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Educational change and year-round schooling : the role of transformative leaders Oberg, Steven Lynn 2005

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E D U C A T I O N A L C H A N G E A N D Y E A R - R O U N D S C H O O L I N G : THE R O L E OF T R A N S F O R M A T I V E L E A D E R S by STEVEN LYNN O B E R G BS (1980) University of Utah MEd (1996) University of Utah A THESIS COMPLETED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES ('EDUCATIONAL STUDIES) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA July 2005 © Steven Lynn Oberg, 2005 A B S T R A C T This s tudy examines whether there is a relationship between t ransformat ive leadership with its constituent ideas of agency, moral purpose, and power, and the ability to successfully introduce sustainable school change. The central tenet of the conceptual f ramework is transformative leadership as informed by the literature on year-round schooling and educational change. Through a ser ies of interviews, I examine why and how educational leaders, at school and district levels, continue to promote and introduce school-calendar change (commonly known as year-round school ing) in the face of what are often substantial political and social battles. My respondents came f rom four jurisdict ions in the United States and three in Canada, some in which the reform was mandated and others in which it was voluntari ly instituted by school leaders. They came f rom schools with various ca lendars—mu l t i , single, and dual-track that had been implemented between 1969 and 1999. T h e impetus for the reform (whether voluntary or mandated) had little to do with its viability, but the implementation processes and procedures used by the school leader were critical. A calendar change was implemented to accompl ish var ious goals, f rom accommodat ing more students in existing buildings to bettering the learning exper ience of chi ldren to achieving equity. Not only were explicit goals realized, many unanticipated outcomes were also found. Findings relate to the three-part conceptual f ramework. First, participants report that year-round schooling is a viable educat ional reform with the ability to provide fiscal and educational benefits to the who le school community. It can ii Abstract garner the support of the parents and wider communi ty and make a difference beyond the school itself. Second, successful educat ional reform requires goal clarity, attention to processes, and an understanding that the forces of tradit ion (habitus) are powerful but may be overcome. Third, transformative educat ional leaders may surmount resistance and introduce successful educat ional change if they understand the interconnections among agency, moral purpose, and power. All three are simultaneously necessary to achieve reform that has the ability to decrease inequities in educational performance and thus to be transformative. iii Table of contents T A B L E OF C O N T E N T S A B S T R A C T ii TABLE O F C O N T E N T S iv LIST OF T A B L E S vii LIST OF F I G U R E S viii G L O S S A R Y OF T E R M S ix LIST OF A B B R E V I A T I O N S xii DEDICATION xiii A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S xiv C H A P T E R 1: THINKING A B O U T EDUCATIONAL R E F O R M 1 Background 2 Theoret ical Framework. . . . 5 Purpose 7 Personal Interest 8 Definit ions 9 Limitations and Delimitations 12 Overv iew 13 Signif icance 13 C H A P T E R 2: HISTORICAL O V E R V I E W — S O M E FAMILIAR T E N S I O N S 15 T h e Role of Educat ion 15 Institutionalizing the School Calendar in North Amer ica 21 A Press for Change 25 Summary of Historical Overv iew 26 C H A P T E R 3: L ITERATURE 28 Research about Year -Round School ing 28 Impact on Student Ach ievement 30 Motivation and Burn-Out .31 School At tendance and Drop-Outs 31 Decrease in Vandal ism and Del inquency 32 Benefits to Teachers 33 Fiscal and Physical Benefits 34 The Negative Consequences of Year-Round School ing 35 iv Table of contents Summary of YRS Literature 38 Educa t iona l Change: Chal lenges and Perspectives 38 Changing Educational Structures 39 Change through the Lenses of Habitus and Outsidedness 43 Trans format ive Leadership and Educational Change 47 Agency 49 Moral Purpose 51 The Power of Educational Leadership 53 S u m m a r y of Literature 57 C H A P T E R 4. M E T H O D O L O G Y 59 Persona l Positioning 60 Data Collect ion and Sources 61 Si tes Selected for This Study 64 Data Analys is 66 Organizat ion of Findings 67 C H A P T E R 5. T H E A M E R I C A N EXPERIENCE 70 Frances Howell School District: Where Change Began 71 Year-Round Schooling: A Risk That Paid Off 71 Becky David: Chosen for Innovation 73 Changes over T ime 77 Summing up the Frances Howell Experiment 80 Utah: A Mandated Reform 81 Perceived Advantages 92 Perceived Disadvantages 94 Summary of the Utah Experience 95 Flor ida: From Mandate to Choice 96 In the Shadow of the Mouse 97 Jerico Elementary School 102 Mart in Popper Elementary School 104 Summary of the Florida Experience ...111 Summary of US Implementation 112 C H A P T E R 6. T H E CANADIAN EXPERIENCE 114 Huntsvil le Elementary School 115 Alber t School District: Implementing a Successfu l Dual-Track Model ....119 The Dream: A New School is Announced 120 The Opening 122 Continuing Innovation and Implementat ion Issues 123 The Dream Expands 127 Sweetwater School District: A Less Successful Implementat ion 128 Permission Granted ..129 Implementat ion Struggles 129 Discontent and Discontinuation 135 Stephen Lewis Junior High: A Dream Gone Awry 136 Table of contents Planning Multiple Innovations 136 School Opening and Ongoing Change 139 New Directions: A New Principal Arrives 142 Summary: From Multi-Track to Single-Track 147 S u m m a r y of Canadian Implementat ion 148 C H A P T E R 7. INSIGHTS FROM T H E DATA 152 T h e Impetus for Year-Round School ing 153 Facility Issues 154 Complex Interplay of Reasons 156 A n Impetus for Choice and Learning 158 Summary of Findings about Impetus 159 Implementat ion Procedures and Processes 160 "Failing" Implementation Processes.. . .........161 "Successful Implementat ion Processes 166 Ant ic ipated Goals and Achieved Outcomes 169 Goals and Outcomes in Involuntary Programs 170 Goals and Outcomes in Voluntary Programs 173 Unant ic ipated Outcomes 176 Resources and Support 177 Impact on Students 178 Equity Issues 181 Trust and Public Image... . . 183 New and Transformative Norms 186 Summary of Findings 189 C H A P T E R 8. LOOKING F O R W A R D 191 Overv iew of the Study 191 Lessons Learned 193 Lessons Learned about Year -Round Schooling 194 Lessons Learned about Educational Reform 198 Lessons Learned about Transformat ive Leadership 206 Recommendat ions. 213 Recommendat ions Related to Year-Round School ing 216 Recommendat ions about Educat ional Reform 216 Recommendat ions about Transformat ive Leadership 217 Quest ions Raised: For Further Research 217 Concluding Comment: Looking Beyond 220 R E F E R E N C E S 223 APPENDIX A: YRS CALENDARS. . 232 A P P E N D I X B: INTERVIEW QUESTIONS 238 vi List of tables LIST OF T A B L E S Table 1. Part icipants 65 Table 2. Impetus for Y R S and the degree to which goals were met 154 Table 3. Implementat ion processes and procedures 161 Table 4. Goals and the extent to which they were realized 170 Table 5. Unanticipated outcomes 177 vii List of figures LIST OF F IGURES Figure 1. Conceptua l Framework 29 Figure 2. N e w Conceptual Framework. . . 218 viii Glossary G L O S S A R Y OF T E R M S Critically low l i s t — A list established by some state boards of educat ion to identify schools in which the students are performing well below average on three or more measures of academic achievement. E f fec t i ve—Th is term suggests that a school or district meets its def ined educational goals for academic and non-academic student outcomes. In te rsess ion— In a year-round school, this is the period of t ime between formally scheduled academic terms for given groups of students or teachers. A l though no compulsory school ing occurs during intersession, individual schools may opt to introduce programs for remediat ion, enr ichment, or acceleration that students may take on a voluntary basis. Socio-economic s t a t u s — T h i s term is a combinat ion of the words social, economic, and status and recognizes that in our North Amer ican society, we often assign status according to these characteristics. Low socio-economic status (SES) is associated with low levels of income, lack of formal education, and student "at-risk" characteristics, while high SES suggests that children come f rom advantaged homes with wel l educated parents and higher than average income levels. T r a c k — T h i s is the term used to designate the schedule of a group of students and teachers on a single calendar, who rotate in and out of school together. Glossary Traditional c a l e n d a r — A l s o known as the agrarian calendar. This is the academic schedule that usually begins after Labor Day and ends early in the summer, with a break at Christmas, designated statutory holidays, and a long summer vacat ion. Year-round schoo l i ng—A lso referred to as alternative, balanced, or modif ied school calendar. There are numerous different models, but those ment ioned here are: Single-track: The whole school adopts a calendar in which some of the summer vacation t ime is redistributed as regular breaks throughout the school year. This permits the use of intersession programming if desired. Dual-track: Some of the classes and teachers remain on the traditional school-year calendar, whi le other classes and teachers in the same school adopt a modif ied school year, such as the 45-15. This offers flexibility of schedul ing and accommodates a variety of preferences. Multi-track: • 45 -15 : This is one of the most common four-track schedules. Students attend school for 45 days (or nine weeks), fol lowed by 15 days (or three weeks) of vacat ion. Each group of students is ass igned to a track that rotates in an overlapping configuration so that at any given t ime, 3A of the students are in school, and % on vacation, thus providing a potential for 3 3 % more students to be accommodated in the building. Glossary 60-15: This is the schedule used by Stephen Lewis Junior High School . Students are assigned to five tracks, each of which attends school for 60 days (or 12 weeks), fol lowed by 15 days (three weeks) of vacat ion. At any given t ime, 4 / 5 of the students are in school, and 1 / 5 on vacat ion, thus providing a potential for 2 5 % more students to be accommodated in the building. xi List of abbreviations LIST OF A B B R E V I A T I O N S F-CAT Florida Comprehensive Achievement Test GED General Education Diploma LAUSD Los Angeles Unified School District MT Multi-Track NAYRE National Associat ion for Year-Round Education PTA Parent Teacher Associat ion SES Socio-Economic Status S S H R C Social Sciences and Humanit ies Research Counci l (Canada) ST Single-Track T C S Traditional Calendar Schools TSA Teacher on Special Ass ignment UBC The University of British Columbia Y R Year-Round Y R E Year-Round Education Y R S Year-Round School xii Dedicated to Lynn Edwin Oberg. This one's for you, Pop. A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S For now we shall see through a glass darkly, but then face to face. Now I know in part; then I shall understand fully, even as I have been fully understood. I Corinthians 8:12-13 King James Bible For various reasons, in 1990,1 began to see life "though a glass, darkly." Somet imes this darkened glass was an elementary c lassroom window. Somet imes it was the remembered lens of a damaged past. I have seen it as the haze that is there for me after a seizure. For much of one year in the mid-90s, it was the reinforced glass of a hospital psychiatric ward. Carolyn Shields helped me to see other glass, other ways, other than darkly. She encouraged me to apply to the University of British Columbia. She encouraged me to work on research projects with her. She encouraged me to stay in the program, with the program, and to look at the program in a different light. She has my profound and enduring gratitude. Wendy Poole and Dan Brown both put in endless hours reading, crit iquing, guiding, encouraging, prodding, and generally helping to st imulate long abandoned neuron pathways. They each have my lasting and heartfelt appreciat ion. A special thanks goes to Jean Barman, who met with me before I ever applied to the university and continuously worked with me throughout my tenure there. Her unflagging encouragement and open-minded commitment helped me more than she will ever know. xiv C H A P T E R 1 . T H I N K I N G A B O U T E D U C A T I O N A L R E F O R M For most of the last 50 years, the educational landscape in North Amer ica has been marked by numerous initiatives directed at educational reform and restructuring. On one hand, restructuring initiatives have increased decentral izat ion of educational decision-making, including site-based management and new governance structures. On the other hand, they have focused on increased centralization with an emphasis on accountabil i ty that includes developing new fiscal arrangements and expanding standardized testing of both students and teachers. Some structural changes such as open classrooms have been intended to facilitate changes like team teaching and multi-age groupings, while others have focused on pedagogical changes like new math and whole language. Many of these educational change initiatives have experienced a surge of interest fol lowed by a backlash of often-virulent protest and a subsequent early demise. Some of those that did not die quickly seemed doomed to quiet failure. Gidney (1999) talked about educational change in the last half of twentieth century Ontario. He said that change was largely unsuccessful in that, "A succession of ' reforms' have not abolished the effects of social class, or at least the effects of income, on student achievement or life chances" (p. 283). In recent years, with the advent of standardized testing and international comparisons of student achievement, the organization of the school year has become a topic of interest to policy makers seeking to improve the achievement of all students. Ch. 1. Thinking about reform ... p. 2 Although the discussion has predominantly centered on the length of the North Amer ican school year compared to that in many other industrialized countries, there is also an emerging debate about the distribution of in-class and vacation t ime. The focus of the latter conversat ion is a calendar adaptation called year-round schooling (YRS), and more recently, modif ied, balanced, or alternative calendars. My interest in year-round schooling was the impetus for this study. I wanted to explore the possible relationships between transformative leadership and school reform with a particular emphasis on YRS. This led me to interview school and district leaders who had been involved in the implementat ion of a school-calendar change in seven selected regions in the United States and Canada. The study was guided by a conceptual f ramework that emphasized the values inherent in moral purpose, agency, and power as key elements of transformative leadership. It was also informed by the literature related to school reform and year-round schooling and by a desire to understand the relationships among these bodies of literature. B a c k g r o u n d The history of year-round schooling has been marked by advocacy or adversarial literature and considerable confusion over the purposes and forms of year-round educat ion. Al though forms of year-round schooling (YRS) have been implemented in North Amer ica since the beginning of common schools, the first modern year-round schooling occurred almost simultaneously in Illinois, California, and Missouri. In 1968, Hayward, California, implemented a program at Ch. 1. Thinking about reform ... p. 3 Park Elementary School, which became the first Y R S fol lowing W W I I . The next year, Francis Howel l School District in St. Charles, Missouri , introduced the first multiple-track (MT) calendar in the nation (History..., 2005). Whi le there is some dispute as to which jurisdiction first made the decision to implement a year-round schedule, there is no doubt that Becky David Elementary School in Missouri was one of the first, and remained the longest running multi-track year-round school in North Amer ica until 1999 when it moved to a single-track s c h e d u l e — o n e in which all students once again attended school at the same t ime (Shields & Oberg, 2001). At the beginning of the twenty-first century in North Amer ica more than two million students in approximately 600 districts and more than 3000 schools are being educated in schools with modif ied school-year calendars. As with many educational initiatives, changes in the school calendar have often swung on a wild pendulum between public enthusiasm and disdain. For example, the State of Florida rode a tempestuous f ive-year implementat ion change cycle for year-round schooling. Al though it had had no year-round schools (YRS) in 1992, a few years later, Florida had placed 164 of its schools on modif ied calendars. By 1997, only 38 Y R S were left (Rasberry, 1994). On the other side of the continent, seven British Columbia school districts, after having been given a grant to investigate year-round school ing in 1995, decided that the climate for school calendar change was too politicized to implement even pilot programs. In both instances, explanations for the failure of the initiatives varied widely, depending on the source of the opinion. From approximately 1996, interest in what are now often called Ch. 1. Thinking about reform ... p. 4 alternative, modif ied, or balanced calendars spread throughout the wor ld. In 1996, New Zealand mandated a four-term school year with terms o f t e n weeks interspersed wi th three balanced vacat ion periods of two weeks and a six-week summer/Chr is tmas vacation. In December 2 0 0 1 , the Independent Commission on the School Year in Britain recommended that Britain move to a six-term year consist ing of two seven-week and four six-week terms, interspersed with f ive two-week breaks and one longer four-week holiday period (Price, personal communicat ion) . In 2002, the British Columbia government introduced Bill 28, that contained a clause called Extended day and year-round schooling. Section 78 of the Bill states that no collective agreement can limit the power of a board to vary the "days of the week or months of the year on or within which educational programs are to be provided." The bill states that such a move requires consultat ion with parents and employee representatives. Implementat ion of a new calendar occurs in two main ways. The first is as a result of a legislated mandate of some kind, general ly at the state or provincial level. In this instance, schools are required to consider a structural calendar change to address a specific chal lenge to fiscal or facility resources. More common in recent years, is the implementat ion that occurs at a school level when the principal, teaching staff, and/or parent communi ty initiate conversations about a calendar change. In this case, the principal's ability to take the concept forward, to resolve conflict, and to facilitate decision-making is critical. Whi le both formal and informal leadership at all levels may be involved in this latter type of implementat ion, without the support of the school leader and at the very least, Ch. 1. Thinking about reform ... p. 5 the wil l ingness of district leaders not to block the initiative, a calendar change could not occur. Any leader proposing consideration of a calendar change, as we shall see in more detail later, needs to be aware that the debate may be intense. Despite (and perhaps because of) the cont inued interest in year-round school ing, whenever it is proposed as a reform initiative, its mixed reputation precedes it. Some parents support it with almost missionary zeal because the long summer holiday is redistributed in more evenly placed breaks through-out the school year. Others fear that their family routines, holiday schedules and summer vacat ions will be disrupted. Communit ies resist changing the school year because they are concerned that there will be more youth unemployment, disruption of recreation programming, and a detrimental impact on the traditional norms of communi ty and family. Summer camp owners and directors, amusement park operators, and child care providers join the fray, all fearing that a change in the school year will negatively affect their livelihoods (Shields & Oberg, 2000). Moreover, some would argue that structural change is not only met with resistance, but that it rarely makes a difference to student achievement (Levin, 2 0 0 1 ; Ungerleider, 2003). T h e o r e t i c a l F r a m e w o r k This study was informed by three separate bodies of literature that appear relevant to the topic and purpose of the inquiry. In Chapter 3,1 started with the literature specific to year-round schooling itself. Al though there are reported chal lenges in implementing calendar reform, in the YRS literature the benefits Ch. 1. Thinking about reform ... p. 6 seem to clearly outweigh the negatives related to the change. W h e n one turns to the wider literature on change (Cuban, 1998; Fullan, 1993; Levin, 2001) there is (perhaps surprisingly) no mention of school-calendar reform, despite the fact that it represents a relatively widespread and long-standing educat ional change. My more general examinat ion of educational reform was twofold; first I explored literature related to school change itself and then widened the lens and concentrated on two theories: Bourdieu's concept of habitus (Bourdieu & Wacquant , 1992) and Bakhtin's (1986) notion of outsidedness. Bourdieu's explanation of habitus helped to show why educational reform seems so difficult to accompl ish while Bakhtin's understanding of outsidedness provided an explanation of how change does and can occur. The most important lens, however, through which I approached this study, was that of t ransformative leadership. Al though there was little mention of leadership in the literature related to educational reform (see for example the works of Goodlad & McMannon, 1997; Lieberman, 1986), I found increasing interest in educat ion in ethical and purposeful leadership (see for example Bogotch, 2000: Furman & Shields, in press; Sergiovanni, 1992; Starratt, 1991, 1995) and in the concept of transformative (as opposed to transformational) leadership. Thus, it seemed to me critically important to attempt to discern whether there is a relationship between transformative leadership with its goals to "enhance equity, social justice, and the quality of life" (Astin & Astin, 2000, p. 6); some constituent ideas like agency, power, and moral purpose; and the ability to successful ly introduce sustainable school change. Ch. 1. Thinking about reform ... p. 7 P u r p o s e My conceptual f ramework, elaborated in Chapter 3, led me to ask whether transformative leadership helps educational leaders to successful ly implement change. To answer that overarching question, I wanted to examine and understand more clearly the role of educational leaders in introducing school reform, in particular the structural change of YRS. I wished to learn why and how, at both school and district levels, educational leaders continue to promote and introduce school calendar change in the face of the substantial political and social battles that often need to be fought. My objectives were: 1. to understand the impetus of educat ional leaders for introducing YRS, 2. to comprehend leaders' implementat ion procedures and processes, 3. to identify what the leaders hoped to accompl ish by enacting YRS, 4. to determine the leaders' perceptions about the extent to which their goals were realized, and 5. to describe the leaders' perceptions about unanticipated outcomes of YRS. Through this examinat ion of the motivations and exper iences of educational leaders related to school calendar change, I wanted to make some recommendat ions to educators and policy makers regarding the relationships between their var ious purposes for implementing year-round schooling, the outcomes they anticipated, and those they achieved. The topic is an important one because, despite the prevalence of YRS, Ch. 1. Thinking about reform ... p. 8 there has been little research into why educational leaders choose to implement a new school calendar, how they proceed, and what they hope to accompl ish. This focus on YRS offers a unique opportunity to better understand why educational leaders choose to adopt a structural change as well as to explore whether there is transformative motivat ion or potential in such activity. It will also inform policy makers at both district and regional levels about some critical considerat ions relative to the implementat ion of school-based change (such as a change of school calendar). P e r s o n a l Interest My interest in this topic stems f rom my years as a teacher and administrator in elementary schools that exper imented with var ious structures in order to accommodate more children in existing classrooms and to enhance their learning opportunit ies. I have worked within the traditional school-year calendar, an elementary extended-day calendar, and multi-track year-round school (MT-YRS) calendars. Until I facilitated a study in Davis School District in Utah, I had come to accept the MT-YRS as the way we had been forced to organize for instruction, but had no knowledge of the impact of the MT-YRS calendar in my district on student achievement (see Shields & Oberg, 1999). Additionally, because my district had implemented multi-track year-round schooling to alleviate overcrowded schools, I had originally been unaware of other reasons why districts might opt for year-round school ing. A s I began to work with Dr. Shields as her research assistant in various projects related to YRS, I became increasingly interested in the potential of a Ch. 1. Thinking about reform ... p. 9 calendar change to promote social justice. W e studied schools in which a calendar change had been mandated at a state or district level to accommodate more children in the buildings, but in which academic achievement was reported to have improved. In some schools, the calendar change had been introduced, we were told, to enhance opportunit ies for the least successful and often the least advantaged socio-economical ly, and in which educators raved about the results. In a few schools, we were also told about how the calendar change had been associated with changes in the wider community, both in terms of structures like new programs for more children and in terms of increased parental involvement in and support for the school. This study arose f rom my desire to investigate these transformations and their relationship to the approaches to educational leadership of those that implemented them. Def in i t i ons My study requires the clarification of terms related to year-round educat ion. It also necessitates an understanding of how I am using the terms leader, initiation, implementat ion, continuation or sustainability, success, and restructuring. Here I define the terms used most frequently throughout the study, with a more comprehensive glossary included in the introductory pages. Year-round schooling (YRS) is the term given to the redistribution of the normal school year to shorten the long summer vacation and insert more regular vacation periods throughout the school year. In most cases, no compulsory in-school t ime is added to the school year. T o contrast with YRS, I f requently refer to what I call the traditional calendar. This is the most commonly recognized way Ch. 1. Thinking about reform ... p. 10 of organizing the school year in North Amer ica, one in which students generally begin school in late summer and continue, with few breaks, until late May or June when they enjoy a summer vacation of two to three months. Al though there are many, and often more accurate, synonyms for year-round school ing (such as alternative, modif ied, and balanced calendars), in this study I tend to use the most commonly used term "year-round school ing" as the more generic label, and others when they refer to specific and identifiable modif ications. Single-track (ST) Y R S is most often introduced for educat ional purposes and is a form of calendar change in which the whole school modif ies its schedule. Multi-track (MT) Y R S is most often introduced to place more students in existing buildings, either to alleviate overcrowding or to defer capital expenses related to building new schools (see diagrams in Appendix A) . Dual-track is the term applied to a school in which part of the school remains on a traditional calendar and part moves to a form of single-track YRS. Intersession is the name given to the vacation periods, usually f rom one to four weeks, inserted between educational terms. Optional instructional activities, including remedial, enr iched, or accelerated, are often provided during intersession. Leader may refer either to a person formally appointed to a position of responsibil ity in a school or district or to any educator or communi ty member who takes on informal leadership roles. For the most part in this study, my focus is on those in formal leadership positions, especially the principal. Ch. 1. Thinking about reform ... p. 11 Initiation is a term used by Fullan (1993) to refer to the first phase of a change initiative, somet imes also known as the adoption phase. This includes the data collection, planning, and decision making up to and including a formal decision to implement a specific strategy. Implementation is the term used to refer to the actions taken subsequent to the formal adoption decision, including planning for start-up as well as the start-up phase of an innovation. For the purposes of a change to year-round school ing, this phase would include the t ime somet imes spent in a "pilot" situation, prior to a decision to continue the calendar modification on a permanent basis. Continuation orsustainability'are terms often used to indicate that a reform initiative has not only been successful ly introduced, but that it has become more or less entrenched in the culture of the institution and the communi ty it serves. The change therefore persists for at least several years beyond the pilot period. Success is an elusive concept and means different things to different people. W h e n I write about the success of a reform, I am referring to its continuation over t ime accompanied by fulfi l lment of stated goals as well as support, acceptance, and expressed satisfaction by the school and wider communit ies it serves. I use the term restructuring in a specific way, not as a theoretical lens as in structural ism or post-structuralism, but to identify a type of change that, at least in its formal features, is structural in nature. W h e n talking about school ing, Ch. 1. Thinking about reform ... p. 12 structures might include decis ion-making structures and mechanisms, the facility itself, the organizational chart (with lines of command and departments identified), as well as the school calendar and t imetable. These structures provide a f ramework within which the daily activities of teaching and learning occur. Changing the in-school and vacation periods changes the f ramework for learning, but does not necessari ly involve any concomitant changes in pedagogy or school culture. It should be noted, however, that the introduction of a change that is primarily structural does not necessari ly preclude other changes f rom occurring simultaneously, nor does it limit the potential of a structural change to act as a catalyst for other types of changes. Transformative leadership is somet imes confused with transformational leadership. Whi le transformational leadership seeks to t ransform the unit in which leadership takes place (for example, the school), transformative leadership also seeks changes in the quality of life in both the institution and the larger community. L i m i t a t i o n s a n d D e l i m i t a t i o n s The study is limited by the number and availability of year-round schools. There is a wide choice in the United States that made it necessary for me to delimit my study to selected districts in three states. There are fewer participating schools in Canada, thus limiting the range of communit ies f rom which I could identify educational leaders for this study. I was also limited by f inancial and t ime resources as to the number of schools and distances to which I could travel to conduct interviews and by the wil l ingness of principals to participate. I have Ch. 1. Thinking about reform ... p. 13 chosen to del imit my study to focus on principals and their exper iences and perceptions, but to include district administrators and informal teacher and community leaders where appropriate. O v e r v i e w Since I began doctoral studies, I have become interested in understanding why school administrators choose to introduce a calendar change despite the substantial hurdles associated with this innovation. To understand why the school calendar seems so entrenched and why there is so much resistance to changing it, one first needs to be aware of the development and evolut ion of our current school year. In the next chapter, to provide a context for this study, I provide a brief overview of the history of common school ing in North Amer ica, fol lowed by a descript ion of the evolution of the current "traditional" school calendar. In chapter three, I provide a conceptual map and an overview of relevant literature; chapter four describes my methodology; whi le chapters five and six contain the findings of this study. In chapter seven, I sum up the research findings with respect to my guiding questions. In the final chapter, I identify some implications of these f indings, discuss the role of transformative leadership in educational change, and make some recommendat ions for practice. S i g n i f i c a n c e This is a study of leadership for educational change and educational reform. The vehicle I have selected to explore the chal lenges and potential of structural changes in schools is the calendar change known most commonly as Ch. 1. Thinking about reform ... p. 14 year-round school ing. Given the renewed interest in transformative leadership, educat ional reform, and school calendars, it seems timely to acquire a deeper understanding of the various reasons for a calendar change, the underlying motivat ions of educational leaders, their expectat ions, and the outcomes of their initiatives. Identifying the patterns of motivation and purpose, agency and implementat ion, and outcomes that are either sustained and successful or that have been discontinued or unsuccessful, may help administrators and policy makers to adopt calendar changes in ways that will promote improved educat ional experiences for both students and teachers. Ch. 2. Historical overview ... p. 15 C H A P T E R 2. H I S T O R I C A L O V E R V I E W — S O M E F A M I L I A R T E N S I O N S In this chapter, I provide an overview of schooling in North Amer ica , with an emphasis on the development of the most commonly used school calendars. It shows how some key educational leaders worked to achieve their vision of educat ion; it demonstrates how they exercised their power to both implement their vision and to resolve conflicts; it explains how consensus around the school calendar was eventually achieved in order to implement the goal of a common curriculum. This overview permits us to understand that the tradit ional calendar, although apparently enshrined in history, was formed out of tensions that are as old as public schooling itself. This chapter allows us to understand some of the trends in the development of the calendar and the competing purposes and underlying tensions that not only existed historically but which persist to the twenty-first century. I demonstrate that the use of school calendars to address social inequities is not simply a current challenge, but one that has existed for almost two centuries. The purpose of this chapter, therefore, is to put this study of leadership and year-round schooling in a broader historical context. T h e R o l e o f E d u c a t i o n Since the t ime of Pericles, whose idea of democracy in some ways approaches current concepts of meritocracy (Kreis, 2000), there has been a belief that democracy cannot exist without an educated and informed populous. Not surprisingly, the quest for free common schooling has been an underlying Ch. 2. Historical overview ... p. 16 theme in the development of public education in many democrat ic societies. Cubberley (1920) provided an overview of how Western public formal education emerged f rom f ive different phases of what he called "eighteenth century l iberalism" (p. 472) . He argued that the various forces that emerged f rom the Reformation and the Enl ightenment began to wrest the institution of educat ion f rom the control of the church and enabled it to benefit those other than the elite. In this process, educat ion became liberalized and democrat ized. In the United States, the constitutions of seven of the sixteen states that belonged to the Union by the early 1800s included provisions for public education (Cubberley, 1920, p. 522). The model of "local control" that became the norm in North Amer ica did not emerge easily f rom its democrat ic roots. The weakening of the Puritan monopoly in New England "materially affected both the support and the character of the education provided in the colonies" (1920, p. 519-520). Almost everywhere, people disagreed over the goals of public educat ion as well as what strategies should be employed for implementat ion and governance. These tensions between local control and legislation still present chal lenges for school reform, as the most recent initiatives to modify the school year calendar in British Columbia demonstrate. During the nineteenth century, the rural school belonged, in a real sense, to the local communi ty where it was often the center of most of the community 's social interactions. In one room schools "all over the nation, ministers met their f locks, polit icians caucused with the faithful, famil ies gathered for Chr istmas parties and hoe-downs, ... and neighbors gathered to hear spell ing bees and Ch. 2. Historical overview ... p. 17 declamations" (Tyack, 1974, p. 16). Vil lage schools, often run by local churches and parishes, were subjected to pressures for consol idation and conformity f rom the "common school crusade of the 1840's and 1850's" (Tyack, 1974, p. 29). Because schools today are still often perceived to be local defenders of cher ished ways of life and family values, "life style" and "family value" arguments are often central to resistance to attempts to change the school calendar. Crusaders such as Horace Mann, Secretary of the Massachusetts Board of Education (the first state board of education), were influential in the development of universal, free, non-sectarian, and public educat ion. Cubberley (1920) says that Mann "soon became the acknowledged leader in school organization in the United States" (p. 689). "He not only started a great common school revival in Massachusetts. . . but one which was felt and which inf luenced development in every Northern State. He will always be regarded as perhaps the greatest of the ' founders' of our American system of free, public schools" (p. 690). Also influential was J. D. Philbrick who, in 1885, published a comprehensive survey of City School Systems in The United States. His purpose was to hasten that 'uniformity of excel lence' in urban educat ion which he foresaw as a product of a new enterprise and an intensified emulation among Amer ican school managers. (Tyack, 1974, p. 39). To systemat ize and perfect urban educat ion, the superintendency was introduced and incumbents were given considerable authority to introduce "controls over pupils, teachers, principals and other subordinate members of the school hierarchy" (p. 40). In Canada, much of the credit for establishing a common school system has been given to Egerton Ryerson, who assumed the position of Upper Canada Ch. 2. Historical overview ... p. 18 Assistant Superintendent of Education in 1844. The fol lowing year he traveled abroad to over 20 countries and returned with a vision for common schools, common textbooks, normal schools for teacher education, and a system of universal, free, elementary educat ion. His classic Report of 1846 consol idated his ideas and proposed the blueprint that has been the basis for public educat ion in Ontario (and subsequently for most of the rest of Canada) through the C o m m o n School Acts of 1846 and 1850. Whi le the 1850 Act made possible free common schooling for all chi ldren if the districts imposed a property tax, there was for some t ime considerable reluctance on the part of the local authorit ies to levy the tax. Many people objected to contributing to the cost of educat ing children other than their own. As one irate taxpayer wrote to Ryerson, "I do not wish to be compel led to educate all the brats in the neighbourhood." Ryerson's reply was that "to educate all the brats in the neighbourhood is just the very object of the clause" (Johnson, 1968, P-39). Over the next century, social pressures affected the shape of society and the emerging educat ion system. Increased immigration and industrialization led to a perceived need to socialize new immigrants to democrat ic principles and practices, to teach them English, and especially, to assimilate them into North Amer ican society. Whi le the parochial schools that existed to educate the weal thy did not disappear, a new type of school was introduced, intended primarily to educate the working class both to contribute to the good of society and to enable the common man to more intelligently participate in the democrat ic Ch. 2. Historical overview ... p. 19 process. Today, the increase of charter schools and school voucher programs are attempts to bridge the boundaries that still exist between private and public educat ion. (A recent illustration is Ontario's, May 2 0 0 1 , proposal for a tuition rebate program for private school attendance.) As the urban areas grew in size and industrialization increased in importance, civil control came to be perceived as a pressing issue. Along with a strong police force, public educat ion was seen a means of maintaining social order and "stringent legislation [was passed] to force truants to go to school" and remove them from the decadent influence of "the streets" (Tyack, 1974, p. 68). Tyack describes how, in 1852, even before the compulsory educat ion law of Boston, Massachusetts, schools had become institutions for sort ing and segregating various social groups in society: "The school commit tee had created de facto segregation by establishing intermediate schools catering to poor and immigrant chi ldren" (p. 69). In the 1880's, the state superintendent in California wrote that "citizens should support compulsory educat ion to save themselves f rom the rapidly increasing herd of non-producers ... to save themselves f rom the wretches who prey upon society like wild beasts" (p. 69). Arguments for year-round schooling today often focus on the needs of poor or immigrant children, not labeling them as "wild beasts" but attempting to f ind ways to ensure that they achieve to the same level as their peers. Early educat ion programs in the United States, while ideally founded on democrat ic and egalitarian principles, often turned to a mechanism for class separation and social control. Likewise, as late as 1940's Canada, Gidney (1999) Ch. 2. Historical overview ... p. 20 maintained that the primary secondary school mission in grades 12 and 13 was to prepare students for universities. Because of the highly academic bias of the programs, 8 0 % either dropped out or failed (p. 14-15). Civil control and the best way to promote a civil society from diverse school populat ions are still topics of heated debate (Bloom, 1987; May, 1998; Schlesinger, 1988). These tensions are also seen in the ongoing debate about the relative value of liberal or so-cal led practical educat ion. In the last half of the 1800's, similar pressures developed in agrarian North Amer ican society. The Homestead Acts of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in the US and Canada brought new waves of immigrants, enticed by the offer of f ree land. Al though most of the immigrants were of European extraction, many were not English speaking. Educat ion was seen as the means of assimilating them into the wider society. As the populat ion of rural areas changed, the role of educat ion became more visible and more important and the concomitant problems more apparent. Al though the focus is no longer explicitly on assimilation, the introduction of a modified school calendar is somet imes explained as a way of assisting immigrants and non-Engl ish speaking students today. By the end of the nineteenth century, rural and urban life became more interrelated as farming and industry became more mechanized. Disparities in the educational exper iences and opportunit ies of rural and urban students became evident. The "bookish curr iculum, haphazard selection and supervision of teachers, and voluntary character of school at tendance" (Tyack, 1974, p. 21), Ch. 2. Historical overview ... p. 21 combined wi th generally substandard school buildings and woeful ly inadequate instruction, were seen to be symptoms of an inability of rural folk to administer educat ion that was appropriate for their place in an increasingly complex society. In the 1890's United States, the National Education Associat ion Commit tee of Twelve on Rural Schools articulated its proposed solutions: Consol idat ion of schools and transportat ion of pupils, expert supervis ion by county superintendents, 'taking the schools out of polit ics,' professionally trained teachers, and connecting the curr iculum 'with the everyday life of the community. ' (Tyack, 1974, p. 23) It is fascinat ing to note the contemporary nature of these proposals made more than a century ago. It is important to recognize that the evolution of the North Amer ican school year into its present state was never straight-forward, rapid, or smooth. In fact, it took almost a century and a half of meander ing, even tortuous, negotiation for educators to arrive at the standardized-calendar compromise we currently have. In the fol lowing section, the discussion of the fixing of the school-year calendar illustrates the tensions that were, and are still, present in effecting educational change in North Amer ica. Ins t i t u t iona l i z ing the S c h o o l C a l e n d a r in N o r t h A m e r i c a Al though standardization was slow, the creation of a generally accepted school year was influenced by the mandate for compulsory educat ion in North Amer ica. As with many other aspects of educational innovation, Massachusetts was pivotal in the development of the school calendar. It was the only state in the US to have compulsory education prior to the Amer ican Civil War. A statute Ch. 2. Historical overview ... p. 22 passed in 1852 required that children between the ages of eight and 14 attend 12 weeks of school ing annually, al though only six of these weeks needed to be consecutive. Over the next 40 years, the requirements in Massachusetts changed frequently, wi th modif icat ions relating to children of different ages and varying situations. For example, in 1860, a bill stipulated that children under 12 could not be employed in manufactur ing unless they had attended school for 18 weeks in the preceding year. By 1902, all g rammar school children were required to attend school for 32 w e e k s — a period roughly equivalent to the current 180 days mandate. Another leader in Amer ican compulsory education was the state of New York. By 1874, children between the ages of eight and 14 were required to attend school for fourteen weeks, eight of which had to be consecutive. However, in this state as elsewhere, there were great discrepancies between the rural and urban school years. In the cities, the school was the means for providing a vocational educat ion for workers as well as for the assimilation of immigrants who had come seeking a better life; hence the length of the school year was progressively increased until it exceeded 200 days. By the middle of the nineteenth century, several different calendars had been developed. Whi le in many urban areas, the school year operated on an eleven or twelve-month basis, in rural areas, the school year lasted for five to six months (from the last harvest to the first planting) to accommodate the needs for children to work on the farms. Ch. 2. Historical overview ... p. 23 Rapprochement between the two calendars occurred largely as a result of curr iculum standardization and a movement towards more uniform assessment procedures. 