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Legitimation of applied knowledge: the creation of a Bachelor of Technology degree at BCIT McArthur, Ann 1997

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LEGITIMATION OF APPLIED K N O W L E D G E : THE CREATION OF A B A C H E L O R OF TECHNOLOGY DEGREE A T BCIT by. A N N Mc A R T H U R B.Sc. (Hons.), University of Birmingham ' Cert. Ed. University of Cambridge A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF M A S T E R OF ARTS , • in • THE F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES Department of Educational Studies We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH C O L U M B I A , December, 1997 © Ann Mc Arthur, 1997 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) • . Legitimation of Applied Knowledge Abstract This thesis documents and analyses a process whereby practice-based applied knowledge achieved formal legitimacy in British Columbia. The study is a historical case study representing a unique case, the creation of a Bachelor of Technology degree at the British Columbia Institute of Technology (BCIT). The central research question is: What were the external and internal factors that enabled Or constrained the legitimation of applied . knowledge to baccalaureate status at BCIT? The study is situated within both a theoretical and comparative context. TheJheoretical framework recognises the changing base of knowledge through discussion of pure and applied knowledge, knowledge stratification and its overt expression in terms of educational credentials, and the demarcation of knowledge units. A comparative backdrop to the study , traces the legitimation of applied knowledge in the United Kingdom, Germany, Australia and Canada. Methods of investigation included: interviews with stakeholders representing government, the corporate sector, professional associations, and BCIT personnel, past and present; analysis of archival materials and contemporary policy documents; and, participant •' observation resulting from the author's intimate involvement with the process. The study concludes that this new level of legitimacy conferred on applied knowledge in British Columbia results from the convergence of factors both external and internal to BCIT, the integrative factor being "timing." Practice-based applied knowledge was elevated to baccalaureate status for the following reasons: the proposal for a Bachelor.of Technology degree aligned with government's vision; government had confidence in BCIT as a degree Legitimation of Applied Knowledge granting institution; the political environment was "safe"; and, the approach was cost effective and accountable. Constraining factors pertained primarily to, the effects of degree granting on BCIT's valued diploma programs. Future research could investigate the impact of degree status on the diploma programs and on the overall culture of the institution. i i i Legitimation of Applied Knowledge Table of Contents Abstract . . ii Table of Contents...... .....................................v. iv Acknowledgements V . ix Chapter One: Overview of the Thesis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , . . 1 The Study . . . : . . . . . . ..A. \ . . . . . . : . . . . 3 Terminology . . . . . '. , . • •; 5 Outline of the Study ; . . . . . . . .11 Chapter Two: Review of the Literature 13 Part One: Knowledge ; .14 Pure and Applied Knowledge . . '. 14_ Stratification of Knowledge .21 Demarcation of Knowledge 28 Credentialing of Knowledge 30 Part Two: Trends in Other Jurisdictions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 United Kingdom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A .36 Germany ••; . . . . . . 45 Australia 55 Canada ; : . . . . . . . . . 69 Summary . 79 Chapter Three: Methodology \ 81 Research Design : 82 Research Site 84 Data Collection ; 86 Participant Observation 86 Documents and Archival Records . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . : ; . . . 89 Interviews . . . : . . . . . : . . . . 89 Data Analysis 98 Validation and. Reliability . 99 Internal Validity . . . . . . . . . . , . . . . .,. 99 - External Validity . . . . . . . . . . . . . v . . . . . . . . . . . 10L Reliability .'•. . . . . . ..A. 102 Limitations of The Study 102 Summary 103 iv Legitimation of Applied Knowledge Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia — A Historical Perspective 105 The University 106 Vocational Schools , 110 Community Colleges I l l Open Learning Agency 115 University Colleges 121 Summary 125 Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology 127 Overview • 128 The Beginnings 129 Provincial Role . . . . 130 Federal Role '. 135 Getting Started 136 The First Decade: Expansion and Diversification 138 Daytime Program Expansion 138 The Extension Division . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 Governance . . . . . . . . • ; 146 The Second Decade: Role Definition . . : 148 BCIT: A Polytechnic? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150 Ministry Investigations 152 The Third Decade: . . . 154 ' A New Institution — A New Mandate . . . . . . . . 154 The Merger of BCIT and PVI 154 A New Mandate , . . . . . . . . . ' • • • 158 Summary . . : • 165 Chapter Six: The Bachelor of Technology Degree 169 Degree Granting Status: Divided Opinion 170 Building a Case ; 171 External Influences . .-. : . • 174 The Park Report : ..-. • 178 Degree Granting Status: Consensus • • • • Creating a Market-Driven Degree 181 The Model 186 TheProposal . . . . . 1 8 7 The Implementation Strategy 189 The Announcement . 191 Summary 192 v . ., ; Legitimation of Applied Knowledge Chapter Seven: Factors Influencing the Creation of a Technology Degree at BCIT . 194 External Enabling Factors . 195 Changing Needs of the Workplace 195 Perceived Lack of Balance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202 Career Mobility and Upgrading '.'.*. • • 206 Accountability ..". 211 . T i m i n g . . . . 213 Internal Enabling Factors Leadership Institutional Reputation . . . . . . Supportive Internal Community "Stepping Stone" Approach . . . The Model Communication Strategies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . •. • 238 External and Internal Constraints . . . . . , . • 242 Fear of Devaluing the Diploma 242 Government Delays 243 Summary •'. : • • . . . 1...... .251 Chapter Eight: Conclusions . . . . . . . . 257 Alignment with Government Vision 258 Government Confidence in BCIT 263 Politically "Safe" Environment v . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ,265 Cost Effectiveness and Accountability . . . . . . . . . . . 266 Constraints . . .'. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .•-.-•> . . . 267 Differences from the 1980s . . . . . - . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 268 Future Implications . . . . . . . . : . • 269 Generalisation of Findings 272 Recommendations for Further Study 273 Summary 274 References .". 275 Appendices — . . . 291 Appendix 1 . . . . . . : 292 Appendix 2 : . . . : . . 294 Appendix 3 : 296 • Appendix 4 306 Appendix 5 . . ; , 308 Appendix 6 . . •-• 313 Appendix 7 '• • • . . 330 .214 . 214 .217 .218 .220 . 225 vi • Legitimation of Applied Knowledge Acknowledgements I am fortunate to have had the support and encouragement of so many people throughout my graduate studies and particularly during the process of my thesis research. I thank my thesis committee, Don Fisher — my research advisor, John Dennison and Hans Schuetze for their on-going support, for their hours of reading and listening, for their valuable feedback and for their constant reassurance of a finishing line. I thank Kjell Rubenson, my external examiner for his thought-provoking questions. My grateful thanks to my BCIT colleagues: to President Brian Gillespie for permission to use BCIT as my research site and for access to archival materials; to Ron Sterne for his checks of historical accuracy; to Dixie Stockmayer for helping me see the "big picture"; to Gail Mitchell, Cynthia Booth, Paula Rossetti and Donna Smith for typing and formatting assistance. A very special thanks to Edvidge Weingand for her willingness and patience with endless hours, of transcribing, reading and checking. I express, sincere thanks to each and every one of my interviewees, not only for their willingness to participate in the study but also for the enthusiasm they brought to the study.. I thank you for your forthright answers. For me, it was an incredible learning experience. I thank those special friends whose, encouraging words and supportive phone calls kept me going in tough times. You know who you are — thanks guys. To my children, Scott, Sian, Ryan and Rhys, who "lost" their mother during this process — life begins again. vii Chapter One: Overview df the Thesis i Chapter One: Overview of the Thesis In January 1995, the government of British Columbia enacted legislation giving degree granting status to selected post-secondary institutions in the nOn-university sector. This legislation not only removed the degree granting monopoly from the universities but it also legalised a trend to place more emphasis on applied education. It heralded what may be considered a major shift in baccalaureate education as practice-based applied education was awarded formal parity with traditional academic education. Historically, a hierarchy has existed within our education system drawn along divisions of social class and the social status of knowledge. Applied knowledge, specifically practice-based technological knowledge, has assumed a lower place in that hierarchy. In contrast to other industrialised societies, recognition of technological education in British Columbia traditionally has been restricted to the pre-degree level. The formalisation of practice-based applied knowledge into a baccalaureate degree has conferred a new and unprecedented level of legitimacy on this and on the institution offering such knowledge. This represents the latest gain by proponents of applied knowledge in an ongoing struggle for "acceptability" and "respectability." The history of higher education embodies a continuous tension between pure and applied knowledge. In medieval universities, the applied subjects of medicine, law, and dictamen were regarded as the natural enemies of literary humanism. An advancing culture of professionalism which sought to legitimise applied science, engineering and commerce in response to industrial needs in nineteenth century Europe, was constrained by the desire for social status associated with a liberal education. Historically, the esteem of applied knowledge in the university sector has been economically driven, responding to vocational needs rather than an educational ideal. 2 Chapter One: Overview of the Thesis Currently, educational change is once again being driven by political and economic imperatives. An expanding knowledge based economy, globalization and demographic shifts, coupled with increased international competition and rapid technological change, have resulted in the creation of new occupational clusters, organisational structures and labour market opportunities that require different qualifications and skills. In British Columbia, there is concern that the present education system is not producing a workforce with knowledge and skills appropriate to current needs (MAETT, 1991a; B C L F D B , 1995; Gallagher, Sweet, and Rollins, 1997). As in other jurisdictions, British Columbia's education system is under review and reconstruction. Increasingly, higher education is being called on to acknowledge and value its vocational role, not only to equip its graduates with theoretical knowledge, but also with the practical competencies to apply that knowledge. The Study Purpose of The Study The purpose of this study is to document and analyse one process whereby applied knowledge becomes legitimate. The case will be the creation of a Bachelor of Technology Degree at the British Columbia Instituteof Technology (BCIT). Limitation of the Study Whereas the term applied knowledge refers equally well to vocational training, to the professions, for example, medicine, dentistry and to university studies such as engineering and commerce, this study will be limited to the recognition of applied knowledge as it refers to practice-based, technological knowledge to the baccalaureate level. The study will employ 3 " Chapter One: Overview of the Thesis case study methodology using the creation of a Bachelor of Technology degree at BCIT as the unit of analysis. Research Questions What were the external factors that enabled or constrained the legitimation of applied knowledge to baccalaureate status at BCIT? This question will be examined from a national, provincial and local perspective and will incorporate evidence of the social and economic trends, and political initiatives. , What were the internal factors that enabled or constrained the legitimation of applied knowledge to baccalaureate status at BCIT? This question will examine such issues as the need to be competitive, the viability of the institution, the needs of graduates, the impact upon the diploma, the views of faculty. Significance of the Study Awarding of degree granting status to selected institutions in British Columbia's non-; university sector represents a major development in post-secondary education in British Columbia. This was possibly the most significant turning point in-the history of these institutions since their emergence in the late 1960s. The legitimation of applied knowledge at BCIT represents part of a general trend throughout the province and in other parts of Canada to recognise practice-based technological knowledge to baccalaureate level: The study will provide a historical perspective on the development of technological knowledge in British Columbia. It will attempt to show how the convergence of economic, political and social agendas brought about educational change that not only overcame Chapter One: Overview of the Thesis academic barriers but also traditional socialbarriers. These developments will be set within a comparative context. Comparisons of the evolution of practice-based degrees in British Columbia with other jurisdictions having more established systems of practice-based technological degrees may afford insights into potential future directions and issues along with consequences, which may present themselves as this new educational approach matures in British Columbia. Terminology The spectrum of applied knowledge ranges from the predominantly practical to the very theoretical aspects. Educational patterns in British Columbia in the late 1950s suggested four levels of preparation: unskilled labour; semi skilled labour; tradesman or journeyman; and professional (Bridge, 1960). The universities supplied theoretically focused professional education while vocational schools provided training for the semi skilled, tradesman and journeyman. A bifurcated system existed, supplying only the extremes of the applied knowledge spectrum. Prior to the 1960s, in British Columbia the role of bridging the gap between theory and practice had belonged to an applied science graduate, however the explosion of technological knowledge widened this gap to such an extent that it required more than one category of worker. Since applied scientists must keep pace with the theoretician, a more practice-based worker was required to bridge the gap to the practitioner. The technologist evolved to fill this middle category. It is in this middle category where the confusion of terminology is.most apparent. This study will differentiate between professional, technical/technological and vocational levels of applied education using the following operational descriptions. 5 Chapter One: Overview of the Thesis Professional Education Professional education is university education recognised by a baccalaureate degree at the undergraduate level and to advanced degrees at the graduate level or equivalent professional qualifications. The objective of professional schools is to educate in an organised body of theory and relate subject matter fundamental to the practice of the profession (Roper, 1965). Professional education involves study of the theoretical principles which underpin the applied aspects of the profession. The main function of a professional is to formulate new ideas, to — supervise, to do research, to accept a high degree of responsibility and to push forward the boundaries in his own particular field through the application of scientific knowledge and method in the workplace. Vocational Education In Europe the term vocational spans all forms of employment oriented education. In British Columbia it has a narrower focus, referring to education in the trades or vocational schools to produce semi-skilled labour, tradespersons and journeypersons. This study adopts this narrower definition. Vocational education refers to education or training usually in a single specific skill or task, producing skilled practitioners or craftspersons, through apprenticeships or certificate programs. Tradespersons and journeypersons typically concentrate on manual, skills to produce a finished product. . ; Technical/Technological Education The literature makes indiscriminate and often interchangeable use of the terms technical and technological and related terms technician and technologist. Specifically, the Bridge Report (1960) uses the terms loosely and refers to the product of an institute of technology as a technician. Roper (1965) describes this same product as a technologist. This lack of 6 Chapter One: Overview of the Thesis distinction may well be explained by the fact that in the early 1960s the technical category of worker was new and not well understood in British Columbia (Bridge, 1960). Explosive growth in technological information and consequent broadening of the applied knowledge spectrum resulted in a hierarchy appearing within the middle category of the spectrum delineating respective positions for a technologist and a technician. In 1980, the Society of Engineering Technologists of British Columbia identified technician training as a one year certificate program whereas a technologist was the graduate of a two year diploma program. The focus of this study is on technological education and adopts the operational definition of a technologist as a graduate of a two year Diploma of Technology program involving approximately 2400 of hours of study. Traditionally, universities set out to produce critical minds; vocational schools were designed to produce skilled people. Our society is in need of the combination — a need that is served for the most part by the institutes of technology providing technological education.1 Technologists have both a practical and theoretical training orientation, however in contrast to professionals, the technologist is more concerned with the practical application of established theory and principles than with the development of the principles themselves. While they understand basic scientific principles, technologists are proficient in mathematics and science to the extent required to equip them to understand and apply principles in their chosen field. Comparatively, the technologist and the technician undergo both theoretical and practical training, however the focus of the technologist is more theoretical, concentrating on increasing knowledge of fundamental principles that underlie design, whereas the technician's work is more manual and fills a position between the technologist and the practitioner, the skilled craftsperson. 7 Chapter One: Overview of the.Thesis Career/Technical Education The term career/technical is a contemporary term used to refer collectively to applied programs of one or two years duration at colleges and institutes. This study adopts this definition. Legitimation This study defines "legitimation" of applied knowledge as recognition of practice-based technological knowledge to the baccalaureate level, namely legitimation by the state. However Moran (1991), in her study of the Open University asserts: To survive and prosper a new higher education institution must necessarily establish its identity, credibility and status with peers and sponsors, and its popularity in the marketplace — in short, its legitimacy. A legal mandate, alone, cannot guarantee this legitimacy.:...It is a struggle to earn respect for the intellectual quality and standards of teaching and research, to fend off competition, and to reach levels of funding and enrolment popularity guaranteeing not only survival but also prestige and stature,.(p. 1). BCIT is not a new higher education institution, however it is a new degree granting institution. This study reveals that legitimation of non-traditional baccalaureate education translates into establishing institutional legitimacy and adopts the model of institutional legitimacy developed in the study by Moran (1991). Both studies investigate the legitimation of unconventional educational pedagogues and unusual organisational structures. Moran recognised such legitimation involved legitimising the institution. This is confirmed in the findings of this current study. Both studies address the question of legitimation through a social history of the respective institution. Moran (1991) assigns-three broad interconnected dimensions to institutional legitimacy: vertical hierarchies of institutions, curricula and 8 • • Chapter One: Overview of the Thesis pedagogues; horizontal status within institutional sectors and fields of knowledge; and external legitimacy in relation to the state (p.2). Institutional legitimacy is closely related to the purposes of higher education and while the liberal versus utilitarian functions has been an on going matter of debate, modern conflicts have been fuelled by increasing state demands for relevance.of higher education to economic and social agendas. Institutional legitimacy has both objective and subjective aspects (Trow, 1984). Objective legitimacy is primarily determined by the state in terms of legal status, formal rights, privileges and limitations. These criteria demarcate the various sectors of higher education and are reflected in institutional mandates and resource allocation. Subjective legitimacy occurs inherently '.. through institutional comparisons based on criteria traditionally associated with the universities: , Moran (1991) questions who confers institutional legitimacy, and ascribes this to three broad groups. One group is the institution's clientele, its students, employers and sponsors. Student choice of institution reflects both the prestige of the institution and its responsiveness to their particular needs, whereas employers assess the institution through the employability of its , graduates. A second group is other institutions and individuals in the higher education . community, locally, provincially, nationally and internationally. The third group comprises of government officials, specifically those in education and affiliated ministries, whose interests stem from provision of resources to furtherance of economic and social policy (p.3). While higher education systems vary between nations, evidence of institutional hierarchies is common and has tended to reproduce social values and reinforce social stratification (Bourdieu, 1977; Aronwitz and Giroux, 1985). For example, the British university system, exhibits a hierarchial structure with Oxbridge, the civic universities and polytechnic 9 Chapter One: Overview of the Thesis universities in descending order. This model supports three of Moran's (1991) assertions. First, that institutional age is an important subjective indicator of legitimacy (p.3), as age enables traditions and loyalties to develop and be handed down through generations of. families reinforcing social stratification and reproducing social culture and values. Second, that hierarchial legitimacy also stems from the relative prestige accorded types and levels of knowledge. For example, the historically higher status of liberal over vocational education. Third, that access to higher education is an important facet of hierarchial legitimacy, the perception being, the more stringent the admission criteria, the more desirable the institution or program. In general, universities have used restrictive entry practices to demarcate the high status professional programs. The question of access is fundamental to the debate on mass versus elite education. Institutional attitude towards this controversy may well influence stakeholder opinion as to the hierarchial position of the institution. Moran (1991) refers to the horizontal dimension of legitimacy as "an institution's credibility and stature in the eyes of peer institutions and disciplinary practitioners" (p.4). Institutional mandates determine the peer status of institutions. A degree granting technical institute with an applied research mandate has commonalities with universities, colleges, other technical institutions and industry sectors and is judged by a specific peer group against normative . criteria depicting their common culture. Horizontal legitimacy also occurs at the program/discipline level and on an individual level between faculty associated with a particular knowledge field. Institutional legitimation by the state is key to the survival of the institution and is manifested in terms of financial allocation, institutional mandate and degree of autonomy afforded the institution. State legitimation may be influenced by contemporary economic and social 10 ' •• _ _ _ Chapter One: Overview of the Thesis policies and the extent to which the institution or field of knowledge can further the political agendas. Currently higher education has dual responsibilities, both to produce a skilled workforce and to preserve social and cultural norms! Increasing emphasis on occupationally relevant education may boost state legitimation of institutions perceived to be focusing on this role. Outline of the Study Following this chapter, Chapter Two reviews the literature pertaining to the study. The first section provides the research context and includes discussion of pure and applied knowledge, the stratification of knowledge, the demarcation of knowledge and the concept of boundary work, and the legitimation of knowledge through credentialing. The second part provides a comparative context by tracing the legitimation of applied knowledge in the United Kingdom, Germany, Australia and Canada. Chapter Three outlines the methodology of the study. The research design primarily follows a case study methodology but adds some historiographical techniques. Additionally, the chapter describes the research site, data collection and analysis, and the validity and reliability of the study. Interviews are identified as the primary data source and rationale for participant inclusion is detailed. Chapter Four gives a historical overview of the various types of post-secondary institutions in British Columbia and their contributions to applied knowledge. The chapter reveals a polarised system prior to the 1960s and provides a context for situating a technical institution within . British Columbia's post-secondary environment. Chapter Five presents a social history of BCIT from its conceptualisation in the early 1960s to its legitimation as a degree granting institution in the mid 1990s. Chapter Six focuses directly on the subject of this study, degree granting at BCIT, embellishing that part of BCIT's history introduced in Chapter Five. The chapter first traces events that culminated in an unsuccessful bid for degree granting status in 11 Chapter One: Overview of the Thesis the early 1980s. Identification of BCIT as a market driven institution then provides a context for discussion of BCIT's strategic approach to degree granting in the 1990s. Major steps in this process are described, specifically the preparation of a Discussion Paper and subsequent Proposal. Chapter Seven presents the findings of the study. The chapter interweaves analysis with narrative as it discusses the external and internal factors that enabled and constrained the creation of a Bachelor of Technology degree at BCIT. Chapter Eight presents the conclusions of the study. Footnotes 1 Society of Engineering Technologists of British Columbia, (1980), Position.Statement on Post - Diploma of Technology. 12 Chapter Two: Review of the Literature 13 Chapter 2: Review of Literature This chapter reviews the literature pertaining to the study and consists of two distinct themes: Knowledge, and Trends in Other Jurisdictions. The former provides the research context and includes four parts: discussions of pure and applied knowledge; the stratification of knowledge and the relationship between power and knowledge; the demarcation of knowledge and the concept of boundary work; and, the legitimation of knowledge through credentialing. The latter sets the study in a comparative Context through an overview of the evolution of practice-based technological degrees in the United Kingdom, Germany, Australia, and Canada. . . . . Part One: Knowledge Pure and Applied Knowledge Terminology Knowledge is frequently referred to, and to some extent categorised, using terms "pure" and "applied" or "academic" and "vocational," yet these terms lack definition. Meanings vary among national cultures and systems, however, broadly speaking academic refers to study programs which are discipline centred, whereas vocational programs are designed to fit specific occupational clusters, and involve a strong component of functionalism (Jallade, 1992). A parallelism is seen with the definition of vocational training by Fisher et al. (1994) as "the development of specific abilities or the competence to perform certain tasks" (p.x). , Fisher et al. (1994) contrast vocational training with education, described as the formal process of developing knowledge, the mind and one's character. Wilkinson (1980) distinguishes between pure and applied knowledge by contrasting science, defined as an examination of the natural laws governing the environment, and technology which, he says, 14 : " ; . Chapter 2: Review of Literature occurs when "man" attempts to use these laws to control the environment. Hence the aim of professional schools, be they in universities or other institutions, is to graduate technologists. Wilkinson (1980) suggests that a university based vocational education generally affords a theoretical foundation with applications following graduation, whereas a technical institution emphasises applied education throughout. Moreover, he contends that the hierarchial role placing technology in a subservient roletoscience is no longer acceptable. Jallade (1992) alludes to the concepts of pure and applied knowledge in his use of the terms "essentialism" and "vocationalism" when illustrating the existence of two cultures in higher education. Jallade cites Kogan's (1992) interpretation of essentialism, meaning higher education should regard the training of the independent minds as its main task; whereas he uses vocationalism as a "catch-all" word which delineates the gradual subordination of academic traditions to vocational training in response to external economic and social objectives. Encel (1965), infers pure and applied knowledge.as-he contrasts the "cultural" and "instrumental" views of education. The cultural view "takes education, and especially higher education to be an end in itself (p.2), whereas the instrumentalist view harnesses education to societal needs. Silver (1980) differentiates between pure and applied knowledge using the terms "useless knowledge" to refer to the classical curriculum sought by the eighteenth-century gentlemen (p.l 15) and "useful knowledge" defining "areas of 'fact' or principle that. would be useful to working men in their occupations" (p. 120). Pure versus Applied Knowledge Contemporary argument suggests that the traditional university dogma of knowledge for its own sake is being eroded in search of the holy grail of relevance. Debate rages over the vocational role of the university. Yet the universities themselves were born of this need. ' • '.. ' " 15 -.. Chapter 2: Review of Literature Differentiation The tension between "pure" and "applied" knowledge is part of the historical foundation of university education. The Greeks embraced a liberal ideology: Then let us not leave the meaning of education ambiguous or ill-defined For we are not speaking of education in this narrow sense, but of that other education in virtue from youth upwards, which makes a man eagerly pursue the ideal perfection . of citizenship, and teaches him how rightly to rule and obey ... that other sort of training, which aims at the acquisition of wealth or bodily strength, or mere cleverness, apart from intelligence and justice; is mean and illiberal, and it is not worthy to be called education at all. Dialogues of Plato (cited in Jowett, 1892, p.22). The transition from Greek to Graeco-Roman and early medieval education was characterised by an increasing emphasis on educational utility (Cobban, 1975), geared towards service to the state. The utilitarian focus of Roman education was subsequently transmitted to the Christian schools, and education was "reduced to its bare bones" (Cobban, 1975 p.6) to meet the basic requirements df a literate priesthood. A humanistic revival in the eleventh and twelfth centuries and an attempt to return, educational values to those of intellectual and moral excellence embodied by Cicero was suppressed by utilitarian pressures of society. According to Cobban, however, this "humanistic tide was arrested and fragmented" (p. 8) and the emerging universities evolved "as institutional responses to the pressures to harness educational forces to. the professional, ecclesiastical and governmental requirements of society" (p.8). The roots of the universities were bound up in utilitarian values. Their origin was economic. They evolved not as an educational ideal but at a time when corporate growth in west European society necessitated permanent centres of higher education capable of producing talent for socially useful employment (Cobban, 1975). Perkins (1984), contrasting universities with professional training schools acknowledges the dualism of the university. He points out that advanced professional courses were preceded by a common curriculum in the seven liberal arts. The latter consisted of the "trivium" -— grammar, logic and rhetoric — 16 Chapter 2: Review of Literature the basic tools of further study, and the "quadrivium" — arithmetic, geometry, astronomy and music — the foundations of natural science. For Perkins the arts faculty, as it became, was no less utilitarian or vocational than the professional faculties as it provided training in "literacy, logical argument, persuasive reasoning, computation, mensuration and the elements of observational science" (p.25). While the seven liberal arts formed the theoretical basis for a utilitarian medieval education, the Renaissance marked a resurgence of classical education as an end in itself, as the focus of universities shifted to cater for the educational needs of the ruling elite. Wilkinson (1980) endorses a dichotomy in his description of the initial purpose of Oxford and Cambridge as two fold: first, as a professional school for medicine, law, government and the church; and second, as a finishing school for the elite, reflecting the on going debate on the liberal versus utilitarian function.of the university. Edgsworth (1809), in his JEssays on Professional Education, attacks contemporary university studies and states that "the value of all education must be ultimately decided by its utility" (Sanderson, 1991, p.43). Coppleston (1810), Provost of Oriel College, Oxford in his defence of liberal education, refutes this argument ontwo grounds: by claiming that "by fitting a man for ho particular purpose thereby fitted him for all of them"; and by making a distinction between ends and means (Sanderson, 1991, p.43). This latter justification was echoed by Newman (1959) who states that "knowledge is capable of being its own end....and that any kind-of knowledge if it be really such, is its own reward" (p. 130). German idealists in the nineteenth century reinforced the concept of the theoretical unity of knowledge advocating devotion "to pure scholarship and to general education or 'cultivation' (Bildung), defined as the full development of a student's mind, spirit and character" (Ringer, 1979, p.35). Taylor (1981) alludes to the inherited conflict between Bildung (self cultivation) and Ausbildung (professional training) 17 Chapter 2: Review of Literature and suggests that the ambivalence displayed by the Germans is reflected in the nation's attitude towards transition from a craft-based economy to an industrialised society. The expansion of the university sector in the late nineteenth century begs a paradoxical question: did the economic need for applied knowledge provide a raison d'etre for universities created during this expansion period, or did the universities, by offering vocational education, legitimise applied knowledge? Convergence Convergence of the liberal versus utilitarian function of higher education is evident in a contemporary study by Brown and Scase (1994) who determined that "the personal qualities previously associated with the elite forms of higher education are now increasingly appropriate for a broader range of employees, including middle managerial, technical specialist arid those skilled in managerial occupations" (p. i l ) . Dertouzos et. al (1990)" contend that, historically, institutions have subscribed to their differentiated roles'. Both traditional universities and technical institutions have shared Mathew Arnold's perception that "coal, iron and railroads have nothing to do with sweetness ancUlight" (p. 156): According to Dertouzos, both institutions must now prepare graduates for an increasingly complex world whose "doors cannot be opened with old-fashioned keys labelled 'technologist' or 'humanist'" (p.156). Attempts to bridge the two cultures is evident. On the one hand the traditional universities seek legitimation in the eyes of society through vocationalism as they "struggle to fit new science and technology into the body of their old learning" (Dertouzos et al., 1990). On the other hand technical institutions seek legitimation through integration of "academic" liberal studies into technical programs. 18 : ' • . Chapter 2: Review of Literature Universities have responded to their vocational role both through program initiatives geared to preparing students for changing labour market demand, for example, co-operative education, continuing studies and distance education, and through increased collaboratives across academic/industry boundaries (Fisher et al., 1994). Grosjean (1997) sees an increase in vocationalism as universities compete to provide training of highly skilled technical employees. Co-operative education was introduced into Canadian higher education at the University of Waterloo in 1957. Simon Fraser University and the University of Victoria's implemented co-operative education programs in 1975 and currently offer co-op opportunities in most faculties. The University of British Columbia adopting co-operative . education in 1992 limited it to applied sciences (Fisher et al., 1994). Growth of co-operative education programs recognises the benefits of "real-world, hands-on" experience (Dertpuzos .etali, 1990) and the claim that relevant work experience leads to improved academic -performance (Fisher et al., 1994). Moreover, it provides a vehicle of reciprocal technology transfer between industry and the academy. Continuing studies have traditionally been marginalised by the university with tensions and conflict characterising the university/continuing education boundary. However, a rapidly changing scientific and technological environment, requiring university-trained professionals to update their conceptual and practical knowledge base continuously to avoid "professional obsolescence," has resulted in a re-evaluatipn of the university's role in continuing education. According to Grosjean (1997), "at stake is the permeability of the boundary that has traditionally separated the university's education and training function" (p.l). Continuing studies have been developed at all three British Columbia universities, albeit with different foci and structures..Fisher et. al., (1994) refer to "centralised" or "decentralised" model of Continuing Studies to indicate their integration with the mainstream of the university. 19 Chapter 2: Review of Literature Distance education has gained recognition as a legitimate educational pedagogue over the past two decades (Moran, 1991) and has become a preferred mode of delivery for many individuals seeking upgrading opportunities. A l l three British Columbia universities have Distance Education Units which expand the vocational role of the university. Rapid growth of academic/industry collaboratives during the 1980s highlights increasing vocationalism of -universities. Fisher et al., (1994) suggest that lack of public funding and the consequent need for universities to become more entrepreneurial, have prompted reorientation of academic science to include economic outcomes. Campus-based Industry Liaison Offices foster collaboratives such as technology transfer, consultancy and training services. Technical institutions, seek appropriate liberal studies to remedy deficiencies, complement and enhance a technologist's education. Skosnik (1996) goes to the roots of a liberal education, the "liberal arts," which he defines as the subjects in the "trivium." For Skosnik, these subjects "understood in a manner appropriate to the times we live in" (p. 16), are of fundamental importance to any,technical/vocational education or training program. Skosnik draws parallels between the "trivium" and workplace needs as documented in contemporary literature: a knowledge of grammar is fundamental to basic literacy; an ability to use. logic effectively underlies critical thinking; and, "rhetoric" which applies to clear thinking and presentation of ideas, is key in obtaining and maintaining employment. Like Perkin (1984), Skosnik views the purpose of liberal education as utilitarian. Thiessen (1985) argues for the inclusion of humanities, but cautions on using university-transfer courses with an academic focus. Rather, he advocates that humanities courses should be specially adapted to relate to the technical/vocational field and taught to create student awareness that "ideas do have consequences" (p.77). To the communication and reasoning skills required by Skosnik, 20 •" " •' •- " " " . / • .