlet, Weir expressed his faith in Liberalsim as the virtual saviour of democracy, i f not of mankind. Liberalism, he stated was practically the equivalent of "sane Humanitarianism" and i f the application of its principles should f a i l , then the "outlook 60 for democracy is well-nigh hopeless". Taken as a whole the speech is a paen of praise to Liberalism past and present and an exorcism of a l l other political philosophies, or,isms, as they were referred to. The speech is of interest to the educational historian because i t points up the parallels between Weir's political convictions and his educational policies. Political ideologies of the right and the left were abhorrent because the one glorified unrestricted free enterprise and the other centralization and collectivism. He repudiated the charge that Liberalism upheld the doctrine of laissez-faire. In his version of 196 B r i t i s h history laissez-faire economic activity became more and more circumscribed during the 19th century largely due to the onslaughts of Liberalism most particularly "government-controlled education of the masses". Liberalism i n i t s present form, Weir stated, reflected the extremely complex nature of society and stood both for "social control 62 and free enterprise". Equality on the other hand was discarded because i t was not rooted i n nature and therefore an unrealistic goal. The equality promised by some politicians would i n effect be the enforced equality of the totalitarian state. I t should be pointed out that Weir was not referring only to cxmttunism here but also to socialism which bore the main brunt of his opprobrium i n this speech. In his opinion those with superior intelligence quotients should be allowed to achieve the greatest success, indeed i t was almost inevitable that they would. The best that a democracy could do was to guarantee "so-called equality 63 of opportunity to a l l the children of a l l the citizens" by providing them with a good education. After that i f free competition were allowed to operate l i f e would reward those with superior intellectual and moral attributes. Only Liberalsim i n Weir's estimation would allow these conditions to pertain. There i s no doubt that for Weir p o l i t i c a l and educational theory were closely related. With such an uncritical f a i t h i n Liberalism combined with such complete condemnation of a l l other p o l i t i c a l parties and creeds i t was not surprising that he should find nothing reprehensible i n making the schools the vehicle for a Liberal set of values. I t i s worth noting 197 that no mention was made in Weir's speech that a political party, or for that matter democracy itself should represent the attitudes,, aspirations, or will of the people. Only the Liberal party is aware of what is best^ for the masses and more important is able to lead them to the promised / land. The promises of other parties are merely snares and delusions which will utlimately lead them by means of the evils of collectivism and centralization to dictatorship. It seems to be implicit in a l l this the feeling that the average person is incapable of directing his own destiny. Certainly the curriculum guides would seem to bear this con-tention out. Despite the glowing rhetoric of public speeches and the King Report concerning the ability of large numbers of students to benefit from a high school education, the new secondary school curriculums repeatedly made the crude categorization of pupils into the bright and the dull, on the basis of which different subject matter was prescribed and different results expected. Nowhere is there a mention made of the average pupil. At the school level there were only the bright and the dull, the morally superior and the morally inferior, those to be initiated into leadership and those who could be expected to acquire some judgement "as consumers" as to the merits of political platforms and candidates. From the point of view of pedagogy, the new curriculum adopted a unit form of organization. Every course was divided into "units of learning", centring around one specific topic. When a topic was finished 64 no further reference or testing was to be done on i t . Although the project method was to be used both for group and individual work was no suggestion as with the enterprise programme in Alberta that topics were 198 to be chosen on the basis of a joint decision of teacher and pupils. Each unit was prescribed by the curriculum guide complete with the general and specific aims to be realized. However the items of subject matter were to be based on the interests of the child "either native or acquired".^ The mastering of facts was not to be considered as an aim of any unit. Programmes, because of the need to recognize child interest had to maintain a certain amount of f l e x i b i l i t y , but nevertheless this did not "necessitate the abandonment of subject matter, the essentials of which are fixed i n advance". 6 6 The model used as a guide for the organization of units was the State of Montana Course of Study "classed as 'excellent' 67 by the Teachers College Columbia University". Guidance, on which King had placed so much emphasis i n his report, received a prominent place i n the curriculum of grades 9, 10, 11, and 12. and gave much more importance to educational, moral, social and c i v i c guidance than i t did to vocational. This was understandable i n view of the fact that the school now "considers i t s e l f responsible for the Child's moral, physical, and social development as well as for his intellectual development and his vocational guidance". 6 8 This l a s t statement regarding guidance can be taken as a summing up of the new curriculum. While i t .is probably true that the moral and social development of the child have always taken precedence i n the minds of the chief promoters i n 69 North America, i t was not u n t i l the 20th century that i t was so e x p l i c i t l y stated as such. Intellectual development, or command of fundamental processes, as the cardinal principles report termed i t , was merely one of 199 the many concerns of schooling, and as the Br i t i s h Columbia curriculum made abundantly clear by no means one of the most important. The new programme of studies followed closely the pattern set down by the cardinal principles report with i t s emphasis on social u t i l i t y and preparation for l i f e situations. The dimension added by Harrap 1s guide was the importance of adjustment to desirable social change. What i s noticeable i n a l l three instances i s that while the growth of the individual was frequently mentioned as a most worthy goal of education, the welfare of society or the state took precedence. The school population was to be adjusted to a value system dictated by a minute rninority of society, i n this case of a progressive liberalism of truly enormous pretensions. At the heart of both the p o l i t i c a l and the educational philosophy there lay a dogma which had l i t t l e faith i n the individual's a b i l i t y to direct his own l i f e or contribute i n any meaningful way to the direction of society. He was a consumer, not a producer, and as such, must be conditioned to consume what was best for society/ which by definition was also best for him. When the new curriculum revisions were published in'±he autumn of 1936 they received wide coverage i n the daily press as well as educational publications. In general the public response was favourable, even enthusiastic. When the f i r s t bulletin was issued containing the statement of educational aims Weir announced that the B r i t i s h Columbia Government was aiming at nothing less than a "new philosophy of education". An ed i t o r i a l writer commenting on this statement, told his readers not to be 200 alarmed as there was nothing "revolutionary i n this programme of studies as indicated i n the statement of educational aims." Nothing was new i n substance, although i t might sound new to those who were "unfamiliar with the academic di a l e c t " . ^ 0 The editor of the B.C. Teacher thought that although many educators i n many parts of Canada were working on new programmes of studies, nowhere had the "problem of curricular revision been faced with such intelligent awareness of basic principles and such wise insistence upon the unity of the whole undertaking". Mistakes had been made he conceded, and there were even some thoughtful teachers who "questioned the i n f a l l i b i l i t y of the Commission1s Confession of Faith i n 71 the matter of educational aims and philosophy". However as the new programme was not intended to be fixed and static, differences and d i f f i -culties could be resolved i n the future. The School ran a series of articles on the new curriculum, written by a T.A. Brough of Vancouver, which were both lengthy and laudatory. That no c r i t i c a l appraisals of the new programme of studies ever reached the printed page of educational publications i s