1 In 1847, curricular modifications to address the newly implemented grade-level organizat ion of schools were introduced (Glines, 1988). In order to offer the standard curr iculum, urban schools reduced the length of their year and rural areas increased the number of school days to what we have come to know as the traditional or "agrarian" calendar, a year with approximately nine months of schooling and a three-month summer break. By the end of the century, the shorter urban school year had brought a number of critiques. W h e n the U.S. Commissioner of Education compared the school years in several major cities for 1891-92 with those of fifty years earlier, he found that "in New York, the school year had gone down f rom 245 to 20214 days; in Chicago, f rom 240 to 192 days; in Philadelphia f rom 25114 days to 201 days" (Rakoff, 1999, p. 11). Around this t ime, a US Commissioner of Educat ion, Wil l iam T. Harris, lamented the reduced number of school days in this way: "The boy of today must attend school 11.1 years in order to receive as much instruction, quantitatively, as the boy of 50 years ago received in eight years" (National Education Commission, 1994, p. 31). The development of the school year in Ontario, Canada, closely paralleled the US experience. Al though the Upper Canada School Act of 1841 made no mention of school holidays, the two-week summer vacation establ ished in 1846 was gradually changed until, in 1913, the present two-month holiday was 11t is interesting, again, to note how the twin drivers of assessment and a standardized curriculum drove schools then as they do now. Ch. 2. Historical overview ... p. 24 adopted (Brown, 1999, p.1). In 1871, Egerton Ryerson reported that most schools were open almost all year, with an average t ime of opening of eleven months and six d a y s — t w i c e the average t ime of either Pennsylvania or Ohio. This period of staying open, of course, did not imply that children needed to be in school for that length of t ime, instead that they were able to choose to attend school during that period. In 1871, Ryerson, the Assistant Superintendent of Education, introduced the Compulsory Education Act of Ontario, that for the first t ime, made ment ion of a specified summer vacation of one month for common schools and six weeks for secondary schools. In Canada, too, there were discrepancies between urban and rural calendars, this t ime with rural dwellers urging a longer school year than that desired by the cities. Evidence for this interpretation is found in petit ions from various county councils in 1886 located in the Ontario Archives (Series RG 2-42, cited by Brown, 1999, p. 8) in which rural schools sought permission to remain open in the summer. In support, they petit ioned: That many of the pupils, by reason of their age, the long distance f rom school, and the storms of the long winter, are unable to attend except in summer; That present Holidays take out of the t ime for their at tendance a large part of the best portion of the year, as regards t ime and weather. That a general feeling exists among the parents of our const i tuencies that the Vacat ions are too long; Your petit ioners therefore pray that you will cause such alterations as will materially shorten the mid-summer Vacat ion for Rural Schools. . . A l though it appears that it was the majority urban populat ions that ultimately won the day in terms of the school year calendar and the standard two Ch. 2. Historical overview ... p. 25 to three month summer vacation, the calendar is still popularly and mistakenly considered to be a reflection of agrarian needs for a summer planting and harvest per iod. Interestingly, the school calendar devised for compulsory educat ion prior to the beginning of the Twent ieth Century was usually based on a mandated min imum required length of summer vacat ion, rather than a minimum daily at tendance. Ult imately, the summer holiday was fixed at approximately two months and the fall te rm set to begin in early September. This was, in part, due to common beliefs that both children and teachers needed t ime for the regenerat ion of their mental and physical energies. The long summer vacation was, perhaps, also a response to the common belief, expressed in a petition circulated by the city of Guelph, Ontario (in about 1886), that cited a large number of Canadian, as well as Amer ican, medical journals that warned of "injury done to the bodies and brains of chi ldren 'by the overstrain of their brain at too early an age,' and at one when it is rapidly and actively developing and easily excited to take on disease" (Brown, 1999, p. 17). A P r e s s for C h a n g e Despite the general standardization of school calendars at the end of the nineteenth century, changes continued to occur. W h a t some regard as early year-round schools were introduced in Bluffton, Ohio, in 1904; Newark, New Jersey, in 1912; and Minot, North Dakota, in 1917. Glines (1988) indicates that They were begun for many reasons. Newark did it to help immigrants learn English and to enable students to accelerate; Bluffton did it to improve curriculum and learning and to provide Ch. 2. Historical overview ... p. 26 family and student options ... and Minot did it to meet the needs of the ' laggards. ' (p. 17) Brinkerhoff, an educational researcher of the 1930s, reported the success of what were then called "all-year schools." They graduate "a higher percentage of their pupils; they show a lower grade age; they have less retardation; they lose fewer pupils before graduating." Moreover, Brinkerhoff saw "no evidence of 'brain fatigue, loss of mental health, or impaired physical development '" (cited in Doyle & Finn, 1985, p. 31). Due to new economic and social pressures, these early forms of year-round schooling did not persist beyond The Great Depression and Wor ld W a r II. S u m m a r y o f H i s t o r i c a l O v e r v i e w Recognizing that the present "common calendar" was the result of a negotiated concil iation to address the changing needs of society might help us to accept a similar process of negotiation today. The so-called "traditional" calendar is not commonly seen as the constructed compromise that it is. Because the tradit ional calendar is enshrined in the perceived profound insight and sacred customs of t imes wiser and more grounded than ours, the traditional calendar is often seen as an objective "best system" (Tyack, 1974). This often makes change exceedingly difficult. Suggest ions for modif ication are perceived not as ways of addressing needs in society, but as chal lenges and threats to the roots and stability our culture and social system. The preceding overview of the development of the "typical" school year, and discussion of the current thinking about year-round school ing, demonstrate that the development and evolution of the present education system in North Ch. 2. Historical overview ... p. 27 Amer ica were shaped by tens ions— tens ions between socializing goals and educative goals of the educational system, between professional ism and bureaucracy, decentral ization and centralization, rural and urban interests, societal mandates and individual rights, rich and poor, vocational and academic purposes and by emotional as well as rational arguments. Nevertheless, in spite of a period of dormancy fol lowing Wor ld W a r II, interest in year-round schooling continues to recur. This study is an at tempt to understand and explain this phenomenon f rom the perspective of educat ional leaders. Ch 3. Literature ... p. 28 C H A P T E R 3. L I T E R A T U R E In this chapter I provide an overview of some strands of literature that combine to provide a foundat ion for this study. I first examine the topic of year-round schooling in general with particular focus on its reported benefits and chal lenges. Then, I investigate literature related to educational reform more generally, with a focus on some of the chal lenges in implementing change. Here I concentrate on theoretical perspectives that help to explain why educational change and reform often appear so difficult and consider ways to move beyond the constraints. Finally, I examine the literature related to transformative leadership and its relation to the introduction of successful educational change. This conceptual f ramework is schematical ly depicted in Figure 1. R e s e a r c h a b o u t Y e a r - R o u n d S c h o o l i n g Although year-round schooling has existed in some form or other in North Amer ica for almost a century, there is no coherent body of literature that explains why one should introduce year-round schooling as a structural reform. For the most part, the literature focuses on various reasons given by principals in separate locations for choosing their unique YRS calendars. Wha t fol lows is an overview of some of the most common reasons for changing school calendars. One will note, however, that there are no underlying conceptual f rameworks, and no unifying threads; indeed, the reasons range f rom educational to political to fiscal and even personal. Ch. 3. Literature ... p. 29 Figure 1. Conceptual framework. Y E A R - R O U N D SCHOOLING impact on student learning attendance & drop-outs teacher benefits U motivation & burn-out vandalism & delinquency U fiscal & physical benefits negative consequences gap? E D U C A T I O N A L C H A N G E changing educational structures lenses on change habitus outsidedness tenuous \^^connection ? T R A N S F O R M A T I V E LEADERSHIP agency moral purpose power A literature map showing the relationships between literature on year-round schooling, educational change, and transformative leadership. Ch 3. Literature ... p. 30 Impac t o n S t u d e n t A c h i e v e m e n t Many studies have found that year-round schooling is associated with improvements in student academic achievement (Baker, 1990; Bradford, 1993; Grotjean & Banks, 1993; Kneese, 1996; Los Angeles Unified School District, 1982-83; Mutchler, 1993; Peltier, 1991; Perry, 1991; Winters, 1995). Other careful reviews of the literature (Goren & Carriedo, 1986; Hazelton et al, 1992; Merino, 1983; Zykowski et al, 1991) have identified studies in which there was either a slight gain or, at min imum, no difference when the academic achievement of students in traditional and year-round schools was compared. It should be noted that while the finding of "no difference" has frequently been used as an argument against proceeding with YRS, Shields and LaRocque (1997) posited that a f inding of "no difference" with respect to student achievement should be interpreted in a relatively positive light, in that it demonstrates that it is possible for structural change, increased facility use, and cost benefits to occur without negative consequences to important student outcomes. There is compell ing evidence that the positive effects of Y R S are enhanced for students in at-risk groups (Capps & Cox, 1991 ; Gandara & Fish, 1994; Perry, 1991 ; Serifs, 1990). One apparent except ion, frequently cited in the literature, is the study by Quinlan and associates (1987). They found that student achievement in multi-track year-round schools in the large, urban community studied was lower than in other schools; however, they qualif ied this f inding by saying that it was neither unexpected nor attributable to YRS, but likely due to a number of other factors inherent in the setting. Ch 3. Literature ... p. 31 A f e w other studies show a mixed impact on student achievement. Harlan (1973) found that students with IQs below 100 were negatively affected by the YRS calendar. A San Diego study conducted in 1994 (Fass-Holmes & Gates) found that Y R S had a negative impact on its experimental middle school, whi le having a posit ive impact on the achievement of its elementary single-track schools. M o t i v a t i o n a n d B u r n - O u t The literature also indicates that students in YRS seem more ready to learn and to maintain their motivation throughout the year than their peers in tradit ional schools (Hazelton et al., 1992; Zykowski et al., 1991). Most children indicate that the summer vacation associated with the traditional calendar becomes long and often boring and many report they are ready to return to school earlier (Shields & Oberg, 2000). T h e three-week breaks distributed throughout the school year appear to be almost ideal for a reprieve f rom the routine of school ing. Teachers and parents, as well as students report that just as motivat ion w a s dwindling, school breaks occurred; l ikewise, everyone seemed ready to return fol lowing the breaks. Hence, increasing student motivation and lessening burn-out is another reason often given for introducing YRS. S c h o o l A t t e n d a n c e a n d D r o p - O u t s There is a consensus in the literature that Y R S reduces the student dropout rate, facil i tates retention in school, and increases student attendance rates (Baker, 1990; Bradford, 1993; Brekke, 1983: LAUSD, 1983; White, 1987; White, 1988). This f inding seems to relate to the previous notions that higher and Ch 3. Literature ... p. 32 more sustained levels of motivat ion, increased school success, and sustained involvement in extra-curricular activities may be associated with better attendance and complet ion rates. If a student has missed an extended period of t ime due to family c i rcumstances or personal illness, somet imes he or she is permitted to attend a class on a different t rack during a break (Shields & Oberg, 2000). The opportunity to spend t ime during the break to catch up may facilitate moving ahead with peers. The benefits may be increased in high schools where students somet imes become discouraged and drop out of school or where loss of credits somet imes delays graduation or prevents entry into subsequent programs. Where intersession offered the opportunity for a student who has failed a class to retake it and not repeat a whole year, the benefits were perceived to be considerable. Thus, the increased opportunit ies offered by both ST and MT-YRS for enrichment, for catch-up, and for remediation offered by the more regular pattern of schooling and vacation, and somet imes enhanced by intersession programs, seems to have an indisputably posit ive effect on student at tendance and course complet ion (Shields & Oberg, 2000). D e c r e a s e i n V a n d a l i s m a n d D e l i n q u e n c y Many year-round schools also report a decreased incidence of student vandal ism and communit ies noted a concomitant decrease in juveni le cr ime (Ballinger, 1987; Brekke, 1983; Hazelton e t a l . , 1992; Merino, 1983). Some hypothesize that decreased vandal ism may be associated with increased use of school facilities over a longer portion of the school year. Others suggest that Ch 3. Literature ... p. 33 decreased juveni le crime may be attributed, in part, to reduced student boredom and to smaller numbers of students not in school at any one t ime. Bene f i t s to T e a c h e r s Although administrators generally tout the advantages to students, there is little doubt that often the impetus for a calendar change comes f rom teachers who have heard about the benefits related to their own quality of work life. The research clearly indicates that teachers with exper ience in both year-round and traditional calendar schools (TCS) are overwhelmingly positive about the relative merits of Y R S compared to T C S (Brekke, 1983; Christie, 1989; Gandara, 1992; LAUSD, 1983; Merino, 1983; McNamara, 1981; Peltier, 1991; Webster & Nyberg, 1992). Some reasons for general satisfaction relate to perceptions of higher student enjoyment and motivation (Hazelton et al., 1992; Zykowski et al., 1991), higher personal levels of motivation (Shields & Oberg, 1995), and somet imes, higher salaries (Goren & Carriedo, 1986). Prior to working in YRS, teachers expressed concerns about whether there would be an opportunity to complete university courses and other professional development activities. They also wondered whether there would be difficulties associated with family vacations. These concerns have been found to be unwarranted. Some teachers reported increased opportunit ies for professional development (Herman, 1991) and many others indicated a preference for the resulting vacation schedule (Shields & Oberg, 1995). Especially convincing was the f inding that after three years on the complex Orchard Plan, in which students Ch 3. Literature ... p. 34 actually rotate in and out of classes, only one of 57 teachers had requested a transfer and 9 5 % stated a continuing preference for the plan (Gandara, 1992). F i s c a l a n d P h y s i c a l Bene f i t s Another reason for choosing to introduce the multi-track version of year-round schooling is its reputed ability to avoid capital cost expenditures, to save on district per pupil operating costs, and to reduce overcrowding by accommodat ing more children in a rotating schedule in existing buildings. Denton and Walenta (1993) cite the example of a district in California, and say that when the district factored in the capital costs it would have expended for new buildings, Y R S does save money. Goren and Carriedo (1986) identify increased costs largely due to inclusion of transit ional expenses such as new district forms, increased rubbish disposal, and new vehicles required by the transportat ion department. A l though some studies suggest that year-round schools are more expensive to operate than traditional calendar schools. Whi te (1992) identified the unanticipated costs when Jefferson County, Colorado, after 14 years on a MT year-round calendar, returned to a tradit ional calendar. He clarified the need to distinguish between the costs for an individual school and those that are district expenditures by saying, "even though each school 's total operating costs rise when the school switches to a year-round schedule, the district's unit costs drop" (p. 30). He added, W h e n Jefferson County built and opened new schools to displace the year-round operation, the district's total operating costs far exceeded the costs for serving the same enrol lment on a year-round calendar. Yet no one had ever made a convincing case to Ch 3. Literature ... p. 35 the public that explained the savings involved in the year-round approach." (p. 30) Al though there are numerous district studies in which there is detailed analysis of parent, student, teacher satisfaction, few assess the costs or fiscal benefits of year-round schooling. This is particularly interesting in v iew of one of the stated purposes: to save money. Brekke (1983, 1985) presented extensive cost analyses of YRS in Oxnard School District. In each analysis, the general f indings were similar, that Y R E within the Oxnard School District has shown a very substantial saving in operational and capital expense. . . [It] has, in the absence of school building funds, kept the District f rom a massive program of double/half-day session classes. (1985, p. 16) T h e N e g a t i v e C o n s e q u e n c e s o f Y e a r - R o u n d S c h o o l i n g T h e previous overview of var ious aspects of research into Y R S has focused on its positive attributes and outcomes. To attempt to "balance" this overview with a discussion of its negative aspects is extremely difficult in that most of the negativity related to Y R S stems either f rom pre-conceived pre-implementat ion concerns or f rom difficulties associated with implementat ion procedures. There is very little in the literature to suggest negative outcomes when implementat ion has been careful and ultimately successful. That said, there is certainly a body of literature that expresses concern, often raising quest ions about the relative merits of putting more students in existing buildings or about the conclusiveness of research indicating academic benefits (Ascher, 1988; Naylor, 1995). For example, some authors suggest that even putt ing addit ional students in existing facilities with a concomitant f inding of "no difference" (Carriedo & Goren, 1989; Zykowski et al. 1991), to student Ch 3. Literature ... p. 36 learning is negative (Naylor, 1995). Others argue that fiscal accountabil i ty and savings with no detr imental effects on student learning are not negat ive but responsible (Shields & LaRocque, 1997). Al though some authors claim that Y R S does not effect f iscal-savings, it is because they have considered school operating expenses rather than overall district costs including capital expenditures (Denton & Walenta , 1993; Hough, Zykowski , & Dick, 1990; Zykowski et. al., 1991). Somet imes, too, as Denton and Walenta (1993) and Zykowski and col leagues (1991) have demonstrated, increased wear and tear on existing buildings is considered as a cost, but the parallel savings in capital outlay are not considered. There is an additional body of literature that raises quest ions about the need for change given that the "traditional" calendar seems to have been so enduring and to have served previous generat ions well. In fact, it is this literature that prompted my focus on change in the next section. It is fair to say that the concerns relate to the need to reconceptualize such activities as summer vacation and daycare and with their underlying values and traditions (Smith, 1992; Whi te , 1990). Somet imes, in an apparent effort to discredit YRS, authors provide a list of schools and districts that have chosen to discontinue the Y R S calendar, without including a parallel list of newly implementing schools and districts. For example, Rasberry (1994) included in her article, the name of one Utah school that had discontinued the calendar but failed to note that in the same year, a dozen other schools moved to the YR calendar. Ch 3. Literature ... p. 37 The one limitation and challenge of YRS that some say cannot be addressed is the challenge of organizing schedules if children are in schools with different calendars. This is once again, more an issue of compet ing schedules, than a specific problem with the Y R calendar; nevertheless, for some families, it constitutes a real barrier to acceptance of a modif ied calendar. This seems to be particularly t rue in that the balanced calendar is prevalent at the elementary level, thus requiring famil ies with children in both elementary and secondary school to juggle schedules. It must however, be noted that in districts like Chandler District, Ar izona or San Marcos District in California in which secondary schools are all on a YR calendar, the problem does not arise (Shields & Oberg, 2000). For the most part, the literature suggests there are chal lenges rather than negative aspec ts—cha l lenges most frequently related to issues of implementat ion such as consultation, decision-making, communicat ion, communi ty relations, change, and the persistence of tradit ion. Perry (1991) sums this up in this way: Economic considerat ions.. .do not have the persuasive power to foster exploration of the savings to be gained by alternative schedul ing. The barriers that predominate are those of habit and t rad i t ion—vacat ions , summer employment, collective a g r e e m e n t s — with less consideration of issues relative to learn ing—in tegrat ion of the school and the community, access to programs, and remedial and instructional innovation, (p. 15) S u m m a r y o f Y R S Li te ra tu re In the foregoing section I have examined literature related to the benefits and chal lenges related to YRS calendars. For the most part, research has demonstrated that a school calendar change may be associated with higher Ch 3. Literature ... p. 38 academic achievement for many students, increased motivation (and less burn-out) for teachers and students, better overall at tendance, lower student drop-out and lower rates of vandal ism and student suspensions. Other benefits relate to i tems somet imes considered to be non-educational, such as increasing the capacity of existing buildings and avoidance of capital outlay during periods of rapid growth or fiscal restraint. The literature addressing chal lenges is less conclusive, focusing more commonly on attitudes than on f indings. Yet for any school leader want ing to implement a calendar change, att itudes are no less real and present signif icant chal lenges during the adoption and implementat ion stages of the reform and resistance is often encountered. Because YRS is a type of educational change that falls under a more general rubric of educational reform, in the next section I examine the literature related to educational change to determine whether it sheds light on the challenges of implementing YRS. E d u c a t i o n a l C h a n g e : C h a l l e n g e s a n d P e r s p e c t i v e s Despite a huge body of literature that examines educational reform, I was unable to f ind any studies of large scale reform that included mention of year-round school ing. For example, in the edited book by Leiberman (1986), there is a section entit led "new images and metaphors" in which "fresh ways to think about school improvement" (p. vii) are examined, but school calendars are notably absent /L ikewise in the examination of the purpose of public education and school ing by Goodlad and McMannon (1997) there is extensive discussion of democracy and school reform, again with no mention of school calendars. Ch 3. Literature ... p. 39 Perhaps even more telling is that in two recent handbooks related to educational leadership and administration (see English, 2005; and Lei thwood & Hallinger, 2002), there is still no mention of calendar reform, despite several articles addressing the current reform climate. Despite the lack of ment ion of YRS, I first examine some literature related to educational reform and then extend my gaze to literature more broadly addressing the challenges of overcoming resistance in order to implement change. C h a n g i n g E d u c a t i o n a l S t r u c t u r e s Change literature seems to de-emphasize structural change and to promote cultural change as the primary focus for lasting change, one that promotes capacity building and collaboration. Hargreaves and Fullan (1998) assert that it is important to place "a high priority on reculturing your s c h o o l . . . and not merely restructuring it" (p.118). Structures, such as school buildings, school organization, or school calendars, many believe (see also Levin, 2001) have little to do with student learning. Further, many educators are suspicious of structural change, believing it is a form of t inkering with the facade of the organization and leaving the central core of teaching and learning intact. Failing to recognize that current structures reflect past cultures, they claim that structural change does not really reach areas where the major changes need to occur. Hargreaves and Fullan (1998), for example, state that restructuring which refers to "changes in the formal structure of schooling in terms of organization, t imetables, roles and the like [has a] terrible track record" (p. 118). On the other hand, they assert that "reculturing does make Ch 3. Literature ... p. 40 a difference in teaching and learning" (p. 118). Levin (2001), in his analysis of reform in f ive jurisdictions, supports this perspective. He studied structural reforms related to school choice, charter schools, increased test ing, stricter curriculum guides, and changes in governance in England, New Zealand, Canada (Manitoba and Alberta), and the United States (Minnesota). Overall, he found that the changes had little significant impact on student achievement. Levin supports his argument by citing Elmore who wrote in 1995, "Changes in structure are weakly related to changes in teaching practice, and therefore structural change does not necessari ly lead to changes in teaching, learning, and student performance" (in Levin, 2 0 0 1 , p. 27). There is some research to support Levin's (2001) claim. There is, for example, little convincing evidence that a change on the part of a high school to or f rom block schedul ing or semester ing, without any concomitant changes in pedagogical strategies, has any significant or lasting effect on student learning (Brake, 2000; Pisapia & Westfal l , 1997). Likewise, if we change the levels of responsibility or the lines of communicat ion in a district office, there is little reason to think the new organization will have a more direct impact on student learning than the previous one. If we move the site of funding decisions from a district commit tee to a school committee, there may be a better chance that local condit ions and needs will be considered, but unless the decision relates to c lassroom equipment or learning materials, it is unlikely to be noticed by the students or to have any identifiable impact on their learning environment. Ch 3. Literature ... p. 41 Changes that have a direct impact on the lives of teachers and students may be more likely to affect c lassroom practice and hence the core funct ions of learning and teaching. Yet even here we need to be cautious. Despite considerable research into class size, an aspect of schooling that definitely pertains to the classroom, more than 5 0 % of all studies have found an inconclusive impact on student performance (Hanushek, 1998). Nevertheless, a new math curr iculum, for example, is more likely to change the way in which math is both taught and understood than including more parents on a committee. A change f rom segregated programming for ESL or learning disabled students will change the classroom relationships and the norms of instruction. Moreover, changes that impact teaching practice are not the only reforms that have the potential to affect student performance. Sleegers, Geijsel, and van den Berg (2002) specifically address the structural-functional perspective on educational innovation which they say has, over the past several decades, "dominated in research, policy, and practice" (p. 78). They explain: Within this model of school organization, the role of the principal becomes essentially managerial in nature. . . . Innovation is construed as a strategy through which the school controls teacher behaviors toward achievement of desired outcomes of the organizat ion. . . . In fact, the structural-functional perspective is entirely consistent with the traditional way of thinking about management in industrial settings, (p. 78) Here, educat ional change is seen in terms of control, with a governing body having the power, not only to initiate and mandate the change, but to identify input controls that are designed to produce the anticipated outcomes. If Y R S were introduced according to this model, inputs related to teaching, learning, and Ch 3. Literature ... p. 42 attendance, for example, would be tightly prescribed. Because there are no such prescriptions identified in the literature on YRS, despite the reported benefits to students descr ibed previously, this approach to educational change does not seem useful for this study. The primary contribution, therefore, to this study by the structural-functional literature on educational change is not that it explains how change should occur, but that it offers numerous descriptions of the difficulty of introducing change. Cuban (1998) observed, for example, that "schools are more likely to change imposed reforms than imposed reforms are likely to change schools" (cited in Kowalski & Brunner, 2005, p. 159). Fullan (1993) attr ibuted the difficulty in achieving educational change to the intrinsic conservat ism of today's schools: On the one hand we have the constant and expanding presence of educational innovation and reform. It is no exaggeration to say that dealing with change is endemic to post-modern society. O n the other hand, however, we have an educational system that is fundamental ly conservative. The way that teachers are trained, the way that schools are organized, the way that the educat ional hierarchy operates, and the way that education is treated by political decision-makers results in a system that is more likely to retain the status quo than to change. W h e n change is at tempted under such circumstances, it results in defensiveness, superficiality or at best short-lived pockets of success, (p. 3) Fullan's sense of conservat ism is basically a recognition of homeostasis, a recognit ion that without continuous attention and effort, social systems tend toward equil ibrium and maintenance of the status quo rather than to change. For that reason, it is the wider literature on change that offers the most useful contribution to my conceptual f ramework, particularly elements of Bourdieu's sociological theory and of Bakhtin's literary theory of culture and outsidedness. Ch 3. Literature ... p. 43 C h a n g e t h r o u g h the L e n s e s o f H a b i t u s a n d O u t s i d e d n e s s Bourdieu's (1993) theory of habitus and the relationships between cultural fields such as educat ion and organizational structures (such as school-year calendars) explain how people are constrained by their social, political, and cultural realities (see also Bourdieu & Wacquant , 1992). Here, I do not purport to adopt Bourdieu's theory wholesale or to adequately represent the body of his work. I simply take the explanatory potential of habitus as useful for this study of educational change. Bourdieu is widely recognized for his Framework that addresses the agency/structure problem in contemporary social theory. He in fact was one of the first poststructuralist sociologists to bring actors back into the structural models of stratification by showing that the idea that structures reproduce and function as constraints is not incompatible with the idea that actors create structures. (Swartz, 1997, p. 290). Despite the originality of his approach to the agency-structure d i lemma, he is still crit iqued for lacking an institutional perspective on agency (see for example Lamont, 1989). Yet, as Swartz points out, he has "consistently maintained that practices derive f rom the intersection of habitus with structures" (p. 121). Bourdieu believes that culture is composed of a variety of f ields (such as educat ion, the state, religion, and political parties) which "define the structure of the social setting in which habitus operates" (Swartz, 1997, p. 117). Each field occupies posit ions that have developed over long periods of t ime and which reflect their possession of various forms of capital. The recognit ion of social, economic, and cultural capital has led to the study of each field's own traditions, rules, and practices. Bourdieu used the term habitus as a way of explaining the norms that have developed in each specific field. He argues that "a system of Ch 3. Literature ... p. 44 disposit ions c o m m o n to all products of the same condit ionings" (1990, p. 59) explains why members of the same institutions tend to share cultural and social experiences that shape them and constrain their understandings and ability to change. The implication is that choice is therefore bounded by what we know. Bourdieu's explanation of habitus is relevant to our understanding of change in educat ion. He writes: Habitus tends to generate all the 'reasonable' and 'commonsense' behaviours (and only those) which are possible within the limits of these regularit ies, and which are likely to be positively sanct ioned because they are objectively adjusted to the logic characteristic of the field, whose objective future they anticipate. At the same t ime.. . i t tends to exclude all 'extravagances' ('not for the likes of us'), that is, all the behaviors that would be negatively sanct ioned because they are incompatible with the objective condit ions, (p. 55-56) Wi th respect to the school calendar, therefore, any modif ication f rom that which people have experienced first hand themselves often seems to be an extravagance that should be "negatively sanct ioned" in that it is incompatible with the norm. Bourdieu tends to focus on fields as the product of relationships and struggles situated in history, a view which leads to a "finalizing" of a particular cultural artifact. Bourdieu's (1990, 1993) theory of f ields promotes understanding of change and continuity in social institutions and is helpful in understanding why educational change is so difficult. He does not, however, provide much assistance regarding how change may occur. Indeed, this is one area (although not the only one) in which critiques have been leveled at Bourdieu's thinking (see for example Swingewood (1998)., In contrast, Bakhtin's (1986) concept of outsidedness, an analysis of the material realities that have shaped the culture and that may lead to Ch 3. Literature ... p. 45 understanding, seems more able to embrace change. As with Bourdieu, I do not intend to address, examine, or incorporate the body of Bakhtin's thinking, with its foci on literary crit icism, chronotopes, dialogism, and carnival. I take the concept of "outsidedness" to suggest one way (among many possible approaches) of conceptualizing educational change. Outsidedness explores how people with different beliefs and experiences come to see one another as outsiders. Exploring this concept, Bakhtin believes that T h e truth is not born and does not reside in the head of an individual person; it is born of the dialogical intercourse between people in the collective search for truth (Bakhtin & Volosinov, 1973, p. 90) The concept of outsidedness is complemented by his better known notions of dialogue and dialogism through which people come to understand each other, to identify possible change, and hence, to move beyond the forces of culture and tradition. For Bakhtin, dialogue is not simply talk. It is not speech at all but an ontology, a way of life. Dialogue is living in openness to new concepts, not as reified things, but as ever changing meanings. He writes, A meaning only reveals its depths once it has encountered and come into contact with another, foreign meaning: they engage in a kind of dialogue, which surmounts the closedness and one-s idedness of these particular meanings, these cultures. (1986, p. 7) For Bakht in, despite enduring cultural structures, the boundaries are always permeable, always fluid, and never static. Hence, as Shields (2003) states, his concepts "permit us to move forward, to open the boundaries, to overcome the inertia of a f ixed notion of culture or power, and to recognize the fluidity and ever changing nature of an educational community" (p. 323). Ch 3. Literature ... p. 46 Bakhtin argues that no meanings are f ixed, but that they constant ly need to be negotiated and renegotiated for different t imes and contexts. He says: There is neither a first nor a last word and there are no limits to the dialogic context (it extends into the boundless past and the boundless future). Even past meanings, that is, those born in the dialogue of past centuries, can never be stable (finalised, ended once and for all) - they will a lways change (be renewed) in the process of subsequent future development of the dialogue. (Bakhtin, 1986, p. 170) Bakhtin's theory therefore supports the need to examine how educat ional leaders approach the difficult process of understanding their communit ies, of negotiating new meanings that have the potential to move people beyond the current habitus of education, and therefore, how they understand educat ion itself and thus, how they introduce and lead educational change in their contexts. The foregoing theories suggest the inextricably interrelated nature of culture and structure. They help to explain the f indings of many educat ional researchers that "educational reforms have often been thwarted by the robust nature of establ ished school practices" (Silins & Mulford, 2002, p. 567). Both Bourdieu and Bakhtin recognize that cultural artifacts, when entrenched over t ime, become embodied in societal structures. In turn over t ime, the structures themselves become embodied in the cultural artifacts. In short, despite many current educational theories to the contrary, it is unproductive for educational reformers and policy makers to attempt to separate culture f rom structure or to determine which is the more important lever for educational change. Given that there is a strong and endurable interactive effect, it is important to examine both simultaneously. Ch 3. Literature ... p. 47 In the fol lowing section I briefly examine literature that addresses the role of the principal (or formal leader) in implementing educat ional change. Some of this literature addresses change, but remains silent on the issue of its impact on students. At the same time, there is also a body of literature that suggests that the primary reason why a principal might choose to implement change is t rans fo rmat i ve— to enhance the academic climate and outcomes of her student body and to enhance social justice in the wider community. As we shall see, this is particularly true of educational leaders introducing a form of year-round schooling. Transformative Leadership and Educational Change I take as a starting point the statement of Silins and Mulford (2002) that "the contr ibutions of school leadership to past and cur ren t . . . school reform efforts have been found to be undeniably significant, even if these contributions are indirect" (p. 564). Some have suggested that one of the most promising approaches to leadership that makes a difference to student outcomes is transformational leadership. Sleegers, Geijsel, and van den Berg (2002) state that "transformational leadership has emerged as one alternative model with potential for enriching our understanding of innovation in school ing" (p. 84). Drawing on the work of Leithwood and colleagues, they identify six dimensions of transformational leadership (vision building, individualized considerat ion, intellectual st imulat ion, fostering the acceptance of group goals, creating high performance expectat ions, and modeling important values and practices) (p. 86). Al though these dimensions may well be part of the motivation of educational Ch 3. Literature ... p. 48 leaders introducing change, their focus ends with the school and hence did not seem to me to be adequate to inform this study. I wanted to look at impact that educational leaders had on both the school environment and the wider communi ty beyond it. For that reason, my focus here is transformative leadership, described by Astin and Astin (2000) in the following terms: W e believe that the value ends of leadership should be to enhance equity, social justice, and the quality of life; to expand access and opportunity; to encourage respect for difference and diversity; to strengthen democracy, civic life, and civic responsibility; and to promote cultural enrichment, creative expression, intellectual honesty, the advancement of knowledge, and personal f reedom coupled with responsibility, (p. 6) It is this emphasis on leadership that enhances equity and social just ice that is interested in enhancing the quality of life for students and their famil ies and for increasing access and opportunity that is the overarching guiding concept for this study. Tradit ional ideas associated with what are most commonly considered rational and technical approaches to leadership including measurement, organizational management, and administration of material and human resources are well known and have been extensively discussed in educational leadership literature (English, 2003; Fairholm, 2000; Hoy & Miskel, 2004). Moreover, these aspects of educat ional leadership are almost universally derided but are extensively pract iced and regularly at tended to because of their enduring importance (Foster, 1996; Fairholm, 2000, Starratt, 1995). In this overview, I take these tradit ional approaches as well understood and as needing no further explication. Instead, I focus here on a composi te picture of transformative leadership as it emerges f rom some recent studies and theoretical writing. This Ch 3. Literature ... p. 49 broader concept ion of leadership becomes the touchstone against which I examine the leadership of the participants in this study. One current definition of leadership is proposed by Bogotch (2000), "Deliberate intervention that requires the moral use of power." This definit ion is consistent with the discussion of Astin and Astin in that it is value-based and focuses on purposeful change. Moreover, it suggests three sub- themes that have bearing on this study of leadership for educational reform: agency, moral purpose, and the use of power. It is these three aspects of leadership I investigate in more detail here. Agency The a g e n c y — t h e deliberate intervent ion—ident i f ied in Bogotch's quotation is intriguing because it does not situate leadership in a particular person or position, but rather leaves the door open for leadership to occur at any level of the organization and by any member of an institution. Moreover, this "agentic" intervention may be initiated by an individual or by a group. Agency, as I a m using it, implies both the desire and the ability to act in order to achieve one's mission, goals, and objectives in a proactive way. Al though Bourdieu's theory of habitus allows for an element of agency, he is clear that agency is limited, confined by the enduring structures of habitus, because the "individual mind is socially bounded, socially structured. The individual is always, whether he likes it or not, t rapped" (Bourdieu & Wacquant , 1992, p. 126, emphasis in original). Ogawa (2005) writes on the concept of Ch 3. Literature ... p. 50 agency and takes it a little further, al though he also suggests that agency is held in balance by forces outside of individual control. He uses Human agency as a heuristic for examining theory and research on educat ional leadership. Agency involves the control that people exert over their destiny, which is matched against determinist ic forces assumed to lie largely beyond their control, (p. 90) Ogawa further states that much current theory treats organizat ions as a constraint on leadership, but argues for the alternative approach of Katz and Kahn (1966) w h o think of leadership as "outside the bounds of organizat ion's routine directives, or structures" (2005, p. 93). He goes on to quote Schein (1992) who defines leadership as "the ability to step outside the [organization's] culture" (p. 93). Rather than think about leadership as constrained by the norms of the institution in some way, an agentic perspective on leadership takes the leader outside the bounds of the organization's culture in such a way as to take deliberate action that may make a difference. In Ogawa's terms, an exceptional leader exceeds "the limits established by the norms and values embedded in existing organizational structures" (p. 93). Ogawa explains: Individuals do not lead when they gain the compl iance of others by virtue of the organizational roles they occupy. Rather, leaders gain compl iance by employing personal, rather than organization resources, (p. 93). This is consistent with Bakhtin's perspective that change requires outsidedness, dialogue, and encounter with different perspectives and experiences. In this study, thinking about who actually exercises agency in the selection and implementat ion of an educational reform such as year-round school ing, who has control over which aspects of the situation, and to what extent elements of the reform process lie beyond any educational leader's control is an integral part Ch 3. Literature ... p. 51 of being able to answer my guiding quest ions. Most importantly however, is a consideration of if or how the leaders in my study may step outside the limits of their organizational structures in order to implement the desired reform. M o r a l P u r p o s e The idea of agency itself has moral implications. If we have the ability to make choices and to determine a course of action that not only affects us as individuals but has a wider and perhaps more enduring impact on others, we must not only choose, but choose thoughtful ly and wisely. It is, of course, quite possible to make choices that are neither in our best interest nor that of others, but when we knowingly make such decisions, we are not acting with moral purpose. This is consistent with one the theory of moral phi losophy that holds that "right act ion must be understood in terms of human good or wel l-being." It is also informed by virtue ethics in that it suggests the need to be sensitive to various contexts and situations. It is not simply a matter of "happiness," but also of reducing inequalit ies and of ensuring that people are treated respectfully and equitably (see Honderich, 1995, p. 593). A l though many people use the term "moral purpose," definitions are hard to come by. At its core, it combines concepts related to morals, ethics, or morality with the notion of goals or purpose. Fullan, one of the few who is willing to at tempt a definit ion, shows up repeatedly in the educational literature. He defines what he calls "moral purpose writ large" in the fol lowing way: "principled behavior connected to something greater than ourselves that relates to human and social development" (2002, p. 15). Whi le discussions of moral purpose is may vary Ch 3. Literature ... p. 52 according to context, I will adopt Fullan's (2003) definition and guidel ines. Fullan identifies four levels of what he calls the moral impera t i ve— the individual, school, regional, and societal (p.30). In talking about what connotes a moral purpose for schools, he states: The criteria of moral purpose are the fol lowing: that all students and teachers benefit in term of identified desirable goals, that the gap between high and low performers becomes less as the bar for all is raised, that ever-deeper educational goals are pursued, and that the culture of the school becomes so transformed that cont inuous improvement relative to the previous three components becomes built in (p.31). Fullan sums up what this means by saying, "Moral purpose of the highest order is having a system where all students learn, the gap between high and low performance becomes greatly reduced, and what people learn enables them to be successful cit izens and workers in a morally based knowledge society" (p. 29). Once again I recognize that in adopting terms such as "moral" or "purpose," I a m using ideas embedded in long and contested historical, epistemological, philosophical, and theoretical perspectives. Fullan's approach begs for clarity and consideration of terms such as "all students," "high and low performance" and "successful citizens." It is not my purpose here to delve into his underlying assumptions, simply to note that prominent educational writers and theorists have taken up the topic and recognized the importance of moral purpose. Purpose itself suggests a clear relationship between the goals of educat ional leadership and the ways in which it is practiced. Brown (2005) declares that "at t imes there has been little relationship between the expressed Ch 3. Literature ... p. 53 goals of educat ion and actual educational practices" (p. 110). Leading with moral purpose would require a groundedness in which there is congruence between expressed purpose and practice. Some (for example Evans, 1996; Terry, 1993) call this authentic leadership. Terry says that authentic leadership is not just action but ethical a c t i o n — b e i n g "true to ourselves and true to the world, real in ourselves and real in the world" (p. 139). Dantley (2005) summarizes many of the themes I have been discussing when he says that Moral leadership, therefore, is broader than traditional school management . It demands a deep investment of the genuine or authentic self of the educational leader. Moral leaders have the courage to locate their work in a broader as well as deeper space as they work to bring about societal t ransformation. Moral