Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Remove from our midst these unfortunates : a historical inquiry into the influence of eugenics, educational… Thomson, Gerald E. 1999

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-ubc_1999-389898.pdf [ 29.86MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0055545.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0055545-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0055545-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0055545-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0055545-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0055545-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0055545-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0055545-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0055545.ris

Full Text

REMOVE FROM OUR MIDST THESE UNFORTUNATES: A Historical Inquiry Into the Influence of Eugenics, Educational Efficiency as well as Mental Hygiene Upon the Vancouver School System and Its Special Classes, 1910-1969. by GERALD E. THOMSON B.A., Simon Fraser University, 1979 Teacher's Certificate, Simon Fraser University, 1979 M.A., Simon Fraser University, 1992  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Educational Studies)  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard:  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA March 1999 ©  Gerald E. Thomson, 1999  In  presenting  degree  at  this  the  thesis  in  partial  fulfilment  of  University  of  British  Columbia,  I agree  freely available for copying  of  department publication  this or of  reference and study.  thesis by  this  for  his  scholarly  or  thesis  for  her  I further  purposes  gain shall  permission.  Department of &z4ucexMotngC The University of British Vancouver, Canada  Date  DE-6 (2/88)  HQK<^  23,  Columbia  (^fty?.  S-f'Lics/l&s'  requirements that  agree that  may  representatives.  financial  the  be  It not  the  Library  permission  granted  is  by  understood be  for  allowed  an  advanced  shall make for  the that  without  it  extensive  head  of  my  copying  or  my  written  -11-  ABSTRACT This is a history of special education in the Vancouver school system from 1911 to 1969.  Special education is taken in the broadest  sense to mean all forms of school instruction specifically created to depart from the preparation of a pupil for matriculation or academic graduation.  The historical course of school reform in Vancouver was  driven by the need to accommodate children who traditionally left school for work when they became too old for their grade placement.  However,  in a general sense, this history documents the evolution of the Vancouver school system itself from the early to mid-twentieth century and the forces which lay behind various aspects of school reform.  The special  classes for subnormal students was the first reform effort to deal with non-traditional pupils or feeble-minded school children as found by the second school doctor after 1910. This, in turn, led to the hiring of an American psychologist from Seattle, Washington, to find a new type of feeble-minded child, the higher-grade moron, in order to expand the special classes even further. The psychologist introduced mental testing into Vancouver's schools and helped to create a climate of acceptance for such scientific innovations in education. This study reveals the important role a group of principals played in promoting education reform within Vancouver's schools.  They  began to take courses at the University of Washington during the early 1920s and helped to popularize many facets of American efficiency.  Platooning,  mental  testing,  differential  educational high  school  curriculum organized into vocational/academic tracks, and the expansion of the special classes for subnormal children acted to organize, as well as categorize, large numbers of students in order to achieve educational efficiency.  The creation of the Bureau of Measurements in 1927 and the  opening of Kitsilano Junior High in 1928 represented the culmination of this effort to bring scientific efficiency to the schools of Vancouver. The influence of the 1925 Putman/Weir Survey of the School System must  -111-  be re-evaluated in light of the evidence this study presents regarding the  transmission  of  ideas  from  the Seattle  school  system  and  the  University of Washington to Vancouver. The study also elucidates two other intellectual forces that propelled school reform in Vancouver.  American educational efficiency  has already been mentioned. Eugenics and the promotion of its principles by the first special education teacher, the first woman to chair the School Board, and the Local Council of Women had long-term consequences. The eugenic rationale for the segregation of subnormal school children became entrenched in educational policies of the school system itself. The forced institutionalization of the feebleminded, as well as their sterilization, were legalized under provincial statutes. Mental hygiene was  officially  introduced  to Vancouver's  schools  in  1939  and  was  dispensed by the first clinical psychiatrist who remained in his position of authority until retiring in 1969.  As head of the Mental Hygiene  Division of the Metropolitan Health Services during the post-Second World War period the psychiatrist began training counsellors to deal with mentally-troubled  youths.  Archival  data  shows  that most of  these  troubled youths were from the working-class east side of the city as opposed to the wealthier west side. What emerges is a historical pattern emerges of discrimination against various types of exceptional students who had to be removed from the midst of the regular classroom. This study encompasses the scope of school reorganization in Vancouver  during  education reforms.  the period  1911  to  1969  through  various  special  It traces the erosion of traditional education but  also attempts to reveal the conservative nature of the enacted school reforms.  The differentiation, segregation and labelling of students in  order to educate them according to their natural intellectual ability was on the surface educationally progressive.  In the end this study will  show these practices to be more bureaucratic solutions than reformist measures.  -IV-  TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract  pp.ii-iii  Table of Contents  pp.iv-v  List of Tables  pp.vi  List of Figures  pp.vii-ix  Acknowledgement  p.x  PART I:  pp.1-3  Education as Social and Scientific Management  CHAPTER ONE pp.4-35 "To Single Out Little Tots": Eugenics and the Creation of Special Classes for Subnormal Children within the Public Education Systems of North America. CHAPTER TWO • pp.3 6-74 "Sorting the Students": Differentiating the American School Population During the Early Twentieth Century. CHAPTER THREE Mental Hygiene in Canada: Medical Doctors Educational Psychologists Differentiate Canadian School Population.  pp.75-122 and the  PART II:  pp.123-125 The Impact of Eugenics and Mental Hygiene Upon the Vancouver School System as Seen Through the Medical Doctors, Teachers, Psychologists and Psychiatrists Who Managed the Pupil Population.  CHAPTER FOUR pp.12 6-149 Evaluating the Physical and Mental Condition of the Race: The Medical Influence of Dr. F. W. Brydone-Jack and Miss Elizabeth Breeze, R.N., upon the Vancouver School System. CHAPTER FIVE pp.150-208 Special Classes With a "Special Teacher": Miss Josephine Dauphinee and Her Supervision of the Special Classes System from 1911 to 1941. CHAPTER SIX pp.209-252 The Psychological Clinic and the Psychometricians: Miss Martha Lindley, Miss Ruby Kerr and Dr. Peter Sandiford.  -V-  CHAPTER SEVEN pp.253-299 "A Man Who is Fond of Charts and of Children" : Robert Straight and the Bureau of Measurements - Quantifying the Pupil Population from 1927 to 1951. CHAPTER EIGHT pp.300-340 "The Aim of Mental Hygiene is Not an Attempt to Coddle Children": Dr. C. H. Gundry and the Mental Hygiene Division of the Vancouver School Board, 1939-1969. CONCLUSION  pp.341-348  BIBLIOGRAPHY  pp.349-368  APPENDIX I;  Vancouver's Special Classes 1910-1941  pp.3 69-394  APPENDIX  Chart of Special Class Growth 1910-1941  p.395  Special Class Size and Pupil/Teacher Ratio 1910-1941  pp.396-397  Hi  APPENDIX III:  -VI-  LIST OF TABLES  TABLE 1  American Army Tests: Years of schooling for officers and draftees, 1918.  p. 56a  TABLE 2  IQ ranges and IQ comparisons of Vancouver students by parental occupation, 1925.  p.109a  TABLE 3  IQ ranges and values of Negro and White students in Kent County, Ontario, 1939.  p. 113a  TABLE 4  Distribution of Intelligence Quotients (Terman Group Test-Form A) of Grade 8 pupils, June 1927.  p.186a  TABLE 5  IQ comparisons of Vancouver High School, Normal School and University students by parental occupation, 1925.  p. 238a  TABLE 6  IQs of Vancouver Japanese and Chinese pupils, 1926.  p. 241a  TABLE 7  Distribution of Intelligence Quotients (Terman Group Test-Form A) of Grade 8 pupils, June 1927.  p.281a  TABLE 8  Age-Grade September  p . 282a  Table, Vancouver 1 s t , 1927.  Schools,  -Vll-  LIST OF FIGURES  FIGURE 1  Cincinnati's Problem, 1915.  p.17a  FIGURE 2  Courtis Pupil Records, 1913.  p.49a  FIGURE 3  The Evolution of the American Public School, 1919.  p.52a  FIGURE 4  Manual Training Classroom, Vineland Training School.  