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Globalization and corporatization : the evolving nature of education Rodricks, Warren 2003

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Globalization and Corporatization- The E v o l v i n g Nature o f Education By W A R R E N RODRICKS B . A . , The University of Calgary, 1995 B . E d . , The University o f Calgary, 1997 A THESIS S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR T H E DEGREE OF M A S T E R OF ARTS in THE F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES (Department of Educational Studies)  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  T H E U N I V E R S I T Y OF BRITISH C O L U M B I A M a y 2003 © Warren Rodricks, 2003  In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l l m e n t of the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t permission f o r extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the head of my department or by h i s or her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n .  Department The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver, Canada  11  Abstract The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between globalization, corporations, and education. Using the combined methods of Critical Autoethnography and Critical Discourse Analysis, this paper attempts to offer hope and alternatives to the current corporate-global order we find ourselves in. Five key areas are explored through the course of this paper. First, this paper studies the phenomenon known as globalization. Second, this paper studies the history of corporate interest in education. The need to situate such interests in the past is necessary in developing the pattern of domination that corporations have implicated themselves in regarding the educational community. Third, this paper explores the roots of globalization, that is, colonization. The colonization of earlier years is examined in comparison with the globalization of today. Essential to such a study is the impact upon North American indigenous populations as one of the original groups to experience colonization and now globalization. Of great significance is the alternative that First Nations educational beliefs offer to education. Fourth, this paper,as a case study, examines a more contemporary issue, and that is the contract that the University of British Columbia, The Alma Mater Society of The University of British Columbia, and Coca-Cola Bottling Ltd. signed in 1995. Exploration of the contract and its implications provides an opportunity to explore the dangers between corporate and educational partnerships. Finally, this paper focuses in on activities of dissent towards the current corporate-global order and how these signs of dissent equate into hope for a different tomorrow.  iii  Table of Contents  Abstract  ii  Table o f Contents  iii  CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Methodology 1.2 Outline o f Thesis  1 1 4  CHAPTER 2  13 13 19 20  THEGLOBAL PHENOMENON 2.1 Defining Globalization 2.2 Early Globalization 2.3 Globalization Today  C H A P T E R 3 A HISTORY OF C O R P O R A T E INTEREST IN E D U C A T I O N 3.1 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4  Defining Corporations and the Business Interest Roots o f Corporatism - The Industrial Revolution 1840-1950 - Education and the early creation o f workers 1950-1990-Preaching into Practice 1990-Today  CHAPTER 4 COLONIZATION TO GLOBALIZATION - THE D E V E L O P M E N T OF T H E I M P O R T A N C E OF FIRST N A T I O N S ' E D U C A T I O N 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 4.8 4.9 4.10 4.11 4.12 4.13 4.14 4.15  Establishing the Link Between Globalization and Colonization The Ease o f Colonization The Need to Locate N e w Markets The Need for a Sizable Military The Religious Imperative The Ability to Create N e w Jobs The Ability to Become M o r e Competitive in W o r l d Markets Slavery - Then and N o w Assimilation - Then and N o w The Use o f Indigenous Populations to Further Goals The N e w Forms o f Globalization The Need for Self-Determination Self-Determination in Education First Nations'Educational Beliefs A Sense o f Community  24 25 27 30 37 41  48  48 50 51 52 53 54 54 55 56 59 60 61 64 66 69  iv  4.16 4.17 4.18 4.19  The The The The  Development of an Oral Tradition B e l i e f in the Interdependence o f Society Construction o f Knowledge Development of Identity  CHAPTER 5 COCA-COLA CAMPUS 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8 5.9 CHAPTER 6  References  Initial Reactions to the Agreement The Contract between U B C , A M S and C C B The Need for Confidentiality The Exclusion o f Student Voices The Branding o f U B C with C o c a - C o l a Logos and Values The University's Best Interests The Nature o f Coca-Cola's Interests Integrity at Stake The Aftermath  71 73 75 79 83 84 87 87 89 90 93 94 98 99  SIGNS OF HOPE: DISSENT, E X P O S U R E AND LIBERATION  103  6.1 6.2 6.3  104 105 111  E v e n the Smallest M a n y Voices - M a n y Ways A Final Warning  119  1  CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION Business and education do not share identical concerns or see the same world, speak the same language, and even more importantly, share similar values (Bierlein, 1993, p. 13).  Globalization and corporatization. Today the partnership may seem inevitably bound together, processes intertwined and directing the course o f economic, political and social systems across our planet. Proponents o f the two are striving to reconstruct the face o f our planet, including education. Education has traditionally been open to the interests o f the powerful and has been used as a basis o f exclusion and inclusion with regards to power and privilege within society. Global and corporate forces hold out the same hope for education. Corporations and proponents o f globalization hope that they may use education to create an atmosphere conducive to global economics, culture and politics, and they hold out hope that education w i l l aid in the creation o f the active consumer. Together they hope that education can become a key tool i n the continuing transformation o f the world. The purpose o f this thesis, then, is to explore this partnership and its impact upon education.  Methodology What follows is, in part, a result o f my experiences, o f my involvement with select groups over the course o f my life time. What follows, i n part, is based upon my own critical Autoethnography. J i m Thomas (1993) states that critical ethnography is "the reflective process o f choosing between conceptual alternatives and making value-laden judgments o f meaning and method to challenge research, policy, and other forms o f human activity" (p. 4). He continues by suggesting that critical ethnographers "accept an  2  added research task o f raising their voice to speak to an audience on behalf o f their subject's as a means o f empowering them by giving more authority to the subjects voice" (p. 4). The critical ethnographer observes the conditions o f the study subjects and expresses their work in hopes o f emancipating those subjects from the "repressive influences that lead to unnecessary social domination o f all groups" (Thomas, 1993, p. 4). It is with these hopes that I begin the journey o f critically assessing the educational environment I find myself in. Thus it is an Autoethnography because I am part o f the group that I am studying and trying to liberate. Burdell and B l u e Swadener (1999) emphasize the work o f Reed-Danahay when they define Autoethnography as "a form o f ethnography that places the self within a social context" (p. 22). Through this work I hope to address issues o f power and injustice found i n m y o w n surroundings. This Autoethnographic lens is most apparent in the final chapter o f this thesis which focuses on the dissention and alternatives to the prevailing corporate order. M y own attempt at dissention and individualistic resistance is this thesis. It is m y attempt to liberate and expose. However my story is not confined to dissention, my story influences every chapter I write. I am part o f the group that has experienced corporate interest i n school. I have roots that take me back to early colonialism, and I am a part o f the University o f British Columbia student population. The story I find myself in is invariably my own. However, it is not exclusively m y own. That the following is not exclusively m y story brings me to the other part o f the lens I am looking through. This part is tinted by Critical Discourse Analysis ( C D A ) . Fairclough (2001) states that the term critical is special i n that it is " a i m i n g to show up connections which may be hidden from people - such as the connections between  3  language, power, and ideology..." (p. 4). Teun A . van D i j k (1996) states that "one o f the crucial tasks o f Critical Discourse Analysis is to account for the relationships between discourse and social power" (p. 84). van Dijk continues by suggesting that C D A "should describe and explain how power abuse is enacted, reproduced or legitimized by the text and talk o f dominant groups or institutions" (p. 84). Theo van Leeuwen (1996) furthers this discussion by suggesting that "with the increasing use o f visual representation i n a wide range o f contexts, it becomes more and more pressing to be able to ask the same critical questions with regard to both verbal and visual representations..." (p.34). W i t h specific regards to education, Kress (1996) notes how the curriculum is text and talk, visual and verbal, and i n need o f further critical analysis as it "puts forward knowledge, skills, meanings, values in the present which w i l l be telling i n the lives o f those who experience the curriculum, ten or twenty years later" (p. 16). A l l a n Luke (1997) supports Kress in his work by stating that: in its applications to the study of the classroom interaction, textbook content, evaluation instruments and policy documents, critical discourse analysis provides a means for documenting and criticizing the contending and contradictory texts of educational practice (p. 343). There is a history to domination and oppression that can be discovered by immersing oneself in the literature available. The analysis o f such literature allows for these patterns to be exposed and examined for what they are. They are not accidental. They are a part o f an attempt to exploit education and those who work within the educational system for reasons advantageous to a powerful elite. This thesis w i l l explore existing literature in hopes o f revealing a pattern o f inequality and repression through educational texts and talk, through the very educational settings that students find themselves in. This repression has its roots well planted i n the past.  4 Globalization and corporate interest in education should not be considered uniquely new phenomena. Rather they are a part o f an evolutionary process that began during colonial times. They have turned and twisted through the history o f humankind to the current forms they are today, but the reality is that they are not new processes.  Outline of Thesis There are five chapters that follow this introduction. The chapters are based on my story i n that they are inspired by the events i n m y life as a member o f a particular group. This is the Autoethnographic part o f my work. This influence has brought me to the point o f this thesis, however, in finding patterns that relate to greater society m y story is not sufficient. This is where the critical discourse analysis aspect o f my writing is emphasized. The two are not weighted equally i n that throughout the chapters it is C D A that takes on a more prominent role when exploring the topics I have included for discussion. However it is only through critical autoethnography that I have decided on such topics. The two do work i n unison to provide the framework for this thesis. Both are intended as methods o f liberation and exposure, and ultimately that is what I hope to achieve through this thesis. I seek liberation for me, and for those that share common experiences. I seek to expose those who would oppress and dominate others to achieve goals o f their own. The second chapter in this thesis explores the concept o f globalization. What brought me here are my experiences o f teaching abroad. Several years ago I found myself working abroad, for the first time in my life. The culture I found myself i n Thailand proved a shock to the system at times. I taught at a British curriculum, international  5  school. The majority o f students were either from the United K i n g d o m or from Thailand, but i n m y class I had students from across the globe. I had taught children from Canada, the United States, Australia, Malaysia, China, and Sweden, amongst other nationalities. The school itself had no fewer than fifty different nations represented in its student population. I can remember leaving for the last time, the glare off a gold sign at the entrance temporarily blinded me as I turned to look back one last time at m y school. A s I The sign I read: Santa Fe Shipping. Official Sponsor o f Bangkok Patana School. Regrettably after three years o f indescribable experiences and learning I left with an ominous cloud on the horizon. W i t h i n Bangkok there were hundreds o f foreign companies firmly established and thriving i n Thailand. They bring i n and send out people to work at their discretion. The expatriate community was i n a constant state o f flux. Cultures mixed both upon arrival and departure. I saw globalization first hand, both culturally and economically. The life I led in Bangkok was only made possible through the globalization o f the economy. Without markets expanding and the desire to seek out larger markets, Bangkok would not have had a large expatriate business community and I would not have had a j o b teaching their children. Culturally, globalization allowed me to work with a host o f nationalities and to experience the hospitalities o f the local culture. Culture did not flow one way though. I did not merely receive Thai culture, rather I gave back part o f me. After arriving back i n Canada to undertake a new phase o f my life I was able to finally reflect upon my time away. The W o r l d , and not just my world, was getting smaller. I am not talking about physical size. Rather I speak o f the distance between people i n terms o f communication, travel, and relations. U p o n moving back to Canada I  6 realized just how small it was getting. M y wife, a United K i n g d o m citizen spoke weekly to her parents in England. She had a recent conversation with one o f her best friends i n Germany and another i n Australia i n the same day. I emailed friends i n Bangkok and i n Oman to hear about the latest turns i n their lives. However my story, as I have said is not exclusive as there are many that have encountered globalization. The communications systems that have evolved enable us to bring even the most remote corners o f the globe into contact with each other. Telephone, television and the Internet have all contributed towards the changing relations o f our world. But they are not the end. Travel, tourism, trade pacts and military alliances, amongst other factors have also contributed to the changing face o f our planet. The word that so many use for these changes is globalization. There are common themes found in numerous texts that enable a definition o f globalization to emerge. However it should be stated that globalization is not an easily defined process. Globalization's forms and its origins are not necessarily agreed upon. Different groups v i e w globalization i n different ways. This chapter focuses on the complexity o f globalization and o f the ramifications that globalization has for society. O f key importance is who stands to benefit from a global society and why globalization is promoted by certain groups. Corporations are one group that actively promotes globalization. K e y authors in this section include Carlos Alberto Torres (2000) who discusses the economic aspects o f globalization. N e l l y P. Stromquist and Karen M o n k m a n (2000) further support this economic version o f globalization i n their work especially at an international level. B o b Lingard (2000) adds to the discussion by addressing the changing nature of the nation-state and the impact that these changes have for society. Such  7  authors, amongst others, w i l l explore the various notions o f globalization, including the political, cultural and economic dimensions o f the global phenomenon. The third chapter builds on globalization through a detailed study o f corporatization and education. A s with globalization, the history o f corporate interests i n schools is a long history and this length is important i n recognizing the patterns o f control exerted by business upon education. M y story is one, which upon reflection, is rich with corporate interest. Growing up i n Calgary I have fond memories created through the enjoyment o f an after school Coke, purchased from a vending machine on school premises. M y elementary days were devoid o f such pleasure, so the excitement o f a C o k e machine giving out sheer bubbly pleasure was novel. Continuing onto high school brought the same vending machines, but the choices had increased. A d d e d to the bubbly goodness were fantastic snacks. Chips, chocolate bars, and jujubes! A l l along I consumed. I ate, I enjoyed, and I replicated m y choices outside o f school. That today I am a C o c a - C o l a fanatic is i n large part due to the little enjoyment it gave me i n the otherwise dreary setting o f junior high. The major corporations that provided such enjoyment had accomplished their goal. I would forever link enjoyment o f school with their products. It is not until much later that I would recognize the affects o f consumerism and corporations on my educational history. A s I look back I realize the prominent role corporations began to play i n my education as a child. They were not the only interests found within m y schooling, but they have developed to become a very important part o f educational influences today. Though certainly not the only group applying pressure to education, corporations are becoming one o f the most powerful lobby groups today. It is useful then to explore  8  the history o f businesses as they strive to influence texts and curriculum across the world. Chapter three w i l l pay specific attention to the corporate-school dynamic as played throughout the histories o f England, Canada, and the United States. Scholars such as Donald H . Parkerson and Jo A n n Parkerson (2001) discuss how texts were used i n the m i d 1800s and early 1900s to convey a business ethos to the students w h o consumed them. M i c h a e l Apple (1990) explores the early bias established in curriculum development and how these biases became engrained to support an elite. Jean Barman (1995) adds to the discussion through her work on the Powell River Company established in British Columbia during the 1920s. She notes how the Powell River Company took control o f education in a rural setting to serve their business interests. Overall, this chapter w i l l explore how business influences i n education had their start as early as the industrial revolution, and how through time the business/corporate lobby would develop and the type o f influences that this growing lobby would have. The fourth chapter addresses the historical roots o f globalization. Colonialism and its impact upon indigenous populations is one o f the foundations o f globalization. M y story leads me here because o f my father. I can still remember the stories my dad used to tell me o f his growing up. The tales he told were significantly different from the adventures I undertook as a child. I grew up in Calgary, during the 1980s, but m y dad was from India, growing up i n the late 1930s-early 1940s. A t night after dinner he would tell of the dances and o f the movies, and most importantly o f all o f the sports that he used to play. H i s tales, as I would later realize were filled with English references. F r o m the books he read, to the movies he saw, India was heavily influenced by the English. Though unaware o f what it all meant at the time he told me the stories, I started to  9 become more aware as I grew up, until I finally realized why my dad made so many references regarding the English. A s a part o f the British colonial empire, the English were naturally a part o f my dad's growing up. This colonial influence would trickle down its affects to me i n my support o f the Arsenal Football C l u b , and m y enjoyment o f a pint in a pub. I certainly have an affinity towards England and this affinity began for no other reason than my dad was so positively influenced by his encounters with the English i n India. Colonization has had far more significant impacts on the world than football and beer though. In India it consisted o f the brutal treatment o f Indian culture, lifestyles and people.Colonization has fundamentally shaped the world as it is today and the mentality behind it continues to be present today. The original groups o f people who were most affected by the first colonizers were indigenous to the land, and their experiences are critical i n understanding where we came from and where we are heading. In Chapter four, globalization w i l l be rooted i n colonization, and w i l l be shown to be the latest form o f colonization, not a new process at all. The importance o f indigenous populations w i l l be explored i n this chapter as it is these populations, specifically for this thesis, North American indigenous populations, which were the first populations to encounter the colonial mentality abroad and the implications that this mentality would have for future generations. The struggles that indigenous populations had at the beginning o f the colonization o f North America can be seen through the various struggles indigenous populations have today under globalization. The need to link the present with the past is necessary to understand how modes and methods o f domination and oppression began and developed across the globe. There is perhaps no better group to examine than these original inhabitants o f a land as yet confronted with global forces.  10  Their experiences can be used as a guide to understanding the forces o f globalization today. Furthermore, this chapter w i l l explore the concept o f self-determination, especially in education and the impacts such a policy would have on indigenous populations and for the corporate world order. A comparison o f colonization and globalization, i n terms o f motivation and experiences w i l l be aided by the work o f R a m o n Capella (2000) who explores how globalization entails assimilation o f a different kind. Wright and Fowler (1968) are key contributors to establishing a link between colonization and globalization with their inclusion o f Richard Hakluyt's motivations for colonization. A l s o crucial to this chapter is the work done by indigenous Scholars such as M a r i e Battiste and, James (Sa'ke'j) Henderson Ypungblood (2000) who make a distinction between Eurocentric approaches and First Nations belief system. M e n n o Boldt (1993) who establishes the vitality o f oral traditions for indigenous populations, and Oscar Kawagley and R a y Barnhardt (1999) who point out the dangers o f Western scientific traditions to indigenous belief systems. The chapter w i l l weave tales o f colonization and tales o f self-determination with the corporate mind-set that has been established through colonization and now globalization. The fifth chapter i n this thesis moves back to the current day and finds colonization occurring on a university campus, more specifically my university campus. M y story leads me to the campus o f the University o f British C o l u m b i a because this is where my studies led me. U p o n leaving Bangkok this is where I ended up. Thus, there is no better place than here, where I study to evaluate the effects o f globalization and corporatization on education. A s I write this thesis, I am living under the conditions that I am exploring. The exploration o f Coca-Cola's contract with the University o f British  11  C o l u m b i a ( U B C ) allows for the examination o f how corporations are colonizing the world i n new ways. Though still interested i n seeking out indigenous populations to conquer and exploit, corporations are also concerned with maintaining their dominance i n countries and areas previously conquered. A n in-depth look at the contract that U B C signed with Coca-Cola i n 1997 w i l l shed light on the ways the colonization continues today as w e l l as highlighting the differences between academic and corporate mindsets. The specific contract that U B C signed with Coca-Cola w i l l be the focal point o f the chapter, however the work of N a o m i K l e i n (2000) and her exploration o f M i k e Cameron and his experiences i n Georgia adds to the discussion. John Calvert and Larry K u e h n (1993) discuss the corporate branding o f educational material. Equally important to this chapter is the information taken from university papers and across Canada and the United States. The sixth and final chapter o f this thesis includes examples o f dissent and hope. I am led here because, as I have said before, this thesis is my attempt at dissent and my attempt at expressing hope for an alternative. I am led here because I want to reveal the current system as a system based upon oppression and domination and to reveal corporate interest i n education to a greater degree. B y accumulating the information I have and expressing it in this thesis, I hope that I w i l l be able to expose corporatization and globalization in schools as oppressive forces, concerned primarily with an elite and not with the masses o f students they encounter. The corporate/global movement should not be considered all encompassing as there are examples o f resistance and dissention from large groups to single individuals. Hope for a different outcome, for different influences, and for different interests w i l l be explored i n this chapter as a reminder that globalization  12  and corporatization are not inevitable and that there are ways to resist the corporatization o f education. Notable authors include, C y r i l I. O b i (2000) and his study on the power that Shell had i n Nigeria and the destruction that the corporate-government partnership brought forth on the Ogoni people. Farida Akhter (2001) explores how the Feminist International Network o f Resistance to Reproductive and Genetic Engineering (Flr>IRRAGE) dissented and rebelled against reproductive control. The culmination o f the above is designed to provide a critical awareness o f the powers o f domination and oppression found within the educational community due to corporate and global interests. Through the control o f curriculum, specifically texts and the talk found within educational communities, corporations have become able to promote their interests within the educational sphere. I am not suggesting that corporate interests reign supreme i n the educational realm without opposition. There are competing interests and some o f these interests can exert as much influence as corporations do. However, corporations do have a long and complex history with education and this history is i n need o f greater exposition and exploration. This paper is an attempt to bring to light some o f the corners that are shadowed by corporate power and privilege. M y overt story has been expressed here, in this introduction. This is the beginnings o f m y critical Autoethnography, this Autoethnography has led me to undertake the research I have done, it has led me to a critical discourse analysis o f existing research. The two are combined i n an effort to give voice to the groups o f people I find myself within, but also to draw together themes and links towards creating a picture o f domination that is not normally spoken of.  13  CHAPTER 2 - THE GLOBAL PHENOMENON  What is globalization? When did it begin? T o answer the second question first, globalization is not necessarily new. Feffer (2002) notes that ten thousand years before capitalism, The Silk Road which brought goods from the East to the West could be argued as a "proto-Internet" (p. 2). Feffer further points to the work o f Immanuel Wallerstein who argues that globalization has its roots i n the creation o f the global capitalist market which evolved more than five hundred years ago. In Canada and the United States, aboriginal populations were affected enormously by early European settlers. The experiences o f indigenous groups today i n South America, Africa and Southeast A s i a would seem to have much i n common with aboriginal groups during colonialism. Thus it would appear that globalization is not new, however its form and rate have changed. A n d y Green (1997) refers to the work o f Robert R e i c h who states that "with the advance o f modern technologies, the transportation o f materials and goods has become quicker and cheaper, and the transfer o f information instantaneous" (p. 152). Today's globalization is thus differentiated by yesterday's due to the change i n technology, the way and the rate that information can be disseminated, and by the new organizations formed to take advantage o f the changing landscapes (Hopkins, 2002).  