leadership is problematic because it interrogates what school systems and communit ies have essential ized. It is problematic because it dares to demysti fy those structures and rituals that have become almost reified after so many years of acceptance, (p. 45) . Here we have the concept of leadership as outside the institution, combined with the sense of moral purpose, and the courage to examine structures and rituals (like the school calendar) that may have become entrenched over t ime). It is important to recognize, however, as Fairholm (2000) does, that moral leadership is not new. He explains: "the problem is we have not thought of our leadership in values terms. So the idea of values leadership is "new," whi le the practice is much more common" (p. xxi). The P o w e r o f E d u c a t i o n a l L e a d e r s h i p The final element in Bogotch's definition of leadership is power. It is important to recognize that power has a creative and generat ive function as well Ch 3. Literature ... p. 54 as a potential for misuse. It is neither inherently good nor evil, but without power, educational leaders would not be able to exercise agency. They would not be able to make moral choices or to influence others to introduce educat ional change. By definit ion, the ability to act and thus act morally requires power. Thus, examining how educational leaders conceptual ize the power they have and how they actually put their beliefs into practice may be an important e lement of this study of educat ional change. For the most part, power has become perceived as a negative element of human interaction. Senge and colleagues (2000) believe that today too much of the discussion around school reform takes place in a power-coercive f ramework. State legislatures announce that, in effect, "These children will achieve." Regardless of whether they have been fed well , live in safe neighborhoods, have parents at home, have good medical care, or live in a peaceful and tranquil environment, they will be judged against children who have those things. Teachers, similarly, are told, "You will have high test scores or w e will close you d o w n . " . . . The results they want are laudable but they show no awareness of the process that must occur naturally to produce those results, (p. 393-394). Obviously, this is not the use of power that generates successful educational reform. But it is the type of power, too often seen in educational reform processes, and the one that gives the term power itself negative connotat ions and implications. One of Foucault 's contributions to our understanding of power was the notion that "the effective exercise of power [may] be disguised" (in Seidman & Alexander, 2 0 0 1 , p. 72). He asserts that power is exercised, not just through sovereignty, but also through techniques and discourses. Power, as Foucault Ch 3. Literature ... p. 55 conceptual ized it, is neither inherently negative nor positive. His argument is that its discourses must be interrogated to determine who is served and who is oppressed. To understand power, one must examine its social and historical contexts, the regimes of "truth" of any given society (Rainbow, 1984, p. 73). There is little doubt that power, whether personal, positional, or discursive may perpetuate inequities. Shields (2002) states that understanding how "forms of power operate in an organization is a complex task, compounded by issues of class, language, socio-economic status, levels of education, and historical posit ion" (p. 226). In 1999, Bishop and Glynn proposed a model f rom which to examine the impact of power imbalances on educational change. They posit the need to explore any reform effort by investigating the five areas of initiation (who establ ishes the goals), benefits (who will benefit directly or indirectly), representation (whose reality is depicted), legitimization (whose realities and experiences are considered legitimate), and accountabil i ty (to whom reformers are accountable) (p.55). These are important aspects to keep in mind when conduct ing any study that examines the perceptions and practices of school leaders introducing educational reform. A t the same t ime, Silins and Mulford (2002) summar ize leadership studies that found that research describing productive forms of leadership has referred to aspects of a transformational model of leadership, for example: leadership which is empowering (Blaise & Blaise, 2000; Reitzug, 1994) , sensit ive to local communi ty aspirations (Limerick & Nielsen, 1995) , support ive of followers (Blaise, 1993), builds collaborative school structures (Deal & Peterson, 1994), and emphasizes the importance of a shared vision (Mulford, 1994). (p. 565) Ch 3. Literature ... p. 56 These f indings suggest that productive school leaders not only use the power they have, but also empower others. They develop professional learning communit ies, build capacity among all members of the community, and develop shared vision. They also suggest that educat ional leaders are transformative. Fraser (1995) adds to our understanding of leadership that is transformative. She asserts that different strategies need to be used to address different forms of inequity that systematical ly disadvantage some groups of people vis-a-vis others. She proposes to distinguish two broadly conceived, analytically distinct understandings of injustice. The first is socioeconomic injustice, which is rooted in the poli t ical-economic structure of society... The second kind of injustice is cultural or symbolic and is rooted in social patterns of representation, interpretation, and communicat ion, (p. 70-71) Fraser posits that a form of redistribution is called for to redress economic injustice and also says that the remedy for cultural injustice is some sort of cultural or symbolic change. Both types of change require a two pronged approach involving affirmation and transformation. She explains: By affirmative remedies for injustice I mean remedies a imed at correcting inequitable outcomes of social arrangements without disturbing the underlying f ramework that generates them. By transformative remedies, in contrast, I mean remedies a imed at correcting inequitable outcomes precisely by restructuring the underlying generative f ramework, (p. 82) Educational leaders who exercise their power to make a difference, not only to the learning cl imate within the school, but to the lived experience of students and their families beyond the schoolhouse door are engaged in transformation. Those who take the t ime and expend the energy required to introduce a calendar Ch 3. Literature ... p. 57 change, convinced that it has a positive impact on several aspects of school life as well as on the wider community, may actually be engaged in transformation. S u m m a r y o f L i t e ra tu re In this chapter, I have provided an overview of some of the literature related to year-round school ing, to educational reform, and to leaders' roles in these processes. Al though the concept of transformative leadership provides a unifying thread, there are some significant gaps in the literature I have r e v i e w e d — g a p s that I hope this study can help to address. The literature on year-round schooling with which this chapter opens suggests that the benefits of a calendar change may make it worth the effort, despite the difficulties educational leaders may face. Some of these benefits include enhancing student achievement; improving motivation and school attendance; decreasing burn-out, drop-out rates, vandal ism, and del inquency; enhancing the working condit ions and quality of life for teachers; and increasing accountabil i ty related to expenditures and facilities. It is curious, therefore, that there are no conceptual links in the literature between a change of school-year calendar and other educational reforms. The literature on educat ion change, however, helps to inform this study by demonstrat ing not only that change is difficult, but by providing some explanations for the challenges. Some theorists believe it is better to initiate change by modifying the culture than by addressing the structure. I have pointed to literature that suggests that the notions of structure and culture are intricately interwoven and have suggested that modifying either may impact the other. The Ch 3. Literature ... p. 58 concept of habitus helped to explain the difficulties of educational change, but did not provide a way forward. For that, I turned to the work of Bakhtin (1986) related to how dialogue can create more permeable boundaries. Al though there are some conceptual links in the literature between educational reform and leadership, most studies focus either on managerial or t ransformational approaches to leadership. I have found the conceptual lens of transformative leadership to be the most promising way to both ground and guide this study. To elaborate this concept, I have used a complementary definit ion of leadership by Bogotch (2000) as well as the three related sub-categories of agency, moral purpose, and power in educat ional leadership. All three are issues that confront those who are concerned with making a change in any context, but are particularly relevant for those who want to introduce transformative change. Because they are interconnected, they all play important roles in the successful enactment of any educational change initiative. Curiously, although there is ample evidence of benefits, none of the literature explicitly addresses the underlying leadership approaches, the motivation or sense of purpose that might prompt leaders to take the social and political risks and to engage in the struggles that a calendar change usually involves. It is for this reason that I have chosen to attempt to understand, not only the explicit reasons given by educators, but their underlying motives, and the resultant outcomes. It is my hope that this study will address these gaps in the educat ional change literature as well as provide some guidance to educational leaders want ing to engage in meaningful educational reform. Ch. 4. Methodology ... p. 59 C H A P T E R 4. M E T H O D O L O G Y In this chapter I describe the methods of this study including my relationship to the topic, my data sources and participants, and my strategies for data analysis. I conclude by providing an overview and rationale for the decisions I made regarding the presentation of my f indings in the subsequent two chapters. My dominant approach in this study is qualitative. A wide range of methodological approaches comes under the heading of qualitative research. It embraces methods such as narrative, archival analysis, discourse analysis, ethnography, case studies, surveys, interviews, and even descriptive statistics. Denzin and Lincoln (1999) state that, overall, qualitative research is mult imethod in focus, involving an interpretive, naturalistic approach to its subject matter. This means that qualitative researchers study things in their natural settings, attempting to make sense of, or interpret, phenomena in terms of the meanings people bring to them. (p. 3) This approach has the advantage of presenting respondents' v iewpoints and permitt ing us to confront multiple and somet imes conflicting perspectives on a single topic. This research does not result in generalizabil ity but it can help to inform both theoretical and practical understanding of a particular topic. My research uses various qualitative methods, with an emphasis on interviews, observations, and appropriate document analysis; however, I rely primarily on information that was gained through interviews with school principals and district administrators who have been associated with the implementat ion of a change to some form of year-round schooling. Ch. 4. Methodology ... p. 60 P e r s o n a l P o s i t i o n i n g In 1992, I began a master 's of educational administrat ion program (MEd) at the University of Utah where I met Dr. Carolyn Shields, then an assistant professor in the department. At that t ime, she became aware that I was an administrator in a multi-track year-round school in Davis School District. Dr. Shields moved to the University of British Columbia in 1994, a t ime when a number of schools and districts in BC were considering the introduction of a form of year-round school ing. She and colleague Dr. Linda LaRocque f rom Simon Fraser University won a contract to work with the Ministry of Educat ion, developing a literature review on year-round schooling and helping to plan a provincial conference on the topic. In 1994, Drs. Shields and LaRocque invited several educators whom they knew to be involved in various modif ications of the school calendar to participate in the conference and they asked me if I could join them as a member of the planning committee. This conference was the culminating event in a pilot program established by the BC Ministry of Education in which seven school districts had been given grants to explore the possibility of a calendar change. W h e n no school or district proceeded to implement the reform, Dr. Shields and I were both curious as to why. During her t ime in Utah, Dr. Shields had never heard discussion of the constraints and disadvantages that came to the forefront during the BC period of explorat ion. A s we talked, we determined that a small research project in my district would help us to better understand the difficulties and possible benefits of a year-round calendar. I was as intrigued as she was and helped to arrange Ch. 4. Methodology ... p. 61 access to the district for what became a prel iminary study for what became an ongoing SSHRC-funded investigation of various aspects of school calendar reform. Because of the unanticipated academic benefits we found in that pilot study, when Dr. Shields received her first S S H R C grant, she inquired about whether I was interested in completing a doctoral program and working with her as a research assistant. After being accepted to UBC, I worked as a research assistant to Dr. Shields f rom 1996 to 2002. Wi th her, I col lected data f rom many extant sources, including examinat ion of documents and achievement results, and traveled to numerous sites where I assisted in the conduct of interviews. Whi le the overarching research project is Dr. Shield's, she was clear from the outset that I should identify a specific area of interest and focus that would constitute my doctoral research. Whi le many of the interviews that form the basis of this dissertat ion were conducted jointly, the specif ic quest ions of this study and the analyses for the purposes of this dissertation are mine. Where I have worked with Dr. Shields in data analysis and writing of research articles or where I have drawn on her work, the published material is referenced. The interpretations and understandings contained in this dissertation are not only new, but are solely mine. The details of this project are described in the rest of this chapter. Data C o l l e c t i o n a n d S o u r c e s For the purpose of this specific project, the primary data sources were school and district administrators. Administrator interviews included all principals assigned to a given school during the period of our data collection (1995-2003), Ch. 4. Methodology ... p. 62 and when available, the district personnel responsible for the implementat ion of YRS. These interview data were supplemented by interviews with teachers, and often by data collected f rom parents and students by means of surveys. W e also examined available student achievement results, including school reports of state-wide standings, and, in some places, results for individual students, classes, and schools on statewide, standardized achievement tests. The research team usually consisted of Dr. Shields and myself but at t imes included other interested academics and graduate students. W e interviewed over 80 educators—admin is t ra tors and teacher l e a d e r s — w h o were instrumental either in the decision to adopt a calendar change or in the implementat ion of the change process itself. The respondents were each interviewed on at least two occasions, for a min imum of one hour each t ime. These semi-structured interviews were taped (with respondents ' permission), t ranscribed, and then coded for subsequent analysis. As a team, we used a semi-formal interview protocol, with open-ended quest ions, covering a range of topics (see Appendix B). In each interview, all topics were covered, but not necessari ly in the same order, as we engaged the respondents in a relatively free-wheel ing conversat ion. In each interview, we asked administrators questions about their explicit and implicit motivations and goals: why they had implemented a year-round calendar and whether it had been mandated or chosen. If chosen, we wanted to know what the impetus had been, where the idea had come from, and what the procedure had been from initiation to implementat ion. If it had been mandated, Ch. 4. Methodology ... p. 63 we were interested in the origin of and rationale for the mandate. A second set of questions related to their expectat ions and concerns. W e wondered what they had hoped to accompl ish, and the extent to which their goals had been realized. W e tried to understand the outcomes of the change, by asking about anticipated and unanticipated results and the perspectives and responses of various community and policy groups. For the most part, these administrators and leaders welcomed the opportunity to talk about the structural change; hence the interviews often seemed to take on a life of their own, and very little probing was needed to elicit a great deal of information. The team approach to conduct ing the interviews was particularly effective in that one person generally took the lead role while the other was able to monitor the interview guide, ensuring that all quest ions were covered and that fol low-up probes were used as necessary. This technique also permitted one person to engage in conversat ion whi le the other reflected more on the underlying meaning and checked periodically for understanding. The respondent group included at least one district level administrator f rom each of Western Canada, Ontario, Florida, Missouri, and Utah. At least four school principals f rom each jurisdiction were interviewed. In addit ion, we often interviewed teachers to extend our understanding of what had occurred. Somet imes this resulted in confirmation of what the principal had said. At other t imes, we found considerable disparity; always there was clarification about the implementat ion of year-round school ing. Chronologically, the respondents represent people who implemented a form of year-round calendar in each Ch. 4. Methodology ... p. 64 decade f rom the 1960s to the present. Additionally, they represent various models of year-round schooling, including multi-track, dual-track, and single-track versions of the calendar as well as the dynamics of both mandated and voluntary change in a variety of cultural and socio-political contexts. Sites Selected for This Study My data are representative of various t ime periods and geographic locations (see Table 1). These educators were chosen purposeful ly in order to include educators involved in year-round schooling f rom its inception in North Amer ica (about 1969) to the present t ime, to include those involved in a mandated as well as a voluntary reform initiative, as well as single, dual, and multi-track calendars. Respondents were also chosen f rom various geographic locations across Canada and the United States. This was to ensure that the effect of different socio-political and cultural contexts was accounted for in my analysis. I decided to select seven districts, separated in t ime and place, each with a story that needed to be told, and to recount that story by focusing primarily on one or two schools and the colorful people associated with them within each district. In the United States, I chose the district with the first and longest running year-round schools, Frances Howell, Missouri; Delphi District in Utah, a district that was a relatively early implementer with a large number of mandated multi-track schools; and several Florida districts. The latter were selected because they consti tuted a geographic cluster in which the districts expressed mutual influence and in which the implementation and outcomes varied considerably. Ch. 4. Methodology ... p. 65 Table 1. Participants. NAME POSITION DISTRICT SCHOOL CALENDAR INITIATION MISSOURI Gene Henderson (GH)* Superintendent Frances Howell* Becky David MT-YRS District decision Wilma Cole (WC)* Principal Harry Snider (HS) Teacher-leader Keri Zane (KZ) Assist. Super. UTAH CW Assoc. Super. Delphi MT-YRS State mandate Sally Pearson (SP) Principal Lightfoot Steve Rob (SR) Vice-Principal David Best (DB) Principal Kain Karen Brian (KB) Principal Wycliffe ST&MT FLORIDA Dana Lougheed (DL) Assist. Super. Central ST&MT District mandate Sage MT-YRS Voluntary Brenda Marion (BM) Assist. Super. Vista MT-YRS District mandate Dick Child (DC) Vice-Principal Esther Harwood Principal Taft Jerico MT-YRS District mandate Jane Bowes Principal Martin Popper ST-YRS Voluntary ONTARIO, CANADA Dan Patterson* Principal Huntsville Dual track Voluntary John May Vice-Principal Joseph Smart (JS)** Principal Albert Kate Smith** Dual-track Voluntary Gwen Dolan (GD)** Principal Sweet-water Lakota** Dual track Voluntary Rusty Knowles Teacher Susan Taylor (ST)** Teacher WESTERN CANADA** Naomi St. John Principal Kelvin Stephen Lewis Jr. High(SLJHS) MT-YRS Voluntary Lydia Duschene Principal William Smith Principal Jim Daley (JD)** Learning Leader Becky Roland (BR)** Teacher *AII names are pseudonyms except those with asterisks that are a matter of the historic record. ** In some instances to promote confidentiality, I developed a composite of several regions, schools, or individuals, identified here with **. Ch. 4. Methodology ... p. 66 The Canadian sites were selected to be representative of what was happening in Canada at the t ime of this study and because the Canadian situations were uniquely different f rom what had been observed in the United States. The choice of Stephen Lewis Junior High School is obvious in that it represented Canada's only exper iment with a multi-track secondary year-round calendar. The Ontario schools, with their predominantly dual-track calendars, were also unique; they were clustered in several districts which permit ted the development of composite images to ensure confidentiality, while the other possible Canadian schools in Dr. Shields' wider study were so isolated it would have been difficult, if not impossible, to ensure confidentiality. Data Analysis Consistent with normal procedures of qualitative analysis, data analysis began informally as soon as each interview was completed. I also reflected on the similarity or differences of themes and approaches and engaged in ongoing discussion with other research collaborators involved in studying YRS. Formal analysis made use of tr iangulation, coding of interview transcripts, field notes of observations, and analysis of documents collected during each site visit. Each researcher fol lowed a coding strategy identified by Tesch (1990) in which data are decontextual ized for preliminary themes and topics and then recontextual ized for meaning. To assist with this analysis, I made use of a computer program called NVivo that permits various levels of coding and sorting and assists with thematic analysis of the data. All but one of the respondents in this study were white, making any kind of Ch. 4. Methodology ... p. 67 analysis related to ethnicity difficult. There was a roughly 5 0 % gender break-down, with both male and female principals, teachers, and district educators participating in this study. Because ethnicity was not a consideration for identification and selection of participants and because some of the respondents are presented in the f indings chapters as composites, this study does not examine the relationships among gender, ethnicity, or other socio-cultural background factors as they might influence educators' beliefs, perceptions, and practices. These are important topics, however, and worthy of consideration in a future study. Al though much of the data collection and analysis were conducted collaboratively, each researcher also identified topics and themes of particular individual interest and worked independently on the pursuit of the topics and questions so identified. This dissertation is therefore the result of my individual inquiry. Organization of Findings In order to help make sense of the reams of data, I explored various means of data presentat ion. A t first I thought I would use the guiding questions as an organizing principle; then I thought I would identify various types of leaders—t ransact iona l , charismatic, transformative, and so forth. I reflected on organizing the data based on the type of calendar innovat ion—single- t rack, multi-track, with intersession or without. I thought about a geographic order, moving f rom west to east or vice versa. Finally, I decided to present the US cases in chronological order, starting with the earliest implementat ion. In Canada, I also Ch. 4. Methodology ... p. 68 presented the elementary schools in chronological order (starting f rom the earliest) and then finished with the one secondary school in the study. Though I tell the story of year-round schooling in these seven districts, I also at t imes bring in data and interviews f rom other (usually neighboring) jurisdictions with the purpose of establishing a richer context for the study. In all but a few identif ied cases, the names of districts, schools, and people are pseudonyms, in order to protect the anonymity and confidentiality of participants. Quotat ions f rom educators are shown with initials that represent the pseudonyms I have assigned to each educator. In the fol lowing chapter, I present the stories of four Amer ican districts. Frances Howell School District in Missouri represents one of the first districts that implemented a multi-track calendar, in Becky David Elementary School. At the turn of the century, it was the longest continually running multi-track year-round school in the US. Because of the historic signif icance of this school and district, I have chosen (with permission) not to use pseudonyms for the sites or for the instigating principal or district superintendent, Wi lma Cole and Gene Henderson, respectively. I then focus on Delphi School district, located in Utah, a district in which school administrators were required to f ind a structural solution to address the overcrowded condit ions that developed in many urban schools. This account is fol lowed by an examinat ion of two contiguous districts in Florida, with quite different histories related to year-round school ing. In Vis ta District, the environment was relatively hostile, while in Taft District, the onus was mostly on Ch. 4. Methodology ... p. 69 individual schools to make decisions about school calendars. Here I examine the case of Jerico and Martin Popper Elementary Schools. In the Chapter 6,1 write about several examples of year-round schooling in Canada, where the earliest implementat ion experiment began in the early 1990s in Huntsvil le, Ontario. I then move to Albert District to visit Kate Smith Elementary School 's successful exper iences with year-round school ing. Next I examine Sweetwater Elementary School and the more problematic exper iences of Lakota School District. I conclude by looking at Stephen Lewis Junior High School, Canada's only experiment with multi-track school ing. Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 70 C H A P T E R 5. T H E A M E R I C A N E X P E R I E N C E The first year-round school (YRS) in the United States opened in Bluffton, Indiana, in 1904 for the purposes of increasing school building capacity and student achievement (Glines, 1995). A small number of other schools fol lowed suit (for example, Newark, NJ; Minot, ND). With the economic and social pressures of the Depression and the Second Wor ld War, the first instances of year-round schooling in North Amer ica came to an end. It was not until the late 1960s, when fiscal pressures and burgeoning populations resulted in overcrowded schools and classrooms, that multi-track year-round school was almost simultaneously introduced in California, Illinois, Minnesota, and Missouri (Glines, 1988, p. 17). Al though there is some dispute as to the first year-round school, one of the first and the longest running experiment with year-round educat ion, was that of Frances Howell School District in St. Charles, Missouri. In this chapter, I first examine how district educators there retrospectively made sense of their experience. I then examine the implementation in one district in Utah, one of the states with the highest incidence of multi-track year-round schools. In the third part of the chapter I turn to Florida, where some would say that year-round schooling has fai led, to examine and better understand the very mixed, often tortuous process experienced by several districts. Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 71 F r a n c e s H o w e l l S c h o o l D i s t r i c t : W h e r e C h a n g e B e g a n In many ways, Missouri seems to be a strange place for multi-track year-round schooling to have begun. To the east and the west are the state's two major cities, Saint Louis and Kansas City, both with the dichotomy of sophistication and urban decay that populate most contemporary North Amer ican cities. These modern metropolises bracket fertile farmlands and the rolling hills of the Ozarks, where every small town seems to have a white clapboard Baptist church and an undersized all-purpose Wal-Mart . A solidly Midwestern state that is also a part of the South and "the gateway to the West," portions of the Missouri political debate of the 1990s revolved around whether or not cock-fighting should be banned and what role riverboat gambl ing revenues should play in funding educat ion. Missouri 's Frances Howell School District boundaries are congruent with those of Saint Char les County, a once-rural area that has become a suburb of Saint Louis. Whi te flight and the growing aff luence of the middle class led to its rampant and almost uncontrolled growth in the 1960s. Farmland was being bought up and converted into subdivisions and single housing units. New homes meant f a m i l i e s — a n d families meant more children for the schools (GH). Y e a r - R o u n d S c h o o l i n g : A R i s k Tha t P a i d Off The growth rate was phenomenal . The school district was in a bind. It literally could not build schools fast enough because the board was not al lowed to. It wasn' t that they didn't have the w i l l — t h e y simply didn't have the way. There were two reasons for this. One, the property tax rate (that was by far the largest Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 72 mandated support for education) was not as high for residential property as it was for industrial and commercial property. Saint Charles had plenty of residential and fa rm land, but very few businesses. Second, the school board was restricted on the amount that it could increase revenues by borrowing money or raising taxes. By state law, the district was limited to borrowing no more than ten percent of its assessed evaluation. So Frances Howell District borrowed money and built s c h o o l s — a s quickly as al lowed. W h a t was al lowed just wasn't fast enough. Schools and classrooms were exploding with new students (GH). Gene Henderson had been hired by Frances Howell District as superintendent in 1965. He had inherited a problem that seemingly had no solution. He said of the t ime, ' W h e n I arrived, there were only 2500 students in the whole district. From the outset w e had a terrible growth problem. I don't remember the f igures but it seems like we had a 3 0 % growth increase in one year." He had too many students, no place to house them and the inability to go after the funds required to build new schools. So he did what anyone in his place would do. He rented spaces f rom local churches. Henderson again: "We had been renting space from churches and still needed more. One church seemed quite support ive of us." He qualified this, "Using churches was a horrendous exper ience for everyone." They even considered double sessions but "some students would have had to leave home as early as 4:30am and others arrive home as late as 8:30pm." Gene attended conferences, read the literature, and brainstormed with district personnel . At one district meeting a math teacher who was also an acting Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 73 principal at tended. Harry Snider, a teacher who had taught in the district at the t ime, described what happened, "Mr. Mathematics said, 'Well you know, there really is a better solution to this. If you use the facility twelve months a year and you cycle the students' at tendance, you could increase the capacity of the building by a third.' And the principals all looked at him like, W h a t the hell do you know? You're a math teacher'." But Gene Henderson was intrigued and called the math teacher back in to discuss the idea. W h e n asked if the plan was in place anywhere else, he was told that they had already enacted it in Val ley View Elementary, near Chicago. Gene wanted to go and look at how it was working, but after making some queries, found out that it hadn't actually begun yet. "They had some kind of federal grant and all kinds of money and t ime investigating it. But we actually started first, because we couldn't afford to wait." Becky David: Chosen for Innovation T h e district could have chosen to exper iment with the new calendar in any number of schools. They settled on the 1000 student Becky David Elementary for one r e a s o n — t h e potential for air condit ioning. Gene Henderson said, "The contractor told me that the hot water pipes were large enough to be converted to cold water so that the school could be easily cooled. It just wasn't true." A principal at the school said that they "had two full years of sweat ing" before air condit ioning arrived. Wi lma Cole had been the "lower grades principal" at Becky David Elementary since 1963. She used to joke with Gene that she didn't have enough work to do to justify her eleven month contract and, in the long, dead summer, Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 74 that she used to stop in at the school on her way to play a little golf. "That's the last t ime I ever said I was under worked, because the next year we introduced year-round school ing." Approval was not difficult. The school board was happy to have a possible way to solve the problem. After a "number of public meet ings" the parent council decided that a vote was needed. So Wi lma Cole sent home a survey to her patrons. " W e let each family have one vote. The mother could be for it and the father against it, but whoever was the most persuasive got to vote." They had two thirds in favor, but those against were very vocal, even threatening lawsuits against the district if they proceeded. The state legislature had to modify some language that defined beginning and ending parameters of the school year. Last of all, the teacher 's union had to give approval. Tempted by the opportunity of optional alternative teacher contracts (read: more days in the c lassroom for more p a y ) — t h e union gave its blessings. Despite a loud minority of parents, angry about the introduction of a YR calendar, the district went ahead with its plans, promising that if the new calendar didn't work they would return to the traditional calendar in the fol lowing year. Besides, it was only being introduced in one school and parents could take their children to a different facility if they wished. Wi lma Cole remarked that "it was amazing that we got state, teacher, and parent approval within a few months." She also stated, "People have to understand that the model we look at today was something that happened by a series of changes. Year-round school, as most people know it, is quite a different animal f rom that beast we had first." Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 75 Opening day arrived with a great deal of trepidation and anticipation. Gene and Wi lma wondered whether any students would show up that first day. Wi lma says, W e were kind of amazed they showed u p — d i s m a y e d almost. They loved it, too. They just came in leaps and bounds. W e had more than w e expected. I thought that some wou ld move away as they were so vocally opposed to this concept. Gene Henderson reflected, "Looking back, it was a wonder parents didn't rebel. ... It's kind of interesting. The boys and girls came to school, enthusiast ic about learning and the teachers were scared to death because no one had the answers in terms of the one million quest ions that our new schedule generated." He cont inued: "I think the parents and children enjoyed it because they were on TV now and then." Both he and Wi lma vividly recalled how in the first interview, a television reporter was out on the playground interviewing students. The first three she interviewed said, of the new schedule, "Yes. I love this calendar" and "I don't care" and "I hate it." They indicated that the press was quite favorable and often showed pictures of the school and children getting on and off buses. Gene and Wi lma were also on talk shows and call-in sessions and there was an article, "Year-round school ing: An idea whose t ime has come," published in 1970 in the Readers' Digest about Gene and Wi lma and the school. Al though much of the coverage occurred at the outset of the new calendar 's implementat ion, addit ional but more sporadic attention by the press cont inued for years. W i lma descr ibed how they still got some interest, especially over the summer, when they were "still the only game in town." She said that all of a sudden there would be a report that suggested that "They have discovered year-round school in the St. Louis Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 76 area." One such example was the summer the Missouri River crested and the newspapers contacted them to see how many schools had been f looded out. (Of course, none had been.) The four calendar tracks were divided up according to bus r o u t e s — a true serendipity. Instead of taking parental requests (as we will see happens in other districts implementing multi-track year-round schooling), tracks were assigned according to geographic areas and buses simply picked up all neighborhood children at one t ime. Though not much thought was given to this plan, this strategy worked well, avoiding the track request booby-trap that was to sabotage many rotating track schooling programs in other locales. This option offered the advantage of keeping neighbors together on one track. It el iminated the t ime and tension experienced by many administrators who attempt to fulfill parental requests. Most of all, they said, it el iminated inequities due to dif ferences in socio-economic status or ethnicity. They explained that, as the demographics of the district changed, they simply shifted the track boundaries by slicing the pie differently. It is ironic that the relatively trouble-free and relatively equitable plan of one of the first multi-track districts is still rarely adopted by schools or districts implementing the year-round school calendar today—d is t r ic ts perhaps overly anxious to accede to parental requests and to keep their public happy at all costs. At first, teacher contracts were creative. Wi lma: "Even our contract options turned out to be a nightmare. I'm glad it only took a couple of years to get that ironed out." Most teachers taught all year-round with the students rotating to new Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 77 teachers every t ime they came back on track. It didn't take long for everyone to conclude that this wasn't the best thing for the students and was also a nightmare for teachers. Harry, a teacher-leader, remembered that first year in Becky David in this way: There was one group that just really sticks out in my mind because it was such a bizarre collection of kids... Each teacher was relieved they were only going to be the group's teacher for 45 days. After the first day they would shake the group like a wet dog and say, T h a n k God, there's only 44 more days . ' . . .As this year progressed, and all of us watched these kids, I think we pretty much said to ourselves that if schools are for kids and schools are supposed to meet the needs of kids, then this plan may or may not be in the best interest of children. (HS) Changes over Time In this first year, teachers taught as if they were in a tradit ional school but with extended contracts. As children rotated in and out of school, they changed teachers each new term. Harry elaborated: "We changed kids every quarter, which was really awful...I had more than 400 students assigned to me that first year." By the second year, the teachers had met to determine what they hoped would be a better way. Each teacher was assigned a group of kids and the day was departmental ized. With only three groups in attendance, a teacher could teach the kids math and science or social studies or the language arts block. Harry cont inued, W h e n they went off on their vacation, another group came in, but you had previous experience with that group as their math and science teacher. So the only thing that changed was the t ime of day that you met the group. And we kept that for another f ive years, and that was cool, I mean it worked, we got to know our kids. Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 78 Although this concept worked for the intermediate students, the primary grades, especial ly kindergarten, could not stand the transit ions. Those working with the lower grades soon moved to what is now the most common multi-track schedule, 45 days in class fol lowed by 15 days of vacat ion (known as 45-15) in which students and teachers rotated together. Thus, after two years of experimenting, only three options were left. The primary teachers opted for the 45-15; some teachers, such as art and music specialists, worked extended contracts that covered the whole year; and the intermediate grades stayed with their departmental system, but dropped it a few years later. One factor that helped them over the initial hump was that, in 1969 when the year-round calendar was instituted, there was a shortage of teachers in the state. By working at Becky David, a teacher could earn a full year's pay working for twelve months. At that t ime, Becky David had a faculty of 60 people, 18 of them were men , something that was very unusual for an elementary school. It was the economic pheromone of increased earning power that made the job attractive to males. Changes occurred very quickly. As teachers began to change rooms every cycle, the district developed the concept of having a cart on wheels for each teacher to help alleviate the headache of moving all their materials. The air-condit ioning problem was eventually solved, al though for the first two years, Wi lma remembered that "parents even had to lend them fans and that each room had two or three fans that ran day and night." And the district procedures for ordering materials were refined to take account of the needs of the new school. Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 79 I asked my respondents if there had been any impact on student learning. Gene and Wi lma recalled that a Danforth Study had been conducted at a cost of a quarter of a million dollars to investigate that quest ion. But they lamented that the study had been il l-conceived, had focused primarily on statewide standardized test results, and had found little if any difference. The new calendar grew rapidly. In the second year, another school came on board, with a third school the fol lowing year. Soon the whole district adopted the schedule up to the sixth grade. Year-round schooling became simply the way education happened in Frances Howell School District. W h e n , in a given year, the enrolment for a specific school dropped, the school moved to a single-track schedule, locally referred to as E Track. W h e n the school 's population grew again, it returned to a multi-track calendar. In Frances Howell, this situation cont inued for over thirty years, with constant experimentat ion and modif ications. They learned to accommodate small , remote schools as well as their largest suburban elementary school of approximately 1800 students (the largest in the state and one of the three or four largest in the nation). They exper imented with various track configurations, track principals, and executive principals. The schedule permitted Becky David to grow to accommodate over 1600 students by 1998. Only after the turn of the 2 1 s t century, did the district f ind itself able to move away f rom large multi-track elementary schools. Nevertheless, it did not return to a tradit ional calendar, but placed all schools, where they are today, on Cycle E — t h e district's term for its single track year-round school calendar. This is Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 80 consistent with the preference the incumbent superintendent reported to me in the late 1990s. W h e n I asked, in the best of all worlds, what his preference would be, he replied, "No question. Cycle E. K-12. With intercessions." A n assistant superintendent added, "Everybody just loves it. That 's the single track and it's the best of all worlds" (KZ). S u m m i n g u p the F r a n c e s H o w e l l E x p e r i m e n t The strong and colorful leadership of Gene Henderson and Wi lma Cole, with their spirit of experimentat ion, flexibility, and wil l ingness to change led Frances Howell into the year-round school experiment in 1969 and carried it through periods of legal action, parental unrest, changing f iscal, social, and demographic realities. In Frances Howell, people said proudly that the year-round calendar is the way school ing works for their district. Never mandated by state legislation, year-round schooling nevertheless has offered solutions to major problems for over 30 years. By making year-round school ing the "way educat ion was done" in the district, Gene and Wi lma permitted the district to be not just successful , but a f lagship for the state. Moreover, they did so in a transformative way, ensuring equity of educational opportunity and services and creating numerous opportunit ies for community involvement. I move now to Utah, a state in which the same calendar was introduced a little later, also to address some pressing problems of overcrowding and lack of capital funds. Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 81 U t a h : A M a n d a t e d R e f o r m Utah's dominant population is Mormon. Members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints believe in large famil ies. Typical ly they reject birth control and the mother stays home or works a relatively low-wage job. The largest minority is Hispanic Ca tho l i c—a lso a group that tends to have large families. Thus, in Utah, per capita income is relatively low because of the large families. Rothstein (2000) reported for example that out of the 50 states and the District of Columbia, Utah ranked 5 1 s t in total per pupil spending ($4620 per pupil), whi le New Jersey which ranked first, spent almost twice that amount ($8470). Because of the low tax base and the large number of children, Rothstein explained that "citizens of Utah must make the greatest sacrifice to provide for public e d u c a t i o n — P I P S 1 is only 5 9 % of the national average" (p. 43). Year-round schooling in Utah was introduced in the late 1980s to counteract some of these specific problems related to educat ion in the state. The State Legislature, following California's decision to offer incentives to districts that instituted year-round schooling to reduce overcrowding (Zykowski et al., 1991, p. 18), informed school districts that funding for new school buildings would only be forthcoming if districts introduced some form of efficiency calendar. Delphi District first responded to this mandate in some pilot e lementary schools by introducing what it called "extended day schools." In this model , one principal explained, half of the students arrived at school at 7 am and left at 2 pm, with the others arriving at 9:30 am and returning to their homes at 4:30 pm. The 2.5 hour 1 PIPS = personal income per student. Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 82 blocks at the beginning and end of the day provided t ime for "core subjects" to be taught by "core teachers" "in classes that were kept as small as classes ever are in Utah" (SP). The more "general" sub jec ts—sc ience , art, music, and physical e d u c a t i o n — w e r e taught to double sized classes in the middle block of the day (one can only imagine the chal lenge of teaching science to a c lassroom of 70 mixed grade elementary students). Many teachers taught the full day and hence were paid more, something that never fails to please. The district also appreciated unexpected benefits of the extended-day calendar, in that it did not have to hire as many teachers and benefits and other peripheral costs were kept stable. The sole group for whom the exper iment really did not work was the students. In particular, "parents felt as if younger children were lost in these large classes" (SP). Al though students still performed well in their core classes, the rest of the day became essentially "a baby-sitt ing process" (SR). Few, if any, art or science concepts were taught and students learned little. Even after trying to supplement the classroom instruction with teachers' aides, students did not perform as well as they had before. A l though the model did not work for students, teachers who were earning an addit ional 3 0 % by working the full day were reluctant to give up the new calendar. One principal, who in adopting a year-round schedule was happy to be rid of ex tended day, said, "It carried us through until we came up with a better model" (SP). Another principal summed the extended day up by saying that it was "a horrible thing to put kids through" (DB). Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 83 In 1988, Delphi District decided to end the experiment with the extended day calendar and chose instead to implement multi-track year-round school ing in schools that were grossly overcrowded. By this t ime, addit ions had been made to some of the elementary schools originally built for 450 students and still more space had been acquired through the installation of portable c lassrooms to provide for up to 600 students. However, at that t ime, some schools enrol led as many as 1200 students. At the t ime of data collection, the district served over 58,000 students in seven high schools, 13 junior high schools, seven alternative programs, and 48 elementary schools. Of the 48 schools, 34 fo l lowed the traditional school-year calendar, 12 used a multi-track year-round calendar, and two schools, which opened in August 1995, began with a single-track year-round calendar and changed to a multi-track calendar in the fall of 1996. The 12 original multi-track year-round schools, some of which have been operating on that schedule since 1989, represent 2 5 % of the elementary schools and hold approximately 3 6 % (11,160) of the elementary s tudents . 2 The facilities are relatively large, housing between 410 and 1242 students. However, the traditional calendar schools are also quite large with student populat ions between 366 and 854 students. For schools that had piloted the extended day, parents and students were eager to try something else. For those packed elementary schools that had become used to overcrowding, the change to a multi-track school proved to be much more challenging (perhaps in part because any move away f rom the 2 The only experiment with year-round schooling beyond the elementary level only lasted one year in this district. Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 84 "traditional" in Utah is viewed with suspicion). Nevertheless, the state and district remained adamant and multi-track year-round school ing became a way of life for a large number of Delphi District parents and students. Implementat ion in Delphi District was varied. At first, there was little institutional support for the change and little district recognit ion of the special needs of year-round schools. One principal recounted his first comment to a new superintendent: You 've got to stop treating year-round school like an ugly adopted child. You need to appoint an administrator at the district level who is only responsible for year-round school so we don't keep calling down there and hearing, "Oh, the warehouse is closed for inventory. W e forgot about year-round school . . . Oh, in-service? You' re off-track? W e forgot about you." (DB) As years passed, the district matured in its approach to implementat ion. A district administrator was assigned to be responsible for year-round school ing. Separate meet ings were added for principals of year-round schools; additional office help was provided; the testing schedule was compi led to accommodate the year-round school schedule; a compensatory salary st ipend was added for year-round school principals and a TSA (Teacher on Special Assignment) posi t ion 3 was added to provide administrative support and relief for principals. The district learned to offer two school opening institutes as well as to offer professional development activities during year-round school track breaks. The effect of these In the words of one principal, this position is a "mix between a teacher and administrator" (DB). Those assigned to the position were generally experienced teachers who taught half the day and for the other half took over some administrative tasks (testing, discipline etc.). They were also officially in charge of the school when the principal was absent for any reason. Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 85 changes over t ime was to increase the status of a multi-track elementary school principal to something roughly equivalent to that of a junior high school principal. In the beginning, however, Delphi District required its principals to do almost all the implementat ion and design of the year-round schooling programs in their own schools. Reminiscent of the early days in Frances Howell , one principal descr ibed how he had to "literally run and get pencils and bring them back" before the warehouse closed for the season. He recognized, however, that part of the problem was his own lack of organization and added, "Maybe we should have done that in December when ordering was at a min imum." The main question principals were faced with was not if they were going to implement year-round schooling but how. Moreover, there was little guidance or assistance f rom a district that was as "green" as the principals about the new concept. At the t ime, Utah had school councils, each of which was empowered to make decisions for its respective school. Principals, therefore, had the task of generat ing a consensus in their respective parent and teacher communit ies to ensure that the required vote worked out positively in favor of year-round school ing. T h e problem, as one principal stated, "was primarily wi th parents who did not know how they would manage without the whole summer off ' (SP). Another put it more bluntly. He said that year-round schooling had been "a tough pill to swallow," but added that he thought anything "so new in educat ion always is" (DB). Despite this requirement, the greatest chal lenge for principals of year-round schools in Utah was not gaining acceptance for the concept, but Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 86 assignment of teachers and students to tracks. This too was left to each principal and accompl ished differently f rom school to school. Often, ass ignment w a s done, not in the systematic fashion of Frances Howell School District, but in a first come, first served basis. Parents were often asked to prioritize their choice of track; they were also guaranteed that if they so desired, all children f rom one family could be on the same track. Unfortunately, lower socio-economic status (SES) parents often failed to submit a track request form. Ultimately this led to a sort of socio-economic streaming. In Lightfoot Elementary, one of the schools that piloted both extended day and year-round school ing, one vice-principal described the difficulties in this way: Initially everybody wanted track A or track D which replicated the traditional schedule.. . There were parents that weren' t on the PTA board and that weren' t really aware of what was happening in the school who were getting the last choice or weren' t making a choice and so they would be assigned to tracks that were less popular. So we have track C for example with a majority of our Hispanic kids. (SR) One principal stated that "it is almost a school district phi losophy that we try to honor parent requests as much as possible" (KB). The fulfi l lment of parents' wishes was often taken to such an extent that classes were unevenly distributed across tracks. For example, at one point, there were three track A first grade classes in Lightfoot elementary school, with one additional first grade class on each of the other three tracks. W h e n Sally Pearson took over as principal of the school, she found that "when track A was off, we had to rattle through the halls looking for kids ... when track A was here, the computer labs were over-crowded and there were safety hazards on the playground and buses." Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 87 However, in another school in Delphi District, parents bel ieved that keeping neighbors on the same track was most appropriate. Karen Brian reported that parents said: W e don't care. W e think you have wonderful teachers. W e aren't worried about which teacher. W e really aren't so worr ied about which track. What we want here is to have our neighborhood together. This sentiment seemed similar to the track assignment policy that had been established (almost by default) in Frances Howell School District. In one school of only 600 students, one of the school principals opted for only three t r a c k s — a decision that later caused problems in the school community. Al though he stated that this was so that four t imes during the year everyone would be there at one t ime, it was undoubtedly due to parental pressure. The eliminated track C was by all accounts the least popular of the four tracks used in the district. At the same time, he complained that when all students were in attendance, "It took 40 minutes to get them all into an assembly." He described how at first he had not equalized the enrol lments on each track, but had finally come to the conclusion (in spite of parental pressure) that it was best to have two teachers and classes at each grade level on each track. The need to manage parental and staff opinion was also problematic for this principal. Al though he was critical of the district for not taking the year-round schedule into account, he himself admitted that he had "blown it a couple of t imes." For example he had forgotten "that D track was not in session w h e n guests were invited to the school" (DB). More importantly, David Best reflected Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 88 that he had not yet developed the appropriate skills and mind-set required of a year-round school principal. W h e n one prominent parent chose to wi thdraw his children f rom the school , David put him on the school council , hoping that involvement would bring support for the schedule. Instead, the parent d rummed up so much support for a return to a traditional calendar that David decided he needed a veto over who would be members of the PTA Board. Ultimately a surge in enrolment made his point moot and the school remained on a multi-track schedule. Over the years, the district learned, as one associate superintendent said, "that it was important to assign their best principals to year-round schools" (CW). By 1995, when the district required further expansion, all new elementary schools that were built opened as single-track year-round schools, with the proviso that as enrolment inevitably increased, they would become multi-track year-round schools. Moreover, they were designed with the multi-track schedule in mind, with addit ional storage rooms, teacher workspaces, c lassroom pods, and air condit ioning. Karen Brian, a principal with prior exper ience in both traditional and multi-track schools, was assigned to one of these new schools. In the first year, she indicated that opening as a single-track school was "wonderful": It has been especial ly helpful for a brand new school because it's given all of us a chance to get to know each other. The teachers get to know each other and bond and the same for the kids. (KB) She descr ibed how rapidly the community was growing and the decision process involved in choosing to move to a multi-track schedule the fol lowing year. The decision to remain on single track for another year or to move to multi-track was Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 89 really up to the community. Karen indicated that she had informed the community that they "might be able to survive one more year staying single track." However, most of the parents who had previously exper ienced multi-track schedules rejected the idea. They wanted multi-track because they "liked having more access to the computer labs" and "fewer students at a t ime." She indicated that she may have helped them to see these advantages, but that "it was unanimous in support f rom the parent group." Teachers also opted to move to the multi-track schedule the second year. When they voted, 22 of the 28 teachers "voted to go with the mult i-track and six said they would prefer to stay single-track another year." The decision reflected the understanding of both principal and teachers that despite their enjoyment of the year on single-track, the multi-track schedules offered some "real pluses" (KB) such as increased availability to computer labs, restrooms, to the media center. They noted that the playground was not as crowded, thus reducing potential conflicts, and that other activities were smoother, for example, "lunch does not take as long to serve" (KB). T h e idea of both individuals and the district maturing into the concept was both implicitly and explicitly mentioned in Karen's comments. She described her first year as a multi-track principal in another school by saying, "The first year on multi-track... I was blind-sided many t imes. Oh darn, you know, you've got to do that." But she added that you quickly "start to pick up an anticipatory sense of being multi-track." She described how she actually colored her planner and marked colored bands across the top with the colors of the tracks in session: I went though my planner and marked along. . . so this week would have yellow, blue, and green, and then maybe this week would Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 90 have yellow, blue, and red. . . when I was at a district meet ing, somebody thought I had too much t ime on my hands and was sitting there coloring. She talked about how there had been a strong pool of appl icants for positions in her school, al though legally, she had to draw f rom teachers whose positions had been made redundant when they had downsized due to district demographic changes. Here, Karen's assistant principal, present for the interview, supported the notion that the district had learned the importance of a having a strong principal, particularly in a year-round school, and said, "One reason for the large applicant pool was they had named the principal... i t 's very true. It was a turning point for a lot of teachers I was working with." As soon as teachers learned who had been appointed principal, they began to apply for the school. By the second year, the school was running smoothly on a multi-track schedule. Karen described the transition as having occurred "very wel l" with the most taxing issues, as always, being assignment of teachers and students to tracks. Here, once again, exper ience paid off. Karen took advantage of the "once in a lifetime chance" to set up new procedures. With her teachers, she developed a process that was not purely based on having the most senior teachers always getting their track preference. For the first year, seniority determined track assignment, but in the following years, selection rotated so that the person who had their first choice one year, had the last choice the following year. Al though this process is equitable and gives teachers equal opportunity to change track, Karen indicated that she felt teachers at some grade levels would not change, Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 91 while other teachers would opt for a change. This process, a l though not always the most popular with parents, prevented teachers f rom becoming entrenched. In terms of student assignment, al though Karen supported the district policy of trying to honor parental requests, she was not strictly t ied to it. She and the teachers "highlighted some students" that, in spite of parental requests, they would not move. They: went though and looked at all of the resource kids and all of the kids that can have behavior issues. Then we pulled their cards and ... divided them up first and put them into the computer by hand. W e did not leave it to chance. And then we put in all the other names after that. That equal ized it. We ' re not tell ing parents w e did it because they may not get the track they wanted, but [it's] for the good of the child and the class.. . It impacts the learning of all the kids in the class and it impacts those kids tremendously. Here, we find an experienced principal using the multi-track schedule to override general district guidelines and parental requests in the best interests of all students. In Delphi School District, year-round schooling was not a choice. It was not instituted because teachers or parents wanted a new or different or better way of educat ing students. Instead, it was implemented to solve the problem of too many students in too few buildings with too little money. There was a relatively steep learning curve, with little support f rom the district during the initial stages. Over t ime, however, both district and principals learned how to both support and make good use of the multi-track schedule. Despite these factors, and despite the fact that implementat ion took place in different ways at each school, there was general consensus on the part of the Utah principals about the advantages and disadvantages of the schedule. Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 92 P e r c e i v e d A d v a n t a g e s For the most part, principals bel ieved that the schedule offered a better use of school buildings, and of educational resources. One summed it up: W e really utilize every inch of space. The school is the communi ty center. We ' re using taxpayer money wisely. We' re housing 2 5 % more children than we could before. It happens smoothly and happily as well. It's easy to do and gives us the ability to maximize our space and our materials. (SP) The nature of the calendar helped teachers to plan in structured units that seemed to facilitate planning and teaching together and to encourage shar ing of ideas. They reported that during breaks many teachers traveled but still reflected on the upcoming units. "I do hear them saying things like 'while we were off-track, I thought about this. . . . ' they've traveled; they've done other things and they bring things back to their grade level, to their group" (DB). Karen reported that "one teacher had been to Alaska and brought back some books and some things that she picked up there about a unit they were doing in reading" and shared them with the other grade level teachers (KB). David indicated that "year-round school is a catalyst to thinking." They also talked about reduction of tensions and disciplinary incidents in the school. Sally reported having "less discipline problems." Karen elaborated: Somet imes kids that really constantly harassed each other were not there together. You could split them up. ... I could see the teachers get to a point where they were ready to lay on hands and then they were apart for three weeks. They'd come back and they could regroup and handle it again. (KB) Both teachers and students returned f rom breaks refreshed, enthusiastic, mot ivated, and ready to learn. "About the t ime that the teachers energy and enthusiasm starts to wane, it's t ime to go off track and take three weeks and Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 93 become invigorated and excited and the teachers c o m e back enthusiast ic, about to start again and so are the kids" (SP). Some of these benefits had been unanticipated w h e n the M T schedule was first introduced with the a im of f inding ways to house Utah's burgeoning population. For example, the reduction of the principal's isolation through the presence of the TSA was a pleasant surprise. Sally indicated that it "makes all the difference in the world." Another was the positive impact of the calendar on younger students whose parents report that "year-round gives kindergarten chi ldren and even first grade children a chance to come in, get their feet wet, and then be back home with Mom and Dad a bit and then come back in. It's not such an abrupt thrust into the cold, cruel world of school ing" (SP). A n addit ional response f rom the wider community was also perceived as a benefit. Daycare providers adjusted their schedules to accommodate children throughout the year and reported that the new schedule was not only beneficial in terms of providing year-round employment for them, but also in spreading the payments throughout the year. This helped parents who struggled to meet the costs. Flexible and responsive changes were also made by caring and responsive communi ty leaders. Communi ty groups such as parks and recreation and sports associat ions adjusted their schedules to provide activities for children during the school breaks. Because the district was on a multi-track schedule, there were always some children participating in community activities while their peers were in school. This change permitted them to offer classes, courses, and Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 94 activities such as swimming lessons or soccer camps in three week blocks, thus permitting more children to be involved in smaller groups, and hence with more individualized attention. P e r c e i v e d D i s a d v a n t a g e s Disadvantages were also identified by my respondents, al though most related to the ways in which the schedule was implemented rather than to the calendar itself. The inequitable allocation of students to tracks because of the policy of acceding to parental requests was by far the most important of these. Other d isadvantages noted were the kind of "rental mentali ty" related to the sharing of textbooks and spaces: "That is a problem with room maintenance too because they may be moving to a different room, so why keep this one up.. . .There's no ownership, you know"; so in addit ion to the need to track textbooks, there is damage to desks, and a certain amount of depreciat ion of c lassroom equipment. Another was the problem of communicat ion with teachers who were off track and of ensuring that special activities were available to all students. For example, assembl ies with special guests often needed to be offered twice to ensure that all students benefited f rom the information. There were also some comments about how the track breaks were difficult for a few chi ldren because of their special need for continuity. For these children, principals were careful to assign them to the tracks with the shortest summer vacat ion and the fewest breaks. Despite the general enthusiasm for year-round school ing, Karen qualified her response: Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 95 I do have one child that this does not work well for. Justin is a little boy with severe anxieties, very fr ightened to come to school and any break is hard for him to come back after. W e were even trying to f igure out some way to have him come into the school a couple of t imes while he was off track just to keep that going.. . . So you know for the great majority I think it works very well. You'l l a lways have one or two that that's not true for. (KB) Summary of the Utah Experience Utah's unique population and economic issues required the implementat ion of year-round school ing. In an earlier study I conducted wi th Dr. Shields, we found that not only had the new calendar accompl ished its goal, but that based on district norm-referenced, standardized-test data, academic achievement in multi-track year-round schools is statistically as good or better than student achievement in tradit ional schools. W h e n we adjusted for socio-economic status, our analysis of the performance of fifth grade students in schools with different calendars ... added considerable weight to the percept ion that multi-track year-round schools may actually enhance student achievement for their respective populat ions. (Shields & Oberg, 1999, p. 150). Overall, we found that students in multi-track schools met state expectat ions for achievement seven t imes more often than those in traditional calendar schools. As we elaborated in our article, some of the comments of the principals cited here, as well as other perceptions beyond the scope of .this study, help to explain these f indings. T h e interviews I conducted with leaders in this district both supported and extended the f indings of Dr. Shields' study. Not only did they tell me that Y R S had increased student achievement, and provided numerous related educational Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 96 benefits, but also that they had exper ienced increased support f rom both parents and the wider community. In Delphi District, despite a rocky start, these principals have demonstrated how educators and parents worked together to make the change work. Their flexibility and wil l ingness to consider individual and communi ty needs, to persevere, to make changes, to spend extra money as needed, resulted in an innovation that has become institutionalized as one normal way to educate c h i l d r e n — a n innovation that has lasted almost two decades. F l o r i d a : F r o m M a n d a t e to C h o i c e From this brief overview of one of the early implementing districts and my examinat ion of a district in which year-round schooling was a f iscal necessity, I move to F l o r i d a — a state in which the successful implementat ion of year-round schooling has been mixed at best, but a state in which there is also a relatively long history of various implementat ion attempts. W h e n I first visited Florida in 1997, newspaper articles had reported the rapid rise and equally rapid demise of year-round schooling in the state. The fact that in a span of five years Florida districts had gone f rom no schools on a year-round calendar to 164 and then back to 38 seemed quite convincing evidence of the non-viability of year-round schooling (Rasberry, 1994). I visited four counties to attempt to understand what seemed to be a counterbalance to the positive reports f rom the districts I had studied in Missouri or Utah. Here I provide a brief overview of policy issues in three districts and then examine in more detail the experiences of two principals Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 97 in Taft District in which year-round schooling was determined to have primarily pedagogical and educational benefits. In the S h a d o w o f the M o u s e Central County seems to have been the birthplace of year-round schooling in Florida. Yet it was there that YRS also experienced its greatest d e m i s e — a fall that was instrumental in the discontinuation of year-round school ing in many other Florida districts (f ieldnotes). In fact, the district year-round school representative informed me that "as Central goes, so goes Florida" (DL), an indication that the demise elsewhere was not particularly surprising to anyone. Central County is the largest county in central F l o r i d a — h o m e of both Disney Wor ld and Universal Studios. These tourist attractions were so dominant in the economic and social context in this area that I was often told as I interviewed school leaders, that they existed "in the shadow of the mouse." The phrase indicated both pride and f rus t ra t ion—pr ide in the Disney establ ishment itself, but frustrat ion that many schools in the area were not able to benefit f rom the fiscal resources that had transformed Central Florida. The elaborate new brick multi-storied office building owned by the district was both an indication of the wealth and grandeur of the district as well as a fiscal liability. The initial commitment to year-round schooling was so strong that the district appointed a year-round school ing coordinator who quickly became widely known as "Ms. Year-Round School ing." W h e n I interviewed Dana Lougheed, she told me there had been a f ive-year plan to convert all elementary schools to Y R S — s o m e to a single-track schedule because it was perceived to have strong academic Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 98 bene f i t s—and others, for reasons of space, to a multi-track schedule. She told me that the first schools implemented as single-track schools were located in poorer, inner city areas where the intersession periods were also used for remediation and enrichment. These schools seemed to be enjoying both support and success, but when it came the turn of schools in more affluent areas to implement the new calendar, resistance developed and Y R S began to die. Parents just didn't see the need for it and mustered strong opposit ion. One of the major problems was that promises of improved academic benefits had been made, but when the district tried to document these improvements early in the first year of implementat ion, it could not show the promised change. Al though this should not have been surprising since the reform had not been given t ime to prove itself, a subsequent election found the incumbent superintendent defeated on the issue of year-round schooling and the reform died a rapid and unnatural death. One of the principals I spoke with in Central District, who had opened two different schools on a year-round calendar, told me that she really missed Y R S in that she en joyed the opportunity to work wi th smaller groups of staff and students in a more focused way. She believed that many of the other Central County principals w h o had Y R S experience felt as she did, whi le some others shared the view of a col league who welcomed the opportunity to have all of her school communi ty together on a traditional calendar again. This principal said that many year- round school administrators had gone to a board meeting at which the decision was to be made whether to continue, expand, or discontinue YRS. They Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 99 were frustrated with the fact that, despite a request to be put on the agenda, the decision was taken without giving any of them a chance to speak on behalf of YRS. Following the lead of Central District, a neighboring county, Sage School District, had implemented year-round schooling in one elementary school and then added a middle school and its three feeder elementary s c h o o l s — a l l on multi-track schedules. The intention was to provide a cluster of schools in which the calendar offered parental choice and an anticipated improved learning environment. Educators had carefully planned the innovation, and had included intersession and daycare activities. The assistant superintendent stated that the collapse of Central District's program was fol lowed by a general cl imate of suspicion about the year-round calendar. Fearing that it would not be re-elected, the board there also decided that all schools should return to the traditional calendar. Nevertheless, one of the district principals, as enthusiastic as a stereotypical used-car salesman, spoke in glowing terms about his exper ience with year-round schooling. Wi th verve, he seemed to really want to sell me on the benefits of YRS, especially for the students. Despite its demise, there too, the educators I spoke with expressed a belief that year-round school ing would soon return because the economic benefits were too good to pass up. A visit to the small neighboring Vista District provided further insight into the fai lure of year-round schooling in Florida, despite the temporary continuation of the calendar in several schools I studied. There, I learned that year-round school ing had been introduced as a temporary measure. Schools there were told Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 100 they would only have a year-round calendar for a period of four years and that the district would then solve the problem of rapid growth and crowded facilities in another way. There was no buy-in or commitment to the concept wh ich had been sold as a temporary inconvenience. The assistant superintendent accompanied me as I studied the schools. She was surprised to learn that the negative response of many principals to YRS was unfortunately connected more to a betrayal and broken promises on the part of the district than to a problem inherent in the concept of year-round school ing itself. She stated that "it was supposed to be an interim solution to address an overcrowded situation, and it has become more of a permanent solut ion" (BM). She agreed that no other solution to district problems had been sought. One assistant principal stated: "They sold us when we started in on this, we were overcrowded then; we're overcrowded now. The idea was that it would buy us four years. This is our seventh year" (DC). Moreover, several polices related to year-round schooling had strongly contributed to the negativity of the educators as well as the general public. For example, in that district, those who worked 240 days were considered to be working full-time and eligible for a different wage and benefit package. Principals of multi-track year-round schools were assigned a workload of 239 d a y s — " o n e day shy of accruing vacation days" (DC) and hence, despite their heavy load, were not eligible for vacation pay or addit ional benefits. Dick cont inued: I just came from the county office where we were having a meeting on incentive pay and so forth... Ok, take someone right now that works 239 with no vacation days accrued. Give them 2 weeks vacat ion to where they could take some of that t ime off during the Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 101 course of the year and so forth that would have some feeling of relief, some feeling of giving you t ime to get rested up, get your batteries rejuvenated and so forth to go again. Right now, they have no vacation days. In general , disi l lusionment with year-round schooling was strong and everyone agreed that although the district might not have been intentionally unsupport ive, those schools on the new calendar were "just forgotten." There was still a sense that if properly introduced and supported, the year-round schedule could be better for kids. In fact, Dick concluded, "There's a lot of people who do not like the present system, but would be more agreeable to a single track." In another adjacent county, Taft District, year-round school ing had been introduced in the mid 1990's for two reasons. One school adopted a year-round schedule due to the initiative of the principal who seemed in part to want to enhance the profile of her school. Because of her strong advocacy and the commitment of her staff and parent group, the school was successful for over a decade. Other multi-track year-round schools were introduced in response to overcrowding caused when boundaries were redrawn to comply with court-ordered integration, but by the t ime of the data collection for this study, only three schools persisted as models of YRS for the district. Two of these principals, Esther and Jane, are exemplars of leaders who demonstrate the ways in which YRS can be enacted as a reform to benefit student achievement. J e r i c o E l e m e n t a r y S c h o o l Newly-appointed Afr ican-American principal Esther Harwood found a sprawling, overcrowded school with two new wings and 28 portable classrooms. Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 102 According to a district mandate that if a school exceeded its designated capacity by at least 20%, the principal was to introduce multi-track year-round school ing. Al though the mandate had not been enforced in more affluent areas, it was enforced for Jerico Elementary School , a low performing school in a low SES area. The school 's population included 5 0 % Hispanic students and a large group (33%) of chi ldren whose parents who were migrant workers. Jerico Elementary School was included on Florida's list of "critically low performing schools." Esther threw herself into the change, believing it might be a way of shaking up the staff and helping the teachers think about new approaches to instruction and to involving the communi ty in the programs of the school. She stated: I said to my teachers, "Do you think kids can learn? Do you believe we can teach? Wel l then let's do it. ... W e have real chal lenges. I don't want to deny we have real chal lenges, but we I won' t accept excuses even though some of the migrant kids are in and out and in and o u t — 5 t imes a year as they follow the apples and the tomatoes." (EH) At Jerico Elementary School, teachers also decided to introduce intersession programs, for regular remediation or enrichment, to meet individual needs as an added and ongoing benefit of year-round s c h o o l i n g — even when it meant f inding a room in an adjacent apartment complex or church basement because there were no spare facilities on the school premises. Esther used the calendar as a catalyst for numerous changes that included such activities as GED tutoring for parents, Drive-Through Fridays when parents could drop off their children and pick up a cold breakfast with an accompanying sheet of parenting tips, Wonderfu l Wednesdays when breakfast Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 103 was served to both parents and chi ldren, M a k e - a n d - T a k e — a room in which parents could make educational materials to use with their chi ldren. Al though Esther and her staff worked to make the school (now open year-round) the center of the community, she said it was the schedule itself that provided the most significant impetus for academic improvement. Recognizing the need for a great deal of academic support, Esther set out to change the students' performance. A m o n g other changes, she used some of her Title 1 money to reduce class size, particularly in the problem area of math. She assigned her special educat ion teachers to a four-day week, and then asked them to teach intersession classes to small groups of students who needed remediat ion. Students were identified who were in particular need of assistance and invited to attend for one week's intensive instruction during their three-week. Intersession instruction was supplemented by a three-hour school held on Saturday mornings and staffed by teachers Esther hired f rom around the district (her husband, h o w e v e r — a l s o a teacher at another district s c h o o l — t a u g h t for free). After one year, Esther submitted her school 's test results, as required, to the State Office of Education. Al though not every principal whose scores increased considerably was asked to do so, she said she was "called to Tal lahassee" to defend her results. She explained that she thought part of the reason was that the other principals were white and there was still a lot of racism in the state and district. She recounted the dramatic tale: I took a van to Tal lahassee with some teachers, our test scores, enrol lment lists, and videos of the school, and I responded to their Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 104 concerns by saying, 'You told us to do it, you told us we could do it, and we did it and now you don't believe us!' I told them to come to see for themselves and not waste my t ime driving all that way. Only two of them ever came. (EH) The state did, however, send a team to her school because her math scores had gone "over the top" (EH), even higher than most other state math scores. She cont inued, They came in one day and told me to take a day off and go to Orlando and shop. Whi le I was in Orlando, unsuspect ing, they took 12 of my fourth graders and re-tested them. They thought I had cheated but they tested just as wel l as they had before! (EH) I asked Esther whether, given her success, she thought many other schools would be moving to a year-round calendar. Her response was that she believed the future of Y R S schooling in the district was "null and void" because other administrators saw how hard she and her staff had worked at Jerico School and didn't wan t any part of it. They were also discouraged by Central County 's failure. Nevertheless, she told me of one school principal who had decided to introduce a single-track calendar the following year. M a r t i n P o p p e r E l e m e n t a r y S c h o o l I made contact with Jane Bowes, and arranged to visit her school the next year. Martin Popper Elementary School is in a starkly appall ing high poverty area in the state. A s one drives through the neighborhood, one sees camper trailers set up as permanent dwell ings on cinder blocks, abandoned di lapidated warehouse buildings, cracked blacktop, and no sidewalks. W h e n I first visited the school, litter was everywhere. Al though the area now seems clean, there is still a pervasive sense of grinding poverty. The school serves a highly transient, largely migrant populat ion, with an increasing proportion of the students coming from Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 105 Spanish-speaking families (from Mexico). The total student population is roughly 680, but due to the constant changes, tracking the actual enrolment of individual students has become one of the major tasks of the vice-principal. My first impression of Jane was that she seemed an unlikely candidate as someone who would initiate reform. The small, quiet-spoken, almost "frumpy" principal greeted me warmly and took m e to a meet ing room where, as w e spoke, many other teachers joined the conversat ion. Jane and her teachers talked about how hard everyone had been working over a number of years and how they believed they had gone as far as they could with the tools they had to help their children. They were all completely enthusiastic about the new calendar. Unlike other principals I had interviewed, Jan had had to beg and plead with the district to be permitted to introduce it. In each other case, there had been a financial or capital need on the part of the district. In her case, the only impetus was to help her students. Jane described her philosophy and that of her teachers in the following way: W e know that the home situations somet imes can affect the way a child comes to school, how he feels that day and you know mother 's in jail or you know stories that could just make you sit down and cry but our job is to always focus. W e have to remind ourselves everyday and we have to focus. Our job is just to give them the best that we can give t h e m — i n academics, in love, and emot ional strength. Whi le they're with us, we just do the best we can and it's like being on a mission f ie ld. . .You just teach them the best you can when they're here and we do believe that you can teach these children that come f rom poverty home situations. You can teach them. W h e n the school staff first decided that a single-track year-round school calendar might serve the needs of their populat ion, they took the request to the Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 106 board where they were met with resistance and skepticism. They persisted by saying that if the new calendar did not work, they could always return to a traditional one. After a period of several years, Martin Popper School was permitted to institute their proposed calendar. Part of the impetus, perhaps, was the high stakes testing system in Florida which had first labeled the school "low performing" and then categorized it as a D school. Jane, in typical Jane fashion, gave the credit to her teachers. She explained that it was a group of teachers that had began to explore the option of year-round school ing: The teachers started reading about it and giving me pamphlets. At that t ime I really wasn' t interested in it. The more I r e a d — a n d then w h e n I went to the year-round conference out in H o u s t o n — I c a m e back sold because I could not believe there were so many schools like ours where their achievement had gone up. I thought, "This works for these schools and some of them were much higher f ree and reduced lunch than we are." I said we're going to try it. So we decided to go before the school board and request permission to do it. They said wait and study it another year. W e had to study it another year and then finally some of the school board members really got it and said, "This might be good." So they let us try it. During the first year on the single-track schedule, Jane and her team of teachers instituted numerous changes. They indicated that the primary reason for implementing the single-track schedule was to offer intersession support to the students, 8 8 % of whom qualify for free and reduced lunch. Because of this high proport ion of students who qualify for Title 1 funding, they made several choices. Title 1 funding was used to provide two resource teachers, one in reading and one in writ ing, to work with other teachers in the school. (By the third year of the new calendar, they added a math resource teacher as well). The resource teachers went into regular classrooms, modeled instruction, and pulled out those Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 107 students who needed additional work for one-on-one or small group instruction. They stated that if you "focus on those areas, you are eventually going to have good results" (JB). Additionally, the intent was to develop school-wide emphases related to reading, writ ing, and math because Jane had developed a f i rm belief that "we have to do things school-wide." She said, "I 'm a real believer in that in all the years that I've been in educat ion I've learned that what you do school-wide is going to be effective." Summer school money was used to fund intersession programs. During the three week breaks in October and in February, teachers offered two weeks of additional instruction, providing for example, academic skill-building combined with fun activities. In general, at tendance was approximately 150 fourth and fifth grade students. The children "want to come" to intersession so much that they always had more students show up than the number enrol led. Even though parents may not have signed them up, they still at tended. Somet imes they used a theme such as a pioneer theme, or, as in the October session: The fifth graders had a novel and I did writ ing prompts associated with whatever they were reading that day. . . they kept journals on what they were reading.. . the type of thing where they are doing reflective thinking.. . . We 've found our kids really need to have more non-fict ion-type material to read.. . we find that non-fiction is a high interest for these kids anyway. (JB) As the principal and specialist teachers spoke, I learned that their intersession instruction used an integrated curriculum approach based on the current events topics identified in the Scholastic News Weekly Readers. A s an example, students not only read and talked about ideas, they developed math graphs to explain and interpret the information. In this way, teachers tr ied to help Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 108 students broaden their horizons while learning the type of information they would need to be successful on the F-CAT test. But the focus was not just on testing. Jane descr ibed how they were learning as teachers to do what they did during intersession and take that non-fiction stuff called science ... and put it as part of your daily lesson and make it part of your writ ing and make part of your English and make it part of your reading.. . In other words, intersession not only provided addit ional support for students, but was the catalyst for a change in the pedagogical emphasis of the regular classes as well. Jane stated that "because of the high percentage of free and reduced lunches, they had basically not really expected to see a lot of change in the first year." Nevertheless, principal and teachers alike wai ted impatiently for the results of the state-wide testing in their first year on their new schedule. Jane reported what she descr ibed as a "funny story." In her own words: I was in Massachusetts on vacation and everybody's calling me and I'm calling my daughter who is a teacher at another school in [Taft County] and I asked if the grades had come out yet. She tried to f ind out by checking on the computer, but I still didn't know. I arrived back at the airport and she greeted me at the airport with the newspaper and she said, 'I think you're going to want to see this.' There I was praying for a "C" because we're a "D" school, right? She hands me the paper and I'm looking at Martin Popper School and I see a "B." I went ballistic right there. W e were just coming out of the gate with people all around. I didn't even know another person was there because I'm screaming and hollering 'Hal lelujah! ' W e were so thrilled that we were a "B" that we had a big celebrat ion breakfast with the teachers. Wha t an accompl ishment for the school to move f rom a D to a B in just one year. The district would have to permit them to continue their calendar experiment. But the story did not end there. Jane picks it up again. Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 109 Then I started looking at the criteria because as a principal you do look at who else got A's and B's and determine what we would have had to do to get an "A." The criteria said we had to test 9 5 % of the children and we had met that criteria although the report said we had only tested 92%. I called in the vice-principal and said, 'Okay Lenny you're in charge of testing you were supposed to test every kid.' He replied, 'We tested every single one. I'll show you. ' Lenny calculated and recalculated which children had been eligible for testing, which children had transferred in and out of the school, and who had actually wi thdrawn from the school. He found 10 children who were listed on the state's record as being part of the school who had officially moved out, just enough to meet the 9 5 % criteria. Jane then submitted the correct information and an appeal to the district, excited at the prospect of showing that they had actually attained an "A" status. The district then called them and "threw a damper" (JB) on their excitement. The message was: You might want to rethink this, you know. You might want to go slowly. Once you get an A, it's hard to maintain. You might want to wait and see if you get an A next year. (JB) Jane's response was, "You know something we may never be an 'A' again." They pursued the appeal so the kids and their parents could have the exper ience of knowing they were an "A" school. It had the additional effect of raising teachers ' expectations for the children. She explained that fol lowing this amazing achievement, they keep telling kids, that "You're an 'A'. W e expect you to do better and better all the t ime." She added, "And the teachers need to keep those high expectat ions. That's one of the things that is a challenge in this type of school." Teachers reportedly appreciated the fact that children had not forgotten as much over the summer as they usually did. They came "back in July and I can Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 110 remember the teachers just being so amazed. They said, 'They remember stuff. They remember. W e don't have to do this review again.. . I mean they were so excited." She added that even children's behavior had changed and they no longer had to re-teach routine procedures such as walking down the hall. "They take a three week break and they come back like they have never been away." Another unanticipated consequence of the new calendar and the intersession initiatives was a decrease in transience f rom 74 to 6 1 % . Parents recognized that the school was making an effort for their chi ldren and said, "You know, we really don't want to move them out of this school because we like the calendar." Moreover, Jane described how the calendar actually benefi ted the neighborhood: I think our parents really like it because the children aren't home for long periods of t ime. They are all in survival mode. They love their children but they are so busy surviving that it makes it nice for them when they are only home for a short t ime in the summer. A n d they can handle them being home for a shorter t ime when we have our little breaks. The next year, the school did slip to a "B", but the emphasis on students, on school-wide initiatives, and on excel lence is maintained. In fact, as I write, Martin Popper School, still on a single-track year-round school calendar, is reported to have once again (in 2004) received an "A" standing, with scores above the state average in both math and writ ing. It still tries to maintain a low profile and not to make waves with the district. Despite their success, there is constant concern that the district will ask them to return to a tradit ional calendar for the sake of uniformity. As new superintendents and board members are elected, the process of re-educating them begins again. Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 111 S u m m a r y o f the F l o r i d a E x p e r i e n c e The experience of Florida schools and districts with the implementat ion of Y R S was varied. Inf luenced by the strong and charismatic leadership of Dana Lougheed, many schools took up the implementat ion chal lenge in the early 1990s. Over t ime, however, as districts experienced various political and fiscal realities, Dana's influence lessened and individual differences in district exper iences wi th Y R S came to the fore. The initial motives in both Central and Sage Counties were mixed while in Vista the goals were clear but the implementat ion processes problematic. In each case, the new calendar was discontinued. Al though it had been hoped that year-round school ing would reduce capital costs, there was also a vague sense that it would reduce burnout and tensions and improve academic achievement. In Central and Vista Districts, YRS was mandated at first in lower SES schools identified by the district, while in Sage, implementing schools did so on a voluntary basis. The impetus did not seem as important to the outcomes as the lack of goal clarity or unfulfilled promises. More than anything else, one or both of these two factors seemed to be associated with the fai lure of the calendar in these count ies. In Taft, the picture changed. There the implementing principals of the continuing schools, regardless of whether the change was mandated or sought after, had a clear academic purpose, solid goals for improving student achievement, and a vision for how the calendar change could help to accomplish those goals. For that reason, based on reported improvements in test scores, Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 112 YRS in Taft district was particularly effective in making a difference in high poverty, high needs schools and their surrounding communit ies. Much can be learned f rom the exper iences in Florida about educat ional leadership for school change. Here I have learned f rom these educators much about how to avoid premature discontinuation of an innovation as well as how to promote enduring change with the potential to have a transformative impact on children and their communit ies. Summary of US Implementation This brief overview of some of the experiences of educators in several districts in three states demonstrates that, since 1968, year-round schooling has had a bumpy and varied track record. In some places it has been mandated with success, while in others an unsupported mandate has resulted in disaster. Likewise, some voluntary implementat ion has ended quickly while in other sites, the change has persisted. Moreover, these cases have shown that the specif ic calendar selected (i.e., single or multi-track) does not determine the extent of educator enthusiasm, academic achievement, or community support. In Frances Howell, where Y R S was a necessary, multi-track reform, little information was available about student achievement, although I learned much about implementat ion processes and communi ty involvement and support. State records indicate, however, that students in the year-round schools continued to perform as anticipated, with scores that were historically typical for the county and comparable to those in surrounding districts. Ch 5. The American experience ... p. 113 In Delphi District, the reform was instituted to put more chi ldren into existing (and later new buildings), and easily fulfilled this goal. In part because of strong and responsive district and school leadership, it also had the unanticipated outcome of improving student achievement in those schools that changed to a multi-track year-round school schedule. In Florida, where the experiences with YRS were much more mixed, there can be no easy summary of the situation. Nevertheless it is fair to say that the integrity and goal clarity of the leaders and their implementation processes had much to do with the success or failure, endurance or discontinuation of the calendar. In the next chapter, I look at several Canadian situations, each of which is voluntary in nature, but in which there are also mixed results. Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 114 C H A P T E R 6: THE C A N A D I A N EXPERIENCE Year-round schooling in Canada is much younger than in its Amer ican neighbor. Here, all implementat ions of a modif ied school calendar were not only voluntary, they often were completed in the face of considerable resistance and challenge. While several of the innovations I examined in the US date f rom the 1970s, the first year-round school in Canada was established in a small vacat ion community in Ontario in 1992. With the single exception of Stephen Lewis Junior High, opened in July 1995 as Canada's first multi-track year-round school, the Canadian exper iments took the form either of single-track schools or of dual-track models. W h e n studying the Canadian schools, the problems of confidentiality increase dramatically. I treat the first implementing school, the elementary school in Huntsvil le, Ontario, as I did Frances Howell in Missouri, in that its identity and that of its initiating principal cannot be hidden. It is therefore presented as a foil for the discussion of the other Ontario schools. In Ontario, there have been at no t ime more than seven schools on a year-round schedule. There too, individuals may be easily identified particularly because the implementat ion varied considerably f rom district to district. There, as elsewhere, I interviewed all principals and vice-principals involved with the reform over t ime as well as a number of teachers and district administrators in each area. Al though all data are correct, I have chosen to develop composite images of schools in each district, to attempt to preserve the confidentiality of my respondents. Thus, for example, I Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 115 conducted interviews with a number of people in two schools in a single district I call Albert. In each case, the selected dual-track model was the same, the implementat ion policies under which the reform was instituted remained constant, and the outcomes were similar in that both schools' innovations persisted over a period of t ime (and still exist in 2005). However, I speak as if there were only one school studied and call the school Kate Smith Elementary School. In a second district, identified as Sweetwater, I fol low the same process, for the same reasons; however, as we shall see, success in Lakota Elementary School was much more elusive. I want to include the only multi-track year-round school in Canada. Al though its identity and location are a matter of record, I still use a pseudonym for the school and avoid specific naming of its province so that the story, and not the actual identity of the school, takes precedence. I call the school Stephen Lewis Junior High School and have taken pains to conceal the individual identities of my respondents. Thus I have included "track leaders" as well as vice-principals and principals and will refer to all of them interchangeably as educators or administrators. I begin at the beg inn ing—wi th Huntsvil le Elementary School. H u n t s v i l l e E l e m e n t a r y S c h o o l Huntsvil le Elementary School is a small K-8 school located on a pristine lakeshore in one of Canada's most popular summer playground and vacation areas. Many of the children's parents work in jobs related to the tourist industry. Dan Patterson, the visionary principal, had learned in the late 1980s about the Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 116 increasing popularity of the year-round school model in the United States and taken an opportunity to attend the annual conference of the National Associat ion for Year-Round Education (NAYRE) in San Diego. Upon his return he sought permission within his board to implement a pilot project. Unlike the implementat ion initiatives I examined f rom the United States, this one w a s on a very small scale. It began with only one class of fourth, fifth, and six graders on what the district called an "alternative, dual-track schedule" and grew to four c lasses representing approximately one-third of the school 's total population, with an annual wait ing list for the alternative schedule classes. These classes were still combined grades: one comprised grades 1, 2, and 3; the next three contained two grades each: a 4 t h and 5 t h , one 5 t h and 6 t h , and one 7 t h and 8 t h grades. The school itself was very small, with a total of approximately 365 students. To make the alternate schedule work, the school adopted what is now known in Ontario as a "dual-track model." Those students opting for the alternative (or year-round calendar) began school in roughly the second week in August and ended (with the rest of the students) about June 30. There was a two-week vacation period in October, two weeks at Christmas, and a final three-week break in March. The rest of the students were in school for the normal period between Labor Day and June 30. Thus for all students in the school, there were two weeks in August, October, and March and a few additional days at Christmas during which the school had either one third or two thirds of its students in session. Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 117 These periods offer relief to the school, reducing tensions in the halls, and offering additional access to the gym and computer lab for the students that are present. Teachers report, for example, "It is amazing how fewer kids on the playground make it a much more manageable group for supervising at recess." Another said, "I love the month of August. . . because you have more room to spread out, you can do different things with kids, . . .my husband can come in and do some woodwork ing with the kids, and things like that." Al though the calendar was introduced with virtually no cost to the district, there have been some "political" costs in the form of decreased support for the school based on concern about split-grade classes. Those teachers and educators who have been involved with the program, however, report considerable benefits and seem less concerned about the difficulties of teaching split grades. Likewise, some parents seem to feel the benefits outweigh the disadvantages. Dan said that the school opens on an annual basis with an opening breakfast in August when parents come with their kids, and w e provide all the students and parents with a breakfast of fruit and muff ins and things. W e all have a big hello and all stay together for a few moments, and then in t ime the kids take off to their c lasses ... (DP) At first, there w a s also a large media presence. W h e n w e expanded, the media that came was almost unimaginable. W e had television crews and we asked them if they would wait until the end of the first week of school. The kids knew that it was pretty neat and pretty important. (DP) The principal believed that students on alternative calendars were the only ones in the country who were ever consulted about when they wanted to begin Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 118 school and hence had made the choice to begin before their peers. The fact that there had been family dialogue helped to provide a " t remendous positive start." Others reported that a real sense of bonding and communi ty occurred among the students who began together in the summer and said that the "feeling... lasts throughout the year." One of the teacher-leaders, comment ing on some of the benefits, stated: I teach in the program as well as I'm an administrator, and you know obviously I teach, but I found after the two-week break in the fall, at Christmas I found myself far more able, healthier, keener. ... I do notice that other staff who teach in the alternate year remark in the same way, that the rest in the fall is invaluable to how you reach Chr is tmas and you can certainly contrast it wi th our col leagues w h o don't have that break, who typically drag through December struggling with, you know, the burden of all the Christmas concert stuff and all the rest of it. (JM) Others reported less t ime needed for review after the breaks. Still others commented on the opportunity for families to take vacat ions together in the f a l l — something that was impossible in the summer due to the heavy demands of the parents' work in the tourist industry. Administrators in this district indicated that al though there were a few issues with the Teachers Federation at the outset, the new calendar was not seen as an issue. One said, "I heard it expressed this way: that when they lobbied to the director, he threw them out of his office and said it was a non-issue and they didn't need to worry about bothering with a gr ievance" (JM). For the most part, they believed the dual-track calendar worked because parents who wanted to remain on the traditional schedule could do so, while those who wanted an alternative had the opportunity to choose it. He concluded: "I think if Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 119 the government comes down and lays it on for parents they'll balk and the specialness of it will be gone and it won' t be as successful as it is." Word about the popularity and success of this small program in Huntsville began to spread, as the implementing principal spoke with almost missionary zeal to col leagues. Soon other schools in his and neighboring districts wanted to experiment to achieve similar perceived benefits: flexibility of vacat ion t ime, reduction of tensions and review t ime, increased interest and motivat ion for learning, and perhaps above all parental and student choice. They, too, became known as innovative and pioneering principals. Albert School District: Implementing a Successful Dual-Track Model At about the same time as Huntsvil le's principal was beginning his experiment, another Ontario principal also attended some annual meet ings of NAYRE and became a convert to the principle of year-round school ing. W h e n Albert School District announced that it was ready to build a new school at the east side of a major city, Joseph marshaled his forces and lobbied for the posit ion. Kate Smith Elementary School opened in 1996 in a reasonably affluent area of a rapidly growing Ontario community of about 100,000 people. It was a spacious brick building with wide hallways, and a curving entry foyer. Joseph Smart talked openly about his hopes for the new school, his implementat ion processes, and the benefits he sees in the year-round schedule. Chapter6. The Canadian experience ... p. 120 T h e D r e a m : A N e w S c h o o l i s A n n o u n c e d W h e n the new school was announced, Joseph had been principal of a neighboring school built for 450 students, but which had burgeoned to over 700 students with 15 portable c lassrooms to accommodate. Joseph indicated he had long been interested in a year-round school ca lendar—s ince the days when he and his wife had taught on a Cree Indian Reserve in Northern Mani toba in a school that modified its calendar to meet the needs of the communi ty. There he says, he had "a taste of the modif ied calendar" where they started school a week early and then took a week off in the fall for hunting. And I thought it was a marvelous concept. It was a good t ime period, and I thought, as a matter of fact, you could extend it because you can have shorter academic periods with breaks at the end of them. And true to form, as we've exper ienced here, you come back refreshed f rom those breaks. He was also aware that his district had examined the topic f ive years earlier and had abandoned it because "there was a lot of controversy at that t ime, quite heated debate about year-round school." Six pilot schools had been identified at that t ime, but because of the vote that occurred in each school , year-round schooling had been turned down in the district. Joseph saw his chance when the position as principal of the new school opened up, so he made a proposal to the board. He expressed interest in the position and asked that it be coupled with permission to open the school on a single-track year-round calendar. The board accepted his proposit ion and Joseph's work started. He descr ibes how he began: I just talked to the superintendent about the concept, and it started me going. I got excited about it, and I pul led together 12 people that I cal led the dream team. Dream because they were important Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 121 people f rom the community, f rom the school community, and staff and so on, it was a cross-representation of the communi ty . . . . So we had this series of meetings, we talked about the school motto, the mission statement, the calendar, everything was done with the communi ty after this dream team had been establ ished and it was presented to the admin, council of our superintendents. Joseph's appointment as principal was tied to his proposals for the school, with the calendar as an integral part of the package. Once he had been approved, his team worked tirelessly. Members sent newsletters out to the public and held monthly meet ings which attracted an increasingly large and vocal number of participants each t ime. At each meeting, there was a large group of interested parents, but also a "segment of the vigilant communi ty protectors. So there was always a chal lenge to deal with that aspect of it and at the same t ime promote the idea of a modif ied calendar and be excited about it." Joseph remembered: And I kept beating the bushes, I had displays at the local malls, we had our teachers going door to door with f lyers. And the other group went door to door as well with their own agenda, trying to convince people not to register. Every parent that attended a meeting was made an official member of the commit tee and given a proposed calendar and an information package to share with their f r iends and neighbours. Joseph indicated, "Once they saw the concept of eight weeks or nine weeks at school and two weeks off, they were immediately converted. By the end of that 45 minutes to an hour meet ing, many parents said, 'Well that 's a system I was on in Britain or in Europe, or wherever. '" To ensure the success of the new school, Joseph had also convinced the district to authorize open boundaries for the school to permit those parents who wanted a year-round calendar to take advantage of it. Initially the plan had been to have one t r a c k — w i t h all students on a single-track calendar; however, parents Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 122 "voted" as they registered their children and it became apparent that there was enough demand for a dual-track school, but not for a wholesale change. During the two-week window when registration was open, Joseph contacted parents who had not indicated a preference, ensuring that everyone was aware of the possible choices and the potential benefits of each. The Opening The school opened with about 300 students, about 150 on each schedule. Of these 300 students, about 40 transferred f rom a neighbouring Montessori School, 20-30 f rom Catholic Schools, in Ontario called "separate schools," and some whose parents drove them up to half an hour f rom adjacent communit ies. This large group f rom outside the original catchment area represented parents who were very knowledgeable and concerned about their children's educat ion, who had not taken the decision to join Kate Smith Elementary School lightly. For example, Joseph indicated that 7 5 % of the parents f rom the Montessori School interviewed him personally before making their decision. Joseph's original intent was to introduce a calendar he believed would be beneficial to students: "I believe in looking at change as a way to improve the academic potential of a school and not change for the sake of change, and I felt that this was a really valid proposal." Al though Joseph's initial objective was not to have a dual-track school, he became a convert. It offered the best of all worlds as far as he was concerned. He thought that if people understood the benefits of a single-track year-round calendar, there would naturally be a demand, but at the same t ime, having an option for a traditional track would address the concerns of Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 123 the nay-sayers. Even though some might argue that having a dual-track calendar requires more split grade classes, Joseph is convinced that is not a drawback. He explains that his teachers "come armed with information extoll ing the virtues of split-grades too. . . W h e n it is just 2 grades in one, we call it a split grade, but when we get into 3 way splits we call them mult i-aged or family groupings." Continuing Innovation and Implementation Issues Joseph soon began to talk about the possibil ity of implementing addit ional tracks in his school that would maintain the dual-track calendars but add specif ic programs, that might, for example, emphasize the f ine arts, offer a gifted program, science, or French Immersion. He said that it was in no way his intent to create an elite school, but one that met the needs of all chi ldren. Joseph and his wife (the special education teacher in the school) were f irmly commit ted to the benefits of the alternate calendar for children with special needs. This was one of the groups that Joseph perceived the extended calendar benefitted the most. Joseph reported that the allocation of distr ict-sponsored special-educat ion classes to specific schools had become an issue, with some teachers want ing to avoid having an increasing number of special needs children in their school. But Joseph took an opposing posit ion. He believed that "there is every single argument for having those classes on the modif ied calendar." At one point, Joseph offered to split the costs with the Board of bussing special needs children from around the district because he "believed so fervently that that 's what it is all about. The special needs kids should be on a modif ied calendar." So he took Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 124 money f rom his school budget to support this belief. This was not a change that came easily. Joseph reports that sitting at a meeting with parents, trying to convince them that their child needs to be in a behaviour class is a large block. To put another roadblock in there by suggesting that it's a modif ied calendar, I see as an enticement, they see it as a roadblock. Some of the specific benefits of the calendar to children with special needs were summed up by their teacher in these words: I felt the special educat ion kids were really sharp again after the breaks on the modif ied calendar. The routines were still establ ished in their heads and there was no down t ime. That was great to see because these little guys have so many problems. Learning is such a chal lenge for them anyway. Joseph and his team of teachers were enthusiastic about the benefits to all children offered by the dual-track calendar. For those who opted for the modif ied track, school started at the beginning of August and then benefi ted f rom "two weeks off in October, two weeks at Christmas, two weeks at March break (as opposed to one on the regular calendar) and another week in May." In August, however, there were also some modif ications made to the daily schedule. School began slightly earlier in the morning; the lunch period was shortened; and students f inished classes by about 2:30 to enable them to enjoy the w a r m summer weather and still have t ime with their fr iends f rom traditional tracks. Instruction during the month of August was different as well. The school arranged to take advantage of a regional Pioneer Vil lage. Half go on one week, and the other half on the other. And then we do the same thing for the regular calendar in the fall... We ' re permit ted to do that in the fall only because we have participated in the summer. Other schools in the district only get a day at a t ime at the Pioneer Vil lage. Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 125 W h e n Joseph told me they also had an Olympic week, a program at the zoo, and other high interest activities, I asked if teachers thought this kind of programming made it more difficult to cover the curr iculum. Joseph responded: Wel l , I th ink they have the foresight to realize that that is the curr iculum, and they can integrate it and really any exper ience that brings interest to it can be modif ied to deliver the prescribed curr iculum. I think it's more palatable to deliver it that way, too. For the ten weeks when only half of the school is in session, students benefit f rom addit ional access to specialized areas (computers, music, gym, playground equipment, etc.), f rom addit ional space, and hence enjoy fewer tensions and conflicts. For that reason, Joseph believes everyone benefits and no one is d isadvantaged. At the same t ime, it is important not to "make a distinction between modif ied and regular." Joseph elaborated, We ' re one school, it just happens like any business, that people take hol idays at different t imes. W e have the same mission statement; we have the same goals, same curr iculum, same number of school days. Everything else is the same. W h e n one first visits Joseph's office, one is struck by the bulletin boards covered wi th press releases about the school, with headl ines like, "School's in for the Summer!" Yet, not everything was positive. He showed me a binder that he called "S to rm"— fu l l of articles about the school and the year-round calendar. He admitted that there had been initial problems and that the local media did whip up th ings. . .We had a picket line out here at one point, and they really picked up on that. So did the television stat ion. But by and large, I believe that the media swung over to our s ide because it simply made sense. I think that the big factor that 150 chi ldren were registered on the modif ied calendar, spoke for itself. How are you going to argue with that? You' re not going to say to parents, well, we don't like the concept so de-register your kids! Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 126 Joseph seems to thrive on conflict and new chal lenges. He indicated that he had been "invigorated by the whole chal lenge of bringing in a new concept, and was thrilled to be a part of it. And all the way along," he said, "I didn't take any of this personally. I understand that people have a lot of trouble with change." W h e n it was a concept he believed in, the benefits outweighed any of the chal lenges of implementat ion. Joseph responded in the same way to the need for accountabil i ty that comes f rom having such a high profile calendar. I asked Joseph to sum up his belief about the year-round school calendar. He responded: You can't depend on a modified calendar to deliver a good program. It's a great schedule, but you still have to have the substance. A n d w e were really cautious, and it w a s a really important mandate for us to provide an innovative program because we're so accountable. That 's what I love about this, is that if we're not delivering a good program, people are not going to choose to come here. And right now, our population is here by choice. . . So, I love accountabil i ty! Another aspect of accountabil i ty that should not be forgotten is Joseph's involvement with the community and the role of the school council. He enthused: "The beauty of having school communi ty counci ls is that they can make cooperat ive decisions." He elaborated, "And when you have parents that are purely mot ivated to do the right thing, not out of self-interest, the decisions are usually good ones and with this process, w h e n you get consensus, it is an overwhelming, strong consensus." There seems to be little doubt that the ways in which Joseph worked to build consensus with his communit ies were especial ly helpful in bui lding support for his innovative approach to education. Joseph was not only persuasive, but inclusive and committed to working for what he bel ieved. At the same time, he was able to tolerate opposing Chapter6. The Canadian experience ... p. 127 viewpoints and the chal lenges that come from conflict and ambiguity. Perhaps for these reasons, he was able to attract others to his school and to his way of thinking. One of the vice-principals who worked with him talked about the way Joseph was thought of in the district. He said the superintendent and central office recognize that "no quest ion Joseph is a visionary. He plants the seed and cultivates it." The Dream Expands I indicated at the outset that this description of Joseph and Kate Smith Elementary School is a composite. Al though this is true, it is also important to report that four years after one of the principals opened the first new school in the district as a dual-track school, he had the opportunity to implement the same process in a second new school, with similar successful outcomes. One of his vice-principals stated that "about five staff members f rom the original team that came with Joseph." Adding that "people seem to fol low him around," he indicated that in fact Joseph's appointment had been his own incentive for applying at that school. Joseph's influence, however, in his district goes well beyond the opening of two dual-track calendar schools. School Communi ty Counci ls are mandated by the government of Ontario for every school. One of their mandates, undoubtedly influenced by Joseph's pioneering efforts and his high profile as an innovative educator, is to examine school calendars. More specifically, as a result of his commitment and success within the district, Albert School District enacted a policy that whenever a new school is about to open, the School Communi ty Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 128 Council must consider (but not necessarily implement) the potential benefits of a dual-track and other alternative calendar options. In Albert School District, although the expansion of the year-round calendar may not have been as rapid or as extensive as Joseph wished, it has become widely accepted as both viable and desirable as an alternative approach to educat ing students. This successful implementat ion was due in large part to the dedication and commitment of Joseph Smart, an innovative and persistent educat ional leader. I turn now to a second composite district and school in which the implementat ion of alternative calendars did not meet such a happy fate. S w e e t w a t e r S c h o o l D i s t r i c t : A L e s s S u c c e s s f u l I m p l e m e n t a t i o n Following closely on the heels of the first year-round schools in Ontario, Huntsvil le and Kate Smith Elementary Schools, the principal of Lakota Elementary School in Sweetwater School District determined to introduce a similar calendar. Sweetwater District, like that of the Huntsvil le Elementary School, is located in a resort and vacation area in Ontario, with a predominantly tourist based economy. If the calendar had worked for Huntsvil le, surely it would bring credit to Lakota! Fuelled by her enthusiasm about the reports of the first two schools, in particular her conversations with Dan Patterson "founding father" of YRS in Ontario and the initiating principal of Huntsvil le Elementary, Gwen presented a request to the board. She had initially been interested, not only because of her conversat ions with Dan, but also because the calendar seemed to be very similar to the British c a l e n d a r — o n e she had grown up with. She was Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 129 supported in her request by a former local Teachers ' Federation president who had also worked with the "founding father." At the t ime, several schools were compet ing for the honor of implementing a modif ied calendar in the district, and she won out over the principal of a neighboring school, who in due t ime was also able to implement the calendar. It is the story of these two implementers that I tell under the rubric of Lakota Elementary School. Permission Granted A n information meeting was first held at one of the compet ing schools, with a turn-out of approximately 60 people who seemed interested in the proposal. However, Gwen explained, "The communi ty here is very small-c conservative and quite traditional and they don't like change, any kind of change. And I think they were afraid that it was going to affect the rest of the school. Actually, it affects the rest of the school in a posit ive way." Once Lakota School was given the go ahead, a month was designed for pre-registration. Those involved were disappointed that there were not long lines of people want ing to register. In fact, even after the school had been on a dual calendar for several years, she said that in the registration month, she would like to have seen long line-ups, but that they did not get them. She commented, "Unfortunately, this indicated to me that a) it's s low in catching on or b) perhaps we were not doing a good enough job here f rom this school." Implementation Struggles Al though the initial intention here, unlike at Kate Smith, was to open as a dual-track school, Gwen had hoped for more interest. The result of the lukewarm Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 130 enthusiasm (75 students opting for the modified calendar), combined with the already relatively small size of the school (462), was that classes on both calendars became multi-grade situations (a 1, 2, 3 grouping; one class of 4 t h , 5 t h , and 6 t h graders, and a 7 t h and 8 t h grade class). This was, of course, no different f rom Kate Smith's implementat ion, but seemed to have been less wel l received. Also, like Kate Smith Elementary School, the summer schedule was modif ied to permit max imum enjoyment of the out-of-doors. One teacher descr ibed an exchange overheard among some students: I had three girls sitting talking once in my modified class with two that aren't, and that was the concern, like, "Well, we'l l be at the beach and you won't be." And the girl in my class said, "Well , what t ime do you normally go?" And they said, "Well, somet ime after two," and she said, "So I'll be ten minutes late. That 's all." Because the day began at 8:30 and ended at 2:30, with a shortened lunch period and the elimination of the afternoon recess, students who started school in August were still able to enjoy t ime at the beach with their fr iends. Unlike the processes used to introduce the alternative calendar at Kate S m i t h — t h e months of meetings, the eagerness to bring the whole communi ty in to the conversations, the openness of the public debate, the wil l ingness to listen to opposing viewpoints, the tolerance of ambiguity, the embrace of the media, and the general commitment of the e d u c a t o r s — t h e process at Lakota School was confined to the principal's report to the staff and communi ty that the alternative calendar would be implemented. One teacher told us that the decision was made because the principal had requested it, but that there had been no consultation among the staff, and Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 131 certainly no vote on the part of either teachers or the parent communi ty. She stated, W e were just told this is happening. I don't ever remember being asked if w e were interested in having it or not.. . . W e were asked if we were interested in teaching in it and if you were interested in teaching in it, you could apply to do so. Another teacher described it as Gwen's "little baby." She cont inued, "She sort of said, Td like to do this and this. Are there teachers that would be interested and parents and students?" ' Still another told us it had been: sort of laid on us because Gwen had made the decision that she was going to try it. It was going to be a pilot project, and I mean, even if we had voted against it, I think, she probably sort of would 've overruled it and said, "Well, we're going to try it anyway." In addit ion, there had been no opportunity to explore the rationale or the pros and cons of the proposal. Teachers reported that the principal pressured them "not to say anything negative about it" an approach that many felt was "a little restricting" when they wanted to examine all the issues. Al though in Kate Smith the project opened with the involvement of approximately 5 0 % of the school, in Sweetwater, administrators appeared satisfied with a bare minimum of students. Moreover, they did not encourage media attention or public debate that might have generated addit ional support. One said, "I didn't encourage it. I mean, not that I said no, but I didn't go out looking for it. I just wanted it to go nice and smoothly" (GW). One wonders if there was fear that the media would be negative; nevertheless, the low key approach was less than satisfactory and is indicative of many of the ensuing implementat ion problems. Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 132 W h e n I interviewed administrators, all teachers on the modif ied calendar, and some of the teachers on the traditional schedule, I heard many complaints about how the calendar had been implemented, but none about the concept itself. A l though I sensed that there had been difficulties, it was only after several visits, several rounds of interviews, and strong assurances of conf ident ia l i ty— particularly that what teachers reported would not be taken back to the principal, that I began to understand some of the real issues at Lakota School. Problems of implementation quickly came to the forefront. Teachers stated that because the three modified class teachers do their own supervision in August, they are exempt from duties the rest of the year. Because the music teacher, Rusty, happened to be on the modif ied schedule, the rest of the school lost five weeks of music instruction while he was on break. There was obvious jealousy and concern on the part of the other teachers about the programming for the modif ied classes. This was particularly pointed against Rusty's handling of his own senior grade class. One teacher stated that: what happens is his students get a really good start in music, and have the computer lab to themselves, so they do more computer work, and then they go on more field trips as well because in August you know they should be outdoors more, so they do more of an outdoor program in August. A l though this does not seem very different f rom what we heard in Kate Smith, here, there is no sense of this being curr iculum with an integrated and thematic approach. Instead, it seemed that Lakota School operated in August with a series of special days— f i sh ing , golf, e t c . — s e p a r a t e in almost every way from the regular curr iculum. Unlike in other dual-calendar schools, having some students absent during the regular term did not permit the use of additional space Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 133 by teachers. One teacher described how she wanted to use an adjacent room for a drama project, but could not, "because they locked it." The allocation of teachers is particularly illustrative of the problems experienced in Sweetwater District. Gwen said: I had four teachers who wanted the three positions, which made it difficult to choose! I did it by, first come, first served, as to w h o got there ... I asked them to put in a letter as to why they would want to teach the alternative, and which grades. I looked at flexibility. Some of them said they wouldn' t mind either junior or intermediate, or pr imary or junior. And I also looked at whether the three would be compatible, so that entered into it, too. Gwen's statement appears to encompass contradictory criteria. Moreover, it suggests a unilateral rather than a collaborative process, one that increased competit ion and divided the staff, rather than unifying it around an excit ing experiment. Class size was another major issue. On the modified schedule, classes ranged in size f rom 18 to 22 students, while the traditional calendar classes had 29 students in the middle grades, with over 30 in the 7-8 class. In fact, I was told by a teacher that "Parents can't choose teachers, but they can choose whether they're going to have traditional or the year-round program, and so de facto, they can choose teachers." This was complicated even more by the fact that the senior teacher in the modified calendar was one who was described as "not being appropriate for all kids." One sixth grade teacher on the regular calendar stated, Probably, the biggest problem I have with the modif ied calendar looking at it f rom my standpoint of having a grade 6 class going to the 7 t h grade, is who is teaching it. I don't like to be negative towards Rusty Knowles. He's extremely well educated but in his program, you have to work independently. So those two students Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 134 f rom my class that are considering going to his, they would be f ine. They would sort of survive that sort of trip, but a student who is weaker and needs the teacher focused all the way along, would have problems in that c lassroom simply because of his style. Another reported: "I'm sorry to have to say it, but Mr. Knowles has very limited behaviour control management skills within his c lassroom." In fact, the two sixth grade teachers had rejoiced when Mr. Knowles was placed on the modified calendar, saying, "Phew, we don't have to send our kids on to Mr. Knowles because he's going to be doing the alternative year." Putting your weakest teacher in the senior class of a pet project might look like a sure way to kill it, but Gwen, perhaps unwittingly, made the situation even worse. Because not enough students had pre-registered for the next year of the modified calendar at the 7 t h grade level, she introduced a new plan. Students were told that if 8 or 9 of them didn't volunteer, at least that many students would be placed in that c lassroom in September. So the alternative year would start in August, and then 8 or 9 kids would be placed in that room in September after the class had been running, and in October, then those 8 or 9 would be split up into another c lassroom. They wouldn' t start in August, because, of course, that wouldn' t work out with the parents' schedule. They would start in September, but they would be in that c lassroom, so they would've missed all the August program. They would start in September. (ST) In this way, students not opting for the modif ied calendar would not have to begin before September, but when the rest of their class went on the modified breaks, they would be placed in other regular classes and forced to make up the time. Teachers said that students looked puzzled and asked, "Like could it be me that's forced to go in there?" One teacher, summing this new plan up, made the understatement of the year: "I don't know how this is going to work." Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 135 Then she elaborated, "They were keen on some of the selling points." The principal promised these students they would have "no French for a month and hour-long physical education and extra instrumental music and computer lab every day" (not to mention the day trips discussed earlier). Discontent and Discontinuation It is little wonder that after the plan had been communicated to the students, one teacher told me she had been: greeted in the hall, the first thing the next morning by a parent who said, "I 'm tired of having this rammed down my throat. It's in the paper. It's spoken about at every assembly, you know. Now, my daughter wants to be involved in the program because it was sold to her, you know, with a hard sell, and w e know it won' t work for our family. W e know about the program. Forms have come home. We' re informed. W e can't be involved in it." And so she was upset. In Sweetwater District, the modif ied calendar caused disruption of classes, and as enrolment decl ined, increased hard feelings, as schools exper ienced program cuts and lost specialist teachers like librarians. Nevertheless, a series of different superintendents permitted the dual-track calendar to exist for five years because it offered an element of choice to a small group of parents. No other educational benefits were identified, and as I have reported, many problems developed around the ways in which the innovation w a s conceptual ized and introduced here. In the sole multi-track year-round school in Canada, we will see next how, despite much more initial success than in Lakota School, some similar implementat ion problems ultimately also led to its demise as a year-round calendar school . Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 136 Stephen Lewis Junior High: A Dream Gone Awry In July 1995, to great media fanfare and enormous public interest, Stephen Lewis Junior High School opened as Canada's first multi-track year-round school, comprising grades 7, 8, and 9. The new school building had been approved by the district over two years before to meet the needs of a growing low socio-economic, highly ethnically-diverse area of a large metropol i tan city in Western Canada, descr ibed in the school handbook as "a communi ty rich in human resources and ethno-cultural groups." The community was also one with associated social problems such as unemployment, cr ime, and youth violence. Because students had previously been bussed out of their neighbourhood and dispersed among existing schools in other parts of the city, there had been no real junior high communi ty in the area. As a result, the new school quickly took on a considerable level of importance as a focal point for communi ty activities. (Shields & Oberg, 2000, p. 52) Planning Multiple Innovations Eighteen months before the building was to be opened, the new principal, Naomi St. John , 1 was appointed with a mandate to work with the architects, to develop an innovative school program, and to hire her staff. The result was not only a f ive-track year-round school, but one in which each track constituted a "learning community," in which assistant principals were replaced by "learning leaders," teachers worked collaboratively to integrate the curriculum around 1 Because this study was conducted after Naomi St. John had left the school, I was unable to conduct a formal interview with her, or to include direct quotes from her in this section (although on several occasions I tried unsuccessfully to schedule an interview). Nevertheless, she participated in the British Columbia conference on year-round schooling in 1995 and I had the opportunity to meet with her and discuss the school at that time. My informal interactions with her were consistent with the comments made by my respondents (her successors, as well as teachers and learning leaders who had remained at the school). Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 137 thematic units, parents and students participated widely in governance, and in which students were grouped and regrouped in mult i-age classes. So many innovative ideas were combined under one roof that one mantra of the school, one that was an attempt to encourage continued innovation and prevent reversion to traditional approaches, became, "If it hasn't been tried in Stephen Lewis, then it hasn't been tr ied." This attitude of innovation is ref lected in phrases in the student handbook, such as "uniqueness, risk-taking, and personal excellence are valued in our young people" and "we encourage col laboration through mutual trust and respect." Moreover, the foundat ion statement itself is "meant to be flexible in the sense that it is continually quest ioned and re-examined." This sense of innovation, flexibility, experimentat ion, and excitement pervaded the early years of Stephen Lewis Junior High School. But at the same t ime, these elements foreshadow some of the difficulties that would soon become apparent. The impetus behind the 60-15 calendar and programs at Stephen Lewis School was to provide an innovative, participatory, communi ty -owned, and caring environment for the population of relatively high needs students. There was a sense that the population would grow and that Stephen Lewis School would need to have a multi-track calendar to accommodate the potential ult imate enrolment. The decision to open with five learning communit ies was a way to bring smaller groups of students together with a group of caring teachers in the hope that no s tudent would fall through the cracks. Each learning communi ty consisted of a leader, a resource teacher, and one generalist teacher for approximately Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 138 thirty students. The school also had a core group of specialist teachers who taught all of the art, music, computing, drama, physical educat ion, and home economics to all communit ies of students. For the most part, the school-day was organized around a series of flexible groupings, including grade-level groupings, mult i-age or cross-grade groups, ability (or cross-ability) groups, or interest groups. At t imes large groups of students were taught by one or two teachers, freeing the other teachers to work with smaller groups or individuals. At other t imes, communi t ies were divided more equally. Al though officially named a "junior high school" the school had more of a "middle-school" feel to it. The plan was that students and teachers would stay together for three years, that a bond of caring, fr iendship, and support would develop and that individual student needs could be identified and met in a warm, respectful community- l ike learning environment. Thus, the multi-track calendar was more or less a container for the school program. It had contributed to the physical design of the building in which four learning communi t ies were clustered around the central core, requiring communi t ies to relocate after each track change. With in each pod, learning spaces had also been flexibly designed, with large L-shaped classrooms, and a number of smal l work-rooms clustered around each one. These design features, al though intended to enhance the flexibility of the instructional program, later became seen as restrictive and problematic. Prior to the opening of the school, much planning had occurred. However, most of the planning had related to "big picture" issues, to concepts like school Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 139 philosophy, mission, and vision statements. One teacher described the effect of the lack of attention to detail in this way: Before, when we were hired, we worked on mission statements. W e worked on outcome-based assessment. W e worked on phi losophy and tried to get everyone in agreement, on board or on side. W e walked into the first day of school and we were asked, "Can kids wear hats?" W e found we were divided right down the middle on the simplest issues because we had never brought them up. It was depressing. Outcome-based assessment was three months away before w e were going to argue about that. W e decided we knew all about it. You know. How do we take at tendance? W e didn't know. Report cards came around and where are the report cards? W e don't have one. So we have to make one. Let's decide to make one. What do you want the report card to look like? So now we have fifty professionals in the building f ighting over what the report card would look like. (BR) School Opening and Ongoing Change W h e n the school opened, many structures, including governance structures had not been finalized, again, with the intent of encouraging wide participation and input into their development. The administrative team held weekly meet ings, alternating between before and after school hours. In the first year, a school council was establ ished with representat ion f rom parents, students, teachers, and the community at large. W h e n students discovered that provincial legislation required that parents hold the majority of voices, they complained that their point of v iew would be lost. Once the school opened, there were staff commit tees (staff development, teaching and learning, communicat ion, assessment, governance, fund-raising, technology, special events, student activities, and awards and recognition) involving teachers f rom different Learning Communit ies whose work establ ished the policies and practices of the school. It was necessary to have two chair-persons per committee to ensure continuity as the Learning Communi t ies rotated in and out of the school. (LaRocque et al., 1998, p. 38) Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 140 The parent assembly, which worked through eight additional commit tees, met monthly. A student assembly also met regularly, first as a participatory council, but later as a representative council . Everything was up in the air and to be discussed and decided by committees. A teacher remembered a discussion about whether the student washrooms should be co-educational or not in this junior high school : "They decided to have the washrooms co-ed. Anyone could go into any washroom. Wel l it didn't take l o n g — a w e e k — b e f o r e a little girl said, 'We're not going into the washrooms. ' " The policy was quickly reversed. Problems arose, not only because so much was left undef ined at the outset, but because changes continued to occur, almost on a monthly basis. Moreover, so much time was taken up making collaborative decisions about topics like the wearing of hats (for a while the only rule in the school that was enforced), that little t ime was left for, discussions of how to implement the innovative pedagogical ideas. Specialist teachers who had been hired struggled with how to teach themat ic / in tegrated concepts, in a more "generalist" way. Teachers initially had too many roles and change was constant. The problem with scheduling the music program is illustrative. The music teacher indicated that he had been invited to join the district steering commit tee, because originally, there had been no-one representing fine arts. His task, during the eighteen months planning for the school, he said, was to constantly ask "What about f ine arts? What about f ine arts?" At one point he left the commit tee in frustration, but later accepted the position as music teacher at the school . I asked how the music program had been organized in the first year, and he stated, Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 141 "I can't tell you because it's been five years. It changes every year, absolutely every year. A new chal lenge. I've been here five years and I've had four calendar years and five schedules." Tensions soon appeared as it was general ly unclear which group had the power to make and enforce which decision. Moreover, so much t ime was taken up by meet ings, that many teachers quickly became disenchanted wi th the participatory processes. In fact, by the third year, only 13 of the original 40+ teachers remained, with one learning communi ty having lost all of its teachers. Perhaps more influential in the ultimate demise of the innovative approach was the fact that new staff who were hired had no orientation to the philosophical underpinnings either of the year-round calendar or the pedagogy that formed the foundation for the creation of the learning communit ies. Despite the many changes that occurred at Stephen Lewis over the years, and the very large staff turnover, by the fifth year, some of the original staff were still holding on to the dream. One original learning leader stated that It was excit ing. The teams were working together. The administrat ion was working together. There were all the things that when you open a brand new school. There were no tradit ions. So expectat ions had to be set. Our principal w a s a strong advocate of stewardship and collaborative decision making. Then that process tends to take a little bit of t ime. ... W e didn't have any infighting on the admin team. We' re still close fr iends.. . . I still believe in it. I bel ieve in the learning community approach. I believe in year-round school ing. (JD) Others, however, did not remember the early days in such a positive light. "The phi losophy of the school looks so good on paper, total integration, total inclusion, total integration of subjects. W e tried to do everything all at once ... one of the phi losophies of the school was 'student voice, student choice'. Many found Chapter6. The Canadian experience ... p. 142 it overwhelming and reported that student choice did not always work. One recalled: I could not believe, again it was not just with my personal belongings, but even the school itself. There was such destruct ion the first year. The walls, everything. Six months and the school looked like it had been lived in for thirty years. And that is improving as wel l . But wow for the first three years. (BR) Naomi St. John left the school during its second year of operat ion to take a high profile execut ive position in a national organization in the communi ty. Teachers were not particularly surprised as they had seen her, not only as an "experienced principal" but as a "mover and shaker." New Direct ions: A New Principal Arr ives A new principal was chosen by the district, one equally exper ienced, and who had also been an original member of the district design commit tee. She accepted the posit ion with the intent of making the school work. She was "a risk taker, so it w a s interesting ... it captured my imaginat ion. I also felt I was needed." But the cracks that had begun to open quickly became chasms. Even though Lydia shared the initial vision for the school, she soon experienced difficulties working in the unstructured and f ragmented environment. She descr ibed the challenge of "walking into a multi-track with constant change." For the first year, she tried to work within the establ ished system but found she was constant ly being blind-sided, often by the learning leaders who had their own status as quasi-administrators, and their own autonomy in terms of making decisions for their communit ies. She described them, a year later, as Cowboy learning leaders. They were running their own private schools and the attitude was that they could do whatever they Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 143 wanted. . . .So Thursday afternoon, when most of the school is doing final exams before Christmas, one books the drama room and has a dance going on. And you can hear the thud, thud, thud of the bass throughout the school. (LD) Overall she found that the building was in "chaos, with each learning centre being different unto itself." Every track did its own thing and it was like "five mini-s c h o o l s " — a situation that did not help to create a cohesive school. After her first year in the school, Lydia gained permission f rom the board to change the five learning leaders' posit ions and to hire a vice-principal. Wil l iam Smith came on board, worked with her through the implementat ion of a number of changes, and eventually was appointed principal upon Lydia's retirement. W h e n Lydia went into the school she implemented a number of changes to address some of the problems with f ragmentat ion, decis ion-making, communicat ion, and scheduling of classes (such as music and drama). Overall, Wil l iam said, she came in and started t ightening the reigns and bringing back a more curr iculum focused, grade appropriate approach. The perception of some of the parents in the communi ty started to change for the better. (WS) Changes had an impact on both students and parents. Wil l iam cont inued, "We cleaned house. W e had kids who had been there three years and had virtually run the school . And we had to tell them we were running the school. Not them. That was an interesting scenario." Lydia described how parents had believed that track choice was a "god-given right" that was difficult to violate. Nevertheless, it quickly became apparent (as I have found elsewhere) that permitt ing parents to choose the track resulted in inequity. She learned that there was a disparity in the academic achievement Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 144 scores across the different tracks. She learned that the "red" and "purple" tracks had the highest scores in language, math, science, and social s t u d i e s — a b o v e the school average. For example, in language arts, the range across the tracks went f rom 55 .2% on the "orange" track to 90 .7% on the "red" track. Interestingly, virtually all the parent council had children on the same track. Lydia explained that because parents request only certain tracks and certain teachers, then parents who don't make a request get what is left over. These are often places on what are considered to be less desirable tracks; further, the resulting particular grouping of students somet imes achieve disparate test scores. "So certain tracks get a bad reputation and get ghettoized as teachers that are not so good get left on those tracks" (LD). Lydia took pains to try to equalize allocation to tracks. W h e n she had incoming students, she still asked what track they would prefer, but tried to distribute them more evenly (according to ability, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status) across the tracks. Chal lenging instances of autonomy and independence presented themselves. Lydia talked about how one learning community had organized a fundraiser wi thout having talked to her. "All of a sudden boxes of candy were coming into the school that kids were going to sell. I could not believe anyone would do that." She continued, "If it wasn' t fund raising, it was heading off on a field trip without filling out the proper forms." Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 145 This was her way of raising a significant break-down of communicat ion that resulted in t ragedy. She explained, "We had one child die on a fieldtrip." She described how one track organized a camping trip through the local "Y." Parents were supposed to come into a meet ing. Only three parents came. It was done through the Y. Of course they didn't tell m e w h e n they had the meeting. It was very interesting how that all went together. And then on the day that she drowned the learning leader was supposed to be there, but she wasn't. (LD) This incident caused a lack of confidence, but was, of course, only one of many reasons why Stephen Lewis Junior High School had moved completely away f rom its multi-track and multi-age programs by the fall of 2 0 0 1 . In some ways the drowning was the last of many high profile incidents that not only attracted press attention, but gave creditability to the increasingly vocal critics of the school. Teachers and learning community leaders alike talked about how from the outset, the school had been besieged by requests for visits f rom educators f rom all over North Amer ica, f rom researchers, communi ty volunteers, and the media. One said, W e had television cameras in here everyday. W e had every research student (no offense), everyone doing a paper in our school f rom day one. For the whole year it was a f ishbowl. And it was not directed f rom Naomi. But f rom people saying we ' re coming in. We' l l be sending someone over to your school. The school board will be sending someone over to your school. (JD) All of the attention was flattering but made it particularly difficult either to make decisions, to achieve consistency, or paradoxically, to enact necessary change. In some ways, they had to live up to the mythic reality created for and about them. Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 146 At the outset, the district did everything in its power to ensure that the experiment worked . It provided extra funding, addit ional staffing, and ongoing support for the teachers and administrators in the school . After her f i rst year as principal, Lydia went to the superintendent wonder ing if it would be better to move away f rom the multi-track calendar all together. Her area superintendent told her "not even to anticipate the possibility of not keeping it." However, a year later, fol lowing Lydia's retirement, the district came to reluctant agreement and most of the innovations at Stephen Lewis School, including the multi-track calendar and the learning communit ies were scrapped. To s o m e extent, the outcome is reflective of a battle between different leadership styles. Naomi was described as "one of those people w h o made me kind of think beyond what I was," a principal who would empower teachers and her administrat ive team. One former learning leader stated, She wou ld empower somebody and trust them and be able to take a break. As principal, you have to be able to do that. Lydia had difficulty letting go. Some people do. What some on the staff described as "having trouble letting go," others lauded as taking appropr iate charge, creating a more accountable and calmer system, and making necessary changes. Despite her popularity and exciting vision, one person said of Naomi that "the administration can really set the tone of the school. Not to say that Naomi didn't have the best interest of the students in mind, but I think she was too idealistic." A s I conc luded my data collection, Wi l l iam was preparing for the school to open, in Augus t of 2 0 0 1 , on a single-track modif ied calendar. His hope was that Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 147 this would preserve many of the benefits of the previous multi-track system and also overcome a number of the existing deficits. S u m m a r y : F r o m M u l t i - T r a c k to S i n g l e - T r a c k Although the close bonds that had developed among students and teachers in the learning communit ies had many posit ive aspects, they also helped to f ragment the school and to prevent a sense of " s c h o o l n e s s " — a concept ment ioned repeatedly in the interviews as central to the vision of the school. As he considered how to assign students to classes and classes to the various pods in the building, Wil l iam determined not to permit the existing tracks to remain intact, but said he would throw all the names "in a hopper and see what came out." Wil l iam was convinced that "people are starting to see the benefits of the modif ied year-round program with its shorter summer holidays and the breaks in between," and thought that they were "going to see some high schools moving in that way fairly quickly." "I don' t think it will be long," he concluded. Al though he expressed hope that the benefits of the year-round calendar would soon be more widely recognized, many of the more innovative (and perhaps more idealistic) aspects of the initial vision of Stephen Lewis School were lost. Wi th the move away f rom the multi-track calendar, there was a fear that the benefits of the learning communit ies would also be lost. J im, a former learning leader, described how: The feel ing of community was a lot stronger and opportunit ies for good relationships with students. Also the teachers worked together Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 148 with a common planning t ime. There was support for teachers who were not work ing in isolation. There was empowerment for teachers who could get ideas through interaction with others. There was always a chance for new things to be happening. From the year-round, you get more charged, more frequently during the year. Kids come back pumped for another first day of school . He added, "Because w e bel ieved in cooperat ive learning, and because we also implemented mult i-aging, you could get a lot of peer support for the k ids. . . .You almost needed it there to make the system work." T h e mult i- track year-round calendar in Stephen Lewis Junior High School was an interesting, innovative, and high profile change that garnered attention from many other educators over a six-year period. It began with vision and enthusiasm, wi th Naomi 's personal char isma being instrumental in building commitment for her innovative ideas. It began to f lounder when teachers were overwhelmed with the t ime and energy demanded to translate the vision into reality. It began to die when she left the school and a new leader, wi th a different style, and a different interpretation of the vision came on board so early. Perhaps the vision was too idealistic; perhaps it was an idea whose t ime had come but that needed more fol low-through than she was able to give it. One cannot help but wonder what might have happened had Naomi not left so soon and if the initial vision and enthusiasm she seemed to engender had been able to have been mainta ined. Summary of Canadian Implementation In every instance in Canada, the introduction of a modif ied, alternative, or year-round calendar occurred on a voluntary basis and because a school leader took up the chal lenge of implementing a modif ied school calendar. Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 149 In Albert District, Joseph began with a vision of what a year-round school could do for students. He was willing to adapt his initial vision of a modif ied calendar to a dual-track calendar in order to gain public support. He demonstrated commitment to a goal as well as a vision and was will ing to work to make it happen. His zeal and commitment became legendary. The flexibility of his approach, the clear focus on academic achievement for students, the provision of parental choice were factors in making his dream a reality. He was able to work with School Councils; he empowered parents and garnered widespread support. And he was able to see some of the fruits of his efforts as he establ ished two new schools on the same model and perhaps more importantly, inf luenced policy in both his board and the province. It is not an overstatement to call the innovations in Albert School District an unqualif ied success. In contrast, one cannot help but describe the similar innovation in Sweetwater District as a failure. Begun with similar hopes and also inf luenced by the successful story of Huntsville's small scale implementat ion, the calendar in Lakota School did not reap the benefits found in Kate Smith Elementary School. Gwen's fai lure to treat the school as a community, to consult with the teachers, to communicate openly with her students, their parents, and the community at large, spelled d o o m f rom the outset. She seemed to lose sight of the goal of benefiting students. Despite her initial vision and enthusiasm, not only did she fail to build the support necessary to implement a new calendar, she made a number of unwise decis ions that seemed more and more manipulative. Her choices of the Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 150 weakest, least popular teacher in the school combined with her threat to place children in modif ied classes on a traditional schedule during breaks (result ing in the worst of both worlds) were not only unwise but appear to border on the unethical. It is difficult to see how, given these factors, the reform could have had a more posit ive outcome. The implementat ion at Stephen Lewis Junior High School is in some ways the most interesting and most complex of any schools and districts I studied. Begun with collective optimism and creativity, extensive resources of t ime, intellect, and money, it still did not work. Probably overly ambit ious, the complexity and t ime-consuming nature of the planning and implementat ion soon took their toll. In some ways, the educators at this school may have wanted to do too much too fast to support their high-needs student body. They wanted to educate, empower, nurture, and include students and parents, but found themselves unable to fully accomplish these goals as they had hoped. It is difficult to know whether it was the realization that the project could not work that lead Naomi to leave prematurely or whether her early departure led to the failure of the project. All told, the stories about the Canadian experience make a narrative that is, at t imes inspiring, at t imes frustrating. It provides insight into leadership for change and helps us to understand how to make the implementat ion of reform, and especial ly of year-round schooling, successful ; at the same t ime it offers some cautions about what not to do. Chapter 6. The Canadian experience ... p. 151 In Chapter 7,1 re-examine the questions with which I began this study and revisit the exper iences of both the Amer ican and Canadian educat ional leaders and identify some insights gleaned f rom the data. Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 152 C H A P T E R 7: INSIGHTS F R O M THE D A T A I began this study because of my own exper ience as an administrator in a multi-track year-round school . As a research assistant to a professor examining the topic of year-round school ing, my.interest was piqued to try to better understand the complexit ies and challenges, the successes and failures of an innovation I had originally thought to be quite straight-forward. I began to wonder about the impact of a reform that was voluntary or mandated, about the importance of district support, community dynamics, and about the impact of the reform on students and their famil ies. One district assistant superintendent had told me that central to all of this was the school principal (KZ). Another district superintendent (CW) had stated that the major factor in the success or failure of educational innovation, especial ly something as demanding as year-round school ing, was administrative leadership. Further, I had been intrigued by the concept of transformative leadership (Astin & Ast in, 2000). Informed by my personal experience with YRS and by a conceptual f ramework focused on transformative leadership, supplemented by the literature on Y R S and educat ional reform, I set out to investigate whether a transformative approach to leadership helps educational leaders to successful ly implement structural change. To answer that overarching quest ion, I wanted to examine and understand more clearly the role of educational leaders in introducing school reform. I wished to learn why and how, at both school and district levels, educational leaders Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 153 continue to promote and introduce school calendar change in the face of the substantial political and social battles. My specif ic objectives were: 1. to understand the impetus of educational leaders for introducing YRS, 2. to comprehend leaders' implementat ion procedures and processes, 3. to identify what the leaders hoped to accomplish by enact ing YRS, 4. to determine the leaders' perceptions about the extent to which their goals were realized, and 5. to describe the leaders' perceptions about unanticipated outcomes of Y R S . In this chapter, I draw on my data to answer these five questions, but to avoid redundancy, I combine the responses to quest ions three and four under the heading of "anticipated goals and achieved outcomes." The Impetus for Year-Round School ing There is little research that at tempts to examine either the impetus for starting a year-round school or the impact that dif ferences in the impetus might have on the outcomes and the long-term success of the reform. Some talk in passing of a legislative mandate for change (Donato, 1996; McDaniel , 1993) or of a district's need to accommodate more children in existing buildings (White, 1992; Zykowski et al. 1991), whi le others (see for example, Gandara, 1992; Pyron, 2004; Shields & Oberg, 2000) describe implementat ions that were voluntarily implemented. Table 2 summar izes the impetus I discovered in this study for the introduction of the reform initiatives. Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 154 Table 2. Impetus for YRS and the success reported. DIST.&/SCHOOL CALENDAR INITIATOR IMPETUS SUCCESS* Frances Howell MT** District initiated Overcrowding Yes Bond restrictions Delphi MT State mandated Overcrowding Yes a few begun with ST** Central Florida Central Both MT&ST District mandated Overcrowding, Desire No to raise scores Sage MT Voluntary at Provide choice No school level Vista MT District mandate Overcrowding No Taft Jerico MT District mandate Overcrowding Yes Martin Popper ST Teacher initiated Low achievement Yes Principal Low SES supported High transience Albert Dual-Track Principal initiated Belief in YRS benefits Yes Sweetwater Dual-track Principal initiated Desire for choice No Stephen Lewis MT District, principal & Low SES No staff Need for community Potential area growth * Success here refers to my working definition as outlined in Chapter One and implies a combination of goals met and support and satisfaction achieved. ** MT = multi-track, ST= single-track, YRS= year-round school Facility Issues In several school districts, the impetus for the year-round calendar came from various ways of explaining the lack of fiscal and physical resources. Due to overcrowding, some talked about the need to accommodate more children in existing buildings; others spoke about restrictions in terms of bond limitations or lack of capital funding that limited new school construction. In Frances Howell School District, when the district was unable to raise bond money quickly enough to increase capacity, the superintendent introduced year-Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 155 round schooling to address the needs of a rapidly growing populat ion. Three years later, he added another multi-track school. From then on, as elementary schools became overcrowded, they changed to a multi-track calendar. Soon, the district had such success with the new calendar that even its under-populated elementary schools were charged to operate on a modif ied calendar, albeit, a single-track one which they called E-track. This district is still recognized as a "year-round school" district as well as for having had the longest running multi-track year-round schools in the United States. Two decades later, Delphi District implemented a similar approach. Al though some educators attended the annual year-round school conference, most decisions were internal rather than influenced by the experience of others, such as Frances Howell. Hence, the district leaders exper ienced a learning curve in some ways similar to that of leaders in Frances Howell. The implementat ion of Y R S in Delphi District took a slightly more convoluted route. In response to a legislative decision not to provide new capital funds to over-crowded districts until necessary "efficiency" schedules had been introduced, Delphi District began experimenting. After a few tough years of trying out an extended-day, over-lapping student-body formula, Delphi District opted to try multi-track year-round schooling in the mid 1980s. After years of trial and error, the solution provided by widespread implementat ion of Y R S still exists in the first decade of the 21st century and shows no evidence of decl ine in the foreseeable future. All new elementary schools that are built in Delphi District are designed and constructed as year-round schools, with new Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 156 buildings opening on single-track calendars and switching to the mult i-track mode when they become too crowded to accommodate all students at one t ime. Complex Interplay of Reasons The situation in Florida was (and still is) more complex. Central District took an early lead and hired Dana Lougheed, a district Y R S coordinator w h o mandated year-round school in the district's poorest neighborhoods in order to accommodate more students, but who also nurtured the belief that the new calendar implementat ion would result in improved test scores. For that reason, the district coordinator originally anticipated a wholesale change to year-round school ing. Ultimately, however, the outcomes of implementing the calendar fai led to meet her high expectat ions. Test scores were not as high as the district had promised and a newly elected school superintendent el iminated the year-round school calendar. The demise of the project in Central District negatively inf luenced the situation throughout the state. In Sage District, several school principals and a district super intendent had been quick to catch the vision of Dana Lougheed in Central District, in each case, hoping for a calendar that would provide parental choice and educat ional benefits. When Y R S began to lose public support in neighboring Central District, some Sage District decision-makers seemed as eager as those in Central had been to dismantle the calendar. At a meet ing of the school board, despite enthusiastic support for YRS f rom participating principals, teachers, and parents, the decision was made to discontinue the alternative calendar. The impetus for introducing the Y R calendar in neighboring Vista District was the existence of several dilapidated buildings coupled with a low tax base and more Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 157 than a few over-crowded schools. There, the superintendent had ordered the implementat ion of the MT-YRS calendar in several schools; he promised that the schedule would be a temporary solution to the district's woes and that the calendar would be replaced by a new yet-to-be-determined solution within a few, short years. In part, Y R S quickly magnet ized opposit ion when no other solut ions were found and when implementat ion procedures seemed inequitable. Year- round schools in Taft District were implemented for several different reasons. In Jerico Elementary School, year-round schooling had been mandated because of overcrowding. There, however, the principal took what was , for the district, a cost-saving formula and turned it into a school-saving f o r m u l a — t h e catalyst for changing how the teachers thought about and delivered educat ion. Her success with her high needs, low socioeconomic and disadvantaged famil ies brought not only the attention of the state officials but the notice of some teachers in other district schools. Notable was Martin Popper Elementary School , where the teachers persuaded the principal to investigate year-round school ing as a partial solution to their own "critically low" and failing school status. Once convinced of the potential of the calendar to address some of the needs of her chal lenging school population, Jane forged ahead. The outcome, there, was not only a voluntary implementat ion, but one that was hard won through persistent lobbying of the district. Thus, in Florida, I found a range of compell ing reasons for implementing year-round schooling and a concomitant range of outcomes. Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 158 An Impetus for Choice and Learning In Canada, no school has adopted the year-round calendar as a cost-saving measure or to accommodate more students in less space. In every instance in Canada, the stated reason for implementation was either to offer parental choice or to improve the learning environment for s t u d e n t s — a n d somet imes both. In Albert District, the "choice" and "learning" motives were both present. Joseph, the instigator and visionary who successful ly introduced the calendar, was clear about both goals. There was no sense in which it was a simple "change for the sake of change," in Albert District's schools. In Sweetwater, there seemed to be more emphasis on doing something new and different, with the most frequently stated reason for the dual-track schedule, being to offer choice to families. There the principals seemed to have been influenced by the success in other areas, perhaps without whol ly understanding the potential chal lenges and benefits. In some ways, they seemed to have wanted to be on the crest of a wave of innovation they thought would gain considerable public support and expressed disappointment that "more people did not line up" when given the opportunity. A l though for a while it was thought that Stephen Lewis's populat ion might grow to the point where a multi-track school was absolutely necessary, the first principal conceptual ized the school in that way to permit the accommodat ion of the learning communi ty concept. The calendar became a vehicle for a larger, more grandiose plan that involved extensive and dramat ic changes in organization and Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 159 p e d a g o g y — c h a n g e s that were expected not only to benefit student learning but to empower the community and to "put it on the map." Summary of Findings about Impetus Multi-track year-round school calendars were introduced in both Frances Howell and Delphi District because neither district could find a better solution to overcrowding and because both lacked the capital funds to meet their populat ions' needs. In these districts, educators introduced year-round schooling initially as the lesser of possible evils. In Florida, the schools in Vista District and Jerico Elementary in Taft District were originally confronted with a district mandate to implement a year-round calendar. In the other sites (Sage, some schools in Central, and Mart in Popper School in Taft District), the implementat ion was voluntary and intended specifically to address the learning needs of students. All of the Canadian sites introduced a version of a modif ied or year-round calendar on a voluntary basis, again intended to offer choice to families and to enhance the educat ional environment for educators and students alike. A l though Michael Fullan (1993, p. 21) states that "you cannot mandate what matters," my respondents have reported that the mandate to introduce a year-round calendar w a s in some cases the catalyst, not only for cost savings, but also for improving student achievement. Whi le a mandate did not in and of itself improve student learning, in some cases, it certainly helped to create the condit ions under which improved pedagogy and learning took p lace. At the same time, the mandate in Vista District (although it undoubtedly saved the district money) seemed to result in little more than frustration and hard feelings. Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 160 The initial impetus did not predict the success or failure of the reform. What this study has demonstrated is that a successful innovation may be mandated or voluntari ly implemented as can an unsuccessful reform. In some ways, the explanat ion for this f inding comes f rom the second guiding question for this study, an examinat ion of administrators' implementat ion procedures and processes. According to my earlier definit ion of success—success fu l implementat ion referred to schools that not only met the leaders' explicit goals for the calendar change, but in which the reform endured and garnered support f rom both the school and wider communit ies served. The least successful calendar changes were associated with the leaders' implementat ion procedures and processes; further, these calendar changes did not last more than a few years. Implementation Procedures and Processes While mandated multi-track schools were originally instituted to solve accommodat ion problems, my respondents also reported many benefits to the academic learning env i ronment—benef i t s that became the impetus for some of the single-track, voluntary programs in other schools and districts. Hence the single-track programs I found in Florida and the dual-track programs in Albert District in Ontario were impelled, not by the need for cost savings or for more space for students, but by a vision for support ing and enhancing student achievement. There were as many different approaches to implementing a new school-year calendar as there were educational leaders in this study. Nonetheless, a close analysis of the data demonstrates some commonal i t ies among the more successful implementers as well as some similarities in approach among those who failed. Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 161 Table 3 summarizes the implementat ion processes and also repeats the column from Table 2 indicating success or failure. Table 3. Implementat ion processes and procedures. DIST. & SCHOOL IMPLEMENTATION PROCESSES & PROCEDURES SUCCESS* Frances Howell Constant review & revision, adequate support & fiscal resources, widespread consultation Yes Delphi District modified support & processes as needed, parent consultation, careful appointment of principals Yes Central Florida Central Sage Vista Missed promises, uneven implementation, mixed message, unwillingness to take political risks Copycat approach, lack of understanding, desire for uniformity Promise YRS was temporary, little support, lack of district understanding of school situation, political campaign stance No No No Taft Jerico & Martin Popper Consistent learning opportunities, parental communication & empowerment, calendar was part of overall improvement plan, use of intersession, widespread support of faculty Yes Albert/Kate Smith Alternate summer pedagogy & schedule, widespread consultation, enthusiastic support of principal, collaboration with policy makers Yes Sweetwater/Lakota Begun with lack of support, few policies related to staffing or enrolment, unilateral decision making No Stephen Lewis Too much consultation, too many meetings, lack of firm decision making, autonomous learning communities, failure to generate adequate in-school support, principal turn-over No "Fai l ing" Implementation Processes Let me start with those that seemed to be the least successful either because the goals were not fulfilled or because the goals were met but there was expressed dissatisfaction on the part of the school staff or wider community. To be clear, these are the schools in Central, Vista, and Sage Districts in Florida as well as Sweetwater District and Stephen Lewis School in Canada. Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 162 Central and Sage Districts suffered f rom what I am calling "lack of goal clarity" and lack of political will. In each of these districts, the position of superintendent of educat ion is an elected position, with the incumbent particularly attentive to public response to educat ional change. Because these posit ions are normally up for election (or re-election) every two years, there is little t ime to institute meaningful reform in the district. This makes it difficult to institute a reform and to give it a chance to succeed before there is a public outcry against change which may be unpopular, at least in "my backyard." The innovation in Central District was led by Dana Lougheed with the best of i n ten t i ons— to improve student achievement as wel l as to alleviate overcrowding in some schools. Implementation proceeded by requiring schools that were in the more overcrowded areas to be the first to move to a multi-track schedule. Because these schools just "happened' to be in the least educated, most d isadvantaged, and most ethnically d iverse neighborhoods, Dana reported that the reform w a s instituted there without m u c h public notice or agitation. W h e n the promised first-year improvement of test scores failed to materialize, the outcry became a crescendo when it came t ime for schools in more affluent areas to implement the calendar. A rmed with the ammunit ion of "broken promises," parents argued that if the reform had not been successful in lower performing schools, there was no need to change their s c h o o l s — schools that were already working well. The fai lure in Central District is, in part, that educat ional leaders made the argument based on improving test scores, when in fact, the early implementat ion, at least, had been designed to provide cost savings and to accommodate more Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 163 students in existing buildings. The message was mixed and the elected officials could not take the risk of continuing the program. In nearby Sage District, there had been more ambivalence, wi th individual educators citing the experience of Central District and opting to introduce a modified calendar with few clearly stated goals for the project. W h e n Central moved away f rom year-round schooling, Sage trustees again cited their neighbor 's exper ience and opted to discontinue the exper iment for the same reason, this t ime, however, in spite of extensive support f rom participating educators and parents. By the t ime those who were involved in a year-round school went to their board meet ing to request permission to continue on their calendar, they were told the board had already voted and was not will ing to consider more than one calendar. Here again, political will and lack of goal clarity ruled the day. In Vista District, while there were both political will and goal clarity, there were still signif icant problems with both promises made and the processes of implementat ion that were selected. At the outset, the promise was made to implementing schools that year-round school ing would be a temporary measure (lasting at most three years). For that reason, educators said they initially accepted the innovation but became increasingly disi l lusioned by the lack of district support. After five years, they had become resentful of district policies such as the one that resulted in administrators working harder, but with no vacation pay or full-time benefits. The lack of understanding of the situation on the part of the relatively newly appointed assistant superintendent supported principals' perceptions that after the calendar had been introduced in several schools, they had been "forgotten" by the Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 164 district. Indicative of this lack of attention was the fact that the newly elected superintendent had actually run on a campaign of "no more year- round school." Sweetwater District also suffered f rom an acute case of lack of goal clarity. In this district, however, this was compounded by quest ionable pol icies and practices. The district permitted Lakota School to begin its program with too smal l a base of support, with a lack of consultat ion, and with no policies to address staff ing or enrolment issues. The principal forged ahead with something that s e e m s so clearly (from my outside perspective) to have been her own agenda. Nevertheless, although she said she believed in the calendar and had experienced similar benefi ts in England, Gwen made some serious mistakes. Her unilateral select ion of faculty, the appointment of a seventh-grade teacher perceived to be incompetent, her coercion of students, her lack of oversight of the cur r i cu lum—a l l proved to be stumbl ing blocks to the implementat ion of a new calendar. This kind of approach seems to support the literature that suggests that a structural change does not necessari ly affect teaching and learning (Levin, 2001). In Stephen Lewis Junior High School, the reasons for the fai lure were somewhat different, although one could argue that there was still a strong element of lack of goal clarity in the profusion of innovation and lack of specif ic policy when the school opened. Here, the initial idealism and enthusiasm were mistaken for vision and clear goals. Because everything was up for grabs including a decision about whether or not to have mixed-gender washrooms, the task was simply too all encompassing and too vast for busy educators who were also trying to develop curriculum and figure out how to teach three years of content to mult i-aged Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 165 groupings of var ious shapes and sizes. The loss of the initiating principal certainly contr ibuted to the failure of the program. But there were other factors that also came into play. The autonomy of the learning communit ies and the learning leaders led to a loss of the "schoolness" they were so concerned about at the outset. Attempting to be so part icipatory that all parents and students were invited to their respective governing assembl ies meant, in this specific community, that few people actually part icipated. Whi le at the outset, the approach seemed promising, it quickly became an exercise in frustration with very few parents ever attending meetings. Teachers, too, became disi l lusioned about the amount of t ime required to make decisions and later compla ined that: We 'd go to endless meetings and never feel decisions were being made. Suddenly we were sitting down, discussing decisions that were just there. . . . you would discuss, discuss, and discuss and nobody would arrive at anything. Then you would sit down working on it. And you would say to yourself, "I don't remember deciding to do this. I remember this being an option, but why are we working on this. I didn't like this to begin with." The case of Stephen Lewis School demonstrates that even when people want to be part of an innovation, good intentions are not enough. It takes clear goals, excellent communicat ion and coordination, and sound leaders with at least one foot in reality to make an idea a success. Overal l , both the successful and the less successful projects in this study were introduced in similar communit ies for somewhat similar reasons. The less successful projects were those in which goals were not met or were only partially met, as indicated in Table 3, or in which there was widespread dissatisfaction with the implementat ion processes. Yet, it is clear that the major factors contributing to Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 166 their lack of success were unfocused or inappropriate implementat ion procedures of the district or school leaders. " S u c c e s s f u l " Implemen ta t ion P r o c e d u r e s Those schools and districts I consider to have been successful include Frances Howell , Delphi, and Taft Districts in the United States and Kate Smith Elementary School in Albert District in Canada. In Frances Howell School District, the introduction of a multi-track year-round school calendar spread from Becky David to other schools and ultimately became the district calendar. Despite a number of surprises in the initial years, the district super intendent and initiating principal had a clear vision of the needs and how to address them. Al though schools could not be constructed quickly enough to accommodate the growing population, the year-round school calendar was not really instituted as a cost-saving measure (but because of a capital outlay restriction) and over the years, the district was willing to put adequate money, effort, and support into the program for it to succeed. As we saw, in the initial years, Gene and Wi lma constantly reviewed and revised the innovation, always modifying it in ways that would better meet the needs of students, teachers, and the broader community. Consultat ion was widespread and those who were to be involved in a calendar change were apprised of the situation all along the way. Delphi District also initiated the year-round school calendar to address physical needs and to alleviate overcrowding. Schools were given very little choice in the matter but there, too, the implementat ion was not only successful but became the way educators structured new schools and thought about education in the district. Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 167 There, too, educators f rom the district were willing to learn how to suppor t the new calendar (addit ional principal meetings, assistant principals, district coordinators, changes in district schedules, etc.), thus alleviating some of the initial problems and showing those who participated that their concerns were taken seriously. W h e n district leaders learned that changes were needed, they added support to make the calendar work. Principals said that as teachers and parents became more familiar with the year-round calendar and with its benefits in terms of increasing motivat ion and learning and reducing stress and tension, it became well known within the district that both parents and teachers increasingly wanted to be part of year-round schools. A l though principals reported that academic benefits were anticipated (and ultimately realized), there were no false promises made and no hidden agendas on the part of either district or school-based administrators. In fact, the district appointed what they considered to be their strongest and most innovative administrators to posit ions in year-round schools (CW). In Taft District, the success of the year-round schools was perhaps even more surprising given the more negative exper ience of so many neighboring schools and districts. Here, I found that it was primarily the clear vision and hard work of the principals that made the innovation work in both Jerico and Martin Popper schools. "Working" here, however, did not simply (or even primarily) mean accommodat ing more students (although the calendar did facilitate that for Jerico Elementary), but "making the innovation work" meant giving addit ional and more consistent opportunit ies for learning to students whose home lives were often difficult and whose families were often disadvantaged socio-economical ly. Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 168 In this case, the district was virtually absent. Respondents sa id that there was little district support for the innovation, aside f rom permitt ing it to occur, but neither did the district inhibit or block the principals f rom fulfilling their vision for improved student support and achievement. It basically "did no harm." T h e success here was largely due to the transformative ways in which the principals conceived of using the calendar, especial ly the intersession t ime, to provide addit ional support to those students w h o most needed it. Additionally, Esther and Jane took steps to ensure that the pedagogical benefits of intersession transferred to the regular school program. In Kate Smith Elementary, Joseph described how the pedagogy of the August alternate calendar program spilled over into the regular c lassrooms and teachers began to see how fun-fil led thematic activities could be the curr iculum rather than an addition to the required curr iculum. The main reason, however, for the success of Albert District, was the vision, energy, and commi tment of Joseph himself. He used extensive consultat ive processes with the community, became a strong advocate for the benefits of the program, especial ly to students with special needs, and "sold" the program to policy makers at every level. There too, al though his original vision was a single-track school , he was willing to be flexible and innovative, almost single-handedly popularizing the dual-track calendar and making it work. Overal l , I found those schools in which the year-round calendar was successful to be heavily dependent on the skill, knowledge, commitment, vision, and ability of the school-based administrator to make the innovation work. Regardless of whether it had been deemed necessary by the district or not, regardless of what the district hoped might be accompl ished, regardless of whether there was district Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 169 support or not, it was the principal who determined the success or fai lure of the calendar. T h o s e principals who were successful took seriously their roles as t ransformat ive school leaders (Astin & Ast in, 2000; Fraser, 1995); they were commit ted to including and to empower ing their staffs (Silins & Mulford, 2005). They encouraged agency, shared power, and consulted about the leadership tasks involved in implement ing the reform with their teachers and often with parents and other members of the wider community. As Ogawa (2005) def ined agency, he talked about having a sense of control over one's environment. This is one of the factors that made the difference between those innovations that were not successful, where educators bel ieved they had no support and no control, and those in which the success was apparent. Moreover, those successful principals not only l istened to their staffs and wider community, but reported that they took seriously the potential of Y R S to effect academic benefits for all students (Baker, 1990; Bradford, 1993; Grotjean & Banks, 1993; Kneese, 1996). Thus, they took measures that helped to transform not only their schools but the wider communi ty (Fraser, 1995). A n t i c i p a t e d G o a l s a n d A c h i e v e d O u t c o m e s In this section, to avoid repetition and clarify the relationship between what individual educators hoped to accompl ish, what they perceived they had accompl ished, and the extent to which their goals were realized, I take my third and fourth research questions together. These data are summar ized in Table 4. There is, of course, a close relationship between the impetus for the new calendar and what administrators hoped to accomplish, especially when the implementat ion was Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 170 voluntary and originated from the school itself. In this section, I differentiate between the innovations that needed to occur for capital reasons and those that were voluntary or sought after. Table 4. Goals and the extent to which they were realized. DIST/SCHOOL IMPETUS GOAL REALIZED Frances Howell Overcrowding Bond restrictions More students in existing buildings Postpone building No degradation of academic achievement Yes Yes Yes Delphi Overcrowding More students in existing buildings Maintain programs No degradation of academic achievement Yes Yes Yes Central Florida Central Sage . Vista Overcrowding Raise scores Provide choice Overcrowding More students in existing buildings Improve academic achievement School clusters on YRS calendar Improve academic achievement More students in existing buildings Yes No Temporary No Temporary Taft Jerico Martin Popper Overcrowding Low achievement Low SES High transience Low achievement Low SES More students in existing buildings Consolidate programs Improve academic achievement More instructional time Improve academic achievement More instructional time Better serve community Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Albert Belief in YRS benefits Support at-risk students Better climate for all Gain more support for school Yes Yes Yes Sweetwater Desire for choice Implement YRS No Stephen Lewis Low SES Need for community Potential area growth More instructional time Better serve community Be innovative Be responsive No Mixed Yes Mixed G o a l s a n d O u t c o m e s in Invo lun ta ry P r o g r a m s Frances Howell, Delphi District, and some Florida Districts (Central, Vista, and Taft, aside f rom Martin Popper School) are examples of programs that were Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 171 initiated outside of individual schools. Districts that were faced with overcrowding and needed to find ways to accommodate additional students in exist ing buildings mandated calendar change. In this instance, the goal w a s implied in the impetus for the change. For example, if the impetus was overcrowding, the goal was to accommodate more children in existing buildings or as Gene Henderson put it, to put more "bums in seats." Whi le principals may have understood and sympathized with district chal lenges related to budgets and capital outlay, they were primarily concerned with how the calendar would affect their schools and with such issues as the welfare of their teachers, the accompl ishments of their students, and the support of their parent community. Here, the quest ion was not so much what principals hoped to accompl ish, but what they hoped to avoid (or at least maintain) with the implementat ion of year-round school ing. In terms of teachers, these principals wanted to ensure they would not have a massive exodus of good teachers, indeed, that they would still be able to attract those teachers they wanted to add to their programs. They wanted teachers to be satisfied, not to experience additional stress and burn-out when they shortened the long tradit ional summer vacat ion. They also wanted teachers to f ind that planning and delivery of instruction was at least no more difficult on the new schedule. With the exception of Vista District, where there was not only a lack of district support but district policies that actually subverted the program, principals found these goals were achieved. In fact, teachers found the more regular breaks to be so beneficial that they reported never needing the long "downtime" often required by Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 172 "regular" c lassroom teachers. They reported that if anything it was easier to plan and teach on a modif ied calendar because it provided natural beginning and ending points for instructional units and assessment. Teachers found they were planning for blocks of three, six, or nine weeks more naturally than they had before. After having experienced some form of year-round calendar for at least a year, all respondents in this study consistently reported that they preferred the Y R S calendar. Hence principals found very few teachers who wanted to leave their schools and a large number of appl icants for any rarely available posit ion. In terms of students, principals obviously wanted to maintain their enrol lments and their academic standings, perhaps even to improve them. At the very least, they wanted the new calendar to result in a f inding of "no difference" w h e n academic achievement was analyzed. In Frances Howell, the only formal analysis of student academic ach ievement before and after the new calendar was done during the first year of i m p l e m e n t a t i o n — a t ime when others would suggest that it wou ld be too early to anticipate any significant changes (Fullan, 1991). Over t ime, there was a sense in the district that, student achievement was "consistently somewhat above the state average," and relatively similar to that of neighboring districts. In Delphi District, a systematic analysis of achievement over a six year period found significant improvements on the part of the year-round schools (Shields & Oberg, 1999). The parent communit ies in both Frances Howell and Delphi District were not particularly upset by the implementat ion of year-round school ing. There were initial vocal minori t ies, but as families experienced the new calendar they found it did not detract f rom opportunit ies for family vacation, day-care, or student employment. In Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 173 fact, it did not significantly interfere with their establ ished lifestyles. Hence, as t ime went on, the parent communi ty became increasingly support ive of the new calendar. W h e n enacted with clear vision as to what was to be achieved and reasonable processes to carry out said vision, calendar reform in so-cal led involuntary implementat ions worked well. Districts were able to meet goals by paying attention to the needs of members in the schools and the larger communi t ies. Alternatively, the lack of district support doomed the calendar change to failure, as did the lack of communicat ion with teachers, parents and the wider communi ty. Goals and Outcomes in Voluntary Programs Under this heading, I include all of the Canadian schools and Martin Popper School in Taft District. Jerico School is an anomaly because, al though the calendar was mandated by the district to alleviate overcrowding, Esther, the principal, found ways to make use of it to accompl ish other explicit goals. Thus, al though it was ment ioned in the previous section, it also belongs here. In those schools in which a year-round, modif ied, or alternative calendar was voluntarily chosen, principals had specific goals and concerns. As with the other group, all principals were determined to garner the support of their teachers and wider communi ty . Further, the exper ience of teachers was similar to that in the previous g r o u p — o n c e they had tried it, they were overwhelmingly positive about the new schedule. Parents responded in various ways. It was particularly important, for example in the Canadian schools, to gain parental support. Where the implementat ion was done well , as in Albert District, parental support was very strong. Indeed, principals Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 174 reported, in part because of all of the consultation and attendant empowerment , that parents became more knowledgeable and support ive of their schools than they had been prior to the new calendar. Sweetwater District appeared to have decided that, because the new calendar offered a choice, there was little need for parental empowerment or educat ion. Al though there was no parental outcry, parents were less knowledgeable about the disadvantages and/or benefits of the new calendar. Moreover, because of some of the implementat ion problems, parents became disil lusioned and there was no increase of initial support for or interest in, the new calendar. The increased enrolment hoped for and anticipated by the principals did not materialize. In the two implementing schools in Taft County, Florida, because of the highly transient and low socio-economic base of the school communit ies, principals were less concerned about building parental and community support because of the disconnected and generally uninvolved nature of their parent communi ty . Nevertheless, they took care to inform the parents about the new calendar. Here the principals were mostly focused on student achievement and used this focus as a way of gaining parental involvement and support. In the year-round school programs in Taft District, the focus was on improving student achievement. Neither Esther nor Jane would have considered the change had they not bel ieved that the more regular rhythm of schooling and the additional instructional t ime afforded by intersession were right for their respective student population. Even though the initial year-round calendar in Jerico School was mandated by the district, the principal treated it as an opportunity rather than as a Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 175 mandate, and hence I include it with my discussion of neighboring Martin Popper School . Each principal with almost alarming speed (at least to state officials) descr ibed how she moved her school off the critically low list and demonstrated t remendous gains in student achievement on Florida's high stakes testing program. Here, they said that their goals for the innova t ion— to use Y R S as a catalyst for improved student l ea rn ing—were unequivocally met. In Albert District, the principal articulated multiple reasons for want ing to exper iment with the new calendar. He believed he could offer choice, improve the learning environment, free up learning resources, and achieve increased community support and invo lvement—a l l by implementing an alternative calendar. All of these were achieved, he believed, by his selection and ref inement of the dual-track approach. In the less successful Canadian voluntary projects, Sweetwater and Stephen Lewis, the principals' initial focus was less clear. In the former, there was little talk of student achievement or communi ty empowerment , but rather an emphasis on offering choice. Perhaps it is for that reason the calendar did not grow and choice of calendar was not only l imited, but ultimately el iminated. In Stephen Lewis, I found the opposite phenomenon: too many goals, too much consultat ion, too much talk, too little decision making and focus. The initiating principal had wanted a school unlike any o t h e r — o n e that would serve the needs of the unique student populat ion and bring recognit ion to the school and its broader community. Perhaps because of the overly ambit ious nature of the plan itself, the goals were partially realized at first, in that there was a great deal of public interest in Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 176 the school and many educators f rom across both Canada and the United States who apparent ly touted it as an example of educat ion innovation and reform. Nevertheless, my data suggested that the seeds of its failure may have been present f rom the outset and the very broad-ranging nature of the experiment and the lack of leadership stability led to its demise. It is likely fair to say that where year-round school was introduced with a clear vision and appropriate levels of communi ty participation and involvement, the principals' original goals were met, regardless of the impetus for the new calendar. What is perhaps even more interesting, however, were the unanticipated outcomes I identified in response to my fifth research quest ion. Some were relatively minor; others were much more far-reaching. Unanticipated Outcomes The unanticipated outcomes are, in some ways, among the most interesting f indings. No matter how much research, development, and consultat ion went into the processes, implementat ion of year-round school ing plans always had unforeseen results that were related to the specific local contexts. Needless to say, where planning was haphazard, the unanticipated outcomes were usually even more d r a m a t i c — a n d at t imes, tragic. The unanticipated outcomes (summarized on Table 5) can be discussed under the fol lowing headings: resources and support, impact on students, equity issues, trust and public image, and new and transformative norms. Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 177 Table 5. Unanticipated outcomes. DISTRICT &/ UNANTICIPATED OUTCOMES SCHOOL Frances Howell Media attention, YRS became the district norm, Training ground for administrators Delphi Need for extra support, More teacher applications-ease of finding substitutes, Better achievement in YRS, More conversation about teaching and learning, more collaboration, Improved student achievement, Potential for inequity Central Florida Central Parent backlash, Impact of elections Sage District decision without school input Vista Backlash regarding district policies, not YRS Taf t - ' ~ Jerico Off critically low list, More parental involvement, Dispelling of deficit mentality Martin Popper Test scores moving from D to A (F-CAT), Increased parental support, Reduction in transient rate, Dispelling of deficit mentality Albert Increase in at-risk student applications, Impact on district policy, Sweetwater Lack of parental support, Impact of teacher reputation, Stephen Lewis Difficulty making decisions-failure of participatory processes, Lack of participation in committees & decision making, Lack of support for the innovations, Negative response to the structure, Inequitable outcomes by track. Resources and Support Some unanticipated consequences emerged quite quickly. In both Frances Howell and Delphi Districts, the district found it necessary to introduce addit ional support structures. Addit ional storage space, large storage cabinets on wheels for every teacher, and air condit ioning were ways of gaining support and alleviating some of the inconvenience of a multi-track schedule. District administrators soon found that multi-track year-round schools required some addit ional days of secretarial t ime. Small payments to teachers for "track change days" were instituted in Delphi District although I found no mention of monetary rewards elsewhere. Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 178 In several districts, for example in Florida and in Delphi District, when teachers who were off-track were selected as substi tute teachers, there was more reported consistency in the educational program. One administrator stated, "Finding substitutes has never been easier, and the quality is better than we used to have because the off-track teachers know the kids" (SR). Related to the topic of resources was the w a y in which the actual physical building was perceived to facilitate or inhibit learning. In Stephen Lewis School , many teachers, although they had asked to teach there, found they did not like the combinat ion of large classrooms and smaller, more individualized spaces. Some complained that they could not see their whole class at one t ime while sitting in the L-shaped c lassroom, and soon even walls in the school were moved or added. In Frances Howell , however, individual tracks became learning commun i t i es—a lmos t like schools within a s c h o o l — a n d an increased sense of communi ty was reported to have emerged. Impact on Students Unanticipated pedagogical and educational outcomes were identified by parents, teachers, and school admin is t ra to rs—some posit ive, some negative. The vast majority of positive outcomes related to perceptions of a much improved learning climate including better at tendance, increased motivation, decreased burn-out and fewer tensions, as well as to improvements in the academic achievement of students. Teachers reported that there was more conversation about teaching and learning in year-round schools. As teachers came back, refreshed from Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 179 breaks, they shared what they had been thinking about their upcoming units while off-track and talked about their holiday experiences: I definitely think that we as teachers collaborate a lot more on this sys tem than we did before. We're coming back a little bit re juvenated and every three weeks somebody is coming back who is f resh and full of ideas and grabbing us all together on that Friday, prep day and saying okay, "I've thought about this, how about this?" Improved teacher and student at tendance as well as the reduction of disciplinary incidents and tensions were also unanticipated benefits. One said: W e actually have fewer discipline issues, behavioral issues, because chi ldren reach that level of "I 'm sick of it; I'm frustrated. Get me out of this place." They do "get out of this place" and come back refreshed, so I think I have fewer discipline problems. Teachers look forward to having their three weeks off, they come back refreshed, too. (SP) Principals reported that when they saw the test data for their Y R S schools they were surpr ised that there had been considerable improvement in student achievement (CW, SR). Initially introduced simply to address some of Utah's unique educat ional chal lenges, the fact that they saw that student achievement in the year-round schools had improved considerably provided welcome support for the district's need to make use of the year-round calendar to alleviate overcrowding and fiscal limitations. Improved achievement was not only one impetus but a desired and anticipated outcome for Jane and Esther in Taft District, but the extent of the improvement in both cases was surprising to the educators involved (CW). Jane had hoped that the change in calendar would make some difference in student achievement and said she was surprised when the calendar (along with her other initiatives) generated what could only be described as a dramatic improvement. She had hoped to get her school off the state's critically low "D" rating and said she would have been satisfied in the first year with a "C." She had not been ready for a Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 180 move from a "D" to an "A". Esther, too, had expected improved academic performance, but said she had not anticipated the results would be so dramatic she would be summoned to the state capital to defend them. In two schools, h o w e v e r — S t e p h e n Lewis Junior High School and Lakota Elementary S c h o o l — t h e r e were also some unanticipated negative consequences for students. This was largely due to some of the ways in which the school and its programs were organized. Stephen Lewis's experience, as previously indicated, was mixed. It opened with great fanfare and success, with no one anticipating that in three years things would begin to unravel, and that in six, all but the single-track year-round calendar would have disappeared. There were unanticipated outcomes related to mult i-age and grade grouping, to the initial decision not to have students compete competit ively against other schools in the district, to the extensive discussions in multiple commit tees, to the design of the building, and to the consultat ion processes themselves. Senior students, looking forward to being the "top dog" in their 9 t h grade year, were not happy being grouped with 7 t h and 8 t h graders; moreover, teachers had not determined how to instruct at a mult i-grade level and, at the same t ime, how to ensure that the 9 t h graders were adequately prepared for high school. Believing that it was more important for junior high school students to engage in cooperat ive rather than competit ive activities, "the admin team had made the arbitrary decision to keep the school out of district sports competi t ions and only to play in exhibit ion games" (JD). The refusal of the students to go along with this decision seemed to come as a shock to the administrators. Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 181 In Lakota, the assignment of teachers and students to classes and grades proved not only chal lenging, but almost impossible because there had been so little general support for the alternative (dual) track. This meant that there, too, three grades of students were al located to one classroom, a situation that was met with considerable student and parent resistance. Moreover, the assignment of a teacher perceived as particularly undesirable to the alternative track was not only detrimental to the survival of the YR program, but also had a negative impact on the students themselves. Equity Issues One potentially negative and unanticipated consequence related to whether equity issues had been explicitly considered and addressed during the concept ion and implementat ion of the new calendar in multi-track schools. This related to the potential inequities that might arise if track assignments resulted in all children f rom a specific ethnic or socio-economic background or academic orientation were grouped together on a track in ways that advantaged some tracks and disadvantaged others. This potential for inequity had been addressed successful ly in Frances Howell District when students were allocated to tracks by neighborhoods, with the boundaries being shifted slightly when demographics changed. In this district, parents were never asked for track preferences, but children were assigned to tracks and therefore to school sub-communit ies by the school and district policy. The way this was accompl ished was the distribution of students according to convenient bus routes (rather than parental request). Of course, allocating students to tracks according to bus routes could result in inequities. But in Frances Howell, as Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 182 demographic shifts in the population occurred, the bus routes were adjusted slightly. 1 I was told that wherever parental requests for specif ic track assignments were permitted there was a potential for inequity. In Delphi District and in Stephen Lewis Junior High School , al though intended to offer choice for parents, unmit igated track choice resulted in inequity. Educators f rom both districts reported that parents who were the most educated and knowledgeable about the processes of school ing, and therefore likely already the most involved in their chi ldren's educat ion, tended to select t racks first, opting for the track most like the tradit ional calendar and choosing those teachers that were reputed to be the "best." Other parents then had to take what was left over. Unfortunately, this tended to segregate students by ethnicity, home language, socio-economic status, and parental background. This inequity was particularly noticeable in Stephen Lewis Junior High School when student test scores were analyzed by track, with one track having a mean score as much as 4 0 % below the mean scores of another track. The problem, as in Delphi District, was that parents had a choice of track, and the school had no policies to mit igate demographic inequities that resulted. Parents necessari ly make choices in the best interest of their children and their family, but may be unaware of the whole picture of the needs of the school. Thus, the principal must have the ability 1 For example, if the 360° "pie" were divided with the first track beginning at 0° and going to the 72°, the next going to 144° and so on, with the population shift, the first track might begin at 15° with each of five tracks still comprising 72°. Hence the change in the angle of the line would result in a redistribution of the route that is more equitable. Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 183 to use procedures that override, when necessary, the ability of parents to make choices that would be detrimental to others. Trust and Public Image Many of the unanticipated consequences seemed to relate to the ways in which the implementat ion of a YRS calendar mobil ized public opinion either in favor of or opposed to the innovation. This is true whether the innovation was voluntary or mandated, smal l or large scale, or implemented early in the life history of Y R S or considerably later. Overal l , principals reported that regardless of the impetus for the implementat ion, as they provided information to their parent and community groups, surveyed their communit ies, and prepared (in some cases) for a decisive vote, they garnered not only some opposit ion, but considerable support for the school. Wha t they seemed not to have anticipated was that this support would persist beyond the initial implementat ion and result in a more informed and more involved parent community. In Frances Howell, another initial unforeseen outcome of implementing a multi-track year-round school calendar in 1969 was the extensive media attention as well as attention f rom educators f rom school districts around the country. This was also true for Kate Smith Elementary School in which I was shown large posters and extensive binders of media reports covering the first year of the school. Educators f rom Stephen Lewis Junior High School reported a similar phenomenon in that not only had the school opening received extensive media coverage, but they had also received visitors f rom across Canada and throughout the United States. Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 184 In Frances Howell, there was a unique unanticipated consequence. A super intendent told us that because their year-round schools were often so large, the district a lways had available positions for assistant principals, posit ions that no neighboring district had. She explained that this resulted in Frances Howell District providing the training ground for neighboring districts' administrators, for often after serving an assistant principal position in Frances Howell , a leader returned to his or her home district to a principalship (KZ). In Florida, particularly in Central and Vista Districts, I learned that when numerous promises were made that were not fulf i l led, year-round school ing became symbol ic of an uncommitted and unsupport ive district office. The implementat ion of policies that were seen to achieve cost savings on the backs of the teachers and school-based administrators led not only to frustrat ion but to outrage. The complicat ion of the elected superintendency contr ibuted to the problem but the major issue was the lack of trust because of the apparent lack of attention paid to the wishes of the educators and parents. Whi le the fai lure of reform implemented with untenable promises is likely not to be unanticipated, the educational leaders in these districts somehow failed to foresee the consequences in terms of public backlash. Another important unanticipated outcome was the failure of the extensively consultative and participatory processes introduced at Stephen Lewis Junior High School. Teacher- leaders told us there was too much consultation about too many things. Too much voice was t ime consuming but resulted in few decisions. Many things were "made up" as they went along, with people "finding themselves working on strategies and then wondering when a related decision had been made" (BR). Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 185 Learning team leaders had so much power and autonomy that the sense of "schoolness" dissipated. Because all of these processes required excel lence in communicat ion skills and strategies, when communicat ion broke down, the results were both tragic and shattering for the innovative program itself. In Lakota Elementary School in Sweetwater District, as in Vista District, most of the unexpected outcomes were unanticipated by participants, but do not come as a surprise to anyone who hears the story of its implementat ion. There, what was unanticipated by the school principal, was the limited interest in and support for the calendar. Yet, I have argued previously that this was due in large part to lack of communicat ion and promotion as well as to a lack of clarity with respect to goals and implementat ion procedures. Perhaps the most surprising outcome I identified here was the extent to which having a good (or in this case a poor) teacher involved in an innovation makes it successful or unsuccessful . Overall , it was the implementat ion processes and procedures of the school and district leaders, more than any specific feature of the Y R calendar itself that prompted the school community to offer either support or resistance. W h e r e educational leaders were open, consultative, and flexible, they normally generated trust; where they were secretive or offered misinformation, the communi ty responded negatively. In order to t ransform the school and larger communit ies, school leaders needed to be willing to use their power and to do so in morally responsible ways. Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 186 New and Transformative Norms A central tenet of the conceptual f ramework that informed this study was transformative leadership. It was, nevertheless a surprise to me to discover the extent to which, in some cases, the introduction of Y R S had actually had a transformative impact on a school or neighborhood. In some cases, the new calendar simply changed the way people thought about and practiced "schooling"; in other cases, it brought about significant change to the wider communi ty itself. For example, the fact that Frances Howell School District became known for having the longest running multi-track year-round school in the United States gave it a mark of notoriety that was unanticipated. The expansion of the calendar throughout the district permitted it to maintain a unique status (al though unsought and largely unrecognized). Because the calendar has been so entrenched, educators said it promoted a more flexible and more natural rhythm of school ing and family life throughout the district. A l though they had not expected to remain on a year-round calendar, year-round became, as one principal told us "the w a y we do educat ion in Frances Howell School District" (WC). Delphi District in Utah found the same thing. Al though the Y R calendar had not been instituted throughout the district, it became accepted as the way in which all new schools and many existing schools operated. Neither district found it necessary to conduct studies, to compare its at tendance or achievement with that of neighbors; rather, there w a s simply a deep belief that the calendar was better for students and teachers and helped the district to offer quality educat ional programs. Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 187 Joseph's approach in Albert District led to an unanticipated consequence of a different s o r t — a change in district policy. Whi le Joseph had no doubt in his mind about the positive impact of a year-round school calendar for his school community, he had not anticipated that it would become district policy to require the school council of all new schools to examine alternative calendars before settling on the appropriate one for their school. This led to a greater awareness of the constraints of the tradit ional (so-called agrarian) calendar and to increased conversat ion throughout the district about various aspects of organizat ional structure and school programs. The most significant unanticipated consequences of this study, at least in terms of the transformative potential of the innovation, related to the dramatic impact not only on student outcomes, but also on communi ty involvement, identified in both Martin Popper and Jerico Elementary Schools. The extent of the impact warrants its inclusion here rather than in the previous section that addressed other impacts on students. In Mart in Popper, the introduction of a ST-YRS calendar was accompanied by a dramatic decrease in the transient rate (from 7 4 % to 61%) which Jane stated had also had a posit ive impact on student learning. Here, I discuss it here as an issue of t ransformation. The change was explained by Jane in terms of parents seeing that the school w a s making a difference, feeling accepted, believing that the school cared about their children, and was doing everything possible to make a difference. Jane reported that not only was the rapid increase in student achievement and test score results unanticipated, but also the fact that parents tried to f ind jobs in the Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 188 neighborhood so that their children could continue to attend the school . Several years later, the parents were not only more involved in the life of the school , but had also taken pains to improve the communi ty itself, forming commit tees to clean up the neighborhood and to provide support for famil ies in need of assistance. Esther had a similar experience with her school. Her ingenuity (based around the calendar change) had included many activities that involved the community. Because of these, the highly transient and largely uninvolved communi ty itself began to take an interest in the life of the school. She had a volunteer translator in the office to help Spanish-speaking parents to negotiate the bureaucracy of their children's educat ion. Parents took advantage of her GED programs and were learning to tutor their children in critical subjects. They volunteered at school "fairs" and helped the school to raise needed monies to fund their intersession and after-school programs. She had not anticipated the degree of reciprocation that the communi ty would show when the school demonstrated a commi tment to it. Moreover, in both cases, institutional responses to significant improvement in test scores on the part of populat ions that had not normally been high performing magnet ized support for the school. W e have seen that in Jerico School , the scores improved so much that Esther was suspected of "cheating" by the Florida State Office of Education. W e noted that in Martin Popper School , Jane had to argue with her district to have her status changed f rom a "B" to the "A" that the school had earned. Each case suggests the extent to which the school district and the state office responses implied a deficit mentality. Nevertheless, these two school principals said they had been surprisingly instrumental in changing public awareness Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 189 and attitudes as they demonstrated that students f rom minority and socio-economical ly d isadvantaged backgrounds could perform as well as students in higher socio-economic areas of the state. Hence, the major unexpected outcome of the year-round calendar in Taft district (and in the wider study) was the extent to which it helped to dispel the common mythology that chi ldren f rom disadvantaged homes would always perform at a lower standard than their more advantaged peers. Because they were willing to act, to use and share power, and to function with sense of moral purpose, both Jane and Ether had had a profound impact on their schools and the wider communit ies. Each is a good example of a transformative leader. Summary of Findings Taken together, this study of leaders' implementat ion of year-round schooling, a reform general ly thought to be limited to a change of school-year calendar, has demonstrated the complexity of change (Bakhtin, 1986; Bourdieu, 1993) and specifically of educat ional change (Fullan, 1993; Levin, 2 0 0 1 , Shields, 2002). I have found that even a reform that seems as straightforward as changing the school calendar may be introduced for a variety of reasons. The educat ional leaders I studied used, with varying degrees of success, many different implementat ion procedures and processes. Educators across the country chose to implement the same reform as a response to different chal lenges in their contexts and in order to accomplish different outcomes. Further, they perceived that the implementation of a form of Y R calendar, not only permitted the accompl ishment of their goals, but was often accompanied by unanticipated outcomes. The combinat ion and interplay of Chapter 7. Insights from the data ... p. 1 these factors resulted in some new understandings that permit me to identify, in Chapter 8, some of the lessons learned f rom this study and to make some recommendat ions related to the successful implementat ion of educat ional change. Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p. 191 C H A P T E R 8: L O O K I N G F O R W A R D In previous chapters, I have presented the background and rationale for this study, a brief history of the development of the school calendar, the guiding quest ions and conceptual f ramework, and the f indings based on interviews of many educators in schools and districts throughout North Amer ica. Here I recap the study and then revisit my overarching quest ion in the light of the f indings as well as the conceptual f ramework developed in Chapter 3. I conclude by identifying some lessons learned f rom this study and making some related recommendat ions. O v e r v i e w o f the S t u d y I set out to investigate whether there is a relationship between transformative leadership with its constituent ideas of agency, moral purpose, and power, and the ability to successful ly introduce sustainable school change. Through a series of interviews, I examined why and how educational leaders, at school and district levels, cont inued to promote and introduce school-calendar change (commonly known as year-round schooling) in the face of what were often substantial political and social battles. In Chapter 1,1 introduced the study and defined some of the most commonly used terms, among them single-track, dual-track, multi-track calendars, and intersession. Chapter 2 provided a historical overview that demonstrated that some form of modif ied calendar has been a part of the educational landscape in North Amer ica since the mid 1800s and that it recurs with increased intensity and interest Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p. 192 at various t imes in the history of educat ion, each t ime with a different impetus. Chapter 3 provided a review of the literature related to year-round school ing, including some of the commonly perceived advantages and disadvantages. There I also reviewed some of the literature on educational change and identified some current perspect ives relevant to transformative educat ional leadership. Here I argued that in part, it is the ways in which w e are used to thinking about educat ion (our habitus) that may inhibit educational change such as the introduction of year-round schooling (Bourdieu, 1993). I also posited that looking f rom the borders and the outside, as Bakhtin suggests (1986), might provide a new lens for understanding. Most importantly, I developed the hypothesis that successful educat ional change (change that is enduring and supported) might best be introduced by transformative educational leaders acting with agency, moral purpose, and ethical use of power. For the focus of this study, I decided to look at leaders in schools that were changing their school calendars to what is often referred to as year-round schooling. In this, I had something of an insider/outsider s t a t u s — a s knowledgeable about year-round school ing but as an outsider to the specific schools studied. The approach I took is descr ibed in Chapter 4, where I identified my personal posit ion, outl ined my data collection sources, described my analytical processes, and reported how I chose to present the data through the stories contained in Chapters 5 and 6. My respondents came from three jurisdictions in the United States and three in Canada, some in which the reform was mandated and others in which it was voluntarily instituted by school leaders. They came f rom schools wi th var ious ca lendars—mul t i , single, and dual-track that had been implemented between 1969 and 1999. Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p. 193 Through a series of interviews, I examined why and how educat ional leaders, at school and district levels, continue to promote and introduce school-calendar change (commonly known as year-round schooling) in the face of what are often substantial political and social battles. Chapter 5 presented the stories of selected schools and districts in the United States and Chapter 6 told the stories of schools in several Canad ian jurisdictions. In chapter 7, I revisited my guiding questions and discussed my f indings. There I demonstrated that the impetus for the reform (whether voluntary or mandated) had little to do wi th its viability, but the implementat ion processes and procedures used by the school leader were critical. A calendar change was implemented to accompl ish var ious goals, f rom accommodat ing more students in existing buildings to bettering the learning exper ience of children to achieving equity. Not only were explicit goals realized, but many unant ic ipated outcomes were also found. On the basis of the insights gleaned f rom the analysis and discussion of my data, I now discuss some of the major lessons learned f rom this study and make some related recommendat ions both for further practice and subsequent research. Lessons Learned In this sect ion, using as an organizer the conceptual f ramework developed in Chapter 3,1 d raw together the findings f rom my f ive research questions to consider some of the major lessons that may be drawn f rom this study. Here I revisit the f ramework to determine what has been learned about year-round schooling itself, about educat ional reform more generally, about t ransformative educational leadership, and about the inter-relationships among these three parts of my Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p. 194 f ramework. In each section I also make some recommendat ions that emerge f rom the lessons learned. Lessons Learned about Year-Round School ing This was not specifically a study of year-round schooling, but rather a study in which the calendar change was the vehicle for examining and understanding the motivations and accompl ishments of school leaders in introducing the calendar. Y R S in this study was conceived of as an instance of more general educat ional reform. I started with the literature on year-round school ing to determine what I might anticipate f rom educators in terms of their goals and the potential outcomes they might have identified. However, as I reviewed this literature, it appeared that the purported benefits clearly outweighed the d isadvantages and that they tended to fall into three categories: fiscal accountabil ity, educat ional benefits, and communi ty impact. Principals' expressed convictions about these benefits and their commitment to make posit ive change provided reasons for t hem to persist with change efforts, somet imes in the face of opposit ion. Fiscal and facility benefits. One lesson learned f rom this study is that educators implement YRS because they are convinced it is an educat ional reform that has the potential to provide benefits in terms of fiscal and facility economies. W h e n the goal in selecting YRS was fiscal benefits, the calendar change was always initiated f rom outside the school, mandated at the state or district level. This outside mandate was not directly associated with the success or failure of the reform; it rarely involved efforts to develop collaborative structures within schools (Fullan, 1999) or to develop learning organizations (Senge, 1990). Nevertheless, all Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p. 195 participants recognized its ability to accommodate more chi ldren in exist ing buildings and averted or postponed the need for new buildings. Further, as in the cases of Frances Howell and Delphi Districts the reform persisted until it became a normal part of the educat ional fabric. This study has found,as have others reported extensively in the literature, that when the goal of implementat ion w a s to achieve fiscal savings, Y R S was successful (Denton & Walenta, 1993; Hough et al., 1990; Zykowski e t a l . , 1991). Educat ional benefits. General ly success had more to do wi th the way in which the reform was implemented than with the location of the impetus. Al though Hargreaves and Fullan (1998) downplayed the importance of structural change, I learned f rom my analysis of my participants' comments and exper iences, not only that YRS can accompl ish the goal of increasing the capacity of exist ing facilities, it can be a catalyst for positive changes in teaching and learning as wel l . As numerous studies had previously found (Baker, 1990; Bradford, 1993; Grot jean & Banks, 1993; Kneese, 1996; Los Angeles Unified School District, 1982-83; Mutchler, 1993; Peltier, 1991; Perry, 1991 ; Winters, 1995), my respondents were also convinced of and committed to the educational benefits of a change to year-round school , a change they found can be of particular benefit to "at-risk" students (Capps & Cox, 1991; Gandara & Fish, 1994; Perry, 1991; Serifs, 1990). This was evident in both multi-track sites (Frances Howell and Delphi Districts), and also in single and dual track implementat ions (Albert and Taft Districts). Sleegers, Geijsel, and van den Berg (2002) suggested that a structural change is often a reflection of a desire to control behaviors toward desired outcomes Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p. 196 (p. 78). For the most part, this did not seem to be true among my respondents where a calendar change was most often associated, not with additional control, but with increased flexibil i ty and f reedom. Moreover, where the implementat ion seemed to go hand in hand with a desire for power, a lack of communicat ion, and excessive control (as in several Florida Districts and the situation in Sweetwater) , the positive outcomes f o u n d elsewhere did not materialize. Transformat ive benefits. The literature reports that a change to YRS can enhance the quali ty of school life by reducing absenteeism and burn-out and increasing the at tendance and motivation of teachers and students. It can decrease transciency, vandal ism, and student tensions and it can prompt a change in the ways in wh ich teachers think and talk about teaching and learning (Baker, 1990; Bradford, 1993; Brekke, 1983: LAUSD, 1983; Shields & Oberg, 2000; White, 1988). It can also, as discovered through the interviews with my respondents, provide a new context for educat ional activities in which the renewed enthusiasm and increased conversat ion may help to change the ways in which teachers think about the abilit ies of specific groups of students, learn to reject deficit thinking, and to be more inclusive of all members of the school community. As these changes occur, educators often reported that there was increased support and involvement on the part of the wider community. This is consistent with the Fullan's (2003) assertion of the importance of changing context. He states that "to change immediate context, even in small ways can result in new b e h a v i o r s — i n short order" (p. 27). He makes the connect ion between such a change and transformation of outcomes by saying that contexts may be hard to alter but transformative change by Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p. 197 definit ion means changing the context. Individual backgrounds can't be f ixed because they are in the past; contexts can be because they are now. (p. 27) Educators report that implementing a form of new school-year calendar changes the educat ional context for the school and its communi ty in small but significant ways that I have found in this study to be transformative. Summary. All school leaders in this study (even in what might be considered as fail ing implementations) believed that Y R S had the potential to make a positive dif ference to the educational experiences of chi ldren and to the educat ional cl imate of their school. Moreover, this was true whether the idea and impetus for the change had been theirs or had come from elsewhere. In general, I found that the impetus for the introduction of a year-round school calendar played relatively little role in determining its success. Regardless of whether the reform was mandated or voluntary, single, dual, or multi-track, it somet imes garnered considerable widespread support and at other t imes provoked strong dissatisfaction. Somet imes it succeeded (as defined in Chapter 1) in that it w a s cont inued over t ime, fulfil led the stated goals, and was widely supported and accepted by the school and wider communi t ies it served. Somet imes it fai led, in the sense that it did not fulfill the original explicit goals and was not accepted by the school and wider communit ies. Regardless of the extent to which benefits were realized, the educat ional leaders who successful ly implemented a calendar change were always conscious that the calendar itself was not a panacea. The recognized its potential to create a schedule within which other changes could also be introduced to improve student learning. The implementation and outcomes were positive or negative depending Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p. 198 primarily on the skills, focus, processes, integrity, and commitment of the school principal, in short, depending on his or her leadership style and approach. The potential for YRS to be beneficial to students, educators, famil ies, and the wider community was determined to be so compell ing that Albert District, strongly inf luenced by Joseph's enthusiasm, convict ion, and success, developed an innovative policy. It required the leaders and councils of all new schools to carefully consider which school calendar would be most appropriate for their specif ic communi ty and school. A further lesson, therefore, to be learned f rom this study is that Y R S might profitably be included in discussions about school policy. Lessons Learned about Educational Reform Given the extent of current Y R S implementat ion with over two mill ion North Amer ican students enrolled in some form of balanced or modif ied school calendar, and given the f indings of extensive possibilities for educational change, it is surprising that there is little ment ion in the educational reform literature of school calendar change. Moreover, studying the motivat ions and exper iences of educational leaders as they bring about such a change can inform educat ional change initiatives more generally. In this sect ion, I identify some of the lessons learned f rom this study that can also have wider implication. In general , these lessons fall under the headings of the importance of process, the need for goal clarity, and overcoming resistance and habitus. The importance of process. One key feature of the success or failure of each educator was his or her awareness of processes that were appropriate for the specific context of the school and district in quest ion. In each successful case, Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p. 199 adaptation was ongoing in recognition of changing c i rcumstances over t ime. This is consistent, of course, with much thinking about educat ional reform that focuses on change as a journey (or a series of processes) rather than an event (Fullan, 1993). It is also congruent with current thinking on the importance of understanding complexity theory (Ful lan, 2003; Morrison, 2002). Morrison asserts that complexity comes f rom a Latin word meaning "to entwine" and states that one key concept is "the notion that an organism interacts dynamical ly with its environment, influencing and, in turn, being inf luenced by its environment" (p. 5). Fullan (2003) emphasizes the importance of understanding this intricate relationship, saying: You cannot get to new horizons without grasping the essence of complexity theory. The trick is to learn to become a tad more comfortable with the awful mystery of complex systems, to do fewer things, to aggravate what is already a centrifugal problem, resist controll ing the uncontrollable, and to learn to use key complexity concepts to design and guide more powerful learning systems. You need to tweak and trust the process of change while knowing that it is unpredictable, (p. 21) Thus, both theory and practice provide evidence of the need to attend t o — " t o t w e a k " — p r o c e s s e s while at the same t ime realizing that the outcomes may be unpredictable. The more successful leaders in this study understood this. They recognized the need for open and honest communicat ion, for building support through this communicat ion, for accepting and deal ing with conflict, and for persevering to accompl ish their goals. They were flexible and adaptable, willing to take risks, to try things that had not been tried before, but were able to keep their perspective. Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p.200 I have learned how Wi lma, Gene, and the Utah educators had to learn how to adapt the reform to their respective contexts and cultures. Each had to develop schedules, determine bus routes, ensure the availabil ity of supplies, and provide support for schools on the new calendar within the f ramework of district norms and possibilities. Joseph, Esther, and Jane constantly revised their processes, communicat ing with their publics, and f inding strategies to build support and involvement for the decisions they were taking. In other words, they asked, "How can we make the vision of year-round schooling work?" They did not, however, ask the public's permission to implement their reforms. They did not assume support, nor make untenable promises, but worked with their school staffs and communit ies, never abrogat ing their positions as educational leaders. Successfu l principals in this study paid particular attention to the specifics of their context. In order to implement a calendar change, they attended both to the school culture and to the details of the structural change. This is consistent with the finding of Ful lan and Hargreaves (1998) that "without structural change, community pressures and educat ional innovations just overwhelm [teachers]" (p. 25). Thus, they have taught me that the introduction of year-round school ing was often the catalyst and impetus for changing cu l tures—inc lud ing the ways in which teachers thought about p lanning, the ways in which parents thought about vacat ions and child-care, the ways in wh ich administrators thought about schedul ing, equity, and community involvement, even the ways in which communi ty agencies delivered services. Especial ly w h e n the implementat ion was done careful ly and developed and adapted to the local context (see for example Frances Howell , Delphi, Albert, and Taft Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p.201 Districts) respondents deemed that the structural change had a positive impact on the culture of the school and often the district. In those cases in wh ich implementers failed to consider the local situation, and tried to impose a sort of "cookie-cutter approach" f rom elsewhere (as in Vista, Central, and Lakota Districts), the change had a toxic impact on cultures, and consequent ly on the reputation of the innovation itself. The failure of the implementat ion in Central County, for example, was said to have had a chilling effect on surrounding communit ies such as Sage District, indeed, on the rest of Florida. It is this cultural outcome that educators such as Jane and Esther f ight against in order to improve the educat ion they offer to their students. At t imes, the processes of consultat ion and collaboration also seemed problematic. Gwen failed to recognize the importance of building a base of support. Perhaps because it had worked elsewhere, it seemed natural that the reform would be widely embraced. Stephen Lewis' example demonstrates most clearly the result of taking the concepts of participation and collaboration to the extreme, leaving every decision to be made by a commit tee, and ensuring frustration, and t ime-consuming debates about the most inconsequential of issues and processes. One of the implications of this study is that there are limits to the amount of col laboration and participation that reform can endure before it becomes so watered down or so extensively modif ied that the original vision is lost. A l though there is no doubt that consultat ion and the institution of consultative and participatory processes may build support and commitment for an innovation, they may also backfire. As I saw in Stephen Lewis Junior High School, too much involvement may lead to a lack of decision making and end up in endless and t ime Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p. 202 and energy-consuming discussions. More importantly, consultat ion does not ensure either balance or equity. This is particularly t rue if parents make decis ions that benefit them without consideration of the impact on others. For example , I found that the seemingly innocuous decision to allow parental choice in track select ion tended to result in the ghettoization of certain socio-ethnic or cultural groups. For that reason, it is important for educators and policy makers to include and enforce policies that consider the good of the whole school community. A s found earlier (Shields & Oberg, 2001), choice must be bounded in the interests of equity if reform is to be successful . Moreover, once parents or students have chosen a particular calendar, they cannot cont inue to expect to attend all assembl ies, for example, or to have the same vacation benefits as those on a different calendar. The need for goal clarity. One specific difference between successful and unsuccessful principals and reforms appears to have been the degree to which the principals understood the goals of the implementat ion and were able to communicate them clearly. As Barth (1990) says, "In order to move a school f rom where it is to where one's vision would have it be, it is necessary to convey what the vision is" (p. 134). Thus, in the first two instances, Frances Howell and Delphi District, the principals worked with the district to accommodate children in existing buildings. They did not make addit ional promises, but accepted the need for f iscal accountabil ity. At the same t ime, as they discovered the benefits to teachers and students, they were tireless in their wi l l ingness to communicate them. The potential benefits identified p rev ious ly— improved academic achievement, increased motivation, reduced stress, less vandal ism, decreased review t ime, and more Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p. 203 balanced opportunit ies for structured lessons and l ea rn ing—were all outcomes that were constant ly communicated in the educators' ongoing work to maintain support for the calendar. There w a s an apparent lack of clarity in the implementat ion of Central, Vista, Sage, Lakota Districts, and even Stephen Lewis School . They were "reforming" or "temporari ly solving a problem" or "providing choice" without clarity about what kind of choice, the reasons for it, the problems to be solved, or the reasons for the reform. In these cases (with the possible exception of Vista District), reform for the sake of reform seemed to be the norm. The best examples of goal clarity resulting in successful implementat ion were those led by Joseph, Esther, and J a n e — e a c h of w h o m chose (or in Esther's case used) the particular form of calendar (dual track, multi-track, or single-track) in order to improve the learning environment, opportunit ies, and outcomes of their student populat ions. Moreover, where the reform was instituted with the explicit goal of making a di f ference to student achievement, principals reported that the YRS calendar was successful in helping the school attain its goal. Therefore, one of the most important, and perhaps least anticipated, outcomes of this study is that goal clarity is essent ial to a successful structural change. Overcoming resistance and habitus. W e saw in Chapter 2 that the current "traditional" school calendar was developed over a long period of t ime and as a result of compromises designed to permit the development of common curriculum. However, in part because of the structuring processes ascribed by Bourdieu (1993) to fields such as educat ion, the compromise calendar over t ime became the Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p.204 calendar enshr ined in and perpetuating var ious aspects of North Amer ican culture. It became part of the habitus of schooling. As much of the population moved f rom rural to urban areas, the long summer vacation became anticipated by famil ies and organizat ions alike and soon became inviolate. A s with any cultural artifact, numerous interests, such as camping associat ions, marketing divisions of large retail outlets, and many workplaces, developed stakes in perpetuating the so-called agrarian ca lendar—deve loped around the rhythm of a long summer vacat ion fol lowed by back-to-school t imes and the general public accepted the calendar as normative, or as Tyack (1974) it as the "one best system" of organizing school ing. This concept of habitus also helps to explain why, in almost every implementat ion, participants identified tensions and conflict related to the introduction of YRS. For the most part, the fears and concerns originating f rom parents and somet imes constituents in the wider communi ty were symptomat ic of the educat ional hab i tus— the educational culture (or fields) that had become tradit ions over t ime. This resulted in a hesitancy to embrace change but also to mispercept ions that later often proved to be straw men. Thus, successful educat ional leaders understood resistance to a new calendar as a normal part of the change process and took steps to address and overcome it. As people acquired more exper ience with the new school-year calendar, earlier mispercept ions disappeared and acceptance grew. Bakhtin (1986) explained this as outs idedness or learning on the margins, whereby people learn that boundaries are permeable and develop new understandings as they come into contact with ideas f rom the outside. Because he Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p.205 saw society in a state of constant flux and change as being a natural process, he advocated the use of dialogue to develop new meanings and promote ongoing change. For Bakhtin, dialogue is not simply talk. It is not necessari ly speech at all, but an ontology, a way of life. Dialogue is living in openness to new concepts, not as reified things, but as ever changing meanings. He writes, A meaning only reveals its depths once it has encountered and come into contact with another, foreign meaning: they engage in a kind of dialogue, which surmounts the c losedness and one-s idedness of these particular meanings, these cultures. (1986, p. 7) As people who had only exper ienced traditional calendars came into contact with and exper ienced a different way of organizing the school calendar, beliefs changed and acceptance grew. Most early implementat ions of Y R S were mandated because of f iscal and physical chal lenges within a district, but as awareness increased about the potential benefits of a calendar change, school leaders tended to initiate the reform in the belief it would make a positive difference to their schools and communi t ies. Al though they knew in advance they would face resistance, they said they met the challenge willingly, convinced of the benefits of the new calendar, and they initiated dialogue with parents, teachers, and the wider communi ty to gain support and develop new understanding. Each started with the same goal, but as I explore in the next section, those who implemented successful change took on the mant le of t ransformative leadership in order to push the boundaries of the habitus of educat ion and create new and more effective structures of schooling in their contexts. Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p.206 Summary . I have learned that various e lements of educat ional reform are intricately interrelated. To implement change in structures that have become normative over t ime requires an understanding of their complexity. The processes in which implementers of reform engage are crucial to their success. W h e n educat ional leaders attempt to predict and control all aspects of the change, or paradoxically, when they permit consultat ion and discussion to go on without closure, effective change cannot occur. Process is central but one unmistakable lesson f rom this study is that leadership is not simply a matter of effective communicat ion and consultative processes. Educational leaders wanting to effect meaningful change must have a clear sense of the context and what they want to accompl ish. They must communicate the goals unambiguously and develop shared commi tment to these goals. W h e n the goals are vague or co-opted by others the processes become ends in themselves and the change fails. In order to overcome the inertia of the habitus of education in North Amer ica, educational leaders need to be willing to face conflict and take up the chal lenge of dealing effectively with resistance to change. Lessons Learned about Transformative Leadership Leadership at many levels is critically important for successful educational reform. Some studies have found that the formal leader plays a particularly important role in effecting change (Born, 1996; Burns, 1978; Furman & Shields, 2003; Silins & Mulford, 2005). Others suggest the importance of more distr ibuted, team leadership. Fairholm (2000) states that leadership is ... a task of creating teams unified by a common mind-set about a purpose and values that both leader and led can use to Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p.207 measure group and personal progress. The leader-created culture embodies institutional purpose. Leaders preach it to others and behave personally according to it. They attain fol lower support because the att i tudes and purposes they articulate come to mean as much to group members as they do to the leader, (p. 85) Thus, successful change relies not only on the efforts of a leader, but on the extent to which the team is empowered. W h e n I explored the concept of t ransformative leadership in Chapter 3,1 identified the three topics of agency, moral purpose, and power as consti tuent parts. Here I return to these concepts as a way of focusing the lessons learned about leadership. Agency. This is a term that implies both the desire and the ability to act in order to achieve one's mission, goals, and objectives in a proactive way. Despite the importance of agency on the part of school leaders (Ogawa, 2005), they cannot always overcome the impact of unwise policies, il l-advised school practices, or pressures f rom outside forces. The examples of Central, Vista, and Lakota show the detr imental effects of district involvement (or lack thereof) that does not understand or adequately support the desired change. A l though principals were able to implement reform without district support, no district was successful without principals who exercised agency at the school level. These leaders are critically important. Wi lma Cole in Frances Howell School District was an innovative and forward-thinking leader who rose to the chal lenge provided by Gene Henderson and began a process that became "the way" educat ion happened in the district. Joseph, Esther, and Jane acted almost single-handedly to prove, not only that year-round schooling could work, but that it could be good for communit ies, famil ies, and especial ly for children. Joseph and Jane accompl ished this in spite of Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p.208 initial resistance f rom their districts. Esther worked to overcome the general belief that although the calendar might permit the accommodat ion of more children in school, there was no way it could help facilitate such a dramat ic improvement in student learning. Al though individual principals in Delphi District were not given a choice as to whether to implement or not, the district soon learned (as the assistant superintendent told me) that they had to put their strongest and best principals in the schools they wanted to change to multi-track year-round schedules. Despite the fact that these principals were not responsible for taking the initial decision, the district relied on their sense of agency in order for the implementat ion to be successful . T h e principals of the less successful change efforts also exercised agency. Gwen in Lakota School and the succession of principals at Stephen Lewis Junior Secondary School almost equally s ingle-handedly spelled the fai lure of their respective reforms. Their actions related to implementing the goals of the reform resulted in fai lure. In Lakota District, the problem w a s that, a l though the super intendent knew the implementat ion in Sweetwater School was not successful, he permit ted the principal to exercise agency beyond a reasonable length of t ime. This d isadvantaged parents and students, and ultimately resulted in the discont inuat ion of the calendar district-wide. In Central and Vista Districts, unrealistic promises and lack of attention to detail caused the demise of year-round school ing. T h e vital role of the principal in each of these c a s e s — f o r good or i l l — i s incontrovert ible. Yet it is clear that agency in and of itself is not enough to effect Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p.209 successful educat ional change. It is for that reason that agency must be accompanied by a sense of moral purpose if reform is to proceed in desirable ways. Moral purpose. Moral purpose suggests a clear relationship between the goals of educational leadership and the ways in which it is practiced to effect positive change or to bestow positive benefit on the school communi ty. Indeed it is the moral purpose or lack of moral purpose that explains and accounts for our actions. In this study, one of the major lessons learned is the importance of moral purpose for those who would introduce beneficial educational change. This is consistent with the current mantra of educat ion expressing the need for moral leadership (Fullan, 2003; Furman & Shields, 2003; Sergivanni, 1992; Starratt, 1991 , 1995). The positive outcomes I have identified were associated with transparent goals and an unambiguous sense of purpose. Open, honest, modest, purposeful changes were instituted by the leaders that were the most successful. As Shields (2003) states, "Good intentions are not enough." Good intentions, as evidenced by leaders like Gwen in Canada and Dana Lougheed in Florida, and by Naomi St. John, the initiating principal of Stephen Lewis Junior High School , did not result in posit ive or lasting outcomes. In each case, the visions were cloudy, the goals were imprecise, and to some extent, personal ambit ion got in the way of success. W h e r e principals worked tirelessly with their teachers and wider school communit ies for the good of the children, seemingly giving little thought to personal advancement or glory, their moral purpose helped them to achieve successful reforms. Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p. 210 This is particularly evident in the stories of people like Gene Henderson w h o faced a lawsuit and the possible loss of his job or Joseph who dealt as kindly with picketers outside his school as with the media w h o supported his reform, or Esther who took her van of data to the state capital, or even of Jane who fought long and hard to gain the "A" status the school was entit led to, despite the district's misgivings. Clear vision in and of itself did not bring about their success, but backbone, and a strong sense of moral purpose were required. Power. Agency and moral purpose, however, may still not result in t ransformative leadership. One may have the will to act (agency) and a clear sense of moral purpose but still not have the power, either formal or informal to turn one's intentions and desires into positive outcomes. Further, this study has demonstrated that product ive school leaders not only use the power they have but also empower others (Silins & Mulford, 2002). This was evident in the failed implementat ion of Vista District in which the school leaders had the will and sense of agency as well as the knowledge and moral purpose required to implement positive reform, but the district had acted in ways that d isempowered them. School leaders could not make modif ications relevant to their specific context; they were not able to introduce processes to garner support; and they were unable to take power to change the negative district policies. In neighboring Sage District, the superintendent implied that he had had the power (evidenced by the fact that he had introduced the Y R S program) and he had knowledge that seemed to reflect moral purpose in that he explicitly talked about the benefits of Y R S . W h e n the issue came before the school board, he failed to exercise Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p.211 the power vested in him by virtue of his position and his convict ion to make an argument for what he told me was the best educat ional option. Al though power was somet imes seen as negative (Seidman & Alexander, 2001), and especial ly in the implementat ions of Y R S that did not last, for the most part power in this study was found not only to be positive but essential for leaders want ing to introduce change. Power in this sense is equated with the ability as well as the desire to act in order to influence others and accompl ish one's goals. Gene and Wi lma took advantage of the pressures for change and used their power to implement a reform that was, at the t ime, only partly conceptual ized. Nevertheless, it was their wil l ingness to take their sense of purpose and agency and to use power ethically that made it possible for Frances Howell School District to become one of the early implementers of the reform. I have argued earlier that Joseph, Esther, and Jane were motivated by a sense of moral p u r p o s e — a desire to improve the educat ional experiences of the students in their respective school. Yet, without taking act ion, in the face of resistance, their reforms would never have come to fruit ion. They had to actively choose to use the power they had and to build on it in order to achieve their desired outcomes. In fact, Joseph, Jane, Esther found that communi ty and parental support increased because of the consultat ions related to the implementat ion of year-round school ing; in turn each had gained more power to convince the district of the importance of the new school calendar. Shar ing power in terms of inviting the involvement of and collaborating with members of the wider community was also found to be an important factor in the ethical use of power. Delphi District shared power by empower ing its Y R S principals Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p.212 by instituting special processes and giving some addit ional resources to them. Joseph empowered his school-communi ty to make the decision about whether to go forward with a calendar change and to determine which type of ca lendar to implement. Jane empowered her vice principal to analyze the test data and make the case for being an "A" school with the district; she also empowered her teachers to make decisions about how to conduct intersession. Power sharing was not only an important e lement of the success of these leaders, it is increasingly evident in the literature. Hargreaves and Fullan (1998) state that "parents and other communi ty members are crucial and largely untapped resources who have ... assets and expertise that are essential to the partnership" (p. 68). Senge and others (2000) talk about the importance of "administrators sharing more and more power" (p. 400). The findings of this study not only support the need for an educat ional leader to share power but demonstrate that when it is shared, one often acquires more power. Summary : Transformat ive educat ional leadership. W h e n agency, moral purpose, and power are used together they provide the basis for not only ethical but transformative leadership. As Bogotch (2000) suggests, they permit del iberate intervention that uses power morally for the good of the wider communi ty. Part of t ransformat ion, as we saw in Chapter 3, is the ability to identify inequit ies and to distribute and redistribute resources to redress them. Fraser (1995) says that to redress inequities in resource al location, we must redistribute resources. She goes on to say that if the inequities are cultural or social, we must engage in what she calls the "politics of recognit ion" (p. 82) to identify and address them. Redistribution and recognition may be manifest in either affirmative or Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p.213 t ransformative ways. Aff irming the need for a single-track calendar, for example, in order to provide more continuous learning for her students, is an example of the ways in which Jane tried to overcome the inequitable opportunit ies often provided for her students to learn successfully. I have already noted that this attitude is quite rare among educators who often succumb to the difficulties of making a positive difference for those who are disadvantaged, reverting to a sort of "blame the vict im" or deficit mentali ty. Yet the schools in this study in which the calendar change was introduced with clarity in order to improve student learning, received an additional unanticipated benefit. Not only did educators show me their state test results; they claimed the improvement was due, in large part, to the calendar. They also reported, again attr ibuting it to the new calendar and to its opportunit ies for more cont inuous programming throughout the year, that there had been transformation within the teacher, parent, and student communit ies themselves. This s tudy has shown how educators have used the year-round school calendar to offer addit ional and ongoing support to students most in need of help, to provide stabil ity and continuity for children and famil ies whose lives are often traumatic and unstable. The examples of Martin Popper and Jerico Elementary Schools offer dramat ic evidence that educators can also combine a clear focus on instruction wi th structural changes in the school-year calendar to enhance the academic ach ievement of students whose home or communi ty environments are not generally seen to be particularly supportive. W e have seen that transiency was reduced as parents responded to the efforts of the school , made efforts to remain in the school catchment area, and Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p.214 further, began to take pride both in their school and in their communi ty as well. As the structural change affected the culture of the school, it also changed the culture of the communi ty . Teachers began to believe students could learn; they made more efforts to visit famil ies and to work with them. Students took pride in their ability and their school and lined up for additional classes during intersession. Thus, one critically important finding of this study is that educat ional reform may be transformative; it may be implemented in such as way as to have a posit ive social impact. Educators who want to make a dif ference through the implementat ion of a change that has the potential to enhance the academic performance of children f rom the least advantaged groups in their schools must chose a reform carefully. The use of intersession, for example, may provide the addit ional learning t ime and support that helps chi ldren to be successful. A s parents see their chi ldren's increased success, communicat ion between home and school may also increase. Transformat ive jurisdictional, district, or school leaders adopt the right choices for the right reasons. Both district educators and school-based administrators talk about and model moral leadership. No one abrogates his or her educat ional leadership responsibil i t ies to the communi ty or to a superior. This implies, for example, that choices made about the implementat ion of an educational reform should not unduly disadvantage some people in order for the reform to be perpetuated. It also means that outcomes should be carefully considered and monitored dur ing the implementation of a reform. Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p.215 The lessons learned f rom this study support the importance of the transformative educational leader, working with moral purpose, clear goals, and a strong sense of commitment to the children in their care, to institute processes and practices that made the reform work. In the next section, I make some recommendat ions based on these f ind ings—recommendat ions that I hope will help policy makers and educat ional leaders alike as they institute reforms to meet the various and complex needs of students. Recommendations This study has found that successful policy reform may be initiated at different l e v e l s — b y geo-polit ical jurisdictions, districts, or schools. Policy and procedures may originate f rom top-down or f rom bottom-up (Fullan, 1993), but the origin is really not particularly important to a successful outcome. I have found that successful reform may be instituted by principals or by district personnel and that it may be mandated or voluntary. For that reason, it does not seem useful to differentiate the recommendat ions that arise f rom this study. They are applicable to all w h o are involved in creating policies and implement ing educat ional reform. In particular, they are critically important for those want ing to introduce reform that will have a positive impact on student achievement. I present my recommendat ions to be consistent with my lessons learned under the headings of my conceptual f ramework: year-round school ing, educat ional reform, and transformative leadership. Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p.216 Recommendations Related to Year-Round School ing 1. If educators identify a need to enhance the capacity of exist ing buildings in order to achieve fiscal eff iciencies, there is no significant reason to avoid mandat ing multi-track year-round school ing. 2. Despite some persistent negative beliefs about YRS, educat ional leaders who want to create condit ions under which improvements in academic achievement may be realized might carefully consider a form of balanced school year calendar. This may be particularly true for students often considered to be "d isadvantaged" or "at-risk." 3. School leaders who want to make a difference in the quality of life of their teachers and students and to have a positive impact on the wider community, may want to reflect on how a balanced calendar might help to facil i tate the desired transformation. Recommendations about Educational Reform 1. Because contexts vary widely, educational change should be adapted to specific situations and constantly tweaked. Educational leaders should, however, recognize that the outcomes are unpredictable. 2. In order for people to understand and support a reform and assess its outcomes, a proposed reform should have clearly communicated and explicit goals. 3. To build support, it is important to inform, consult with, and involve the wider school communi ty . At the same t ime, educational leaders must ensure that they never lose sight of their goals. Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p.217 4. Current ways of organizing schooling are not sacrosanct. They are cultural art i facts that should not be underest imated in their power but at the same t ime should not be overest imated in their usefulness. R e c o m m e n d a t i o n s a b o u t T r a n s f o r m a t i v e L e a d e r s h i p 1. Educat ional leaders need to understand the essent ial interconnections among agency, moral purpose, and power. Each requires the others for both effective educat ional reform and the practice of transformative leadership. 2. Educators introducing structural reforms to meet the needs of a specific communi ty should determine how to adapt the reform to meet the needs of a specific communi ty . 3. In the press to achieve support and communi ty involvement and to introduce "voice and choice," educational leaders must ensure that the needs of those who are absent or silent are also addressed. 4. Educators do not necessari ly need to set out to t ransform society but should recognize that what happens in the school can and indeed, will, have an impact on the wider communi ty . Q u e s t i o n s R a i s e d : F o r F u r t h e r R e s e a r c h I have begun to understand through this research the power and potential of t ransformat ive leadership and would encourage other educat ional leaders and researchers to use and explore the concept more fully. I bel ieve this study has demonstrated some connections between the separate the parts of my conceptual f ramework (see Figure 2). This study has therefore made a contribution to helping to bridge the gaps between what have been separate and discrete bodies of literature Ch. 8. Looking forward ... p. 218 Figure 2. New conceptual framework. Y E A R - R O U N D SCHOOLING impact on student learning attendance & drop-outs teacher benefits motivation & burn-out vandalism & delinquency LJ fiscal & physical benefits negative consequences YRS is a viable educational reform—one that deserves to be considered in the mainstream reform literature. E D U C A T I O N A L C H A N G E changing educational structures lenses on change habitus outsidedness Transformative leadership helps to determine the success of educational change and should be considered as an integral Dart of educational reform. T R A N S F O R M A T I V E LEADERSHIP agency moral purpose power A literature map showing the relationships between literature on year-round schooling, educational change, and transformative leadership. Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p. 219 related specifically to year-round school ing, to educational reform, and to transformative leadership. I have found that year-round school ing is a viable and useful educat ional reform with signif icant benefits and transformative potential and hence deserves to be given a more central place in the literature of educational reform. In like fashion, considering educational change through the lens of transformative leadership with its interplay of agency, moral purpose, and power, helps to demonstrate the importance of taking these elements into considerat ion when initiating or studying educat ional reform. This study not only developed a better understanding of some issues related to the successful implementat ion of educational reform, and particularly of the role of transformative leadership, it also raised some quest ions that might profitably be investigated further. These relate both to my f indings and conceptual f ramework and include the fol lowing: • How can educators bring the potential of Y R S to the attention of those who are concerned with implementing educational reform that has the potential to have a positive impact on student outcomes? • How can moral purpose be understood in a complex reform such as calendar change when somet imes the wishes of parents need to be over-r idden in the interests of a whole school communi ty? W h o defines it and how can this type of action be explained? • What, if any, are the limits of such highly regarded processes as choice, participatory decision making, and col laboration? Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p.220 • W h a t is the relationship between formally appointed leaders and informal teacher- leaders in a reform process and what does power shar ing actually look like? • How do educational leaders achieve goal clarity when implementing a reform that is constantly changing, in part because of the need to be responsive to outside political forces? • Is it possible for an educational leader to consciously set out to be transformative and how can we better understand the interactions of agency, moral purpose, and power? There are, of course, other issues that I was not able to investigate in this study that cry out for further exploration. One of these relates to the issue of diversity and how (or whether) the ethnicity or gender of the school leader plays into the successful reform initiative. Al though I would have liked to have broken down my data in this way , it was impossible, in that only one of my respondents w a s other than Caucas ian, and because I chose to present composi tes to preserve some of the confidential i ty of my respondents, thus possibly masking gender effects. These and likely m a n y other quest ions come to mind on reading this study. C o n c l u d i n g C o m m e n t : L o o k i n g B e y o n d It is difficult to make recommendat ions about beliefs and attitudes, but one of the most important f indings of this study, one I hope all educators and educational reformers and policy makers will take to heart, is that schools can make a difference to the educat ional achievement of all students and to the communit ies f rom which they come. A l though this study did not attempt to demonstrate the academic benefits Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p.221 of Y R S and thus offers no proof that a year-round school calendar improves student achievement , the potential is there. Somet imes we tend to believe implicitly, if not state explicit ly, that poor children, or children f rom single-parent households, or chi ldren of migrant workers, or those whose home language is not English (or another high status language) cannot learn as well as their middle or upper class counterparts, this is not true. Schools do not need to f ind excuses for lower ach ievement on the part of high needs populat ions. Educators do not necessari ly need more money. Schools do not necessari ly need more teachers or more resources. Districts do not necessari ly need more or better school buildings. Parents do not necessari ly need more consultat ion. W h a t this study has shown is that t ransformative educational leaders can make a di f ference to the learning environment of all students. I have examined various ways that educational leaders implemented a form of year-round, modif ied, or alternative school year calendar. I have found that whether the calendar was introduced to accommodate more children in school buildings, to provide choice for famil ies, or specifically to improve student achievement, where the reform was implemented with agency, moral purpose, and ethical use of power, it was successful in accompl ishing the intended goals. The reform also opened the door for other changes that helped to improve the learning opportunit ies and achievement of students who often fare the least well in tradit ional schools in which the rhythm of learning is not as balanced. I have also shown how transformative educational leaders, by carefully implementing educational reform, were somet imes able to have a positive impact on the wider community. Chapter 8. Looking forward ... p.222 It is my hope that this study will lead educat ional leaders and policy makers to take seriously the relationships between transformative leadership and the potential of year-round schooling to have a positive impact on student learning. It is my hope that they will examine more carefully the role of habitus in inhibiting educat ional reform and thoughtful ly consider ways to overcome it. It is my hope that they will take to heart the finding that agency, moral purpose, and ethical use of power must go hand in hand to bring about successful change. I do not intend to suggest that a new school-year calendar is magic, that it will address all of the challenges of modern educat ion, or that it will overcome all of the difficulties of educat ing our least advantaged or least successful students. I posit that, based on the f indings of this study, educators should take seriously the lesson that a change of structure can bring about other positive results. 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ED 330040. Appendix A... p.232 A P P E N D I X A D I A G R A M S O F A L T E R N A T E S C H O O L - Y E A R C A L E N D A R S S = Single-track Appendix 1.2 Irregular single-track calendar S = Single-track Appendix 1.3 Dual track calendar 4 6 8 i i o ulv ] T . a 24 ; 5 26 : 7 28 : 9 30 31 M October T U U U Q U U U • • • • • i i i i i i i i una •• - •• D1EB EE] (C • i i i i i • • • I mi • • • • a i U3EBEQEQE3BIE3 • • •••••£•111111 • • • • • • • • • •••••••••iill tiitatJtiitjitJKjLJta M JmwWL 1 1 M a y D O D O • i • i • • I mi m • • • i • D O O D E B • • • • • • • I • • • • • • • • I • • • • • • • • I B EUIH IE liJ II] tU LJ t u • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • E 3 B 1 H E J E 1 I B • • • • • • - J 61 • • • • • • • m\im !• • • • • a n a • • • • June ' I- I.'J* J? I' : , | , | l » |" l" l 'J l" l '» l '« l"l ielnliol5n5r?i I24l25lal27l;alarx1 T = Tradit ional calendar schedule M = Modif ied calendar Appendix 1.4 Multi-track 45-15 calendar. A, B, C, D = T r a c k s Appendix 1.5 Five track secondary calendar O = Orange R = Red P = Purple B = Blue G = Green Appendix B ... p.238 A P P E N D I X B INTERVIEW Q U E S T I O N S Appendix B ... p.239 Interview Questions Initial Impetus. Tell me about how YRS started in this district. Does the district have a policy on YRS? What was the view of the superintendent? The Board members? How important was their role? What was the impetus for YRS? (probe regarding perceived and anticipated cost savings, facility issues, educational benefits) Were there outside consultants? Context Tell me about your school (probes: size, demographics, academic success, socio-economics, ethnic mix, etc.) Are there special circumstances in this school/area that made it more or less desirable/difficult, etc? Demographics of the staff (follow-up—How do you staff?) Principal's role: Did you, as a principal, have a choice? Where did the idea come from? Whose idea was it? Did you attend any meetings of NAYRE? Other organizations? If you had a choice, why did you implement YRS? If not, how did you feel about it? Implementation: How was the decision made? Did you do a survey? Was a vote required? What specifically did you do? ie How did you proceed? , Was there opposition? (If so, how did you handle it?) What was the original reception (real estate agents, media, etc.) Ongoing Issues: What kind of support do you get from the district? What kind of support do you get from the community? What problems does YRS pose for you? For parents? Students? Etc? What benefits (anticipated or unanticipated) have you found? (same probes) Do you have intersession? (If so, why, how, who, support, etc.) Are there other programs in the school that this facilitates? Ongoing community response and support? Ongoing district issues (scheduling, funding, continuation of calendar, etc.) Has YRS made any difference to the school? (probes re academic achievement, community involvement, demographics, attendance etc.) Do you have any data to support these perceptions (test info etc,) What do you s e e as the future of YRS? If you had a choice of MT-YRS, ST-YRS or traditional calendar, which would you choose and why? (probe re impact on holidays, burn-out, who benefits most, etc.) If you could chose one calendar that you think would be most beneficial to student learning, what would it be? 


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