p.60a  FIGURE 5  H. H. Goddard's Kallikak genealogy, 1912  p. 61a  FIGURE 6  Steps in Mental Development, 1914  p. 86a  FIGURE 7  Public Hospital for the Insane, New Westminster, 1920.  p.95a  FIGURE 8  Peter Sandiford's ray diagram of mental development, 1913.  p.104a  FIGURE 9  The interrelationship of various types of schools, 1918.  p.106a  FIGURE 10  The physical examination of pupils in a Vancouver classroom, 1911.  p.135a  FIGURE 11  Vancouver School Medical Staff, 1912  p. 137a  FIGURE 12  Vancouver Special Class photographs, 1919,  p. 163a  FIGURE 13  Special Class exhibition, 1919  p. 174a  FIGURE 14  Works of. Special Class pupils at the Pacific National Exhibition, 1922.  p. 177a  FIGURE '15  Special Class Time Table, 1921.  p.180a  FIGURE 16  Central School photograph, 1890,  p.189a  FIGURE 17  Photograph of Miss A. Josephine Dauphinee, 1928,  p.199a  -Vlll-  FIGURE 18  Group portrait of the Vancouver Board of School Trustees, 1918-1919.  p.217a  FIGURE 19  Observation Class and Special Class photographs, 1920.  p.224a  FIGURE 2 0 Advertisement - Second Annual Convention of the Child Welfare Association of B.C., 1919.  p.225a  FIGURE 21  Advertisement - University of Washington Summer Quarter, 1923.  p.258a  FIGURE 22  Photographs of Robert Straight and Herbert Baxter King.  p.264a  FIGURE 23  Thorndike-McCall Reading Test, January 1929, Grades 3B-9 inclusive, Vancouver, B.C.  p.284a  FIGURE 24  Cartoon of Robert Straight, 1933.  p.287a  FIGURE 25  Metropolitan Health Committee organizational plan, 1937.  p.309a  FIGURE 26  Photograph of Dr. Charles Hegler Gundry, 1939.  p.312a  FIGURE 27  Map of the Vancouver School System as of 1936.  p.317a  FIGURE 28  Vancouver School Board: Special Invitation to Principals and Teachers, April 28, 1954.  p.324a  -IX-  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  I would like to acknowledge all those who made the completion of this dissertation possible. The support of Dr. J. Donald Wilson, my principal advisor, was crucial to helping me focus and complete this project in a timely fashion. I would also like to thank the other members of my committee. Dr. William Bruneau and Dr. Stephen Petrina for their efforts. Additional thanks to Dr. Charles Ungerleider and Dr. Neil Sutherland for their comments while actively involved in this project. Aside from my academic advisors I would like to thank Mrs. Eileen Thomson for her dedication in typing this dissertation and Miss Corinne Douglas for constructing the Appendices from my raw data. May the research contained in this project benefit and inform all those who read these pages.  -1PART I; Education as Social and Scientific Management:  The first part of this dissertation is a theoretical outline of the ideological forces at work within the field of North American education  during  investigating  the  the  early  history  twentieth of  the  century.  special  In  the  education  course  classes  of  which  developed in the Vancouver school system from 1910 to the 1960s, it became increasingly apparent that little true understanding could be gained unless a certain amount of background was provided.  A variety of  social forces propelled the actions of the individuals who built the special  class  system,  the  psychological  clinic,  the  educational  measurement bureau and the mental hygiene or psychiatric division within the Vancouver school system.  Under present-day circumstances their  actions might seem rather eccentric or extreme.  However, all of the  social forces that influenced these individuals can be firmly located within the broader ideological environment of progressive social reform prevalent during the early twentieth century. One of the main thrusts of the American progressive movement was an attempt to manage social problems out of existence.  This effort  found expression in a mechanistic type of public education that invoked the Deweyan vision of educating the individual for a democratic society. A rational and scientific system of public education emerged which sorted school children into different streams or curriculum tracks based upon their supposed innate mental ability.  Intelligence testing was refined  through the classification of soldiers in the American Army during World War One and in turn became a practical device to manage large urban school systems in the 1920s. A differentiated curriculum was devised in the high schools of North America composed of an academic stream for children of high ability, a vocational stream for the average to dull children, and a segregated program of special classes for slow learners  -2or mentally challenged children who were referred to at the time as the "feebleminded".  It was a school system based upon the scientifically  discerned intellectual worth of human beings. It also claimed to support the child-centred vision of public education as found in John and Evelyn Dewey's Schools of To-Morrow (1915). The first chapter in this part of the dissertation provides evidence of a link between eugenics and special education policy in North America during the early twentieth century.  The selection of subnormal  children  special  on  a  scientific  basis  for  the  classes  and  the  institutional segregation of the feebleminded were primarily based in eugenics, a social rationale embraced by many social radicals of the day from across the political spectrum.  The second chapter describes two  movements in early twentieth century North American education that had definite  links  to the eugenic movement: educational  intelligence testing.  efficiency  and  Taking the premise of endless factory production  from efficiency measures outlined by Frederick W. Taylor in his famous business studies, the new academic leaders of educational administration at  several  "educational  universities engineer".  envisioned The  the  wise  school  principal  engineer/principal  as  ran  an his  factory/school by dividing the workforce/students into differentiated curriculum streams according to their intellectual ability or social worth using the new intelligence tests.  Maximum utilization of each  student's mental potential was the goal of these efficiency measures; however, those judged inferior received decidedly less consideration. Teachers had little individual control over such a highly regimented educational system with formalized teaching practices. The final chapter in this first part of the dissertation addresses the creation of the special class system in Canada's schools which was largely the product of the emerging "mental hygiene" movement in education. Canada's impetus for the creation of these special classes came largely from medical doctors directly involved in the system of health inspections conducted  -3by each local school district. The  second  part  of  this  dissertation  will  address  the  individuals who actively promoted the restructuring of the Vancouver school system in accordance with the theoretical arguments of medical classification, eugenics, educational efficiency and mental hygiene. The reader must have some degree of familiarity with these arguments in order to grasp the willingness of the Vancouver School Board to create a special class system for subnormal children in 1910 without the benefit of provincial funding.  These special classes continued to expand over  the next half century.  The School Board's sense of social conviction  about the necessity of such mental hygiene measures in public education must have been extremely strong.  -4CHAPTER ONE "To Single Out Little Tots"; Eugenics and the Creation of Special Classes for Subnormal Children within the Public Education Systems of North America. i. Introduction: In 1929 as the Great Depression was about to begin the Mayor of New York City, Fiorello La Guardia, spoke to a conference of educators who taught "subnormal" children.  Not known to express his views in a  polite and indirect manner, the populist La Guardia was blunt in his criticism.  He stated:  "There is nothing more repulsive to me and  nothing more unwarranted than to single out little tots, under 12, put them in a separate room and label them...". 1  His remarks reveal that  a very profound change had occurred in North American education during the early twentieth century, namely the infiltration of the scientific view of the child as a biological organism which could be classified by mental ability.  This subject, the historical influence of psychology  upon the conduct of public education, is an area of scholarship that has received uneven attention in both Canada and the United States.  The  literature is divided between works which focus upon "mental hygiene", or the broad application of psychology principles to educational concerns of childhood such as health education and "eugenics", or the active promotion of specific measures to segregate the mentally unfit while encouraging the mentally superior to dominate society. In the United States Sol Cohen has studied the propagation of mental hygiene as a social, educational and public health policy in public institutions such as schools from the 1920s to the 1940s.  He  emphasizes that these educational initiatives were funded through the financial support of the Rockefeller Foundation. 2  Theresa Richardson  has attempted to construct a comprehensive history of mental hygiene as a distinct social policy in North America that was promoted by both the Canadian and American National Committees for Mental Hygiene. 