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A matter of degree : private higher education in British Columbia and Alberta Maher, Paul Claude 1998

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A M A T T E R OF DEGREE: PRIVATE HIGHER EDUCATION IN BRITISH C O L U M B I A A N D A L B E R T A by P A U L C L A U D E M A K E R B.A. , The University of British Columbia, 1985 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE D E G R E E OF M A S T E R OF ARTS in THE F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES Department of Educational Studies We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH C O L U M B I A October 1998 © Paul Claude Maher, 1998 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of grj>"c*> — iu^./fL. STZotSZ The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date OcJro^^ t? Iff? • DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT This study examines and compares two well-established private universities in their provincial environments: Trinity Western University (TWU) in British Columbia, and Augustana University College (AUC) in Alberta. Three questions were addressed. First, what were the conditions that enabled TWU and A U C to take root and flourish in their environments? Second, in what way and to what extent are T W U and A U C "private"? Third, how have T W U and A U C survived in their public environments on issues related to achieving degree-granting status, quality control, academic standards and public acceptance? The main finding to the first question is that both universities were established by the faith, perseverance and volunteer action of supporting memberships whose philosophy and beliefs were mainly incongruent with those of the public environment. Both universities were given recognition by politically conservative governments whose ideology extolled the virtues of private initiative. The main finding to the second question is that both universities were not "private" to nearly the same degree. While both universities are recognized for their academic quality by the postsecondary environment, T W U exhibits characteristics that are more distinctive and incongruent with the public environment in its faith-affirming beliefs, governance, financing, missions, academic frameworks, faculty, students and ethical standards. A U C , on the other hand, is far more "public-like" in.these aspects, and is formally accountable to and part of the postsecondary education system of Alberta. 11 The conclusion to the third finding is that T W U has depended on maintaining its distinctiveness and financial autonomy whilst maintaining recognition and acceptance by its environment in order to remain viable. AUC, by contrast, has depended on relinquishing much of its distinctiveness and autonomy in order to receive provincial support and recognition. These two cases illustrate that the idea of "private" as opposed to "public" universities should be viewed as a matter of degree rather than in absolute opposite terms. i n T A B L E OF CONTENTS Abstract ii List of Figures vii Acknowledgements viii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER II CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKS 5 The Right to Self-preservation versus the Common Canadian Good 5 The "Tenets of Faith" versus the "Tenets of Reason" 7 "Private" as a Matter of Depth and Degree 9 Specific Questions for Research 11 CHAPTER III R E S E A R C H DESIGN 12 Approach 12 Methodology 13 Data Sampling Strategy 13 Procedure 14 Approach 15 Conducting Interviews 16 Mining Institutional Documents 16 Treatment of Data 17 iv Analysis 18 Reliability 19 Internal Validity 19 Credibility 21 Transferability 22 CHAPTER IV FINDINGS 24 Conditions for Taking Root 24 Private Characteristics 37 Governance 37 Finance 39 Mission, Academic Frameworks, Ethical Standards, Faculty and Students 40 Survival in a Public Environment 50 Government Authorization to Grant Degrees 50 Academic Quality, Control and Standards 54 Academic Freedom Issues 59 CHAPTER V S U M M A R Y OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 62 Summary of Findings 62 Distinctive Implants in a Public Environment 62 v "Private" as a Matter of Degree 65 Survival in a Public Environment 69 Conclusions 75 Implications and Recommendations 77 Bibiography 82 Appendix A Interview/Question Guideline 86 Appendix B Letter of Permission to TWU and A U C to Conduct Research 89 Appendix C Letter of Acceptance 91 Appendix D Letter of Invitation to A U C and T W U Faculty and Administration 92 Appendix E Letter of Consent to Participate 94 Appendix F Letter Requesting Verification of Reporting 95 Appendix G T W U Responsibilities of Membership 96 vi FIGURES Figure Page 1. Conceptual model depicting Augustana University College and Trinity Western University within the overall postsecondary framework 6 vii A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S This study could not have been completed without the assistance of a number of people. I would first like to express my appreciation to members of the faculty and administration at Augustana University College and Trinity Western University who took precious time out of their busy schedules to provide me with rich and interesting data for this research. Of great benefit in guiding me through this ambitious task was my supervisor and advisor, Dr. Hans Schuetze, who took a sincere interest in the project and even took time out of his own busy research activities to join me on one of my field trips. Dr. Lesley Andres provided invaluable advice on the construction the study's research design and was particularly helpful in pointing both flagrant and subtle errors. I also had the honour of receiving on-going guidance from Dr. John Dennison, one of the most respected scholars on higher education in Canada, and whose advice helped me keep a perspective on what I was trying to accomplish. Many others provided much appreciated support. I would like to express appreciation to my family and to my dear partner,Cinzia, as it was their interest in the project and their encouragement that gave me the faith and courage to give it my full attention to its completion. vm 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Universities across Canada have been mainly homogeneous and provincially-supported for more than fifty years. However, trends toward diversification began taking place in the 1960s in order to accommodate the increasing demand for higher education that came with population growth and urbanization. In British Columbia, the promulgation of the Macdonald Report (1962) ended a small but elitist tradition of higher education centered on one institution in the Lower Mainland. It called for a rapid expansion of institutions that would provide diversity, accessibility, and quality with provisions for their coordination across the province (Dennison, 1992). For similar reasons in Alberta, the Report on the Commission on Education (1959) called for a decentralization of educational services, a broader range of programs, and easier access to educational opportunity (Berghofer, 1980, p. 21). Today, institutional diversity is a prominent feature of higher education in British Columbia and Alberta. Indeed, with the inability or unwillingness of the public sector to keep up with the