unfortunate. Perhaps those who disagreed among the teaching profession were fearful of the consequences of outspoken public criticism. However that disagree-ment existed with the philosophical basis of the new curriculum was again indicated by an ed i t o r i a l which appeared i n the B.C. Teacher i n February 1937. The ed i t o r i a l defended the "Aims and Objectives" against "those qualified to express an opinion" who could not give i t their unreserved approval especially those who "believe that i n i t they see traces of the 201 ideology of the corporate state". Even i f this were the case the writer concludes i t was productive of worthwhile goals. I t i s impossible to determine to what extent this e d i t o r i a l expressed the views of the writer alone or was the concensus of a sizeable body of the teaching profession i n Bri t i s h Columbia. If i t were the latter i t indicates not so much whole-hearted agreement as the enthusiastic acceptance of what were seen to be concrete, understandable, unequivocal, practical objectives where none or a confusion or m l t i p l i c i t y had existed before. Certainly the teachers responded enthusiastically to the new programmes of studies, at least according to the inspectors' reports of the years 1936, 1937, and 1938. Most inspectors noted a "perceptible 73 qickening of professional interest" while a Burnaby inspector commented approvingly that many principals, i n order to give competent leadership to their staffs were taking education courses at the University of Bri t i s h 74 Columbia and the University of Washington during the summer. By the f a l l of 1939 inspectors were almost uniformly writing approvingly of the improved conditions of the schools how that the new programmes of study were i n f u l l operation. H.N. McCorkindale wrote that the school year 1938-39 "should be called a year of consolidation of policies inaugurated i n the previous two years". His only criticism was that the school plant and equipment were not sufficient to provide at the secondary school level, the "necessary training suited to the varying a b i l i t i e s of 75 this large heterogeneous group of students". The City of Victoria inspector attributed the increased high school enrolment at least i n part 202 to the "recent revision of the Programme of Studies and the resulting 76 changes i n high school organization". The New Westminster inspector wrote glowingly that the year had been marked by the "continued development of an excellent instructional programme providing as i t did for the individual pupil the opportunity to develop mentally, morally, physically 77 and s p i r i t u a l l y to the most of his capacity". In 1940, H.B. King issued his f i r s t report as Chief Inspector of Schools for the province. The new curriculum was pronounced a success, for the effort to "understand and apply" i t had given an "intellectual quickening to the teaching body which has brought freshness and v i t a l i t y 78 to their teaching". Unfortunately not a l l the teachers had shown the same keen interest i n the new philosophy and methods. Principals and secondary school teachers he had noted had been "conspicuously absent" from summer school programmes although eminent educationists had given 79 courses "keyed to the level of the more able and mature teachers". King, always aware of those he would have termed his reactionary English c r i t i c s , drew attention to the fact that the most recent Handbook of Suggestion for Teachers issued by the English Board of Education was very similar to the: latest curriculum bulletins issued by the Department of Education i n Br i t i s h Columbia, although neither he nor his committees had been aware of this publication u n t i l after their work was finished. This was an educational movement of the English-speaking world, he 80 emphasized, not an "American peculiarity". It i s of course impossible to judge how many teachers earnestly 203 tried to teach to the new aims and objectives and applied the new methodo-logies. Reading the inspectors' reports for the years 1935 to 1940, two themes stand out: the greater number and variety of courses being offered, and the prevalence of testing. In those schools in which they were not already taught home economics, industrial education, music and art were consistently seen as welcome additions to the curriculum. With the increase in options available many inspectors reported urging teachers, trustees, and parents to encourage children to opt for the high school graduation course rather than the matriculation course. One wonders to what extent the addition of these subjects reflected a desire to discover their talents and abilities or an attempt to make the schools more effective holding institutions. It is not unlikely that there were many who met with Weir in the summer of 1936 to request curriculum changes because the "holding quality of the curriculum did not appeal to the majority of the 81 high school students". One wonders also how many pupils without any noticeable mechanical, musical or artistic capacities were encouraged to enrol in such courses because the demands made on the student were so low that he was assured of successfully completing the course. By the late 30's the use of intelligence and standardized achievement tests seems to have become a generally accepted procedure in a l l schools. The Vancouver Bureau of Measurements supplied many of their examinations and standardized tests to the "various inspectors and other 82 officials of the Department of Education". During the 1935-36 year the Bureau had, in accordance with an agreement between the Vancouver School 204 Board and the Vancouver General Hospital, given intelligence tests to 83 "both probation classes of the hospital training school". The same year tests were administered to Vancouver school children i n reading and arithmetic and the results compared with the test scores obtained by children i n the same grades i n 1924, when tests were given to provide data for the Putman-Weir Report. Interestingly the results showed very l i t t l e improvement i n medium scores except i n Grade 6 reading where the score increased by just under 8 points. Retardation i n reading had by 84 this time become a much discussed topic i n the schools. I t was f e l t to be the cause of much later school failure and an increased emphasis was being placed on remedial reading instruction. In Vancouver the Medical Department and the Bureau of Measurements were engaged i n a co-operative effort to arrive at the causes for the number of repeaters i n Grades 1 and 2. "By eliminating much of the retardation at this early age i n their school experience" McCorkindale wrote "I feel confident that 85 less juvenile delinquency w i l l occur i n our cxarimunity". In Victoria, the inspector stated that intelligence tests and standardized achievement tests were being extensively used. The results of these tests i n conjunction with "objective and other achievement tests constructed by teachers and supplemented by the teachers 1 judgement were the main basis for promotion 86 and classification to the higher grades". Even i f inspectors and a large number of the teaching profession were satisfied or even enthusiastic about -the new curriculum i t was s t i l l necessary to make sure that the public was i n sympathy with the changes 205 which had been made, and the new directions being taken. The government had been c r i t i c i z e d for being arbitrary and dictatorial i n i t s policies regarding social services and education, and although public input might not be welcomed neither was public antipathy. In November, 1935 Weir addressed the Vancouver Institute and defended his policies of "introducing highly trained university graduates into the administrative staff i n place of p o l i t i c a l appointees": increasing centralization i n education: and extending the benefits of public health services "especially i n the matter of health education and preventive services". The university graduates were,;he contended, "making a great contribution to the rationalizing of public thought". Centralization of education had resulted i n an "increase of efficiency through standardization and government assistance". He concluded by deflecting the charges of "Hitlerism and dictatorship" which had been levelled at the government by saying the' "people don 11 worry very much about dictatorship when they get the services they want".^ During education week the following spring, McCorkindale called for the "maximum co-operation" between the home and the school. This was necessary more than ever before because the school, he declared, had i n many ways "changed as much as the modern store or factory", and was how attempting to develop the whole man, and hence to intensify the personality". In this process both education for leisure and physical and health education were necessary. Education for leisure he said, quoting an English educator was not "'a luxury provided by the taxpayer for the children of the ambitious poor 1". It was ".'