Defining Globalization But what is globalization? It has come to mean a lot o f different things to a lot o f different people. W h y is this so? People define it differently to suit their interests. There are those that w i l l define globalization as a sharing o f cultures, as an opportunity to  14  enrich the lives o f all encountering the new global reality. Then there are those that define globalization as a potential economic-driven disaster, i n that through the pursuit o f economic markets and wealth, people from all across our planet w i l l suffer, i n some form or another. Economics versus culture. Construction versus destruction. Positive versus negative. A group such as the Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development ( O E C D ) looks at globalization as "a confluence o f forces - particularly the transition to the knowledge society, the emergence o f a global economy, and the pursuit o f environmental stability" ( O E C D , 1999, p. 3). The O E C D is a pro-globalization organization as evidenced i n its definition. When the definition is closely scrutinized, it would appear as i f globalization was an opportunity for the entire world to benefit, especially from a "transition to the knowledge society", and "the pursuit o f environmental stability." Economic benefit is only a part o f this definition. The O E C D is clear to point out that globalization is not solely about economics, i n fact education, as suggested through the concept o f knowledge, is the first factor mentioned. For groups like the O E C D , their definitions never solely starts or ends with economics. W i l l i a m Carroll, Radhika Desai, and Warren Magnusson (1996) define globalization in a different manner. "Globalization refers to the acceleration, since the 1980s, o f a range o f economic trends which have been binding the economic fate o f every country into an integrated global economic system more tightly than ever before" (p. 22). N e l l y P. Stromquist and Karen M o n k m a n (2000) concur with this definition when they state globalization is: a set of processes by which the world is rapidly being integrated into one economic sphere via increased international trade, the internationalization of production and financial markets, the internationalization of a commodity culture promoted by an increasingly networked global telecommunications system, (p. 4)  15  From these perspectives, globalization is strictly an economic process that links countries with one another. T w o o f the primary motives o f economics are profit and production, which can then be seen, by this definition, as two o f the primary motives o f globalization. Economics is o f primary importance i n this definition. In their work, M o r r o w and Torres (2000) define globalization as "the intensification o f worldwide social relations that link distinct localities i n such a way that the local happenings are shaped by events occurring many miles away and vice versa" (p. 28). In the same article, D a v i d H e l d is quoted as saying: globalization is the product of the emergence of a global economy, expansion of transnational linkages between economic units creating new forms of collective decision-making, development of intergovernmental and quasi-supranational institutions, intensification of transnational communications, and the creation of new regional and military orders, (p. 29)  Another set o f definitions focuses on the changing role o f the nation-state, and the opening o f borders that this change entails. Bamyeh (2000) points to how political governance across the globe transforms to adapt to new transnational infringements and encroachments. Carroll, Desai, and Magnusson (1996) further this notion by stating that the largest corporations have outgrown national boundaries. Finally, Lingard (2000) notes how the nation-state has lost some o f its autonomy and how these nation-states are ever more dependent upon outside forces to determine policy and practice. The politics o f a global community are changing along side the economics o f globalization. Yet another set o f definitions focus on the social and cultural side o f globalization. John Rennie Short (2002) states that "the globalization o f culture proceeds through the continuous flow o f ideas, information, commitment, values, and taste across  16  the world, mediated through mobile individuals, signs, symbols, and electronic simulations" (p. 9-10). K i n n v a l l (2002) adds depth to the issue o f social and cultural globalization by suggesting that through "migration, refugee flows and the so called 'brain drain' from the developing w o r l d " (p. 3) combined with the spread o f Western culture through music, fashion, television and film, that cultural globalization brings together cultures i n both the West, and the East. Finally, Stromquist (2002) draws on the work done by Kachur who argues that "under the current globalization trend, there is a new form o f cultural regulation brought about by the revolution i n new communication technologies and the application o f the science o f consumer management" (p. 65). Cultures are increasingly coming into greater contact with each other, Tourism, travel, business, increased technological capability and technology usage have brought people from around the globe into greater contact with each other. M u s i c , dance, food and art have all been spread throughout our planet i n a two-way flow. The West does not simply transfer its culture to the East; rather it is a dual exchange o f West and East, North and South flowing into each other though there are some limitations to this. In my time in Bangkok I experienced numerous elements o f Western culture flowing into Thailand. Carlsberg and Heineken, both export beers, were among the most popular beers i n stores and bars. Major foreign films played at the theaters and major U S television shows played on both satellite cable and local Thai stations. T o date, I have not seen the same kind o f affect i n the West by the East. Culture being shared from the East, but i n my experiences not at the same rate or at the same level as that o f West to East. What should be noted is that there are different types o f globalization that have different affects on various structures across the globe. W h i l e economic globalization is  17  taking place, so too is political globalization and social globalization. T o discuss one is to implicate the others in the conversation. A s noted above political globalization focuses on the way that world governance is becoming a larger part o f the global experience. Organizations such as the United Nations ( U N ) and the N o r t h Atlantic Treaty Organization ( N A T O ) are becoming more involved in individual state's domestic affairs. Combined with the United States' desire to have a greater say in similar domestic events a pattern o f world governance is being established. This political globalization works i n conjunction with economic globalization through organizations such as the W o r l d Trade Organization ( W T O ) , the International Monetary Fund ( I M F ) and the W o r l d Bank. Economically these types o f organization replicate the type o f control found i n political spheres as they try to dictate local state economic policies so that they are in accordance with a global economic system. Socially, the above two types o f globalization affect how culture is viewed and spread. Technologies used i n political and economic governance invariably make there way to social sectors where individuals use such technologies i n diverse ways. Equally, economic trends find their way into consumer products and the social fabric o f society. Thus when speaking about one type o f globalization there needs to be the recognition that it has consequences for the other types o f globalization. However at this time it should also be noted that globalization is complex and I do not wish to suggest that it is all encompassing or total i n its effects. Though the above three types o f globalization are present and intertwined it is not to suggest they are not met with resistance. Chapter S i x o f this thesis w i l l explore such resistance i n greater depth. What is o f importance here is the acknowledgement that globalization is a complex set o f processes.  18  Returning to the economic side o f globalization, two main types o f global definitions become clear. One definition suggests that it is a positive, building, and human embracing process. The other suggests it is motivated not by humanitarianism, but rather by profit. Organizations such as the W T O and I M F seem to find their way to the positive definition, suggesting that globalization brings opportunity. The Canadian Center for Policy Alternatives and leftist academics seem to make their way to the definition that sees globalization as economically motivated. Based on the above, and upon my experiences, I define globalization as a primarily economic force, which i n its economic pursuits entails a greater level o f interdependence amongst countries than ever previously reached. Though there are cultural and political aspects to globalization that are very important in the form and influence o f globalization; globalization, at its core is an economic process. It is based i n markets and the spread o f trade and wealth. It is essential that when globalization is discussed, that these economic pursuits are not pushed to the side i n favor o f definitions which include the expansion o f knowledge, and the expression o f local communities in a global setting. It is also essential when globalization is discussed to acknowledge the economic system that it is based within. That economic system is capitalism. Capitalism is an economic system that calls for little regulation o f markets, the law o f supply and demand, and the accumulation o f wealth. These three principles are keys i n capitalist economies. Capitalism was the system o f economics in place during colonization, and it is the system o f economics in place during globalization. The link between colonization and globalization w i l l be come clearer i n subsequent chapters. Daniel P. Liston (1988) quotes from A d a m Smith when he discusses the inequality found within capitalist societies.  Smith states that "wherever there is a great wealth there is great inequality" (p. 2). Thus globalization can be viewed as a system o f inequality, for within globalization there is a great wealth. D u r i n g early stages o f globalization this wealth may have been individual businesspeople or small companies, but this great wealth would grow to become corporations, which w i l l be discussed i n greater detail i n the following chapter. In his work Robert R e i c h (1997) discusses h o w competition and the opening o f markets has caused the disparity between the rich and the poor to grow. W i t h the ability o f corporations to move from one place to another i n search o f the lowest production costs and labour costs, the rich, who are corporate owners and stockholders, are able to increase their wealth. A t the same time, the poor, who are the labour, see their wages pushed down by the rapid availability o f cheap labour worldwide. Thus when we speak o f globalization it must be with the knowledge that such a trend is based i n capitalism which is based i n inequality.  Early Globalization Globalization is a process that has its roots far back i n the history o f humankind. This history is one heavily influenced by economics. A . G . Hopkins (2002) refers to the work o f C A . B a y l y who suggests that kings and warriors created global networks i n their search for wealth and distinction well before the modern era. This A r c h a i c Globalization, Hopkins continues, was built upon cities, the specialization o f labour, and was sea-borne as well as land-borne. He continues by suggesting that the period from 1600-1800 be considered a "proto-globalization" (p. 5) stage. W i t h i n this time period commercial expansion, imperial acquisition, and knowledge expansion (through the use o f maps)  20  become significant and served to broaden the horizons o f human contact. Finally H o p k i n s points to the work o f Richard Drayton who explores how the expansive trade o f "sugar, tobacco, tea, coffee, and opium" (p. 5) created larger, multilateral trade markets. The R o m a n Empire and the British Empire serve as excellent examples o f globalization at an earlier time. The change brought about by conquest and crusade must have certainly seemed as fast and large for those o f the time as they do for us now. The quest for riches, for profit was a definite underlying force for globalization.  Globalization Today If globalization is primarily an economic force, then who stands to benefit the most and who are its greatest proponents? W h e n one considers the opening o f markets that globalization entails it becomes clear that corporations are ideally suited to reap the benefits o f ah expanding world. A s o f 1990 each o f one hundred and thirty-five transnational corporations had sales in excess o f $10 billion, and o f the one hundred largest economies i n the world today, fifty-one are corporations (Stromquist, 2002). L i k e no time in the past, corporations have options available to them. Cheap labour, endless new markets, highly educated populus, and a communications revolution that has altered the way businesses operate, all lead to possibilities for corporate gain possibly never dreamed o f before. Thus we must focus our attention on these corporations. In 1998 K - M a r t U . S sales, alone were equal to that o f the entire spending o f the Russian military (Kingwell, 2000). The idea that K - M a r t , not something like Coca-Cola, M c D o n a l d ' s or N i k e , brings in as much money as the Russian military spends is staggering. Furthermore, in the year 2001 Americans, alone, spent more than $110 billion  21  on fast food (Schlosser, 2002, p. 3). Fast food is dominated by major corporations such as M c D o n a l d ' s , Kentucky Fried Chicken, Burger K i n g , and Pizza Hut. A n y business that can count on profits o f such magnitude must be considered vital i n the new world economy. Finally consider two astounding expenditures. First, in 1998 global advertising spending was predicted at $435 billion, and second, i n 1999, general corporate sponsorship reached $19.2 billion (Klein, 2000). In a global community where money talks, it is the corporations who have the most time at the microphone and it is their approval that so many governments clamor for. A crucial aspect o f corporate power is how multinational companies can operate anywhere and can move anywhere. This gives them the ability to dictate policy i n any number o f countries whilst threatening to uproot and create high levels o f unemployment and shattering local economies i f their demands are not met. Prior to the global revolution it was the state and the church who dictated the rules and regulations governing a people. Today, however, to become involved in emerging markets and to qualify for financial aid, a nation may have to give up some o f its previous autonomy to global forces. A s the system becomes more integrated, degrees o f state sovereignty are lost i n a trade-off for economic advantage. The extent o f lost sovereignty and the extent o f economic advantage vary from country to country, but with billions o f dollars at stake, it is safe to assume most countries are affected. Corporations now hold economic power over even the strongest o f nations, and the amount o f power they hold over weaker states is escalating at an alarming rate. A final aspect to power players resides i n international organizations like the W o r l d Bank, the W T O , and the I M F . Petras and Veltmeyer (2001) discuss the I M F , the  23  a system o f differentiation where middle-class citizens would occupy positions o f greater achievement and greater reward. This goal o f education was designed to ensure that the middle-class would maintain its economic dominance. Equally crucial was the need o f the middle-class to maintain its social dominance. Apple asserts that through education, curriculum developers "attempted to diminish the immigrant's supposed threat to American society by instilling them with middle class attitudes, beliefs and standards o f behaviour" (p. 77). Curriculum founders were from the middle-class and this allowed for curriculum to protect and spread middle-class values across society (Apple, 1990). Randall Collins (2001) adds to this argument by discussing the original founders o f schools. H e discusses how schools i n the United States were founded under the guidance o f W A S P elites "with the purpose o f teaching respect for Protestant middle-class standards o f cultural and religious propriety" (p. 49-50). Complementing these ideas is the work o f Henry Giroux and Stanley Aronowitz (1990) who suggest that a hidden curriculum in education has been well established and that this curriculum prepares students to take their "place in the corporate order as disciplined, subordinate workers" (p. 59). From the earliest times, then, education can be seen to convey the interests o f some. History shows that this influence resides with the powerful, and today one o f the most powerful are major corporations. Further, these corporations want to be heard in the educational realm. It is this educational realm that we now focus our attention. A s we do so, it w i l l become clear that a corporate/business interest has been present i n our schools for a very long time.  24  CHAPTER 3 - A HISTORY OF CORPORATE INTEREST IN EDUCATION  Before entering into the history o f corporate interest i n education, two qualifications must be made. First, corporate interest in education is not the only interest to be found within education both i n the past and i n the present. Education is a contested domain that has been influenced by numerous forces. Petrina (2000) notes the work o f Dubois whose work was published i n 1932, and how industrial education for African Americans was based on an anti-capitalist sentiment. P u l l i a m and V a n Patten (1999) describe the impact o f religion and religious groups upon education. They note how religion and religious groups shaped education i n the eighteenth century, as bible readings and prayers were part o f the school day. Similarly, Parkerson and Parkerson (2001) note how the McGuffey readers, popular i n the middle 1800s to the early 1900s i n the United States made reference to G o d or the bible one i n four lessons. The point is that there are numerous interests competing for a say i n educational matters. Corporations do not have a monopoly on the desire to influence education. However, corporations do have a multitude o f resources at their disposal that allow them, especially now, to have a great impact upon education. Second, the history that follows is only a partial history o f corporate influence and should not be considered the total history o f corporate interest within education. Such a history is not possible within the parameters o f this paper, but it is necessary to  25  acknowledge that there are various forms o f corporate interests in education that have not been included in this section. The purpose o f this following section, then, is to begin to uncover the way corporations have sought out education as a means to further their ends. B y examining some o f the ways corporations have influenced education i n the past, it is hoped that a pattern o f involvement can be established. This pattern is relevant because it continues to be present i n education today. In studying the present it becomes vital to understand the past. Corporations, as they are today, have taken time to develop, but the thinking that lies at their root can be found i n the past, and it is these roots that need exploration.  Defining Corporations and the Business Interest These roots start with defining what corporations are. Olins (1978) discusses early commercial houses as pre-industrial trading companies. However, he believes that it is not until the time o f the industrial revolution that a quantifiable business interest emerges. A t this time, the size o f business grows and due to this growth and the increase o f complexity in these organizations the modern day corporation begins to take shape. Early businesses from this time until the 1980s are mainly occupied with the production and sales o f a tangible product or service (Olins, 2000). The major concern for businesses at this time is profit through the making o f some thing. The modern day notion o f corporations begins with a shift in this production mentality. K l e i n (2000) discusses that during the mid-1980s corporations began to shift their focus from producing to branding. Companies were no longer primarily interested i n producing their own goods, rather their primary concern became image creation. Additionally, Olins (1978) states that  26  corporations are "complicated organizations bringing together people with different social backgrounds i n frameworks that demanded the use o f related skills" (p. 19). Today, transnational corporations ( T N C ) play a pivotal role i n the world economy. Such corporations can be defined as "an enterprise which owns or controls value-adding activities i n two or more countries" (Dunning, 1989, p. 1) Hough and Neuland (2000) contend that global business involves " a l l those commercial activities between two or more countries" (p. 5). Finally R y m a n and M c l l v e e n contend that megafirms can be defined as large multinational enterprises "engaged i n a mature, resource-based business" (p. 2). They further note that these modern-day megafirms control distribution as well as production. The link o f these modern day business and corporation with companies and businesses in the past is the focus on profit. This focus has not waned through the years but remains a central point o f the business interests found within education. From small business to bigger businesses to small corporations to large corporations, there has been an evolution o f who the business interests within education serve. They are complex, as stated above, and they are private. Though their areas o f expertise have been shifting away from production to image creation, they are still primarily concerned with profit. The corporations that we see today, such as Coca-Cola, M c D o n a l d ' s and N i k e did not always exist as they now do. Schlosser (2002) notes the change i n a small company named M c D o n a l d ' s i n 1948 when two brothers began the first M c D o n a l d ' s i n southern California. This small business would eventually develop into a major multinational corporation with restaurants across the globe. From this small business to the giant corporation, M c D o n a l d ' s has remained dedicated to increasing profits. This is not a characteristic unique to M c D o n a l d ' s rather it is a characteristic that  27  unites private corporations from around the world. K e y to the defining 'business interests' and corporations, in this study, is their pursuit o f profit. A s mentioned above, corporations are profit-seeking organizations who see education as a means o f increasing this profit. Equally important is their complexity. Numerous activities take place within corporation's walls. Production, distribution and image creation (Klein,  2000) are all  apart o f the modern day corporation. Decision-making is spread throughout the organization and such organizations have numerous departments that intertwine responsibility. Finally, the global positioning o f today's corporations is also o f significance. Corporations can be placed around the world i n terms o f actual physical structures, but as important is that they can connect to points all across the world. The limitations o f the past are being eroded as corporations can and do find more ways to integrate themselves, their products and their images into the societies o f the world. What follows is a time line o f corporate/business interests i n education. The early years are devoid o f today's corporations but the desire behind small organizations and individuals remain the same. They seek out personal and private benefit. They are organizations and individuals based in the need to increase profit, and they see the potential o f education to deliver greater profits.  