- • Chapter 2: Review of Literature Thiessen adds human relations and values education as necessary outcomes of liberal studies for technical/vocational programs. Adopting a more generic approach, Lynton and Elrrian (1988) maintain that the essential. outcome of a liberal education is the acquisition, of "competence" which they define as "the ability to function effectively in complex and ambiguous situations, to have a sense of being in charge, to be at least to some extent master of one's fate, not a helpless and passive victim of external forces" (p.56). Specifically, they maintain: . If individuals are tofunction effectively as citizens, as members of a social group, • and in their occupation, they must be able to cope with complex realities, and rapid change, toi tolerateand deal withconsiderable uncertainty and anibiguity, to make -sense of a flood of disjointed and often contradictory data, to assess risks, and at times to choose among competing humane and ethical values (p: 5 6), For Lynton and Elman a liberal education fosters the ability to integrate a variety of -•perspectives in dealing with'.coinplexissues, or to1 acquire'the "ait bf utilization-of-.' knowledge'- (Whitehead, 1949, p. 16), to be able to bridge the gap between theory and :-practice. They recommend that this synthesis is best accomplished when liberal education is presented as a capstone to the program of studies. \ Stratification of Knowledge A l l systems of higher education exhibit some form of hierarchy derived from relative types and levels of knowledge. Moran (1991) suggests that one way of understanding legitimation of knowledge is to examine how knowledge has been stratified in higher education and the roles played by people and institutions in these knowledge structures. Trow (1984) looks at ; ' higher education as a stratified system of institutions ranked formally or informally in terms / of status and prestige, wealth, power and influence of various kinds. Trow questions the 21 Chapter 2: Review of Literature relationship between historical priority and institutional status suggesting that in many countries the higher ranked institutions are the ones which came first. Moran concurs that institutional age is an indicator of legitimacy and can confer a self confidence and . complacency born of long monopoly. Stratification of knowledge is inextricably linked to the social history of the country (Engel, 1983) and reflects the acceptance of what counts as knowledge by institutions sitting at the top of the academic hierarchy of the country. Referring to Bourdieu (1977), Moran charges that "through their influence on how knowledge is defined and allocated, higher education institutions have tended to reproduce hegemonic social values and reinforce existing social stratification" (p.3). Historically, cultural heritage was defined by academic and social elites in terms of the education of the "gentleman". (Brown and Scase, 1994). Consequently, the vocational -'...' function of the university has traditionally been marginalised; technical, applied scientific and engineering studies have taken longer to be legitimised as appropriate studies for institutes of higher learning given the domination of institutions at the apex of the academic hierarchy (Halscy, 1961). : °. The allocation of status and gradual legitimation of applied knowledge parallels the r development of higher education in most industrial societies. Anderson (1992) views the long term development of higher education in three phases: prior to 1870; from 1870 to 1950; and, from 1950 onwards. Ringer (1979) denotes similar time phases as the early industrial phase, the high industrial phase starting from 1860, and the late industrial phase from 1930 onwards. Prior to 1870 the universities served largely the older landed gentry and the professional elite, and the disciplinary value of a liberal education was deemed most appropriate to cultivate the 22 Chapter 2: Review of Literature mind of an educated gentleman (Engel 1983). While professional education in law, medicine and theology was the primary function of the medieval universities, the Renaissance period had resulted in a new concept of a "liberal education" becoming an end in itself rather than merely preparatory to these higher professional faculties (Engel, 1983). Ringer (1979) noted little connection between higher education and economic life during this early industrial period. To the contrary, the anti-professional spirit became the hallmark of a liberal education and university study and a symbol of status. John Stuart M i l l summarised this opinion: The proper function of a University in national education is tolerably well understood. At least, there is tolerable agreement on what a university is not. It is not a place of professional education. Universities are not intended to teach the knowledge required to fit men for some special mode of gaining their livelihood. Their object is not to make skilful lawyers, or physicians or engineers, but capable and cultivated human beings .... Men are men before they are lawyers, or physicians or merchants, or manufacturers; and if you make them capable and sensible men, they will make themselves capable and sensible lawyers or physicians.1 In the first wave of socio-historical development of 19th century industrial nations, the education system was seen primarily-as a means of separating the elites from the_masses, the education for the privileged few into a culturally superior world. Echoing views held of mid 19th century Britain, Jones (1988) asserts that the most widely touted value of a liberal education was its function as social preparation and its concomitant to conferring social status. Status ascription by type of education was not unique tp.England, however Jones points out that public schools and universities underscored their social status through curricular emphasis on a liberal education. He adds, "it was the education of the social and government elite ... it was the mode of preserving or elevating one's status" (p.66). Engel (1983) concurs, intimating that proponents of liberal education regarded it not "only as being of higher educational value than the mere 'information' conveyed in professional education but also of higher social value" (p.296). 23-- • • Chapter 2: Review of Literature Brown and Scase (1994) contend that state institutions shape social structure. However, Jarausch (1983) sees the relationship between higher education and social change as circular and interdependent with both transforming each other. Jarausch (1983).refers to the emergence of a "modern" higher education system between 1860 and 1930, in response to industrialisation, as a ''seismic shift" where."a small, homogeneous, elite and pre-professional university turned into a large, diversified, middle-class and professional system of higher learning" (p. 10). Industrialisation in the mid nineteenth century brought hew wealth, new ideas and,an expanding middle class concerned with authority, status and power. Demand for "useful knowledge" (Silver, 1980) increased as the middle classes attempted to come closer to the centres of social, political and economic power. However, as they sought not only to wrest power from the upper classes but also aspired to their status, the middle classes and the new universities embraced a classical curriculum as well (Moran, 1991). The two trends co-existed and overlapped. In pure or adulterated form, Silver saw a deliberate identification of knowledge with culture and power. Consequently, Perkin (1984), contrasting medieval and industrial societies, points out that power meant different things to different societies. While the industrial society was fuelled by capital and largely distinguished by eritrepreneurship, Perkin (1989) saw the emergence of a "professional society as a logical continuation of industrial society" (p. 18), where a professional society is based on human capital created by education and enhanced by strategies of closure. Jarausch (1983) underscores the crucial role of higher education in the emergence of professionalism as he cites Bledstein's definition of a professional: . 24 ' - Chapter 2: Review of Literature a full time occupation in which a person earned the principle source of an income ... mastered an.esoteric but useful body of systematic knowledge, contemplated theoretical training before entering a practice or apprenticeship, and received a degree or license from a recognised institution (p.29). Increased professional embodiment in higher education prompted questions of what counted as knowledge, how knowledge was to be distributed and who was to decide/Silver (1980) saw knowledge as the gateway to participation in the power structure of contemporary society, and that "different and controlled levels and forms of access to knowledge meant different degrees of access to power" (p.l 14). Moreover, what counted as "right" knowledge was processed by a class which controlled access to it and was identified with the "right" social background. According to Silver, "useless" classical learning was power in an understood sense ... other learning was admitted to respectability and institutional status and, influence only cautiously, under pressure and on strict terms" (p. 115). -By the end of the nineteenth century, expert knowledge was acquiring a new status as the power of the professional. The demands for knowledge set up by industrialisation became institutionalised in the universities (Halsey, 1961). New.areas of study became legitimised forms of knowledge. For example, the new civic universities in England, founded in response to scientific and technological needs of local iridustryi moved aggressively into professional education (Engel, 1983), introducing engineering, architecture, commerce, dentistry and veterinary medicine. Brown and Lauder (1992) attribute wide spread development of the professions to the shift in importance of skilled labour. Ultimately, however, in search of social recognition, the original dynamism and distinctiveness of the civic universities gave way to imitation (Anderson, 1992) and, according to Jarausch (1983), "altered their entire mission from higher technical training towards the traditional university function" (p. 19). 25 Chapter 2: Review of Literature. Professionalism introduced new organising principles of social structure based on human capital; trained expertise and selection by merit. Horizontal stratification based on land and capitafwas replaced by professional career hierarchies, rising vertically to unequal heights, beside each other and in competition for power and prestige (Perkin 1989). In contrast to land and capital, professionalism as an organising structure was not confined to the few but reached down the social pyramid to persons of all classes capable of skilled and specialised . service and furthermore embracing occupations once deemed beyond professional aspiration (Perkin 1989). The advancing culture of professionalism and the construction of higher education networks to produce professional experts increased that status and the power of the "professional authority." The power of the expert depended on the accreditation of his knowledge, thus knowledge as power was linked not only with skill and occupation but with qualification, credentials and accredited institutions (Silver, 1980). As the university created and validated an ordered body of knowledge on which the claims of professional expertise restedj the university degree was both an external sign of "scientific status" and justification of power and authority (Engel, 1983). Perkin (1989) concurs, contrasting the entrepreneurs of the industrial society who sought minimum state interference to the professional who "looked to the state as the ultimate guarantor of professional status" (p.xiii). Jarausch (1983) therefore concludes that the coincidence between the rise of the new professions and the transformation of higher education was not entirely accidental. Universities and especially technical colleges furnished novel careers through scholarly specialisation while aspiring practitioners repeatedly tried to legitimate their claim to professional status through higher learning. Further stratification of knowledge occurred as a result of the expansion and diversification as higher education systems, in most industrialised societies, shifted from an elite to mass systems. Following Teichler (1988), four major forces are identified as driving educational ., -: . • _ ^ . Chapter 2: Review of Literature expansion and influencing the direction of educational change: growth of scientific and technical knowledge; human capital investment for the provision of highly qualified manpower; social demand, post compulsory education was regarded as a civil right; increased social wealth enabled education to be viewed as cultural enrichment and a consumer benefit. The extension of the existing university sectors accounted for part of the expansion. However, changing occupational and social structures resulted in the majority of industrialised countries opting, to establish or expand the non-university or "short-cycle" higher education institutions (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, (OECD), (1991). The OECD identified three kinds of short-cycle institutional models: the multipurpose model characterised by Canada's community colleges; the specialised model, such as technical institutions offering mostly vocationally oriented, non-degree level courses; and, the binary model offering courses and qualifications intended to be distinct from but comparable to those in universities, for example, the United Kingdom Polytechnics, the Australian Colleges" of Advanced Education,, and the German Fachhochschulen. These new institutions had more flexible access policies and followed a vocational ideal fulfilling economic needs not addressed by the universities. Their common denominator was to provide alternative educational opportunities to universities, offering qualifications enabling students to improve their position in the labour market (OECD, 1991). The need to provide a suitably trained and motivated workforce provided a powerful argument for removing educational barriers to working class mobility (Brown and Lauder, 1992, p:10). Halsey (1961) contrasts medieval and industrial periods where the relationship of higher education to the economy was "imperfect" usually involving belated adaptation to occupational demands of an increasingly complex culture, with the technological society where higher education system becomes a determinant of economic development and hence of stratification. 27 Chapter 2: Review of Literature Using somewhat self-fulfilling terminology, the OECD (1991) noted that, while these "less noble" institutions were fully integrated into the higher education system, they clearly suffered from a lack of status and prestige: For Lowe (1983) the binary system protected the status of universities and further exemplified stratification reflecting social inequalities. According to Anderson (1992), the diversion of students into less prestigious institutions enabled both old and new universities to retain the more elitist features, whereas Moran (1991) points out that universities have further protected their prestige and status by monopolising the more prestigious professional credentials. Demarcation of Knowledge Popper (1965) asserts that the central problem of epistemology, always has been and still is the growth of knowledge "and that the growth of knowledge can be studied best'.by studying the growth of scientific knowledge" (p. 15). Science is empirical in that scientific truths are verifiable through experimentation and observable facts of nature. Consequently, in modern societies science is near to being the source of cognitive authority (Barnes and Edge, 1982). During this century the primary route for increasing the power and raising the status of knowledge has been to make it scientific (Axonowitz, 1988). Thus as other forms of . knowledge sought legitimacy they aspired to. gain more "scientific capital" (Goodson, 1993). Popper (1965) alludes to "the problem of demarcation" (p.34) in seeking criteria to differentiate between the sciences and the nori sciences. Gieryn (1983) suggests that demarcation involves identifying "unique and essential characteristics of science that distinguish it from other intellectual activities" (p.781). Demarcation implies constructing a boundary around a body of knowledge. As knowledge becomes more fragmented then 28 Chapter 2: Review of Literature boundaries are forged not only between disciplines but within disciplines. The construction of boundaries involves boundary work. Fisher (1988) defines boundary work as: those acts and structures that create, maintain and break down boundaries between knowledge units. Knowledge units are sub-disciplines, disciplines or groups of disciplines. Boundary work involves individuals, institutions and social structure simultaneously (p. 162). Boundary work reflects the efforts of individuals to create an opportune situation for their particular sphere. Scientists endeavour to establish a favourable public image for science by contrasting it favourably to other non-scientific intellectual activities to acquire increased resources or defend professional autonomy (Gieryn 1983), whereas the "new middle class" are. active boundary workers to maintain their class status (Fisher 1992). Boundaries are not . fixed entities but are manipulated by boundary workers to achieve a particular goal. John Tyndall (1820-1893), in attempts to gain more public support for science in Victorian England, ascribes different characteristics to science as he demarcates it from the intellectual authority of religion on the one hand and the, practicalities of engineering and mechanics on the other. Gieryn (1983) concludes that "the boundaries of science are ambiguous, flexible, historically changing, contextually variable, internally inconsistent and sometimes disputed" • (P-792). •• Exponential increases in the quantity of knowledge, along with differences in its quality and forms, have promoted questions relating.to the control of knowledge. Fisher (1988) employs the concept of boundary work in establishing a relationship between power and knowledge. Fisher (1992) asserts that "power penetrates knowledge, systems in part through boundary work ... that boundary work incorporates the process whereby legitimacy and cognitive authority are attached to ideas" (p. 13). 29 Chapter 2: Review of Literature Boundary work promotes a hierarchically stratified knowledge system. In his work on school curricula, Goodson (1993) identifies three major traditions — academic, utilitarian and pedagogic — with attendant differentiated status. Goodson (1993) concludes that the high level status of the academic tradition, "characterised by abstract theoretical knowledge and divorced from the working world of industry and the everyday world of the learner" (p. 197), is maintained in part through what can be seen as boundary work in the self interest of certain : teachers who desire to maintain established links.to resources and career prospects. As a result of this turf warfare, most monies for education are invested in subjects devoid of practical and social relevance. Goodson (1993) points out that this is both economically dysfunctional and diametrically misdirected in a mass education system. Credentialing of Knowledge Credentialism is in fact amongst the most powerful of social dynamics and the. most powerful force at work in shaping the size, character and distribution of the education system. Over the past century or so it has moved the education system to the centre of the struggle by social and occupational groups for relative advantage (Ashenden 1988, p.24). -Stratification of knowledge is overtly expressed in terms of educational, credentials. According to Moran (1991) educational credentials permeate the occupational structure and are reflected in hierarchies of knowledge within higher education institutions. Moreover, she adds "the more scarce and valuable a credential or the profession to which it is attached, the more prestige tends to accrue to the institution" (p.21). Historically, in Canada only academic study has been rewarded with a globally recognised credential, namely a degree. Non-university graduates currently experience a credential-based barrier to occupational mobility (MET, 1993, p.97) and social mobility. Two competing theories seek to explain this relationship between education and occupational stratification. . 30 . . - • *. Chapter 2: Review of Literature Technocratic theory (Kerr et al., 1973; Bell, 1973) suggests that rapid technological change is the defining feature of advanced industrial societies. The expansion;of higher education is explained from a human capital perspective, as the need for higher levels of knowledge and skills to supply the workforce. The labour market is characterised by a hierarchy of occupations matched with a hierarchy of talent reflected in the competition for academic and professional credentials. From this perspective, occupational and social mobility rest solely on meritocratic principles rather-than class or family status. Managerial and professional careers are not restricted to the elite, rather exclusion of a particular class means economic waste. V '• . 1 " . In contrast to this approach, the theory of social closure (Parkin, 1979; Collins, 1979) is based on the principles of socialexclusion, recognising the existence of class divisions and power struggles among occupational groups. Parkin (1979) proposes two main exclusionary devices by which the "bourgeoisie" maintains itself as a class: through property, or through academic or professional qualifications or credentials. Parkin advocates that each restricts access to rewards and privileges. Specifically, he notes "credentialism is a form of closure designed to control or monitor entry into positions in the division of labour" (p.47/8), and is a reflection of boundary work. , Collins (1979), applying the social exclusion theory to the changing relationship between education and occupational structure, asserts that this can be understood in terms of group conflict over scarce resources (credentials, income, occupational status), particularly as the middle classes have been increasingly dependent on access to professional occupationsto reproduce social status. According to Collins, the development of the modern professions was far from indicating a "triumph of technocratic meritocracy" (p. 131), rather was "only a 31 Chapter 2: Review of Literature new variant on the familiar processes of stratification through monopolising of opportunities" (p. 132). Brown (1990) introduces the idealogy df "parentocracy," replacing meritocracy where the competition for credentials is based on the wealth and wishes of parents rather than the abilities and efforts of students. Bourdieu and Passeron (1977) suggest that the middle classes have increasingly used the education system to capitalise on their cultural assets. Cultural capitalhas long been recognised as vital to the reproduction of the middle; classes. Social status and security previously ensured by the acquisition of material property is now more reliably secured through the acquisition of cultural capital, particularly in the form of academic credentials from prestigious institutions which facilitate entry to professional and managerial employment (Brown and Scase, 1994). Ringer (1979), albeit in sexist tenor, advocates the most plausible relationship.between education and social stratification . construes the education system as an "intermediary between the social standing of fathers and that of their sons" (p. 12). Consequently a bureaucratization of the recruitment process, whereby access to all occupational careers is based on the acquisition of credentials through formal examinations, has fuelled a credential inflation which Collins (1979) regards as the most powerful, direct agent of the expansion of higher education: Increasingly the primary function of middle class education has become that of furnishing credentials necessary for jobs in the expanding bureaucracy of the public and private sectors (Hickox and Moore, 1992), exacerbated by growing labour market polarisation and over supply of graduate labour (Dore, 1976). Moreover, credentials are a means of occupational and consequent social mobility, facilitating access to"middle class" for those previously excluded: Once you've got a degree you're sort of classified as a graduate and I think the' "• influence or the impact of your social background sort of slides back, and the main 32 • • • • Chapter 2: Review of Literature thing is that you're a graduate. It's not so much you're middle, upper or working class any more (cited in Brown and Scase, 1994, p.69).2 Brown and Scase (1994) reject that dislocations between education, credentials and labour market opportunities can be attributed solely to social exclusion. Rather, they suggest that economic restructuring and a shift in workplace organisation from a bureaucratic to adaptive paradigm has lead to different requirements for knowledge and skills. A corresponding re-definition of careers from bureaucratic to adaptive has implications for how cultural capital is deployed in the market for jobs. The change in cultural "code" (Brown, 1995, p.42) represents a shift from a bureaucratic to a charismatic personality. According to Brown employers now seek a "personality package" which values personal and interpersonal skills as much as the acquisition of expert knowledge. However, Brown and Scase (1994) charge that "competition for credentials is inhibiting students' acquisition of personal and social skills" (p.24). Frequent job changes, a decrease in secure long term employment, downsizing and a decoupling of bureaucratic career routes into the upper echelons of corporations, have placed emphasis oh academic and professional credentials as an insurance policy as the value of "organisational" assets decline. As the supply of educated labour has increased, employers are requiring higher levels of credentials for specific jobs. Collins (1979) sees this as symbolic of credential inflation rather than significant changes in the demand for technical knowledge. Dore (1976) warns of a negative aspect of credential inflation where students and parents regard the credential as more important than the knowledge.it imparts. As more people enter the labour market, employers are increasingly using credentials as a screening device. In this context Brown and Scase (1994) see the credential as the key that unlocks but does not open doors. In the opinion of Halsey et al. (1980), the process of credential inflation has enabled possessors of cultural capital to retain their differential 33 Chapter 2: Review of Literature advantage despite rising levels of working class credentialisation. Murphy (1988) concurs, noting that the predominant effect of credentials has been that of exclusion, domination and inequality. Collins (1979) argues that the credential has gained currency due to its adoption by professional groups as a means of controlling access. Raising standards in the name of increased complexity of professional occupational skills reflects the exclusionary tactics of professional groups seeking to limit the number of recruits (Brown and Scase, 1994). Credentials are then being legitimated as a way of screening students for different segments of the labour market based on social position and power rather than individual talent. 34 Chapter 2: Review of Literature Part Two: Trends in Other Jurisdictions Other industrialised countries have recognised applied knowledge to the baccalaureate level in the university and non-university sectors for over two decades, whereas British Columbia did not legislate degree granting status to specific institutions in the non-university sector until January 1995. To provide a comparative context for the study, the first part of this review will focus on three jurisdictions, the United Kingdom, Germany and Australia. These countries provide an appropriate framework for the study of the evolution of practice-based degrees in British Columbia. First, these degree opportunities are well established in these jurisdictions. Second, Germany and Australia, like Canada, have federal systems, thus any effects of federalism can be examined. Third, the majority of expansion and diversification of higher education in all three countries occurred by introducing short cycle institutions in the non-university sector and fourth, all three countries initially adopted a binary model of post-secondary education. An evolving system has abolished this in Australia and the United Kingdom whereas Germany has retained the binary model. The current British Columbia model, still in its infancy, has yet to be defined, but has the components of a similar binary model where degrees in the non-university sector complement rather than compete with those in the university sector. The literature will first give a brief historical overview of applied education in each of these jurisdictions and then focus on the institutions offering applied education most similar to BCIT. The focus will be on the Polytechnics in the United Kingdom, the Fachhochschulen in Germany, and the Colleges of Advanced Education in Australia. The final section wil l first provide an overview of the development of applied knowledge in Canada with a focus on Alberta, the only province other British Columbia to offer degrees in the non-university sector. 35 . Chapter 2: Review of Literature United Kingdom The defining feature of the British system of education is that historically it has been geared towards socialisation of each generation for their future position in the class structure and domestic division of labour (Ashton et al., 1992). The literary tradition dominated education up to the present century. An elitist system prevailed. Blackman (1992) asserts that scientific and technological advances were historically held back by class prejudice; as such, "new knowledge" became ultimately linked to the training of lower classes. Perception of status led to a pervading theme in British professional and technological education; initially much took place outside of higher education but ultimately gained university status. Perkin (1984) acknowledges this as he links knowledge to power: Sometimes power weakened and had to be rekindled outside the university, as in the scientific and early industrial revolutions, when most of the new science and technology had to be generated by ad hoc academics and societies and taught in new institutions of technical instruction. Sometimes the demand for power outstripped the capacity, as in the late industrial and postindustrial period, when new powerhouses of different shapes and sizes had to be built to meet the calls for more expertise and for mass higher education demanded by the age of the masses and of the uncommon expert (p. 19). Here Perkin identifies two distinct time periods, the late 19th and the mid 20th centuries. These periods correspond with the major shifts to legitimise forms of applied knowledge in the United Kingdom, each one driven by economic and social agendas and occurring in response to international competition. For the purpose of this study, the general trend towards acceptance and legitimation of applied knowledge is discussed within the three stages of development of higher learning proposed by Anderson (1992): prior to 1870; from 1870 to 1950; and, from 1950 onwards. 36 • • Chapter 2: Review of Literature Prior to 1870 Prior to 1870, Oxford and Cambridge, " ancient, rich and secure" (Halsey & Trow, 1971, p.41), dominated higher learning in England. Evolving as "primarily vocational schools for the professions" (Perkins, 1984, p.22), in contrast to most European and Scottish universities which continued to combine general education with vocational preparation for the professions, Oxbridge had abdicated the role of professional education offering only a narrow curriculum based on classics at Oxford and mathematics at Cambridge (Anderson, 1992). The educational ideology was that of liberal education geared to serve the needs of the aristocracy, the gentry and clergy. According to Halsey and Trow (1971), the universities were more tied to the church than to business. Although "professional" training had been taking place in the universities, liberal education and research pushed much professional preparation outside the university (Jarausch, 1983). Law was studied at the Inns of Court and Medicine at the London Hospitals (Halsey and Trow, 197.1, p.47). In general, systems of apprenticeship became the model of professional education (Engel, 1983). According to Halsey and Trow (1971), the fact that Britain was the first society to experience the industrial revolution had special consequences for the subsequent development of education in general and the universities in particular. An industrial middle class, "with a hunger for higher education" (Perkin, 1984 p.22), had developed before the system of modern or reformed universities. The impact was two-fold. First, modern scientific and technological knowledge began in new institutions, for example the Mechanics Institute and subsequent technical colleges. Second, unfavourable attitudes developed towards the universities which were perceived as serving the upper classes. Attitudes of mutual suspicion and contempt prevailed between the universities and the established professions (Engel, 1983) resulting in limited contact until about 1860. Such attitudes had a profound impact on new occupations 37 Chapter 2: Review of Literature which aspired to professional status, for example engineering, accountancy, architecture and dentistry. Imitating the respected professions, these new occupations put emphasis on forming professional associations and relied on traditional systems of apprenticeship (Engel, 1983) rather than the education system. Between 1870 and 1950 The first major shift towards legitimation of applied knowledge through recognition at the baccalaureate level began in the mid-19th century. The 19th century was one of intense industrialisation. Scientific and technological developments transformed techniques of industrial production and communication, resulting in a changed economic structure (Blackman 1992). Lowe (1983) attributes the transformation of higher education during this period to the growing demand for vocational training, intensified by foreign competition. Specifically, Engel (1983) draws attention to a superior German industry which was supported by elaborate systems of scientific, technological and professional education. Consequently, "calls for renewed and expanded professional studies began to form a distinct ideology of university reform" (Engel, 1983, p.295). Development of vocationally oriented education at the university level in England first took place in the component colleges of the University of London, established from an economic perspective to provide a skilled workforce serving local commerce and industry, and socially "to improve the intellectual and moral condition of the industrial classes" (cited in Wilkinson 1980). However, the predominant thrust in recognition of applied knowledge can be attributed to the evolution of the civic or "Redbrick" universities from corresponding civic colleges, founded in the major industrial cities in response to the rising aspirations and demands of the industrial bourgeoisie for scientific and technological manpower. Many of the 38 Chapter 2: Review of Literature founding colleges had their origins in the Mechanics Institutes. Courses, aimed at workers in local industries, were organised initially in the evenings or on a day release basis. Implying academic drift, Lowe (1983) reports the gradual erosion of part-time to full-time studies as colleges increasingly neglected the skilled artisans, whom it was foreseen they might train, and concentrated on teaching to degree level, as they sought to establish their position in the status hierarchy. The civic or "university" (Lowe, 1983) colleges gained charters as independent "Redbrick" universities at the turn" of the century. Curriculum indicated more practical and vocational areas such as applied science, engineering and commerce. In contrast to the older universities, new occupations aspiring to professional status were accepted readily. The rise of these modern universities reflected the professionalisation of an industrial society (Fisher et al., 1994). In Engel's (1983) opinion, the most striking point in introducing a more utilitarian approach was the lack of response from the public, the universities and the professions themselves, suggesting that changes in higher education are limited by institutional tradition and social constraints (Jarausch, 1983). Academic drift was evident throughout as the new institutions sought "academic respectability." University Colleges had rejected the technocratic model in favour of the Oxbridge model, which Lowe (1983) asserts "drove a wedge between "humane" and applied studies which was to prove immensely significant for English society in the twentieth century" (p.53). Similarly, once established, the new provincial universities re-directed their scope and balance towards arts and pure science to imitate the norms of Oxbridge (Halsey and Trow, 1971). This shift was not universally welcomed. In 1911, a Birmingham local ratepayers' association petitioned the Privy Council: 39 Chapter 2: Review of Literature So far as the Birmingham University as such is concerned, it is of no use whatever to the industrial classes; as far as we can see all that has been done by merging the Masons Science College into the University has been to divert the funds intended for ... the industrial classes to the use of the wealthy classes, and now the middle and working classes are being asked to contribute towards the wealthy and the well-to-do.3 At Oxford and Cambridge movement towards technical and professional education proceeded slowly and amid opposition (Engel, 1983). Professional degrees were first introduced in the early 20th century. Technological studies were introduced into the British university system through the provincial universities and the establishment of engineering studies at Cambridge and London. However, their scope was restricted by the persistence of established ideas of liberal education which, according to Engel (1983)r severely limited their potential for growth. Consequently, technological education continued predominantly in sub-university institutions through the expansion of practice-based technical schools, colleges and institutes under the auspices of Local Education Authorities. National Certificates and Diplomas, administered through joint committees of the Board of Education and the Institution of Mechanics Institutes, provided a foundation for technical qualifications in Britain. External degrees were granted usually by the University of London. This collective was referred to as the system of "technical education" (Lewis, 1992, p.26). Post 1950 The second major shift towards the legitimation of applied knowledge in the United Kingdom began in the 1950s, but accelerated in the expansion and diversification into "new power houses" (Perkin, 1984) of higher education following the Robbins Report (1963), and consequent shift from elite to mass education system. This phase exhibited similarities to the . 4 0 ^ _ ' Chapter 2: Review of Literature expansive phase of the 19th century; expansion of applied knowledge was initiated outside the university sector but was ultimately incorporated into this sector. However, in contrast to the earlier period which involved individual institutional evolution, for example, from Mechanics Institute via civic college to civic university, the 20th century institutions, the Polytechnics and Colleges of Advanced Technology, retained their institutional identity and were admitted to the university sector as a group. Additionally, the 19th century legitimised what is now recognised as theoretically grounded professional education, whereas this latter phase of legitimation of applied knowledge to baccalaureate status has recognised more practice-based technological studies. The status elevation of technological education can.be traced to the Percy Committee (1945) which, reporting on "higher technical education in England and Wales and the respective contributions to be made thereto by universities and technical colleges" (Becher, 1987, p. 18), determined that over than half the national output of professionally qualified engineers were being educated on a part-time basis in technical colleges (Becher, 1987). Attempts to rationalise the higher education function of technical colleges culminated in the 1956 White Paper (ME, 1956) designating some of the major technical colleges as Colleges of Advanced Technology in 1957. These Colleges of Advanced Technology were mandated to shed lower level studies and concentrate on degree studies. ~ " = _" The Robbins Report (1963) proclaiming, "courses of higher education should be made available for all those who are qualified by ability and attainment to pursue them and who wish to do so" (p.8), is generally regarded as instrumental in social reform leading to a mass education system, although Anderson (1992), citing Lowe, suggests Robbins "could do little more than legitimise what had become inevitable" (p.25). The Robbins recommendations had 41 . •." Chapter 2: Review of Literature a direct bearing on the visibility and status of applied knowledge. First, the Colleges of Advanced Technology were designated technical universities in 1964 (Wilkinson, 1980; Anderson, 1992). This new group of technical universities represented a radical departure from tradition in that they were specialised from the outset, concentrating heavily on engineering and applied sciences, and stressing cooperation with local industry, particularly in the integration of teaching and industrial experience (Halsey & Trow 1971). Second* the expansion of the higher education sector in response to social demand led to the creation of a significant new component of the higher education system, the Polytechnics, and third, the Council for National Academic Awards (CNAA) was established in 1964 to validate and award degrees at higher education institutions outside the university sector. Robbin's administrative proposal however, accepting-the historical unitary structure of higher education with the universities at the apex, was rejected. Crossland (1965), Minister of State for Education, advocated a binary approach both on economic and social grounds. - -Economically, he argued that-the demands for vocational, professional and industrially based courses up to degree level both on a full and part time basis couldn't be met fully by the universities. Socially, he argued for a parallel rather than a laddered system to avoid downgrading the non-university professional and technical sector, and to lessen the hierarchical obsession of the universities. However, Anderson (1992) argues that "the binary system protected the status of the universities and can be seen as a further example of segmentation reflecting social inequalities" (p.27). Furthermore, Crossland advocated the importance of a substantial part of higher education being "under social control and directly responsive to social needs." 