.Society's self-assurance against 206 disruption 1". With regard to physical and health education the public appeared to be i n complete agreement with Weir and McCorkindale. At i t s annual convention i n A p r i l 1936 the Parent Teacher Federation thanked the Vancouver School Board for the progress already made i n this subject and pledged i t s e l f to work for the day when every school on the province would have the proper f a c i l i t i e s for physical education and recreation. "Give us a younger generation" the president stated i n her address "which knows and can observe the laws of healthy thinking and 89 healthy l i v i n g and half of our economic troubles w i l l be over." During 1936 and 1937 Weir and King used every opportunity to publicize the new curriculum. Both decried the influence that examinations had had on education i n the past and heralded the new system which made promotion dependent on the recommendation of teachers and principals. Promotion by this means was i n reality nothing new; i t had been practiced for a number of years i n many schools. But with the introduction of the new programme of studies i t became more widespread. When accrediting of high schools became o f f i c i a l policy i n 1937 university entrance could be achieved without the writing of departmental examinations. " I t i s harder to get r i d of the examination influence i n the modern curriculum than to move a graveyard" said King addressing a Women's institute Convention. Now that the new curriculum had accomplished this, however, teachers would no longer teach for examinations but concentrate on the 90 child. And this from the man who but a short time earlier had been 9 such a vigorous spokesman for standardized tests for high school students. 207 Addressing a Liberal party meeting i n 1937 Weir stressed the new-direction that education was taking "away from the Prussian system1 which Canada had hitherto followed." Br i t i s h Columbia was i n fact leading Canada i n educational reform he claimed. The aim of i t s education was to "adapt children for the practical part they would f i l l i n l i f e , i n a rounded education, paying attention to character-forming studies to c bring about individual self-realization i n harmony with social adjustment".' Throughout the speech the importance of the individual was constantly emphasized. The new programmes of study were presented as being the f i r s t attempt i n the history of schooling i n Canada to take any interest i n the learner. The impression was l e f t that this was the f i r s t truly democratic system of education ever launched i n this country. With the approach of the election set for the f i r s t of June, 1937, the so-called deomcratization of education was one of the themes most frequently heard i n the Liberal campaign i n relation to education. The other was the decrease i n per capita costs for education, "notwithstanding 93 increased efficiency and expanding services". Unlike the previous election, however, education was not a major issue. There seemed to be no public disagreement while the importance accorded to health and physical education seems to have been applauded i n a l l quarters. Of 'the two opposition parties, the C.C.F. appeared to be most i n harmony with the new directions. In an address given i n the f a l l of 1936, just after the issuance of the new courses of study for elementary and junior secondary 94 schools, the Reverend Robert Connell leader of the provincial party, gave his stand on educational matters. He advocated concentration on the 208 practical aspects of schooling as well as the development of character and the a b i l i t y to think. He declared himself i n favour of more education for everyone as the country was moving forward into a new era of a "more just distribution of the ocranunity's wealth" and a more widely diffused education was needed "to face these changes intelligently". At the same time he was i n favour of teaching a trade to "every g i r l and boy, as a means of spreading knowledge and the use of tools and eliminating 95 a tendency to overcrowd the white collar professions". The Conservatives on the other hand, tended to see i n the new curriculum's insistence that education should adapt pupils to future social change an unwelcome move to the l e f t . Weir countered Conservative criticism by claiming that there was no p o l i t i c s i n education. In an address to the Lady Laurier Club three weeks before the election, he denied that the new curriculum was s o c i a l i s t i c . "If our curriculum i s s o c i a l i s t i c " he declared "...then that of Great Britain's conservative government i s ODmmunistic i n i t s socialization of education". Weir also said that he had no need to know the p o l i t i c a l beliefs of his inspectors. "We are trying" he stated "to build up a c i v i l service on merit, with technically-trained 96 men i n technical jobs". The election held on June, 1937 gave a resounding victory to the Liberals who but a year before had been predicted to be certain losers. The results showed the Liberals to have won 31 seats, the Conservatives 8, thereby becoming the o f f i c i a l opposition, and the C.C.F. 7. There were also two independents of s o c i a l i s t persuasion. It seemed obvious that 209 the province was beginning to turn from i t s much publicized radicalism to a more conservative stance. Pattullo seems at any rate to have interpreted the election results i n this way for he became much more 97 cautious and conservative i n his policies from then on. The reasons for this probably ran the gamut from disenchantment with the C.C.F. because 98 of i t s confusion i n leadership, and growing scepticism with what governments could do to alter conditions, to the dramatically increased activity i n lumbering and mining and Pattullo's northern vision of new wealth i n mining and o i l . Jjmmediately following the election Weir took the opportunity to again defend the new curriculum against charges of socialism and radicalism. Addressing 700 teachers at the opening of the summer school i n Victoria, he based his speech on the idea that change was a basic condition of existence. This being the case, he stated "What we are striving to do i s to lay the foundation for a changing c i v i l i z a t i o n " . Two of the courses being given at the summer school, "The New Curriculum, Its Objectives and Procedures" and "The School i n the Social Order" both by Dr. Roy Evan Johnson of the University of Chicago were concerned with the school as a social institution related to social change. There would be special value i n this training Weir f e l t for i t would help the students to "Distinguish between the propagandist and the teacher who had a sense of 99 practical r e a l i t y and fact as well as the ideal". A few days later the Conservative Daily Colonist i n a lengthy edi t o r i a l replied to Weir's speech. Taking as his cue the phrase laying 210 the foundation for a new social order the writer accused the Minister of wishing to "march ahead and blaze the t r a i l toward the social millenium". The e d i t o r i a l went on to question whether the educators i n B r i t i s h Columbia seriously wished to adjust young people to society as i t existed. Were they not i n fact trying to use the schools to train the young to "became members of a society organized on lines approved by our educational masters"? If such were the case the writer called on the Department of Education when a S o c i a l i s t i c planned economy was to be ushered i n through the schools. The editorial concluded by saying that the "doctrine of historic Liberalism" seemed to be undergoing a notable change as the stand of same very advanced Liberals did not seem to be very different from the S o c i a l i s t s . 1 0 0 Shortly afterwards, . King, addressing the closing assembly of the sunnier school came to the aid of Weir i n his battle with the Conservatives. He categorically denied that he had any belief i n the idea that the schools should bring about a new social order. No one knew, he declared, what society would be l i k e i n the future, and i f the schools attempted to train people for a "definite social order i n the future", i t would end by producing people maladjusted for the future also". At the same time he asserted that i t was the aim of the schools to produce people "capable of new adjustments i n an evolving progressive social order" because that was the way a democratic system lived and grew. 1 0 1 Whether he was aware of the inconsistency i n his thinking one cannot t e l l , but his c r i t i c s were. Their mistake was to interpret i t as s o c i a l i s t convictions which both he and Weir sincerely denied, for neither were i n favour of any basic restructuring of society which was basic to the socialism of the day. 211 The press heaved a collective sign of relief when the new curri-culum for senior high schools was published in the summer of 1937 with 102 its instructions to teachers to "rigidly exclude propaganda from classes". It was hoped that those socialist teachers who did not heed the warning would be "inhibited from attempting to spread their doctrines among the 103 youth". Weir was hailed as an enlightened Liberal, desirous of making education "in itself the very essence of democracy" available as a 104 "sovereign right to every child". As with the two previous courses of studies, those for senior high schools met with general approval. The Vancouver Sun praised them for the great prominence given to physical and health education, singling out for particular commendation the course on traffic safety.