Roots of Corporatism - The Industrial Revolution Corporations did not first arise during the Industrial Revolution, but it is here where the ideologies o f corporatism first gain prominence. Prior to this time people relied upon skilled artisans, and engaged in a sustenance economy. The accumulation o f wealth, capital wealth that is, was not a priority. D a y to day l i v i n g was hard, and people relied  28  upon distinct craftspeople to provide for their needs. D u r i n g this time a person's trade was largely inherited from their family. However as society began to industrialize, living and thinking was drastically altered. The traditional structure and form o f work would disappear, as the craftsperson would give way to the factory worker. Specialization w o u l d give way to the division o f labour. T w o complementary notions that arose from the Industrial Revolution need explanation. Capitalism and laissez-faire economics would become the necessary precursors to corporatism. Capitalism introduced the notion o f acquiring wealth, particularly material wealth, and specifically monetary wealth. Wealth could and should be accumulated in a capitalist-oriented system. The change i n work and the change i n thinking resulted in the growing disparity between the poor and the rich. It is this accumulation o f wealth, and this change in work that would eventually a l l o w for corporations to form. The factory provided a centralized workplace for a new workforce working under a new type o f philosophy. W o r k was now specialized and workers dependent upon each other. Given evolutionary and revolutionary periods from then to the present, these original factories became the basis for corporations. A further matter o f importance became the competition for profits. Businesses would soon become embattled with each other in efforts to maximize their profits. Competition would play a key role i n the development, not only i n the form o f corporations, but also the form and values o f education. A s competition increased, new machines were created, and with these new machines came a need to learn new skills (Wolf, 1982, p. 274). A l s o central to the capitalist ethic would be the form o f the factory. W i t h i n one large building, numerous activities could be coordinated. E a c h part o f the factory floor  29  became a specialized entity. This organizational structure would have a profound influence on the organization o f schools, which shall be discussed later. The second aspect o f the Industrial Revolution to play a significant role i n the development o f corporations and education is the idea o f a laissez-faire system o f government. The laissez-faire system restricted the government from becoming involved with the free market and allowed for a system o f supply and demand to emerge. The restriction o f government is crucial in the development o f early education. Without government restricting education, other groups were given the ability to influence the educational system. One such influence would be business. The laissez-faire system allowed for the entry o f the first business influences into the school setting. W i t h these complementary notions taking root at this time, the actual instances o f business/industrial interest in education could begin to form. In France, during the 1820s, it was private interests that first demanded training and the establishment o f business-type schools. In 1820, capitalists such as Jacques Laffitte and Casmir Perier established the  Ecole Superieure de Commerce de Paris. Similarly, the Ecole Centrale des Arts et Manufactures was established i n 1829 by a group o f private individuals for the express purpose to train civil engineers for the private sector (Green, 1997, p. 65). Interestingly enough private industry could also be cited as protesting the training o f the populace. Due to the notion o f competition, competitive entrepreneurs felt that they could not or should not sponsor schools for technical training due to the possibility o f losing "trade secrets", and the possibility that other companies would "poach" their employees (Green, 1997, p. 65). In the early stages o f industrial interest in education, evidence o f support and distrust  30  o f education can be found, as can evidence for the support o f training and the desire to create a workforce with specific skills.  1840 - 1950 - Education and the Early Creation of Workers The period between 1850 and 1950 bore witness to numerous corporate/ business incursions into education. It is during this time that curriculum and organization were shaped to pursue the interests o f the business classes. It is during this time that business began to educate students on roles and responsibilities in a capitalist system, a system that distinctly benefited the business members o f a community. The use o f the schools to educate for business interests has its roots i n the curriculum and school development o f the early 1900s. M i c h a e l Apple (1990) discusses early curriculum development and how it reflected the interests o f the white, middle class men. Apple states "the individuals who first called themselves curriculists (men like Franklin Bobbitt and W . W Charters) were vitally concerned with social control for ideological reasons" (p. 47). These same men were from the middle class and had an interest i n seeing their way o f life protected. D u r i n g this early time o f curriculum development, there were two significant developments within society. The first involved the large number o f immigrants arriving in the United States. The second was the new means o f production resulting i n the division o f labor. Schools were required to socialize students into an 'American' way o f life, and to make students accept their eventual role i n the economic system (Apple, 1990). The new immigrant population was a threat to American values, and their new customs were seen to be threatening to the traditional way o f life. Thus schools were used  31  in an attempt "to diminish the immigrants' supposed threat to American society by instilling them with middle-class attitudes, beliefs, and standards o f behaviour" (Apple, 1990, p. 77). A s important though, was the development o f the division o f labor. This division o f labor would eventually lead to differentiation i n the school system. A s society progressed, the general craftsperson was replaced i n favor o f the specialist. The specialist focused on one area, and relied upon other specialists to fulfill needs i n other areas (Apple, 1990). The result was that some work was seen as more important than other work, and that some education had to be more demanding than other education i n order to properly fill the more demanding positions. 'Naturally' the middle and upper classes were more 'able'. The division o f labor therefore justified inequality on the basis o f merit. This system o f merit, in turn, allowed the middle-class to explain their positions o f dominance on the basis that it was deserved because o f intellectual superiority. The result was a populace that was w i l l i n g to occupy lower roles i n a stratified society because they felt as i f they 'deserved' such positions and a middle-class that was able to maintain and build upon its wealth and power. Barman (1995) notes how the Hudson's B a y Company within Canada expected the same type o f divisions to be supported through education during the 1840s. She discusses how the Company's officers and "servants" were educated i n order to maintain their current positions within the social order. Poorer children were thus given a 'lesser' education which included a minimal focus on reading skills so that they might accept their l o w position on the social scale. In comparison, children o f high status families were given an extensive education i n order to maintain their position o f superiority. In both Canada and the United States, then, the stability and consensus achieved through school  32  allowed for the economy to remain stable and at the advantage o f the upper classes, which the rich industrialists were a most definite part of. The work o f M a c k i e (1991), and Gaskell, M c L a r e n and Novogrodsky, (1989) explore how gender was and is used i n a similar way. They point to the underrepresentation o f women in school texts and to the stereotyped roles that women were placed i n when they were included i n texts. Similarly M e i e r , Stewart and England (1989) explore how black schools i n the United States in 1865 consistently received scarce funding as compared to white schools. Though only briefly discussed here, it should be noted that class, race, and gender are partners in a process o f exclusion. The three created a system that benefited white men with business interests. The foundation o f educational systems, as discussed by Apple, have their roots in such discriminatory practices that are still apparent i n the system today. Coinciding with the work o f Apple is the research o f John P.S. M c L a r e n (1995). M c L a r e n ' s study focuses on the Doukhobor community i n British C o l u m b i a i n 1912. The Doukhobor community was targeted for cultural learning by the state i n hopes o f subverting their "beliefs, values and practices" and i n hopes o f undermining "the respect of young members o f the Community for their elders and ultimately to lure them away from their family and village..."(p. 142). A s with the early American curriculists, the non-Doukhobor community, and specifically state educators, saw education as a chance to build an Anglo-Canadian identity, strengthen the nation, and to stabilize the economy. Further support o f this attempted ideological control can be found i n Canada and the early education o f First Nation's children at residential schools. A l i c e Littlefield (1993) discusses how indigenous "economies were undermined by measures designed to  33 transform their land and labor into commodities, through the twin policies o f allotment and education" (p. 45). Jean Barman (1986) discusses h o w Indian students "had always been expected to 'assist in the domestic arrangements o f the house' and how Indian students were viewed as 'servants' who ' d i d the w o r k ' " (p. 116). Finally, D a v i d Wallace Adams (1996) notes how Indian students were enrolled i n classes for a half day and then spent the other half o f the day working in the local community (p. 158). The overall effects o f these three points can be easily seen. First, Indian populations were trained to accept certain roles i n society. The chances for personal improvement and economic betterment were l o w to non-existent, and students were taught the importance o f fitting in with the current economical structure. The Indian students who attended residential schools were only permitted to reach a certain rung on the socioeconomic scale. Barman (1986) notes that curriculum for Indians was "simplified, and the practical instruction given [was] such [that it] may be immediately o f use to the pupil when he returns to the reserve after leaving school" (p. 120). A t the beginning o f this period (1850-1950) the common school had begun to take form i n the United States. The values found in these schools included strict discipline, hard work and punctuality, and as such were supported by entrepreneurs who valued the same qualities in the workers they employed (Parkerson and Parkerson, 2001, p. 11). Though such support was not necessarily definable or observable, one must consider the approval as implicit, due to the governance o f local school boards by primarily business interests. These business interests saw the ability o f school to create 'good' workers, and in doing so, saw such schools as making economical sense. Furthermore, businessmen were increasingly demanding stricter codes o f discipline and higher standards i n their  34  factories. The support o f schools with the above skills and attitudes seems to be i n congruence with business demands at the time. A good example o f the above comes from the work o f Jean Barman (1995). In her research she discusses the impact o f the Powell R i v e r Company in British C o l u m b i a during the 1920s. Powell River schools were directly under the control o f the parent company. The company saw as its goal the retention o f "as many o f the second generation o f males as possible i n the town" (p .331). The Powell River Company encouraged parents to keep their children in school for as long as possible as this would allow the company to pass on the company's values and required skills. The academic content o f the school and extra-curricular activities focused around the company and the company was seen as an integral part o f the social life o f the school and surrounding community. In what may be one o f the first instances o f corporate branding, school sports participants received "letters, sweaters and shields from the school board, i n effect from the company" (p. 331). The Powell River Company was strategic i n their planning, curriculum and rewards i n an effort to lead the students o f the school into the company once they had finished their education. One area o f education that had a distinct business influence was that o f the vocational school. In the 1870s, in England, a few industrialists began to lobby for the creation o f vocational educational institutes, or they began to open vocational schools themselves (Lowe, 1990, p. 10). F o r example, Owens College i n Manchester was endowed by a businessman. The Yorkshire College o f Science in Leeds as founded by Obadiah Nussey, who manufactured textiles, and James Kitson, who was a locomotive engineer. A s well, Firth College i n Sheffield was endowed by the steel magnate o f the  35 same name, and "established scientific chairs linking with local industry" ( L o w e , 1990, p. 11). Similarly, as early as 1860, pressure was being applied by the business community i n the United States for the creation p f vocational schools and i n support o f vocational learning. In 1910, W i l l i a m Head Kirkpatrick developed the "project m o d e l " w h i c h required students to learn by doing (Parkerson and Parkerson, 2001, p. 110). D u e to business pressure the Smith-Hughes b i l l was passed i n the United States i n 1918. The Smith-Hughes A c t called for federal support for vocational education programs (Bierlein, 1993, p. 7). The vocational schools had the potential to provide direct learning o f industry needs. A liberal arts education was undermined as it d i d not engage students i n the type of learning required by the corporate/business world. L o b b y i n g and establishing vocational schools created an alternative for the business community to ensure that students were graduating with the skills desired by business. A s important i n the case o f the Smith-Hughes A c t is acknowledging the ability o f business to affect policy decisions. The Smith-Hughes A c t affected federal policies, but business could be effective at lower o f governance levels (state or provincial) as well. Between 1900 and 1950 in the United States, almost all school board members were "business or professional m e n " and business management was held up as an example for school management to follow (Jones and M a l o y , 1988, p. 78). W i t h school boards actually being occupied mostly by businessmen, it seems obvious that business values and interests would find their ways into schools. That they were men and mostly i f not exclusively white continued the pattern o f class, gender, and racial inequality established earlier i n school development. Management, curriculum, and methodology could all be controlled by the business lobby. W i t h such a heavy concentration o f  36  business interests represented, it would be accurate to suggest that boards worked towards the best interest o f the business community. Another o f the major outcomes o f this time period was the initial use o f readers to promote business interests. The McGuffey readers were read by millions o f Americans during the early 1900s. Their pages were filled with ideas that equated success with honesty and hard work, and that success was "material success" (Callahan, 1962, p. 2). The McGuffey readers were an attempt to portray 'business type' families, with men who went off to work, and women who stayed i n the home, as desirable and their behaviour as productive and beneficial. Similar to the McGuffey readers was the textbook published by W i l l i a m C . Bagley, a leader i n education at the time. H i s textbook was filled with business terminology and was one o f the foundations for trying to shape schools after the corporate model (Callahan, 1962, p. 6). Similarly i n Canada, the imperialist motive o f  I Ihe British was prevalent in textbooks. Stanley (1995) notes how textbooks promoted the British imperial ethic and how students were encouraged to become a part o f the British ['imperial mission" (p. 42). Stanley goes on to further describe how the 1893 geography primer, Round the Empire, was used to instill students with feelings o f patriotism and British imperialist expansion. Stanley discusses how textbooks were used to reveal the  j  :  economic motivations o f imperialism as ethical and natural. Though not the same as sspousing business ethics, the focus on imperialism can be seen to promote the values o f '] j capitalism, the foundation for business interests. I  In 1912 W i l l i a m Wirt, organized apian for Gary, Indiana. W i r t saw the school as i plant and more specifically as a plant thai was not being maximized in its potential. Wirt's plan, known as the Gary Plan, required students to move from room to room  37  throughout the day. Essentially no room would be unoccupied during the school day. The key to such a plan was the desire to ensure the maximization of the school building. With students moving from class to class, the potential usage of the building was increased, and it was hoped that this would increase the quality of education being provided. Sutherland (1995) notes how the same type of factory organization of schools had begun to operate i n Vancouver by the mid-1920s. He states that i n these "departmentalized" schools pupils were required to move from room to room, and how rooms were equipped with specialized resources and the lessons were taught by specialized teachers. The factory with its specialization and efficiency had found its way into the schools, and this model of specialist classrooms and teachers serves as a major influence on educational organization even today.  1950-1990 - Preaching into Practice If the previous century was about building the ideology and structures to support corporate influence, then the period from 1950-1990 was about enacting the ideology on a smaller scale. Corporations were still relatively small by today's standards, and as such, their ventures into the educational realm seemed to be limited to single school projects. The development of business councils was also a new method of promoting business interests into schools. A l s o the position of authority that business, especially white business men had on educational boards had begun to erode. "Parent and community groups, teacher unions, federal and state officials, and the courts" had come to take a larger role and to rival business interests within education" (Jones and Maloy, 1988, p.  38  78). Finally, there was to be another development that had far-reaching and large-scale importance, and that is the development o f the textbook publishing industry. O n the small scale, during the 1970s, partnerships with schools i n the form o f ' Adopt-A-SchooP programs were o f primary importance. Adopt-A-School involved a one-on-one association between a business and a school (Education U S A , Special report, 1980, p. 28). Businesses could be counted on to provide tutors, provide staff development or write curriculum. But these were not the only provisions being offered. In 1974, Burger K i n g began its 'Cities i n Schools' program and gave a $100,000, one time grant to aid programs battling a high drop-out rate (Gothard, 1988, p. 49). A l s o in 1974, Hancock L i f e Insurance i n Boston began a small-scale partnership with Boston's English H i g h School. B y 1977, Hancock employees were re-writing curriculum for the school, conducting workshops regarding to employment, insurance, and journalism (Jones and M a l o y , 1988, p. 79-80). Honeywell, a technology-oriented, Minneapolis-based company began their foray into the educational realm i n 1976 by agreeing to become a part o f the Business and Advisory Commission i n Brighton Massachusetts. Honeywell would not stop there and by 1985 Honeywell employees had adopted more than 40 schools across A m e r i c a (Kaplan, 1988, p. 18-19). I f the 1970s were a warm-up, then the 1980s brought about a raging fire o f small-scale ventures. In 1984 Burger K i n g created a 'Corporate Affairs Department', which would become responsible for developing and implementing educational programs (Gothard, 1988, p. 46). F o l l o w i n g up the creation o f its Corporate Affairs Department, Burger K i n g helped the University o f Wisconsin-Stout construct a fast-food restaurant management course i n 1984 (p. 49).  39 This trend was not confined to the United States; small-scale ventures could similarly be found i n Canada. In 1988, the 'Partners In Education' program was started i n Alberta. Syncrude O i l and 140 other corporate members contributed to the creation o f local steering committees to determine the employment needs o f businesses. They w o u l d also prepare a plan o f action to "create business-education partnerships" (Bloom, 1994, p. 9). A year later at River Oaks Public School i n Oakville Ontario, Apple Canada Incorporated, and Northern Telecom supported the creation o f new curriculum for K - 8 by offering up 240 Macintosh computers and providing 54 new study units and the necessary accompanying teacher training. The end result? M o r e than 700 students had their programs o f study affected. M o r e than 1300 visitors came to the school to view the partnership between business and education (p. 7). A l s o i n 1989, i n Regina, the Royal Bank, with four other major Canadian banks, established the Bank Teller Program that focused on Aboriginal students. The banks developed curriculum and offered funds so that aboriginal students could develop "their academic and j o b specific skills" (p. 13). A related development was the establishment o f committees and business organizations that could use their powerful position i n society to affect educational change. In the United States, the Tri-Lateral C o u n c i l for Quality Education was established in Boston in 1974 and consisted o f numerous business groups and the Boston School Department. The main goal o f the C o u n c i l was to get the business community with its expertise to become a part o f school communities i n an effort to improve education (Education U S A , Special report, 1980, p. 29). Similarly, in 1976 The Business Council on National Issues ( B C N I ) was formed i n Canada. The B C N I was composed o f C h i e f Executive Officers ( C E O s ) o f major Canadian corporations. This Council was very  40  direct about its purpose: to lobby the government for the purpose o f advancing business interests (Calvert and Kuehn, 1993, p .91). The B C N I would eventually announce that there should be the creation o f "national educational standards", that provincial governments should "agree to testing mechanisms to meet the standards", that there should be a greater emphasis placed on science, math and technology and that universities should be transformed into institutions to promote economic developments (p. 91). The evolution o f the textbook industry is another key development during this time period. . W h y are textbooks important in the discussion o f corporate influence in the classroom? A s M i c h a e l Apple (2000) states they signify, through their content and form, particular constructions of reality, particular ways of selecting and organizing that vast universe of possible knowledge. They embody what Raymond Williams called the selective tradition: someone's selection, someone's vision of legitimate knowledge and culture, one that in the process of enfranchising one group's cultural capital disenfranchises another's, (p. 46) Such a tool would have obvious benefits to those who control it. Corporations worked i n partnership with those who wanted ideological control i n schools to produce texts that told the 'truth' in a certain way, and to produce textbooks that would be consumed by a large number o f schools, all o f who are looking for a very specific version o f the truth. First, consider that in 1988 the United States market for textbooks, alone, exceeded $9 billion (Sewall and Cannon., 1991, p. 63). The competition for such a market began in the 1960s when the independent publishing houses soon saw themselves being bought up by huge conglomerations (p.44). A s the small publishers began to be excluded, ' a ' version o f the truth became more standard in textbooks as these new conglomerations sought to maximize their attraction and profits. B y trying to maximize their profits, textbook  41  publishers are forced into a situation where they must respond to their customer's demands. A s discussed previously, these demands reflected middle to upper class spheres o f influence. Textbooks that offer alternatives to this ideological mind-set are not viewed as profitable and thus are not desirable (Apple, 1986). The result is a publishing industry that Creates a specific and limited vision o f the past, present and the future. A l l o f this, then, leads us to the most recent period o f corporate influence i n education.  1990-Today The last time period to examine is from 1990 to the present. M a n y corporations continue to undertake small-scale ventures, however many more corporations are trying to have an impact upon the educational system at a larger level. Still prevalent during this time period are the relatively small ventures o f a business or a group o f businesses working with a single school or a single board. The Royal Bank continued their efforts i n the educational realm i n 1993. The creation of the Royal Bank Employability Skills Profile i n Montreal was an employee recruitment program aimed at university students. Through leaflets the Royal Bank flooded university campuses across Canada, informing students what businesses were looking for from potential employees ( B l o o m , 1994. p. 19). A t the other end o f the spectrum, The Connaught Street School-Tingley's Save Easy program based i n Fredericton, N e w Brunswick focused on grade one students. Whilst i n the program, which was established in 1993, grade one students "develop communication skills by creating store advertisements, greeting customers and completing labels for graphs and charts ( p . 