3  Angus  McLaren chose eugenics as the focus for his study of how the science of  -5the well-born directly affected Canadian government policies on public health, immigration, the medical treatment of the mentally subnormal and educational matters such as sex hygiene. 4  Eugenics has been cited by  numerous American writers as a specific factor influencing social policy in such areas as public health measures, immigration and education. Donald Pickens examined American eugenics as being an appendage of the American progressive movement which directly affected such academic fields as educational psychology and, in particular, the works of Edward L. Thorndike. 5 Daniel  J.  Kevles  In a more comprehensive study of American eugenics, sought  to show how  the movement was  a  decidedly  nativistic product of the professional middle classes who used its scientific mandate of race betterment to shape public policy during the decades  between  the  two  World  Wars.  6  Mark  H.  Haller  used  hereditarianism as the basis for his volume on the link between the American eugenic/genetics movement of the interwar period and the social Darwinism of the late nineteenth century. 7  Hamilton Cravens makes  the valid point that many eugenic social initiatives in the United States were an extension of hereditarian ideas originally fostered by Social Darwinism. Cravens also explored the eugenic biases which existed during the creation of the first dubious scientific measures of intelligence in America and the dominance of hereditarian theory over environmental causation. 8  The now classic volume on American eugenics, intelligence  testing and, indirectly, mental hygiene is Stephen Jay Gould's expose of the  fraudulent  scientific  claims  of  early  genetic  theories  of  intelligence and the social wrongs committed under its auspices. 9 Diane B. Paul believes this tantalizing preoccupation with controlling human heredity is what first created and continues to empower science's concern with America's genetic destiny. 10  In a work that does not focus upon  the United States, Mark B. Adams convincingly shows how the eugenic preoccupations were a truly international phenomenon during the twentieth  -6century.  However, there are few links made in any of the works on North  American eugenics and mental hygiene to the practice of public education. A notable exception is Steve Selden's work on how eugenic ideas became a part of the high school biology curriculum in the United States from 1919 to 1949. 11  Also Cohen and Richardson demonstrate how mental  hygiene, through the financial backing of the Rockefeller Foundation, was implemented in the public school system.  Yet the eugenic, and later,  mental hygiene preoccupations of such educational projects as special classes for subnormal students appear to be generally overlooked despite being a widespread reality from 1900 onward in North American public school systems. In a recent article by Mona Gleason about the post-Second World War educational paradigm created by the influence of psychology on schooling practices  in Canada, exactly  the same point  is posited.  Psychology is described by Gleason as "a force largely unexplored in Canadian educational history". 12  This is a very accurate appraisal of  the situation with the exception of some recent volumes by Margaret Winzer, James Trent, Jr., Barry Franklin and Leila Zenderland. 13 Winzer provides a very comprehensive history of special education; Trent focuses on the creation of the menace of the feebleminded; Franklin critiques the medical model from which the modern field of learning disabilities arose and Zenderland examines the role of Henry Herbert Goddard in popularizing intelligence testing.  All of the volumes focus  on the United States with the exception of Winzer's.  Winzer and Trent,  Jr. do give credence to the eugenics movement and its effect on special education. However, in this dissertation both eugenics and mental hygiene will be placed in a central position in order to understand how these social/scientific philosophies affected the daily practices of many fields  of  public  activity  and,  in particular,  education.  Sheila  Martineau has called this flirtation between the eugenics movement and  -7the educational state a "dangerous liaison" of "puritanical proportions" which inflicted  "a tyranny of social controls" over  disadvantaged children". 14  the  "lives of  In many ways this encapsulates what my  dissertation is about; first, the infiltration of eugenic and mental hygiene ideas on a broad scale within academic/medical theory and second, the use of those same ideas on a purely local scale as regards the Vancouver school system.  This first chapter concerns the scientific  underpinnings of special education and the singling out of "little tots" as a new sub-species of human being, the subnormal child. ii. Francis Galton and the Eugenic Impulse to Categorize: Eugenics began as a practical proposal to transfer the genetic manipulation techniques used on domestic animals and plants, as in stock breeding or plant hybridization, to the genetic improvement of the human species. A cousin of Charles Darwin, Francis Galton, first proposed that nature could be manipulated in the case of human beings to breed for better  characteristics  (positive  eugenics),  and  alternatively  by  restricting reproduction to phase out undesirable genetic characteristics (negative eugenics) . Galton used the Greek word "eugenes", meaning "good in stock" and coined the term eugenics to describe what he envisioned as the science of the well-born.  Galton's first volume on the subject.  Hereditary Genius (1869) made the pronouncement that mental abilities were stable and transmitted over time as mental traits.  This supposed  fact was later stressed in his Inguiries into Human Faculty and Its Development (1883) and Natural Inheritance (1889) . Angus McLaren states that  Galton  "was  scientifically  the  first  meaningful  to  assert  that  'intelligence'  was  a  concept and that it was inheritable". 15  Galton's work gave scientific credence to the commonly held notions of the populace that some people or families were simply "born bad" and that certain races had a propensity for intellectual capacity, while others were suited to physical labour requiring little mental effort.  In fact Galton states bluntly in his Inguiries volume that  -8eugenics would "give to the more suitable races or strains of blood a better chance of prevailing speedily over the less suitable" races of man.  Eugenics was more than just a descriptive term for "judicious  mating" and provided "a neater word" for capturing a planned program of social "viriculture". 16 ability  he possessed  desirable traits.  Galton prided himself on the almost God-given  to judge  individuals  of  either  sex by  their  He loved to create tallies of the various types of  people he saw as he walked the streets or observed groups of people in public places. McLaren relates how Galton described this process in his own words: Whenever I have occasion to classify the persons I meet into three classes, "good, medium and bad", I use.a needle mounted as a pricker, wherewith to prick holes, unseen, in a piece of paper, torn rudely into a cross with a long leg. I use the upper end for "good", the cross arm for "medium", the lower end for "bad". The prick holes keep distinct, and are readily read off at leisure. 17 After 1906 the mantle of eugenics would be passed by Galton to Karl Pearson who he personally approved as the first head of the Biometric  Laboratory  at University  College, London.  The  Biometric  Laboratory had been established through generous funding from Galton and his wealthy followers. Pearson gave statistics a prominent place in the eugenic study of human populations and their mental abilities.  He  eventually became Director of the Galton Laboratory for National Eugenics but also held the directorship of the Department of Applied Statistics. Pearson's main contribution to posterity was to describe the normal distribution curve.  Using data from school teachers about the mental  ability of their students from several descriptive categories as "very dull", "slow", "quick", "intelligent" and the like, Pearson found that most populations of school children would form a characteristic curve of mental capacity.  There were small pupil populations at the low and high  ends of the curve where it rose and descended, with the bulk of students lying in a broad range of normal ability forming the curve's central rise.  This data was not obtained with the new Binet-Simon mental tests  -9as Kevles has pointed out but rather from the subjective opinions of British school teachers. 18 Pearson shared with Galton a driving passion to remake the social order on the basis of heredity.  In 1898 when he received word of  Pearson's statistical discovery, Galton declared that: "We shall make something of heredity at last". 19  Pearson, along with Galton, seemed  to have  as  regarded  discoveries  and  school the  children  nation's  race  the  raw material  destiny.  They  for  eugenic  a  captive  were  population for experimentation and classification which served Pearson's research purposes in discerning the normal curve of mental abilities in any sample population.  