^ 5 Although there may not have been many criticisms from teachers about the philosophy or the overall direction of the new programmes of study there appears to have been considerable disagreement with specific units within the programmes. The B.C.T.F. convention in the spring of 1937 passed a resolution requesting that the Department of Education be "asked to include a majority of teachers who are actually teaching the 106 subjects in each curriculum revision committee". Perhaps in response to this resolution as well as criticism from inspectors and teachers, King in December, 1937 issued a statement requesting any teacher or group of teachers, "anywhere to be effective participants in curriculum improvement" by submitting either suggestions for improved organization of courses or new material. He blamed geography, in large part" for the fact 212 that "much of the professional a b i l i t y of the teaching body was untapped" during the original work of curriculum revision. Now however i t had been decided that although the work could be done by specialists, there were 107 "advantages i n a more democratic procedure". If King and the decision makers who decided on the personnel of the revision committees were afraid that teachers might not understand nor be i n favour of the new directions i n education their fears appear to have unfounded. Cn the basis of resolutions passed at B.C.T.F. meetings, at any rate, teachers appeared to think that the new curriculum was not being sufficiently implemented. One resolution complained that teachers were limited too much to the text book method, another advocated that the social studies courses of Grades 7 and 8 be revised again to bring them more into line with the 108 "basic principles suggested i n the 1936 Programme of Studies". After the autumn of 1937, l i t t l e appears to have been spoken or heard about new educational philosophies, character education, social adjustment or the dissemination of the subversive doctrines of socialism or communism i n the schools. Despite i t s resounding victory at the polls the Liberal Government did not continue to pursue policies which were aimed at the amelioration of social problems. A new committee set up i n 1936 to redraft medicare legislation had run into just as much opposition from lobbyists as the previous one. In the view of one historian Pattullo, fearful of driving large numbers of the middle class into the arms of the Conservatives, or alienating "the lower strata who had flocked to the 109 Liberal camp i n the work and wages campaign of 1933" made the health insurance plan the subject of a referendum to be held i n conjunction with 213 the election. Although the refendum was approved by a 4 to 3 margin, health insurance was shelved u n t i l after the newly appointed Commission on Dominion Provincial relations should bring down i t s report. The administration adopted a middle of the road course of action, with the exception of i t s attack on the fuel monopolies. The main thrust of Liberal policy continued to be obtaining better terms from Ottawa, particularly after the upturn i n employment which had occurred i n 1936 and 1937 was followed by a sharp recession i n 1938. With this economic slump came renewed demands that the province assume the f u l l cost of education as many municipalities were going bankrupt thereby making government grants to education useless. At their convention at Kelowna i n the summer of 1938 the Liberals voted for the adoption of a l l educational costs by the provincial government. As the resolution read such a move would afford "permanent r e l i e f " and definitely solve the "problem of municipal finance and credit"."'""'"^ Although Pattullo did not oppose the resolution he indicated that he would preferto see i t deferred. Where, he asked, would the money come come from? If land were not to provide the revenues then with provincial coffers low i t would have to be realized by a tax on industry or incomes. In view df the fact that he had promised to give industry a " f a i r deal" and try to improve the position of the working man he did not see how this could be done. It was not just the Liberal party which had renewed the idea that the province pay the f u l l cost of education, many municipalities were 214 petitioning the government with the same request. In some areas f a c i l i t i e s were woefully inadequate, i n others schools were forced to close altogether. McCorkindale, writing i n January, 1939 to S.J. W i l l i s , Superintendent of Schools, stated that the previous year of the depression i n Vancouver. In some schools i n the ci t y "as many as 60 percent of the parents of students were on reliefs"."'""''1 With educational finance once more occupying the centre of educational discussions, those most involved with schooling, at least i n Vancouver, were increasingly advocating that students concentrate on vocational training and choose a course of practical studies. In the spring of 1937, the Chairman of the Vancouver School Board, W.D. McLaren, an engineer, was reported as being "persistent" i n bringing the need for increased vocational and technical training i n Vancouver to the attention 112 of the public. During the depression as the supply of s k i l l e d mechanics had decreased, "leading educators and friends of education" were pointing out that i f normal times returned there was the danger that s k i l l e d workmen would have to be brought i n from outside. In Vancouver the technical school was crowded and f i r s t and second year courses were being covered i n several of the academic high schools. In order that sufficient technical education might be provided i t was thought that a technical high school for g i r l s and another for boys was needed. McCorkindale too joined the cry for increased trade training. In June, 1939 he stated before the school board that "there was too much academic education i n 112 Vancouver high schools". He called for more manual training and vocational courses i n the upper grades, with only English, social studies 215 citizenship and.health as compulsory subjects. The professions he declared were overcrowded, and there were many on r e l i e f who lacked artisan or trade training. There was s t i l l " i n spite of the advancement 114 of science...demand for people to work with their hands". Commenting on McCorkindale 1s speech an ed i t o r i a l i n the Vancouver Sun said "It would seem as Mr. McCorkindale infers, that the f i r s t duty of the schools would be to create a supply of young people, commensurate i n kind and quality with the economic and social demand. 'When a boy gets to be sixteen' says Mr. McCorkindale 'we ought to offer him something useful to him'. Under present conditions, that i s as f a i r a definition of the educational duty as we have seen." 115 There are here more than faint echoes of the maligned e l i t i s t Conservative edcuation policy of eight years earlier and of Tolmie's speech urging educators not to bring up youth to scorn overalls. I f a leading progressive educator and the leading Liberal newspaper of the province could exhibit these attitudes after six years and the introduction of a "completely new philosophy of education" one i s led to ask how fundamental the changes i n education really were. To state the question i n another way, i t i s necessary to decide whether the movement generally referred to as progressive education was motivated by a sincere concern for the welfare of the child, and an attempt to make the educational system more humane, democratic and egalitarian, or i f i t had at i t s heart a desire for social control. In order to arrive at an answer for the province of B r i t i s h Columbia i t w i l l be necessary to review the evidence presented i n the preceding chapters. 216 Notes Chapter VI 1 65th Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of Bri t i s h Columbia, 1935-36, H26. 2 Ibid., H 28. 3 Ibid., H 27, H 28. 