demand for higher education, the development and accumulation of private sector institutions has been contributing to the diversity and complexity of British Columbia and Alberta's postsecondary system. In B.C, there are at least 30 private institutions that offer academic programs (British Columbia Private Post-Secondary Education Commission, 1997). Nine offer university transfer programs whose provisions for transfer are coordinated by the BC Council on Admissions and Transfer. There are also at least seven institutions which are based in the United States that have obtained the written consent of the Minister to offer academic 2 programs leading to degrees outside the purview of the Universities Act. The success of one well-established and academically-recognized university, Trinity Western, and several of the "yet-to-be recognized" out-of-province degree granting institutions operating in B.C. demonstrate "the first major crack in the traditional Canadian predilection toward viewing the university as a public monopoly, as well as the unprecedented receptivity toward allowing the free market to operate in British Columbia" (Skolnik, 1987). In Alberta, the legislature has used Private Acts of the Legislature to incorporate at least twenty one institutions which are defined as "private colleges" according to the definition used by Alberta's Universities Act (Private Colleges Independent Board, 1990). It has also incorporated eighteen non-public, postsecondary institutions under other acts of legislation. In 1984, the government established the Private Colleges Accreditation Board by an amendment to the Universities Act to receive and assess proposals for degree programs from the private colleges. The development of private sector institutions appears to be closely related to government fiscal policy constraints and policies encouraging private initiatives and cost-recovery programs. Alberta appears to be leading the way in Canada with its "New Directions for Adult Learning in Alberta," a 1994 White Paper which claims to safeguard public interests (Rae, 1996). British Columbia has also made similar efforts with the release of the reports, "Partners for the Future" (1991) and "Training for What?" (1995), by the now defunct B.C. Labour Market Development Board. It has been a time-honoured tradition in Canada that a degree carries equal currency and meaning regardless of where it is issued. Widespread debate has ensued on what effects 3 privatization policies will have on Canada's higher education system, on its values, on its uniformity, and on its academic freedom. Proponents claim that privatization brings diversity and opportunity in educational objectives and research as demanded by the marketplace and special interests. Sceptics argue that it threatens the Canadian tradition of uniformity, inclusiveness, quality and standards, and academic freedom, claiming that it would accentuate inequality or segregation based on wealth, religion, culture, gender or social class. While there has been much concern and discussion about the privatization of higher education, little research has actually been done on the subject and what its implications are for future policy-making (Jones, 1997). There is a need to understand more fully what "private" higher education actually means, at least in Canada, and in what way it can be distinguished from public higher education. Privatization is manifested in a variety of ways, but there appears to be two main directions: (i) the increase in private funding for public universities; and (ii) the development of private universities. This study focuses on the latter. It is concerned with contributing to our knowledge of what private higher education is, how private higher education institutions are established, and on discussing how they survive and flourish within their environments. Canadian educational policies fall under provincial jurisdiction, so the degree of fertility for privatization in Canada is largely related to the political-economic policies and culture of a particular province in addition to the nature of the private institutions themselves. Any generalizations that can be generated about private higher education institutions should be developed from particular examples in relation to their provincial contexts. This research will examine and compare two well-established private universities in their provincial 4 environments: Trinity Western University (TWU), which is the only private university in British Columbia whose degrees are recognized by public universities; and Augustana University College (AUC), which is the oldest among four private university colleges in the neighbouring province of Alberta and whose degrees are also recognized by public universities. This research looks into how T W U and A U C were established, in what sense they are "private", and how they have survived and flourished within their predominantly public provincial environments. This introductory chapter is followed by four additional chapters. Chapter II provides a conceptual framework that describes how T W U and AUC, as private faith-affirming universities, fit into the overall postsecondary system. The notion of "private" is defined as a holistic term with respect to a university's mission, governance, finance, academic framework, community ethics, faculty and students. On the basis of this framework and literature review, specific questions are outlined for research. Chapter III discusses the research design used for the study, which is, essentially, a comparative case-study strategy employing an inductive "explanation-building" process that addresses the specific research questions grounded in the data. Chapter IV presents the findings in both descriptive and interpretive form with respect to the questions posed. Chapter V provides a summary analysis of the findings followed by conclusions, implications and recommendations based on the purpose of the study and the findings presented. CHAPTER II 5 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKS The Right to Self-Preservation Versus the Common Canadian Good The way in which T W U and A U C can be conceptualized within the overall higher education framework is depicted in Figure 1. This model distinguishes between public universities on the one hand and private universities on the other, in their relations with government and government-related bodies on issues related to finance and control. Both public and private universities can take different forms, from comprehensive, research-based universities to ones that are specialized in subject-matter and purpose. In Canada, with the exception of a growing number of off-shore implants, such as the DeVry Institute and Gonzaga University, no private university can as yet be classified as comprehensive or specialized in subject-matter. The reason is that almost all—among the few—academically-recognized private universities in Canada, including T W U and AUC, are denominationally affiliated. As such, they fall into a category of private universities based on philosophy or belief. They are not only "private" in terms of finance and control, but also, in terms of their philosophies, beliefs, and standards of ethics. The notion of "private", as suggested, takes on a holistic meaning