14).  42  The effects o f such programs are various but the breeding o f name-brand familiarity i n the production o f good consumers, and the ability to shape skills are key reasons w h y corporations enter into such programs. This time period also brings new corporate power and new corporate abilities. Perhaps because o f massive funding cuts to education, corporations are finding it easier to access educational institutions. A t the university level, the corporate funding o f research and development is common practice, as are the inclusion o f disclosure agreements signed by the universities. Through the offer o f funds, corporations can determine what topics and questions are studied, and through intricate contracts, these same corporations can prevent the findings from being published i f these findings are unfavorable to the corporation (Balderston, 1990). One such example can be found at the M i c h i g a n Institute o f Technology ( M I T ) that had a long-term relationship with DuPont. Due to a long term commitment to each other the university runs the risk o f "intrusion and control" (p. 37) by the corporation. Though DuPont provides resources to the University as part o f the relationship, they may demand prepublication clearance or the ability to place their own scientists within university labs. Such partnerships may prove financially lucrative, but they come at the potential cost o f silencing the truth and directing research towards specific business/industry interests. Equally new is how corporations are affecting schools at the student-consumer level. In 1997 Twentieth Century-Fox was able to have cafeteria food items named after characters from the movie Anastasia (Klein, 2000, p. 90). Furthermore, Subway, Pizza Hut, and Taco B e l l all have their food items available for sale across the cafeterias o f America (p. 90). However it is the soda pop companies that seem to be the most fervent  43  advocates o f using the schools as exclusive consumers. Pepsi and Coca-Cola both negotiate exclusivity rights when offering funds. Under such deals, only a certain product may be sold on school premises (Klein, 2000, p.91, and Walsh, 1988). Major athletic corporations are doing the same; Reebok and N i k e have also negotiated exclusivity rights at major American universities (Enloe, 2000, p. 239). Under such influence, huge sums o f money are available to schools w i l l i n g to be branded by a corporate logo. Important issues o f representation, identity, research and 'truth' are raised when schools must sign complex agreements i n order to have access to much needed and much desired corporate funds. Yet another influential tool that is becoming more popular and easy for corporations to engage i n , is the actual competition with schools for government funds. M i c h a e l A p p l e (1996) discusses how corporations routinely lobby governments for tax breaks and for special privileges. D u e to the creation o f multinational corporations that can move freely from country to country, such a lobby carries with it heavy pressure. The denial o f tax breaks and privileges could result i n a corporation leaving, and taking with it a plethora o f jobs. The flip side to this'is that by granting tax breaks and special privileges, governments cannot fund programs they once did, and areas such as education invariably suffer, making education even more susceptible to outside corporate influence. During this time schools'desire for the newest and latest technology also brings corporations into the school. Coupled with this technology is the desire to make education more trendy, entertaining and exciting. Channel One, a news program for schools i n the United States is perhaps a prime example o f combining the two. A p p l e (2000) and K l e i n (2000) both discuss the impacts and influences o f Channel One i n the  44 United States. Channel One was established by Whittle Industries, and is a commercially produced television news program. It is currently being broadcast in over ten thousand American schools with a viewing audience of no less than five million students. The program offers schools new technology, specifically a satellite dish, televisions and VCRs in exchange for the news program being broadcast into the schools. Schools must guarantee Whittle Industries that ninety percent of the students enrolled in the school must watch the news program ninety percent of the time. Contracts run from three to five years with the news being broadcast every day. If the school breaks the contract or cannot live up to the terms specified in the contract, the equipment is taken away. However it is not just news that is being broadcast into the schools. The ten minutes of news is packaged with two minutes of commercials. As of October 1989, Whittle Industries had sold more than US $149 million worth of commercials. What Channel One does is illustrate two key points. First, it demonstrates how students become commodities to be sold. The students become a captive audience, watching commercials which corporations bid for. Schools sell student viewers of corporate advertisements in exchange for technology for the school. Furthermore, corporate identity creation is sold as news and the attached commercials are consumed as part of the learning process. The second point demonstrates how cutbacks in education open the door for corporations to offer technology and innovation in exchange for the chance to advertise to a captive and emerging market. When governments cut back on education to try and balance budgets, or when they cut back due to the money spent or lost on corporate incentive programs, schools find themselves unable to provide for their students. This in turn allows corporations to  45 arrive on the scene as saviours offering technology and funding. This funding, however, is not without strings attached. The technology and the finances come with a proviso. Resources are made available only i f the corporation has some say i n the direction, policy, or curriculum o f the school. A final element o f the new form o f corporate interest that relates directly to the above discussion is that o f government spending, and the preferential treatment that governments bestow upon corporations. A prime example comes from Alberta during the early 1990s. In her work A l i s o n Taylor (2001) examines the provincial government o f Alberta and its stance on corporate investment and involvement i n education. Taylor explores how a growing dissatisfaction with education by the corporate sector, as well as their demands for greater allowances to compete i n the opening global market, partnered with dissatisfaction with parents to create the impetus for change within Alberta. Business interest within Alberta worked to sway the middle-class to their side o f the debate. Though not equating the business class with middle class interests, the business class did stand to uphold many o f the privileges that the middle class had come to expect. The Alberta government's cutbacks on education coincided with numerous concessions to businesses interests within the province. The tax structure in particular was altered to give greater advantage to corporations, including income tax, and, i n Alberta, there is no provincial sales tax. Conditions such as these made doing business i n Alberta very attractive. However this comes at a price; to pay for such concessions, cutbacks were made and education was a specific target. In British Columbia much the same has been done, only at a later date. Currently the provincial government has made it a priority to attract new investment to British  47 H a v i n g explored some o f the past and current corporate interests and intervention in education we continue with the past o f globalization. A s with corporate interests, globalization has a long history, though the word used for it has changed.  48  CHAPTER 4 - COLONIZATION TO GLOBALIZATION - THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE IMPORTANCE OF FIRST NATIONS' EDUCATION  The previous chapters discussed briefly the origins o f globalization and the historical roots o f corporate interests in education. Globalization as a phenomenon was discussed as having its history date back to as early as the 1600s, as was the roots o f corporate interests i n education. However the expansion due to trade, the interchange o f cultures and the mixing o f peoples was originally done i n the ' O l d W o r l d ' , that is, Europe and Asia. When this globalization began to spread further, to Africa and the Americas it took a new form. Combined with the profit seeking motive found within business interests, and later corporations, that form would become known as colonialism. T o discuss globalization and corporatization without discussing colonization creates a story without a proper beginning.  Establishing the link between Globalization and Colonization When the first European settlers arrived on the shores o f present day Canada and the United States they were not the first people to set foot on the ' N e w W o r l d ' . The land was already occupied by indigenous populations who had built communities and structures to ensure their own survival. Thus when the first settlers came they would eventually have to learn how to interact with these indigenous populations. It may not have been an original desire to learn new cultures and customs and it may not have been a desire to interact or eventually exploit these populations for profit. B u t the settlers did  49  have a preconceived notion o f why they were coming and what they expected to achieve in this new world. Before proceeding onto the links between colonization and globalization it must be stated here that what follows is only a sampling o f colonial and global experience. It is not all-inclusive. What also must be stated is that colonization has meant different things to different people and the colonial experience experienced by some is not the same as it was experienced by others. In his work, Warner (2000) discusses how settlement types varied, as did colonial relations with indigenous populations between and within colonies. The point is that there are always exceptions to any rule and that unique lived experiences w i l l always exist. However there are also some strong commonalities that must be brought to light. A s early as 1584 Richard Hakluyt, complier and editor for The  Principal  Navigations of the English Nation (1589), presented a document to the British crown establishing why colonies were beneficial to the British Empire. H e makes 23 points i n total as to what could be gained through the establishments o f colonies. What follows are some o f the more salient points to the discussion linking colonization with globalization:  2. The passage thither and home is neither too long nor too short but easy, and to be made twice in the year. 5. ... A n d effectually pursuing that course, we should not only find on that tread o f land... (to whom warm cloth shall be right welcome), and ample vent, but also shall...find out known and unknown islands and dominions replenished with people that may fully vent the abundance o f that our commodity that else w i l l in few years wax o f none or off small value by foreign abundance... 7. ... so as this realm shall have by that mean ships o f great burden and o f great strength for the defence o f the realm and for the defence o f that new seat,... and without great increase o f perfect seaman.  50  11. A t the first traffic with the people o f those parts the subjects o f this realm for many years shall change many cheap commodities o f these parts for things o f high valour [value] there not esteemed... 13. B y making ships and by preparing o f things for the same... and by thousands o f things there to be done, infinite numbers o f the English nation may be set on work, to the unburdening o f the realm with many that n o w live chargeable to the state at home. 14. If the sea-coast serve for making o f salt, and the inland for wine, oils, oranges, lemons, figs, etc... without sword drawn we shall cut the comb o f the French, o f the Spanish, o f the Portingale, and o f enemies and o f doubtful friends... (Wright and Fowler, 1968, p. 23-26).  The Ease of Colonization When the above points are examined more closely the links to globalization can be seen. Point number two suggests that colonization is beneficial due to the short duration o f the actual trips to colonize. It was neither time consuming nor particularly arduous. Today under globalization, time becomes almost irrelevant. R i z v i and Lingard (2000) acknowledge the collapsing o f time and space when they state that "the new business enterprises have the technological means and strategies to demolish old limits o f time, space, language, custom, and ideology" (p. 423). Carroll, Desai, and Magnusson (1996) concur suggesting that "technological developments have increased efficiency o f the most up-to-date plants and made it possible to locate production facilities almost anywhere" (p. 108). The global reality is that it is now very easy to travel and relocate, so much so that time and distance are even a greater non-issue than i n the time o f early colonization.  51  The Need to Locate New Markets Points Five and Eleven from Hakluyt argue the importance o f colonization to locating new markets, new consumers o f goods and more resources. Colonization would allow for greater accumulation o f wealth due to the increased number o f participants, i n terms o f both countries and consumers, and in the increased number o f resources. Crowe (1974) states how important profit was for early traders. Without this profit motivation, it is unlikely that colonies would have spread and further developed, a sentiment shared by both M i l l e r (2000) and Ordahl Kupperman (1992). M i l l e r claims that without the desire for profit and from that desire the want o f new resources, there would have been little incentive to continue the colonization o f the Americas. Whereas Ordahl Kupperman suggests that the underlying goal, for all settlers, was wealth. Patrick Fitzsimmons (2000) points to how economic globalization i n the present is essentially focused on the creation o f new financial markets. McCarthy and Dimitriades (2000) support this notion by suggesting that globalization today has resulted in unlimited choice for consumers. Jan A r t Scholte (2000) describes globalization as a form o f internationalization whereby there is a growth i n international exchange and interdependence. Petras and Veltmeyer (2001) concur by defining globalization as the liberalizing o f national and global markets " i n the belief that free flows o f trade, capital and information w i l l produce the best outcome for growth and human welfare" (p. 11). Globalization like colonization is an attempt to secure more and larger markets, and to be able to supply these markets with products and to be able to use these markets for their resources.  52  The Need for a Sizable Military Point Seven is a justification to increase the British Empire's military in support o f the colonies and i n the face o f the competition that Britain could expect to encounter from rival countries. This point is reinforced by M a n c k e (2002). She observes how for over a century the British government emphasized commercial regulation and the growth o f their navy to defend shipping. The colonies needed the coercive power that strong navies and militaries could provide. The idea that a significant military w o u l d be needed to promote colonial interests can be tied to similar needs in the recent past and in the present. Consider the United States and their activities i n Afghanistan and i n Iraq i n 2002 and 2003. Similarly, Richard Falk (1999) points to the earlier Gulf-War crisis and George Bush Sr.'s advocacy o f a "new world order" (p. 11) as further evidence o f military might and ideological colonization. This type o f colonization is only possible i f there is a military force strong enough to push through ideological domination. Lentner (2000) furthers this point when he suggests that the United States "maintains military hegemony in the sense that its strength ensures that no other state can use political power to restructure the international economy..." (p. 59). The ideological globalization brought through the power o f their military bears an eerie similarity to what Hakluyt is suggesting in 1584. The need for a strong military force to ensure compliance and obedience was a vital part o f the colonial experience. Wars with rival nations and fighting with the indigenous populations required a strong military presence. The C o l d W a r , with its accompanying arms race, and India and Pakistan's nuclear capability race seem to m i m i c  53  the early colonial weapons race. However it is i n the globalization o f American ideology that we see the similar need for a military force to impose this ideology. Carroll, Desai, and Magnusson's (1996) acknowledgement o f A m e r i c a as the new regime o f power that can dominate the world sounds very familiar to a British colonial power that could brag that the sun never set on its empire.  The Religious Imperative Related to the military are the activities o f missionaries. Missionary groups consisted o f religious leaders both ordained and untrained members o f a faith that sought to 'save' indigenous populations from the hedonism that the settlers believed were the root o f problems for indigenous peoples. The two combined to impose an ideological colonization o f indigenous populations. What the military could not do by force, religion tried to do by salvation and preaching. Cardinal (1999), Noriega (1992), Devens (1992), and Jordan (1986) all explore how missionaries and religion played a major role in the ideological colonization o f early indigenous populations. Missionaries tried to convert the indigenous populations to Christianity and i n doing so socialized them into European customs. Indigenous people and their faiths were denigrated and the European faiths exalted. This type o f colonization can be found today i n places such as the South Pacific, where von Werlhof (2001) claims there are more missionaries per capita i n Melanesia (constituted o f Papua N e w Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu). There are numerous other missionary groups today, including, A c t i o n International Ministries (Action International Ministries, n.d.), Missionary Sisters o f Our Lady o f Africa  (Missionary Sisters o f our Lady o f Africa, n.d.), and CBInternationaJ (CBInternational, n.d.). Missionaries continue to be supported around the world by numerous groups at the same cost o f ' c i v i l i z i n g ' indigenous populations.  The Ability to Create New Jobs Point thirteen refers to the ability o f colonization to create jobs. Through the building o f ships to the setting up o f colonies overseas, people would be provided work. The larger that the empire grew the more jobs there were. The new ventures could also create new types o f work to be filled by the w i l l i n g and by the wanting. M o r r o w and Torres (2000) argue that the same can be said about globalization. The changing economies o f the world require an increase i n service, managerial, professional and technical jobs. The very size and distribution o f work promises the creation o f work for those previously denied the opportunity. The O E C D (1999) points to the importance o f knowledge and the expansion o f the knowledge industry due to globalization. The new work required and promised sounds very similar i n premise, though not form, to the type o f j o b creation promoted by Hakluyt.  The Ability to Become More Competitive in World Markets Point Fourteen stresses the importance that colonization could play in regional competition. Colonization could provide benefits to the British Empire with out ever having to resort to violence or resource depletion through war. The colonies could provide strategic advantages for the Mother Country which could i n turn increase the competitiveness o f the Mother Country i n international relations. Crowe (1974) suggests  55  that the competition between companies could be likened to war during colonial times. Reinicke (1998) points to how, in a global setting, a corporation's "competitive position in one country depends significantly upon its performance i n other countries" (p. 12). The shift o f manufacturing and production to developing countries is a well known practice o f corporations as they seek to compete at a higher level in the global market (Welfens, 2000). Competition for consumers, markets and resources is as important today as it was i n early colonial times. The motivations for colonialism suggested by Hakluyt are not the only manner i n which globalization and colonization are linked. The actual treatment o f indigenous populations also provides a strong link between colonialism and globalization.  Slavery - Then and Now Howard Adams (1994) discusses how at the time o f conquest Indians were either slaughtered or made into slaves. Crowe (1974) supports this evidence when he states that in the North slavery was common... "and thousands o f southern Indians were brought to the St. Lawrence colony as slaves" (p. 67). Jean Barman (1986) discusses the evolution of this initial slavery i n the way residential schools created an indigenous population who would accept their position at the bottom o f the social order and who would accept low pay for their work. The slavery o f the early-Americas found an end, to some degree, but under globalization, it could be argued, that slavery has made a strong comeback. K l e i n (2000) points to the work done in sweatshops today across the globe. She points to how a Disney sweatshop in China was paying workers as little as 13.5 cents an hour and how these workers were forced to work overtime. She also points to sweatshops  56 operated by T o m m y Hilfiger, The Gap, and Polo R a l p h Lauren. The National Labor Committee, a non-profit organization committed to defending human and worker rights, describes working conditions in Honduras for Wal-Mart. Such conditions include forced overtime, wages o f 43 cents an hour, denial o f sick days and health care and the use o f humiliation to motivate workers (The National Labour Committee, n.d.). In his work E r i c Schlosser (2002) explores the slave-like conditions o f M e x i c a n workers i n the United States. In Greeley, Colorado Monfort slaughterhouse employs recently immigrated and illegal M e x i c a n workers i n their plant. The wages they receive are poverty-level and they are subject to extreme danger in the meatpacking industry. Today Schlosser reports, Monfort's staff is made up o f about two-thirds o f immigrant workers. They live i n battered trailer parks, or i n shared motel rooms, sleeping on mattresses on the floor. The turnover at the plant is approximately 80 per cent, meaning that few i f any promised benefits need to be paid out. The Monfort plant is viewed as a great success i n the meatpacking industry. It is true that these workers i n Monfort and i n sweatshops do receive some form o f payment, and it true that there exists the possibility o f leaving. However are the conditions faced by sweatshop workers around the world vastly different than the slavery o f indigenous people during colonial times? The evidence would suggest that colonization and globalization, as determined by capitalist economies, share the need for cheap labour and the deplorable treatment o f the powerless.  Assimilation - Then and Now Another aspect o f colonization that can be found in globalization is the notion o f assimilation. This notion needs to qualified i n that under colonization there are those who  57  believe that indigenous populations had a surge o f identity expression and development (Plank, 2001; Ringrose, 2001.). Equally there are those who believe the same o f globalization (Short, 2002). However it can also be said that globalization does promote a certain degree o f assimilation, which w i l l be explored shortly. A s for colonization, Gibbins and Ponting (1986) suggest that during early encounters with settlers and through the relationships developed "it was expected that eventually Indians would shed their native languages, customs, and religious beliefs and become self-sufficient members o f modern Canadian society..." (p. 26). M i l l e r (2000) argues that to some extent this assimilation was achieved through the trade o f goods. Indigenous populations became dependent upon the new goods o f the settlers and i n doing so lost some o f their ability to live as they had before the settlers arrived. Adams (1994) further states that through colonialism, native populations eventually accepted European beliefs at the cost o f their own belief systems and values. M c D o n n e l l (1991) offers even more evidence o f assimilation as she describes how the American federal government moved Native populations from their land i n the Eastern United States to the West i n hopes that such a move would facilitate easy assimilation o f the Native populations. Finally, Jordan (1986) highlights the work o f Diane Longboat who suggests that the education o f indigenous people has been influenced by assimilatory properties. Longboat states that, "education has worked with the long-term objective o f weakening Indian nations through causing children to lose sight o f their identities, history and spiritual knowledge" (p. 260). This assimilation theme is also evident under globalization. Norberg-Hodge (2001) states how "people around the world are being bombarded by media and advertising images that present the modern, western consumer lifestyle as the ideal, while  58  implicitly denigrating indigenous traditions" (p. 182). In his work, Capella (2000) suggests that under globalization there is the deprivation o f "sex, social class, race, community, roots, religion, personal qualities, wealth or poverty" (p. 231-232). Gilbert (1997) concurs with this notion when he suggests that consumption becomes the goal o f assimilation. Through their advertising, marketing and production, corporations are promoting the assimilation o f people towards a consumer identity. The desire to sell as much as possible to everyone compels corporations to stress the similarities between cultures and individuals. In this they actively promote the assimilation o f one group by another. This is not to say that all groups are assimilated by the same corporation or all corporations have the same values, but it is saying that a common set o f beliefs and values is promoted by the business community i n hopes o f acquiring the largest profit they can. K l e i n (2000) speaks o f h o w a ' c o o l ' factor is a goal o f advertisers. It is i n cool factors that people can be pushed towards the same definitions, expectations, and outcomes i n values and beliefs. Finally, Enloe (2000) discusses how N i k e uses a global marketing strategy that calls for the homogenization o f world markets. The assimilation under globalization has changed form, but the pressures o f corporations through advertising and through their products has an assimilatory affect all the same. Before moving on, it is important to acknowledge that there has been resistance to assimilation under both colonization and globalization. It would be highly inaccurate to suggest that assimilatory practices were not challenged. This challenge under globalization is explored more fully in the final chapter o f this thesis. Both Nobler (1997) and Ringrose (2001) discuss how indigenous populations o f North A m e r i c a fought assimilation and struggled to express their beliefs, values and customs.  