Children were, depending upon their social and  mental backgrounds, also representatives of the nation's intellectual assets or future security.  Galton advised that the "worth of children"  could only be achieved by eugenic selection when he declared: The brains of the nation lie in the higher of our classes. If such people as would be classed W or X could be distinguishable as children and procurable by money in order to be reared as Englishmen, it would be a cheap bargain for the nation to buy them at the rate of many hundred or some thousands of pounds per head. 2 0 While Galton believed in giving minimal training in good habits and character to all children, the eugenic project seemed to demand the devotion of educational children.  resources primarily  to a group of  selected  It was a social strategy the principal aim of which was to  find ways of "reducing the undesirables" while "increasing those who would become the lights of the nation". 21 Galton's eugenics introduced the concept of social selection for educational purposes and Pearson followed this with a statistical theory concerning the distribution of mental ability within any given population. This finding would later be replicated through the widespread usage of the Binet-Simon mental tests to rank school children.  The eugenic project contained an educational  component from its very inception under Galton. iii. The Continuity of the Germ Plasm:  -10Galton's eugenic ideas remained speculative at best until they were "taken up and made scientifically respectable by Karl Pearson", writes Angus McLaren. 22  Pearson's initial scientific investigations  into such physical characteristics as differing statures, eye colours, fertility and longevity eventually capacities of human beings.  led him into the varying mental  Pearson proved in mathematic terms the  theory of correlation that Galton had only suggested could gauge human intelligence.  It was now possible to create idealized  achievement  rankings or centiles of mental ability within designated ranges of normality.  After  1884  the  "r" coefficient  and  other  statistical  innovations provided the "tools" with which "psychologists could express their findings". 23  Galton, as McLaren points out, resented genetics as  it allowed for random biological variation. What Galton and Pearson were seeking through the science of biometrics was to detect the inheritance of fixed characteristics among human beings, including mental ability. 24  The biological/genetic theory that Galton and Pearson required to  support their biometric paradigm appeared in 1892.  It  immediately  provided eugenics with a supposedly solid underpinning of scientific validity. In 1892 a German cytologist or cell biologist named August Weismann (1834-1914) published The Germ Plasm; A Theory of Heredity and the English translation appeared only one year later in 1893. The theory held that all characteristics of an organism are inherited through the germinal  cells which environmental  generation to generation.  influences  could not alter  Weismann opposed the "pangenesis" of Darwin  which held that all cells of the body contribute reproductive traits.  from  to an organism's  Instead he believed that like plants and animals  human beings reproduced through "blasto-genesis" or from a fixed set of characteristics believed  carried  from  one generation  to another.  Weismann  "the offspring owes its origin to a peculiar substance of  extremely complicated structure...the germ plasm.". The germ plasm "can  -11never be formed anew; it can only grow, multiply, and be transmitted from one generation to another". 25  Essentially it was the first theory to  recognize the nature of modern genetics, although the genetic code of DNA would not be discovered until the 1960s by Crick, Wilkins and Watson. Contemporary genetics is only now identifying the gene abnormalities that lead to specific disorders such as cystic fibrosis, as well as making inquiries into the possible transmission of gene defects which could result in the development of mental diseases such as schizophrenia. However imprecise Weismann's theory was, in the light of present day genetics it did fundamentally alter how evolution and human reproduction were regarded.  In fact Haller (1963) believes that Weismann's theory of  "hereditary determiners" being "lodged in the chromosomes of the germ cells"  imbued  eugenics  with  a scientific  finality  which  seriously  challenged environmentalism. 26 This directly opposed the conception of the child as an organism which learns from experience and thus seriously challenges a fundamental premise of education, the providing of enriching activities to each child. The emphasis on a natural education full of rich and varied experiences had been central to such early theorists of education as Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi (1746-1827), Friedrich Froebel (1782-1852) and Johann Friedrich Herbart (1776-1841).  Educators could guide the growth  of a child's mind by fostering the dynamic interplay of the child with the world around him, a cherished ideal since Jean Jacques Rosseau's Emile (17 62) . The growth of kindergartens as promoted by Froebel and the value placed on play as natural education became central innovations in the field of education during the late nineteenth century.  The child-  centered movement of Granville Stanley Hall which dominated American education in the early twentieth century was based upon naturalism.  It  depended  to  upon  the  child  passing  from  a  stage  of  presavagery  civilization through the "normal stimulus" of such influences as formal education. Hall's student, John Dewey, took the preparatory function of  -12education further and made the school into an "embryonic community" for the larger  society.  achievement  and  thus  The overall goal was social  improvement  to encourage  which  to activists within  made  individual  Dewey's  extremely  attractive  movement.  The biological view of the child as an organism with specific  inherited  traits  and  a  predetermined  the progressive  ideas  intellectual  education  potential  was  perversely wedded to educational theories such as Dewey's which stressed natural development. 27 Meritocratic practices in public education were thus scientifically supported and social class determinism naturalized. Weismann's  description  of  human  offspring  as  biological  products discouraged the view that education could significantly alter an individual's destiny.  He wrote:  The type of child is determined by the parental and maternal ids contained in the corresponding germ-cells meeting together in the process of fertilisation, and the blending of parental and ancestral characteristics is thus predetermined, and cannot become easily modified by subsequent influences. The facts relating to identical twins and to plant-hybrids prove that this is so. 28 Weismann himself did not seek to link his theory of the continuity of the germ plasm to eugenics.  However, eugenists such as Karl Pearson were  quick to make a connection, for upon reading the volume in 18 92 Pearson wrote that Weismann's theory proved that "the bad stock can never be converted into good stock -- then we see how grave a responsibility is cast at the present day upon every citizen, who directly or indirectly has to consider problems relating to the state endowment of education". 29  The eugenic outlook did not necessarily alter how the educational  potential  of children was  regarded but rather gave new  credence to traditional practices of social inequality.  scientific  Some children  would need minimal training, while others should have their intellect cultivated through education.  Pearson, like his eugenic colleagues in  America such as Charles Davenport and Harry Laughlin, was preoccupied with  "national  fitness"  as  well  as  "race  progress".  To  avoid  "educational chaos" there should be "a specialized education suited to  -13develop the intelligence of each caste and class".  The "great bulk of  the population" would require only a vocational education in "craft schools".  30  Pearson's concept of education was that of a scientific  instrument by which class formation could be eugenically guided in order to increase the industrial efficiency of society.  It was a biologically  determined view of education which acted to reinforce traditional class structures in the name of national fitness. The theory of the continuity of the germ plasm acted to change the outlook of those directly involved in the education of the most vulnerable  of  psychologists  subnormal and  children,  special  the mentally  education  training of intellectually  challenged.  professionals  involved  impaired children often made  remarks about their subjects by invoking Weismann's theory. children were simply bad germ plasm.  Early in  the  disparaging Subnormal  The Scottish psychologist, A.F.  Tredgold, feared race decline in Great Britain as at least four per cent of every 1,000 children could be classified as subnormal in intellect. To Tredgold this "condition of germinal impairment" would affect the "aggregate efficiency and capacity of the nation" if not given specific attention through training schemes. 31 Training  School  for  subnormal  children  The director of the Vineland in  New  Jersey,  Edward  R.  