within this category. The issue of control in finance and governance is directly related to the issue of "collective rights" and to the preserving and strengthening of beliefs and practices that are not necessarily endorsed or shared by governments in power or by the public at large. Nonetheless, the preservation of beliefs and practices by particular groups may be deemed critical for their own 7 survival, and often, from their view, for the survival of society. T W U and A U C , as faith-affirming universities, are committed to conducting research and teaching with a liberal arts and science perspective that gives consideration to Christian values and scriptural knowledge. For centuries the distinction between the public and private spheres in higher education with respect to Christian faith was not so clearly delineated as it is today. Medieval universities, known as "studium generale," had a high degree of juridicial autonomy, but their relationships with external bodies, whether episcopal, archiepiscopal, civic, regal or imperial were clearly so diverse that they could not be deduced from the general title of 'studium generale.' For example, freedom from episcopal or archiepiscopal authority was not a right inherent in the fourteenth-century concept of 'studium generale;' for this, a university required an express papal award. (Cobban, 1975, p. 32-33) "The Tenets of Reason" versus "the Tenets of Faith" The separation of church-state harmony and the Enlightenment, as Levy (1992) points out, was one important consequence for the rationale to create (and study) private higher education institutions. When John Henry Newman made his case throughout his famous "The Idea of a University Defined and Illustrated" in 1852 that the object of the university was "intellectual, not moral" (Pelikan, 1992, p. 9), he was also acknowledging the splintering and the tension between "the tenets of reason" and "the tenets of faith". He was also pointing the direction that higher education would take at the dawn of the modern era, that the university would and should become intellectually accessible to persons of every religious faith and of none. It also marked the beginning for the self-determination of faith-affirming universities. In Canada, as in much of the developed world, most universities in the 19th century 8 were small and denominational, focussing on theology and liberal arts courses (Sheehan, 1985). In Alberta, the Methodist Church founded Alberta College in 1903, the province's first institution of higher education. Several more private denominationally-affiliated institutions were founded, including Augustana University college, originally known as Camrose Lutheran College, The Kings, Canadian Union College, and Concordia College. The provincial government created the University of Alberta in 1916, two Normal Schools, three Schools of Agriculture, and an institutute of technology and art during the same period. These institutions constituted the basic framework for postsecondary education in Alberta until after the Second World War when the demand for postsecondary education greatly increased and the establishment and the role of public sector institutions expanded (Berghofer, 1980, p. 3). In British Columbia, public postsecondary education from 1945 to 1963 was limited to the University of British Columbia, Victoria College (a two-year institution in affiliation with UBC), and two Normal Schools (Dennison, 1992, p. 3-5). The establishment of private institutions was marginal. Notre Dame University in Nelson had opened in 1950 under the authority of the Roman Catholic Bishop and eventually provided B.A. degrees in affiliation with St. Francis Xavier Univerisity in Nova Scotia. It gained some funding from the province, became dependent on that funding, and eventually fell into ruin with the drying up of Catholic support. It was taken over by the province and eventually closed down. Trinity Western University is the only private denominationally-affiliated degree-granting institution that has 9 survived since it was established initially as a two-year transfer college in 1962.1 Since as early as the 1900s, but especially after the Second World War, the massive socio-economic demand for higher education in Canada led almost everywhere to costly efforts to expand, support, and often define and control higher education, leading to what Geiger (1991) describes as a "nationalizing" of higher education (p. 242). Since most of the denominational colleges were unable to cope with increasing capital costs needed for expansion, many of them in Canada were absorbed by the provinces and turned into "public" universities.2 The remaining denominational colleges began taking on the appearance of being private and independent against their large public counterparts. "Private" as a Matter of Depth and Degree As already mentioned, a holistic view of what, constitutes a "private" university is appropriate for types of universities such as T W U and AUC, a view that takes into account what is distinctive about their philosophy and beliefs, their mission, governance, financing, academic framework, faculty and students, and community standards. Theoretically, the more incongruent a university's philosophy and beliefs are with those of the public environment, the more essentially private the university. The narrower and smaller the university's sponsoring 1 Christ the King is another denominationally-affiliated institution currently operating with the right to grant the B.A. degree. It is, however, a very small institution in Mission City in the Fraser Valley and operates in association with the Benedictine Order at Westminster Abbey. 2 Many of the most established public universities in Canada were originally private, chiefly denominationally-affiliated institutions. For example, the University of Winnipeg was once United College; McMaster University descended from Baptist McMaster College. Many denominational universities and colleges today continue as constituent parts of major public universities, such as Saint Michael's College (Roman Catholic) and Trinity University (Anglican) as elements in the federated University of Toronto. 10 membership, the more private the university. The more tightly and narrowly-structured the governance of the university, the more private the university. The term "private", then, at least in this study of T W U and AUC, is viewed as a matter of degree, depending on a variety of variables that need to be taken into account as separate, imbedded units, as well as together as a whole. Moreover, because the term "private" is a relative concept, it must be viewed in relation to the public environment. The public environment consists of the provincial culture, the provincial government, the public postsecondary education system, and the accrediting/academic standards bodies. The degree to which a society allows for and accommodates a private sector is related to its political-economic culture. According to Roger Geiger (1986), an expert on private higher education, the extent to which governments allow for private higher education and support its vitality roughly correlates to the degree to which the state is a "liberal" or a "welfare" state. Politically conservative and liberal states, such as the U.S, accommodate