59  The Use of Indigenous Populations to Further Goals A final point to compare is how through both colonization and globalization the use o f indigenous populations or groups has been used to further the colonizers or globalizers goals. Nobler (1997) suggests that Euro-Americans would have never been able to take control o f the Americas i f it had not been for Indian help. Indigenous involvement in colonial wars and their help in trade routes were essential to early colonizers. Similarly, Ordahl Kupperman (1992) notes how Jacques Cartier used Indian interpreters to ensure that his excursion into the Americas was met with success. B o t h Crowe (1974) and M i l l e r (2000) discuss how this Indian help created a class reliant upon European goods and provided the European settlers a group to act on their behalf i n trading affairs. The beaver trade essentially created a proletariat Indian class, w i l l i n g and able to advance the goals o f the settles due to the rewards that these Indians could obtain for themselves. Today under globalization the same type o f cooperation is required, von W e r l h o f (2001) describes how institutions such as the W o r l d Bank and the I M F first persuaded local governments with money, then used the same motivation on non-governmental organizations to ensure that policies suggested by the W o r l d Bank and the I M F would be accepted, von Werlhof further discusses how the W o r l d Bank is actively involved i n funding indigenous non-governmental organizations which then become indebted to the World Bank and its causes. Nobler suggests that the same type o f favors i n varied areas o f life provided the same sort o f allegiance o f Indian populations towards early colonizers.  60  The New Forms of Globalization Through the above it should be seen that globalization is not a new process rather it is the continuation o f an old and destructive process. There are new aspects to globalization, such as rapid and massive transmission and accumulation o f information, huge capital movement, and a change i n the international division o f labour (Petras and Veltmeyer, 2001). Similarly, Langhorne (2000) argues that technological advances, cross-border transactions and multinational enterprises all are new aspects to globalization. However at their cores, globalization and colonization are more similar than they are different. The reluctance to group the two together is one shared by major corporations, expansionist Western governments, and powerful non-governmental organizations that benefit from a colonial order. Petras and Veltmeyer (2001), Welfens (2000) and Lentner (2000) discuss how organizations such as the W T O , the I M F , and the W o r l d Bank work i n cooperation with powerful nation-state actors, specifically the United States, and with non-governmental organizations ( N G O s ) to maintain a worldwide system o f beliefs that best suits their interests. Colonialism has been studied as a destructive force i n the past and to associate such a destructive force with the present process o f globalization could cause the aforementioned parties considerable problems. In his work, M i c h a e l A p p l e (1993) draws attention to the work o f John Fiske. Fiske states that "discursive power involves a struggle both to construct (a sense of) reality and to circulate that reality as widely and smoothly as possible throughout society" (p. 105). Knoblauch and Brannon (1993) support this sentiment when they state that  61  the corporate, governing, legislative, and judicial institutions of the country speak in massive accord, through their deployment of wealth, property, services and opportunities, for the privileging of some groups over others in the maintenance of a hierarchic scale of socioeconomic well-being (p. 156). Finally, Marker (1999) discusses how the marginalization o f certain discourses allows for complete histories o f a people to be rendered "invisible and silent" (p. 25). Thus with the power that these parties have to define, they have tried to separate globalization from colonization in an attempt to hide the potential destructiveness o f globalization. However, the two cannot be separated for colonization gave birth to what we now call globalization. The two, as it now stands, are inexorably related.  The Need for Self-Determination The history o f colonization is one o f control and domination. Indigenous populations were told where to live, what to do, and what to believe. In this wake o f oppression there is a strong desire, a strong need for indigenous populations to take control o f their lives once again. The need, as seen by indigenous populations is for selfdetermination. This call for self-determination by First Nations is a call that should be shared by other groups being controlled and dominated by globalization. Selfdetermination is seen as a step forward in the maintenance o f indigenous beliefs and values. It should be seen as a step forward for those groups currently oppressed under globalization. The importance o f self determination can be summed up i n the words o f Rudolph Ryser (1984) who states that " i f you have no government, you have no people..." (p. 35). What exactly is meant by self-determination? Sanders (1990) states that " i n international law, the concept o f self-determination encompasses the right o f peoples  62  'freely to determine, without external interference, their political status and to pursue economic, social and cultural development'" (p. 191). The economic, social, and cultural freedom implied in such a definition is what was suppressed under colonization for indigenous populations, and what stands to be suppressed under globalization, as previously discussed. Such a definition is a good start but there needs to be a more ground level contribution to this definition. Taiaiake Alfred (1999) states the crucial need for individual autonomy under indigenous governance systems. Alfred states the need for governance to be decentralized, and small-scale, "among people who share a culture" (p. 26). H e further suggests that there are six principles that indigenous governance is centered upon. First, such governance depends on active participation. Second, it balances layers o f equal power. Third, such governance is dispersed. Fourth, governance is situational. Fifth, it is not coercive, and sixth, indigenous governance respects diversity. The points made by Alfred suggest an intimate, community based governance system. It is a personal and direct way o f communicating and decision-making. It is fluid, not static and it is considerate. A l a n Cairns (2000) adds to the complexity o f self-determination. H e outlines its relationship and response to past failed policy and further argues that it is an inherent right. Furthermore, it offers the chance to provide dignity to indigenous populations, however it has limits for non-land-based Aboriginals. Cairns also points out that selfdetermination can only be partial, and that it requires Euro-Canadian politics to be cooperative, and must involve the ability for individual Aboriginals to leave to the nonAboriginal community. H e states that "self-government w i l l properly remain the most  63  significant goal for Aboriginal people" (p. 114). Cairns' points differ from Alfred's which show that there is not a universal indigenous belief system and that differences amongst nations and individuals must be acknowledged and respected. However, Cairns does share with Alfred the idea o f cooperation and fluidity. D a n Russell (2000) contends that when self-government is discussed, there are three areas o f focus for Aboriginal parties. First, Aboriginal parties believe that they cannot receive fair treatment under the current federal system o f government. Second, aboriginal parties believe they can manage their own communities better, and third, due to their history with their land, Aboriginal people have a "prior and inextinguishable right to govern..." (p. 40-41). Mercredi and Turpel (1993) claim that First Nations self-government means "peoples governing ourselves i n keeping with our traditions and not being ruled by the Minister o f Indian Affairs or the Department o f Indian Affairs" (p. 107). They also state that the motivation behind self-government is simple, it is "self-preservation" (p. 108). The 1995 federal Policy guide on Aboriginal Self-Government states that the Aboriginal population o f Canada "have the right to govern themselves in relation to matters that are internal to their communities, integral to their unique cultures, identities, traditions, languages and institutions, and with respect to their special relationship to their land and their resources" (p. 3). Russell (2000) reinforces this federal government stance when he states that the federal government continues to maintain that Section 35 o f the Constitution A c t (1982) provides the outlines for aboriginal self-government as a legal and inherent right. Once again the idea o f community is expressed, and the need to determine policy at a local level.  64  M e n n o Boldt (1993) compares the plight o f First Nations communities with that o f Blacks i n South Africa, stating that they share the pursuit o f "self-determination for the purpose o f liberating themselves from oppression, racism, and injustice" (p. 8). Selfdetermination could imply a government within a government, a state within a state. However, under globalization, such a sub-state could prove to be virtually ineffective, especially i f supra-national organizations dominate at the state level. The state then would be i n no position to protect indigenous interests at the sub-state level.  Self-Determination in Education Self-determination may mean many different things to indigenous people, however there is agreement amongst indigenous populations that self-determination must be achieved. There also is evidence to suggest that the varied indigenous populations o f North A m e r i c a agree that self-determination i n education is essential. Harold Cardinal (1999) states that "no educational programme can be successful, and it follows, no society can be successful, where the people most directly concerned and affected have no voice whatever i n their own education" (p. 43). Hampton and Wolfson (1994) augment this point when they state that "education for selfdetermination. .. was what our chiefs and elders had i n m i n d when they negotiated treaties" (p. 92). Ponting (1986) states i n his work the importance o f education as a focal point o f self-government. H e points to the results o f band-controlled schools with Indian teachers and Indian elders, and how such schools lowered truancy and drop-out rates. Jordan (1986) furthers the argument by adding that "Indigenous peoples' claims to control education are claims to control the construction o f identity" (p. 261).  65  A key step to self-determination would be the control over curriculum and development o f First Nations' schools. Under globalization such control w o u l d be undesirable as the system moves towards greater similarity. A First Nation demand to control their schools would require the differentiation o f educational policy. This is something that would not be popular under global homogenization. Battiste and Youngblood Henderson (2000) quote Erica-Irene Daes ( U N W o r k i n g Group on Indigenous Populations) as stating "the best practice is to a l l o w Indigenous people to define themselves" (p .41). A First Nations' definition o f themselves is vital to the educational process, not only within First Nations' education, but also for non-First Nations' understanding. T o be called the names they have given themselves, instead o f the Western constructions, to be able to define what is sacred, what is customary, and what is relevant, is crucial i n the development o f First Nations' education. Part o f this definition needs to be the inclusion o f First Nations' interests in books, and studies found in both the First Nation community and the outside communities. Jon Reyhner (1988) emphasizes that exclusion from textbooks o f First Nation interests is due to the white, middle-class control o f textbooks (p. 97). This exclusion subverts attempts at a positive construction o f a First Nations' identity, as the control is not with the people themselves. The work o f Apple (1990), Barman (1986), C h o m s k y (2000) and Goldthorpe (1997), among others has, claims that education has been used to foster certain beliefs and values at the expense o f others. Their work suggests that education has been used to maintain a system o f power and privilege for the elite while oppressing the majority. Indigenous populations have been a part o f that oppressed majority, and the need to take  66  control o f their own education is vital i f indigenous beliefs, values and customs survive.  First Nations' Educational Beliefs Self-determination leads to indigenous educational beliefs. It leads here for two reasons. The first is that i f self-government and self-determination are to be achieved, then First Nations beliefs must be fostered and developed i n a l l educational settings. Noriega (1992) states that "the system by which Native Americans are purportedly 'educated' by Euroamerica has from the onset been little more than a means by which to supplant indigenous cultures" (p. 373). Bressette (2000) quotes Egerton Ryerson, the C h i e f Superintendent o f Education for Upper Canada i n 1847 who stated that "the goal o f residential schooling is to be the preparation o f the Aboriginal male student to become farmers and farm workers while girls were taught to be house keepers" (p. 15). I f this is to stop, i f education is to lead to the strengthening o f indigenous values, beliefs and system, rather than be used as a tool o f negative socialization against indigenous populations, then First Nations populations must have control o f education. T h e second reason that it leads us here is that education should be an expected area o f indigenous control. Russell (2000) suggests that education, amongst other current provincial responsibilities should be placed under the authority o f First Nations' control. Essentially many o f the services currently provided by the provinces would be handed over to First Nations' governments. The values o f education that are found within indigenous systems are vital in that they offer an alternative to the dominating corporate-global world view. They are also  67  vital in that they were specifically targeted under colonization. Under colonization such beliefs were deemed inferior and in need o f replacement (Adams, 1994; Cardinal, 1999; Littlefield, 1993). Today, as has been discussed previously, this continuation o f colonization is apparent i n the promotion o f common consumer values and beliefs. In his book, E r i c Schlossler (2002) describes the great pride that M c D o n a l d ' s takes i n creating the same tasting French fries across the globe. From Canada to H o n g K o n g , the fries taste exactly the same. The cause for concern is that corporations would extend this beyond food to include people. W a l l y Olins (2000) describes h o w major corporations try to appeal to as many individuals as possible, and how globalization has brought about the increase i n major worldwide brands whilst diminishing the total number o f brands i n worldwide markets. The end result is a greater homogenization o f products leading to a greater homogenization o f choices leading to a greater homogenization o f people. In the face o f the bombardment o f corporate advertisement, "people seek to establish identities as consumers i n the face o f the large-scale and anonymous rationalization o f m o d e m industry, trade and bureaucracy" (Gilbert, 1997, p. 68). Under such pressure, indigenous desires to remain unique and their desire to express their uniqueness has difficulty surviving. Gregory A . Smith (1992) discusses the development o f an industrial/modern worldview. The elements found within this worldview are closely related to, i f not the same as the worldview o f globalization. Smith contends there are four points to an industrial/modern worldview. They are: 1) Because the universe is orderly, mechanical, and predictable, the best way to know and understand it is to approach it objectively, utilizing the intellectual tools of rationalism and empiricism. Once we have mastered its mechanical principles, we will become  68  capable of controlling the natural world in ways that advance our own welfare. 2) Society, like the natural world, functions as a machine in which individuals are the basic unit. Individuals can make the greatest contribution to the well-being of society if they are allowed to develop personal talents free from the restrictions imposed by traditional forms of human association. 3) Society, like the natural world, is subject to human control. This control is most effective when societies are centrally organized. 4) Given our ability to understand and control both the natural world and society, humans can anticipate advancing toward ever increasing levels of material comfort and security, (p.20) The above values system is the system that has tried to replace First Nations values systems both i n the past and today. It is the same system that is trying to replace other indigenous values systems today. The colonial mentality gave rise to the global mentality which i n turn promotes many colonial-type beliefs. First Nations education is so important because the lessons we should have learned through their history should be informing our actions today. The points that Smith describes are the current, dominant worldview and they are a part o f a system based on injustice and oppression. First Nations' educational beliefs offer an important alternative to such views. In the promotion and distribution o f First Nations' educational beliefs an alternative to the industrial order is created. What, then, constitutes First Nations educational beliefs? Before answering the question it must be stated that there is no consensus, no universal First Nations' belief system (Battitse and Youngblood Henderson, 2000, p. 35). Each Nation is unique i n its history and culture, and that to speak o f a total First Nations' educational system would be gravely unjust. However, there are common underlying themes, notions, concepts, and values that can be explored when discussing education. A d a m s (1994) states that such beliefs are founded i n the traditional values o f his people. The values are "bravery, honesty, humility, love, respect, truth, and w i s d o m " (p. 25). Further, The National Indian  69  Brotherhood (1972) states that educational values include pride, understanding and l i v i n g in harmony with nature. They continue by saying that desired educational attitudes include self-reliance, respect, generosity, and wisdom. Based on the above sets o f values and attitudes I have chosen five areas o f concern due to their particular relevance, globalization and corporatization, and the world vision that the global-corporate partnership is moving towards. I have identified five key concepts to First Nations' education and w i l l discuss their significance to education, and how they are affected b y globalization. The five concepts are 1) a sense o f community, 2) the development o f an oral tradition, 3) a belief in the interdependence o f society, 4) the construction o f knowledge, and 5) the development o f identity. These five elements react i n various ways to the major concepts o f globalization as listed above, and these interactions have a large part i n determining the shape o f First Nations' education.  A Sense of Community The first concept crucial to a view o f First Nations' education is the notion o f community. Indian cultures are defined primarily in terms of duties and obligations to the collectivity. The collective well-being of the band/tribe was placed above individual self-interest. Individuals had their purpose and interest in the community. Members of the community were expected to subordinate individualism, to respect the customs and traditions of the community. Everyone was expected to work for the welfare of the community. (Boldt, 1993, p. 150)  Similarly, Battiste and Youngblood Henderson (2000) describe that " M i ' k m a w thought values the group over the individual" (p. 55). This belief i n the community and its w e l l being, at first, sounds quite compatible with globalization and the idea o f one  70  world community. Globalization, as based on capitalism however, is a system o f competition based on individualism. Individuals, not communities, are awarded benefits for achieving success, whether it is in the educational, political or economic realm. Reinicke (1998) suggests that the global community depends on local communities accepting its (the global community's) version o f the common good. M c C a r t h y and Dimitriades draw from the work o f Jerome Karabel who suggests that today's globalized world is an "era o f unbridled wealth, won i n large measure for the elite through i n part divide-and conquer strategies and the triumph o f resentment and its ability to dictate public policy" (p. 201). A community, i n a global/corporate world order consists o f individuals belonging to a ruling elite and the ruled masses. Carroll, Desai and Magnusson (1996) draw attention to these power differences when they explore how corporations use their new found mobility as leverage i n securing the best deal for their companies at the expense o f other interest groups within a host country. The authors also discuss how international organizations, such as the United Nations, the W o r l d Bank, and the International Monetary F u n d have helped the United States maintain a position o f dominance i n the global community. The concept o f community as used by First Nations peoples, suggest a unique and spiritual bond with the immediate community, including the extended family. M a r k e r (1999) quotes K e i t h Basso who explores how Apache elders use stories to "promote beneficial changes i n people's attitudes toward their responsibilities as members o f a moral community" (p. 24). Boldt (1993) states that Indian "societies did not differentiate power into formal specialized institutions" and h o w the "tribal community performed all o f the political, social, spiritual, and economic functions i n an undifferentiated fashion"  71 (p. 18). This localized and non-hierarchical notion o f community runs counter to the very essence o f the global community, which tries to break ties from the local, and make ties larger, whilst promoting some into authority positions at the expense o f others. A s taught to First Nations' children, 'Community' is not compatible with 'global community', and the challenge w i l l be for students to hold onto the importance o f the local community, when they are surrounded by the global. The very idea o f community is changing and perhaps even disappearing. The community idea relates strongly to identity, w h i c h w i l l be discussed later on. A consumer identity is arising due to the loss o f the community within a global society. People must now turn to buying 'things' to feel as i f they are part of a Collective - a collective based on the acquisition and collection o f things ( A l d r e d , 2000, p. 339). It would seem that the sense o f community is diminishing, and i n a culture consumed with consumerism, those who do promote the community come i n direct conflict with corporate aims.  The Development of an Oral Tradition Related to the notion and significance o f community is the development o f an oral tradition among First Nation communities. "In a society w i t h an oral tradition, Indian elders played the essential and highly valued function o f transmitting the tribal customs and traditions o f the younger generations" (Boldt, 1993, p. 19). M a r k e r (2000) continues this line o f thought when he states that "the native sense o f past and present is founded on a tradition that is oral, not textual" (p. 83). One o f the key aspects o f an oral tradition is the transmission o f culture. Through stories and legends, a culture is passed onto the next generation, grounded i n morality and spirituality.  72  Corporations work in an environment o f social programmes, political legitimacy, and institutional and regulatory frameworks (Tussie and P i a Riggirozzi, 2001). Green (1997) cites Robert R e i c h who discusses how corporations can and do move anywhere i n the world, have multiple bases o f operation and have international workforces. The type o f society that this creates is one which depends upon Western notions o f organization and structure. A n oral tradition can change and is difficult to pinpoint i n origins, accuracy, and analysis (Bowers, Vasquez, and Roaf, 2000, p. 186). The elusiveness o f oral traditions proves problematic to a system dependent upon contracts and written proof. In a society consumed with science and exacts, oral tradition is elusive and unfixed, and because o f this is a threat to the global ways o f producing and retrieving knowledge. "Print posits a reality that is separate from the reader and thus reinforces the form and consciousness associated with the autonomous form o f individualism" (Bowers, Vasquez, and Roaf, 2000, p. 186). A n oral tradition is based on the quality o f interaction as a story is passed on from one generation to the next. This type o f interaction is as important as the story itself. The danger in an oral history is that it is not quantifiable, it is not measurable, something which globalization demands. This is an area o f study that w i l l have further exploration when the discussion turns to knowledge. The two types o f knowledge become necessarily i n conflict because o f the elusiveness o f the spoken word. A s an alternative to the dominant, oral tradition cannot be tolerated.  