Johnstone, wrote in 1909 that the inmates of his, as well as other such institutions, "are the representatives of degenerate families".  Unless  this "stream of degeneracy" is "checked" then society will be overwhelmed with "illegitimate, feeble-minded children" . Johnstone declared: "We are struck by the immense number coming into the world all the time". 32 John  Franklin  Bobbitt,  the  prominent  instructor  of  educational  administration at the University of Chicago, wrote that if a child "springs from worm-eaten stock" then they are "marred in the original making" and thus not "responsive" to education. 33  Lewis Terman, the  Stanford University Professor of Educational Psychology, wrote in 1917 that "Feeble-minded children in the regular classroom" are "a source of  -14moral contagion" who "drag down the standards of achievement for normal children". 34 Psychologist Edward L. Thorndike of Columbia University's Teachers College was most adamant in 1913 that "long before a child begins his schooling" and "long indeed before they are born -- their superiority or inferiority to others...is determined by the constitution of the germs and ova whence they spring". 35  The germ plasm theory  allowed eugenics to alter a basic conception of education.  Under the  biological paradigm of germ plasm a child was trained according to a predetermined level of genetic capability.  Children either spring from  good or bad human stock and by implication from good or bad germ plasm. Thus eugenics provided a biological rationale for many older forms of social prejudice in education. iv. The Menace of the Feebleminded; In the early part of the twentieth century a campaign was launched that was originally based upon a highly dubious public health argument concerning the mandatory institutionalization, placement in restricted educational settings and eventual forced sterilization of children who were deemed subnormal.  The "menace of the feebleminded"  campaign lasted from 1890 to the mid-1920s and primarily focused upon the threat to the racial stock posed by the procreation of inferior genetic material.  It has only recently been recognized as a social, political  and intellectual movement which developed in several distinct stages. James W. Trent, Jr. believes it slowly solidified from 1890 to 1910 and from  1910  to  1920  reached  a  "hysterical  pitch".  36  Before  the  formulation of Weismann's germ plasm theory in 1892 the education of mentally challenged  individuals, or  "idiots" as they were  commonly  called, had been largely confined to physical and task training. training  focus never  really disappeared  from  the  field of  This  special  education but mentally challenged people were never regarded in the same positive manner after eugenics classified them as bad germ plasm. Edward Seguin was a French educator who began his teaching  -15career in 1840 as an instructor for a class of idiot children.  Seguin  was not an ordinary teacher as he had studied under Jean-Marc Itard, the famous teacher of the Wild Boy of Aveyron.  Seguin, who believed all  mentally impaired children could be trained, gained fame as a teacher of idiots at Salpetriere by following the methods of Pestalozzi on "object training". 37  In 1843 he published Hygiene et Education and in 1850 came  to the United States after he clashed with French medical authorities. In America his idiot training was praised by Horace Mann and Seguin finally obtained a medical degree.  Seguin believed idiocy was divided  into two categories, the superficial and the profound or congenital. In the case of superficial idiocy, "basic mental faculties could be stimulated and exercised just like muscles".  Education "could overcome  atrophy of the nervous system" if there was no permanent malformation. 38  After  impressive  results,  Seguin,  slowly  began  to  adopt  the  prevailing medical view that institutionalization provided the most feasible solution to the problem and clearly stated this position in Idiocy (1866).  The germ plasm theory discouraged the development of  stimulatory education for mentally challenged children as the idiot was now recast as an untrainable, feeble-minded burden on society.  The  infection of society by bad germ plasm only became a real concern when, due to compulsory school attendance laws, the "crippled, the blind, the deaf, the sick, the slow-witted and the needy arrived in growing numbers" at the doors of public schools. 3 9 The  "menace of  the feebleminded" movement was a eugenic  response by medical and educational professionals to the biological fact of Weismann's germ plasm theory.  Total segregation for the worst cases  or bad racial stock in institutions was adopted as the first remedy to the  feebleminded  Superintendent  of  problem. the  In  Western  a  1909  speech  Pennsylvania  by  J.M.  Institution  Murdoch, for  the  Feebleminded, to the National Conference on Charities and Correction it was stated emphatically society needed to "Quarantine Mental Defectives" .  -1640  Margaret Winzer believes the movement emanated from "a handful of  influential leaders who elaborated the principles of... eugenics as they sponsored public  legislation...directed  toward  the eradication  society of the delinquent, the defective, and the diseased". 41  from Those  subnormal children who could be educated might be contained in the new segregated special classes appearing in many North American public school systems. New York created its first special class for "misfit" children at Public School No. 1 in 1899 on Manhattan's Lower East Side. However, the  educational  development  innovation  of reliable  which  propelled  instruments  this  for detecting  process  was  the  feeble-minded  or  backward children in the schools, namely the new Binet-Simon mental tests. Psychologist Henry Herbert Goddard's chance encounter in 1908 with Belgian educator Ovid Decroly precipitated his bringing back to America the 1904 intelligence test developed by Frenchmen Alfred Binet and Theodore Simon for the Parisian school system.  While Goddard was at  the Vineland Training School for the feebleminded  in New Jersey he  adapted the test for American children and initiated the moron/imbecile mental categories. psychologist, began  In California Lewis Terman, a Stanford educational to renorm  the Binet  test on California  children in 1913, eventually creating a full revision in 1916.  school This  topic will be addressed in greater detail in the next chapter, but the campaign against the menace of the feebleminded could not have been conducted in the school system without these intelligence tests.  Even  before the Binet-Simon mental tests had been developed, and during the same year the germ plasm theory was published  in English, 1893, a  Stanford researcher named Will S. Monroe sent surveys to hundreds of California public school teachers. The survey was published in 1894 and covered 10,842 students, many of whom were found to be either physically or mentally defective. Monroe estimated nine per cent of the sample were mentally dull, two per cent feeble-minded and only six students were  -17imbeciles or idiots. Monroe advised segregated special classes for the defective children as they could not "remain a hinderance to the 90 or more per cent of normal children". 42  Even before the campaign against  the "menace of the feebleminded" began, the desire to isolate such exceptional children already existed. The hysteria over the feebleminded was a strange mixture of a  genuine  desire  to  help  these  unfortunates  but  also  put  conveniently out of sight in institutions or special classes.  them  It also  reinforced a fear that bad germ plasm was the real cause of social problems like poverty, crime, prostitution, delinquency and drunkenness rather than poor living conditions. Goddard called the feebleminded the "cancerous growth of bad protoplasm". 43 Director  of  the  Vineland  School,  Edward R. Johnstone, the  believed  the  seemingly  growing  population of mentally handicapped was a problem which "must be checked" . Johnstone advised the "complete operation" or full sterilization to be the only "entirely satisfactory" solution because partial unsexing, such as male vasectomies, "leaves all of the passions and desires".  44  University of Chicago school administration professor, John Franklin Bobbitt, believed  schools were going too far  preserve the weak and incapable". 45  "out of their way to  Goddard, in particular, took the  menace of the feebleminded to its eugenic extremities in his 1912 book entitled  The Kallikak  Family, A  Study  in  the Heredity  of Feeble-  Mindedness. The book constructed a pseudo-scientific history of a family with complimentary discovered  sane and feebleminded branches.  The family was  through a female patient, Deborah, who was  admitted  to  Vineland in 1897 and died there in 1978. While researching the Kallikak hoax during the winter of 1983-1984, J. David Smith found a newspaper article  concerning  the great, great, great-granddaughter  Kallikak, Jr. from the feeble-minded side of the family.  of  Martin  She was a  distinguished college graduate, despite a heredity of "bad seed" or germ plasm. 