4 In a statement issued i n the spring of 1935, Weir made the crucial role of the central ccmmittee quite clear. " A l l other committees" he wrote, " w i l l conform with the principles l a i d down by the Central Committee and with i t s directions." Furthermore one member of the central committee was to be appointed curriculum advisor to have "general advisory functions upon a l l phases and aspects of the revision...afford guidance i n the principles to be l a i d down and followed throughout, and. ..assist i n effecting articulation and co-ordination at each stage of the process". B.C. Teacher, A p r i l , 1935, p. 21. 5 B.C. Teacher, A p r i l , 1935, p. 23. 6 The School, January, 1936, p. 452. 7 B.C. Teacher, February, 1936, p. 23. 8 Ibid., A p r i l , 1935, p. 20. 9 Ibid., November, 1934, p..8. 10 Ibid. 11 Ibid., February, 1936, p. 11. 12 Ibid., p. 12. 217 13 Ibid. 14 School and Society, Volume XXXIII, January-June 1931, p. 17. 15 Ibid. 16 Ibid., Volume XXXII, July-December 1930, pp. 411-414. 17 Ibid., Volume XXXIV, July-December 1931, pp. 581-584. 18 Ibid., p. 746. 19 Ibid., pp. 745-747. 20 Ibid., p. 746. 21 Edward A. Krug, The Shaping of the American High School, Volume 2, (Madison, 1972), p. 20. 22 Edward A. Krug, The Shaping of the American High School, Volume 1, (New York, 1974) p. 387. 23 Ibid., p. 388. 24 Ibid., p. 384. 25 Ibid., p. 392. 26 Clarence J. Karier, Paul C. Violas, Joel Spring, The Roots of C r i s i s : American Education i n the Twentieth Century, (Chicago, 1973). Chapter 3, "Progressive Social Philosophy: Charles Horton Cooley and Edward Alsworth Ross" Paul C. Violas, p. 41. 27 Ibid., p. 42. 218 Ibid. No concrete evidence exists that either Weir or King had read the works of these American sociologists. The point i s that the progressive liberalism of the early decades of the century did not contain the conmitment to individual freedom \ arid worth, which i t i s frequently reputed to have had, and this can be seen both i n the writings of men who were important progressive theorists and the words and actions of educators and politicians. Karier, Violas, Spring, Op. Cit., p. 49. Ibid., p. 50. School and Society, Volume XXXI, Janaury-June, 1930, p. 135. Krug, Op. Cit., Volume I, p. 389. Henry Harap, The Technique of Qirriculum Making, (New York: The MacMillan Company, 1935). Ibid., p. 77. Ibid., p. 48. Programme of Studies for the Elementary Schools of B r i t i s h Columbia, Bulletin 1, (Victoria, 1936), p. 7. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. 219 Ibid. Programme of Studies for the Junior Secondary Schools of B r i t i s h Columbia, Bulletin 1. (Victoria, 1936), p. 266. I t should be noted that the development of character was also held to be the ultimate objective of education according to the Putman-Weir Survey. Ibid., The passage from which the quotation i s taken stated that morally desirable conduct was socially determined, not the product of a r i g i d set of traditional rules about right and wrong. Character education then consisted of encouraging i n youth "a flexible and progressive social attitude dependent upon etc." Ibid., p. 263. Ibid., p. 267. Ibid., p. 266. Ibid., Bulletin 6, p. 17. Teachers were told to keep i n mind that bright and d u l l pupils might require different teaching procedures. To assist the teacher i n differentiating between the two groups, four sets of contrasting characteristics were set out. The last of these related to correct attitudes. Dull pupils, i t was pointed out, often "possess narrow and individualistic points of view", while bright pupils usually "possess a thoroughly social point of view". Programme of Studies for the Senior Secondary Schools of B r i t i s h Columbia, Bulletin 1. (Victoria, 1937), p. 110. Ibid. Programme of Studies for the Junior Secondary Schools of B r i t i s h Columbia, Bulletin 1. (Victoria, 1936), p. 233. 220 52 The curriculum guide lists approximately ten books which may be used in connection with each unit in the junior secondary curriculum. Without reading a fair sampling i t is not possible to give reliable answers, however one work which appears several times on these lists may provide some clues. W. Stewart Wallace's "A New History of Great Britain and Canada" sets out a clear and unequivocal portrayal of British colonial policy on the basis of the right of the superior to impose control over or acquire, temporarily or permanently, the lands of others. The account is replete with such phrases as the British "right of expansion' and those who oppose incorporation into the 'fold of the British Empire are termed simple, backward, difficult, unreasonable or corrupt. Commercial gain is never mentioned, but in\;the legitimate interests of trade Britain is occasionally 'compelled' to go to war. There is certainly l i t t l e here that connects with items 4 and 7 on l i s t of right ideals and attitudes, but there is a great deal of material for the exercise of critical thinking. W. Stewart Wallace, A New History of Great Britain and  Canada, (Toronto, 1935) Chapters VT, VTI, and VIII. 53 Programme of Studies for the Junior Secondary Schools of British Columbia, Bulletin 1. (Victoria, 1936), p. 233. 54 Ibid. 55 Ibid., p. 110. 56 Programme of Studies for the Junior Secondary Schools of British Columbia, Bulletin 1. (Victoria, 1936), p. 233. 57 Programme of Studies for the Senior Secondary Schools of British Columbia, Bulletin 1 (Victoria, 1937), p. 113. 58 In the opinion of Professor William A. Bruneau, of the Faculty of Education of the University of British Columbia, at present at work on a historical study of the B.C.T.F., there were in the ranks of the teaching profession in British Columbia at that time, a small number of Communist sympathizers, whether card carrying members of the GDrrmunist party cannot be definitely established, while no less than 25 per cent and no more than 33 per cent were members of the C.C.F. Although a number of the 221 teachers were believed to be adherents of Counts social reconstructionist theories, Professor Bruneau i s convinced that they did not use the class-room as a platform for the dissemination of their p o l i t i c a l convictions. A l l the newspapers of the day i n Br i t i s h Columbia carried these rumours, see p. 30 this chapter. G.M. Weir, Our Faith i n Liberalism (Vancouver, 1947) pamphlet, Special Collections, University of Bri t i s h Columbia, p. 6. Ibid., p. 21. Ibid. Ibid., p. 28. Education Department, Instructions to Members of the Junior and Senior High School Curriculum Conmittees, Legislative Library, Province of Br i t i s h Columbia, p. 1. Victoria B.C. 1936. Statement of Educational Philosophy (Revised Report of Sub-committee on Philosophy), Legislative Library, Province of Br i t i s h Columbia, Victoria, B.C., p. 4. Ibid., p. 5. Instructions to Members of the Junior and Senior High School Qirriculum Committees, p. 1. Programme df Studies for the Senior Secondary Schools of Bri t i s h Columbia, Bulletin 1, (Victoria, 1937), p. 445. For a discussion of this point see Alison Prentice, The School Promoters: Education and Social Class i n Mid-Nineteenth Century Upper Canada. (Toronto, 1977). 222 70 Victoria Colonist, August 6, 1936. 71 B.C. Teacher, October, 1936, pp. 49-51. 72 Ibid., February 1937, p. 260. 73 65th Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1935-36, H 41. 74 66th Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1936-37, 165. 75 68th Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1938-39, H56, H57. 76 Ibid., H 60. 77 Ibid., H 60. 78 69th Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1939-40, B32. 79 Ibid., B33. 80 Ibid., B32. 81 Victoria Colonist, July, 1936. 82 65th Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columiba, 1935-36, H 87. 83 67th Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1937-38, J51. 84 Reports, 1935-36, H87, 1937-38, J59, 1938-39, H64. In February 1939 King gave lectures to teachers in the use of technical equipment in diagnosing reading disabilities. 223 85 65th Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of Bri t i s h Columbia, 1935-36, H84. 86 Ibid., H 90. 87 Vancouver Sun, November 4, 1935. 88 Ibid., February 22, 1936. 89 Ibid., A p r i l 20, 1936. 90 Victoria Colonist, August, 1936. 91 see Chapter IV. 92 Victoria Colonist, January 16, 1936. 93 Vancouver Sun, A p r i l 24, 1937. 94 While there i s no record of the thinking of the radical members of the C.C.F. with regard to the new curriculum there was a feeling that the Department of Education was not above patronage. In 1937, E.E. Winch requested that the Minister provide the legislature with information regarding the number of authorized books which had been written by o f f i c i a l s who occupied positions i n the educational system of the province. The answer tabled was 56 of whom only a small percentage did not receive royalties. Legislative Library, Province of British Columiba, Victoria, B.C. 95 Victoria Colonist, October 8, 1936. 96 Vancouver Sun, May 5, 1937. 97 Margaret A. Ormsby, "T. Dufferin Pattullo and the L i t t l e New Deal", Canadian Historical Review, Vol. XLIII No., 4 Dec, 1962. pp. 293-295. 