73  A Belief in the Interdependence of Society The third major emphasis found i n First Nations' education is the idea o f interconnectedness and interdependence. Related to this notion is the idea o f spirituality and respect o f the natural world. I w i l l use two questions to illustrate this point. They are 'what should we do?', and 'what can we do?' The question asked is different i n First Nations' communities, than the question asked within the dominant global community. The question asked is different because o f the belief i n interdependence and spirituality found i n First Nations' education. In the movie Jurassic Park (Kennedy, M o l e n , and Spielberg, 1993) the creator o f the park is having lunch w i t h the scientists and children he has invited to tour the park before opening it to the public. In the discussion that follows, Dr. Ian M a l c o l m exposes the difference between the interconnected/spiritual v i e w o f First Nations' people and the unconnected/scientific way o f thinking o f the global community. He talks about how the scientists who were creating the dinosaurs from D N A fragments only asked ' i f this could be done'. D r . M a l c o l m then discusses how the question they should have been asking is ' i f this should be done'. The question that the two perspectives answer is different because First Nations' people have "time honored values o f respect, reciprocity, and cooperation [which] are conducive to adaptation, survival, and harmony. Native people honor the integrity o f the universe as a whole [italics added] living being - an interconnected system" (Kawagley and Barnhardt, 1999, p. 127). The emphasis i n First Nations' education is the harmony and the interdependence o f all living things, whether they are human or not. Thus the question they ask is 'should this be done?' Whereas the "Eurocentric approach"  74  undermines this unity and this responsibility (Battiste, and Youngblood Henderson, 2000, p. 40). Western sciences, and technology have their primary motive i n profit, and continually ask the question 'what can we do next?' thus neglecting the long-term effects o f their actions (Kawagley and Barnhardt, 1999, p. 133). M a r k e r (1999) illustrates this point when discussing L u m m i salmon fishing. For the L u m m i , their identity is "entwined with an ancient relationship to the salmon" (p. 20). The fish are necessary for economic survival, but as important is the salmon's contribution to the cultural survival o f the L u m m i people. Conversely, Marker discusses how the white community speaks o f the salmon in strictly economic terms. There is a hierarchy i n the mainstream West that justifies the usage o f all other life forms, o f all resources, as long as they benefit humankind. W e can take and take, and then take some more, because we are at the top o f the hierarchy, the most intelligent, leaders o f the world. T h e global/corporate perspective is one based on the premise that the world was made for us, us being people (Quinn, 1992, p. 61). Accordingly, global corporations act that way, producing at any cost. T h e O E C D (1999) illustrates this when they suggest that the next level o f advancement after the Human Genome Project is "most likely beyond our predictions or imagination" (p. 87).The corporate/global world view holds the next step as sacred and is always trying to push innovation further, sometimes no matter what the costs. Klitgaard's (2000) w o r k highlights this last point when he discusses how the extinction o f plants and animals is due to habitat destruction which is done to allow the further growth, both social and economic, o f humankind.  75  Alternatively, First Nations' education stresses "that the earth and the universe are built upon the premise o f cooperation and interdependence" (Kawagley and Barnhardt, 1999, p. 128). From a First Nations' perspective, the world is not entirely for us. W e , meaning people, live i n a community where we are responsible for a l l the members o f the community There is a reciprocal relationship where we are served and serve the other members o f the community.  The Construction of Knowledge The next key educational value to be discussed is the concept o f knowledge. It is a wide based area that needs to be included when First Nations' and global conceptions o f education are to be explored. The first such area is how knowledge is actually used within the two cultures. In a global society knowledge is becoming a commodity. Those who have it and can attain it, reap the benefits. "Industries based on increasing returns lend themselves to 'natural monopolies' where markets are unstable and perfect price competition does not occur" (Schwartz, K e l l y , Boyer, 1999, p. 85). The idea o f the 'natural monopoly' should be concerning. Knowledge is not shared, nor is it used to necessarily benefit all. It is collected and kept to ensure the advantage o f the elite. That information may filter its way down i n the form o f consumer products, but at the heart, it is meant for the benefit o f the few. When one o f the supposed positives o f a global community is the increased accessibility to knowledge, the lack o f sharing seriously undermines the overall affect o f the supposed benefit. It is easy to become suspicious o f what knowledge is being shared and why. A s troublesome, is what knowledge is not  76 being shared and why. I f knowledge is collected i n monopoly fashion, then the few benefit at the expense o f the many. This point can be expanded to the competitive nature o f acquiring knowledge under globalization. With knowledge becoming a resource, it necessarily takes on a competitive aspect in globalization, which seeks to increase advantage. R e i c h (1997) discusses the competition between producers i n various countries and the general dynamics found i n the corporate/global world order. M o r r o w and Torres (2000) discuss how this competition leads from knowledge and encompasses production, labour, natural resources and political conditions. Corporations are i n a constant mode o f becoming more competitive and through this competition more profitable. A n y corporation i n the automobile industry, for example, w i l l be trying to acquire as much knowledge as possible with regards to the multifaceted market. The sooner they have knowledge, the better. The more knowledge they have, as compared to their competitors, the better. Capitalism, which globalization stands upon requires competition and that w i l l certainly find its way to knowledge. In contrast is the First Nations' v i e w on the use and nature o f knowledge. A r l e n e Stairs (1995) discusses how Inuit knowledge "is a shared resource acquired cooperatively" (p. 142). Karen Swisher and Donna Deyhle (1992) support Stairs when they use Anthony B r o w n ' s study on the Cherokee. The study found that "Cherokee children [tended] to be more cooperative and less competitive than white children (p. 89). The First Nation use o f knowledge requires the sharing o f it with the community. Knowledge w i l l be used to benefit everyone. It is not something to be hoarded and used for the few. The concepts o f community and interdependence, discussed earlier, are  77  important factors i n how knowledge is used within First N a t i o n ' s cultures, and how it is acquired through education. Furthermore, there is a cooperative aspect in gaining knowledge. Knowledge can still be seen as a resource, but it is not used i n competition with others, rather it can be used i n cooperation to the benefit o f a greater number. The specialization o f knowledge found i n a global system requires knowledge be sought out on an individual basis because this knowledge is a resource which can then be used to benefit the individual. This is not the case under a First N a t i o n s ' educational ethos. Knowledge can be acquired through cooperation, and can be used for the benefit o f all. Knowledge is not a commodity that can be sold, rather it is an experience that is too be shared. A second aspect to knowledge is the form it is expressed i n and the way it is acquired generally. Knowledge under a global system is abstract and non-related to the student. It is also specialized, compartmentalized, and standardized (Kawagley and Barnhardt, 1999, p. 121). In discussing the forms o f knowledge, Battiste and Youngblood Henderson (2000) discuss how the Eurocentric v i e w o f knowledge, w h i c h is widely found i n a global society, stresses "precision and certainty", continually questing for universal definitions (p. 36-37), and trying to categorize information (p. 35). Kawagley and Barnhardt (1999) add to these points by stating that "Western science and education tend to emphasize compartmentalized knowledge which is often decontextualized and taught in the detached setting o f a classroom laboratory" (p. 118). They further state that " i n Western terms, competency is based on pre-determined ideas o f what a person should know, w h i c h is then measured indirectly through various forms of 'objective' tests" (p. 118). Knowledge takes on an abstract form that is not related to  78  the student's lives. Knowledge is necessarily abstract to prevent the masses from gaining an account o f what is happening directly to oneself, i n their own environment. Political and environmental issues are shown as 'over there' rather than 'right here', to the affect that students do not understand how complex events impact upon their lives and h o w they can impact upon complex events. In comparison, First Nations' education stresses the opposite. M a r k e r (2000) quotes from V i n e Deloria who suggests that tribal people "require that ethical systems be related directly to the physical world and real human situations, not abstract principles..." (p. 403). For First Nations' educators, the "process o f understanding is more important than the process o f classification" (Battiste and Youngblood Henderson, 2000, p. 37). First Nations' education also stresses the importance o f experience o f the natural world i n learning (Kawagley and Barnhardt, 1999, p. 118). The First Nations' approach to education recognizes science as limited and not as infallible, something w h i c h it is becoming in a global society (Kawagley and Barnhardt, 1999, p. 133). The value placed on experience brings the student i n direct contact w i t h the world, and they can see the relevance o f the world to them and i n turn can see h o w their actions, beliefs and attitudes affect the world i n which they live in. A s stated above, a global society needs to make the world an abstraction to a l l o w for the injustices found within it. Related to this is the specialization found i n the global society. Specialization allows for the few to speak on an issue, trying to convince the rest o f us that problems or policies are too abstract and too demanding for those who are not a part o f the specialized area. Specialization allows for more decisions and more policies to go unquestioned, as the majority o f civilization does not have the information or  79  understanding to take part in the dialogue (Chomsky, 2000). Once again, this is directly opposite to First Nation's education that is based on the collectivity, and supports collective decision-making (Kawagley and Barnhardt, 1999, p. 121).  The Development of Identity The final aspect o f First Nations educational values and beliefs to be presented here has to deal with identity and the changes found i n a modern world. Identity is a complex issue and w i l l only be briefly dealt with here because o f that complexity. There are numerous factors to consider when discussing identity, not the least o f w h i c h is resistance to outside influences. The creation o f identity is not simple and I d o not wish to portray it as such, nor do I wish to suggest that people are passive vessels w a i t i n g to be filled up by corporate and global identity creators. They are not. However, for this discussion it is important to understand that corporations do want to affect identity i n some manner. For the purpose o f this study there are two salient points regarding identity. The first is the effect o f computers/technology on First Nations' identity. The second is the affect o f a consumer society on identity. W i t h regards to computers, Bowers, Vasquez, and R o a f (2000) discuss how the purchase and use o f them contribute to a consumer lifestyle and a technological appreciation o f life (p. 191). They also discuss h o w computers though useful, cannot capture the true essence o f identity, such as a H o p i Katsina dance. Chomsky (1999) discusses how technology, especially i n the forms o f computers and the Internet have been "unleashed' i n the current corporate/global world order (p. 65-66). Similarly, the O E C D (1999) notes the "tremendous" growth o f  80  Information Technology (IT) and digital networks as does Reinicke (1998) who sees technology as "a rich source o f new products and services" (p. 16). The global age represents a challenge to First Nation's identity because the means o f expression are changing. This relates to the oral tradition favored by First Nations. Identity cannot be expressed as fully or as richly on a screen as it can i n person. The ability to share customs and rituals is an important part o f First Nations' identity and a global society that is ever altering the form o f such expression could cause severe damage to the expression o f First Nation identity. Related to this point is the commercialism o f First Nation identity. G i v e n the current consumer society we are i n , it should not be a surprise that First N a t i o n s ' spirituality and identity have become available i n the marketplace. L i s a A l d r e d (2000) brings light o f the travesties that are plaguing First N a t i o n identity i n a consumer society. She notes that "mass quantities o f products promoted as 'Native A m e r i c a n sacred objects' have been successfully sold by white entrepreneurs to a largely non-Indian market (p. 329). She further notes that this consumerism results i n "Native A m e r i c a n s ' spiritual traditions [becoming] products to be playfully sampled through consumption, ignoring Native Americans themselves as three-dimensional people set within historical, socioeconomic, and political relations o f oppression" (p. 339). Both Gilbert (1997) and G i t l i n (2002) discuss h o w consuming becomes a means o f identity creation. In his work, Gilbert cites M i l l e r who believes that consumption o f corporate products helps to alleviate the alienation faced by people i n a modern institutionalized world. First N a t i o n identity is looked upon as a 'trendy' consumer good that can be displayed i n a collection o f things or workshops. B y commercializing First Nations' identity, the people (Nation  81  members) themselves are marginalized. The true identity o f a Nation is not a concern, only the commercial aspect o f an identity is needed. The importance o f understanding the evolution o f globalization and the affects o f colonization and globalization upon First Nations cannot be understated. The challenges that indigenous populations have today have their roots i n colonization. Globalization, as an extension o f colonization poses problems very similar to those encountered by the indigenous populations during early colonial times. There are lessons to be learned and patterns to be observed. However the most important part o f including the discussion on First Nations' educational values is what such a discussion can mean for tomorrow. Such a framework for viewing the world offers an alternative to the current w o r l d order. The ideas o f respect and interdependence and spirituality found within such a framework can serve as the basis for offering resistance to the current corporate-global partnership. I f education is to be a site o f dissent and rebellion then such alternatives must be incorporated into the studies o f all students. The possibilities offered through First Nations educational values need to find their way into a l l levels o f education. The inclusion o f such beliefs and values requires a shift i n current thinking i n many educational institutions across the world. Such change may not be met with wide acceptance, but it is a struggle worth undertaking. First Nations' educational values need to be protected so that First Nations' students c w i l l be protected, but beyond First Nation students, such values could act as a cure for what ails the current system. Such values, i f spread and shared offer solutions to the current problems resulting from the corporate/global dominance found within education.  82 Whether it is at the primary level or the university level, alternatives are a key to advancing the integrity o f educational systems worldwide.  83  CHAPTER 5 - COCA-COLA CAMPUS  The previous chapter discussed the need to create alternatives for educational practice. First Nations educational values are one possible alternative. They are not the extent o f alternatives, but the values found within First Nations' belief systems are promising in terms o f creating hope for a different type o f education. Such alternatives are not found in this chapter. Rather than striving out to find a new form, instead o f trying to be bold, the University o f British C o l u m b i a chose to accept the dominating world order and the requirements that such an order places upon education. What follows is an account o f the University's decision and the consequences it has for education.  In 1995 The University o f British Columbia ( U B C ) and The A l m a M a t e r Society o f The University o f British Columbia ( A M S ) entered into a contractual agreement with Coca-Cola Bottling L i m i t e d ( C C B ) . The deal was one o f the first agreed upon i n Canada, and it would gain significance due to exclusivity and confidentiality clauses. U B C maintained that "releasing the documents i n question w o u l d harm the economic interests o f the university." U B C also cited Section 21 o f the Freedom o f Iriformation A c t , " w h i c h protects third parties in such disputes, claiming that any revelations concerning the deal could cause Coca-Cola financial hardship, as well as Section 14, which protects information subject to solicitor-client privilege" (Martin, 1997). A M S and C o c a - C o l a concurred citing the need to keep the information exclusive due to the nature o f competition faced by C o c a - C o l a (Carrigg, 2001). A t the outset o f the contract no  84  information was available. H o w much the University was receiving, what provisions were required, and who were the main benefactors o f the contract were a l l unknowns. T w o sides emerged from the initial signing o f the contract; those i n favor and those against.  Initial Reactions to the Agreement For some students on campus, the contract was an inevitable sign o f things to come and warranted no significant outrage. Andrew L a x , a third year C o m m e r c e student stated that "the presence o f private corporations on campus is inevitable and profitable. In the long run, we'll be able to have the equipment and facilities we need and i f it means we have only one choice o f cola, so be it" (Longworth, n.d.). Proponents o f this type o f v i e w could point to the enormous amount o f resources that corporations had to offer. Proponents suggest that "corporate partners bring new sources o f money needed to fill the vacuum created by the drastic cuts i n government funding and public money to universities" (Huberman-Arnold and Arnold, 2001). In 1990, 135 Transnational Corporations each sold in excess o f $10 billion (Stromquist, 2000). The money they had and the money they thought they could further earn brought them to schools and universities. K l e i n ' s (2000) research describes the impact o f major fast-food chains on the American educational landscape. She notes that these chains compete directly with 13 percent o f cafeterias in the United States. Specifically, Subway supplies food to 767 schools; Pizza Hut to 4,000 schools; and Taco B e l l to 20,000 schools. S u c h lunch programs benefit schools, either in terms o f commission or through initial payment from  85  the corporation to secure a contract. These agreements also benefit corporations who receive valuable customer exposure and the profits associated with the sales o f their products. Further examples include Nabisco Foundations' promise in 1989 to spend $35 million over five years to promote 'risk taking' i n educational restructuring, and General Electric who pledge the same amount o f money to support school reforms i n the United States (Bradley, 1989) This side o f the reaction sees that the money is available, that corporations are willing, and that U B C , to further its goals, should be w i l l i n g to engage i n corporate partnerships.  The other side o f the argument expressed serious concerns that the C o c a - C o l a contract was the beginning o f a frightening trend towards increased corporate control o f U B C campus life" (Longworth, n.d.). M i k e Golbach, a third-year film student, stated that: UBC's relationship with the corporate establishment is a symptom of a larger disease called poverty.. But, it's hard for me to understand why they can't find other ways to generate revenue...University is about developing your identity, but how can we learn to think for ourselves if Coke is allowed to make decisions for us? (Longworth, n.d.) This side o f the argument points to the potential ramifications o f universities being involved in corporate partnerships. For example, the confidentiality agreement has proven to be a dangerous means o f censorship as used by corporations i n the past. K l e i n (2000) reports on three separate incidences that corporations have tried to use confidentiality clauses to suppress research done by universities. She discusses h o w D r . Betty Dong, a medical researcher at the University o f California at San Francisco ( U C S F ) and her relationship with Boots pharmaceutical; D r . N a n c y Olivieri and her relationship with the University o f Toronto and the drug company, Apotex; and D r . D a v i d K e r n ' s  86  relationship with B r o w n University i n Rhode Island and a local textile factory. In a l l three cases the businesses used clauses in the contract and the threat o f legal action to suppress findings that would have,lost their company money or reported that their product was dangerous. This side argues that the ideological control that can be acquired by corporations through their donations is substantial and it is dangerous to education (Apple, 2000). In the case o f U B C the strongest reaction came from Stanley T r o m p , a reporter for the Ubyssey, the University's student paper. In 1995 Tromp asked university officials to disclose the payments that were being made to U B C as part o f the contract. U B C , the A M S , and Coca-Cola refused. Consequently, i n the fall o f 1996 Tromp filed a Freedom of Information (FOI) request that was rejected by the Office o f the Information and Privacy Commissioner. Though defeated initially, Ubyssey appealed the ruling through the B . C . Supreme Court (Carrigg, 2001). Scott Hayward, a Ubyssey spokesperson at the time o f the lawsuit argued that, "previously, universities had to be accountable for their financial dealings... But now that corporations have bought i n , there seems to be two sets o f rules... The problem is we can't discuss whether the deal is appropriate because we can't see the details, we don't even know how much money the university w i l l make" (Martin, 1997). The appeal o f Ubyssey would eventually be successful, leading to the opening o f the contract to the public i n 2001. T o understand what exactly is being put at risk through such an agreement it is necessary to examine the contract's finer details. It is this examination that follows.  The Contract Between UBC, AMS and CCB The total for the 10 year deal was $8.5 m i l l i o n (Sit, 2001). The money received by the University went towards a number o f different projects. The four m a i n projects can be found on the U B C website. They are: 1) $2.4 m i l l i o n to the A M S , student athletics and event sponsorships; 2) $640,000 to improve disability access; 3) $525,000 allocated to the U B C Library i n 2000 and; 4) $100,000 for U B C ' s most recent Open House (as o f M a y 29, 2001) (University o f British Columbia, 2001, UBC Releases details of CocaCola Sponsorship Agreement). Though the above may seem beneficial to U B C and its students, the true nature o f the contract lies i n the finer details.  The Need for Confidentiality One o f the most prominent aspects o f the contract is the warning printed at the top o f each page. The contract makes explicit that the details o f the contract are confidential. The warning reads as such: " B y the terms o f this agreement, it is a breach o f contract to disclose the contents. Inducing a breach o f contract is actionable" (Agreement A m o n g the University o f British Columbia and the A l m a Mater Society o f the University o f British Columbia and C o c a - C o l a Bottling L t d . , 1995, p. 1). That such confidentiality is demanded causes questions. First and foremost is, why? The answer o f which may be found at the University o f Wisconsin at Madison. In 1996 Reebok was negotiating a deal that included a non-disparagement clause w i t h the University. Under such a clause university members (students and professors) would be unable to criticize Reebok while the contract was i n effect or for a "reasonable" amount o f time after the contract had expired. The University o f Wisconsin at M a d i s o n  89  The Exclusion of Student Voices Related to the above point is that the agreement was made without any sort o f direct student representation. The contract states that " U B C , A M S and C C B have agreed that for the term o f this Agreement..." (Agreement A m o n g the University o f British Columbia and the A l m a Mater Society o f the University o f British C o l u m b i a and C o c a C o l a Bottling Ltd., 1995, p. 2). A s with the confidentiality aspect the lack o f student voices is concerning. The protestation o f students could have seriously undermined the negotiating process and the overall deal as it did at the University o f Wisconsin at Madison. Student participation can be controversial and take unexpected turns. K l e i n (2000) points to an instance i n Georgia for such an example. She makes note o f Greenbriar H i g h School, which i n an effort to secure $500 from C o c a - C o l a decided to have a ' C o k e ' Day. A l l the students were to wear C o c a - C o l a t-shirts, and lectures were given throughout the day by Coca-Cola executives, f l o w n i n especially for the occasion. The plan, however, did not go exactly as desired. M i k e Cameron, a lone high school student, showed up to school wearing a Pepsi t-shirt. Cameron was promptly suspended. M i k e Cameron's story illustrates the difficulty that corporations could encounter w h e n working with students. The unpredictable reactions o f students can be detrimental to business plans. In an effort to avoid such difficulties, U B C , A M S and C o c a - C o l a excluded them from direct representation. The contract never makes any mention o f student representation or any mention o f student feedback. For a contract o f over fifty pages between a university and a corporate partner, it seems odd that students are so w e l l hidden.  