46 The "menace of the feebleminded" can be viewed as a deliberate  -17aFigure  1:  THE FEEBLE-MINDED OR THE HUB TO OUR WHEEL OF VICE, CRIME AND PAUPERISM  Cincinnati's Problem A pamphlet distributed by the Juvenile Protective Association of Cincinnati, Ohio in 1915 entitled "Cincinnati's Problem". The message concerning the genetic threat of the feebleminded to the common good of society is dramatically evident. Source; Taken from an illustration in James W. Trent Jr., Inventing the Feeble Mind: A History of Mental Retardation in the United States, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994).  -18attempt at fearmongering by professionals who had vested interests in the institutions and educational systems created to care for these afflicted people.  It was the superintendents of various state institutions or  asylums who created Feebleminded.  the American Association  for the Study of  the  The National Conference of Charities and Corrections  became a forum to spread the eugenic version of germ plasm theory that crime, poverty and social problems were essentially genetic in nature. In Canada and the United States the Rockefeller Foundation funded each country's respective National Committees on Mental Hygiene which in turn published reports by medical and psychological experts on the genetic threat of the feebleminded.  Goddard and Johnstone were amply supported  by laundry soap magnate, Samuel Fels, through the American Association for the Study of the Feebleminded.  Goddard and his female assistant, a  former school teacher named Miss Kite, used their revised Binet-Simon mental tests to assess Ellis Island immigrants.  In 1917 they published  their results revealing a rate of 40 to 50 per cent feeblemindedness among immigrants, which served as alarming scientific evidence of a crisis only solved by the restrictive Johnson-Lodge Immigration Act of 1924. 47  The fact that the Governor of New Jersey, Woodrow Wilson,  signed a bill in 1911 to authorize both sterilizations and special classes attested to the power of the eugenic argument. 48 and  1918 Alexander  Johnson  of  the Committee  on  Between 1915  Provision  for  the  Feebleminded  lectured in 350 cities across North America about the  feebleminded  threat, complete with  "stereoscopic  illustrations", to  everyone from the Kiwanis to Sunday School Bible classes. 4 9  The fear  of bad germ plasm remained a social preoccupation among many social leaders in North America until the mid-1920s. The "menace of the feebleminded" campaign and its call for social action certainly affected British Columbia. "the  eugenic  philosophy  transcended  the  Winzer states that  Atlantic  to  impinge  the  consciousness of Progressives and social reformers in the ...Canadian  -19West".  "Influential disciples sponsored and advanced legislation...in  an effort to eradicate from society the ...delinquent, the defective" as a public service to society. 50  McLaren identifies Miss Josephine  Dauphinee, the supervisor of Vancouver's special classes for subnormal children,  as  a  vocal  proponent  of  the  social  segregation  sterilization of the feebleminded during the early 1920s. 51  and  In fact,  during the early 1920s, a Committee on Feeble-Mindedness was created by the British Columbia Teachers Federation (B.C.T.F).  The 1928 report of  the committee stated there were "some two thousand children of school age in the Province" who "were able to derive only slight, if any, benefit from the regular school curriculum".  Feeble-minded children should be  immediately removed to special classes in order that "the work of the teacher...be lightened and the tone of the classroom improved". The data gathered by the committee was compiled  from questionnaires  sent to  schools in the Okanagan Valley, Nanaimo and North Vancouver.  Replies  from 25 schools with a total enrolment of 5,000 revealed "that almost two per cent (2%) of the school children in these schools are feeble-minded." 52  In 1927 John M. Ewing, principal of Queen Mary School in North  Vancouver, had warned B.C.T.F members about "The Moron in Our Midst". "Feeblemindedness", wrote Ewing, "is a characteristic which is inherited in strict accordance to Mendel's Law: the source is to be found in the feebleminded themselves".  Only such measures as educational training  programs, institutionalization and custodial care would begin to address the pressing problem of the feebleminded in the province.  Ewing ended  his article by posing the question: "Is there any reason why the B.C.T.F. should not place a campaign for the proper care of the feebleminded in the forefront of their program for 1927-28?" 53  Teachers in British  Columbia were directly involved in the campaign against the "menace of the feebleminded". The biological paradigm of Weismann's germ plasm theory and the sudden influx of pupils who had never previously been in school due  -20to the enforcement of compulsory attendance laws produced the menace of the feeble-minded school child.  Explanations of circumstantial causes  for such social problems as crime, poverty and lack of educational achievement  were  discarded.  It was  now  alleged  that  bad  living  conditions did not produce wayward children but rather bad germ plasm. A prime example of this was the 1877 report of pioneer criminologist Richard L. Dugdale on a clan of multigenerational New York State career criminals. The Jukes: A Study in Crime, Pauperism, Disease, and Heredity. Dugdale's solution to their criminal tendencies was to improve the clan's living conditions as the "environment tends to produce habits which may become  hereditary".  However, when  eugenicist  Arthur  H.  Estabrook  published his study of The Jukes in 1915 (1916) it served as a textbook example of the problem of genetic criminality.  Estabrook advised forced  sterilization as the only solution to end this longstanding problem of familial inheritance. 54  The intellectual tide in North America had  shifted dramatically from improving the living conditions of the less fortunate to isolating the products of an inferior gene pool.  Children,  and adults alike, were now graded as so much genetic material, either good or bad. v. Eugenic Selection: The Special Class System in North America; The social logic of eugenics and educational reform became overtly intertwined  in an effort to isolate specific children from  regular classrooms through intelligence test screenings.  Such children  were then confined in "special classes" which could supposedly meet their unique learning needs.  E. Anne Bennison writes that the "policy of  segregation was founded upon a eugenic belief that these unfortunates were the results of defective genes and that they would become burdens upon society". 55 Bennison's remark underlies the very basis of special education, the singling out of particular students as less socially competent than their "normal" peers.  The harshness of the terminology  used in the early twentieth century reflects the eugenic classification  -21of such children as social menaces to the larger population.  "Being  simple" was a broad term with a rather benign connotation.  It was  replaced by "feebleminded" and sub-classes such as "moron" (Mental age 10 to 12), "high-grade imbecile" (8 to 10), "medium imbecile" (6 to 8 ) , "low-grade imbecile" (4 to 5 ) , and "idiot" (0 to 3 ) . All children so classified were thought to be the genetic products of bad germ plasm and their social as well as educational misplaced  segregation was born out of a  fear of contagion to the wider population as much as the  professed motivation of simple human kindness. The first special classes were created in the Prussian state school system in the late 1800s and by 1900 Germany had over 6,000 children enrolled in such classes.  London, England, had 42 centers for  subnormal children by 1900 with 85 classes containing 1,200 students. 56 The first American special classes opened in Cleveland's public schools in  1875.  The  "imbecile  class" was  disbanded  as  an  unsuccessful  experiment, while similar classes for the deaf, blind, speech stammerers and  the  like  gained  wide  acceptance.  It  was  only  after  school  populations increased due to the enforcement of mandatory attendance laws and as the feebleminded were seen as social deviants that special classes finally achieved broad acceptance. 57  As the enrolment rose in the  American public school system from 12.7 million in 1890 to 19.7 million in 1915 the average daily attendance rose by 84 per cent.  The school  year increased in length from 134.7 days to 159.4 days and expenditures rose by 329 per cent from $141 million to $605 million. were coming to school with more problems.  More students  When Leonard Ayres published  his popular study. Laggards in Our Schools (1909), the public became aware  of  children.  these  problem  children  retarding  the progress  of  normal  If backward children were not segregated, it was concluded,  the entire public education system could collapse. 58 When Henry Herbert Goddard and Lewis Terman advanced mental measurement as a scientific means to detect the feebleminded, special classes began to gain wide  -22acceptance among educators as, in Bennison's words, types of "clearing houses".  