mass private sectors in order to meet popular demand for higher education and to allow conflicting and competing interests to develop their own forms of education in their pursuit of excellence. Welfare states, by contrast, tend to monopolize higher education in order to guarantee equitable access and to maintain uniformity and a minimum standard in quality, degrees, credentials. They may allow for the existence of small private sectors to provide different, mostly non-university, commercial and religious roles that are largely neglected by the public sector. The latter generally describes the Canadian situation. Geiger's typology is meant to describe national systems. However, since it is assumed here that the political-culture in Canada varies from province to province, and that 11 education falls within the provincial jurisdiction, Geiger's typology can also be applied in this comparative study between T W U and AUC. In order to more fully understand the situation of "private" higher education in a predominantly public system of higher education, the following specific questions will be addressed with regard to the two case studies under review: 1. What were the conditions that enabled T W U and A U C to take root and flourish in their environments? 2. In what way and to what extent are T W U and A U C "private" in their governance, financing, mission, academic framework, faculty, students, and ethical standards? 3. How have T W U and A U C survived in their public environments on issues related to achieving degree-granting status, quality control, academic standards and public perception? CHAPTER III 12 R E S E A R C H DESIGN For this study, a research design refers to the logic that links the data to be collected (and the conclusions to be drawn) to the questions of the study (Yin, 1996, p. 18). It includes the following interrelated components: 1) the approach taken; 2) the methodology used; and 3) the construction for reliability, validity and transferability. Approach The strategy devised for this study can be described as a comparative qualitative case study. A qualitative approach is suitable for this study because the questions, as stated, require descriptive and explanatory answers and aim to identify the processes by which certain events influence others (Maxwell, 1996). This approach also takes heed to the uniqueness of T W U and A U C and to the perspectives held by their participants. It can answer questions posed in particularizing terms if the primary concern of the study is not with generalization but with developing an adequate explanation and a theory of the events experienced by these particular institutions. A case study strategy is also employed here. The reason is that case study strategies are suitable for "intensive, holistic description and analysis of single instances, phenomena, or social units" (Merriam, 1998, p. 21), and for deliberate attempts at understanding organizations within their contextual conditions (Yin, p. 13). Case study research is particularly effective at addressing "how" and "why" type questions (Yin, p. 1) such as the ones posed here. There are three main dimensions to this case-study research as per the 13 questions posed: first, that it involves a multiple-case study of two institutions within their environments; second, that each case involves embedded units of analysis—governance, financing, mission, academic framework, faculty and students, and code of ethics; and third, that it involves making comparisons between two cases and their embedded units. T W U and AUC—their embedded sub-units—are approached as individual case studies, but they are treated with the same methodological framework for the purpose of making comparisons and generating an explanatory and theoretical framework for new and similar cases. Methodology The essential consideration in designing the methodology for this study is to ensure that appropriate methods are used to provide relevant data to the questions and that they are compatible with the overall research strategy. The original questions were framed in terms of the "relationships" between T W U and A U C and their environments. This approach was later rejected since the methodology employed did not accommodate views provided by the external environment. Still, these questions of how and why T W U and A U C were established, in what way they are private, and how they survive in their environments, are admittedly, wide and deep. A "shotgun" approach at data-gathering from a wide-range of sources both internal and external to T W U and A U C is arguably the best method. The methodology applied here is limited by data drawn from T W U and A U C and supplemented by relevant scholarly sources on T W U and A U C and private Christian universities. Data Sampling Strategy On-site visitations to T W U and A U C were conducted and two main methods of inquiry were employed: analyzing institutional documents provided by university 14 representatives, and interviews with "panels" of respondents at A U C and T W U who were judged to be in the best position to provide informed answers to operational research questions. An attempt was made to "purposely sample" each university's president, vice president, academic dean, members of the faculty, and admissions director. The actual panels consisted of the following: Trinity Western University President, Vice President for Academic Affairs, Executive Assistant to the President; Associate Professor and Dean of Humanities and Social Sciences; Associate Professor and Chair of the Psychology Department; Director of Admissions. Augustana University College Academic Dean and Vice President for Academic Affairs; Associate Professor of Sociology; Associate Professor and Divisional Chairperson of Physical Education; Associate Professor of Economics; Director of Admissions; Dean of Students. Each informant was considered to be an expert in certain areas because of his or her position or experience. Therefore, different operational questions were fielded by each of the informants. Procedure A list of operational questions was constructed out of the initial research questions and used as a guideline for conducting interviews and selecting institutional documents (see Appendix A). 