90  The Branding of UBC with Coca-Cola Logos and Values The next point o f interest i n the contract appears i n Section 1.1. Subsection ' f states that '"Authorized Cups" means unless otherwise agreed, the disposable cups used to serve C o l d Beverage Products o f C C B , illustrating one or more o f the C o k e M a r k s only, and supplied by C C B to U B C , A M S , or Designated Purchasers..." (Agreement A m o n g the University o f British Columbia and the A l m a Mater Society o f the University o f British C o l u m b i a and Coca-Cola Bottling Ltd., 1995, p.3). Related to this point is the clause in Section 4.9, Subsection'd' which states that: UBC and/or AMS shall dispense all such Competitive Products in Authorized Cups, provided CCB has confirmed that such Competitive Products may be so served, and otherwise shall dispense such Competitive Products in unmarked cups and vessels provided by CCB to UBC and/or AMS. (Agreement Among the University of British Columbia and the Alma Mater Society of the University of British Columbia and Coca-Cola Bottling Ltd., 1995, p. 21) The branding o f U B C with a Coca-Cola emblem is at issue here. Sporting and social events invariably become linked with the C o c a - C o l a logo. The disqualification o f other logos only further promotes the Coca-Cola logo. Combined with Section 2.1, Subsection ' c ' which gives C C B the exclusive rights to C o l d Beverage Products advertising, the provisions create a monopoly. Such control o f expression, representation, and speech is in conflict with U B C ' s ethos. The Universities M i s s i o n Statement includes the notion that "as responsible citizens, the graduates o f U B C w i l l value diversity, work with and for their communities, and be agents for positive change" (University o f B r i t i s h Columbia, n.d., Mission and Vision). Does such an exclusive right to advertise, promote and supply, to the extent that C C B controls the majority, i f not all, o f the c o l d nonalcoholic beverages on campus, suggest that U B C values diversity? The University has  91  established a M i s s i o n Statement for guidance and contracts signed with outer parties should be held up to these guidelines i f U B C is to maintain its integrity. W h e n further tied into Section 2.1, Subsections ' e ' and ' f w h i c h give C o c a C o l a the exclusive use o f A M S and U B C Marks (symbols or logos) on campus i n its advertising or promotional campaigns on campus, it becomes clear that C o c a - C o l a is trying to brand the University as its own. The only corporate soft drink image on campus becomes Coca-Cola. This image is seen on its own but also with the images o f the A M S and o f U B C , linking it directly to the university experience. Such branding is similar to M c D o n a l d ' s sponsorship o f 'Reading is F u n ' , found i n the United States, w h i c h features materials with the golden arches and M c D o n a l d ' s popular and well-known cast o f characters. Calvert and Kuehn (1993) suggest that the intention o f such materials is to "persuade students that the company's products or its views o f an issue are the best o f the alternatives" (p. 103). A t the university level, at any level o f education, such an intention should be considered very dangerous. The exclusivity and the branding form a one-sided view point o f products and issues. Directly related to the above is Section 31 o f the contract w h i c h deals with ambush marketing. The Section states that: In the event another person or entity attempts, without CCB's written consent, to supply, advertise or otherwise associate its Cold Beverage Products with the Campus or with UBC, or AMS, or by referring directly or indirectly to the Campus , Teams, UBC, or AMS.. UBC and AMS (upon receiving actual notice of same) will oppose such actions by taking reasonable steps (including, but not limited to, written complaints to the violating party, cease and desist announcements and, subject to proviso hereinafter set forth, in any case that it would be reasonable to do so in the circumstances the filing of appropriate legal actions such as temporary or permanent injunctive relief) to protect the exclusive association rights granted to CCB by UBC and AMS in this Agreement... (Agreement Among the University of British Columbia and the Alma Mater Society of the University of British Columbia and Coca-Cola Bottling Ltd., 1995, p. 51)  92  Such a clause seems to be a form o f censorship. The campus has been transformed into a Coca-Cola only establishment. The representation o f other colas is practically illegal. Though not focused on ideas, the Coca-Cola contract sets a precedent where one groups is allowed to silence all other groups. A further example o f this can be found i n K l e i n ' s (2000) work. She describes a situation o f the du Maurier Tennis Open Tournament sponsored by Imperial Tobacco at Y o r k University. Permission to distribute anti-smoking pamphlets was refused by Susan M a n n , the president o f Y o r k at the time. The protest group refused to completely acquiesce and did distribute some leaflets during the tournament. C i t i n g traffic problems, police, hired by tournament organizers arrested two information distributors. The conflict o f interests should be apparent. A university that allows for only one side o f an argument, or one cola to be sold puts itself into a position to defend that side or that cola, at the cost o f an open forum and debate. In fact i n Section 2.2 o f the contract, Subsection ' e ' states that: UBC will use reasonable efforts, having regard to the circumstances of each of the use Excluded Facilities, to encourage those persons or entities having control over the Excluded Facilities to purchase the Cold Beverage Products of CCB (to the exclusion of other Cold Beverage Products) for sale or distribution... (Agreement Among the University of British Columbia and the Alma Mater Society of the University of British Columbia and Coca-Cola Bottling Ltd., 1995, p. 12) Similarly, Section 2.3, Subsection ' b ' requires the University to promote C C B products even for Unauthorized Events. The contract requires the University to inform the organizers o f the event that C C B has exclusivity rights, and i f the event informs the University too late, then the cold beverages must be served i n unmarked cups. Through such provisions the University actually becomes a significant marketing tool for C o c a Cola. Resources, time, and energy must be placed into ensuring that activities and events  93  not using Coca-Cola are persuaded into using Coca-Cola. The unabashed promotion o f C C B products seems to be inconsistent with the purposes o f an institute o f higher learning. The persuasion used by the University could put the University i n a position o f conflicted interests, especially i f U B C suggests i n any way that by not using C C B products there could be some form o f academic or social retaliation. Though this has never been cited at U B C , it is a possibility that could occur, especially i f U B C or A M S need to meet commitment goals. T o put the University into such a position w o u l d seem inappropriate.  The University's Best Interests Further complicating matters is that it is in U B C ' s best interests to see that Coca-Cola products are sold because o f yet another provision found within the contract. Section 8.2, describes what should happen i n the events o f a commitment shortfall. I f such a shortfall does occur, C C B can extend the contract at no extra cost to themselves,  for a period (the 'Extended Period') which is the shorter of: (a) the number of additional months required in order for the Minimum Volume Commitment to be satisfied over the course of the Term plus the Extended Period; or (b) twenty-four months. (Agreement Among the University of British Columbia and the Alma Mater Society of the University of British Columbia and Coca-Cola Bottling Ltd., 1995, p. 29)  During this time, U B C gets no additional payments and cannot enter into any new agreements regarding C o l d Beverage Provision. T h e M i n i m u m V o l u m e Commitment under terms o f the contract is 1,400,000 "Standard Physical Cases o f C o l d Beverage Products" (Agreement A m o n g the University o f British C o l u m b i a and the A l m a Mater Society o f the University o f British C o l u m b i a and C o c a - C o l a B o t t l i n g L t d . ,  94  1995, p.6). The conflict arises when one considers to what length w i l l U B C and A M S go to, to ensure that they reach the M i n i m u m V o l u m e Commitment? Related to the previous point, could U B C and/or A M S use coercion to ensure that the minimum commitment is reached? Once again this has not been the case thus far, but the potential for the University to act i n this manner is existent. A s o f September 2001 U B C and A M S were not on schedule to meet the minimum commitment (Choo, 2001). A t what point do the interests o f meeting the contract requirements take a priority over student choice and university integrity?  The Nature of Coca-Cola's Interests The next item o f interest found within the contract begins i n Section 1.1, Subsection ' i ' . The subjection states that " C o l d Beverage Products means: a l l cold carbonated and non-carbonated, natural or artificially-flavoured non-alcoholic beverages..." (Agreement A m o n g the University o f British Columbia and the A l m a Mater Society o f the University o f British C o l u m b i a and C o c a - C o l a Bottling Ltd., 1995, p. 3). This definition relates to Section 4.9, Subsection ' c ' which states that: if CCB subsequently produces and/ or supplies a non-carbonated Cold Beverage Product which is comparable to a Competitive Product that UBC and or AMS is purchasingfroma Competitive Supplier for sale at the Campus, then UBC and/or AMS, as applicable, will immediately cease purchasing such Competitive Productfroma Competitive Supplier and purchase such a comparable noncarbonated Cold Beverage Product exclusivelyfromCCB... (Agreement Among the University of British Columbia and the Alma Mater Society of the University of British Columbia and Coca-Cola Bottling Ltd., 1995, p. 21) The significance o f such Sections can be found i n the work o f W a l l y Olins (2000). In his work Olins describes how major corporations try to appeal to as many individuals as possible, and how globalization has brought about the increase in major  95  worldwide brands whilst diminishing the total number o f brands i n worldwide markets. The definition states the ability o f C o c a - C o l a to provide as many products to consumers as possible. However it is i n the development o f future products that the contract takes on a global edge. A t any point during the contract duration should Coca-Cola develop a product that they do not currently have, and that U B C and/or A M S buys from a competitor, then C C B has the right to stop U B C and/or A M S from buying and selling that product in favour o f their own. What should prove concerning to schools is the theft o f ideas that can and does take place i n the business world, and the possible loss o f ideas by smaller producers. Academically the theft o f ideas is plagiarism, and students are warned about such illegal activity. Yet, that Coca-Cola can react to the market and develop a product that they d i d not originally conceive o f and then market it as their o w n is deemed perfectly acceptable. Product development such as this is acceptable, i n the business world. Should this be true of the academic world? Should this be true on university campuses? A t their heart schools and businesses are different and this provision clearly shows the distinction. Cheating in academics is against university policies, and at times it is illegal. Cheating i n the business world enables businesses to further their profits and weaken their competitors, and because o f that, it is acceptable. The reality that a company can see the success o f a competitor's product and copy that product and then because o f any numerous circumstances make a more popular product that weakens the original producer, without any repercussions, acknowledgements, or financial transfer. O f significance is the roll that intellectual property rights play. Burshtein (20000) suggest that "businesses have viewed their  96  intellectual property and technology as collateral assets..." (p. 2). He goes on to state that "intellectual property can redefine industry structure or result in the creation o f entirely new industries. Often it can reposition a company within an industry" (p. 2). K r a t z (1998) discusses why such rights are important. Specifically he argues that such rights offer protection to creators and act as incentives to creators to continue with their work. The protection that is provided prevents others from simply stealing the hard work o f someone else. However, the above clause seems to put such rights into question. The University could find itself within the middle o f a fight over intellectual property, with Coca-Cola being a company that is looking to exploit intellectual property rights i n their effort to advance their own product line. Integrity is at stake when such a provision is legally written into a contract and i f C o c a - C o l a ' integrity is at stake, so too is U B C s .  The next point o f consideration can be found i n Section 12.3, Subsection ' a ' through ' d ' . The Section deals with the failure o f C C B to supply cold beverages.  To this end, UBC... may purchase Cold Beverage Products from any local supplier provided: (a) such supplier is not PepsiCo Inc., its subsidiaries, affiliated companies, licensees and franchises ("PepsiCo"); (b) such Cold Beverage Products is not a Cold beverage Product sold, manufactured or distributed by on or behalf of PepsiCo... (Agreement Among the University of British Columbia and the Alma Mater Society of the University of British Columbia and Coca-Cola Bottling Ltd., 1995, p. 38) Such a provision relates to the above point in that the nature o f the contract is revealed. The contract is about competition and profit. B y expressly stating that replacement products cannot be supplied by C o c a - C o l a ' s biggest competitor, the contract can be viewed as a direct profit and competition related move for Coca-Cola. A s w i t h the above, this is acceptable behaviour for a business, however it is not acceptable behaviour for a university. It is true that competition does motivate many academic findings and  97  research, and it is becoming increasingly true that profit is desired from research, but to become an institution outwardly expressing such values puts the integrity o f U B C i n danger. In their b i d to become more competitive i n the global market, corporations move from one country to another seeking the lowest costs o f production. They transfer money, products and people across borders (Langhorne, 2000).  Coca-Cola itself has been connected with the exploitation and oppression found within Nigeria under the military dictatorship o f General Sani Abacha. A b a c h a "and his supporters have dissolved the remaining political parties, arrested and imprisoned political dissidents and have muffled any voice o f pro-democracy opposition" (GrassoKnight, 1997). Coca-Cola continues to do business i n Nigeria, as do many corporations, whilst refusing to speak against the military dictatorship. The desire to remain competitive and to increase profits requires C o c a - C o l a to remain silent. Is such a requirement something that a university should be w i l l i n g to overlook? Speaking o f a new international students lounge found at M c G i l l and sponsored by C o c a - C o l a , M i k e Leitold o f Corpwatch, the Quebec Public Interest Research Group at M c G i l l , addresses the same question in a different manner when he says "I wonder i f students from Nigeria or Guatemala w i l l be allowed entrance" (Campisi, n.d.).  Once again the conflict o f interest found within such a situation c o u l d be detrimental to the University's integrity. Should any university which promotes an atmosphere o f acceptance and freedom be the partner o f any corporation, when corporations can and have acted i n unscrupulous manners to meet their end goal o f greater profit? The message that such partnerships sends is potentially dangerous. That i n  98  their pursuit o f funding, universities may be w i l l i n g to overlook human rights violations should not occur. In its M i s s i o n Statement, as mentioned before, U B C declares that "The University o f British Columbia w i l l provide its students, faculty, and staff with the best possible resources and conditions for learning and research, and create a w o r k i n g environment dedicated to excellence, equity, and mutual respect" and that " A s responsible citizens, the graduates o f U B C w i l l value diversity, work w i t h and for their communities, and be agents for positive change" (University o f British C o l u m b i a , n.d., Mission and Vision). W i t h the dealings that corporations find themselves i n , and i n particular with Coca-Cola's dealings with an oppressive Nigerian government, can the above mission be achieved?  Integrity at Stake The final point o f the contract that is worthwhile i n its summative aspect is Section 28, entitled 'Confidential Information'. The Section states that:  the parties to this Agreement acknowledge and agree that the provisions contained in this Agreement are confidential to the parties and that they shall keep the provisions of this Agreement confidential.. The parties further acknowledge and agree that the disclosure of the provisions of this Agreement could reasonably be expected to harm significantly the competitive position and/or interfere significantly with the negotiating position of CCB... Any confidential information that comes to the attention of a party as a result of this Agreement shall be kept as confidential. (Agreement Among the University of British Columbia and the Alma Mater Society of the University of British Columbia and Coca-Cola Bottling Ltd., 1995, p. 50)  The confidentiality o f such an agreement, though necessary for corporate competition, is not a desirable requirement for universities. Dorothy Zinberg, a faculty member at Harvard's Center For Science and International Affairs sums it up best when  99 she discusses university responsibility. She states that, " E a c h infringement on its unwritten contract with society to avoid the secrecy wherever possible and maintain its independence from government or corporate pressure weakens its integrity" ( K l e i n , 2000). Universities, a l l educators and education institutions for that matter, have a responsibility to be open about their policies and decisions. They have been given the public's trust and they must make that a priority i n all o f their transactions and relationships. The attempt to hide the contract from the public weakened this trust, and i n doing so weakens U B C ' s integrity. The fact that the courts forced the contract to be open to the public has done little to restore that integrity. H a d U B C been open about the process and had they been w i l l i n g to endure debate about such a decision, w i t h significant student and public input then they would have been merely upholding the responsibilities that had been entrusted to them. It is true that the economic hardships faced by universities world over require innovative and creative ways o f fund raising. T o hide the way in that this innovation and creativity takes form raises serious concerns about the process and the content o f a contract. After a brief analysis o f the contract, it would seem that these concerns are justified.  The Aftermath Today, the Coca-Cola vending machines remain on the campus at U B C . F r o m one day to the next, they are used. The various food outlets scattered across the campus also serve Coca-Cola, and they too are busy. There are no pickets, there are no meetings being held about the ' C o k e ' issue. Perhaps the most successful way to defend the contract was to simply wait. Wait for the initial negative reactions to die down. B y going to court,  100  instead o f succumbing to the demands o f the Ubyssey, C C B , U B C and A M S ensured that i f the contract was to be opened, it would not happen soon. Students come and go and i f they could only wait long enough then perhaps the students most incensed with the contract process and content would finally just go away. Time, it seems, heals all wound.  Despite the problems found on the U B C Campus, corporations and universities continue to embark upon partnerships. A s mentioned before, M c G i l l University i n Montreal received $300,000 (U.S). The money was used to create the international students lounge. The process included student consultations. B o t h Y o r k University and the University o f Victoria agreed to cola companies on sponsorship deals (Campisi, n.d.). The University o f Victoria's contract included the same type o f confidentiality agreement that was found within the U B C contract.  In the summer o f 2001, the University o f Toronto ( U o f T) was considering a sponsorship deal o f its own with a cola company. U o f T ' s V P finance M i c h a e l Finlayson along with physical education dean Bruce K i d d began consultation with student leaders on the topic, but had expressed the sentiment that such a deal would go through with or without student consent. For K i d d the priority was on securing money for athletic facilities (Warren, 2001).  In December o f 1996, Ohio State signed a five year contract with N i k e for $9.25 m i l l i o n (Eldridge, 1996). The University o f North Carolina at Chapel H i l l agreed to a $7.1 m i l l i o n contract with N i k e Inc. that aided both athletics and academics on campus in 1997 (University o f North Carolina at Chapel H i l l , 1997). The University o f Illinois signed a 10 year exclusivity contract with coke i n 1997 that saw the University receive $5  101  million (dailyillini.com, n.d.). Similarly, in 1999 Carleton University signed a ten year exclusivity deal with Coca-Cola (Carleton Magazine Online, 1999). The list goes on. Despite the troubles faced by Coca-Cola in British Columbia with the Ubyssey, corporate contracts remain a desirable income source by universities. The ripple of protest faced by such corporate giants is nothing compared to the tidal wave of revenue that such deals can generate. As discussed in an earlier chapter, as governmental educational spending decreases the need for other revenue sources increases. Ready and willing to help are corporations. What has changed since the contract between CCB, UBC, and AMS was opened to the public? It would appear not much, as for major corporations it remains business as usual. To end on a note of 'business as usual' would be unfair and unwanted. As mentioned before students at the University of Wisconsin at Madison fought successfully to have an anti-defamation clause excluded from their contract with Reebok. Similarly, when Nike proposed a $2 million deal with Stanford in 2001 to allow Nike to use Nike logos on the clothes of athletes, students confronted university officials and Nike about Nike's poor labour reputation. Students attacked Nike on the poor record they had in developing countries and as a result Nike agreed to ascribe to the Fair Labour Association Code of Conduct and the Fair Labour Association Code of Conduct. Both codes emphasize workers' rights (Stromquist, 2002). The dailyillini.com reports of anti-sweat shop sentiments and the University of Oregon's confrontations with Nike. Protests in 2000 forced University President Dave Frohnmayer to sign on to the Worker Rights Consortium, a labor monitoring group that stood in opposition of Nike CEO Phil Knight's interests (dailyillini.com, n.d). Sweatshops have produced a number of  102  university organizations founded around stopping the abuse found within the clothesmaking industry.  Students at Indiana University (No Sweat!@ indiana university, n.d.), the University o f Notre Dame (Progressive Student Alliance, n.d.), and Ohio State University (United Students Against Sweatshops, n.d.), amongst others have all developed means o f resistance, dissent and information sharing, in an effort to stop sweatshop practices. Opposition is mounting and changes are occurring at the university level. Such occurrences offer hope to the future, but this is not the only student-led forms o f resistance. There are others engaging i n the same type o f activities. There are others trying to change the current corporate-global world order. It is to these others that our attention shifts towards.  103  CHAPTER 6 - SIGNS OF HOPE: DISSENT, EXPOSURE AND LIBERATION The corporate reality that I have presented is bleak, and it is concerned with the bottom line. However it is not inevitable, or all-consuming. T o believe that globalization and corporatization are inevitable and have the same affect on all o f us would be erroneous. Equally erroneous would be the belief that the corporate-global partnership has not encountered resistance and that there are none that struggle against the future that this partnership promises. There is struggle, contestation and dissention, and in these, there is hope for something different, for something more than what corporations are offering to education and to the very structure o f our societies. These events o f dissent are a part o f the picture that has been painted by corporations and the picture is not nearly complete until we can examine these sights o f struggle. What follows is a sampling o f struggle. A full detailed account o f the struggle against the global/corporate partnership is not possible here but there are numerous stories o f struggle and triumph. Educationally speaking, struggles must be documented and injustices brought to attention. I f corporations do take greater control o f the educational realm, there exists the very real fear that through their shaping o f knowledge, stories o f struggle and injustice w i l l never be told. These stories w i l l be omitted because they undermine corporate goals. Competition and profit could be the standard upon which justice is measured. If we are to ever hope for a change in the corporate/global reality that we face, then it is in our educational systems that we must begin to offer alternatives to our students. Teachers and  104  students must be w i l l i n g to do more than merely report on injustice and dissention, they must be willing to speak up and take action to prevent injustice and to ensure that the struggle against a corporate vision o f society and education does not go unchallenged.  