224 98 The s p l i t over policies and leadership within the ranks of the C.C.F. probably cost them some of the votes which caused their percentage of the popular vote to f a l l from 32% i n the 1933 election to 28.3%. The Conservatives, on the other hand, who were s p l i t into several parties during the 1933 election campaign re-emerged as a united party, regained control of several ci t y seats and polled 28.3% of the popular vote. 100 Ibid., July 13, 1937. 101 Ibid., August 7, 1937. 102 Vancouver Sun, August 11, 1937. 103 Victoria Colonist, October 31, 1937. 104 Vancouver Sun, August 16, 1937. 105 Ibid., September 2, 1937, January 31, 1938. 106 B.C. Teachers' Federation, Minutes, p. 1050. 107 B.C. Teacher, November, 1937, p. 181. 108 B.C. Teachers' Federation, Minutes, p. 1143. 109 Martin Robin, The Company Province 1934-1972, (Toronto, 1973), p. 30. 110 Vancouver Sun, August 27, 1938. 111 MacCorkindale to S.J. W i l l i s , Superintendent of Schools, Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, January 24, 1939. Dept. of Education, Correspondence, 1939. 112 The School, March, 1937, p. 622. 225 113 Vancouver Sun, June 23, 1939. 114 Ibid. 115 Ibid. CHAPTER VTI CONCLUSION The central problem with which this thesis has been concerned has been the motivating force or the basic reasons for the adoption of the innovations i n schooling associated with the "new education" and those changes both i n attitudes and practices which were an expression of the movement generally called progressive education. Lawrence Cremin, i n the preface to his landmark work The Transformation of the School has stated that "progressive education began as part of a vast humani-tarian effort to apply the promise of American l i f e the ideal of government by, of, and for the people to urban-industrial society. Since i t s publication i n 1961, a number of American historians subjecting the same movement to very c r i t i c a l scrutiny have come to very different conclusions. Despite differences i n time periods, location and approaches to their material, most have concluded that the reforms of progressivism, did not result from "democracy, rationalism and humanitarianism" but rather from the "desire of the middle class and professional educators", 2 to serve their own interests. The schools,viewed i n this l i g h t , continued to be a "vehicle of control and repression". Before applying either of these generalizations to the educational history of Canada i t i s necessary to look closely at the changes that occurred i n schooling i n this country i n conjunction with contemporaneous social, p o l i t i c a l and economic conditions. As Canada's regional differences 227 are so great i t i s not possible to apply the findings of one area to the rest of the country. Nevertheless as Bri t i s h Columbia was, i n the period under review, undergoing a process of industrialization and urbani-zation, i t i s a particularly good subject for study. Although not a l l regions of Canada experienced the change from rural and agrarian to industrial and urban at the same time, at the same rate, or to the same extent, i t has been the dominant trend i n the development of this nation. This decisive s h i f t began i n B r i t i s h Columbia just before the turn of the century and was chiefly concentrated i n Vancouver and the lower mainland area. At that time educational innovation.being very largely at the discretion of local school boards, the decisions of the Vancouver School Board provide very good evidence of, not only those changes made, but also the reasons underlying them. Between the years 1897 and 1918 manual training, home economics, music and art became part of the curriculum of a l l schools; and with the addition of playgrounds a much greater emphasis was placed on physical fitness. The new importance accorded to the health of children was reflected i n the addition of a medical off i c e r and school nurse to the school system. At the secondary school level, a f u l l range of technical courses was made available to both boys and g i r l s , pre-vocational classes were added and a comrrercial high school was established. Behind some of these changes lay a conviction that with the growth of the ci t y had come a "loosening of the ties of 4 home l i f e " necessitating the schools take the place of parents and do the duties they used to do. Of equal importance was the firmly held 228 belief that i t was the role of the school to provide vocational training and thereby foster the economic growth of the province. Behind the innovations of the "new education" during the early years of the century lay the feeling that the school must stand i n loco parentis providing the values and s k i l l s that the family would not or could no'longer provide. The inter-war years saw the pendulum swing back and forth between an emphasis on pre-vocational and vocational training to an emphasis on the inculcation of values arid character training, although both were.always present.. During the immediate post-war economic slump the schools i n many parts of the province experienced financial hardships, and this, plus the feeling held i n many quarters that the province was suffering from moral and social degeneration, led to the appointment of the Putman-Weir Survey. The:.report which covered every:aspect of education i n the province from finance and administration to teacher training and the curriculum bore many of the hallmarks of progressive education i n i t s philosophy as well as i t s suggestions for pedagogical change. Its faith i n science as the key to the solution of educational problems, i t s recommendation of junior high schools and the cognizance i t took of the developmental stages of childhood, among many other features a l l gave evidence of i t s debt to the theory and practice of progressive education i n the United States. However there was absent the cornmitment to social reform which was one of the most distinguishing marks of progressive education, a manifestation of i t s connection with the larger movement of p o l i t i c a l progressiveness i n that country. 229 Slcwly some of the recommendations of the Survey began to be implemented. In particular, junior high schools and testing received the greatest amount of attention. Both were seen .as a means of ccmbatting retardation and keeping children i n school for longer periods of time. From the evidence available these innovations would seem to have stemmed less from a concern with the individual child (for retardation was costly) than from a desire to obtain greater economy and efficiency, to keep children from becoming delinquent and a charge on the coimiunity, and to provide a better work force for industry. I t i s significant that changes were most often implemented i n industrial areas. The greatest number of junior high schools were b u i l t i n Vancouver and the principal of the secondary school i n Nanaimo was lauded for his thorough implemen-tation of a policy of promoting pupils to a higher grade i n any subject 5 for which he had received a passing mark. The Putman-Weir Survey had been appointed by a Liberal government and i t s implementation began under that aegis. No changes appear to have been made i n educational policy after the election of the Conservatives to power i n 1928. Junior high schools continued to be established, a new curriculum was drawn up for them, and more practical courses continued to be added to the programmes of study i n many schools. However with the onset of the depression the government reduced i t s grants to schools which now found themselves i n severe financial straits because of lack of funds at the local level. Committed to the theory of the balanced budget and faced with falling, revenues, large debt charges, and unemployment 230 r e l i e f costs, the provincial government cut back on social services. As the depression worsened and the financial position of the province became c r i t i c a l the Conservatives allowed a group of businessmen, re-presenting the business community of Vancouver,to review government spending and make recommendations to guide future government policy. The resultant report, known as the Kidd Report after the spokesman of the group, drew the i r e of a l l who believed that i t was the responsibility of government to provide a good level of social services to i t s citizens. In particular, the report's proposals to cut back on the number of years of free schooling which should be provided for a l l children and the rationale put forward for a l l other curtailments i n the educational f i e l d came i n for special condemnation. Not only educators, but the general public joined i n the outcry and the report was labelled, class-biased and anti-democratic, opposed to the basic concept embodied i n contemporary education of equal opportunity for a l l . The Tliberal party strongly opposed the report, which became identified with Conservative policy although -the Conservatives repudiated many of i t s recommendations. Education became an issue i n the