15 Approach A U C and T W U calendars were consulted to get an overview of the administrative and academic staff. The Vice President of A U C and the Executive Assistant to the President of T W U were contacted initially by phone to see if there would be an interest in participating in the research project. The invitations were well received, and in the case of TWU, an introductory site visitation and tour was conducted. After these officials consulted with several of their colleagues, they responded to say they were interested in the project and agreed to participate. At this point, a more formal approach was taken to stay within professional and academic guidelines stipulated by the Ethics Review Board of the university from which the research project was initiated. The purpose, procedures and ethics involved in visiting A U C and T W U and in conducting interviews were outlined in a letter addressed to an official of each university (see Appendix B). The T W U Executive Assistant and A U C Vice President officials and were asked to submit written confirmation that they had read, understood, and agreed to participate in the research project (see Appendix C). The A U C official arranged interview appointments with each of the requested samples of respondents, except with the president, who was absent during the site visitation. The T W U official notified each of requested respondents that I would be contacting them to arrange interview appointments and encouraged them to provide support to the project. The A U C Vice President made appointments for interviews to be held over two days during the site visitation. Before each interview at both institutions, the informant was asked to read and understand the purpose, procedures and ethics involved in my visiting the universities and conducting interviews (see Appendix D) and was given a copy of the Question Guideline. He or she was 16 then required to give approval by signature (see Appendix E) before carrying on with the interview. Al l of the candidates appeared to be interested in participating and were fully cooperative. Conducting Interviews Interviews at each university were conducted on the basis of convenience rather than on order of preference. Most were conducted in the respondents' offices and lasted approximately an hour and a half. All interviews were audio-taped. During the first interview, it was apparent that taking a formal question-respondent approach within the strict confines of the Question Guideline would not only be stifling and disruptive to the flow of the interview but would also prevent possibilities for the respondent to expand, diverge and elaborate. Thus, I decided after the first interview to use a semi-structured interview approach. I asked subsequent respondents to talk on four or five questions indicated on the Question Guideline that either I felt the respondent was in a good position to answer or the respondent felt most comfortable and capable of answering. Al l subsequent respondents were comfortable with this approach. My main role as interviewer was to encourage, probe, and confirm what the respondent had to say and to ensure that the discussion related to the research questions. Indeed, by shifting my approach, the respondents turned out to be "informants" rather than just "respondents" and would often diverge in their dialogues to provide me with or direct me to relevant documents and refer me to other candidates for further elaborations. Mining Institutional Documents Other main sources of data were found in university calendars, faculty handbooks, 17 organizational charts, institutional history books and booklets, scholarly publications, university web-sites, and in the case of AUC, an institutional self-study assessment. Many of these were provided or recommended to me by interview informants. They were used in at least three main ways. First, they provided data directly related to operational questions about the university's mission statement, structure of governance, and history. Second, they became a useful means of complementing and verifying information reported during interviews. Third, they provided me with some background knowledge of the universities so that interview questions and their elaborations could be sharpened for relevance. Treatment of Data A case-study database was created in the following way. First, each interview was audio-taped on individual tape cassettes and dubbed for security. Each of the originals and dubbed copies were labelled with the informant's name and title, the date of interview, and then stored in two separate boxes, one for A U C and the other for TWU. Each interview was fully transcribed and each line was numbered sequentially. Transcriptions were put into A U C and T W U files and organized in the same fashion as the audio-cassettes were: one set on computer and another hard-copy set organized in the same fashion. Second, the aforementioned documents provided by each university were organized into two separate boxes. Third, all secondary sources of material referenced in the bibliography can be accessed at the University of British Columbia and at the library of the Alberta Ministry of Advanced Education in Edmonton. In summary, most of the data used for the analysis are readily 18 accessible and can be reviewed upon request.3 Analysis There was a close relationship between the research questions, the way the data were collected, and the way they were organized for presentation and analysis.. As already mentioned, interview data were strategically sampled from key experts on the institution's mission, academic framework—including teaching and research/faculty and students, authorization and recognition by their environments. Thus, data on each of these themes (or embedded sub-units) were generally classified under each of the informant's names and titles. Data on themes related to history, governance, and financing were generally drawn from documents, which were also used, wherever possible, to cross-reference or complement interview data. The main strategy taken for analyzing the data with respect to the research questions has been through what Yin (1996) calls an "explanation-building" process (p. 111). It was not until the data collection and literature review stage that I started formulating some ideas on how TUW and A U C could be described and explained as "private" universities in a holistic sense. As I examined the data on each of their embedded units, selections from the data were made by simply high-lighting those areas on the hard-copies that were identified as evidence to either support the propositions or to refute them. Where little or no evidence could be found, then this was simply indicated in the analysis. In reporting the findings, instead of mainly answering the questions up front and then 3 Access to interview transcripts will require permission in writing from interview candidates. 19 providing the evidence, I have taken an inductive approach. The data were described and interpreted, leading up to a summary comparative analysis of T W U and A U C as per each of the questions posed. Reliability "Reliability" traditionally refers to the extent to which research findings can be replicated. In qualitative case-study research such as this one, replication of findings is unlikely, mainly because the subject of inquiry is highly contextual and naturally tied to the biases, style, and disposition of the researcher. "If the researcher's self is the prime instrument of inquiry, and the self-in-the-world is the best source of knowledge about the social world, and social reality is held to be an emergent property of interacting selves, and the meanings people live by are malleable as a basic feature of social life, then concern over reliability—in the positivist sense—is fanciful" (Bednarz as cited in Merriam, 1998, p. 205). Since the term "reliability" in the traditional sense does not apply well to qualitative research, Lincoln and Guba (in Merriam) suggest looking at "reliability" in terms of whether the results are consistent with the data collected (p. 207). An important question for this research, then, is whether the findings make sense given the data collected. Internal Validity Another important question related to reliability is determining how well the research findings