Even the Smallest  Earlier i n this work I wrote about M i k e Cameron. Cameron's case is included i n the work o f N a o m i K l e i n (2000). O n the day o f his school's support o f C o c a - C o l a , Cameron came into school wearing a Pepsi shirt instead o f the school mandated CocaC o l a shirt. He was promptly suspended by school officials who argued that he knew there was plenty at stake with Coca-Cola administrators on campus who had the ability to award the school a financial prize. What the school missed was what was really at stake. It was not the money, but it was the silencing o f difference i n the effort to conform and appease a major corporation. M i k e Cameron may not have been fully aware o f what he had done, but he had rebelled against the creation o f a single corporate identity. H e had spoken against the corporate desire to control the educational realm; he had refused to become part o f the corporate 'team'. It is true that he wore the t-shirt o f another corporation, but there is a case to be made that the only way he could make a strong statement was to use the logo o f Coca-Cola's biggest competitor. W o u l d he have had the same impact wearing a N i k e shirt or a Ralph Lauren shirt? Probably not. The shirt really does become irrelevant though when considering the b i g picture. Cameron was suspended because his actions could have cost the school corporate  sponsorship. Instead o f the topic being open to debate, instead o f being allowed to state his case, Cameron was silenced through enforced absence. However, even though the school neglected its responsibility to its students, i n particular to Cameron, Cameron's refusal to become another corporate drone is proof that resistance exists and that it can come from the smallest o f sources, a single high school student.  Many Voices - Many Ways  Thankfully stories o f resistance are not confined to the individual. There are many examples o f resistance o f the corporate stranglehold on education and on society at large. There are numerous groups and organizations across the globe which are engaged i n the struggle against conformity and the handing over o f our society, o f our education to corporate giants. Perhaps one o f the most well known instances o f resistant and dissention occurred in Seattle. In November o f 1999, Seattle was to play host to the W o r l d Trade Organization. The welcoming ceremony was intended to be held within the football stadium where five thousand guests were expected to take part. Protestors formed a human chain which resulted i n more than two-thirds o f the guests not attending the ceremony (Smith, 2002). Images o f violent clashes with the police c o u l d be seen on televisions across the globe. O f significant note is the role o f the media i n the portrayal o f these incidents. M e d i a attention did not become focused on the proceedings until they became violent (Stromquist, 2002). Peaceful protestations were not a focus, and it is suggested by Stromcjuist that such coverage implicates the modem media i n the corporate  106  plan o f action. This is an idea that she further expands upon when she notes that in the United States eighty percent o f the media is syndicated, implying that the messages found within media outlets are not coming from different knowledge producers as consumers are made to believe they are. Rather it is a minority that is i n control o f the production and distribution o f news and entertainment. W i t h regards to resistance though, the uprising took place within the United States attended by a multitude o f A m e r i c a n citizens. W i t h some o f the largest corporations enjoying the A m e r i c a n business climate, it does become essential that Americans actually begin to take an active part i n the struggle against corporations. Seattle proved that not all Americans were enthused w i t h the direction i n which corporations have pointed the United States. The Seattle protest was also significant for more than the public voice expressed, it would also prove to show that the South (mainly consisting o f Southern A s i a n , African, and Central and South American countries) had grave misgivings about the direction o f the W T O . Feeling left out o f key deliberations that were directed by the U n i t e d States, Canada, the European U n i o n , and Japan, the South's agenda in Seattle was to review the previously existing agreements and to make such agreements more equitable i n their nature. Such an agenda was seen to contribute to the eventual breakdown o f the talks i n Seattle (Smith, 2002). In her work, N e l l y P. Stromquist (2002) cites the action o f Jubilee 2000 as proof o f struggle against the corporate hand. Jubilee 2000 is a coalition group made up o f charities, celebrities, religious groups and Non-governmental Organizations ( N G O s ) that have been campaigning for the write-off o f debts for fifty-two heavily indebted countries, whose combined debt equals U S $375 billion (p. 163). B y the year 2000, twenty-two o f  107  these countries had received some debt relief for a total o f around U S $20 billion. Though the relief may seem inconsequential it does suggest that group resistance can be partly effective and can rally to make some impact on the global stage. In his work, Kenneth P. Thomas (2000) explores the opposition to the tax breaks corporations receive at the expense o f social programs, one o f which is education. Thomas notes that i n Canada corporate income tax share has fallen from 18.5 percent i n 1955 to 6.9 percent i n 1993. The situation is similar i n the United States where corporate income tax share has fallen from 21.51 percent in 1955 to 7.87 percent i n 1993. In Canada, the Canadian Taxpayers Federation ( C T F ) has been one o f the more vocal opponents to this 'corporate welfare' climaxing with a major critique o f the Department of Industry's subsidy programmes in A p r i l o f 1998. Similarly, the N e w Democratic Party ( N D P ) at the national level and organizations such as the Ontario Federation o f Labor and the Ontario Coalition for Social Justice have protested about corporate tax breaks. Thomas also explores specific examples o f resistance found within the United States. Friends o f the Earth (FoE) sponsor 'Green Scissors' which targets subsidies to polluting activities. The Louisiana Coalition for Tax Justice ( L C T J ) , which was founded in M a y 1990 with a membership o f over twenty organizations focus on property tax exemptions given to companies that are located within the state. In Minnesota, the Minnesota Alliance for Progressive A c t i o n ( M A P A ) focuses on wages paid b y companies receiving tax exemptions. M A P A has been successful i n lobbying for a l a w that requires "any company receiving U S $25, 000 or more in tax exemptions to set and meet j o b and wage goals within two years or be liable to repay the subsidies" (p.215). F i n a l l y , Thomas discusses the ability o f conservationists and C i v i l W a r historians to bring to public  108  attention the negative consequences that could ensure i f the Walt Disney C o m p a n y was given permission to build a theme park in Virginia. The opponents o f the park revealed that seventy-three percent o f the jobs created by the Company would be 'part-time and seasonal', which would essentially create poverty-level jobs occupied by citizens who would require further social welfare spending. A n interesting form o f resistance comes in the form o f L o c a l exchange trading systems ( L E T S ) . Such systems allow for "goods and services to be marketed without the need for money" (Norberg-Hodge, 2001, p. 185). B y subverting the ' n o r m a l ' monetary system, L E T S create an alternative to the international monetary system and the demands it places on both large and small markets. One o f the most successful L E T S is i n Ithaca N e w Y o r k where more than two hundred and fifty local businesses are participating. A n example o f feminist resistance comes from Feminist International Network o f Resistance to Reproductive and Genetic Engineering ( F I N R R A G E ) . M e m b e r s o f F I N R R A G E are primarily concerned with the development o f reproductive and genetic engineering technologies. They believe that such technologies serve to "reinforce a variety o f different forms o f reproductive control and coercion over w o m e n " (Akhter, 2001, p. 171). F 1 N N R A G E was one o f the first international networks o f northern and southern women to challenge reproductive technologies as a "phase" o f patriarchal relations that "dominate the modes o f relations i n reproduction" (p. 173). B y resisting technology, F I N R R A G E states they are actually resisting patriarchy. In Singapore, the Nature Society o f Singapore ( N S S ) consists o f about two thousand members and was founded with the purpose o f protecting the environment against polluters and raw material consumers. In support o f its cause, the N S S has  109  engaged i n letter-writing campaigns, designed a plan for conservation, and "commissioned its own environmental impact assessments" (Mittelman, 2001, p. 228229). Similar environmental groups, such as Greenpeace and the Earth Liberation Front, have brought the environment to the forefront o f global issues. In Bangladesh a movement termed Nayakrishi A n d o l o n (New Agricultural Movement) consists o f over sixty thousand farming households. The ecological farming movement is based on three pillars. The first is that the movement resists the process o f "privatization and colonization o f the 'body' and the ' m i n d ' " (Akhter, 2001, p. 168). The second is that the "goal o f Nayakrishi is not to produce more food for consumers, but to create life, diversity, and 'ananda' "to live a happy life" (p. 168). The third pillar states that that new organizations and institutions should be built to "confront the logic o f profit and the neo-colonial process o f globalization" (p. 168). E v e n the b i g American television networks are not excluded from the ability to protest against globalization and corporate injustice. In 1996 N B C aired an investigation into Mattel and Disney. Hidden cameras showed children i n China and Indonesia working i n slave like conditions to produce clothing for children's dolls ( K l e i n , 2000). Another example o f resistance comes from youth and art. The B r i t i s h Columbian youth organized group, "Check Y o u r H e a d ' , "educates and organizes y o u n g people to become active on issues such as labour rights, the environment and free trade as well as corporate threats to democracy, a l l through the framework o f understanding economic globalization" (Check Y o u r Head, n.d.). Check Y o u r Head supported yet another form o f resistance i n the form o f the play 'Corporate U ' . The play explores " h o w corporations — richer and more powerful than most countries ~ influence our attitudes, relationships,  Ill  united i n their wish to seek alternatives for what is happening i n the global setting we find ourselves within. The above forms o f resistance indicate that there are individuals, groups, organizations and even states that are aware o f the potentially devastating effects that globalization and corporatization pose. Such groups are fighting for the right to define themselves and their interests; they are fighting to define their identity. B y uniting, such groups are expressing their identity i n their own terms and by resisting they offer an alternative to the corporate identity machine that seems to be gathering so much steam. If indigenous, individual, unique identity is ever to be saved, then it is i n the shared experiences o f these groups, i n their stories o f defiance and struggle, that educators must find lessons for their students. A n example o f this comes from Pickering, Ontario. A t St. M a r y ' s Secondary School, Sean Hayes, a Physical E d u c a t i o n teacher, organized a fashion show for the student population. However it was not the 'expected' version o f a fashion show. Instead Hayes had the student participants show off their clothes which had most likely been made within sweatshops and then to present a brief commentary on the lives o f the Third W o r l d workers who had made the garments (Klein, 2000). Resistance to the corporate tomorrow depends on resistance found i n our schools today. Teachers are a part o f the process in creating alternatives to corporate influences. A s Hayes demonstrates, schools and educators must be w i l l i n g to speak out against the injustices found within a corporate economy.  A Final Warning Though there is reason to hope and to believe that change is possible, there needs to be a final warning about the effectiveness o f resistance and the resources that  112  corporations have at their disposal. This warning comes from Africa and should serve as a powerful reminder that i n the struggle against corporations, identity is not the only casualty. C y r i l I. O b i (2000) documents the case o f the indigenous Ogoni people o f Nigeria. The Ogoni who were landowners eventually formed a protest movement called The Movement for the Survival o f Ogoni People ( M O S O P ) . M O S O P was formed i n the hopes o f reclaiming indigenous land and self-determination that had been slipping away to Shell O i l and the Nigerian state. The state had come to depend upon Shell i n the development o f the Nigerian economy. The o i l that was extracted from Nigerian soil was one o f the major contributor's to the country's economic system. The Ogoni people's land was being developed by Shell in their search for o i l reserves, however the O g o n i people were not employed by Shell, and the pollution caused by Shell had destroyed their local economy, including farming, fishing, hunting and trading. In 1991 M O S O P began to bring the Ogoni people's plight to the w o r l d stage. They went to Amnesty International, Greenpeace, the Unrepresented Nations and People Organization ( U N P O ) , the London Rainforest A c t i o n Group, and finally to the U n i t e d Nations. M O S O P used lecture tours, newspaper articles, and documentary films i n a n effort to protest peacefully and to expose the injustices they were suffering. H o w e v e r , very little changed. B y 1993 the leadership o f M O S O P would change as the conservative leadership gave way to a more militant faction. A s part o f this militancy, M O S O P blocked access to oil wells, forcing Shell to stop operations and costing Shell huge sums o f money. E v e n this increased militancy did not provide results, as Shell refused to give i n to M O S O P ' s  113  demands. The conflict reached a climax and the N i g e r i a n government, acknowledging its financial best interests, mobilized the state military. In 1995 nine leaders o f M O S O P were caught, tried and hung. The primary lesson of the reversal of the Ogoni revolution is the danger in underestimating the capacity of global capital and the local state to defend oil-based accumulations in Nigeria... Equally important is the overestimation of the pressure that the global civil society could bring to bear on Shell and the state in Nigeria, not knowing the extent to which organizations such as Amnesty, Greenpeace and UNPO could go in actually stopping the ecological devastation of Ogoni, and the limitations they faced if they attempted to block Shell and the vital interests of the G-7 countries. (Obi, 2000, p. 291-292) The case o f the Ogoni shows the fragility i n w h i c h dissention and hope exist. Corporations have a vital stake i n the creation o f a corporate world order and it should not be expected that they w i l l simply relinquish their power when faced w i t h protest. Corporations have a vast array o f power and influence across the globe. T h e attempt to create an alternate path to what corporations offer is not an easy attempt. H o w e v e r not struggling offers a far bleaker and tragic option. The struggle is one that must be undertaken. Education is part o f the system, it is only a part. T o suggest that the struggle to change the corporate/global reality begins and ends w i t h education w o u l d be inaccurate. However it is one o f many sights where this struggle must be engaged within. Schools as sites o f skills development and attitude, value, and b e l i e f creation have become a focal point for corporations who seek to turn students into consumers. F r o m the earliest o f school development, as noted earlier in the work o f M i c h a e l Apple (1990), schools have been used to shape the values, beliefs and skills o f the students who attend them. It is no different today than it was i n the past. The potential to use schools to shape students into  114  a 'type' o f person is evident throughout the literature. Equally evident is that there is resistance to this control. N o a m Chomsky (2000) states that schools are "institutions for indoctrination and for imposing obedience" (p. 16). H e further goes on to suggest that early on i n a child's education they are socialized to support the existing power structures, most notably the power o f corporations and the business class. H i s work is supported by the work o f Randall Collins (2001). Collins states how schools have been "founded by powerful interest groups to provide an exclusive education for their own children or to propagate respect for their cultural values" (p. 49). I f there are no struggles within schools it is easy to see how the claims o f these two authors become true. When discussing resistance and discontent, teachers must relate such stories to their students so that students can begin to form their o w n opinions, their o w n ideas and, most importantly, their o w n identity. The fate o f the corporate-global partnership does not rest solely i n the hands o f educators, but educators need to be an essential part in the struggle against this partnership, for it is their students o f today that w i l l become the leaders o f tomorrow. I would like to end where I started, with my story. This thesis is m y attempt to criticize the current corporate-global world order. It is m y attempt at dissent. M o r e than anything, though, it is my attempt to give hope to those who may not otherwise believe that there is any. When I teach, it is with the hope that m y students w i l l one day help to create a place where things are better for them than they were for me, or for many others around the world. When I teach it is with the purpose o f seeing m y students believe that they can make a difference and that change can happen. This thesis is m y attempt to do the same for me that I do for my students. Corporations are massive i n terms o f their  115  resources and influences, and globalization may seem an inevitable process, but this does not mean that there should not be a struggle against the processes, ideals, and values behind the two. This final section has highlighted the struggles against the corporate-global w o r l d order across the planet, but this entire thesis has been m y struggle against the domination and oppression o f the current corporate world order. M y surroundings have very much influenced what has found its way into this writing. I also remarked that this story was not exclusively my own. The experiences, whether they have been victories or defeats, o f others have also found expression here. I have tried to create an overall lens that begins with me and continues with the patterns o f injustice and discrimination found throughout the educational context o f myself and others. The goal has been the same since the start. To liberate, to expose, to question. For myself and for those around me. This is where m y new story begins. After finishing this process I am left with what I am. I am a teacher, who has, hopefully, undergone changes during this process. W h e n I go back into the classroom I w i l l not be the same teacher I was before undertaking this research. I w i l l go back with a different set o f questions, with a different set o f answers, and with a different set o f attitudes, beliefs and values. I am not saying I have been completely changed, but I have become more aware, as a person, and as a teacher. W h e n I get back into the classroom I still hope to change the world, but it w i l l not be in the same way as before. The process I have undergone requires me to be far more critical, far more creative and far more determined.  116 A n area o f primary concern w i l l be the curriculum that I teach. A s I discussed i n the First Nations' section, curriculum needs to be important to students i n a local sense. The things they study, the things they see, need to be an immediate part o f the lives. F r o m these local experiences, one can then go on to discuss and explore the challenges that are being presented nationally or internationally. I am not advocating the dismissal o f current curriculums but I am suggesting that such curriculums can be bent and twisted to include more o f the local and o f the immediate. B y doing so, curriculum becomes relevant and the injustices that directly affect us become apparent. There are ways to find the flexibility required i n a curriculum at any level within any subject. The desire to do so must be there i f the curriculum is to be expanded. However, it is not enough for one teacher in one school to adapt curriculum. Eventually there w i l l be a need to restructure curriculum with the direct input o f both teachers and students. Curriculum change w i l l need to be undertaken to ensure that hope for a different tomorrow can be achieved. Related to curriculum change is the comfort level o f our students and o f teachers. If we are, as teachers, to help our students understand what injustice means and what the consequences o f our choices are then we must be prepared to engage the margins. W e must be prepared to go into the dangerous areas o f our cities and o f our minds in order to understand what we are fighting for and against. I do not mean to suggest that every day and every class takes us into these danger areas, and I do not mean to suggest that students should do this on their own. Part o f the responsibility o f an educator is to ensure the safety o f their students. However, I fear the dangers associated with not engaging the margins far more than I fear those margins themselves. B y keeping the safe, k n o w n a n d tested curriculum we cannot break free from the current domination. These current  117  curriculums have been designed to protect the interests o f the select, and to maintain their utility ensures that effective change cannot happen. W e must be w i l l i n g to break through the barriers, even i f those barriers are holding out what we have long been taught to think of as dangerous. A s important as curricular changes are changes required in teacher training. T o change the curriculum without also preparing teachers to engage this new curriculum would be self-defeating. The training o f teachers must change i n its orientation as well. N e w and different ways o f thinking about evaluation, expression and presentation are vital for teachers to be effective agents against the current corporate/global world order. I use for example the concept o f oral traditions. Within such traditions lie possibilities before not explored in most traditional Western classrooms. A significant reason for this lost possibility is because teachers are not trained to understand or encourage such a tradition. If the values I discussed previously i n Chapter Four are to become a part o f mainstream education then teachers must first be trained to understand, accept and promote such values. I am a trained high school Social Studies teacher. Within Social Studies, with its focus on history, political science, and geography there lie numerous ways i n which the fight against oppression can be explored. However, it is from my last teaching j o b that I have come to understand how much wider the struggle can expand. In Bangkok I taught Year One students the British National Curriculum. Perhaps one o f the most powerful activities my students took part i n to express themselves was their fine arts work. Whether it was music, art, or drama, my students could reach others and could express themselves in ways that they could not through their writing or reading. The struggle  118  must become a part o f every aspect o f school life, and a critical arts approach could become a crucial way i n expanding the struggle against corporations and globalization. When I get back into the classroom I w i l l try to help my students reach the point that I have reached. What has been taught and told have not always been i n my best interests and my students must come to realize that there is more than one side to any story. I hope that I w i l l be able to show them that there are alternatives and options open to them, and that these options do have consequences, both for themselves and for the world around them. One person exploring their options and choosing a different path from the one being laid out by corporations may not seem like much, but the reality is that change must start somewhere and there is no better place to start this change than with a single student. Eventually these students w i l l make their way into the world. They w i l l become our leaders o f tomorrow and their decisions w i l l have an even greater significance. For me, I wish only to help them understand that there are many options open to them and that when it is time to choose, they w i l l have to live with the consequences o f their choice. The above is what I believe I need to do and what I believe should occur to ensure that m y students w i l l face a better tomorrow than the one that they face today. This is the start o f another story though. It w i l l once again be my story, though not exclusively. 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