election of 1933. The victory of the Liberals on a platform of government inter-vention i n social and economic affairs and work and wages for the unemployed seemed to promise the voter a new deal i n which the interests and welfare of the common man would take precedence over financial considerations. This feeling was carried over into education with the promise to get r i d of old-fashioned fact-oriented, education, to implement the Putman-Weir Survey, to provide education for every child i n accordance 231 with his individual aptitudes and interests, and to ensure equal opportunity for a l l regardless of geographic location or social background. The man chosen to guide Br i t i s h Columbia into the new era was G.M. Weir co-author of the Putman-Weir Survey, head of the Department of Education at the University of Bri t i s h Columbia, an educator turned p o l i t i c i a n . Without f a l l i n g into a discredited 'great man1 theory of history, one can s t i l l say that h i s influence on the course of education up to the mid-1940's was c r u i c i a l . I t i s not possible to determine on the basis of the evidence available to what extent his convictions were in agreement with those of the small coterie of schoolmen who were the prime movers of the changes which took place i n education during this period. But i t i s highly unlikely that he would have chosen H.B. King for so many crucial and responsible assignments i f there had not existed a real accord i n their thinking. As the important members of committtees were a l l chosen by the Department of Education, i t i s probably safe to assume that no fundamental differences of opinion existed. The Survey of Nursing Education undertaken by Weir just before the onset of the depression and published i n 1932, set out clearly and unequivocally some of his basic beliefs which were i n marked contrast to the rhetoric of Liberalism. Most notably, Weir expressed a totally uncritical faith' i n the va l i d i t y of intelligence tests, even of the crude variety used by the United States military during World War I. In line with the thinking of E.L. Thorndike, v i r t u a l founder of the educational testing movement i n the United States, as well as a leading figure i n 232 the eugenics rnovement i n that country, Weir was i n complete agreement with the idea that the amount of intelligence also indicated the degree of virtue. The link between the two appeared to him fixed and indissoluble. As the further down the intelligence scale the greater the incidence of crjjriinality and mental and physical disease became, he recommended the'-. s t e r i l i z a t i o n of the feeble minded and morons. Weir carries these concepts over into his advocacy of health insurance. His basic argument i n this regard was that low-grade intelligence and therefore improvidence, necessitated the state's implementation of compulsory health insurance, primarily i n i t s own protection. There was l i t t l e of humanitarianism, or fa i t h i n liberty or equality i n his assessment that at least f i f t y percent of the population were i n need of guidance, even compulsory direction, paternal or otherwise. While Weir had shown l i t t l e interest i n social change i n the Poitman-Weir report,by the time he became Minister of Education he had become dedicated to the idea of using the schools as a vehicle for the achievement of social reform. In this he was expressing the opinions of many Canadian educators. With few exceptions—H.C. Newland of Alberta was one the method to be used toward this end was not the reform of institutions but the socialization of the individual. Individualism had come to be regarded as the cardinal s i n to be eradicated. Society, even c i v i l i z a t i o n i t s e l f , was seen to have been brought close to the verge of disaster by unrestricted or rugged individualism. Such socialization was not to be accomplished i n the Deweyan sense by the increased participation of a l l i n common interests 233 so that by "free interaction and mutual adjustment" a "more worthy,lovely and harmonious" society should be b u i l t . How could i t be when half of the population were i n need of direction? Rather i t was to be accom-plished by the inculcation of the 'right' social values by means of the curriculum, teachers, principals, indeed by the whole social structure of the school. As the depression wore on with i t s ever present threat of social unrest and the seduction of the young by radical p o l i t i c s , even the most conservative businessmen came to favour the Liberal party's policy of providing free education up to the age of 18. In this way youth could be removed from contact with pernicioius influences and acquire the correct social values of the society through the school. Weir himself, i f not the Liberal party, seemed to become more insistent on the socializing role of the school as the projected health insurance legislation was turned back by the determined obstruction of vested interests. Faced by a radical C.C.F. dedicated to a thoroughgoing programme of socialization of the economic system, i t appeared as i f the Liberal party and i t s programme of preserving the ca p i t a l i s t system by means of policies aimed at social amelioration might go down to defeat i n the next election. Under such circumstances i t became v i t a l l y important that the e v i l of s e l f i s h individualism and s e l f i s h group interests be rooted out. The new programme of studies issued i n 1936 and 1937 were intended, i n every particular, to be an embodiment of the currently held idea of a viable and progressive society. The ten years between the publication of the Putman-Weir Survey and the tabling of the King Report saw not only a change i n the i±dnking 234 of the Minister of Education on the role of the school i n social reform, but also on the role of democracy i n education. In his defence of school boards against the encroachments of municipal councils Weir had written eloquently i n the Putman-Weir Survey of the"importance of this democratic institution i n the development of a sound educational system. By the time of the appearance of the King Report, he had reversed his stand and become the advocate of a completely centralized system, with only minimal public input, a view which accorded well with his low estimate of the public's intelligence and morality. The criticisms levied against school boards, particularly i n rural areas, of incompetence, ignorance and mean-mindedness, were undoubtedly true. To deduce from this, however, that the main reason for their elindnation was to ensure educational opportunity for a l l regardless of geographic location, does not accord well with the facts. On the basis of the report i t s e l f the setting up of an e f f i c i e n t system, one which would provide good education at lower cost, seems to be the primary motivation. Given Weir's belief that superior intelligence was chiefly the preserve of the children of Anglo-Saxon business and professional middle class parents, i n conjunction with the fact that the number of these children would be relatively small i n primarily rural d i s t r i c t s , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to accept the equality of opportunity argument.6 It i s far more reasonable to suppose that the main impulse was to provide an education sufficiently broad and varied to hold children i n school u n t i l they could acquire the right social values and a sense of vocational direction, to become what was frequently referred to at the time as socially e f f i c i e n t citizens. 235 Throughout the pronouncements and writings on education during the Liberal administration i n the thi r t i e s there was constant reference made to the importance of education i n the preservation of the state. Indeed i n the King Report education was declared to be the primary function of the democratic state and the primary reason why the country had been able to weather the depression without social collapse. In view of this basic premise a l l educational change and innovation was an expression of policies designed to foster the strengthening of democracy, g as that concept was understood by those i n power. Some American historians have claimed that the concept of democracy guiding educators at this time was that of the corporate state. This i s a d i f f i c u l t hypothesis for American historians to prove, and i t i s even more d i f f i c u l t i n the Canadian context as the historian i s dealing with a less highly advanced industrial nation. Nevertheless the parallels between education and the corporate state are numerous. By the end of the 1930's the educators i n authority had attempted, although not i n every instance successfully,to institute an educational system which was highly centralized bureaucratic, autocratic, geared to the development of a meritocracy of intelligence, to lead and direct an adequately socialized majority. On the basis of this study education can be seen to be a reflection of p o l i t i c a l and social policy. Looked at i n that perspective, progressive education cannot be interpreted as a humanitarian effort as Cremin has asserted, but rather notwithstanding the introduction of a more child-centred pedagogy and a concern for the whole child, as a massive effort at social control i n the interests of the preservation of the "progressive" state. 