42 . [ Chapter 2: Review of Literature The Polytechnics Thirty new polytechnic institutions were established between 1969-73, primarily from amalgamation of major colleges of technology, of commerce and business studies, of art and design. Many of these founding colleges had long histories of degree level studies. Consequently, with a substantial inheritance of educational development, the polytechnics had a sound basis on which to provide higher education attuned to the needs of students and employers. In contrast to universities, polytechnics placed a greater emphasis on teaching. Programs at all levels were vocationally marketed and their research was applied with a significant proportion sponsored by industry. However, Lewis (1992) notes a progressive blurring of these boundaries. Polytechnic education covers a broad spectrum of educational opportunities: creative and expressive; professional and commercial; those of community professions; and, those of the humanities, science, engineering and the technologies. Diversity of programs within these areas ranges from the non-degree level to higher research programs. The largest group of sub-degree yet advanced credentials are Higher National Diplomas and Certificates of the Business and Technician Education Council (BTEC). Most polytechnics offer opportunities for a higher degree or diploma. An M A . or M.Sc. is awarded after an approved course of ' formal study, a Ph.D. or M.Phil, requires supervised research. Referring to degree level studies, Lewis (1992) points to the highly structured approach to curriculum and teaching that characterises British higher education. However, Gillespie and McArthur (1991) and Jones (1995) note a trend to more flexible options for students through modularization of programs. Jones sees the reorganisation of studies resulting in modularization as a structure "Canadians would find normal" (p.4). 43 Chapter 2: Review of Literature Duration of studies at the Polytechnics is similar to the traditional universities. First degree programs usually take four years, the third year being a "sandwich" year of supervised work experience. Access policies have resulted in polytechnics having a more heterogeneous student population, specifically in terms of race and age (Evans, 1993) than traditional universities. Gillespie and Mc Arthur (1991) were impressed by the flexibility in terms of students exit and entrance to programs with appropriate credentials, recognising previous education. In particular, they noted bridging and laddering opportunities within the system from trades to diplomas to degrees. However, while the original mandate of the polytechnics was to provide greater opportunities for the part-time learner, Jones (1995) sees a grossly overwhelming emphasis placed on the full time learner and relative disregard for the part-time learner. Lewis (1992) concurs that students are expected to complete their studies in three or four years of full time or sandwich study at the degree level. In their bid for legitimacy, polytechnics.from the outset put a high priority on quality assurance. Demanding quality assurance procedures were implemented to ensure high academic standards (Lewis, 1992). Prior to 1992, polytechnic degrees were awarded mainly under the aegis of the Council for National Academic Awards (Lewis, 1992; Jones, 1995). Through peer group evaluation, the C N A A operated a rigorous system of program validation and institutional recognition (Lewis, 1992). The polytechnics were originally designated under the auspices of Local Education Authorities, following recommendations in a White Paper, A Plan for Polytechnics and Other Colleges (1966). The Education Reform Act (1988) removed polytechnics from the local authority sector, incorporated them by statute (Lewis, 1992) and established a channel of public funding. The Further and Higher Education Act (1992) abolished the binary stream. 44 Chapter 2: Review of Literature The polytechnics were admitted to the university sector with the same rights as the traditional universities. This was economically motivated with the hope of increasing enrolment in science, engineering and technology, and socially motivated "in particular to eliminate the view held by many parents and students alike that polytechnic education is not equal to university education" (MET, (1993), p.55). Legislation enabled polytechnics to award degrees in their own name, use the title "university," and be funded on the same basis as the traditional university. Lewis (1992) hopes that most polytechnics will cherish their distinct mission however, Jones (1995) reports that their mandate is now identical to that of the older universities. According to Lowe (1983) the highly stratified system of higher education in England is a consequence of the unreadiness of the universities to respond to social change. Germany Germany like Canada is a federal system, thus the politics of its education system are the politics of federalism. Germany has 16 federal states (Lander), five of which were originally East Germany and became part of the Federal Republic of Germany following unification in 1990. However, in contrast to Canada's "soft federalism" (Smith and Wood 1992; Watts, 1992), Germany is distinctive in that it has a high degree of nation-wide coordination between both Federal/Lander and inter-Lander governments. Jurisdictions of responsibility are actually enshrined in legislation (Teichler, 1992). This "inter-locking federalism" (Watts, 1992) is evident in the planning, organisation and management of all facets of German post-secondary education. The acceptance and legitimation of applied knowledge in Germany is discussed in the three stages identified by Ringer (1979). 45 Chapter 2: Review of Literature Early Industrial Phase The historical roots of the German universities can be traced back to the medieval universities of 12th century Europe. The first German universities were established in the fifteenth century; their primary task was to educate servants of the Church and State (Peisert and Framheim, 1994). Specifically, Ringer (1979) points to the absence of any relationship between higher education and business at this time. In contrast to Britain where 19th century reforms initiated the acceptance of applied knowledge into the university sector, the reform of the German universities, associated with Wilhelm von Humboldt, caused further demarcation between pure and applied knowledge. These reforms conceptualised the university as free from immediate social interests and were based on the distinction between university education and professional practice. Special emphasis was on basic disciplinary research; applied technical science had no place in these universities. Central to Humboldt's ideal of education was the German concern for "Bildung" (self cultivation), a process by which an • individual seeks to shape character and personality to its optimum through acquaintance with "the highest ideals known to man" (Taylor, 198hp.l3). Humboldt defined the university as the embodiment of the highest and purest forms of knowledge, "Wissenschaft." According to Perkins (1984) Wissenschaft was a process rather than a specialised form of knowledge. It represented an approach to learning, an attitude of mind and a capacity to think. The concept of Wissenschaft was so "pure" and so widely removed from practical knowledge and applied science that engineering and other technologies were excluded from the university sector until the very end of the 19th century. Primacy was given to education.through the classics and philosophy. Humboldt differentiated between general education which would "purify and cleanse" (Taylor,-1981, p.14) and special education which provided skills for utilitarian purposes. Any integration would render education impure. However, while tradesmen whose curriculum contained both science and arts were considered "unnecessary and dangerous" 46 Chapter 2: Review of Literature (Taylor, 1981, p. 14), Humbodlt acknowledged the useful purpose served by technical schools. Professional training occurred in what Lundgreen (1983) referred to as a well planned, functional spectrum of institutions, one commonality of which, he adds, "is 'academization' or endeavour to gain university-like status" (p. 150). Technical education in the 19th century was offered in technical institutes and individual academies of mining, forestry, agriculture and veterinary medicine (Ringer, 1979). Technical institutes, at the beginning, were devoted primarily to engineering and applied sciences. They evolved from "polytechnic" schools founded in the 1820s in the secondary education sector to meet the needs of advancing industrialisation (Leszczensky, 1992). Although separate academies continued to exist, technical institutes evolved as the most important non-university institutions of higher education in Germany (Ringer, 1979). High Industrial Phase During the high industrial phase from 1860-1930 (Ringer, 1979), Germany like other industrialised countries experienced significant expansion in higher education. Much of this dynamism was due to the explosion of higher technical education (Jarausch, 1983) in response to Germany's belated industrialisation (Ringer, 1979). In the 1870s, some of the polytechnics were elevated to the tertiary sector and designated as Technical Universities (Technische Hochschule) (Berchem, 1988). Predictably, the new technical universities had to battle against the entrenched monopoly of the universities to attain equal academic status (Peisert and Framheim, 1994). Following bitter conflict which pitted the German Society of Engineers and the technical universities against stubborn resistance of the university professorates, the technical universities received authority to confer doctoral degrees in 1899 47 Chapter 2: Review of Literature (Ringer, 1979). The remaining polytechnics developed into middle level technical engineering colleges, producing "practical engineers," a new concept developed by the Association of German Engineers. These engineering colleges remained in the secondary sector and were renamed Ingenieurschulen in 1938 (Berchem, 1988). Interaction between higher learning and professionalisation showed marked differences from Britain, due primarily to the onset of industrialisation relative to the development of higher education in the two countries. Belated industrialisation in Germany meant that the higher education system had already evolved,-moreover, was a state monopoly and was in a position to control the demands of many occupational groups for professional legitimation (McClelland, 1983). In contrast to Britain where, vigorous professional organisations and autonomy had fostered mutual distrust-and conflict between the professions and the universities, higher education in Germany played a central role in professionalisation. In part this is attributed to official discouragement of national professional organisations and ineffectiveness of existing professional organisations (McClelland, 1983). Furthermore, McClelland suggests that an interactive triangle, which includes the professions and their representative organisations, the higher education institutions and the German states, regulated the advance of professionalisation. As in Britain, aspiring new professions modelled the career paths of established professions; However, in contrast to Britain, this meant lobbying for acceptance into higher education. Consequently, professional identity remained more closely associated with public authority than with private professional organisations. Jarausch (1983) notes that during this period Bildung (cultivation) gave way to Ausbildung (professional training). However, the entrenched philosophy of Wissenschaft 48 Chapter 2: Review of Literature resulted in the founding of new specialised professional schools rather than the incorporation of new pedagogical functions into existing universities, or even technical schools (McClelland, 1983). Late Industrial Phase Germany, like the United Kingdom and Australia, responded to social and labour demands of the 1960s by expanding the existing university system but primarily by establishing a binary stream, a non-university sector of higher education. The German Fachhochschulen evolved as the alternate sector. Division of higher technical education into the secondary and tertiary sectors had resulted in confusion and controversy in the European Community over recognition of formal qualifications (Leszczensky, 1992). Additionally, the desire of students in the engineering colleges to increase their social status led to student protests in the mid 1960s for elevation of these colleges to the higher education sector (Leszczensky, 1992). Economically the need existed for a more highly qualified workforce and alternate access routes to higher education. In response to these concerns, the Fachhochschulen were established in the late 1960s and early 1970s by merging former engineering colleges and other advanced vocational schools, especially those for business, social work, art and design, and agriculture, and have-subsequently played an important role in the process of economic, technical, industrial and social development in Germany. The founding schools were all originally part of the secondary education system, but were raised to the tertiary level following an: " Abkommen zwischen den Landern der Bundesrepublik Deutschland zur Vereinheitlichung auf dem Gebiet des Fachhochschulwesens (Maybaum, 1989, p.8), that is an agreement between federal states (Bundeslander) on the standardisation of the Fachhochschule system on October 31, 1968. According to Hoyningen-Huene (1992) the 49 Chapter 2: Review of Literature Fachhochschulen are now regarded as equivalent in standing but different in function from the universities. The Fachhochschulen The mandate and structure of the Fachhochschulen were clearly-defined in the Federal Framework Act for Higher Education (Hochschulrahmengesetz) (1976) and its subsequent amendments, along with higher education legislation in the Lander. As degree granting institutions from the outset, the function of the Fachhochschulen was defined on a national level and enshrined in legislation: By means of application-orientated teaching the Fachhochschulen prepare students for professional activities which require the application of scientific knowledge and scientific methods or the ability to carry out artistic design. In fulfilling these educational requirements, the Fachhochschulen carry out research and development work (Fachhochschule Law, 22 November 1977, Art.3). The third amendment of the Framework Act (1985) was particularly important for the Fachhochschulen as it gave them equal status as an academic institution within the higher education system. Prior to this the laws differentiated between Fachhochschulen and "academic" institutions (Leszczensky, 1992). According to Maybaum (1989), the Fachhochschulen were created to be higher education institutions with a range of courses with a practical application, a clear organisation of studies, and a period of studies of shorter duration than universities. At present there are 125 Fachhochschulen in Germany, 100 in the old Lander and 25 in the new Lander. In addition, there are 28 Fachhochschulen for public administration training civil servants (Peisert and Framhein, 1994). The Fachhochschulen are predominantly teaching institutions aimed at preparing competent practitioners rather than future researchers. Agreement between Federal and Lander requires that the teaching be science based and application related. Consequently, teaching is 50 . Chapter 2: Review of Literature orientated toward the application of rigorous scientific methods in order to seek concrete solutions for practical problems and, in many cases, reflects vocational experience. Gaining methodological and problem solving competence is deemed more important than acquisition of factual knowledge (von Hoyningen-Huene, 1992). The range of curriculum is driven by the institutional mandate, is controlled by the respective federal state and focuses primarily on economic needs. Major fields of study are engineering, social work, business, art and-design. Engineering is quantitatively the most important field. (Peisert and Framhein, 1994). The Fachhochschulen educate more than 70 per cent of all graduate engineers, 42 per cent of all graduates in economics and over 90 per cent of all graduates in social work (von Hoyningen-Huene, 1992): The research mandate of the Fachhochschulen is evident in the federal Framework Act for Higher Education (1976), which gives the Fachhochschulen the responsibility of "fostering and developing science and the arts through research, teaching and study" (Section 2.1). For Hoyningen-Huene (1992), research and development projects are an integral part of the Fachhochschulen curricula, enabling students to transfer their skills to real world problems in project or thesis work. Technology transfer, regionally, nationally and internationally, is a key function of the" Fachhochschulen due to the applied orientation of the institution, and is an important instrument of economic policy. The Fachhochschulen focus on one credential, a Diplom degree with an F H designation, for example, Diplom Ingenieur (FH). The Fachhochschulen degree is connected to the job market and does hot articulate well with the universities. Comparatively, a Diplom-(FH) can be ranked between a bachelor's and a master's degree, whereas a university Diplom corresponds to a master's degree (von Hoyningen-Huene, 1992). The Fachhochschulen 51 Chapter 2: Review of Literature cannot confer doctoral degrees but continue to pursue that option. The duration of studies for the Diplom (FH) is federally legislated in the Framework Act (Art 10) at a maximum of four years. However the incorporation of one or two semesters of workplace based practical training has resulted in an extension to this standard period. On average studies at the Fachhochschulen require approximately four and half years compared with between six and seven years at university. For Jallade (1992), the length of a degree program is usually a good indicator of its academic prestige and marketable value. Polytechnic and university first degrees in the United Kingdom are both three years of study4, leading to comparable degrees albeit different in focus. This contrasts with Germany where university studies are significantly longer than those in the Fachhochschulen. Yet graduates of the Fachhochschulen, as a rule, are members of the same professional organisations as graduates of the universities and technical universities. Access policies to the Fachhochschulen are constrained by the nationally defined uniformity characteristic of German higher education. Exit and entry levels are defined nationally; only students of demonstrated ability can gain admission. Currently there are two access routes to the Fachhochschulen both dependent on a secondary school examination. The initial target group was those secondary school graduates who did not have Abitur, the higher education entrance requirement but who had undergone vocational training, some even full apprenticeships and wanted to advance their careers. Lezczensky (1992) draws attention to the changing student profile and attributes the quantitative-growth of the Fachhochschulen to students with Abitur who choose the Fachhochschulen in preference to university, largely because of shorter and more practical focused courses of study. Currently 60 percent of the students entering the Fachhochschulen have the Abitur (Peisert and Framhein, 1994). Interestingly, an increasing fraction of these "Abiturienten" are undergoing some vocational 52 Chapter 2: Review of Literature training prior to entry (Leszczensky, 1992). In contrast to comparable institutions in other countries, opportunities for part-time study, particularly at the undergraduate level, are rare. Continuing education at the Fachhochschulen is primarily on a full time basis, culminating at the post-graduate level in advanced degrees or professional certification. Part-time continuing education programs are developed usually for employees of a specific enterprise in conjunction with that enterprise (von Hoyningen-Huene, 1992). — Leszczensky (1992) charges that increasing demands on knowledge content towards theories and concepts, coupled with a changing student profile, is resulting in a shift in focus away from the "craftsmanship" approach to practical work, and to accusations that the Fachhochschulen are succumbing to academic drift. However, he predicts the elimination of the binary system and convergence of the Fachhochschulen and the universities as unlikely. Since their establishment, the Fachhochschulen have gained increasing recognition and have moved from a position of uncertain identity to well defined positions within higher education. Leszczenksy-refers to interesting findings of a study which indicate that many students who wished to study at a Fachhochschule are being forced to study at university instead due to lack of available places. Citing student demand and economic desirability, the Wissenschafstrat, Germany's higher education planning body, has recommended expansion of the Fachhochschulen by 50,000 places (Leszczensky, 1992). Moreover, some Lander governments are indeed now confining further expansion of higher education to the Fachhochschulen (David, 1997). -The Berufsakademie The general progression along the theoretical/practical knowledge continuum towards increased recognition of more practice-based technological knowledge to the baccalaureate 53 Chapter 2: Review of Literature level is demonstrated in Germany's Berufsakademie. The Berufsakademie is a relatively new degree granting institution which is currently well established in only three German Lander, Baden-Wuerttemberg has nine institutions, Berlin has one and Sachsen has one. Single Berufsakademie exist in the Lander of Niedesachsen, Sachsen-Anhalt and Schleswig-Holstein but without the degree of institutionalization typical of the Berufsakademie in the former Lander.6 The Berufsakademie developed in response to employer demands for a more work oriented approach in higher education. In some occupational sectors university education was regarded as too theoretical with no practical experience, and the Fachhochschulen were perceived as succumbing to academic drift. Moreover, the Berufsakademie offered an alternative for the increasing proportion of school leavers-with Abitur. The Berufsakademie was established to provide an attractive alternative to existing institutions of higher learning. The Berufsakademie aims to offer a degree program which optimises the integration of theoretical knowledge with practical workplace experience. Consequently, the Berufsakademie has features in common with both Germany's dual system of learning and with the higher education sector. As in the dual system, students are employed by a company and must have a training contract with an employer prior to being admitted, the employers pay the students a training allowance, and the student alternates time at school with time in the company. However, in contrast to the dual system, first the alternate phases of course work and on the job training are of equal duration, normally 12 weeks, and second as the Berufsakademie has only been established in a few Lander, its curriculum or training .ordinances are not legislated nationally. Rather, committees of curriculum development with equal-representation of academics and employers determine the content and integration of theoretical with practical training. Commonalities with the higher 54 - - Chapter 2: Review of Literature education sector define entrance and exit criteria. Admission requirements are the same as for university entrance. Students graduate with a degree designated Diploma (BA). The Berufsakademie boasts a very low attrition rate compared with universities, however, as this type of institution is not regarded as tertiary level in all states, national articulation to further studies is inhibited. Australia Australia, as a federal system, operates at three levels, Commonwealth (federal), state and local government. According to Harman (1989), Australia's whole tertiary education system has been influenced significantly by changing relations between state and federal governments. Australian usage of "tertiary education" refers to post-secondary education, whereas "higher education" is reserved for universities and former colleges of advanced education (Harman, 1989). At federation education was deemed a state responsibility. However, Smith and Wood (1992) concede a blurring of responsibilities between federal and state governments, and see a deliberate move in the 1980s from "soft federalism" to "hard federalism," where the federal government has adopted a more assertive position on higher education than previously. This shift was attributed to the Commonwealth's assessment of Australia's economic problems and the need to attune higher education to workplace requirements. Explaining federal intervention, Smith and Wood draw attention to "a striking anomaly in Australian higher education" (p.97) where, with the exception of the Australian National University and the University of Canberra, the states retain legislative responsibility for higher education even though funding has been a federal responsibility since 1974. Subsequent to the Murray Report (1957) financing of higher education had been shared equally by state and Commonwealth. 55 Chapter 2: Review of Literature As in other industrialised countries, acceptance and legitimation of applied knowledge in Australia mirrored social and economic development. Patterns of development in Australia, however, were markedly different from established European societies,.exhibiting the priorities of a newly settled colonial country. Specifically, the pioneering conditions imprinted a distinctive character on Australian education which prevailed until the mid 1950s (Barcan, 1980). Persistent shortage of labour meant education was not very important for economic and social advancement (Barcan, 1980; Wheelwright, 1965), consequently, education and particularly advanced education was often neglected. Other factors influencing educational development^ Australia exhibit similarities with Canada and British Columbia. For example, uneven geographic distribution of population was a significant factor in educational reforms. Additionally, immigration of skilled labour, scientists andprofessional classes discouraged technical and higher education (Barcan 1980). The advance of applied knowledge to baccalaureate status in Australia follows two distinct routes, through the university sector and through an evolving technical education system. Partial convergence of these sectors occured in the move to the Australian Unified System in 1988. The trend towards recognition of applied knowledge in Australia is discussed within two time periods: from 1850 to 1950; and, post 1950. Between 1850 and 1950 The University Sector The character of Australian universities was moulded both by economic needs of the new -society and by contemporary British models. In general Australian universities adopted a ~ stronger vocational orientation than their British, German or Canadian counterparts. 56 Chapter 2: Review of Literature The "older group" (Macmillan, 1968) of Australian universities, the universities of Sydney, established in 1850, Melbourne in 1853 and Adelaide in 1874, with Oxford, Cambridge and London as models, were founded largely on the liberal ideals of the medieval universities but at a time when reform of British universities was underway. Barcan (1980) notes the slow development of these institutions and sees this not only as a partial consequence of a sparse population, but more due to the practical outlook of pioneering society who saw little value in higher education. Unlike England, Australia did not have a leisured upper class for whom a liberal education was intended (Barcan, 1980), moreover, Australian society actively rejected the concept of a governing elite (Encel, 1965). MacMillan (1968) concurs, noting that even from the earliest years "the universities were never the bastions of social privilege" (p. 12). Rather, students were the sons of small farmers, tradesmen and craftsmen as well as landowners, professional men and high ranking public officials. Initially the new universities did not cater to the established professions. Preparation for the professions: law, medicine and theology, was accomplished in British universities or by "on the job" training in colonial solicitors offices, hospitals and theological colleges. However, Professor John Woolley, the first Principal of the University of Sydney, acknowledged the need for dualism: The idea of a university is two-fold; it is first, what its name imports, a school of liberal and general knowledge and secondly a collection of special schools, devoted to the professions. Of these, the former is the University, properly so called. The second is complementary and ministerial. The former considers the learner as an end in himself, his perfection as a man simply being the object of his education. The latter proposes an end out of and beyond the learner, his dexterity namely as a professional man (Inaugural Address, cited in Macmillan, 1968, p.4). According to MacMillan (1968), founders of universities had in some cases to convince contemporaries of the desirability of a university by emphasising the need for medical and other professional schools. Citing Professor Auchmuty he adds "it was sold to the community as a kind of superior technical college, not because that was the belief of the founders, but because it was the only way to get the Act through" (p. 12). Encel (1965) notes that the 57 Chapter 2: Review of Literature "service station" concept of the university was supported at varying times by both academic staff and governing lay boards. The University of Melbourne, aided by government endowment and fuelled by the gold rush, was the most successful of the colonial universities (Barcan, 1980), and took the lead in incorporating professional education into Australian higher education. The Faculty of Medicine was established in 1862, followed by the Faculty of Law in ll874. Degrees in science and engineering followed in 1883 (Barcan, 1980), in addition to diploma level studies in survey, metallurgy and architecture. The Universities of Sydney and Adelaide progressed more slowly. The Faculty of Arts at Sydney was augmented by Science and Medicine in 1883, while Adelaide introduced Law in 1883, Medicine in 1885 and Engineering in 1888. Industrialisation in-Australia came relatively late and, although the consequent rise of a new professional middle class occurred somewhat later than in Europe, the recognition of education as a means of social advancement was similar. The pioneering ethos, however, restricted interest in a humanist curriculum. Encel (1965), discussing the utilitarian or "instrumentalist" views versus the cultural approach to higher education, notes that "as far as Australia is concerned, the struggle between these two conceptions of higher education was decided quite early in the piece in favour of the instrumentalist view" (p.5). According to Barcan (1980), the education reforms of the early 1900s were related to changes in social class, in particular the growth of a new professional class prepared in the universities— — increased the importance of the universities. The "middle" group (MacMillan, 1968) of universities was established between 1890 and 1912 as a result of public pressure on the state governments of Western Australia, Tasmania and Queensland which lacked universities. Reflecting innovations of the newly established 58 Chapter 2: Review of Literature civic universities in the United Kingdom along with some American influences, the newly established Australian universities provided "a new emphasis on science education and "functional" studies, for example: medicine, mining, engineering and veterinary science; free instruction; part-time courses, and university extension courses" (MacMillan, 1968, p. 11). The next thirty years was a time of consolidation for the six universities. The development of the utilitarian function of higher education was evident as new faculties of architecture, economics and dentistry emerged in several universities (MacMillan, 1968). Rapid population growth resulted in the founding of two university colleges to supplement the universities: Canberra University College in 1929, affiliated with the University of Melbourne; and New England University College in 1938, affiliated with the University of Sydney. The New England University College gained autonomy as the University of New England in 1954, primarily because of its progressive approach to distance education through correspondence courses (Barcan, 1980). Intensive industrial development during World War II underscored the demand for high level technological education. The establishment of the New South Wales University of Technology in 1949 recognised practice-based technological education to the degree level and introduced unusual features into the university curriculum, notably, requirements of extensive practical experience in industry (Macmillan, 1968). While providing baccalaureate status for technological education, a new technological university brought confusion and adverse effects. Diploma courses from the technical colleges were progressively transferred to the university and became'part-time degree courses (Wood, 1965). Students were encouraged to enrol in degree rather than diploma courses. Barcan (1980) contends that loss of this vital link of diploma programs seriously weakened technical education in New South 59 . • Chapter 2: Review of Literature Wales. The university was re-named the University of New South Wales in 1958 and gradually withdrew all existing diploma courses in favour of a six-year part-time B.Sc.(Tech.) credential (Wood, 1965). . . • Vocational preparation featured prominently in Australian universities. At the time of the Murray Committee (1957) there was a university in each state offering a wide range of degree and sub-degree vocational programs, with a high proportion of part-time students. Two thirds of the students were in the vocational faculties, more than half those in the arts faculties were _ pursuing a teaching vocation and there were very few research students (Williams, 1992). The Murray Committee was charged to "investigate the problems of Australian universities — and suggest improvements" (Barcan, 1980, p.333). The subsequent Murray Report (1957) recommended relegation of all forms of non professional training to technical colleges, elimination of sub-degree level awards and a reduction of part-time students. The removal of sub-degree students from the universities underscored a need to strengthen higher education in the non-university sector. This became the focus of the Martin Committee in 1961. Further recommendations of therMurray Report included significant expansion of the university sector and an increase in research students. According to Barcan (1980), quantitative expansion was accompanied by a change in the character of university degree studies during the 1950s. An increasing emphasis on vocational training pervaded the universities in responseto student motivation. Vocations such as hospital management, real estate and journalism sought to legitimise their professional status by acquiring university degrees. Barcan (1980) charges that the newer universities readily became "service stations" providing training in any area of sufficient social demand: 60 . ; . . Chapter 2: Review of Literature With our new population university education must be vocational, with our new environment it must be very largely technological; and with the reliance of universities on public funds it must consider realistically the demands which the community makes upon it. 7 Currently some Australian universities offer Bachelor of Technology programs, for example Swinburne University of Technology, Griffiths University, and the Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology. _ Technical Education Parallelling the development of a university sector was the evolution of what Wheelwright ; (1965) disparagingly refers to as a "system" of technical education with "little order and purpose" (p.xxi). In partial explanation Murray-Smith (1965) points out that the tendency throughout Australian history for a persistent labour shortage has not only emphasised the importance of the skilled worker but, more importantly, has tended to obliterate the wide distinction in older countries between the skilled and the unskilled. Many technological colleges had their origins in the Mechanics Institutes first established in Australia in 1827. Paradoxically, despite their founding role in technical education and the chronic shortage of skilled labour, a Technology Commission Survey (1869) of Mechanics Institutes revealed a lack in provision of practical technical or commercial instruction (Barcan, 1980). According to Murray-Smith (1965), the Mechanics Institutes were established more for moral than practical reasons, to provide "self improvement for the labouring classes" (p. 173). Courses were offered on an ad hoc basis and with no particular application or relevance to industry. However, the Mechanics Institutes provided an organisational core from which the system of technical education developed. For example, Sydney and Brisbane Technical Colleges both evolved from Mechanics Institute evening 61 Chapter 2: Review of Literature classes which has resulted in a "noxious tradition" associating technical education with part time studies (Murray-Smith, 1965). The development of technological education varied by state. Victoria and New South Wales led the colonies, stimulated by the gold rushes and consequent implications for mining and engineering technologies. The first technical institution in Australia was the School of Mines at Ballarat in 1870, followed by Bendigo in 1873 and the Gordon Institute of Technology in 1885. According to Murray-Smith (1965), neither employers nor trade unions demonstrated consistent support for technical education. Rather, initiatives for technical colleges came from public-spirited menand from philanthropists, the strongest advocates being professional men. Ely (1978) suggests "that the economic and governing elite were persuaded that the ~ production of a home grown skilled workforce was necessary for international survival" (p.52). Murray-Smith contends that declining interest in technical education by wealthy men, primarily due to the onset of the Labour movement, partly accounts for the decline of the "image" of technical education in the-20th century. Ely (1978) refers to the late 19th century as the "hey-day of technical education in Australia" -(p.53). However, sporadic development prior to this had resulted in asystem of technical education characterised by lack of order and purpose (Wheelwright, 1965). The system lacked definitive policy, organised-courses and recognised credentials. Colleges lacked clearly defined aims; some were providing secondary education rather than technical education. Complete absence of a secondary education system meant severe articulation problems (Murray-Smith, 1965). Educational reforms of the early 20th century aimed for a more cohesive system. Linkages were forged between industry and business and with 62 • Chapter 2: Review of Literature apprenticeship systems. Adoption of secondary schools as a state responsibility improved articulation. Intense industrialisation due to both World Wars stimulated interest in technological education. However, the major development resulting from this occurred in the higher education sector with the creation of the New South Wales University of Technology in 1949 as described previously. Murray-Smith (1965) charges therefore, that "since 1912 there has been little fresh thinking about technical education in Australia" (p. 189), but he sees technical education becoming a "most favoured topic" (p. 190) for the first time in fifty years. Barcan (1980) draws attention to the relative neglect of technical education at the tertiary level until 1961, and in Wheelwright's (1965) opinion, "it is clear that the present situation is totally inadequate for the needs of a complex industrial society" (p. xvi). Post 1950: Expansion and Diversification The trend towards vocationalism inlhe university sector, the neglected state of technical education and increased social demand for post-secondary education prompted speculation regarding the future role of the universities and possible diversification of tertiary education in Australia. The Martin Committee (1961) was convened to "consider the pattern of tertiary education in relation to the needs and resources of Australia" (Barcan, 1980, p.339). A major step towards legitimation of applied knowledge to baccalaureate status stemmed from the Martin Report (1964) and the subsequent diversification of Australia's higher education system. 