Eugenics  inferiority  and  provided  intelligence  the tests  scientific  evidence  of  the definitive means  to  genetic isolate  selected children in special classes. Martin W. Barr, head of the Pennsylvania Training School for Feeble-Minded  Children,  looked  forward  in his  1897 address  to the  Association of Medical Officers of American Institutions for Idiotic and Feeble-Minded Persons to what the next decade would yield. Barr stated: "The recognition  as defectives of those backward  and  feebly-gifted  children who have hitherto so embarrassed the work of the teacher has already led to new and better grading of the schools on the continent and in London, while with us. Providence, Rhode Island is taking the lead in a movement which must soon become general". Barr perceived that special class teachers and an efficient method of scientific mental diagnosis would develop in the public school system as the need for segregating feeble-minded children grew. 59 By 1917 the Stanford psychologist, Lewis Terman, wrote in his summary analysis of state-wide survey data that these children cost the State of California more than $5 million a year. About 1 to 4 per cent of all school children were, according to Terman, feeble-minded and they acted to "drag down the standards of achievement for normal children". He believed the feebleminded constituted a "source of moral contagion". 60  In 1916 he wrote that such school children were  "ineducable beyond the merest rudiments of training".  "Their dullness",  he continued, was "inherent in the family stocks from which they came". In the final analysis only one solution to the problem of the feebleminded child was feasible to Terman.  He advised:  Children of this group should be segregated in special classes and be given instruction which is concrete and practical. They cannot master abstractions, but they can often be made efficient workers, able to look out for themselves. 61 Terman stated quite openly that "from a eugenic point of view" the sheer number of these children  "constitute a grave problem" due to their  -23"prolific breeding".  By 1911 over 373 of 898 urban school systems  surveyed in the United States had such special classes. 62 Public school officials willingly allocated additional funds to these special classes despite the fact their smaller class size made them more expensive.  The  motivation of counteracting the menace of the feebleminded proved very powerful. The first system of "ungraded" special classes began in 1899 in New York City at Public School No. 1 on Hudson Street in Manhattan's Lower East Side. A reform-minded teacher in the school named Elizabeth Farrell created, with the help of her principal, a classroom of children classified as mentally defective for the purpose of social uplift. There was no official  direction  experiment at P.S. No. 1.  or sanction  to conduct  this  educational  Farrell called the class a "human laboratory"  of "atypical" children; in fact it was an entirely male class "made up of the odds and ends of a large school". 63 "misfit" class.  The principal called it the  It was an assortment of children who one would suspect  were the "troublemakers" or "slow" children of the school. The principal must have supported Farrell's experiment for self-serving reasons; it reduced  the  complaints  of  teachers  about  these  students  lowering  classroom achievement. Superintendent of Schools, William Henry Maxwell, took note of Farrell's success with the misfit children and in 1899 he recommended  wider  provisions  unfortunate children".  for  "the  special  teaching  of  these  Maxwell knew of the special school system that  existed in London, England, and decided the first step was to gauge the size of the population of mentally defective children within the New York City school system. The city's principals reported back that about 8,000 children or two per cent of the current pupils enrolled in New York's schools were defective. Maxwell knew of the Binet-Simon mental tests and the genetic nature of subnormality.  He believed that abnormal children  had to be clearly divided into those who were the "idiotic or permanently defective", "dull children" who were slow learners, and pupils who were  -24merely "incorrigible" or "truant". 64  The public schools could only  place dull children in special classes (IQ 67 to 83: borderline range) as the permanently defective had to be institutionalized and discipline measures applied to the truant.  In 1903 Maxwell appointed Farrell as  the new inspector of ungraded classes and she tried to link the classes to the wider agenda of progressive social reform in New York City.  The  curriculum for the classes was not academic in nature as copy books and blackboard questions would constitute  "reminders of past failures".  Farrell believed such classroom activities as toy making, game playing, gardening and gymnastics would appeal to the children's "instincts". 65 The ideas were taken directly from Edward Seguin who remained highly influential on the education of feeble-minded children.  Farrell and  Maxwell framed their ungraded classes under the reformist logic of the social obligation of the public schools to save children. they  of  the  ungraded  classes  that  an  information  So proud were  display  on  the  "Education of Defectives" was created for the 1904 Louisiana Purchase Exhibition at St. Louis. 66  It was only a small part of a larger exhibit  by the New York City school system on services to handicapped children such as the blind, deaf and dumb. Intelligence testing and educational psychology altered the entire system of ungraded classes by the 1920s.  At the height of the  menace of the feebleminded campaign in World War One, Farrell adopted the new Stanford revision of the Binet test.  Between October, 1916, and  March, 1917, a "mental survey" of the special classes was undertaken to weed out chronic "feeblemindedness". Farrell embraced the new scientific means of mental measurement as she believed it would stop principals from referring mere behaviourial problems. In 1920 Farrell helped to organize the first mass screenings of all pupils in two New York public schools. In 1920 she selected the Haggerty Intelligence Test, Delta II, because it was a group test and thus easier to administer. 67  Farrell was also  aware of the shortcomings of mental measurement as a report by Anne Moore  -25in 1921 on her own survey of June, 1911, revealed the majority of ungraded class pupils came from homes with foreign-born parents. In 1921 it was estimated that although 88 per cent of pupils in the ungraded classes were born in the United States, over 75 per cent of them had foreign-born  parents.  68  Farrell  even  seemed  to  recognize  this  ghettoizing effect of the ungraded classes themselves when she wrote in 1912 that the "differences are already too apparent" between ordinary pupils and those in the special classes.  School officials and teachers  had to make general pupils understand that such children were in the special classes because these students' "mental power is like theirs only of less degree". 69 innate  Segregation had to employ a eugenic rationale of  human differences which  implied  such pupils were  less  than  mentally competent or subnormal. Bennison notes in one of her footnotes the comments of Elizabeth Judson who researched the special classes in the school system of Grand Rapids, Michigan.  Judson asked a small boy  where the Auxiliary School building was and he replied he did know, but "that is where the children are not as well educated as they are in other buildings". 70 Even a small child could grasp the problem of the special classes, that these children were selected for an inferior education. Farrell's acceptance of intelligence testing diminished the original humanitarian basis for the special classes. Her original motivation for social uplift became subverted by classification and segregation. Historian Joseph L. Tropea sees this process as almost a predictable consequence of several factors.  Focusing on the history of  the Detroit special class system in the early twentieth century, Tropea draws  several  conclusions.  With  increased  school  hours  and pupil  attendance more children came to public schools on a regular basis. Legal changes made it more difficult for administrators to "rely on attrition" to weed out student populations naturally.  There was a  "poorly rationalized segregation of pupils" which required organizational changes to scientifically operationalize "the management and control of  -26pupils".  The creation of psychological  clinics  to test and place  students in special classes was a vast improvement over the previous experiments with "unruly" classes for largely truant students. Tropea  believed  these  "efforts  provided  a  better  Thus  rationale  for  differentiating among students and their treatment by emphasizing a 'scientific' basis". Scientific mechanisms created "bureaucratic order" in a very disorganized  school system rife with conflicts. 71  The  addition in the 1920s of vocational programs at the high school level for retarded children also solved many problems.  To Tropea the special  classes were a product of the quest for "urban school order". Attendance laws had brought into the school a disorganized mob of students which classroom teachers could simply not deal with.  Some had to be excluded  for pupil management reasons. Thus the "conflict between compliance with the law and satisfaction of teachers' concerns for order was resolved through the special classroom". 