match reality (Merriam, 1998, p. 201). In this qualitative case-study research, "findings" are what the researcher has "found" based on the "reality" described by interviewees and documents with reference to the research questions. What one "finds", of course, is driven by what one is looking for, and by the biases governing the underlying 20 assumptions behind the questions raised and the approach taken by the researcher. This is a particularly important consideration since this research treads on two value-charged subjects: private-Christian and public-secular. It is important to consider that the findings of this research may be affected by my biases. I shall try to identify several of my biases here. First, as the Director of Studies of an established private language college in Canada, I believe that private education has its place and value in society and can provide unique forms of education that public education cannot or should not provide for specialized interests. However, I also believe that private education should complement and not replace the importance of having a strong and predominant public sector system that provides quality education and access and opportunity for all of its citizens. My second bias relates to the fact that private education, in the hands of private interests, can and does result in a range of quality, from "the best of the best" to "the worst of the worst" forms of education. I believe that private education needs to be, and should seek to be, monitored or regulated. My third bias takes into account that my attitude toward religion, and Christian denominations in particular, may affect my attitude toward T W U and AUC. My motivation for conducting case studies of A U C and T W U were not for religious reasons but because of my interest in private postsecondary education. I am a Roman Catholic by upbringing but no longer a practicing member of the Church. My attitude toward T W U and A U C as Evangelical and Lutheran universities has been, I believe, one of curiosity rather than one of suspicion or agreement. My final bias has to do with method of inquiry. I am not a disciplinary specialist, but I seek to apply disciplines where "appropriate." Disciplines such as history and geography are particularly useful because they tend to be holistic and allow the 21 cultural, political, economic and other dimensions to be incorporated into a study. Indeed, my predisposition for a non-specialist approach of inquiry may have also motivated my interest in conducting this qualitative case-study research. Credibility To minimize the influence of my biases, I used several measures to try to ensure that the findings to the questions were grounded by what the evidence shows. Some measures were taken, first, during the data gathering process and, second, during the analytical process. First, the data collection was conducted strategically. As already described, certain operational sets of questions were asked to key informants who were considered by both myself and the informant to have the relevant experience and knowledge for providing informed answers. As academics, all of the informants were given the respect of providing not only their "views" but also "critical" views on the questions asked. For this reason, a semi-structured interview approach was used in order to empower respondents to speak in their own "voices." The reliability of the data selected from each of the interviews was tested by sending verbatim transcriptions to each of the informants and asking them to verify what they had reported (see Appendix F). Nine of the twelve informants responded with corrections, clarifications and additions, and all of these were endorsed. This proved to be very valuable and could have been taken a few steps further by having informants review and critique the entire thesis. This would have been a very lengthy process, but it would have certainly helped to more effectively bridge the informants' "voices" with my "biases" in order to avoid discrepancies between the "reality" and the "findings." Another technique used to increase internal validity during the data gathering process 22 was to collect data from other sources. Data on the history of T W U and A U C were gathered from historical records rather than relying on historical accounts through interviews. Data on T W U and AUC's mission statements, structures of governance, and statements of academic freedom were taken from official documents that required no verification. This strategic sampling, in summary, helped provide not only accurate data but also several sources of data that could be used for cross-referencing selected data, and for integrating the findings. An explicit system of triangulation could have been better developed, however. Selection and cross-referencing were done largely through recognition and intuition. The second set of techniques used to increase internal validity were employed during the analytic phase. Three techniques were employed: 1) question and explanation-building during the data collection phase; 2) ruling out or pointing out rival explanations during the analytical and reporting phase; and 3) providing plenty of rich and detailed data in the Findings chapter that reviewers could use to draw their own conclusions. Transferability Critics often state that single case studies offer a poor basis for generalizing (Yin, 1996, p. 36). This is a major reason that a comparative case-study approach has been undertaken in this research. Still, this research does not claim to offer truths or a theories about private postsecondary education in general since, as pointed out in the conceptual framework section, private higher education institutions range in types and forms and not enough research has been conducted to determine whether credible generalizations can even be made. Generalizations made from this research should be limited to what can be said about private universities that are distinctive in their values and beliefs in a predominantly secular 23 and public environment, as well as what can be said about those environments that have accommodated them (or not), in this case, Alberta and British Columbia. But the purpose of this research should have more value than this. It should serve to challenge and enrich our conceptions of "private" higher education institutions, not just in the narrow and financial aspect of the term, but in the more holistic sense—in terms of their history, mission, governance, academic framework, faculty and students—within the context of their recognition and acceptance by its environment. CHAPTER IV 24 FINDINGS Conditions for Taking Root This section explores the conditions that account for T W U and A U C successfully taking root within their provincial environments and how they began to flourish. A U C was first known as Camrose Lutheran College (CLC) when it was established in 1910 in Camrose, a small town approximately 150 kilometres south-east of Edmonton, Alberta. Its roots are described by A U C professor emeritus Vincent Eriksson in The 75th Anniversary History of Camrose Lutheran College (1986).4 In short, the founders of the college were Norwegians, initially from the United States, predominantly Minnesota and the Dakotas, who were drawn to Alberta for several reasons. The main push factor was the desire of the U.S, from 1866, to extend the territory of Minnesota to Alaska by annexing Rupertsland. Within this movement was dove-tailed the Norwegian Lutheran Church's desire to bring the Canadian Norwegian colonies into its fold by extending trained pastoral and educational service to congregations in the new areas. The main pull factor was accomplished by the Canadian government, especially in the work of Clifford Sifton, Minister of the Interior, 1897-1905, who disseminated much propaganda that encouraged immigration and who provided assistance to have the prairies settled. Established farmers from the U.S. plains, Eriksson draws upon calendars of early years; materials translated by Pastor Jacob Stolee; Chester Ronning's M . A . thesis on Augustana, 1942 (no title provided); G. Loken's From Fjord to Frontier: a History of the Norwegians in Canada, 1980; G. Friesen's the Canadian Prairies: a History, 1984; and A. Gluek's Minnesota and Manifest Destiny of the Canadian Northwest, 1965. 