236 Notes Chapter VII 1 Lawrence A. Cremin, The Transformation of the School, (New York, 1964), Preface v i i i . 2 Michael Katz as quoted i n Carl F. Kaestle, "Social Reform and the Urban School" History of Education Quarterly, Summer, 1972, p. 212. 3 Clarence J. Karier, "American Educational History: a Perspective", Education Forum-Vol. 37, March 1973, p. 295. 4 Vancouver Board of School Trustees Annual Report, 1908. 5 B.C. Teacher, November, 1933. p. 28. 6 It i s worth noting that King was a firm believer i n the theory that success i n l i f e was largely determined by heredity. In a biography of a friend which he wrote after his retirement King attributed the success of his friend's six children, a l l educated i n Br i t i s h Columbia, to their inherited characteristics. They have, he wrote "much more to thank their parents for than their education and the start i n l i f e which they have given them, they have to thank them for their genes". Solomon Mussallem a Biography (Mission City, B.C., 1955)., p. 136. 7 I t i s ironic that Christopher Jencks starting as a severe c r i t i c of the failure of the schools to provide equal opportunity has, i n his recent work Inequality, A Reassessment of the  Effect of Family and Schooling in America, (Basic Books, 1972) come to the conclusion that school reform cannot make adults more equal. "None of the evidence reviewed" he writes, "suggests that school reform can be expected to bring about significant social changes outside the school", p. 255. 8 See S. Bowles and H. Gintis Schooling i n Capitalist America (New York, 1976), C.J. Karier; P.C. Violas, J. Spring, The Roots of C r i s i s : American Education i n the Twentieth" Century, (Chicago, 1973), G. Kolko, The Triumph of  Conservatism (New York, 1963) and J. Spring, Education  arid the Rise of the Corporate State, (Boston, 1972). BIBLIOGRAPHY Unpublished Material  Br i t i s h Columbia Archives Department of Education Correspondence, 1939. T.D. Pattullo Papers. Premiers Papers, 1930-1939. Legislative Library, Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, Victoria, B.C. Educational Movements and Changes 1936-38. Returns i n Reply to Questions Regarding School Text-Books Written by O f f i c i a l s of the Department of Education, 1937. Statement of Educational Philosophy (Revised Report of Sub-Committee on Philosophy), 1936. Statement prepared by "Aims" Committee of the General Elementary Curriculum Committee, 1936. Instructions to Members of the Junior and Senior Curriculum Committees, 1936. Minutes of Meeting with School Inspectors Held i n the Office of the Minister of Education, October 22nd, 1937. Special Collections, University of Br i t i s h Columbia Bri t i s h Columbia Liberal Association, Minute Books 1927-1941 (incomplete). Charlesworth Papers Mclnnis Papers Tolmie Papers Vancouver City Archives Vancouver School Board Minute Books 1892 - 1939 Vancouver School Board Annual Reports, 1903 - 1939 Vancouver Board of Trade Council Minutes 1930 - 1939 238 Vancouver Board of Trade Minutes of Full Board Meetings 1930 - 1939 Vancouver Board of Trade Minutes of Special Catimittees 1930 - 1939 British Columbia Teachers Federation B.C.T.F. Minute Books 1930 - 39 Unpublished Theses Dunn, Timothy Allan, "Work, Class and Education: Vocationalism in British Columbia's Public Schools", M.A. British Columbia, 1978. English, J.F.K., "The Combined Junior Senior High School and Its General Adaptability to the Samll Centres of British Columbia" M.A., British Columbia, 1935. Foster, John Keith, "Education and Work in a Changing Society, 1870-1930," M.A., British Columbia, 1970. Groves, Robert E., "Business Government, Party Politics and the British Columbia Corimunity 1928-1933," M.A., British Columbia, 1976. Jones, David Charles, "Agriculture, The Land, and Education British Columbia 1914-1929," D.Ed., British Columbia, 1978. King, Herbert Baxter, "Modern Theories of Instinct", M.A. British Columbia,-1923. King, Herbert Baxter, "The Financing of Education in British Columbia", Ph.D. University of Washington, 1936. MacDonald, Robert A.J., "Business Leaders in Early Vancouver 1886-1914," Ph.D., British Columbia, 1977. Patterson, Robert S., "The Establishment of Progressive Education in Alberta", Ph.D., Michigan State, 1968. Rule, Jas. Wm., "Innovation and Experimentation in Ontario's Public and Secondary School System 1919-1940," M.A., Western Ontario, 1975. Sutherland Neil, "T.D. Pattullo as a Party Leader", M.A., British Columbia, 1960. Government Publications Canadian The Report of the Royal (x^rtniission on Dominion-Provincial Relations, Bocks 1 and 2, Ottawa, King's Printer, 1941. 239 Dctninion Bureau of Statistics, Education Branch, Cost of Education, Bulletin No. 3, "Expenditure for Schools i n 1931 as compared with 1911". Statistics Canada. A Century of Education i n British-Columbia: S t a t i s t i c a l Perspectives 1871-1971. Ottawa, Queen1s Printer. Province of B r i t i s h Columbia Department of Education. Annual Reports of the Public Schools of  the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia 1923-1939, Victoria, King's Printer. Department of Education. Programme of Studies for the Elementary Schools of Br i t i s h Columbia, (Grades 1-6),.'1936 revision. Victoria, King's Printer, 1936. Department of Education. Programme of Studies for the Junior High Schools of B r i t i s h Columbia, (Grades 7, 8 and 9), 1936 revision, Victoria, King's Printer, 1936. Department of Education. Programme of Studies for the Senior High Schools of Br i t i s h Columbia, (Grades 10, 11 and 12) 1937 revision, Victoria, King's Printer, 1937. Government of B r i t i s h Columbia Report of the Corrirdttee Appointed by the Government to Investigate the Finances of B r i t i s h Columbia, Victoria, King's Printer, 1932. Report of Muncipal Taxation Commission, 1933. Victoria, King's Printer, 1933. Report of the Commission of Inquiry into Educational Finance by Maxwell A. Cameron, 1945. Victoria King's Printer, 1945. Newspapers Vancouver Sun Vancouver Daily Province Victoria Colonist Victoria Daily Times Periodicals B.C. Teacher Vancouver: B.C. Teachers' Federation, Volumes 12 to 18, 1932 - 1939. 240 Canadian Annual Review, 1930-38. Toronto: Canadian Review Co. Ltd. Canadian School Journal. Toronto: Ontario School Trustees' and Ratepayers' Association, Volumes 9-16, 1930-1938. (incomplete). School and Society. New York: The Science Press, Volumes 31 to 40, 1930-1934. The School. Toronto: Ontario College of Education. University of Toronto, Volumes 19 to 26, 1930-1938. Books and Articles Archambault, Reginald D. ed. Dewey on Education; Appraisals. New York: Random House, 1966. Aries, Philippe. Centuries of Childhood. New York: Alfred A. Knopf / Inc., 1962. Bowers, CA. The Progressive Educator and the Depression: The / Radical Years. New York: Random House, 1969. / Bowles, Samuel and Gintis, Herbert. Schooling i n Capitalist America. New York: Basic Books, 1976. Briti s h Columbia Liberal Association. A Record of Achievement. 1937. Brown Robert Craig, and Cook, Ramsay. Canada 1896-1921: A Nation  Transformed. McClelland and Stewart Ltd. Toronto, 1974. Callahan, Raymond E. Education and the Cult of Efficiency. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962. Cremin, Lawrence A. The Transformation of the School., New York: Random House, 1964. Curti, Merle. The Social Ideas of American Educators. Patterson, New Jersey: Pageant Books Inc., 1959. Dewey, John. 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Vancouver from Milltown to Metropolis. Vancouver: Mitchell Press, 1961. Musgrove, Frank. The Family, Education and Society, London: Routledge and Kegan Pual, 1966. Neatby, Hilda. So L i t t l e for the Mind. Toronto: Clarke, Irwin, 1953. Ormsby, Margaret A. Bri t i s h Columbia: a History. Vancouver: Evergreen Press, 1971. Ormsby, Margaret A. "The United Farmers of Br i t i s h Columbia, An Abortive Third-Party Movement", Br i t i s h Columbia Historical Quarterly. Vol. 16-17, 1952-53, pp. 63-80. Ormsby, Margaret A. "T. Dufferin -Pattullo -.and- the --Li t t l e New Deal", Canadian Historical Review, Vol.. XLIII No. 4 Dec. 1962, pp. 277-297. Patterson, Robert S., Chalmers, John W., Friesen, John W. Eds. Profiles of Canadian Educators. D.C. Heath Canada Ltd., 1977. Prentice, Alison, The School Promoters. Toronto: McClelland and Steward, 1977. Prentice, Alison and Houston, Susan E. Family School and Society. Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1975. 243 P h i l l i p s , C E . 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