63 Chapter 2: Review of Literature Colleges of Advanced Education Colleges of Advanced Education, designed to fill a gap between the universities and the technical colleges (Harman, 1989), were created as a federal response to the report and heralded Commonwealth funding for technical training which, in Barcan's (1980) opinion, was the main achievement of the Martin Report. Envisaged as self governing multi-purpose — institutions (Williams, 1992), Colleges of Advanced Education embraced a range of institutions from the long established metropolitan institutes of technology and large multi-campus metropolitan colleges to the provincial colleges with their strong regional identities, and single purpose agricultural, teacher education, health and music colleges. Compared to universities, Colleges of Advanced Education were more geographically dispersed and less homogeneous in character. Originally conceived as "Diploma Colleges" (Barcan, 1980), the mission of the Colleges of Advanced Education was to provide vocationally oriented courses which would facilitate the direct application of knowledge to industry, business and society generally (Mahony, 1993; Seagren et al., 1989). Their focus was primarily teaching and initially were not funded for research. While Martin originally conceived of a binary model with Colleges of Advanced Education catering to students of lower ability than undergraduates and offering courses only at the sub-degree level, the Wark Report (1966) implied equality with the universities: Colleges of Advanced Education should aim to provide a range of education of a standard of excellence and richness of content at least equal to that of any sector of tertiary education in this country (p.24).8 Degree granting status followed the report of the Wiltshire Committee (1969), and Australia's binary system resembled that of the United Kingdom and Germany. A process of academic drift began. By 1972 the Colleges of Advanced Education offered a wide range of credentials: sub-degree courses (associate diploma, diploma); three and four year bachelor's 64 . Chapter 2: Review of Literature degrees; post-graduate diploma and masters degrees; but not doctorates (Harman, 1989; Barcan, 1980). The blurring of the functions of universities and the Colleges of Advanced Education became evident to students who rejected the idea that the C.A.E.'s are inferior or second-rate and that the people in them are somehow not as worthy, simply because their studies may not be the same as university studies ... and predicted ... that universities will become even more elite institutions and the colleges of advanced education will become the place where "the masses" can gain tertiary education. Some C.A.E.'s will become indistinguishable from universities.9 In the two decades following the Martin Report, changes in society, the economy and . knowledge itself increased the breadth and complexity of the demands on higher education. These demands were fuelled in part by increasing professionalism of occupations in health and the social sciences, applied sciences, management, and the arts (Mahony, 1993). The Colleges of Advanced Education absorbed a significant part of this growth and diversified their offerings to included programs traditionally provided by the universities, for example law, architecture, engineering and the humanities. Eventually only medicine, dentistry and veterinary science remained exclusive to the universities (Mahony, 1993). By the late 1970s, many of the larger Colleges of Advanced Education resembled universities. Approximately 70 percent of the students in Colleges of Advanced Education students enrolled in baccalaureate and post-graduate courses (Harman, 1989). According to Moses (1991), "once established, institutions (CAEs) strove to become like universities and to become universities. Staff wanted the same privileges, same pay, same nomenclature as university staff. Much energy was spent on changing the system ..." (p. 160). Considerable instability existed in the binary system as some Colleges of Advanced Education sought university status. Two state governments pre-empted any Commonwealth 65 Chapter 2: Review of Literature directive and declared two institutes of technology to be universities. Western Australia designated Curtin University of Technology in 1986 and New South Wales designated the University of Technology, Sydney in 1987. In Mahony's opinion, "after more than twenty years the Australian binary system had reached a critical stage (p.469). McKinnon (1991) concurred, adding that "when John Dawkins took over the Education portfolio in 1987 the Australian higher education was ripe for review and probably change" (p. 1). Post-Binary Period: Consolidation The Australian Unified System A major structural change to the organization, funding and delivery of higher education in Australia occurred in 1988 (Smith and Wood, 1992). Driven by economic and social imperatives, Australia's binary system was abolished in favour of a unified national system of education. The "Dawkins reforms" reflecting the instrumental role of John Dawkins, Minister of Employment, Education and Training, were designed to "improve quality and efficiency in the system, and equity of access and improved outcomes" (Baldwin, 1991, p.9). Dawkins' newly created portfolio reflected government's intent to reform higher education in line with economic reconstruction (Harman, 1989). A similar purpose marked the creation of British Columbia's Ministry of Skills, Training and Labour. Dawkins' reform agenda paralleled the strategic direction of other industrialized nations and responded to the identified drivers: manpower needs; equity demands; increased efficiency; and, increased government and societal input to the function of higher education institutions. The most significant elements of the Dawkins reforms, which in turn lead to heightened recognition of technological knowledge, include: the abolition of the binary system which distinguished between universities and Colleges of Advanced Education, and replacement by 66 • Chapter 2: Review of Literature a unified national system of education; major consolidation of institutions through amalgamation to form fewer, larger units, which would receive federal funding on the basis of agreed "educational profiles "in terms of teaching and research; increased emphasis on science, technology and business studies, deemed crucial to economic growth and increased but competitive research funding allocation; reform of institutional governance and management structures focused on increasing institutional response rate to technological change; and, substantial increase in the provision of student places and measures to increase efficiency and effectiveness of the system (Harman, 1989). The move from a binary model to the Unified National System, elevating the Colleges of Advanced Education to the university sector, was accomplished by "the amalgamation of institutions into a smaller number of large, more broadly-based universities" (Baldwin, 1991, p.39). University status, generally, was not conferred on the colleges. In the majority of cases, Australia's Colleges of Advanced Education were incorporated and "disappeared" (Mahony, 1993) into an established university. Questions of primacy of power, coupled with different academic cultures, educational philosophy and values, and staff hiring criteria, have contributed to strong tensions which, in some cases, led to the failure of mergers and retreat to original status. Colleges not involved in cross-sectoral mergers, merged with other colleges and redesignation as a university was subject to assessment. Only seven Colleges of Advanced Education became universities in their own right, six of these had been Institutes of Technology. Mahony (1993) draws attention to the already established movement of this type of institution into the university system, and notes that "University of Technology development has been a strong feature of the post-binary system and with it equity of access to competitive research funding" (p.477). Contrasting Australia's move to a unitary structure with that of the United Kingdom, Mahony (1993) notes the central role played by Australia's 67 Chapter 2: Review of Literature established universities. In the United Kingdom, redesignation of institutions occurred without amalgamation, which Mahony predicts will be less disruptive. While the new directions in Dawkins7 reconstruction of higher education parallels those of other industrialised nations, Harman (1989) points to the greater pace and extent of the changes in Australia compared with other countries. In apparent agreement, Mahony (1993) describes the changes and the institutional-model adopted as "more revolutionary than evolutionary" (p.471). Harman (1989) attributes Dawkins' success in educational reforms to three factors, which^show commonalties with the findings of this study. First is the personal characteristics of John Dawkins, specifically "his personal drive, his leadership, his ability in persuasion and his political skills" (p.9). Second is the consultative approach used, for example, the consultative strategy of a Green Paper, Higher Education: A Discussion Paper (1987) inviting feedback, prior to the publication of a White Paper, Higher Education: A Policy Statement (1988) establishing government policy. Third is strong support of the educational changes from key constituencies and major interest groups, such as cabinet, who perceived the reforms as an integral part of government economic policy, and business and community groups who interpreted the reforms as ending a decade of malaise in higher . education (Harman, 1989). Predictably, Dawkins' reforms were criticised from within the higher education sector, largely because of the increase in federal control and the new funding policies. The Technical and Further Education Sector Unmet demands for higher education, coupled-with the decline in the number of diploma and associate( diploma offerings following the elevation of the Colleges of Advanced Education to the university sector (Baldwin, 1991), prompted government attention on the Technical and -68 Chapter 2: Review of Literature Further Education (TAFE) sector. The TAFE sector, comprising colleges of technical and further education, short cycle institutions that did hot grant degrees, had been finally recognised as a separate sector of tertiary education and received Commonwealth funding following the Kangan report in 1974 (Smart, 1992). Contemporary debate suggested that sub-degree programs should become the preserve of T A F E institutions and external to the university sector. While this parallels the Martin binary proposals of the 1960s, Mahony (1993) points to a significant difference. Currently T A F E institutions and the universities are forging articulated pathways between the sectors where TAFE studies are credited towards a degree.10 Government is encouraging the development of dual qualifications, integrated programs so that both a diploma and a degree could be earned after three to four years of post-secondary education.11 Specifically: Dual qualifications are designed to link and to integrate two courses which are complementary. The two courses are combined so that elements of degree level education are linked to a vocational qualification which has relevance to the core studies of the degree.12 The framework assumes that a. dual qualification will integrate a TAFE qualification and a higher education award. This contrasts to the former binary period which lacked cooperation between the Colleges of Advanced Education and universities. Mahony predicts that lack of strong university-TAFE cooperation would result in "degrees being offered in new institutes of vocational education and the extra-university cycle will recommence" (p.481). Notably, he adds, "as it finalised its closure of a binary system of higher education, Australia was awakening a binary system of tertiary education" (p.482). Canada Canadian education has been shaped by geography, federalism, regionalism, language and culture (Jones, 1997a). Canada is a federation of ten provinces and two territories. In contrast 69 Chapter 2: Review of Literature to Germany's interlocked federalism and Australia's progressive centralisation, Canada exhibits soft federalism; the federal government has no constitutional responsibility for education. The British North America Act (1867) Section 93 established education at all levels as the exclusive jurisdiction of provincial governments and the Constitution Act (1982) maintained this division of responsibility. Consequently, Canada does not have a "national system" of education. Rather, historical and cultural differences have resulted in each province having a unique network of structures and policies (Jones, 1997a). Skolnik (1992), however, identifies a "binary" system as common to all provincial systems, with a clear demarcation between degree and non-degree sectors. Eight provincial systems currently resemble the binary system envisaged in Australia's Martin Report (1964-65) which restricted the college sector-to non-degree level work. However, recent developments in British Columbia and Alberta suggest evolving binary models more closely resembling Germany and the United Kingdom prior to 1992, with degree granting on both sides of the binary line. Provincial diversity means that the trend towards increased recognition and formal legitimation of applied.knowledge to baccalaureate level is occurring by different means and at varying rates. While all provinces progressively incorporated professional education into their university sectors, provinces continue to differ in the legal status they accord practice-based technological knowledge. Between 1850 and 1950 The University Sector Like Australia, Canada's early higher education system was modelled on Britain. Despite their founding charters which authorised degrees in the respected professions of law, medicine arid theology, the early universities established in Eastern Canada in the mid 19th century concentrated almost entirely on undergraduate programs in arts (Harris, 1976). 70 Chapter 2: Review of Literature Professional education took place through apprenticeship, for example, by provincial law societies or through clerical or theological institutes which had nominal relationships with the university. Universities were providing certificate and diploma programs for the emerging professions but for the most part professional education occurred outside the universities. For example, both Ontario and Quebec established colleges devoted to agriculture, veterinary medicine, engineering, and pharmacy (Skolnik, 1990; Harris, 1976). These institutions became affiliated with a university within a few years of their establishment and the majority of them, ultimately, became faculties of the respective universities. By the late 19th century Skolnik (1990) reports a strongconcern for practical studies. The utilitarian versus liberal ideal of the universities was a matter of considerable debate in Eastern Canada in the early 20th century, as both laypersons and academics struggled to clarify and validate the strategic functions of a university. According to Harris (1976), by 1920 "so far as academic legitimacy was concerned, the position of engineering, agriculture, forestry, veterinary medicine and dentistry was now as firm as that of law, medicine and theology" (p.261). Moreover, he adds "nursing, social work and commerce were on the point of being admitted to the club" (p.261). During the inter-war years, professional and quasi-professional education featured more prominently in university offerings as public and institutional priorities went increasingly to the creation of new professional faculties (Moran, 1991). A detailed account of the development of professional education in British Columbia is given in Chapter Four. World War JJ added impetus to the instrumentalist approach to higher education and to technological training as opposed to professional education. 71 Chapter 2: Review of Literature Technical Education In Harris' (1976) opinion, one of the most striking features of the Canadian post-secondary scene in 1940 was the lack of institutions devoted to technical and vocational training. The spectrum of technical schools consisted of several agricultural schools throughout the country, a forest ranger school in Quebec and an institute of technology in Calgary, Alberta. Wilkinson (1980) attributes Canada's lack ofemphasis on technical education to immigration of technicians and technologists from Europe, middle management from the United Kingdom and importation of most of her technology from the USA. Dennison and Gallagher (1986) point out that in some provinces, for example, Newfoundland, slow growth of formal technical and vocational education was-due to a resource based economy. The move to effectively establish technical training beyond high school dates from 1945 (Harris, 1976). Stimulated by the need for rehabilitation opportunities for war veterans, Ryerson Technical Institute (renamed Ryerson Polytechnical Institute in 1961) and the Manitoba Institute of Technology were established in 1948, followed by the New Brunswick Institute of Technology in 1949. Neither Newfoundland, Prince Edward Island nor Nova Scotia had established institutes of technology by 1960, however, the latter province had two vocational schools. New developments in the three most-western provinces were restrictedto an agricultural school in Alberta and the establishment of the Saskatchewan Technical College. In 1960, except for a forest ranger school established in 1946, British Columbia provided no opportunities for technological training other than its high schools and university (Harris, 1976). Harris concludes that, despite considerable development of technical and vocational institutions between 1940 and 1960, it remained until the-Technical and Vocational Act (1961) for any province to claim adequate provision for technological training as opposed to professional education. 72 •_ Chapter 2: Review of Literature According to Harris (1976), Ontario was "the only province to make a systematic attempt to provide for technical and technological training" (p.493), establishing seven institutions by 1960. These included: Ryerson Technical Institute which provided the leadership role; a Provincial Institute of Mining; a second business school at Hamilton; a Provincial Institute of Textiles which was later renamed the Hamilton Institute of Technology; the Lakehead Institute of Technology which was transformed into the Lakehead College of Arts, Science and Technology on its evolutionary path towards university status (Jones, 1997b); the Eastern and Western Ontario Institutes of Technology. Other components of the Ontario "system" included the Ontario College of Art, and a forest ranger school. While Ryerson offered multiple programs, all others were confined to engineering, business administration and one or two specialties (Harris, 1976). Wilkinson (1980) attributes the success of the "Ryerson experiment" (p.31) and subsequent Provincial Institutes of Technology based on this model, to the interactions among diverse elements: a visionary principal who understood post-secondary technological education and its role in the provincial economy; the fortunate presence of key government administrators at times when evolutionary changes were necessary; and, the critical need to validate technological education at each stage of its development to an, often sceptical post-secondary sector of education, notably those graduates of traditional universities with limited understanding of advanced technological education (Wilkinson, 1980). Distinct parallels are seen between these successful interactions and those which played a significant role in the creation of a Bachelor of Technology degree at BCIT. Academic drift was apparent at Ryerson from the outset. Initially, the duration of diploma and certificate studies was from nine months to two years. By 1950, on the advice of advisory 73 Chapter 2: Review of Literature committees, Ryerson was actively extending its programs to three years, triggering alarm and accusations of emulating traditional universities. In 1951 trades courses were transferred to the Provincial Institute of Trades, and Ryerson, by its own definition, was graduating technologists rather than technicians (Wilkinson, 1980). By the late 1960s, Ryerson was confronting identical problems to those which BCIT would confront a decade later. Efforts to differentiate itself from the newly created community colleges, the Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology, coupled with on going articulation problems with Canadian universities, led to a submission to the Wright Commission in 1969 and 1970 for degree granting status. Ryerson was granted authority to grant degrees in 1971, but restricted to Bachelor of Technology or Bachelor of Applied Arts designations. A Bachelor of Business Management was added in 1978 (Wilkinson, 1980). In 1993 Ryerson was accorded university status as . Ryerson Polytechnic University (Jones, 1997b). Post 1950: Educational Diversity Watson (1992) contends that " i f there has been one constant policy pre-occupation for Canadian higher education since the 1950s it has been with 'access'" (p. 110). Dennison and Gallagher (1986) saw the decade of the 1960s as "truly a 'golden age' for public education in Canada" (p.l 1) characterised by unprecedented growth, new institutions and an educational structure that "introduced new concepts of accessibility to higher or post-secondary education (p. 11). Two major developments in the 1960s influenced the growth and acceptance of applied knowledge within the higher education sector. First, the Technical and Vocational Assistance Act (1960) marked a clear and aggressive cost sharing arrangement between federal and provincial governments for the development of technical education. The massive infusion of federal funding prompted a proliferation of technical and vocational institutions throughout the country, spawning institutions such as the Northern Alberta Institute of 74 Chapter 2: Review of Literature Technology (Andrews et al., 1997), Saskatchewan Central Technical Institute and BCIT. Second, and arguably the most dramatic influence on the development of applied knowledge and of Canadian higher education in general subsequent to the drive for professional education in the early 20th century, was the broad commitment to social equity that fuelled the dramatic expansion and diversification of post-secondary education in the 1960s (Skolnik, 1990). However, the gains made by applied knowledge in Canada as a result of this expansion were not as immediate as those in the other countries reviewed in this study. Provincial governments responded differently to the shortage of post-secondary opportunities from the governments of the United Kingdom, Germany and Australia. These countries built on the twin foundations of existing universities and technical colleges. In Canada, however, the need for polytechnic education was not well recognised nor did Canada have the base in technological education to build on. Community Colleges Canada, like the United-Kingdom, Germany and Australia, moved to a mass system of education primarily by the creation of short-cycle institutions in the non-university sector. However, Canada's two year multi-purpose community colleges contrasted the binary models adopted by the United Kingdom, Germany and Australia, all of which had degree granting on each side of the binary line almost from the outset. The focus of community colleges was local, whereas the Polytechnics, the Fachhochschulen and the Colleges of Advanced Education were linked more to regional and national economies. However, as a result of their origins and individual mandates, community colleges focused on applied knowledge, albeit at sub-degree level, to varying extents. As Smith (1991a) points out, "the essential characteristic of the United States and Canadian systems in the absence of prestigious alternatives to universities at the post-secondary level" (p; 13). 75 -; Chapter 2: Review of Literature Community colleges were established in almost all provinces (Watson, 1992), and in most cases involved consolidation of established institutions. For example, Ontario's Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology embodied existing technical institutes and adult learning centres (Sheffield et al., 1982). Dennison and Gallagher (1986) note that imposition of the college model on the founding institutions "in no sense compromised their function" (p.37), and they retained a heavy emphasis on technical and vocational education. Two technical1 institutes became part of New Brunswick Community College, whereas in Nova Scotia "proliferation rather than consolidation" (Sheffield et al., 1982, p.40) was the norm, with the creation of specialist institutions. Of particular interest to this study, the University College of Cape Breton, formed from a merger of the Eastern Nova Scotia Institute of Technology and Xavier College, was granted authority to offer a Bachelor of Technology degree. Watson (1992) contends that only in a very loose sense can one speak of provincial "systems" of education. In the majority of provinces, college and university sectors remain distinct. Quebec, alone, has a wholly integrated system where entrance to higher education is through the College d'Enseignement General et Professionel (CEGEP). British Columbia and Alberta have articulation agreements through university transfer programs for academic but not for applied programs. The terminal nature of career technical programs is the concern and focus of No Dead Ends (1993), the Report of the Task Force on Advanced Training to the Minister of Education and Training, Ontario. Despite commissions and task forces in most provinces charged to investigate articulation and forge a future vision for higher education, only British Columbia and Alberta have made significant advances towards increased recognition of practice-based applied knowledge through formal legitimation. 76 Chapter 2: Review of Literature Alberta: New Applied Degrees In 1995, the Alberta post-secondary system included four universities: Alberta, Calgary, Lethbridge and Athabasca; two technical institutes, the Northern Alberta Institute of Technology (NATT), and the Southern Alberta Institute of Technology (SATT); and 11 public colleges offering programs ranging from career, agricultural, fine arts and vocational programs to university transfer (Andrews, Holdaway and Mowat, 1997). Degree granting remained the preserve of the universities until 1994 when, responding to pressure from colleges and institutes and to the market demand for advanced credentials, the Ministry of Advanced Education and Career Development policy document, New Directions for Adult Learners in Alberta (1994), announced a demonstration project to offer a new credential, an applied degree, in public colleges and technical institutes. The requirements for Alberta's applied degree parallel those in BCIT's Bachelor of Technology degree: it has a work experience component; the curriculum focuses on the attainment of clearly identified competencies; it is significantly different in structure and intent from most university programs; and, it is offered in subject areas that do not duplicate existing university degree programs. Moreover, like BCIT, Alberta resolved to protect its two year diploma and to structure degrees to maximise credit from diploma programs (MAECD, 1994). While the intent of affording baccalaureate status for practice-based applied knowledge was similar to British Columbia, the process of legitimation was markedly different. In contrast to British Columbia's "bottom up" approach where individual institutions lobbied government for degree granting status, Alberta's approach was a "top down" government directed pilot project and restricted to applied degrees (MAECD, 1994). Degree granting status was not conferred on the individual institutions, rather institutions were limited to offering specific degrees approved within the pilot project. 77 Chapter 2: Review of Literature A l l colleges and institutes were invited to submit proposals for applied degrees according to specific guidelines. Arguments were to be based on assessment and distinct labour market need above the diploma level. Proposals were received in two stages, depending on the proposed implementation date. A total of eight programs in seven institutions received ministerial approval. Four applied degrees were announced in March 1995 for implementation in 1995-96 1 3 and four were announced in October 1995 for implementation in 1996-97 (Appendix 2A). Notably, all use the word "Applied" in their title. Alberta's applied degree combines three years (six semesters) of formal academic instruction and one year (two semesters) of formally credited work experience, supported by industry. Within this framework, Mount Royal College and Grand Prairie College have opted for a continuous four year program, while other institutions have opted for a "two plus two" model that builds directly on related diplomas.1 4 The intent was to offer these programs on a full time basis, however, student demand in some areas demonstrated a clear preference for part time opportunities.15 A key component of the Applied Degree Demonstration Project was the establishment of an independent Evaluation Advisory Committee with representation from government, institutes, industry and students and charged "to make recommendations to the Minister on the ability of a new credential, the applied degree, to effectively prepare Albertans for careers in a rapidly changing economy."16 The Demonstration Project and its evaluation is scheduled to run over the course of six years, providing on going data to inform the future of applied degrees in Alberta. 78 Chapter 2: Review of Literature Summary Traditional tensions between pure and applied knowledge and consequent debate on what constitutes legitimate knowledge has resulted in a stratification of knowledge and the * institutions offering that knowledge. Stratification of knowledge is overtly expressed in terms of credentials which have become a means of occupational and social mobility. A hierarchically stratified knowledge system is promoted and perpetuated by active boundary work, in many cases using credentials as exclusionary devices to demarcate and control access to specific knowledge areas. The allocation of status and gradual legitimation of applied knowledge is due largely to the identification of knowledge with power and culture and is inextricably linked with the social history of the country. The development of higher education in most industrialised societies reveals two major periods of significant advance in-the legitimation of applied knowledge, each as a response to economic demand for an appropriately skilled workforce. The first was a consequence of industrialisation and the rise of the professional society in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. In the United Kingdom, Germany and Canada this led to a shift from the traditional liberal focus to acceptance of more utilitarian studies in the university sector, whereas Australia^ pioneering society had demanded a more functional focus in its universities from the outset. This first period legitimised what are now recognised as professional university studies, having very strong theoretical underpinnings. In contrast, the second significant thrust legitimised practice-based technological knowledge, and occurred as a result of the 1960s expansion and diversification of higher education systems, particularly the non-university sector. In the United Kingdom, Germany and Australia consolidation of smaller vocationally oriented institutions into larger employment focused institutions, the Polytechnics, the Fachhochschulen and the Colleges of Advanced Education respectively, each with baccalaureate status, constituted binary systems 79 Chapter 2: Review of Literature with degree granting on each side of the binary line. Comparatively, Canada restricted degree status to the university sector. Community colleges and institutes offered technological education at the sub-degree level until the mid 1990s when British Columbia and Alberta pioneered practice-based applied degrees in the non-university sector. Footnotes 1 Rectoral Address to the University of St. Andrews, 1867 2 Interview with a university student as part of a research study cited in Brown and Scase, 1994, p.69. 3 Public Record Office, Education 119/1 cited in Lowe, 1983, p.53. 4 Polytechnic degrees in the United Kingdom typically add a "sandwich" year in industry to the three years of formal study, resulting in a four year program. The sandwich year usually forms the third year of the program. 5 Information on the Berusakademie results from the researchers visit to the Berufsakademie, Karlsruhe in 1994, and discussions with Axel Gohringer, Direktor. This visit was part of an educational tour of Germany's employment-focused post-secondary institutions. 6 Andrae Wolter, Technical University, Dresden to Ann McArthur: E-mail, October 22 1997 7 Address by Dr. R.B. Madgwick, Vice Chancellor, University of New England, 1954. 8 Wark, (1966). First Report of Commonwealth Advisory Committee on Advanced Education, June 1966. 9 Australian Union of Students, in The Australian Journal of Advanced Education, 1970, vol.1, no.4, p.25. 1 0 Swinburne University of Technology Pathways: Credit Transfer Guide, 1995. 1 1 Joan Cashion, Head, Industrial Sciences Department, Swinburne University of Technology to Ann McArthur: E-mail, July 10, 1997. 1 2 Swinburne University of Technology Administrative Guides. Section 7.6. 1 3 Alberta Government News Release, March 20,1995. 1 4 Susan Empson-Warner, Senior Consultant, Post-secondary Programs, Alberta, to Ann McArthur: Letter May 26,1997. 1 5 Terry Moore, Chair, Alberta Council of Admissions and Transfer, to Ann McArthur: Telephone communication, May 1997. 1 6 Terms of Reference of the Evaluation Advisory Committee of Alberta's Applied Demonstration Project. 80 Chapter Three: Methodology 81 • Chapter Three: Methodology This chapter introduces case study methodology and depicts this investigation as a historical and unique case study. The chapter discusses the rationale for choice of BCIT as the research site. The techniques of data collection through, participant observation, documents and archival records, and interviews are described. The criteria for choice of informants is detailed. The method of data analysis is presented and the validity, reliability and limitations of the study are outlined. Research Design The study follows a case study approach embedded within a qualitative research paradigm. Merriam (1988) describes a qualitative case study as "an intensive, holistic description and analysis of a bounded phenomena such as a program, an institution, a person or a social unit" (p.xiv). Merriam (1988) compares a research design to an architectural blueprint in that it is a plan for assembling, organizing and integrating information (data) and it results in a specific end product (research findings). The selection of a particular design is determined by how the problem is shaped, by the questions it raises, and by the type of end product desired. The case study is particularly, suited to this investigation as the study will entail a significant historical component as a backdrop to the current investigation. The approach to this study typifies that of qualitative inquiry; it focuses on process, and seeks understanding and explanation. This study does not test theory, but seeks patterns and threads in the data and uses the literature more as a conceptual template for comparison. A qualitative approach asks questions to determine the meaning of an experience. Yin (1984) asserts that "how" and "why" questions favour the use of case studies, histories or experimental designs and distinguishes between these by the amount of control the researcher has over behavioural events. Case study is preferred in examining contemporary events. It relies on the same 82 ' . Chapter Three: Methodology techniques as history but adds a further two sources of evidence, direct observation and systematic interviewing. Collins and Noblit (1978) assert case studies which they call field studies "are better able to assess social change more than positivistic designs, and change is often what policy is addressing" (p.26). The research questions of this study seek evidence of social change. This study is a historical case study. It represents a unique case. It exhibits the four characteristics deemed essential properties of_a qualitative case study by Merriam (1988): it is particularistic, focusing on a particular phenomenon; it is descriptive, the text is a rich, holistic description of the case; it is heuristic providing deeper understanding, new insights and a rethinking of how and why things happened; it relies on inductive reasoning! Tosh (1991) asserts that, "we know that we cannot understand a situation in life without some perception of where it fits into a continuing process or whether it happened before" (p.l). Abrams (1982) concurs that, "the present needs to be understood as.a product of the -past" (p. 1) ...moreover that "the past is not just the womb of the present but the only raw material out of which the present can-be constructed" (p.8). However, Abrams points out that merely recognising historical background is insufficient, rather a detailed-examination of the . action of individuals on social structure and vice versa is required. Historical case studies distinguish between technique and account (Merriam, 1988). This study uses techniques common to historiography, specifically the use of primary source material. Similarryvit amasses evidence from multiple sources, so that inaccuracies and distortions are more likely — revealed. Historical case studies are distinguished by the nature of the account. Typically description and narrative have been favoured in fields such as education (Merriam, 1988) however narrative as a literary technique imposes severe limitations on an attempt at 83 -- Chapter Three: Methodology historical explanation and the treatment of cause. The multiple.nature of causation demands that narrative be suspended (Tosh, 1991) and that an analytical technique be used where the outline of events is taken for granted. This study adopted flexible use of narrative and analytical modes, sometimes in alternating sections and sometimes fused through the text. Analysis enabled portrayal of the connectedness of economic, social and political factors, occurring simultaneously, that contributed to the case. Narrative enabled holistic description of the case from a historical perspective. . ^ : The general research problem in this study is the legitimation of applied knowledge. The case is the creation of a Bachelor of Technology degree at BCIT. Research Site The site for this study is the British Columbia Institute of Technology, (BCIT). BCIT was created in 1964 to fill a gap in the education system and to address the need for highly skilled technology graduates. The Institute mandate at the time was stated by Leslie Peterson, the Minister of Education: The aim of the British Columbia Institute of Technology will be to fit the latent skills and technical capabilities of our young people to the present and future needs of our province and indeed our nation. The choice of BCIT for this study is threefold. First, as an institution BCIT is unique. Since the amalgamation with the Pacific Vocational Institute in 1985, BCIT is perhaps the most comprehensive technical institution in Canada, with programs spanning trades 84 __ Chapter Three: Methodology apprenticeships to advanced technology baccalaureate level and post baccalaureate specialty programs. Unlike other post-secondary institution in British Columbia, BCIT focuses solely on practice-based applied education. This provides a distinct advantage in its use as a case for this study. Legitimising BCIT as a degree granting institution inherently legitimised practice-based applied knowledge. Consequently, the enabling and constraining factors which inter-played as BCIT sought degree granting status are simultaneously responsible for recognising technological knowledge to the baccalaureate level in British Columbia. Such parallels could not be drawn in a university college where some applied technical degrees are now also offered. The presence of academic programs in the latter, some previously at the degree level through partnerships with a university, suggests.that academic drift may present an extraneous variable confounding a direct relationship between legitimation of the institution and legitimation of applied knowledge. Second, the process of legitimation was unique. BCIT sought degree granting individually as an institution using a "bottom up" approach. Boundary workers lobbied all sectors of educational, corporate and government sectors to solicit support for a practice-based technology degree, culminating in a proposal from BCIT to the Ministry of Advanced Education, Training and Technology. This process contrasts sharply to other jurisdictions, for example, the United Kingdom, Germany and Australia, where technological knowledge gained baccalaureate status two decades earlier. In these cases, new technical degree granting institutions in the non-university sector were legislated on a system wide basis as part of the move to a mass education system which characterised the 1960s. While the non-university sector in Canada expanded during this period, it remained a unitary education system. In 1995, the Alberta government used a similar "top-down" approach to introduce applied degrees into their non-university sector as they designated individual degrees to specific 85 Chapter Three: Methodology institutions on a pilot basis. A further reason for the choice of BCIT as a site is the familiarity of the researcher with the culture of the institution and specifically the degree granting initiative. This is detailed in the section on Participant Observation. BCIT initially sought degree granting status fifteen years ago but was unsuccessful. A description and understanding of events during this time period provides a contextual background for the recent legislated baccalaureate recognition of technological knowledge. Access to the site was-gained by writing to the president of BCIT. The letter stated the intent of the research and requested access to pertinent documents and permission to ask identified personnel for interviews (Appendix 3A). Data Collection Yin (1984) states that "evidence for case studies may come from six sources: documents, archival records, interviews, direct observation, participant observation and physical artifacts" (p.78). This study relied primarily on four sources of data, participant observation, documents, archival records and interviews. Participant Observation This study is a natural outcome of my intimate involvement in the development of a Bachelor of Technology degree at BCIT. Reflexivity implies that as we are a part of the social world we cannot avoid having an effect on the social phenomena we study and, furthermore, that "the orientations of researchers will be shaped by their socio-historical locations including the values and interests those locations confer upon them" (Hammersley and Atkinson, 1995, p. 16). Consequently, research findings will be unavoidably affected by the social background 86 Chapter Three: Methodology and personal characteristics of the researcher. I therefore acknowledge and document my participation in the BCIT's Bachelor of Technology degree initiative. My involvement has progressed through distinct stages over the past six years, each with a different focus, beginning as a result of my being Chair of BCIT's Education Council from 1990-1992. This was a time of significant change in the post-secondary system of British Columbia. Specifically, the "Access for A l l " (1989) initiative was advocating the creation of degree granting institutions in the non-university sector. I was asked by the President of BCIT to prepare, first, a Discussion Paper providing a rationale for a practice-based technology degree at BCIT, and later, a formal proposal to the Ministry of Advanced-Education, Training and Technology soliciting approval for such a degree. In preparing these documents I researched literature, predominantly policy documents, held discussions with various individuals and stakeholder groups both internal and external to BCIT and visited several polytechnic institutions in the United Kingdom as I sought opinion and rationale to present BCIT's case. A detailed account of these events is given in Chapter Six. Following the submission of a Proposal for a Technology Degree at BCIT (June 1992) to the Ministry and having received positive, albeit informal, feedback the focus of my involvement shifted to planning implementation procedures for degree programs. I was assigned by the Vice President, Education to develop a Quality Assurance process to validate and subsequently review all BCrT degrees. My work required researching established processes and formulating a model appropriate to the organisational structure and culture of BCIT. Ultimately this involved liaising with the Ministry as the provincial validation process was established. Throughout this time I continued to speak with individuals and groups about the Bachelor of Technology degree. I met with the Board of Governors, Advisory Committees, Ministry officials, faculty, management groups, alumni, and students. My role was of 87 - . •" • -" . Chapter Three: Methodology informant and advocate as I endeavoured to encourage support and address concerns by demonstrating how the philosophy and unique model of the degree responded to graduate, employer and labour market demands. By this time I was strongly identified with the degree initiative and my interactions ranged from casual coffee time conversations to scheduled . presentations and forums. In October 1992,1 became involved in issues related to degree granting institutions in the non-university sector at the provincial level when I was appointed to the Carter Committee on Governance of Colleges and Institutes. The nature of my /participation in BCIT's Bachelor of Technology degree initiative changed yet again.following the enabling legislation in January 1995. My prime responsibility now is coordinating the preparation of Bachelor of Technology degree proposals and facilitating their passage through BCIT's internal quality assurance process and through the provincial validation process. Glesne and Peshkin (1992) note that "participant observation ranges across a continuum from mostly observation to mostly participation ... although your actual participant-observer role may fall at any point along this continuum you will most likely find yourself at different points at different times in the data collection process" (pAO). This research study marks a point in my involvement with BCIT's Bachelor of Technology degree where I move from one extreme of the participant-observer continuum as a full participant, to assume a role of disinterested bbseryer, a stance from which I now look back and ask "What really v happened?...Why was this venture successful?" From the vantage point of observer I . recognised that my original assumptions of why the technology degree initiative was successful were somewhat idealistic and flawed. The arguments vye had mounted were educationally based, success however, was predominantly politically based. 