25 with experience and capital, were high on the "desired list". Before they came, the newcomers had already believed in church schools and brought with them a tradition of Lutheran colleges and academies from the U.S. (Eriksson, 1986). It should be added here that Lutherans have traditionally concerned themselves with the education of their youth and have a vested interest in higher education, and urged their people to prepare adequately for their various vocations (Freitag in Grant, 1963). Eriksson explains that there was a strong will to establish a college in 1910 because access to public education, especially in the rural settlement areas, was extremely limited for the increasing number of non-English speaking immigrants. The college was established through the cooperative efforts of two main Lutheran congregations in 1910: the United Norwegian Lutheran Congregations and The Hague Lutheran Congregations. The underlying force that drove and inspired the founding and naturing of the college is described here by AUC's Vice President for Academic Affairs, David Dahle: Into the warp and woof of the tapestry of the western plains are woven the lives of the pioneers, their endless toil and struggle, defeats and victories, disappointments, and achievements. Bitter were often the disappointments, but few gave up the struggle. They drew upon the "grit" the Creator had laid down in their souls. They were as those of whom the prophet said: "Your old men shall dream dreams, your young men shall see visions." Out of dreams and visions grow facts and events. "Kirken staar id bondens tanke paa et hoit sted", writes the Norwegian author, Bjornson. "The church stands in the peasants' thoughts on a high place." This veneration for the church was brought by the Norwegian settlers to their Canadian homesteads. Out of their dreams and visions, combined with toil and struggle, grew the church and its institutions. Out of their vision and toil grew Camrose Lutheran College. (Faculty Handbook, 1996, section l.F, page 1) This description provides a powerful insight into the spiritual dynamics that fortified AUC' s beginnings and resonated throughout much of AUC's history. Dahle's passage strikes a 26 chord that is distinctively Lutheran. It is a world-view of darkness, wrath and severity, and of sentiments and perseverance. In Martin Luther's words, "people must remember that they are God's minister and the servant of his wrath to whom the sword is committed for use...there is no time for sleeping; no place for patience or Mercy. It is the time of the sword, not the day of the grace" (cited in Niebhur, 1951, p. 171). Without this faith, it is doubtful that the Norwegian Lutherans could have overcome the perils of establishing a college from scratch under the harsh and isolating conditions in Alberta at that time. The Norwegian Lutheran bittersweet sentiments of toil and struggle and humble thankfulness are still echoed today at Augustana as illustrated by the words in a large and very public plaque mounted in the Common's room: A private college would not exist were it not pushed, pulled, cared for, worried about, laughed at, cried over, understood, and enjoyed by those who see a little farther and feel a little deeper than most of us. Augustana flourished, as interpreted by Eriksson, through adaptation; not of aim and purpose—for these have remained the same—but of program. This has been necessary to try to meet the needs of a changing clientele, far different later on than it was in 1910. President K. Glen Johnson said in speaking to representatives of founding congregations June 28, 1985, that "in each generation the College needs to be built" (Eriksson). Eriksson claims that the aims and purposes of CLC~to give quality education in a Christian context and, if possible, to serve the Church both through individuals and otherwise--have not changed over the years. He points to the following excerpt on "Aim" found in all of the earliest surviving calendars: 27 Camrose Lutheran College is enlisted in the cause of Christian education. Its founders were actuated by the conviction that only educational training which is secured under the refining and regenerating influence of the Christian religion can be complete or adequate for life. The general aim of our College, therefore, is to give young men and woman a higher education based on the Christian faith as taught in our Evangelical Lutheran Church and to foster, encourage, and guard the Christian Life of our students. The College will endeavour to give its students an adequate training in the various academic courses outlined and at the same time seek to transmit to them in as large a measure as possible the religious and cultural treasures of their forefathers. (Eriksson, p. 3) The original Act of incorporation of 1913 includes the following (in section 2) as permissive functions: "Camrose Lutheran College may hereafter establish an environment where students may obtain a liberal education in the arts and sciences, whether general, professional or technical" (cited in Eriksson). Though the power of awarding degrees, Eriksson concedes, was not mentioned, the powers mentioned were wider than those of the later Acts of 1947 and 1958. Besides aiming to offer a wide range of both liberal and practical courses, a distinguishing feature of CLC as indicated by the early calendars was "to transmit the religious and cultural treasures of their forefathers" (Eriksson). Presumably the early calendars were referring here to Norwegian heritage since, in other sections, Eriksson also discusses how C L C responded to the needs of its clientele to not only transmit the "cultural treasures" of their ancestors but also, and perhaps more so, to enculturate the large number of ethnic Scandinavians. Calendars of 1917-18 mentioned a "Newcomer Course" that began in 1914. It was designed to teach not only English but also Canadian civics and an orientation to life in rural areas of the Prairies. The description of the Newcomer Course was greatly enlarged in the 1927-28 calendar with part of it being in Norwegian. It was entitled "Newcomers Course 28 in English" in the 1928-29 calendar and Scandinavians were identified as its object. The course was discontinued in 1933 during the Great