72  However, there is no mention of the  eugenic and biological arguments being used to support this process. Tropea  merely  suggests  a  natural  evolution  from  chaos  to  order,  ideological considerations are never considered. Historian  Barry  Franklin  describes  a  similar  set  of  circumstances in connection with the establishment of special classes in Atlanta, Georgia. 13,254 pupils  School populations rose steadily in Atlanta from  in 1898 to 21,190  in 1915 and with  increasing number of troublesome children".  that growth  "an  One teacher complained to  the School Board in 1914 of a student who "disturbs the class by doing many unusual and unexpected things". Another teacher had a student who threw "epileptic fits" and this was "liable to cause distraction in the exercise of the school".  Both children were removed from school as the  problem of accommodating such exceptional children was becoming alarming. 73  Eventually in 1917 several special classes were created under the  leadership of a new School Board chairman, Robert J. Guinn. states  these  special  classes  "provided  a  mechanism  Franklin by  which  -27administrators tried to keep the city's schools accessible in the face of a changing school population". 74  As with Tropea, Franklin regarded  the  to  special  classes  as  administrative dilemmas.  solutions  both  teachers'  problems  and  In 1912 a presentation to the Atlanta School  Board called for the creation of special classes because their like could be found in the  "leading cities of the United  States".  It was a  progressive measure that would bring Atlanta into line with such large urban school systems as New York City and St. Louis. 75  However, in  later writings Franklin recognizes that the creation of special classes for subnormal children was done for contradictory purposes. The classes would create cost savings through the segregation of troublesome students but they would also help a group of unfortunate children who required specialized attention.  Franklin quotes Milwaukee Superintendent of  Schools, C.G. Pearse, who in 1907 stated the special classes would "save these children from themselves" and at the same time "save the state from the harm". 76  The "harm" that Pearse refers to could be something other  than financial hardship. Franklin does not appear to connect the growing influence  of  eugenics,  the germ plasm  theory,  the  "menace  of  the  feebleminded" campaign and the creation across North America around the time of the First World War of special class systems in public schools. The mainstream explanations of Tropea and Franklin are essentially true when they account for the special classes as the products of school overcrowding and complaints by teachers of unmanageable children.  Yet  the comments of Lewis Terman that feeble-minded children in regular classes were in fact the "source of moral contagion" and the fear spread through the menace of the feebleminded campaign that mental disabilities could spread like a disease were also important factors which contributed to the growth of these special classes. Canadian social welfare reformers and teachers left little doubt as to their opinions on the development of special classes for subnormal pupils.  Writing in the Public Health Journal of December,  -281915, social welfare reformer Mrs. M.H. Kerr stated in her article on "Defective Children" that a "serious problem" was confronting the people of Ontario "and we as teachers must be prepared to do our part in the solution of it". Kerr continued that it was a scientific fact that about "two or three in every thousand (children) are defective". should  "instead  of  saying  something ourselves".  'Why doesn't  somebody  do  Teachers  something?' do  Children might be "better classified" and cases  could be readily referred to trained physicians as well as psychologists. The ultimate solution for Mrs. Kerr lay in the segregation of feebleminded children in auxiliary classes where they could work peacefully with their hands and away from normal children. 77  In the same issue of  the Public Health Journal, Miss Blackwell, a teacher who helped to organize the summer institute for auxiliary class teachers in 1915 at the University of Toronto, wrote about the future of the "Auxiliary Classes in the Public Schools".  Miss Blackwell saw that the "hope of the  backward child lies in the teacher". Such a child had "something lacking in his brain substance".  Subnormal people are not found in savage  societies because like weaker fowl who are pecked to death, the savages eliminate these individuals at birth. The Greeks left deformed children in the wilderness to die, while frequent wars in the Middle Ages acted to rid society of such people.  Miss Blackwell believed that modern  humanitarians had a duty to care for these individuals but could not extend to them the freedom of action reserved for "responsible beings". 78 Blackwell queried that "since the defective child cannot be cured of his defect" and "it is dangerous to neglect him, what shall be done with him?".  The answer she gives is to definitely  "have separated  the  subnormal child from his normal class-mates" and thus only in this manner "the solution of the problem has been found".  Quoting a great deal from  Henry Herbert Goddard, Blackwell ends by declaring: "We have touched the edge of this wave of reform". 79  The reforms that Blackwell spoke of  were not merely a solution to teacher complaints and school overcrowding,  -29but a new eugenic view of children as either fit or unfit genetic material.  Children were now regarded as biological material in an  educational equation of social utility, or the future economic value of a child to society.  Philip M. Ferguson believes it was a matter of  "productivity" as opposed to mere "chronicity" or a state of total dependence.  The new "emphasis on individual productivity" in early  twentieth century American capitalism  created a category of  social  chronicity for those individuals judged by science as not being able to fit into the larger society.  The asylum and special classes were, to  Ferguson, a form of "official abandonment". 80  As the special class  systems grew in the 1920s some educators resented so much attention being lavished on these special children. May Ayres, a prominent educator and member of the social hygiene movement, composed a poem called "The Wail of the Well" which was published in the American School Board Journal of 1913.  In one section it states: Marie has epileptic fits, Tom's eyes are on the bum, Sadie stutters when she talks, Mabel has T.B. Morris is a splendid case of imbecility. Billy Brown's a truant, and Harold is a thief; Teddy's parents give him dope. And so he came to grief. Gwendolin's a millionaire, Jerald is a fool; So everyone of these darned kids Goes to a special school. 81  Ayres ended the poem with the line: "I haven't any specialities just a normal child". 82  I'm  The extraordinary educational measures taken  to control backward or feeble-minded children clearly irritated this teacher of so-called "normal" children.  Her poem describes a school  system in which pupil categorization and segregation into special classes had clearly reached, in her opinion, absurd proportions.  Ayres was not  a professional educator but an ordinary teacher, thus her opinion may be indicative of how other classroom teachers regarded the changes occurring  -30around them. vi. Conclusion; The use of eugenics and the biological theory of germ plasm to justify the segregation of school children was at the very heart of the beginnings of special education in North America. Some, like Tropea, have seen this "singling out" process as not ideologically driven but a logistical  solution  to  the  compulsory attendance laws.  diverse  school  population  However, to discount  eugenics and germ plasm theory as an ideological  created  by  the influence of justification  for  reinforcing pre-existing practices of social division within the newly inclusive school population would be to overlook a significant change. The genetic rhetoric of germ plasm was widely accepted by professionals in such fields as medicine, psychology and education.  One of British  Columbia's most prominent educational administrators in the 1920s and later in the 1930s, Chief Inspector of Schools, Herbert Baxter King, wrote about the dominance of the germ plasm theory in his Master's thesis of 1923.  King will be discussed later in this study; however, his  opinions are highly indicative of the intellectual climate of the time. He writes: However, Weismann in his "Continuity of the Germ Plasm" has argued against the transmission of acquired characteristics. His view is the accepted view of biologists today, though I am imperfectly convinced. But if one is to follow biological orthodoxy he must frame his views of the origin under the handicap of Weismann's doctrine. 83 King was merely bowing to the orthodoxy of the germ plasm theory and in effect  the  eugenic  view  of  an  individual's  unalterable  genetic  inheritance. Even he, in reference to the origins of human instinct, saw Weismann's  theory  as  problematic  due  to  its  deterministic  logic.  Singling out the children who populated the special classes for the subnormal as innately inferior was indeed a very real social handicap for those so designated.  -31Notes: 1. Marvin Lazerson, "The Origins of Special Education", in Jay G. Chambers and William T. Hartman, (eds.), Special Education Policies: Their