88 Chapter Three: Methodology Documents and Archival Records Documentation and archival records were used to reconstruct the history, the economic, social and political contexts, procedural events and evidence of both internal and external forces. Documents originating from the federal and provincial governments identified trends and policy directions. Specifically, the following types of document were reviewed: (1) strategic planning and task force reports, with an institutional or provincial focus; (2) provincial and federal government reports; (3) minutes of meetings, in particular BCIT Education Council and BCIT Board of Governors; (4) letters, memos and printed copies of electronic mail messages circulated among stakeholders. While this documentation was a rich source of information, it also provoked many unanswered questions. Throughout the primary document, research questions were noted in a field note book, assigning each to potential informant(s) who may best inform the question. In some.cases, the questions filled gaps in the history and in others provided interpretations of events. Interviews . Information in written form has limitations. Some of it, particularly philosophical and political aspects, can be learned only by talking with others. Evidence was therefore augmented by interviews of key personnel representing different stakeholder groups. The sampling technique for this study was purposeful, not random. Purposeful sampling is based on the assumption that one wants to discover; understand, gain insight; therefore one needs to select a sample from which one can learn the most (Merriam 1988). Because of my role at BCIT and specifically my involvement role in the degree initiative, I relied initially on my own judgement to determine which stakeholder groups should be represented and to identify potential informants within these groups. Primary document research both suggested 89 Chapter Three: Methodology additional informants and confirmed some of my choices. Merriam (1988) suggests asking a key person for recommendations as to who should be interviewed. Advice was sought from BCIT's former Vice President, Education and now current President, regarding the selection of relevant informants. He proposed two additional informants and gave guidance on the choice of others. In two instances informants themselves suggested other potential informants who might contribute to the study. Participants The participants represented a "purposeful sample." It was essential to select people who could best inform the research question and provide perspectives from diverse stakeholder groups. The following stakeholder groups were represented in the sample: government, corporate sector, university sector, professional association of technicians and technologists of British Columbia, BCIT alumni, BCIT Board of Governors, BCIT advisory committees, BCIT faculty, management and senior administration. .While each informant was selected primarily as a representative of one particular stakeholder group, five interviewees were associated with more than one stakeholder group. This proved an added bonus in the interview process. The final interview sample included: (1) four key members of government atthe-time of BCIT's bid for degree granting status. A Minister and a Deputy Minister responsible for post-secondary education were selected because of their respective roles iri the decision making process to grant BCIT baccalaureate status and to provide input on the vision and direction of government policy for post-secondary education at that time. An Assistant Deputy Minister and a Director of Universities and Provincial Institutions were chosen because they provided the closest operational and communication linkages between BCIT and the provincial 90 • '• ; . . - . „ ' . ' , • • • Chapter Three: Methodology government on a day to day basis; (2) three members of the corporate sector selected largely because of their multiple roles with respect to BCIT. Two were recent members of the Board of Governors. The former Chair of the Board of Governors was selected because of his leadership role, on behalf of the Board, in the degree initiative. The interview uncovered that this informant was also a former advisory committee member and BCIT alumnus. The second Board member was selected partly for his demonstrated contribution and vision as a Board . member but more because, as president of a large international engineering firm employing BCIT graduates, he provided a global industry perspective. This informant had served on advisory committees in the mid 1980s. The third corporate representative was a current advisory committee member who is also involved in the validation process of BCIT degrees. The interview determined this informant was also a BCIT alumnus; (3) one Vice President, Academic from the university sector selected to input a university perspective on both the concept of degree granting outside the university sector and baccalaureate status for practice-based technological knowledge. The particular choice of informant from this sector rested both on his historical association with BCIT in exploring possible collaborative degree partnerships, and his current involvement in the provincial degree.validation process; (4) current Executive Director of the Applied Scientists, Technologists and Technicians of British Columbia (ASTT), selected to inform the research question from the perspectives of" the profession and the individual technologist. Inclusion of this informant was prompted by primary document research which highlighted significant involvement of ASTT, specifically this individual, to the previous degree initiative and-furthermore, identified him as a former member of BCIT's Board of Governors. The interview process revealed his additional affiliations as a former advisory committee member and BCIT alumnus; (5) four members of BCIT's senior administration including two past presidents, current president formerly Vice President, Education and one past Vice President, Education. These four informants 91 • • Chapter Three: Methodology represented the two senior administrators spearheading the respective degree initiatives of the 1980s and the 1990s. Selection of these interviewees enabled exploration of key issues at both times from historical, political and institutional perspective; (6) three members of BCIT's management team including two deans and one former associate dean; Criteria for selection of two of BCIT's six deans was based on the history of the involvement of their schools in post diploma education. Both schools had developed Advanced Diploma Programs, wrestled.with potential collaborative degree partnerships with the traditional universities and offered collaborative degrees with the Open Learning Agency (OLA). Furthermore, both schools had significant involvement in advanced studies through distance learning. The choice of the associate dean was made primarily because her specific program pioneered post diploma studies, advanced diplomas and collaborative degrees. She had been intimately involved with the negotiations for transfer credit and/or collaborative programs. with the universities throughout the 1980s and could provide insight to obstacles and barriers encountered; (7) two faculty members. The choice of two individuals to inform the research questions from a faculty perspective became apparent during the primary document research which highlighted their long involvement with BCIT in roles requiring keen awareness of institutionalissues. Both have strong ties to the BCIT Staff Society, and both were involved' 1 in the 1980s degree granting initiative, one as a member of the Board of Governors and the other as President of the Staff Society. Furthermore, in the past three years, one member has coordinated and championed one of BCIT's new technology degree programs. Criteria for selection, particularly of internal informants, to represent specific stakeholder groups reflect Spradley's (1979) requirement of "thorough enculteration" (p.46) for good informants. A list of informants is given in Appendix 3B. 92 - . • .. . - •• Chapter Three: Methodology Ethics and Confidentiality •The design of the study required meeting the university's requirements for conducting research with human subjects. Letters seeking informed consent were sent to eighteen potential informants. (Appendix 3C ). However, ensuring an ethical study involves more than conforming to a bureaucratic requirement. Merriam (1988) reminds us that: the burden of producing a study that has been conducted and disseminated in an ethical manner lies with the individual investigator......The best that an individual. researcher can do is to be conscious of the ethical issues that pervade the research process, from conceptualising the problem to disseminating the findings (p. 184). Furthermore: . Where research involves the acquisition of material and information transferred on the assumption of trust between persons, it is axiomatic that the rights, interests, and sensitivities of those studied must be safeguarded (Principles of Professional Responsibility, 1971 para. 1, a). Ethical and validity considerations were addressed by requesting informants review transcripts of their interviews (Appendix 3D). Informants had the opportunity both to delete material they preferred not be used and to confirm the accuracy of the data. None of the informants deleted data; several informants embellished or clarified data. Ensuring confidentiality of informants was fraught with difficulties. The informants were assured that their names would not be used but data they volunteered would be identified in general terms by the positions they held with respect to BCIT or in government. Given that there were a finite number of persons in such positions, coupled with a clear indication of particular time periods, absolute confidentiality was elusive. Moreover, the majority of informants held key positions in their representative stakeholder group which would make their comments more credible if these roles were revealed. By using more general identifying terms, for example "government official," meant that analytic credibility was being sacrificed 93 •• • •• • . • Chapter Three: Methodology for the sake of confidentiality. The informants were therefore contacted again (Appendix 3E), requesting permission to identify their positions more specifically within the text of the study and to list them by name as participants. Quotes attributed to individual informants, to be included in the study, were forwarded to informants at their request for approval. A l l informants agreed to be identified as suggested by the researcher and acknowledged as participants in the study. Interview Process Informants were first contacted by letter outlining the intent of the research and requesting their participation. A follow up phone call approximately one week later provided an opportunity to answer questions and provide further detail on the study. A l l informants approached agreed to participate in the study. A l l interviews were held at locations and times suggested by the informant. Thirteen interviews were held in the informants place of work, eleven in the office of the informant and two in small boardrooms. Coincidentally in all cases the informant indicated that a round table was to be used for the interview process. While Glesne and Peshkin (1992) maintain that "in most instances the researcher maintains a dominant role that reflects his or her definition of the inquiry purpose" (p. 82), Oakley (1981) asserts that "interviewing is best achieved when the relationship of interviewer and interviewee is non-hierarchial" (p.41). Using a round table helped minimise potential hierarchial relationships and resulted in a relaxed conversational atmosphere. In contrast, one interview was held in my office. I sat at my desk and the informant sat on the opposite side. Here a power relationship was much more evident resulting in a more stilted interview process. Two interviews were held in hotels, one in the lobby and one by the pool. One interview took place on a park bench outside the interviewee's workplace. In all three of 94 ' . . Chapter Three: Methodology these locations extraneous noise detracted from the focus of the interview process and later inhibited transcription of some of the interview data. One interview took place in the living room of the,informant's home, promoting easy dialogue. : Interview data were recorded using two tape recorders to guard against malfunction of one machine. Furthermore, one tape recorder was started approximately five minutes after the other to avoid missed dialogue at the end of a tape. In addition I took notes of key points and noted any body language during the interview process. The length of the interviews varied from forty-five minutes to one hour. Occasionally the conversation carried on beyond the one hour limit and after the tape was finished. This was a relaxed conversation, reflecting the^  interest of both parties in the subject matter, and seemed a natural outcome of the interview process. ." " A pilot interview was held with the current President of BCIT, who in his former position as Vice President, Education had championed the successful degree granting initiative. This interview was invaluable on two counts. First, it provided detailed information and suggested other sources of information to inform the research study, and second, it heightened my awareness of specific research techniques. Glesne and Peshkin (1992) attest to the "value of being naive"- (p.80) as a researcher and caution that one hazard of conducting research on a topic about which you know a great deal through study and personal experience, is that assumptions may preclude seeking explanations and in depth probing. I acknowledge that I had worked closely with this informant during the past four years specifically on the degree initiative, however perhaps due his own research expertise, the informant assumed my total 95 . ' • '.' •. Chapter Three: Methodology naivety and answered questions providing details of which he knew I was well aware. I was alerted that I would need to feign deliberate naivety with other informants. Each interview began by ensuring that the. informant understood the purpose and scope of the study and re-iterating the specific research questions. This information had been provided on the letter of consent that was. signed prior to the interview. Glesne and Peshkin (1992) advise that questions must be anchored in the cultural reality of the respondents (p.66). Consequently, while there were similarities in the structure of the interviews, each interview was a unique event necessarily because of the different roles played by informants. Some informants were able to add significant historical information while others provided key political insights. In some instances informants with multiple affiliations with BCIT were asked to "change hats," for example from a board member to an alumnus and answer a question from a different cultural context. A l l interviews had an open ended format but all interviews addressed the specific research questions pertaining to enabling and constraining factors influencing BCIT's degree initiative. Sometimes answers to the research questions evolved in the natural flow of conversation. In such cases I sought confirmation by asking, " are you saying...," and prior to the conclusion of the interview I restated factors identified, already and asked the informants if there were additional ones. Spradley (1979) advocates that interviewing involves two distinct but complementary processes, developing rapport and eliciting information. The initial interaction in the interview process was deliberately constructed to establish a comfort level and encourage the informant to speak freely. Each interview began with descriptive "grand tour" questions (Spradley, 1979, p. 86). For example, informants were first asked to describe their role and association with BCIT and then to describe their involvement in the degree initiative. The open ended interview format makes it difficult to give examples of common questions. However; I asked all informants if they 96 . • . Chapter Three: Methodology perceived that, in legislating BCIT's; authority to offer Bachelor of Technology degrees, government had differentiated-between the legitimation of practice-based technological knowledge and legitimation of the institution. Interviews had a very conversational tone. . Sometimes informants were enjoying reminiscing and it became necessary to redirect the flow of conversation. Interview questions originated from diverse sources. Consistent with Glesne and Peshkin's suggestion that "the experience of learning as participant observer...is the basis for forming questions" (p.65), my involvement with the degree initiative over the past five years had evoked questions of historicalrpolitical and social influences. Primary document research also generated interview questions, some as a result of ambiguities and others requiring more -. in-depth knowledge than provided in the documentation. On going analysis of interview data begat further questions to pose to other informants. Interaction of personalities has a profound effect on interviews (Spradley, 1979), consequently establishing rapport between researcher and informant is an integral part of collecting data. Glesne and Peshkin (1992) assert the rapport indicates confidence and trust, and is a necessary but not sufficient condition for obtaining good data. I experienced good rapport with all informants. Fifteen of the informants were well known to me and a certain rapport already existed. Commonalities of culture and purpose made it relatively easy to create: a rapport with the remaining three informants. Glesne and Peshkin report that "rapport comes when the interviewee gets something out of the interview" (p.96). Prior to the study I was concerned that some interviewees may be influenced by their perception of my current role within the institution. This fear appears unfounded; all participants seemed be to speak willingly, were forthright in their answers and seemed to enjoy their involvement in the 97 •. , r Chapter Three: Methodology process. Several informants remarked that degree granting marked a significant milestone in BCIT's history and they were pleased that this study was being done. A l l participants volunteered they be contacted again if further information was required. Data Analysis Data collection and data analysis occurred simultaneously. In this way analysis informed further data collection. Data were analysed in three distinct stages. First, primary source documents were analyzed, providing a historical framework for the study. A chronological -perspective of events and documents was captured by displaying data in matrix format using different coloured "post it" notes on a wall chart. Questions of clarification or interpretation arising from the analysis of primary material were noted in a research journal and assigned to one or more informant who could best inform the question. Second, the interviews were analyzed. Each interview was transcribed verbatim using a transcribing machine with headphones and a foot pedal. Data were recorded using only the left half of each sheet of paper to enable coding of data on the right half of the page. Lines and pages were numbered for easy reference. Interviews were analyzed in groups of three or four as they were transcribed. Each interview was read completely and then read a second time assigning preliminary codes to the data. When all interviews had been transcribed I spent several hours totally immersed in the interview data. A l l interview transcripts were read consecutively and, through a process of reflection and visualisation, emergent dominant themes were identified. Mind mapping was used to relate dominant themes and sub themes. A legal sized piece of paper was used for each theme and sub theme, and supporting interview data was referenced using the page and 98 • • • • Chapter Three: Methodology line numbers from the relevant transcripts. In addition to informing the research questions, the interviews provided personal anecdotes that both embellished and enriched the historical' component of the study. The final stage of analysis was the analysis of secondary material. Documented confirmation of interview data was recorded on "post it" notes and attached to the legal sized page dealing with that particular sub theme. Ideas and insights are often fleeting. Throughout the study a tape recorder was kept close by to capture such thoughts. Occasionally, insights occurred which may warrant exploration in the concluding chapter of the study. These were noted and collected in a file folder. Validation and Reliability This study uses traditional constructs of validation and reliability to frame discussion on the trustworthiness.of the study. However, as case study research is interpretive,.seeking understanding of events or phenomena, andthe researcher is interested in perspectives rather than truth per se (Taylor and Bogdan, 1984, p.98), alternate constructs more suited to -qualitative work (Krefting, 1991; Lincoln and Guba, 1985) are embedded within this framework. Internal Validity Conventionally, internal validity deals with how one's findings match reality. Given that case study work attempts to capture and portray the world as it appears to people in it and what "seems" to be true is more important then what is true (Walker, 1980 p.45 cited in Merriam), trustworthiness is established through a process of verification. Lincoln and Guba (1985) 99 • • Chapter Three: Methodology offer credibility as a more appropriate descriptor for qualitative studies. This study uses the following strategies to enhance credibility: prolonged and varied field experiences, triangulation, member checks, interview techniques, authorization of the researcher, reflexivity. •-- . v"' .', • .' • ' >• . Krefting (1991) suggests that credibility requires adequate submersion in the research setting to enable recurrent patterns to be identified. Owen (1996) maintains that "prolonged engagement promotes increase of rapport which leads to more information and more sensitive information being made available, andit allows one to detect patterns of responses that suggest informants are responding with what they think are the socially preferred responses" (p.81). Mylong association with BCIT, and more specifically the various roles I played during my six year participation in the degree initiative, gave me access to many archival documents and correspondence that others may not have known existed. Furthermore, over this time I had built a rapport with many informants. Krefting (1991 citing Miles and Huberman, 1984) advocates that "the essence of the credibility issue is the unique authority of the researcher, the T was there' element" (p.220). Other elements enhancing my authority include: the degree of familiarity with BCIT and with the post-secondary system as a result of my various responsibilities; investigative skills and knowledge developed through . literature review, course work and research; comparative background knowledge in which to situate this study, gained from visiting similar institutions in Germany and the United Kingdom. Reflexivity pertains to the influences of the researcher's own background, perceptions and interests. Credibility necessitates acknowledgement and clarification of the researcher's bias. 100 • • ••• • Chapter Three: Methodology My role as researcher and potential bias have been articulated in this chapterunder Participant Observation. Triangulation refers to the cross checking of data from multiple sources for mutual confirmation of findings. The primary sources of data were interviews and document and archival records analysis. However my role as participant observer provided a holistic overview for additional verification. . Member checks refers to a strategy verifying data and interpretation with people from whom they were derived (Lincoln and Guba, 1985). This study used member checks in two ways. First, interview transcripts were returned to informants to verifyaccurate translation of viewpoints and second, narrative accounts were checked for historical, accuracy and interpretation by two senior and long time members of the BCIT community. Credibility was enhanced within the interview process by refraining and expanding on questions (Krefting, 1991, p.220). Also information provided by one informant was checked with a subsequent j. informant. External Validity External validity is concerned, traditionally, with the extentto which the findings of the study can be applied to other studies. This proves problematic in case studies. As Merriam (1988) notes, "One selects a case study because one wants to understand the particular in depth not because one wants to know what is true of many" (p.173). Lincoln and Guba (1985), using a more qualitative construct, transferability, argue that it is not the researcher's job to provide an index.of transferability, but rather to provide an adequate data base to allow others to make transfer judgements, and that as long as the researcher has provided sufficient . : 101' . . • Chapter Three: Methodology descriptive data she has addressed the problem of transferability. The primary strategy used in this study to ensure external validity is the provision of a dense, holistic description of the study, so that anyone interested in its transferability will have a solid framework for comparison. Reliability " Conventionally, reliability refers to the extent to which the findings of the study can be replicated. However, this logic relies on repetition for the establishment of "truth." Lincoln and Guba (1985) suggest more appropriate constructs of dependability and consistency, of results obtained from data so that "rather than demanding that outsiders get the same results, one wishes outsiders to concur that, given the data collected, the results make sense — they are consistent and dependable" (Merriam, 1988, p. 172). Three techniques were used in this study to ensure reliability. First, a dense account was provided of the focus of the study, the researcher's role, criteria for selection of individual informants and the context from which the data was gathered. Second, triangulating the multiple data sources strengthened the reliability as internal validity. Third, a detailed reporting of data collection and analysis was given to furnish a clear picture of the research methods. Limitations of The Study Case study research is subjective, both on the part of the researcher and the participants. ' Goetze and LeCompte (1984) observe case study research "is one of the few modes of scientific study that admit the subjective participation and biases of both participants and researcher into the research frame" (p.95). The researcher is the primary research instrument and, as such, the study is limited by the sensitivity and integrity of the researcher. This can be 102 ; ' • , • 1 Chapter Three: Methodology both a strength and a weakness. In this particular study I have acknowledged my position as an employee of BCIT and role in the Bachelor of Technology initiative. I believe my overall understanding of the context and process~enhanced my awareness, knowledge and sensitivity to many of the.challenges, decisions and issues encountered and assisted me working with the informants in this study. In addition, I bring to this study personal knowledge of the structure of higher education in the United Kingdom and Germany, working knowledge of both the structure of higher education in British-Columbia and the culture of BCIT, and intimate involvemenUn the process to solicit degree granting. I believe these to be strengths which-could lend more profound insights and result in a richer holistic description and understanding of the research-problem. Due to my previous experiences working closely on the degree initiative, I acknowledge-the potential for subjective biases or conflict of interest. Although every effort was made to ensure objectivity, these biases may influence the way I view and understand the data I collect and the way I interpret experiences. Summary This study is a historical case study depicting the creation of Bachelor :of Technology degree-at BCIT as the unit of analysis for the legitimation of applied knowledge in British Columbia. This is a unique or critical case study due, in part, to BCIT being a unique institution but primarily to the "bottom up" process by which BCIT sought degree granting on an individual basis. This contrasts with other jurisdictions where the process was government driven and in most cases on a system wide basis.-Data were obtained predominantly from interviews and primary sources documentation, however as the researcher had been intimately involved with the Bachelor of Technology degree initiative for six years, participant observation was also a contributing factor. Informants to the study represented past and present BCIT personnel, 103. . • • • ' Chapter Three: Methodology. government, corporate and alumni stakeholder groups. Themes and sub-themes were extracted from the data by coding techniques and the validity and reliability of the data was checked using triangulation, member checks, interview techniques, authorization of the researcher, and reflexivity strategies.; 104 Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia — A Historical Perspective 105 Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia — A Historical Perspective This chapter provides a historical overview of applied knowledge at the tertiary level in British Columbia. Chapter One established a continuum of applied knowledge, spanning knowledge acquired through professional, technical/technological and vocational education. This chapter discusses the history and the contribution of the various post-secondary institutions in the province to applied knowledge: Prior to the mid 1960s, offerings in applied education were polarized, only the extremes of the applied knowledge spectrum, professional and vocational education, were available in the province. This Chapter highlights a void in the provision of technical/technological education in British Columbia, avoid which led to the creation of BCIT in 1964. In 1960 aside from a forest ranger school established in 1946 British Columbia provided no opportunities for technological training other than its university and high schools (Harris, 1976, p. 494). The University Professional education is a responsibility of the university. The first recorded reference to a university in British Columbia was in a letter to the editor of the British Colonist of September 17 1871, signed G. ...what about the higher education of the country? Where are we to draw our supply of literary and professional men to supply the wants of this Province in the future?...Can nothing be done now to secure a University to British Columbia? (Daily British Colonist, September 17 1871, cited in Johnson, 1964, p.73). In 1872 John Jessop, Superintendent of Education drew to government's attention: The fact, too, that British Columbia will soon require a Provincial University; capable of conferring degrees in Arts, law and Medicine, should not be lost sight of....(Supplementary Report to Public Schools Report 1871-1872, p.44, cited in . Logan, 1958, p.l). . . . . The original attempt to establish a university in British Columbia was articulated in The Act Respecting the University of British Columbia (1890). The university was to be empowered 106 ; Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia — A Historical Perspective to grant degrees in: Arts, encompassing all branches of a liberal education; Science, notably including vocationally oriented subjects such as Agriculture, Mechanics, Mining and Civi l Engineering; Medicine and Law. A Normal School was to be connected with the university to give recognition to teaching as a profession. However, regional differences, particularly over the choice of location, resulted in this plan for a university being aborted. (Logan, 1958). The University of British Columbia-opened as an independent degree granting institution in 1915, having originated in VancouverHigh School, later renamed Vancouver College, and then in 1906-being incorporated as McGi l l University College of British-Columbia. The Act to Establish and Incorporate a University for the Province of British Columbia (1908) underscores the utilitarian function of the university: The University shall as far as and to the full extent which its resources from time to — time permit, provide for: a) Such instruction in all branches of liberal education as may enable students to become proficient in and qualify for degrees, diplomas and certificates in science, commerce, arts, literature, law, medicine and all other branches of knowledge; b) Such instruction, especially, whether theoretical, technical, artistic or otherwise, as may be of service to persons engaged or about to be engaged in manufactures, mining, engineering, agricultural and industrial pursuits of the Province of British Columbia. c) Facilities for the prosecution of original research in science, literature, arts, medicine, law and especially the applications of science. (Section 9) Dr. Henry Esson Young, Provincial Secretary and Minister of Education, introducing the B i l l into the house, declared that "the first thing they had borne in mind in providing for the university was the development of the mining, forestry and agricultural resources of the Province, and an education that would aid this" (cited in Logan, 1958 p.37). The university to be set up by this Act was quite obviously no "ivory tower" (Logan; 1958). The university opened with three Faculties: Arts and Science, Applied Science and Agriculture, two of which have a distinct vocational orientation. 107 Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia — A Historical Perspective While a university's charter traditionally authorized degrees in law; medicine and theology, the academic legitimacy of other vocationally focused programs such as engineering, agriculture and forestry was a matter of considerable debate in established universities in the early 1900s in Canada. There was confusion about the cultural versus the utilitarian function of the university: We find it difficuhvhowevef, to come to-a clear understanding of what the University really is. The older and newer tendencies with respect to the Universities organization and work seem still in conflict. At present the university seems to us a loose federation of technical and professional schools. We are not aware that there ,. . .are any general conditions, constituting a basis or reflecting a principle "according to which any technical or other school may enter and form a part of the real Cultural University. Without desiring to reduce the prominence given to cultural work in the University instruction, we think it advisable of you to determine as definitely as possible the organic relation of the various federated branches to the cultural heart of the University. This would help greatly in clarifying the organization of technical instruction, and assist i n co-ordinating this instruction as carried on by higher and . ' lower schools, and of preventing overlapping, in this way, the country would know better what technical instruction to expect of our University, and in the end of each grade of school as well (Report of the Royal Commission on the University of Toronto 1906, p.l67). 1 The report of the Royal Commission of 1906 was a largely successful attempt to define the role of a publicly supported university which included their approval of professional education. This report had a significant influence on the universities about to be established in the West. In British Columbia for example, instruction in agriculture, engineering and forestry was recognized as legitimate and important functions Of the university from the outset, (Harris 1976). Engineering was elevated to Faculty status in 1921 and, although the first degree in forestry was awarded in-1923, forestry was not established as a separate . Faculty until 1951. By 1960, British Columbia offered two degrees in forestry, the original B.A.Sc. in forest engineering through the Faculty,of Applied Science and B.Sc.F. providing specialization in technical forestry, forest business administration and chemical and wood products, through the Faculty of Forestry. 108 Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia—A Historical Perspective Harris (1976) reports that by 1920 household economics, nursing, social wOrk and commerce were on the point of gaining academic legitimacy within the university sector (p.261). Significantly, the University of British Columbia has the distinction of being the first university in Canada to offer a degree in nursing thereby conferring formal legitimation on nursing as a profession. In 1919; the Department of Health and Nursing was established in the Faculty of Applied Science and the first B.Sc.N degree was awarded in 1923. Commerce received professional status when, after many-years of advocacy: in 1929 a course leading to a Bachelor of Commerce was established. Commerce was separated from the Faculty of Arts and Science with the establishment of the Faculty-of Commerce and Business Administration in 1957. ' Social work was introduced in 1929 first as a two year diploma program, within the Department of Economics, Political Science and Sociology. However from 1940 onwards the diploma was only offered at the post-graduate level. Although a Department of Home • Economics had been approved by the Senate, funding problems in 1920-21 resulted in delay of this initiative for more than two decades. The Bachelor of Home Economics was first offered in 1943. Although the institutionalization of professional courses such as Law, Medicine and Pharmacy had been discussed as early as the 1930s,'funding issues and the intervention of war delayed establishment of these Faculties at the-University of British Columbia. However increasing demand for student places in the post-war years, coupled with the recognition that the three original Faculties were not sufficiently comprehensive to satisfy the higher education needs of the province led to the establishment of new Faculties (Logan, 1958): The Faculty of Law was established in 1945, Medicine in 1949 and Pharmacy in 1951. The 109 Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia — A Historical Perspective Faculty of Graduate Studies was established in 1948 reflecting the stimulating effect of the war years on research (Logan, 1958) and the Department of Forestry was elevated to Faculty status in 1951. The Department of Education, established in 1925, was granted Faculty status in 1956. Teacher training had received added professional status with the introduction of a Bachelor of Education degree in 1942. A relative late comer, the Faculty of Dentistry was established in 1964. By the time Simon Fraser University and the University of Victoria were established in the mid-1960s, professional education was well accepted as a legitimate component of university curriculum. Vocational Schools In 1940 one of the most striking features of the Canadian post-secondary scene was the few institutions devoted to technical and vocational training (Harris, 1976^ p. 492): Vocational education at the post-secondary level in British Columbia originated in 1901 as a course within a public school (Dennison 1992) and later in 1915 as a program offered in Vancouver's King George's High School (Meredith 1983). However the first self contained public vocational school in British Columbia was established in Nanaimo in 1936 as the Dominion Provincial Youth Training School to teach simple skills to unemployed youth. The school initially offered training in automechanics, building construction and business education (Quale, 1967). Subsequently in 1949, responding to the occupational needs of an expanding provincial economy, the Vancouver Vocational Institute was established, administered by the Vancouver School Board. Vocational training opportunities in British Columbia remained limited until the 1960s when a federal cost sharing initiative enacted through the Technical and Vocational Training Assistance Act (1960) enabled unprecedented expansion of provincial vocational training facilities. The British Columbia Vocational 110 . Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia — A Historical Perspective School system was established through this federal funding scheme. New vocational schools constructed throughout the province included the British Columbia Vocational School (BCVS) Victoria, BCVS Burnaby, BCVS Kelowna, B C V S Kamloops, BCVS Nelson, B C V S Prince George, BCVS Dawson Creek, and BCVS Terrace. A l l were administered from the. Department of Education in Victoria. These schools, together with publicly funded schools of art in Nelson and Vancouver, and hospital based nursing education provided a well dispersed array of training facilities. The curricula of the vocational schools included short term trades training, apprenticeship courses and academic upgrading. Although this training was intended for youths and young adults, the reality was that space limitations in some programs resulted -in a preference for better qualified and older applicants (BCHRDP, 1992). Dennison (1992) questions the legitimacy of "post-secondary" as applied to vocational schools but rationalizes its use notably because vocational schools evolved.as integral components of community colleges. Community Colleges British Columbia's Community Colleges were established during the expansive phase of post-secondary education common to industrialized societies in the 1960s, attributed to the sometimes conflicting ideologies of human capital investment and equality of opportunity (Teichler, 1988; Moran, 1991; Brown and Lauder, 1992). The Macdonald Report (1962) is generally regarded as the prime motivating force in the establishment of a college system in British Columbia. Prior to 1962 little development or diversification of post-secondary education had occurred in British Columbia. The complete spectrum of post-secondary, education consisted of the University of British Columbia with its satellite campus in 111 • Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge iii British Columbia — A Historical Perspective Victoria, the tiny Notre Dame University in Nelson, one small private college and the vocational schools mentioned earlier. John B. Macdonald, President of the University of British Columbia headed a study team mandated to determine the future needs of post-secondary education in the province. Macdonald took.account of the demand for increased access to post-secondary education by growing numbers of students across the province and of the demand for trained manpower in a resource based economy. The Macdonald Report (1962) was committed to excellence in education and reasoned that this could only be achieved through the creation of alternate institutions, complementing the universities, with distinctive mandates (p:50) and with autonomous governing structures (p.87-88). The report recommended the establishment of two four year degree granting colleges and six two year multipurpose colleges located ' throughout British Columbia, the latter would operate under the auspices of the local school boards. The government, while endorsing the concept of the two year colleges, rejected the recommendation for four year colleges but moved instead to create two new universities. Victoria College established as an affiliate of the University of British Columbia in 1920, was designated the University of Victoria and planning began for Simon Fraser University in v Burnaby. . •• The Macdonald Report (1962) and subsequent legislation, served only as mechanisms coordinating wider public concerns. Public demand for equality of opportunity for post-secondary education throughout the.province had been increasing, spearheaded in many cases by local school boards. Of greatest concern were the geographic, economic, socio-cultural and psychological barriers to accessibility of degree programs. Community colleges emerged as a result of this grass roots, "bottom up," public demand. 112 Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia — A Historical Perspective The provincial government, prior to committing fiscal support for a new college, required local communitiesto hold both a plebiscite and referendum to elicit local tax support for capital construction. Only one of the referenda was successful. West Kootenay Regional College, an ancestor of Selkirk College, was established as a brand new college in 1964. Reluctance to commit tax dollars on the part the majority of communities lead both to an array of ad hoc locations for the beginnings of some colleges and an agreement between the federal and provincial governments to meld proposed new community colleges with the federally established regional vocational schools wherever possible. The rationale for this meld was two fold: first, existing capital facilities buildings were utilized and second, by , housing academic and vocational studies under one roof, it was hoped that the perceived "status" difference would be reduced. Between 1965 and 1975, many of the new colleges were "superimposed" on the existing British Columbia Vocational Schools or vice versa (Appendix 4). The vocational schools continued to operate but increasingly their, institutional identity-became assimilated with their respective community college. Four colleges were established without a pre-existing vocational school, and two colleges were designated from parent colleges (Appendix 4). Colleges were community controlled through local school boards until the enactment of the College and Institute Act in 1977. Currently there are 15 community colleges in British Columbia, five of which now have university college status. British Columbia's community colleges were conceived, born and nurtured through local and> regional support (Dennison and Gallagher, 1986), consequently their overarching function is responsiveness to the cultural, social and economic needs of their communities. As part of the non-university sector, colleges were allocated distinctive aims and purposes. Community 113 • Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia — A Historical Perspective colleges aimed to provide a multi purpose curriculum serving the needs of a mix of students of varying abilities and diverse educational and social backgrounds, and with differing educational goals, thus promoting goals of equality and democratization of the education system. The accent was on the student and student objectives. The primary function of the community colleges was to provide university transfer courses, satisfying the demand for university level studies by students outside the Lower Mainland. These courses carried transfer credit towards a baccalaureate degree at a university. Technical courses were to be offered to supply local manpower needs. The Task Force Report on Technological Trainingin Engineering, Health Science and RelatedFields• (1981) states: the comprehensive community college system was developed but did not include •  any technological education. However, with the pressures of advisory committees, province-wide technological shortages and local student demand the community colleges began to offer programs in technology. Initially they offered simply the first year of a program and the students transferred to BCIT to complete their training. Eventually two year programs emerged at some of the colleges (p.20). While trades programs were present in community colleges as a result of the melding with established vocational schools, technical programs training both technicians and technologists gradually increased, causing a blurring of boundaries with BCIT. For example, technologist and technician programs formally accredited by the Applied Science Technologists and Technicians of British Columbia, were offered at Camosun, Cariboo, College of New Caledonia, Fraser Valley, Kwantlen, Malaspina, Okanagan, and Selkirk Colleges. However, according to a former Vice President, Education, BCIT, many colleges later "bailed out" of some technical and trades programs because of the high cost of delivery: In general, community colleges offer the following range of programs: academic in the case of degrees or university transfer, a variety of career/technical options, short term trade, adult basic education providing a "second chance" to those who do not have scholastic credentials 114 Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia — A Historical Perspective for post-secondary education, Bnglish as, a second language for new Canadians, community education, business/industry partnership initiatives arid international education. Contract training is provided to the federal and provincial governments and private industry/Programs are on both a full time basis or on a part time basis through continuing education, and include both credit and non credit courses. Variation of duration of studies ranges from weeks in the case of apprenticeship programs to four years in the case of full time degree programs in the university colleges. Community colleges are increasingly involved in technology transfer and while they have no research mandate McArthur (1993) found that both "scholarly, activity" and contract applied research were occurring to varying extents in all colleges in the province. Heavy facultyworkloads, combined with lack of assistant personnel and other resources, limit the scope of this research. , Beinder (1983) saw the college movement as a unique social phenomena bringing people together, creating a more tightly knit and understanding society.-However "restraint" of the 1980s resulted in a shift in emphasis towards workforce preparation arid the attainment of marketable skills while activities aimed at personal and individual development of students were funded less generously (Dennison and Gallagher, 1986). The function'of community colleges is thus seen to be subject to changing political priorities which has resulted in a trend from community orientation towards provincial and national agendas. Open Learning Agency The Open Learning Agency (OLA) made a significant but perhaps not well recognized contribution to technical education in British Columbia. O L A was Officially established pri April 1 1988, through the passing of provincial legislation, Bi l l 58, The Open Learning . _ _ _ Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia — A Historical Perspective Agency Act. O L A was the. product of a merger of two organizations, the Open Learning : ; Institute (OLI) established in 1978 and the Knowledge Network of the West Communications (KNOW) established in 1980. The Act effectively.dissolved these two organizations and created three programming components within the Agency, the Open University, the Open College and the Knowledge Network (Neilsen, 1992). In the 1970s, a binary system of education prevailed in British Columbia. While the community colleges had improved overall access to post-secondary education in the province, access to third and fourth degree level studies for adult students living in non metropolitan areas remained problematic. Much of the province's human capital potential remained untapped. OLI, the forerunner of O L A , was established by an Order in Council on June 1 1978, under the College and Institute Act. Although the public rhetoric was couched in social justice, improved access and democratization of opportunity, Moran (1991) asserts, that the underlying reasons for OLI were economic, based on the benefits of investment in human capital. OLI was given legislative authority to offer undergraduate degrees in arts and science in its own name and to offer non-degree credentials in career, technical, vocational and adult basic education subjects. Instruction was to be given via.distance education and through collaboration with other-institutions. The realization of a vision of-Dr. Patrick McGeer, Minister of Education and his deputy, Dr Walter Hardwick, OLI was created over widespread opposition of senior administrators and faculty in provincial universities and -colleges and in the face of indifference and misunderstanding ingovernment (Moran 1991). The introduction of degrees by distance education had both educational and political significance. Educationally * it challenged the normative concept of education as a face-to-face activity (Moran 1991) and politically it was, as the former Director, Universities and 116 Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia — A Historical Perspective Provincial Institutes points out, "the first breakthrough on getting the monopoly away from the universities." Technical education was not offered initially. Program offerings in the first few years of OLI's existence reflected strategies adopted as OLI sought legitimacy and identity within the provincial system. OLI was unique. First, it employed a non-traditional delivery mode. Second, it did not fit comfortably into.the established system, it was neither university nor college but straddled the binary line. Initially, OLI elected to seek legitimacy and hence survival by conforming to the established system and elected to take on the norms and standards of university programs, albeit its access policy of openness rather than exclusivity, resembled that of the colleges. At the outset OLI offered only traditional university programs •with an emphasis on liberality. Moran (1991) asserts that "the Institute was now too vulnerable to state demands for relevance andeconomic utility to allow major shifts in policy and challenge to traditional fields of knowledge" (p.194). The attack on higher education in the early 1980s, under the guise of restraint, compelled OLI to take a more utilitarian approach to curriculum. Moran (1991) differentiates between career, vocational and technical education in discussing OLFs role in employment orientated education. OLI opted to focus initially on career and vocational fields for two reasons. First, BCFT, envisaged as "large, well established and , powerful" and sitting at the "top of the college/institute hierarchy in British Columbia," (Moran 1991, p. 104), was already offering distance education courses and planning to expand in this area. OLI rationalized that, keeping out of the technical field, would encourage mutual , agreement as to the appropriate jurisdictions for each institution. These concerns were well founded: 117 '. • ' Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia — A Historical Perspective; The major point I think we should make in Continuing Education is that we become the Open Technical University........the way ofthe future is not an institution"with . walls but an institution that gets out to the learner and is learner centred...! think we should go for broke on this one and indicate that we are already bigger than OLI . 3 Second, technical subjects required -'hands-on' training which many people thought, could not be provided by distance methods. < , ' -OLI programs were one year full time equivalent certificate and two year diploma programs and served both initial entrants to the work force and those requiring upgrading. The majority programs in the career, vocational and technical area fell under the somewhat loose heading of 'business studies'. Moran (1991) states, "OLI ventured rarely''into the technical area on its own" (p. 104). Increasingly in the 1980s OLI became involved in more technical and trades training, programs but usually as collaborative partner. For example, OLI and the Pacific Vocational Institute developed respectively the theoretical and 'hands on' components of the electrical generating systems program. The focus of this study is the recognition of technological education to the baccalaureate level in British Columbia. OLA played a pivotal role in this endeavour as a result of partnership arrangements with BCIT and the colleges. A detailed account of OLA's relationship with BCIT, outlined below, emphasizes the significance of OLA's role both as a supplier of technological education and inlaying a foundation for BCIT's own degrees. By the late 1970s demand existed in British Columbia for post diploma training in some technological areas. In response and encouraged by McGeer, debate ensued about the possible evolution of BCIT into a_polytechnic institution with authority to grant technology degrees in areas where there was an identified market need. Why this initiative failed is not totally clear, however, it can be attributed partly to the findings of two concurrent ministerial 118 _^  - Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia — A Historical Perspective task forces established in the early 1980s and to the onset of fiscal restraint at that time.4 A more detailed account is given in Chapter Six. The government rejected the concept of a baccalaureate in technology but endorsed the need for advanced technological training beyond the diploma level. Responding to post diploma needs, BCIT introduced an advanced studies program culminating in an Advanced Diploma credential, recognizing however, that for many graduates a degree was=the necessary credential for career advancement and that attempts must be made to articulate these advanced studies programs into university degree programs. Articulation into a degree program was deemed essential for-BCIT's first Advanced Diploma candidates, nurses. As more nurses-with degrees entered the system,-recent baccalaureate graduates were "screened" into opportunitiesfor promotion and advancement at the expense of more experienced nurses with service based training.5 ._. Opportunities for articulation were discussed first with University of British Columbia and.. then the University of Victoria. Although the quality, depth and scope of BCIT's courses received a very favourable report from a University of British Columbia examining , committee who, according to a former Associate Dean of Nursing, "deemed them basically probably better than the baccalaureate courses.they were offering in those subject areas," articulation at both universities was denied due primarily to philosophical differences rather, than content or quality of courses. Simon Fraser University and BCIT had enjoyed very positive partnering relationships but the lack of health sciences programs meant there was not a suitable home for the nursing program.6 The Open University was then approached by BCIT's School of Health Sciences as a possible route to a nursing degree. The suggested model was one of degree completion built on the two year diploma; The advanced technical studies would be provided by BCIT and the 119 • Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia — A Historical Perspective liberal studies would be provided by OLA. The degree conferred would be a joint BCIT/OLA degree. At that time O L A was receiving similar degree completion requests from a variety of other health people in colleges and professional associations where, in the opinion of a former Associate Dean of Nursing, "the degree was increasingly seen as not an option but a requirementin the profession."7 Debate between the Open University's Academic Council, primarily made up of representatives from the existing universities, and BCIT was exhaustive and difficult. The Associate Dean of Nursing, involved hrthese discussions, explained that "the hitch in the beginning was that the academic institutions wouldn't countenance hot only this degree but any degree that was mainly by distance education."8 Moreover the technology degree was different. The emphasis was on applied knowledge, the proposed model tended to go from specialization to generalization, and it was shaped-tomeet the needs of industry rather than being driven by academic bias. Difficulties arose primarily from the cultural differences between the two institutions. One example of this is benchmarks of baccalaureate level education. The Open University, adopting the traditional university yardstick, used input indicators such as duration of studies, library facilities and academic qualifications of faculty whereas BCIT, using an outcomes based approach, looked at student learning outcomes, their educational integrity and industry relevance. The legitimacy of the degree proposed by O L A and BGTfwas resolved and endorsed by seeking external consultation.. In 1989 O L A conducted a study to examine the feasibility of BCIT and the Open University developing and delivering a high quality, distance education Baccalaureate of Health Science degree completion-program, an umbrella degree which would serve all health specialties. The Bachelor of Health Science degree was introduced in 1991, first in Nursing, followed in 1992 with a specialty in Medical Imaging. Joint BCIT/OLA degrees followed in other areas: 120 Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia — A Historical Perspective Bachelor of Technology in Computer Systems was implemented in 1991 and a Bachelor of Technology in Technology Management began in 1992. Additionally, O L A offered applied degrees in partnership with colleges and other institutes within the post-secondary system. Following the legitimation of university college degrees in 1995, some degrees have now been patriated to the respective colleges, specifically Bachelor of Fine Arts and Bachelor ofDesign to the Emily Carr Institute, Bachelor of Interior Design to Kwantlen University College, Bachelor of Business Administration, Bachelor of Arts (Criminal Justice) and Bachelor of Computer Information Systems to the University College of the Fraser Valley, and Bachelor ofNatural Resources to the University College of the Cariboo. Currently O L A retains collaborative partnerships for-applied degrees with Capilano and Douglas Colleges, BCIT, University College of the Fraser Valley, Vancouver Academy of Music, the College of Physiotherapists of British Columbia, and is a partner in a consortium for a Bachelor of Tourism Management. ; University Colleges In the late 1980s, the demand for undergraduate degree places in British Columbia far exceeded the supply. British Columbia ranked ninth among provinces with respect to degrees awarded per 1000. adult population and seventh in full time post-secondary enrollment of the eighteen to twenty four year old cohort (MAEJT, 1988, p.4). While community colleges provided opportunities to students to begin academic programs, "degree attainment had not: been a hallmark of the B.C. system" (Dennison, 1992, p . l 11). Of particular concern was inequality of access to university degree programs for people living outside either the Lower Mainland or South Vancouver Island. Specifically, there was a demand for upper level 121 . Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia — A Historical Perspective courses leading to baccalaureate degrees. The government initiative "Access for A l l " announced March 1989 resulted from recommendations of a Provincial Access Committee,, established the previous year by the Honorable Stanley B. Hagen, Minister of Advanced Education and Job Training with a mandate to investigate accessibility to advanced education and job training for all British Columbians. As the Deputy Minister at the timerrecalls," I was brought in by the government with a specific mandate to strengthen and expand the post-secondary system in British Columbia."9 A clear objective of the Access initiative was to get the British Columbia participation rates to the national average. In the late 1980s, a high student demand for academic programs existed and significant numbers of qualified students were increasingly being turned away from post-secondary institutions for lack of places. Recommendations of the Provincial Access Committee (1988) included expansion of first and second year academic programs and the creation of a new university in northern British Columbia, but most interestingly the Report suggested: -that in more densely populated college regions outside the Lower Mainland and south Vancouver Island (for example, Okanagan and Cariboo College regions), university degree programs be expanded by means of the establishment of an upper level "university college" component, (p..16). . Access for A l l (1989) initially designated Okanagan, Cariboo and Malaspina community colleges as uniyersity.colleges. Fraser Valley community college was added later: Their initial operation was envisaged as follows: (The university college)...would be an organizational entity within each college, providing arrangements for upper level university courses involving one or more of 1 the three public universities and the Open Learning Agency....Degrees would be granted by the university responsible for most of the instruction, or by the Open learning Agency (MAEJT, 1988, p. 17). The university college partnerships combined aspects of both the university and the college by adding third and fourth year university degree programs to the comprehensive educational services traditionally offered at community colleges. Colleges provided the facilities and 122 •', . . , Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia — A Historical Perspective administrative support, while the universities determined admission and graduation requirements, and granted the degrees. Program and faculty selection was done jointly. The first degrees were awarded at Okanagan, Cariboo and Malaspina university colleges in May 1991, whereas third and fourth year degree completion courses were first offered at the University College of the Fraser Valley in September 1992. In January 1995, the umbilical cord was cut: B i l l 22, Amendment to the College and Institute Act legislated the university colleges as autonomous degree granting institutions. The legislation included Kwantlen College as a university college. University colleges are presently determining their unique cultural identity within the post-secondary system. The contribution they will make to technical education is not yet clearly defined. As community colleges they offered and continue to offer one and two year certificate and diploma programs in technical education. This role was not expanded significantly during their partnership phase with the universities, where the degrees offered were necessarily restricted to those traditionally offered by the universities/Professional degree programs:in Nursing, Education, Business and Social Work were offered (Dennison, 1992) but the majority of degrees were in disciplinebased Arts and Science subjects. As autonomous degree granting institutions, the university colleges now have the flexibility to introduce degrees in non-traditional areas. To date, in addition to the applied degrees patriated from OLA, Malaspina University College has implemented a degree in Fisheries and Aquaculture. Kwantlen University College intends to offer only applied degrees. "Access for A l l " (1989) had a strong focus on a major expansion of the academic component of the post-secondary system. Although never specifically stated, the assumption was that a plan, "Access-Part Two," would address all the applied programs. According to an Assistant 123 -' Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia — A Historical Perspective Deputy Minister recalls, "there was always the other half that we were assuming would come along. It never did ." 1 0 "Access for A l l " provided a context in which a number of things in the 1990s occurred, because as the Assistant Deputy Minister contends, "there was a strong feeling that while it.did good things, it distorted the system because it addressed in a large part only the academic component of our system."11 This perceived distortion in British Columbia's post-secondary education system provided the context for some of the initiatives of the 1990s including the Premier's Summit on Skills and Training (1993), and the consequent Skills Now (1994) initiative which was a step to address the imbalance in the system. BCIT's Bachelor Of Technology degree was introduced as a strategy, within Skills Now. Therefore, even though a parallel multi-year Access plan for applied^programs did not materialize, there were important program and policy decisions that were intended to re-establish balance in our post-secondary system.1 2 Subsequent policy documents, for example Learning and Work: The Way Ahead for British Columbians, (1991); the Human Resource Development Project Report, (1992); Training for What?, (1995); Charting a New Course (1996); and Intermediate Skill Development in British Columbia; New Policy and Research Directions, (1997), all delineate the need, for increased emphasis on the utilitarian function of post-secondary education. 124 ' ; Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia — A Historical Perspective Summary This chapter detailed the evolution and the contributions to applied knowledge of the different types of institutions constituting British Columbia's post-secondary system, specifically universities, vocational schools, community colleges, university colleges and , OLA. The historical overview revealed a progressive increase by the universities in their offerings of applied knowledge responding to demands of advancing professionalism, however prior to the 1960s, a bifurcated system remained in the province.. Theoretically focused professional education was offered by theuniversities, and hands-on vocational training was provided by the vocational schools. British Columbia did not offer opportunities . for technical/technological education. Community colleges offered-some applied programs to meet their regional needs but focused primarily on university transfer programs. The contribution that university colleges will make to applied knowledge is yet undetermined.-As a result of former partnerships with the universities, their initial degree programs have been largely discipline-based. The contribution of O L A to applied education in British Columbia is significant. Jurisdictions such as United Kingdom, Germany-and Australia, moved towards a mass education system in the 1960s-in part by creating a binary system emphasizing technological education to the baccalaureate status, while British Columbia diversified through the creation of community colleges, retained a unitary system and consequently did not offer an alternate degree route for technological education. The Open University provided the first path to baccalaureate degrees in technology programs. The dearth of technological education for British Columbians in the 1960s resulted in the creation of the British Columbia Institute of Technology in 1964. A social history of BCIT is the focus of Chapter Five. 125 Chapter Four: Applied Knowledge in British Columbia — A Historical Perspective Footnotes 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Submission of the Technical Education Committee of the Canadian Manufacturers' Association to the Royal Commission on the University of Toronto. Former Director, Universities and Provincial Institutes: Interview, August 29,1997. President of BCIT to Vice President, Education: Memo, July 8 1980. Former President of BCIT: Interview, October 1, 1996. Former Associate Dean of Nursing: Interview, July 25, 1996. Ibid. Ibid.. ; ';' ^ , ' Ibid. Former Deputy Minister: Interview, August 12, 1996. Assistant Deputy Minister: Interview, August 30, 1996. Ibid. Ibid; 126 Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology 127 • Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology The introduction of a major new initiative within an organisation must take account of the mission and mandate of that organisation, its consequent organisational structure and pertinent history. Tosh (1991) reminds us that "we cannot understand a situation in life without some perception of where it fits into a continuing process or whether it happened before" (p. 1). This chapter presents the mission and mandate of BCIT and traces the social history of the institute from its origins in the early 1960s to its designation as a degree granting institution in 1995. A changing mandate and shift in institutional focus over three decades, provides a context for the development of the Bachelor of Technology Degree, to be discussed in Chapter Six. The chapter focuses in part on areas of expertise developed within BCIT which were to play an enabling role in degree granting status for BCIT, specifically the ' Extension Division, Distance Education and the Technology Centre. Overview The British Columbia Institute of Technology (BCIT) was founded in 1964 by the government of British Columbia. Currently BCIT is the fourth largest post-secondary educational institution in British Columbia, with approximately 40,000 students registered on a full and part time basis within six different schools. BCIT is a multi-campus facility with the main campus in Burnaby and smaller campuses located in Vancouver, Surrey, Burnaby, Richmond, North Vancouver, Langley and Maple Ridge. BCIT is mandated to deliver science and technology-based technology and trades programs, with an applied rather than academic emphasis, designed to meet the needs of the workplace, BCIT provides "job ready" graduates to enhance the competitive position of British Columbia's business and industry sectors. Our mission is to provide British Columbians with world-class, job ready skills for career success. (BCIT mission statement, approved by the Board of Governors October 26 1993). 128. Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology BCIT's current mandate, approved by the Board of Governors, March 15, 1994 and the Ministry of Skills, Training and Labour states: " BCIT will be a province-wide, innovative organisation, specialising in advanced technology training and focusing on those initiatives that increase the level of economic activity, entrepreneurial activity, and employment in the province. B C I T wil l : • prepare dynamic, highly skilled members of the workforce by delivering-full and part-time courses of study including: • certificate, diploma and degree studies in technologies and trades, • contracted industry training and upgrading courses. • conduct technology transfer activities by providing opportunities for innovation, industrial assistance and contracted applied research. The Beginnings For many years the only institutions offering post-secondary education in British Columbia were the vocational schools and universities. The work of a technician or technologist was performed usually by engineers or science graduates. Both industry and graduates indicated that their training was inappropriate for their work. A great demand is now being made on the university graduate to do the work of a technician.. This is not always the best man to do the job (Bridge, 1960, Summary of Opinions p.2).1 BCIT was created in 1964, in part to fill a gap in the education system and to address the need for highly skilled technology graduates. The origin of BCIT is attributed to both federal and provincial initiatives. In the late 1950s, the need for technological training was identified by both federal and provincial governments as essential to Canada's economic growth. Despite high unemployment in the recession of 1957-1961, skilled tradespeople and highly trained technologists were being imported into Canada in large numbers. The Canadian 129 . • • Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute oi Technology labour force lacked adequate training for these roles. Specifically, in British Columbia, advancing scientific knowledge brought more sophisticated technology to both newly established and existing industries. This new technology required complex job roles beyond the vocational schools' capacities and theoretical knowledge beyond that acquired by the average tradesperson (Bridge 1960). -Provincial Role At the provincial level, the origin of BCIT can be traced to two concurrent but independent , investigations, the Chant Commission (1960) and the Bridge/White Survey (1960). The plans for BCIT were underway at the time of the Macdonald Report (1962) on higher education in British Columbia, however the report supported the concept of an institute of technology. On January 17, 1958 responding to growing public Concern about public education, the Minister of Education for British Columbia, the Honourable L. R. Peterson announced the appointment of a Royal Commission on Education. The Commission, headed by Dr. Sperrin N . F. Chant, Dean of Arts and Science at the University of British Columbia, (referred to as* the Chant Commission) was charged "to inquire into, assess, and report upon the provincial educational system to university level" (Chant, 1960, p.l). Concurrent with the Chant Commission, the Department of-Education undertook an independent survey of The Need for Advanced Technical and Vocational Training in the Province of British Columbia, (Bridge/White survey). While the focus of the Chant Commission was on elementary and secondary schooling, the Bridge/White survey.pertained to post-secondary education/The Bridge Report (1960), Need for Advanced Technical and Vocational Training, in JheProvince of British Columbia, was submitted to the Royal Commission in April 1960 for consideration. BCIT was conceptualised within, the Bridge/White survey. , ' . 1 3 0 • . v ' Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology The Bridge/White Survey As early as 1957, the Provincial Consultative Committee on Technical and Vocational Education had recommended that the Department of Education ascertain the need and type of advanced technical training which would best meet provincial requirements. Further impetus came the following year when the Provincial Curriculum Advisory Board, chaired by Dr. J.F.K. English, Deputy Minister of Education, recommended that the Department of Education take advantage of a federal offer of assistance in conducting a survey in the: advanced technological and vocational training fields (Bridge 1960). The study received formal authorization in the Speech from the Throne of January 1959 by the Minister of Education, the Honourable L.F. Peterson. The survey was undertaken by Mr. John S. White, Director, Technical and Vocational Education for the province and Mr. David E. Bridge, a Technical Specialist with the Canadian Vocational Training Branch in Ottawa. White (1969) states: the commencement of the British Columbia Institute of Technology actually began — when Mr.J.S.White obtained the services of Mr D.E. Bridge ...to assist him in making a survey re technological needs in the Province of British Columbia (p.2). The purpose and terms of reference of the survey were: to determine the kinds and the-numbers of technicians required in British Columbia to meet the present and the future skilled manpower needs of the province. Further, the survey was planned to ascertain the geographicalareas in which the need existed, the nature of the need, the program required to meet the need and whether the need was temporary of permanent (Bridge, 1960, p. 1). Interviews were undertaken with industry, business, commercial firms, educational bodies, university officials and government officials. Early in the process, Bridge (1960) identified a lack of understanding in industry of the terms technician and technical education and recalled 131 Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology that, "at the beginning of each interview it was necessary to establish clearly the meaning of the term .'technician' and the function which may be performed by a technician" (p.5) because: = , : : v . Industry, in general, was not familiar with the product of an Institute of Technology -of recognised standing. Accordingly, it was inclined to think of the technician as one who had upgraded himself by many years of experience with perhaps some self study (p.8). -John White recalls that, whilst most industry leaders were interested in the idea of British Columbia training its own technicians for industry: we did find an almost unusual ignorance about what was involved in technician training and what would be the duties of technicians who would be employed in industry. We found it necessary to. explain many times the differences in training required for university trained personnel, technicians, and tradesmen. We found in the course of our-interviews that most industries were employing professional trained persons to do technicians' work, i.e. university graduates from the Engineering, Business and Medical faculties.2 Current terminology employs a hierarchial distinction in the role of a technician and technologist, the Bridge Report uses these terms interchangeably. The Bridge/White survey identifies three major areas where agreement was almost unanimous pertaining to the creation and function of BCIT. First was the acknowledgement of the need for a new type of institution providing advanced technical training. Bridge (1960) reported: almost without exception every firm interviewed was keen to see the establishment in B.C. of a post-secondary type of education in the nature of an Institute of Technology (p.20). The response of the university sector was diverse. While the majority of university officials supported technician training and agreed it should be done outside the university, concern was expressed by Professor Muir, Faculty of Applied Science, University of British Columbia, "lest the establishment of an institute of Technology drain off revenue for. the • • .V;..' 132 •' • . - Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology operation of the university" (Bridge, 1960, p.23). More direct opposition came from Dean Eagles and Dr. Jack Campbell, Department of Agriculture, University of British Columbia, who both urged: that in many instances there was not room for both a graduate and a technician and since a technician would be of little value without a graduate to supervise him, there would seem to be little need for training technicians (Bridge, I960; p.9). Interestingly, this statement and attitude are quite the reverse to those expressed by representatives from the Federal Research Laboratory and the Department of Agriculture, Victoria, B.C. (Bridge, 1960, p.9), all of whom indicated a substantial need for technicians in the various branches of agriculture. This may imply territorial concerns on the part of the university. Second, was the agreement that existed on the need for both day courses and extension courses. The report indicated a desire on the part of industry to provide, in addition to day courses for students coming from high school, extension courses for those-presently in the work force, both to enable career mobility and to adapt-to changing technology. Third, was the consensus that a nationally recognised credential be awarded. Industry stressed repeatedly that-both day and extension courses should have similar Content and be at a ;» nationally recognised attainment level: If the employee's scholastic work is at a national level his certificate will be negotiable anywhere in Canada and we hope recognised in other countries any courses should be of such a level that would carry transferrable credits towards standing as a professional engineer or towardscredits of a degree at the university (Bridge, 1960, p.4).3 The Bridge Report (1960) gave specific direction as to the areas of technological training needed in British Columbia and recommended: that technological training be introduced for engineering and scientific technicians in the mechanical, electronic, electrical, chemical, instrumentation, and metallurgical fields. that advanced post-secondary training and education be given in business, administration, accounting, and merchandising [sic]. : 133 , • . • . " • v . • • . Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology that advanced training in medical laboratory, x-ray and radiological fields be offered with the existing programs in operation at the Vancouver General Hospital. that training at the secondary school level for those'students who anticipate advanced technical work include such subjects as English, Mathematics, and Science, to ensure that graduating students are prepared for entrance into an institute c>f technology and be reasonably assured of success therein (p.39). Acknowledging that the conclusions of the Bridge Report (1960) corresponded closely to its own findings regarding the establishment of institutes of advanced technology, the Report of the Royal Commission on Education (1960) recommended: that Institutes of Advanced Technology be established in accordance with the findings and recommendations of the survey on the Need for Advanced Technical and Vocational Training in the Province of British.Columbia (p.281). The Royal Commission used the term "advanced" in its recommendation. It is unclear what the Commission inferred by this term. Conventionally, "advanced" technology programs refer to studies beyond the two year diploma level. For example, the Park Report (1987) envisaged an advanced technology institution as both providing advanced studies for graduates of two year diploma and university programs, and engaging in applied research. BCIT did hot get an "advanced" technology mandate until 1988. Reflecting on the significance of the Bridge/White survey in the establishment of BCIT, John White was: convinced that it was a necessary step in the planning of BCIT. The survey showed that the needexisted in BC. It helped to sell the idea to heads of industry and it paved the way for the decision of government to go ahead with the plan.4 Macdonald Report BCIT was not dealt with specifically in the Macdonald Report (1962) as the programs and goals of the institution were still in the formative stage (Macdonald, 1962, p.45). However, referring to the diversity of programs needed to meet the demands of higher education with 134 Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology respect to technological education in British Columbia, Macdonald identified the following needs: one or two years study of purely technical training beyond grade XII or a combination of technical and academic; technological and semi-professional courses for students who want formal education beyond high school, but who do not plan to complete requirements for a degree; and, adult education including re-education to meet the changing demands of technical and semi-professional occupations (p.'Sl). These findings were consistent with those of the Bridge/White survey and supported the concept of an institute of technology. Federal Role The British North America Act (1867), Section 93, established education at all levels as the exclusive jurisdiction of provincial governments and the Constitution Act (1982) did not alter this division of responsibility. However, federal involvement in vocational education was justified on the basis of the need of an industrial nation for an adequate supply of skilled workers, the provision of equality of educational opportunity and, the high cost to local and provincial authorities of providing adequate training programs and facilities (Glendenning 1964, p. 13). In 1958, the Conservative government took office under John Diefenbaker during a deep recession/Importation of skilled technical labour underscored the inadequacy of the current training of Canada's labour force. In an attempt to address these deficiencies the Diefenbaker government enacted the Technical arid Vocational Training-Assistance Act (1960). The Act grouped together all federal provincial activities in the field of vocational education and proposed the expenditure of more than one billion dollars, providing 375,000 student places in new post-secondary institutes and vocational schools. Specifically, the Act states that: 135 • . '." , ' Chapter Five: the British Columbia Institute of Technology The Minister may,, witii'the'approval'of .the Governor in'Council, enter into an. • . agreement with any province for a period of not exceeding six years to provide for the payment by Canada to the province of contributions in respect of the capital expenditure incurred'by the provinces on training facilities (Section 4(1)). . Under the terms of the agreement, the Federal government contributed 75 percent of the capital costs and 50 percent of the operating costs of a hew facility. Dr. C. Ross Ford, Director of the Technical and Vocational Training Branch, Federal Department of Labour, was responsible for liaising with individual provinces and administering the Act. Getting Started In 1961, given the promise of federal funding and the recommendation of the Chant Commission, the provincial government instructed the Technical Branch of the Department of Education to plan an institute of technology for British Columbia. The planning process involved the appointment of two types of advisory bodies. First, an Advisory Council was founded whose primary function was to give guidance and direction to the Department of Education in the planning and the operation of the institution/Second, following the recommendations of the Bridge Report (I960), Advisory Committees were appointed for each of the seventeen proposed technology programs. The committees provided input on industry needs, curriculum content, and faculty and equipment selection, and consisted of prominent and respected people from the various industry sectors, representation from the University of British Columbia and professional associations (White 1969). Mr E.C. (Cec) Roper was appointed first principal of BCIT and took office in 1962. Mr Roper's background combined professional experience as a mining engineer, managerial skills and teaching experience from the Commerce Faculty at the University of British Columbia.. . 136 . Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute 6f Technology BCIT Opens BCIT admitted its first students in the Spring of 1964 with a class of medical laboratory students. General enrolment across all technology programs began in September 1964, when 647 students were registered in seventeen technology programs in Engineering, Business and Health. The technology programs corresponded to the needs of British Columbia's industry as determined by the Bridge/White survey. The School of Engineering offered programs in — Building, Chemical and Metallurgical, Civi l and Structural, Electrical and Electronics, Food Processing, Forest Products, Forestry Technology, Instrumentation and Control, Mechanical, Mining, Gas and Oil and Surveying. The School of Business offered programs in Broadcast Communications, Business Management, and Hotel, Motel and Restaurant Management and the School of Health offered Medical Laboratory and Medical Radiography programs. Initially, classes were held during the day on a full time basis; BCIT was officially opened on October 5,1964 by the Premier of the Province, W. A .C . Bennett. Response from the public and industry during the construction of BCIT had been far beyond the government's expectations (BCIT, 1984) to the extent that, during the opening ceremonies, the Premier announced the size of the institute would be doubled by 1967. A new classroom and laboratory wing, was to be built. The Institute mandate at that time was stated by Leslie Peterson, the Minister of Education: The aim of the British Columbia Institute of .Technology will be to fit the latent skills arid technicalcapabilities ofour young people to the present and future, technological needs of our growing province and indeed our nation (BCIT, 1964). This mandate translated into a rigorous two year program requiring about 2,400 hours of instruction and leading to a National DiplomaOf Technology for BCIT graduates. 137 Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology The First Decade: Expansion and Diversification During BCIT's first three years of existence the focus was on establishing efficient operational procedures for the institute along with planning for the 1967 expansion. The intent was both to increase enrolment in existing technology programs and introduce new training programs. Recommendations for new programs came from industry, the Department of Education and from the Advisory Committees of the established technology programs. Recommendations were subsequently implemented on the basis of economic need, potential student market, employment opportunities, and ability of BCIT to accommodate the program within the proposed extension. Daytime Program Expansion In the Business and Health Divisions, new technology programs were added, the former going from three to. seven with the addition of Financial Management, Computer Programming and Systems, Marketing and Technical Management, while the latter went from two to seven adding Biomedical Electronics, Health Data Processing, Medical Isotopes, Nursing and Public Health. In the Engineering Division expansion occurred as new options in existing technology programs. Enrolment increased from 647 to 2545 students between the years 1964 and 1968.5 Mr. E. C. Roper resigned as Principal of BCIT in 1967 and was succeeded by Mr. Dean Goard. Dean Goard had a strong background in technical education having taught in the Vancouver Technical School, being the first Principal of the Vancouver Vocational Institute and Assistant Director of Vancouver City College. The years from 1967 were marked by spectacular growth in student numbers reflecting a general trend of increasing student . \ 138 " ' • : ' Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology enrolment in post-secondary education during this period. However, Carey (1975) attributes this growth, in part, to the success and advocacy of BCIT's former graduating classes and to their reception by business and industry leaders. New technology programs and options were added to meet provincial economic needs. In 1968, in line with the vision of the Macdonald Report of a "systems" approach to higher education .in British-Columbia, Dean Goard, proposed a transfer opportunity to BCIT for students enrolledin the newly established community colleges. Students would take first year technical courses at their local college and complete second year at BCIT. Arguments for this initiative included the financial benefits to both student and system, and enabled colleges to develop more comprehensive educational plans for their students. The plan was first realised in September 1973 when 286 students were admitted to second year studies. The Extension Division Daytime diploma programs satisfy only a fraction of the provincial technical training requirements. Social justice, economic needs and political expediency were arguments for making technological education available to persons unable to attend BCIT because of workforce commitments or geographic location. Defining the functions of an institute of technology, the Chant Report (1960)-underscored the economic demand: . the greater emphasis on the part of industry was the urgent need for planned upgrading courses at a national level with nationally recognised certificates (p.279). Industry had articulated a distinct need for employee upgrading opportunities through part time extension courses. Responding to. this need BCIT began planning for extension programs shortly after opening. The first official mention of the Extension Division appears in the Principal's Report to the Advisory Council, February 10, 1965: 139 __ Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology In December, Mr. J. Verner undertook to visit the major technical institutes in Eastern Canada to develop a pool of information on the type of advanced technical classes being offered there, and to learn as much as possible about the design and administration of such programs. Subsequently, Walter Orr has worked with Mr. Verner to outline the action required at this time. Chief among their recommendations is the appointment of Vice-Principal of Evening Classes by April 1, 1965, and some staff to assist him (p. 11). : In June 1965 Mr. A. J. Elston, a professional engineer and former head of Civil and Structural Technology at BCIT, was appointed Vice President, Evening Classes. Elston (1966) articulates his philosophy and understanding of the significance of adult education in technological subjects: Institutes of technology must in future accept the role of the central agency for development of applications of technology, just as universities already accept the role of the agency for creative development of new technology. This role cannot be fulfilled simply by producing graduates. Institutes must become an integral part of the industry and society which they serve. . The area of adult education, or continuing education, is where the institutes must develop in the future....without exception, these people need, and in most cases are aware of their need, for further technical training in engineering. Institutes must seek ' out these people and make-provision for training them. This training must lead to certification of a worthwhile kind, if necessary to a Diploma of Technology in every way equivalent to that gained by full-time study (p.56). The Extension Division of BCIT opened on October 4, 1965 with an initial enrolment of 350 students. In its first year of operation enrolment in night school courses increased from 352 to' 15176 an astounding 430 per cent compared with an 17 percent increase in day enrolments from 1043 to 1218,7 indicating the significant role part time programs would play in career upgrading. The findings of the Bridge/White survey had emphasised the importance of assigning credit for part time studies. According to Thom (1986) the question of credit was important to the Extension Division from its inception (p.9), however "this was a major fight in the beginning ... department heads and faculty thought there was discipline in having to be there 35 hours per week ... how could they (students) fail when picking up one course at a. 140 •' •. • . ___ Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology time?....well maybe we could give them a certificate."8 The debate on the pros and cons of allowing credit for extension division programs resulted in the following statement: The Executive Committee has decided that credits will be given for the night school courses, although this does not preclude courses being offered.which do not parallel day time courses, and for which no credit will be given.9 _ . • Students in the workforce were able toupgrade and work towards a National Diploma of Technology on a part time basis. Initially, the allocation of credit for continuing education courses proved to be a differentiating factor between BCIT and the community colleges and universities. . '. Elston resigned as Vice Principal (Evening Classes) in June 1966, and Mr. Gordon Thom was appointed to the position. Thom (1968) described the function of the Extension Division in the following way: to determine and, if necessary, attach priorities to advanced technical training needs for adults in industry and then to design programs and courses to meet their needs in the most efficient manner to them as adult learners, so they can quickly and , efficiently obtain needed skills and knowledge and at the same time integrate new knowledge with their respective backgrounds (p. 108). During the period 1967-69 the Division focused on organization, strategic planning and the development of academic policy. By 1969 the role of the Extension Division was beginning to diversify. The division began to focus on providing specialized training for specific industries, firms or organizations. The identification, assembly and administration of educational resources capable of serving this need became the responsibility of a group . known as Industry Services. Activity was stimulated by Canada Manpower* who encouraged industry to seek training and in some cases underwrote such training. However, rapid development of Industry Services was impeded by financing problems. The issue was resolved by government authorising the establishment of the Division of Industry Services as a separate branch of the Extension Division in 1971, and allowing it to grow on a cost 141 . . ;': . - - • • • . Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology recovery basis. Industry Services played a leadership role in BCIT's history by introducing flexible delivery methods such as correspondence courses and "travelling instructors" in the provision of technical education. Governance changes in 1974, discussedjater in this chapter, establishing BCIT as an autonomous body resulted in organizational changes throughout the institution. The Extension Division was divided along lines 6f activity into new divisions: Career Programs; Health Continuing Education; and, Industry Services. In addition a new unit, the Directed Study Centre, was established to focus distance education needs. Although these operations shared a common purpose of making technical education available to those unable to attend daytime diploma classes, they evolved as distinct operational units largely because they catered to different clientele and adopted different strategies in the delivery of their services. BCIT: Annual Report, (191 All5), outlines the philosophy and responsibility of the Career Programs Division, as vehicle for maintaining a technologically competent workforce: New courses are added to keep pace with student needs and.technological change. These are not dramatic^ but a process of constant realignment and improvement....We believe the.era of life long learning is upon us. Our plans for the next five years recognize the changing times in continuing education and reflect our concern for constant renewal and-updatihg of our course content (p.55). -Enrolment growth throughout the, 1970s underscored the increasing need for educational advancement opportunities on a part time basis. Alternative delivery methods were piloted. For example, noon hour sessions in downtown, locations, weekend and week long seminars, and courses running two nights per week for six weeks were developed rather than one night per week for twelve weeks. Systems were developed to enable career/technical students to enter regular day programsona part time basis. Responding to rapidly changing technology, 142 . Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology some upgrading courses in new technology for, previous BCIT graduates were initiated in 1976/77. • Organisational restructuring in 1977 resulted in the integration of Career Programs, Industry Services, Health Continuing Education and the Directed Study Centre into one administrative unit, the Division of Continuing Education and Industry Services. In the mid-eighties' the Division of Continuing Education and Industry Services was eliminated and the functions were integrated into the individual Schools. In 1985, Continuing Education was renamed Part-Time Studies, to put emphasise on the credit attached to these courses and to underscore the parallelism and transferability between part time and full time studies. Distance Education Distance learners become involved in technological education for various reasons, such as coping with technological change, requirements of professional certification, response to some legislative action and threatened unemployment. Diverse reasons, coupled with circumstances of individual learners, require diversity and adaptability in delivery modes. BCIT's multi-faceted distance education methods-have included correspondence courses combined with some face to face instructionv tele-tutoring, regionally based tutors, mobile laboratories, satellite equipment systems and more recently, the Internet. Distance education was established as an institutional initiative at BCIT some years prior to . being designated a provincial priority in the mid-1970s by McGeer, Minister of Education. As a provincial institution, BCIT had a responsibility for technological education throughout the province which included delivery of learning programs to those, who as a result of social, work related or geographical isolation, could not attend campus based classes. Distance , 143 Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology education at BCIT began in 1969 within industry Services largely to provide short term training courses initially using "travelling instructors" and later correspondence courses, developed in cooperation with the industry client. Industry Services provided specialised training programs. However, requests from both individuals and organisations such as the Society of Engineering Technologists, indicated that a substantial number of adults constrained geographically from attending BCIT wished to pursue a diploma program rather than special-purpose courses provided via joint BCIT/employer projects. Responding to this need, in 1974 BCIT established the Directed Study Centre to design, develop and disseminate independent learning materials for adults wishing to pursue a diploma without attending campus based classes. Initially the Centre administered directed study courses developed and used by Industry Services, but later developed a course design and editing capability employing faculty on a part time contractual basis to author instructional materials. Over the next few years the Directed Study Centre emerged as a provincial focus for innovation in distance delivery of technological education (BCIT, 1978). At the provincial level, one of the first acts of the newly appointed Minister of Education, McGeer, was to establish committees to investigate means of increasing; access to post-secondary education to rural areas of the province. The findings of these committees added impetus to BCIT's role in Distance Education. First, the Commission on University Programs in Non-Metropolitan Areas (1976), referred to as the Winegard Commission after Commissioner Dr. William C. Winegard, re-iterated BCIT's position as "the flagship of the technical education system" (Winegard, 1976, p.21) and encouraged expansion of BCIT's distance education initiatives. The Committee recommended: ..that the British Columbia Institute of technology provide their specialised technical , courses in outreach modular form and/or intermurally at the request of the ' community colleges (Recommendation 14, p.28): 144 Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology ..that the British Columbia Institute of Technology assume the coordinating role for the development of directed studies courses in the technical area in conjunction with the colleges (Recommendation 15, p.28). Second, the Distance Education Planning Group, chaired by Ms. Patricia Carney, charged to investigate a delivery system for distance education in British Columbia, determined that while "job related goals are by far the stated primary goals of students in the British Columbia college system" (Carney, 1977, p:59), "the need to develop distance education materials in the career/technical area was given low priority by most colleges" (Carney, 1977, p.62). Colleges, however, expressed interest in utilizing the resources of BCIT and having programs delivered to their site-by distance education methods! Adults requiring upgrading were deemed the most likely candidates for distance delivery, however, lack of availability of appropriate equipment presented difficulties for skills upgrading by less specialised institutions. Additionally, the Planning Group determined that while the access to post-secondary education was inequitable across the province, the demand for such opportunities was not uniform, and that the nature of the regional workforce was a factor influencing •supply and demand patterns. Specifically, the demand for upgrading in professional areas appeared to be heavily urban-based, whereas demand for services in vocational and technical areas was widespread (Carney," 1977) underscoring the need for access to technical knowledge throughout the province. The BCIT Prospectus in Distance Education (1978) accurately predicted "that post-graduate and certification training promises to be one of the most rapidly growing fields of distance education at BCIT" (p.27). In the early 1980s, identification of a demand for post diploma programs to be available to,practising technologists provincially and nationally resulted in a significant increase in distance education courses and sophistication in flexible delivery modes. Spearheaded by the School of Health Sciences, distance education post diploma 145 Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology courses leading to an Advanced Diploma credential were developed first for nursing specialties where there was an unmet need such as psychiatric nursing and medical/surgical nursing. The success of these innovative delivery methods in addressing upgrading needs throughout the province resulted in government transferring all post basic nursing programs to BCIT in 1985. Additional Advanced Diploma programs were developed for distance delivery in the areas of health, business and engineering in the latter half of the 1980s. The formation of joint degree partnerships between BCIT and O L A in 1991/1992 added significance to BCIT's advanced level distance education courses, legitimising them as the first baccalaureate level technology courses in Western Canada. Following the enabling legislation in 1995* BCIT now offers distance education opportunities in most of its Bachelor of Technology degree programs. -Governance BCIT was established as a provincial institution under the direct control of the Department of Education through the vehicle of an Advisory Council established in 1961 by the Minister of Education and chaired by Dr. J.F.K. English, Deputy Minister of Education. The Advisory Council, consisting of respected leaders in the business, medical, engineering and educational fields (Carey 1975), was mandated to provide direction and guidance in the planning and the on going operation of the institution but was not given the executive authority enjoyed by university boards. White suggests one of the main reasons for this can be attributed to the federal-provincial cost sharing arrangements (Carey 1975). Legislative authority for the creation of an autonomous Board of Governors for BCIT was passed in 1974 by the Minister of Education, the Honourable Eileen Dailly, during the NDP government's term of office. The Institute of Technology Act placed the management of . Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology BCIT and final responsibility for all educational programs in the jurisdiction of the BCIT . Board of Governors. Board membership included external appointees and internally elected members from faculty and students. .., In 1977 the College and Institutes Act, B i l l 82, was proclaimed, promoted by McGeer, with the intent of governing all British Columbia community colleges and institutes.-including BCIT. This implied that the Institute of Technology Act would be repealed. Strong'arguments from the BCIT Board of Governors and industry lobbyists to retain its own Act under which it could pursue a distinct identity (Dennison 1992), resulted in the Institute of Technology -Act being retained as the governing statute. Nonetheless, BCIT had to report through the Bi l l 82 structure for financial and program decisions. Under the new governance structure faculty and students were removed from the Board of Governors. Members were external appointees or elected members from program advisory committees. In 1983 an amendment, to the Technical Institute Act, B i l l 19, removed elected advisory committee members from the Board of Governors, membership was totally external and appointed by the Lieutenant Governor in Council. * Educational Council Removal of faculty and students from the Board of Governors as a consequence of the College and Institute Act(1977) prohibited formal input from the internal academic" community into educational policy development. Internal consultation was consequently sought through the creation of BCIT's first Educational Council in 1979 by Gordon Thorn, Principal of BCIT. The main reasons for establishing the Council were: "to recommend educational policy to the Board, to improve communications on educational matters within BCIT and to facilitate consultative management" (BCIT, 1981b, p.52). The Educational 147 ' •, " ' • Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology Council acted in an advisory capacity only. It was not recognised in legislation and consequently had no legislated authority. The Educational Council was subsequently disbanded in 1985-by President Roy Murray at the time of the amalgamation with PVI. Murray rationalised that, given the amalgamation of the two institutions, the whole area of faculty and student input into the decision making structure warranted review. 1 0 Educational Council was reconstituted again in March 1987 following a motion by the president to the Board of Governors.11 The Second Decade: Role Definition The second decade in BCIT's history was heralded both by a change in Principal, Dean Goard retired in June 1974, and Gordon Thorn, Vice Principal of the Extension Division was appointed as his successor, and by a significant change in governance. The Institute of Technology Act (1974) removed BCIT from direct control of the Department of Education and created an autonomous Board of Governors. The period 1976-1987 wasone of intense planning activity as both the province and the Institute sought to determine the future direction and mission of BCIT. BCIT was the focus of a plethora of task forces, study groupsand planning committees, some constituted by internal directives and some government driven. In 1976-77, BCIT established a formal strategic planning process to develop a Five Year Plan for the Institute. The planning was scheduled to progress in four annual stages and was to enable stakeholder groups, faculty, staff, students, administration and the Board of Governors to come closer to consensus as to the direction of BCIT. This planning activity was concurrent with and partly shaped by the provincial government's stated intention to incorporate BCIT under the College and Institute 148 _ _ Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology-Act. Major.implications for BCIT were, the threat of formula funding, "that BCIT would be tossed into the pot with all other colleges and would just be looked at as another regional •'19 • institution" and, that the Boardof Governors would lose representation of faculty, students and possibly Advisory Committee members. BCIT stakeholders have always regarded the. advisory committee infrastructure as fundamental to the success of BCIT in fulfilling its mandate. Much of the emphasis in the planning sought to develop strategies to differentiate BCIT from the colleges and hence retain its own Act. To this end, two Institute task forces were established within the overall strategic planning initiative. First, the Task Force on Institutional Differentiation was charged "to prepare a report on those factors which establish the uniqueness of BCIT in the higher education system of the province" (BCH\ 1980c, p.l). In 1968-69, BCIT.provided 76 percent of all career/technical training in British Columbia. However, by 1980 with the growth and maturing of the community college sector that proportion had declined to 42 percent (BCIT, 1980c). A blurring of the mandates was" occurring and as a former President of BCIT recalls "we were trying to differentiate ourselves and our product from the product of the colleges."1 3 Second, the Post Diploma Task Force studied post diploma needs in technological education in the province. A wide spectrum of needs was identified depending on the program and ranging from no post diploma programs -in some areas to a baccalaureate degree in others (Svetkrl 978). BCIT focused its planning on seeking an advanced technology mandate, thus defining BCIT's unique position as "one of provincial leadership in technological education" (BCIT, 1979, p.7) and consequently differentiating itself from the community colleges: the Institute is prepared to concentrate on upper level training in existing programs and develop new programs in what can be defined as higher technology.....we are prepared to assist colleges in developing the first year program for transfer into '149 : Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology second year at BCIT, or where feasible, to assist them in developing a full two year program. Graduates of this two year diploma program would then be eligible for a possible third or fourth year at BCIT (BCIT, 1979, p. 14). BCIT: A Polytechnic? Considerable debate occurred in the late 1970s regarding the possible evolution of BCIT into a polytechnic. The following excerpts indicate that this initiative was driven by McGeer, Minister of Education: ; It was duly M O V E D , seconded and CARRIED that the Board of Governors receive the letter from the Minister and accept the Minister's challenge of a new role for B C I T . 1 4 I am delighted to report that the correspondence between yourself and Paul Trussell, dated September 12 and 21 1978, concerning the evolution of BCIT into a Polytechnic, was tabled with the Board last week and was enthusiastically received.1 5 Interview data was contradictory on this point. Two former senior administrators of BCIT acknowledged that while the evolution to a polytechnic had support of McGeer, it was initiated internally by BCIT's administration. In contrast, a senior manager involved "only peripherally at the time" recalled that "Victoria initiated the change, and then when resistance appeared, left the administration to carry the can." 1 6 McGeer was interested in promoting scientific research and technological development in the province as evidenced by his . introduction of Discovery Parks. As a former Vice President, Education pointed out, "both McGeer and his deputy, Hardwick, saw that BCIT could provide the type of graduate that would fit into that environment but to be accepted into research in a serious way, really, someone should be entering at the degree level to have it recognised as an academic component."17 150 . Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology The polytechnic concept generated a significant amount of controversy and negativity within BCIT's internal community. Concerns from both students and faculty, however, stemmed from the process, specifically lack of communication, rather than the substance of BCIT becoming a polytechnic: For some reason however the Board didn't see fit to tell anybody else what they were doing. Nobody knew what the Polytech concept was, or how it would affect the present Diploma programs. The little information that was available at the time led many to believe that the Board has already decided to proceed with turning BCIT into a degree-granting institute. This made many, the faculty in particular, as evidenced at the Polytech Forum, feel as though they were not to be consulted and to have this change forced down their throats.18 The BCIT Staff Society is not opposed to change or to the evolution of BCIT into a . different kind of institution. However we feel obliged to communicate to the Board that there is strong disagreement among bur members on this matter, and to recommend to that the Administration of B C n be instructed to implement immediately thorough discussion with all the constituencies of B C I T . 1 9 Paris (1979) blames lack of faculty consultation and support on BCIT's unicameral governance structure: There is something wrong when a decision can be made involving basic academic policy without adequate consultation with faculty and the communities being served. The fundamental problem rests in the structure of governance at BCIT which has no role for the academic community in academic decision-making.20 Agreement with Paris's assessment was implied some 17 years later by a former Vice President, Education, BCIT who postulated that the presence of Education Council as a vehicle for faculty input was one of the major differences that resulted in a successful degree initiative in the 1990s. Discussion of the expanded role for BCIT and possible evolution into a polytechnic was not resolved. McGeer was. succeeded as Minister of Education by Mr Brian R.D. Smith in 1980. 151 : . Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology Ministry Investigations In the early 1980s, the rapid expansion of a knowledge based economy was revealing a serious shortage of skilled manpower, both provincially and nationally. The Human Resource Survey, Skills and Shortages (1980), sponsored by the Economic Council of.Canada, identified a scarcity of engineers and certain related technologists. The problem was exacerbated by a decreased supply of skilled immigrant labour. Accordingly, Canada had to meet her occupational requirements increasingly through the domestic development of human resources (Betcherman, 1980). To determine the status of British Columbia's technological manpower, in 1980, Smith, Minister of Education, struck two inter-related investigative groups that were to have immediate influence on the direction of BCIT's advanced technology mandate. The Task Force to Examine Technological Training in Engineering, Health Science and Related Fields in British Columbia, chaired by Dr. J. Sample, Director, TRIUMF, was provincially focused and the Committee to Examine the Extension of Training at B C n , chaired by Dr. Grant Fisher, Assistant Deputy Minister, was institutionally focused. These two ministerial study groups were essentially investigating "the current capability of the educational system in B.C. to provide polytechnic education as well as attempting to evaluate the current but more appropriately the future, needs of industry for polytechnic graduates" (BCIT, 1981b, p. 15). BCIT's submission, Vision and Decision (1981); to these two Ministerial study groups, incorporated findings of several previous internal investigative committees, specifically the Post Diploma Activities Committee,21 and the Task Force on Institutional Differentiation. Vision and Decision (1981) argued strongly for polytechnic education in British Columbia, and for BCIT evolving into a polytechnic institution offering post diploma programs up to the ' 152 • ^ Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology baccalaureate level, consequently occupying a distinctive niche within the post-secondary system. The collective findings of the two ministerial study groups endorsed the need for post-diploma specialty training in certain technological areas but did not perceive a need for baccalaureate recognition of technological education at that time. BCIT responded to the identified need. In 1985 Advanced Studies programs were started in the School of Health Sciences, followed by Engineering Technology in 1987 and Business in 1989. Despite what appeared to be support from the Ministry, the thrust towards a polytechnic and consequent degree granting status seemed to evaporate. It was impossible to determine any single reason for this, rather a combination of economic and political circumstances. Prior to 1980 BCIT enjoyed a period of vigorous expansion. However the economic recession of the early 1980s coupled with the imposition of formula funding resulted in severe financial constraints on BCIT. As a former President of BCIT recalls, "we started focusing much of our planning on just trying to survive and justify our differences at the basic leyel, so our energy was consumed in that."22 A former Board member and former President concur that "colleges were coming on to the scene and being given heavy priority on the part of government"23 and "Hardwick wanted to create a series of institutions but didn't want to see any of them very powerful."2 4 Politically, while government originally supported the polytechnic concept, pressure was brought to bear from both the universities who saw BCIT as a potential competitor and fromthe colleges arguing that BCIT should not be singled out '. to follow this new direction.2 5 The political situation was complex, and potentially ;. contradictory in terms of policy. On the one hand, government declined to set BCIT apart by insisting that it be legislated under the same Act as the colleges, yet on the other hand supported giving degree granting status to BCIT which would differentiate it from the colleges. Government attention was confounded further by frequent change of Ministers 153 Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology during this period. Furthermore, no clear support existed within BCIT for this initiative. The. • internal dynamics will be discussed further in- Chapter Six.' the Third Decade: A New Institution — A New Mandate The Merger of BCIT and PVI On May 31, 1985, the Minister of Education, the Honourable Jack Heinrich announced the amalgamation of the Pacific Vocational Institute (PVI) and BCIT. The enabling legislation, Bi l l 72, the Pacific Vocational Institute and British Columbia Institute of Technology Amalgamation Act came into force, April 1986. The merger of PVI with BCIT made the "New BCIT" the most comprehensive trades and technology institution in British Columbia. The syllabus now included vocational/technical programs to complement and enhance those in technology: The new British Columbia Institute of Technology will, in the words of the Minister of Education, provide a centre of excellence for high-technology training, capable of transforming the high school graduate into a highly competent tradesman and/or technologist (Debates of the Legislature, (Hansard), November 25,1985). The incumbent president of each institution was retired and Roy Murray was appointed President, Principal and Chief Executive Officer of the "new BCIT" as of July 1, 1985. The merger of these two culturally different institutions occurred for both political and -financial reasons ° and was received badly by both campuses. The PVI community envisaged loss of identity and being swallowed up by the larger institution. According to one faculty member, fears of the BCIT community were "based on memories of when BCIT first started and how hard we worked to say we were different from a vocational school." 2 7 An alumnus 154 - •' • . . Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology recalls, "we early graduates had to go sell our credentials for BCIT because no one understood them." 2 8 Since its introduction in the 1960s, the BCIT Diploma had gained prestige in the workplace. The merger was seen as a retrograde step which, in the opinion of an alumnus and current member of the corporate sector, "would inject confusion into the employment market and potentially then devalue the diploma for grads coming out." 2 9 The period between 1985-1988 was one of adjustment as both internally and externally the new institution sought direction. Internally, the administration imposed frequent changes in ' organisational structures which was interpreted as indecision. The result was contempt for change and consequent frustration and low morale within the campus community.3 0 Externally, BCIT and the Ministry sought to define a niche in the post-secondary system for this new institution. The significance of the merger of BCIT and PVI stems from the vision for the new institution embodied in the following statement: The goal of the merger was to create a flagship; an institution that would assume a fundamental role in the province's economic strategy, could provide pedagogical leadership to the system and would stand as an international beacon for excellence in technology training and education.31 However the government expressed concern that, "the Institute of Technology remains essentially indistinguishable from the college sector. There exist few elements that portray it as having a unique role within the post-secondary system."32 BCIT was directed to examine its structure and review the necessary steps to attain and maintain world-class status as an institute of advanced technology. To this end, in August 1987, the Honourable Stan Hagen, Minister of Advanced Education and Job Training, struck a one person task force, David Park 155 : • • Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology of Western Management Consultants Vancouver, "to assist in charting the future course for the British Columbia Institute of Technology" (Park, 1987, p.l). Hagen rationalised: . the ability of British Columbia to adapt to new technology will be a significant factor in our future economic well being ...assuring that economic well being means making sure that our institute of technology is providing the right technological training.3 3 The task force was mandated to conduct program audit and recommend program changes refocussing BCIT toward high technology consistent with the expressed desire of the provincial government for a world class institution of technological education. BCIT's submission to Commissioner Park, Economic Development through High Technology, (1987) focused on three areas: applied research; degree granting status; and, cooperative program relationships with the college sector. The major thrust of the submission recommended that BCIT should develop a Centre for Applied Technology to engage in applied research, innovative assistance and technology transfer to business and industry. It was argued that, although there was a great need for technology development in Canada and British Columbia, a greater and more urgent need existed for technology transfer and that the Canadian post-secondary system was unable to facilitate the applied research and technology transfer required to keep Canada internationally competitive. The recommendation for a Centre of Applied Technology also had political significance. This will be addressed in Chapter Six. The Task Force, while endorsing BCIT's proposal and model for a Centre of Applied Technology, disagreed with BCIT being the appropriate site for this development. Rather, Park recommended the establishment of a small, elite College of Advanced Technology, accessible to only the brightest graduates of diploma programs. Park maintained that the 156 _ Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology Centre of Applied Technology should be housed in this institution. The most serious implications of the Park Report, however, were its implications for funding. BCIT would be returned to formula funding which meant that many programs and faculty positions were threatened and BCIT's uniqueness in the post-secondary system would be severely jeopardised. The Park Report was the culmination of a turbulent period in BCIT's history. The early and mid-1980s were tough years marked by even tougher budgets and strained relationships both internally and externally. Internally dissatisfaction existed due to lack of confidence by faculty in the institutional management and administration, fuelled partly by frequent organisational changes and poor communication. Externally:, . BCIT had a lousy reputation in Victoria and around the system. We were seen as an elitist, expensive and out of touch institution, living on past glories and the . connections we had with a previous government. Some senior staff in Victoria disliked us and were not sympathetic to our needs. The colleges were tired of BClT claiming it was different and should be treated better than them. 3 4 BCIT had not marketed itself well during this period. A clear understanding of BCIT's function and role in the post-secondary system was lacking. The amalgamation with PVI ? added to this uncertainty. Following the Park Report, BCIT was singled out for severe budget cuts totalling approximately four million dollars out of a total budget of $7.8. million, implying program deletions and substantial faculty lay-offs. Government's intent was to redistribute these monies throughout the post-secondary system.35 Notably, the "Access for A l l " initiative was being formulated at this time. • , , Despite the ramifications to BCIT of a four million dollar budget reduction, a faculty member recalls that the President was instructed by government "not to make an issue of this." 3 6 Consequently the BCIT Staff Society became aggressively involved, developing a multi-157 ' Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology faceted media campaign, which made a major issue out of budget and argued that BCIT had been targeted unfairly. The result was a tremendous outcry from business and industry, who.... lobbied unrelentingly alongside all sectors of the BCIT community. The out pouring of support culminated in a mass protest in the BCIT gymnasium in May 1988, attended by. both internal and external communities. At the "eleventh hour" the government changed its position: The budget reduction was rescinded with a promise of no lay-offs. Furthermore, government rejected recommendations of the Park Report that BCIT should continue virtually unchanged. Rather government concluded that BCIT had the potential for assuming the flagship role previously envisaged,37 BCIT was designated as the Centre of Advanced Technology for the province with an assurance of funding to realise this new mandate. In the opinion of one faculty member, "the change in mandate was the way they justified the reinstatement of the money."3 8 A New Mandate In September 1988, Hagen, Minister of Advanced Education, Training and Technology, announced BCIT's new mandate, providing a definite shift in focus for the institute with an "advanced technology" mandate. The mandate stated: The British Columbia Institute of Technology-will be an innovative and flexible advanced technology enterprise which will focus on those initiatives that increase the level of entrepreneurial activity within the province. Specifically, BCrT will : • establish expertise in specific technological areas and develop applications for British Columbia business and industry; • facilitate technology transfer by providing innovation, industrial assistance and contracted applied research; and, > • provide a highly trained work force vital to the establishment and continuance of advanced technology in British Columbia (BCIT, 1990, p.2). 158 • '• Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology The new mandate focused BCIT's responsibility for training on advanced technology knowledge and skills. Programs were to be transferred both in and out of BCIT and existing programs significantly enhanced with new technology. The new mandate added a second responsibility, Technology Transfer and Contract Applied Research, making BCIT the only post-secondary institution in the non-university sector specifically mandated to engage in research. Dr. Jack Newberry, Director of Universities and Provincial institutes, was assigned to work.with BCIT to develop the new mandate and to implement changes to the program profile (Gillespie 1989). In discussions of the proposed new mandate: Dr. Newberry stressed that the order in which the components had been listed was significant. It focused on functions that were clearly different from the colleges and while the training component was important it was different from the training functions of colleges. He emphasised that it was extremely important for BCIT to be clearly and significantly different from the colleges.3 9 New Directions: The Technology Centre The BCIT Technology Centre was established in 1989 as a result of the directive in the Institute's new mandate, that BCIT should facilitate technology transfer by providing . innovation, industrial assistance and contracted applied research. The Technology Centre was established by amalgamating smaller areas of BCIT already engaged in industrial assistance -activities. These areas had been created as a result of individual initiatives and were operating somewhat outside the mainstream of BCIT's educational objectives (Streat 1992). The Technology Centre performs a liaising function that benefits both internal and external communities. First, it fosters economic development in the province by providing access to the vast pool of expertise at BCIT. Business and industry are networked with faculty and staff on the development of industrial uses for new technologies and in the implementation of new technology. Second, BCIT staff have the opportunity to maintain and expand their currency. 159 • .. • Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology Contracted and applied research, technical visitation programs, technical services and industrial technology training enable instructors to remain current and to develop new expertise. In turn, new technology knowledge and applications are returned to industry through BCFT graduates. The new mandate, however, did not change the required duties of most BCIT faculty. A l l faculty were not expected to engage in research-activities. However, as BCIT sought degree granting status the applied research aspects of the mandate were significant because they offered an opportunity for BCIT to demonstrate a level of scholarship consistent with the Institute's degree" granting aspirations (Streat, 1992, pA): The turbulent times of the 1980s, discussed previously, coupled with several years of zero salary increases and constant issuing and rescinding of lay-off slips fostered a climate of discontent on campus. Elsewhere in the public school and post-secondary system six and seven percent salary increases funded by the government's budget stabilisation fund were becoming a reality. In April 1989, BCIT experienced the first faculty strike in its twenty five year history. In the opinion of one faculty member, "there was no single cause for the strike; everyone had their own reasons."40 The strike was not inspired by the union executive. On the contrary, the union leadership was surprised at the faculty's unanimity and determination.41 The strike lasted two weeks. ^ : New Leadership Roy Murray resigned as President of BCIT effective March 1, 1989 and John Watson^ formerly the Assistant Deputy Minister with the Ministry of Advanced Education and Job-Training, was named as his successor, this announcement having been delayed until the strike was settled. Watson took office on June 1, 1989 and focused on rebuilding relationships and institutional credibility both internally and with government and industry. Watson recollects ._ Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology his "first and major issue was to settle the place down.„the Institute had been pretty beat up for several years by government, by reorganisations and by labour strife and I determined that it needed a calm and steady hand to settle it down." 4 2 Watson's open and consultative style of management coupled with his personable manner of interacting with individuals renewed trust and confidence in institutional leadership and fostered a noticeable change in climate on campus. Externally, efforts Were made through improved communication strategies with government to get better funding and increased political support at the senior bureaucratic level. As an Assistant Deputy Minister recalled, "John was the, only president that I was in regular e-mail communication with and that's right from the first day that he moved into the president's job at BCIT . " 4 3 Improved relations with the post-secondary system were realised through BCIT becoming involved in provincial organisations and committees and assisting smaller colleges. These efforts translated into credibility and support-from the Ministry,-creating an enabling environment for future initiatives such as Bachelor of Technology, degrees, the Downtown Education Centre and the "matching funds" fundraising initiative. 4 4 The appointment of a new president was accompanied by major changes at the administrative and senior management level, a new leadership team for BCIT. In December 1988, a new Dean was appointed to the School of Health Sciences, followed by the appointment of Deans to the School of Business and the School of Engineering Technology in May 1989, and to the School of Trades Training in February 1990. A re-organisational pilot project merging programs in related occupational clusters from trades and technology programs formed the School of Electrical and Electronics in January 1993 with its own Dean, and a new school, the School of Computing and Academic Studies, was added in April 1994. At the administrative level, a new Vice President, Student Services and Educational Support was 161 • • • • Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology' appointed in June 1990 and an Executive Director of Marketing and Development, later to become Vice President, External Affairs, joined the team in August 1990. Throughput the 1980s, contact between BCIT, industry and-the employer had gradually become less intimate. Rebuilding working.relationships with industry was a priority for the new management team.4 5 Emphasis was placed on revamping of advisory committees, meeting with employers, joining industry associations and generally seeking input as to how BCIT could best meet the current needs of industry. This collaborative approach embraced industry as a working partner in any new venture such as degree granting. New Governance The more open and consultative style of the new President and his administrative team was evident in institutional governance. While no legal requirement for internal representation on the Board of Governors existed, both the Board and the senior administration recognised the benefits of collaborative input. In November 1990, following a recommendation from the President, and in a move to improve the credibility of Educational Council, the author as Chair of Educational Council was invited to participate as a non-voting member both of the Board of Governors and the Education and Student Affairs Committee of the Board. 4 6 Subsequently, the Board voted to appoint further non-voting members, elected from the internal community: two staff and one student representatives 4 7 This was a positive step and symbolized the changing climate on campus. Moreover, it was an indicator of a provincial move to change governance procedures in colleges and institutes. Governance of British Columbia's post-secondary institutions was re-visited in 1992/93 by the Carter Committee on Governance of Colleges and Institutes, precipitated by the imminent 162 '• • Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology designation of institutions in the non-university sector as degree granting institutions. Long debate ensued. Bills 22 and 23 amending the College and Institute Act and the Institute of Technology Act respectively were enacted in January 1995. As the Honourable Dan Miller, Minister of Skills Training and Labour explained: The principal aim of these amendments is: 1) to give university colleges and provincial institutes the power to grant baccalaureate degrees and honorary degrees; 2) to include internal institution members on the boards of colleges, university colleges and provincial institutes; and; 3) to create an education council within each • • • 48 ' institution. The recommendations of the Carter Committee on Governance of Colleges and Institutes and . consequent amendments to the Institute of Technology Act (1995) resulted in an Education Council 4 9 being a legislated requirement for all colleges and institutes. The Act specified Council membership, designated areas of legislated authority and, furthermore, provided linkage with the Board^of Governors by legislating the Chair of Education Council as a non-votingmember of the Board of Governors. \ ; New Challenges In. 1990, the Ministry of Advanced Education, Training and Technology initiated a strategic planning process to explore future directions for post-secondary education in British Columbia and required all post-secondary institutions to submit their own strategic plans to feed into this process. The major government priorities were identified as Economy, Education and Environment.50 BCIT's strategic plan, A Strategy for the Nineties, (1991), complied with this requirement and charted the future direction of BCIT in response to its new advanced technology mandate. A Strategy for the Nineties, (1991) states: The strategic direction chosen by the British Columbia Institute of Technology is to enhance the quality of its programs to the point that BCIT is acknowledged as the best educational institution of its kind, (p.vii). 163 • " Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology BCIT's philosophy was initially to "start with our strengths — confirm them, reinforce them, and build on them" (BCIT, 1991, p.2). Externally this translated into serving the advancing needs of BCIT's confirmed market niche and concurs with Moran's (1991) assertion of establishing institutional legitimacy by building on uniqueness. Internally strategies formulated to implement the plan involved identifying "areas of emphasis," specific program-areas for focus. With diminishing fiscal resources the post-secondary environment was becoming increasingly competitive. The "Access for A l l " initiative elevated the status and legitimacy of some institutions in the non-university sector by designating them degree granting institutions. BCIT, albeit the provincial leader, in technological education, recognised that to remain viable it too must strive for anew level of formal legitimacy through degree granting authority. The President's yisiori statement of BCIT's strategic plan acknowledged that, "we need to develop new and renewed credentials to reflect 21st century needs for employers and -graduates (BCIT, 1991, p.vi). The Bachelor of Technology degree was envisaged within this strategy. A detailed account of the Bachelor of Technology degree initiative is the focus of Chapter Six. The timing of this endeavour was. fortuitous. In the early 1990s, a distorted, academically biased education system, coupled with provincial concerns of an inappropriately trained labour force and shrinking resources, encouraged a shift in government policy towards emphasizing more employment relevant education, skill development and training. For the Premier of British Columbia: The goal is simply to better equip British Columbians with the skills they will require to succeed in the 21st century (MSTL, 1993, p.3), 5 1 164 • Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology The Premier's Summit — Skills Development and Training — was convened at BCIT in June 1993 to address future education and training needs of the province. The "Skills Now" initiative was an outcome of the summit. According to a former Minister, "Skills Now" was "an attempt to deliver more education and training throughout the province with less money per unit." 5 2 The BCIT Bachelor of Technology degree was a component of the "Skills Now" package announced in May 1994 (Appendix 5A), and was part of government's strategy to shift focus from traditional university offerings.53 Enabling legislation designating BCIT a degree granting institution was enacted on January 15, 1995 (Appendix 5B). Elevation to degree granting status is perhaps the most significant milestone in BCIT's history since its inception in 1964. Significant expansion of BCIT's facilities occurred in the mid 1990s. In 1994, BCIT merged with the Pacific Marine Training Institute, North Vancouver, and in 1996 BCIT opened a new eight storey Downtown Education Centre touted as one of the fifty "smart" buildings in the world and one of ten in Canada. Both ventures foster innovative linkages between BCIT and the corporate sector in keeping with BCIT's mandate. Summary BCIT was built in the early 1960s to address the need for advanced technical training in the province and was a joint federal/provincial undertaking funded through the Technical and Vocational Training Assistance Act (1960). The Institute opened in 1964 offering full time day school programs only. The first decade of operation was marked by vigorous expansion both in capital facilities and consequent student population. During this period BCIT diversified its delivery modes. The Extension Division for part time studies was added and 165 • Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology Distance Education opportunities were introduced. In contrast, the second decade was one of considerable turbulence, due to both the fiscal restraint years of the early 1980s and increasing competition from the community colleges. BCIT was subjected to numerous task force investigations to determine its strategic direction and niche in the post-secondary environment. The amalgamation with PVI in 1985 heralded the third decade in BCIT's history. The "New BCIT" received a new mandate in 1988 providing a definite-shift in focus towards advanced technology programs and mandating BCIT to engage in applied research. The shift in institutional profile coupled with the introduction of degree granting in the non-. university sector motivated BCIT; to seek degree granting status in early 1992. BCIT was legislated as a degree granting institution in January 1995. Footnotes 1 Mr J.M. Miller, Secretary, Management and Development_Commirr.ee, MacMillan and Bloedel Ltd.: Input to the Bridge/White survey. 2 John White to Ralph Carey: Letter, November 16,1974. 3 MrW.R.C. Jones, V.P. Industrial and Public Relations Department, Powell River Co. Ltd. Vancouver: Input to the Bridge/White survey. 4 John White to Ralph Carey: Letter, November 16,1974. ~ 5 Carey (1975). A History of the B.C. Institute of Technology. Unpublished paper. 6 :. Thorn, G. (1968). The Academic Role of the Extension Division. Unpublished paper. 7 Carey (1975). A History of the B.C. Institute of Technology..Unpublished paper. 8 Former President of BCIT: Interview, October 1, 1996. 9 Department Head Meeting Minutes, September 14,1965. 1 0 Minutes, Board of Governors Meeting, November 2 1985. 1 1 Minutes, Board of Governors Meeting, March 19, 1987. 1 2 Former Vice President, Education, BCIT; Interview, October 7, 1997. 1 3 . Former President of BCIT: Interview, October 1, 1996. : 1 4 ' Minutes, Board of Governors Meeting, November 28,1978. 166 Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 .38 39 40 41 42 43 Mr. M.C.D. Hobbs, Chairman of the BCIT Board of Governors, to Dr. P.L. McGeer: Letter; November 30, 1978. Opinion expressed by a senior manager when performing a "member check" of interview data. Former Vice President, Education, BCIT: Interview, October 7, 1997. BCIT student newspaper, The Link, January 24, 1979. C M . Briscall, President, BCIT Staff Society to Michael Hobbs, Chairman, Board of Governors: Letter, January 24, 1979. Armand Paris, faculty member in.the Mathematics Department, BCIT: Presentation to the. Polytech Forum, January 10, 1979. ' The Post Diploma Activities Committee was a committee formed subsequent to and at the recommendation of the Post Diploma Task Force. Former President of BCIT: Interview, October 1, 1996. Executive Director of Applied Science Technologists and Technicians, British Columbia and former BCIT Board of Governors member: Interview, August, 15 1996, 2 4 Former President of BCIT: Interview, October 1, 1996. 2 5 Former Vice President, Education, BCIT: interview, October 7, 1997. Former President of BCIT: Interview, October 1, 1996 Faculty Member: Interview, September 26,1996. Former Chair of BCIT Board of Governors and alumnus: Interview, September 16,1996. Member of the corporate sector and alumnus: Interview, October 10 1996. Faculty Member: Interview, September 26, 1996 Rationale for a Program Audit, presented to the Board of Governors by the Ministry, August 10, 1987. Ibid. . . . . . Ministry of Advanced Education and Job Training: News Release, August 11,1987. Former President, BCIT: Interview, August 4, 1995. Former Member of the Staff Society Executive heavily involved in the negotiations around these issues: Telephone interview, December 3, 1996. Ibid. Minutes, Board of Governors meeting; June 28, 1988. Former Member, of the Staff Society Executive heavily involved in the negotiations around these issues: Telephone interview, December 3, 1996. Minutes, Board of Governors, June 28, 1988. Faculty Member: Interview, September 26, 1996. Ibid. John Watson to Ann McArthur: E-mail communication, December 2,1996. Assistant Deputy Minister: Interview, August 30, 1996. 167 Chapter Five: The British Columbia Institute of Technology 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 Former President, BCIT: Interview, August 4, 1995. Dean, School of Engineering Technology, BCIT: Interview, August 29, .1996. Minutes, Board of Governors Meeting, November 20, 1990. Minutes, Board of Governors, November 15, 1991. Dan Miller to Wynne Powell, Chair, BCIT Board of Governors: Letter, January 26,1995. Following the amendments to the Institute of Technology Act (1995), Educational Council was renamed Education Council to conform to the wording in the Act. Shell Harvey, Assistant Deputy Minister to John-Watson, President, BCIT: Letter September 10, 1990). Message from the Premier, Summary of Proceedings, Premier's Summit, Skills Development and Training 1993. Former Minister: Interview, September 17, 1996. ibid. 168 Chapter Six: The Bachelor of Technology Degree 169 ' ' - '. - • Chapter Six: Bachelor of Technology Degree The recognition of technological education to the baccalaureate level, as legislated in 1995, represents the culmination of two decades of preparatory work and advocacy. This chapter focuses primarily on the two periods in BCIT's history where the institute sought degree granting authority. A series of task force investigations in the early 1980s provide both a chronology of events and identify issues surrounding the bid for degree status in the early 1980s. The chapter describes the planning approach and the sequence of events that led to the successful bid for .degree granting in the 1990s. Degree Granting Status: Divided Opinion The vision of BCIT as a degree granting institution spreads over two decades. In 1974, the Honourable Ms. Eileen Dailly, Minister of Education, appointed a Task Force to determine advantages and disadvantages of the proposed change of. governance to BCIT. Terms of reference for this task force included: , to recommend the content to be considered in the preparation of any draft-legislation which might be introduced at the next sitting of the legislature (Department of Education, 1974, p.l). The Task Force considered that, inaddition to the two year diploma, BCIT may offer a three year diploma and a four year degree. Opinion was somewhat divided. The consensus that emerged was that while "such programs should not be prohibited by the proposed legislation, they would be the exception rather than the rule" (Department of Education, 1974, p.3). The decade 1977-1987 was one of intense planning activity as bOth government and the institute tried to identify the role of BCIT in the economic future of the province. As outlined in the previous chapter, BCIT was the focus of a profusion of task forces, study groups and planning committees. The question of degree granting status was a recurrent theme. Initial 170 Chapter Six; Bachelor of Technology.Degree investigations were internally driven whereas later ones were initiated by government, in . response to the shift in the economic base of the province and the consequent need for higher technological skills. . :. , ' , Building a Case Two concurrent but inter-related activities pertaining to BCIT's future direction took place in the latter half of the 1970s, the overall strategic planning for the institute and within this, the specific investigation of potential post diploma activities. The strategic planning process introduced in 1976-77, first as a BCIT initiative and later as a Ministry requirement to develop a five year plan for the institute, identified pressures early in the process for the expansion of BCIT's role. The report of the first phase of the planning process states: ' BCIT must consider more advanced training for specialist technologists and v ; retraining to keeptechnological graduates current (BCIT,; 1977., p.7). Responding to an apparent need for advanced technological training andto keep abreast of rapid technological change, an institute wide task force,,the Post Diploma Task Force, was established in 1977 to study post diploma needs in technology within British Columbia. A wide spectrum of needs was identified, depending on the individual program, ranging from no post diploma programs in some areas to a Bachelors Degree in others (Svetic, 1978). The ' task force findings, indicated that considerable post diploma activity was occurring as part of the current programs. For example, Medical Laboratory graduates were required to spend a year in a supervised hospital setting upongraduation Whereas for Environmental Health . graduates, summer training was a requirement However, this additional training was not recognized as a formal educational requirement. The Post Diploma Task Force recommended "that BCIT actively pursue post diploma activities and that the Deans' Committee consider pilot projects" (Svetic, 1978, p.2): Consequently the Post Diploma Activities Committee . . . ' • . Chapter Six: Bachelor of Technology Degree chaired by R. C. Mason, Dean of Engineering, was established by the Deans' Committee in the spring of 1979, charged with reviewing the possible structure of post diploma activities at BCIT and with soliciting input from the BCIT community on that structure (BCIT, 1980b). A White Paper on Post Diploma Structure at BCIT drew response from both'internal and external stakeholder groups. Specifically, a position statement from the professional body, the Society of Engineering Technologists of British Columbia (SETBC) provided a rationale for post diploma training from the perspective of empowerment of the individual rather than provincial economics: the technologist is currently seeking additional training, not only to maintain technical ability, but also to advance technical and professional ability, whether as a technical specialist or as a manager. It is clear then, that post diploma of technology courses and programs are in demand, to satisfy the needs of individuals in their career advancement and the needs of certain industries where existing diploma and degree programs do not provide the pre entry training required.1 _ SETBC, while supporting post diploma of technology programs, recommended that: priority be given to structuring these for part time students; the credential awarded be a Bachelor of Technology degree; and, BCIT be designated as a degree granting institution to offer this degree. The rationale for this recommendation alluded to the lack of incentive for diploma graduates to pursue a university degree because of articulation difficultieSi arid argued that "a complete career path must be available in order that a technologist can fully complete his/her role in industry."2 Although all three of the SETBC recommendations have proved significant in the ultimate designation of the post diploma credential for technological education, of particular significance is the clear differentiation SETBC provided in its vision of a Bachelor of Technology degree: 172 • Chapter Six: Bachelor of Technology Degree Bachelor of Technology must be designed to produce a technologist with more advanced technical skills, rather than preparing to become another recognized professional whose training is achieved through a university.3 The Report and Recommendations of the Post Diploma Activities Committee (September 1980), subrnitted to the Deans' Gommittee included the following recommendations: The British Columbia Institute of Technology will develop post diploma programs leading to granting of degrees (p.2). The British Columbia Institute of Technology should be designated by appropriate governmental action as a degree granting institution (p.2). Initial investigations of the Post Diploma Task Force had identified a spectrum of needs dependent on the program, therefore a further recommendation of the Post Diploma Activities Committee was that: Degree programs at the British Columbia Institute of Technology should be offered, in those disciplines where there is a discerned need, and only in those disciplines where there is that discerned need (p.3). A l l three of these recommendations were ultimately realised but not until fifteen years later. The work of the Post Diploma Activities Committee was fuelled by evident government interest in an expanded role for BCIT, possibly to a polytechnic, evidenced in the dialogue • between the Board of Governors and the Minister, discussed in Chapter Five. In his Proposal for the Evolution of BCIT into a Polytechnic, (1978), Svetic, Vice Principal, Education states: The Minister has recognized the need for technological expertise beyond what is currently available, and has therefore requested BCIT to redefine its role. It is understood that formal post diploma education up to and including a Bachelor of Technology is to be considered (p.3). Internally, however, there was a lack of faculty support for degree level studies. Apprehension about job security due to inadequate academic credentials may have been an 173 underlying issue, however concern focused primarily on the effect of degrees on the validity of the two year diploma. One faculty member explains, "BCIT had struggled to establish an identity and a reputation for producing job ready graduates. Faculty were proud of that and didn't want anything to detract."4 Anxieties were triggered in part by the "Ryerson experience," where introduction of degrees had resulted in the demise of the diploma program. BCIT initially modelled itself on Ryerson, had "a vision of being the Ryerson of the West," and did not want to make the same mistake.5 A former Vice President, Education drew attention to the fact that Ryerson offered four year degree programs not restricted to selective areas, thus totally-different from BCIT's intended approach, did not seem to matter. "It was looked at as something that didn't work."6 Government and industry argued in a -similar vein, that a degree program serving approximately 10.percent of the student body would attract the best faculty and the best resources, possibly jeopardising the quality of the diploma program for the remaining 90 percent of the students.7 " External Influences In 1980 the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology required Five Year Plans from all colleges and institutes in the province. BCIT's Educational Five Year Plan: Introduction to the Eighties 1979-85, was a review of the third part of.the internally driven four phase planning process underway at that time and represented a consolidation of individual departmental and divisional plans for the academic years 1979/80 to 1984/85. The Five Year Plan incorporated the findings of the Post Diploma Task Force and argued strongly for the provision of advanced technological training beyond the basic two year Diploma of Technology: Although the need for diploma graduates is increasing, both in types of programs and numbers, some industries are indicating a need for employees who are trained beyond the diploma level. It is clear that what they want from BCIT is a more . 174 . •• ,• . • '• . Chapter Six: Bachelor of Technology Degree sophisticated technologist....BCIT proposes to expand its post diploma training; both in number and in level, up to and including a Bachelor of Technology (BCIT, 1979, p.5). • . • .. ' , These findings were endorsed by.BCIT's Engineering Division who reported, "an increasing demand for training in various technologies beyond the Diploma level. This need is particularly true for Surveying, Chemical Analysis, Forest Resource-Management^ Electrical and Electronics, and Construction Project Management" (p.30). The Health Division concurred reporting "a growing demand for training in specialities beyond the diploma level in fields such as nursing and Bio-Medical Electronics" (p.35). Consequently BCIT's Five Year Plan submitted to the Ministry in June 1980 included the following educational goal: The Institute will plan for the development.and implementation of Bachelor of Technology degree programs where there are indications of need for such programs (BCIT, 1980a, p. 17). * -Ministry Task Forces As mentioned in Chapter Five, two investigative groups — The Task Force to Examine Technological Training in Engineering, Health Science and Related Fields in British Columbia, and the Committee to Examine the Extension of Training at BCIT —• were established by the Ministry in 1980. BCIT's combined submission to these two groups, Vision and Decision, embodies the major thrust for recognition of technological knowledge to baccalaureate level prior to the successful proposal of the 1990s. Vision and Decision argues that as economic and technological trading infrastructures become more complex and sophisticated, technological training structures must reflect this complexity and sophistication (p.41). With reference to baccalaureate education the document restates, and advocates the approval of, the recommendations of the Post Diploma Activities Committee. 175 -. ' • Chapter Six: Bachelor of Technology Degree The terms of reference of the Task Force to Examine Technological Training in Engineering, Health Science and Related Fields required a report to the Committee to Examine the Extension of Training at BCIT regarding the need for a baccalaureate degree in technological education. The Task Force discussed this issue with every group who presented a brief, concluded that, while a definite need for post diploma training existed in certain technological areas, industry did not perceive a "role for a baccalaureate in technology" and consequently recommended that, "The Ministry of Education not sanction or empower any: college or institute to offer a baccalaureate in" technology as a credential (ME, 1981b, pp.39,40). While this report clearly recognized the direct relationship between economic prosperity and technological advancement (p. 19), and furthermore identified a shortage of technologists in British Columbia, it didnot acknowledge a need to make these career paths more attractive, but was content toiet them remain as "dead ends." The committee to Examine the Extension o f Technological Training Beyond Two Years at BCIT, subsequently reported that it did not: perceive a need for a baccalaureate of technology in British Columbia at this time. The Cornrnittee recommends that arrangements for transfer to university programs should be actively pursued by Academic Council and BCIT (BCIT, 1982, p. 12). '-BCIT's response noted that the committee did not turn down the,degree proposal, but did not perceive the need at this time.-The Role of the Health Science Technologies Vision and Decision was BCIT's submission to the two Ministerial Study Groups at the institutional level. A less prominent but ultimately very significant submission was made by the BCIT Health Science Technologies. This marked the beginning of theleadership role of ' the Health Science Technologies in what was to be BCIT's "stepping stone" approach towards degree granting status via Advanced Diplomas and collaborative degrees with OLA. . . : Chapter Six: Bachelor of Technology Degree The Report of the Task Force on Technological Training in Engineering, Health Science and Other Related Fields, (1981) recommended to the Ministry of Education that B C I ^ recognized as the primary centre in British Columbia for the education of health science technologists. At that time entry level to practice was successfully achieved by earning a diploma. However, a vacuum existed in relation to acquiring advanced skills and knowledge (Gillespie, 1983). Such additional training was being acquired through on the job experience. Responding to provincial manpower and educational needs, the Health Science Division began planning post diploma programs. Design of post diploma programs was based on extensive consultation with educators, employers and employees providing input to curriculum content and overall educational goals.. Survey research by Miller et al. (1982) of a stratified random sample of 1002 health science technologists throughout British Columbia produced findings which have influenced the development of subsequent post diploma programs at BCIT and proved to be enabling features in the Bachelor of Technology degree. Specifically, the survey indicated a strong interest across the province and found remarkable consensus in the need for: part time programs to serve working adults; alternative delivery . modes to enable province wide access; and, a credential which had merit with their own profession. The credential was labelled the "Advanced Diploma in Health Sciences" and, was designed to be offered in part time mode throughout British Columbia. The program design was modular, equivalent in scope and depth to one year's full time study at BCIT and within specified guidelines, students could tailor their studies to meet individual and specific goals. BCIT's quest for baccalaureate status had.been rejected by the two Ministerial Study Groups. Nurses and public health inspectors were suggesting a degree as a requirement for entry to practice. Gillespie (1983), therefore, emphasized "the importance of attaining university 177 ' Chapter Six: Bachelor of Technology Degree credit to facilitate a continuum from diploma to advanced diploma to university degree" (p.71). Consequently, in designing the advanced diploma program it was intended that the advanced diploma be submitted to the universities for block credit (Gillespie, 1983). As - — discussed in Chapter Four, after a two year negotiating process with the University of British* Columbia and the University of Victoria dealing only with the nursing degree resulted in a "no credit" decision,8 a collaborative Bachelor of Health. Sciences degree was successfully formulated with the Open University. ' The Park Report The issue of degree granting status for BCIT was revisited again as part of Park's investigation of BCIT in 1987, discussed in Chapter Five. Specifically the terms of reference of this task force included, "to assess and recommend on the desirability of giving BCIT degree granting status" (Park,1987, p.2). BCIT's submission to Commissioner Park, Economic Development through High Technology, (October 1987), contained two recommendations relevant to BCIT's pursuit of degree granting status. First, the submission urged a re-examination of degree granting status arguing that virtually every other major country has an alternate applied business/industry orientated degree/diploma system running parallel to the university system, whereas Canada lacks opportunities for applied graduates to progress within their chosen field without having to shift laterally to a more theoretically focused university system. Second, was the recommendation to establish a Centre for Applied Technology with a research mandate at BCIT. As outlined in Chapter Five, arguments for this development focused on economic competitiveness, however political underpinnings were evident. A research mandate would differentiate BCIT from the community colleges and it would provide an environment compatible with established degree granting institutions. 178 ' ' •_ Chapter Six: Bachelor of Technology Degree The Park Task Force rejected degree grating status for BCIT on the grounds that: the establishment of degree programs at BCIT would threaten the fundamental purpose of the institution, which is to produce graduates of two year diploma and post diploma programs (Park, 1987, p.39). As described in Chapter Five, Park rejected BCIT as the appropriate site for a Centre for Applied Technology but favoured housing such a Centre in a small, new and elite College of Advanced Technology, accessible to only the brightest graduates of diploma programs (Park, 1987, p.36). Park added, "clearly such an institution would be degree granting at least to the baccalaureate level" (p.37). Government rejected the recommendations of the Park Report. BCIT was made the Centre of Advanced Technology for the province/Moreover Hagen's subsequent announcement in ~> September 1988, Of a new "advanced technology" mandate suggested that degree granting status for BCIT may warrant re-examination as the institute evolved to fulfil this new '; mandate. • Degree Granting Status: Consensus Degree granting status for BCIT was a key issue in the strategic planning process that followed the announcement of the new mandate. In a report to the Board of Governors, the Chairman of the Strategic Planning Committee highlighted two increasingly important issues in BCIT's strategic planning: growing population centres, for example, the Fraser Valley; and, degree granting.9 The President concurred and acknowledged that the possibility of BCIT offering degrees had been a contentious issue in the past, re-iter