Depression when the Canadian government greatly restricted immigration (Eriksson). By 1944, in keeping with adjusting to the changing basis of its clientele, 22 of the 54 graduates were non-Norwegian and primarily of British Isles origin. Today, the Norwegian presence at C L C still provides some substance and continues to provide the unique flavour of the college. Courses are offered in Scandinavian Studies by the Modern Languages Division (Calendar); the Crown Prince Harold and Crown Princess Sonja of Norway visited C L C as part of the 75th Anniversary celebrations in 1986 (Eriksson); Nordic sports continue to be popular and the choir music also has a noticeable Norwegian tradition with the current conductor upholding himself in the tradition of Norwegian and choral conducting (Faculty interview, February 27, 1998). The other initial and special purpose of CLC was to prepare students for teaching in the summer parochial schools, as well as Sunday schools, and to assist in training ministers. However, Eriksson comments that the lists of graduates, included in most of the calendars until the 1940s, show that the Parochial Normal Course and Pro-Seminary Course had few takers. He wonders whether the purpose of the school in the service of the Church was largely unfulfilled and was instead fulfilling the demand for popular academic and commercial courses by upwardly mobile students and their parents. Ronning, the President of A U C in 1942, described the then "Haugeaner" as having "a well-developed economic consciousness, with a passion for work which at times even went beyond proper bounds into the realm of mammon worship (cited in Eriksson). Ronning had also expressed concern that the college's 29 practical considerations of fitting into the Alberta curriculum, to ensure that its students would qualify for university and normal school entrance, meant that the college had also largely lost its facility 'to give young men and women a higher education based on Christian faith' (in Eriksson). After the 1950s, when rural roads were upgraded to all-weather use, and multi-room consolidated high schools were built and school bus systems were developed, CLC's place as a needed residential school for the more ambitious students, and as the school of choice, started to erode during the 1960s. The 1959 introduction of university-level courses did not initially bring enough students to make up for the drop and the school began begging for students. Under President Loken, and largely through the Alberta Association of Private Schools and Colleges, some government grants were obtained in 1964 to help the college survive. From being a school of first choice it had changed, for many parents, to being a school of last resort for students expelled or otherwise not making it in other institutions (Eriksson, p. 6). The following reflections clearly indicate a time when the college needed to reassess its orientation: With degree granting status, what will our clientele be? And can we, in different circumstances, retain the original purposes, and perhaps recover some of the earlier functions? Our history seems to a large extent to have been one of running out of clientele, and then going through painful adjustments to find a new clientele. But this has not been the experience for the College alone. Almost all schools have had this experience and many have failed. Some private colleges in the U.S. have closed; church colleges in Canada have become "public." For Camrose Lutheran College to have survived and grown is truly a great accomplishment. (Eriksson, p. 6) A U C ' s more recent initiatives have responded to the growing career-orientations of students and their parents by looking into offering professional programs. Dr. Dahle, Vice 30 President and Dean for Academic Affairs, states that A U C is faced with the question of maintaining financial viability (interview, February 26, 1998). Part of his purpose as Dean, he says, is to help move the college into the direction of providing at least one professional program. While A U C has already been responding to local community needs by offering adult education outreach programs and certificate and diploma courses through its Centre for Community Education, it has begun looking into cooperative relationships with, for example, the Southern Alberta Institute of Technology to offer courses in technology training. Another long-term goal, according to Dahle in the same interview, is eventually to offer education and business degree programs. Augustana, in summary, faces quite a different challenge today compared to its initial struggle in 1910 when its Lutheran Norwegian founders planted the first seed of Lutheran higher education in the harsh conditions of rural Alberta. Trinity Western, by comparison, was a wholly different implant, although there are striking similarities in the way faith, perseverance and volunteer action were essential for its establishment and development. TWU, located in the suburbs of Vancouver, B.C, was established in 1962 as Trinity Western College (TWC) at a much later date than Augustana. The founding of Trinity Western and its development is described by its founding president in his Raw Edge of Faith as one of "miracles and milestones." "Behind all the threads which have been woven together to make this tapestry, I see the hand of God" (Hanson, 1977, vii). Indeed, the leaders of T W U today clearly maintain this faith and proudly reiterate Hanson's words to visitors (G. Forrester, Assistant to the President, during campus tour, December 12, 1997). Many of the "miracles" described by Hanson throughout his book involved the voluntary dedication 31 and effort of founding members, staff and students, and individuals and companies from the surrounding communities, and charitable donors who provided labour, funds, and materials needed to transform a large abandoned dairy farm into a small but modern University campus. The driving force behind this pioneer effort is explained by John Stackhouse (1993), a scholar on Canadian evangelicalism. TWU, he says, "exemplifies the trends among evangelicals towards seeking and sponsoring higher education, towards increasing distinctness from the mainline churches—and even the culture at large—to the point of erecting alternative institutions, and towards supporting a broad range of vocations" (p. 153). The fact that two entire books have been written on the story of Trinity Western by its founding president, Hanson (1977, 1984)5, not to mention the attention it has received by scholars on Canadian evangelicalism indicates the progressiveness and recent impact of evangelicalism as a transdenominational community compared to Lutheranism and by extension to Augustana. In a scholarly study on evangelicalism in B.C. by Bob Burkinshaw, Associate Professor and Dean of Humanities and Social Sciences at TWU, in his Pilgrims of Lotus Land (1995), Burkinshaw questions and discusses how it came to be that a small, rural, conservative, and anti-intellectual Evangelical Free Church would and could eventually support an educational enterprise—a liberal arts education—that was traditionally thought incompatible with a fervent Christian commitment. It was puzzling, he thought, "because it represented a rapprochement with the general culture, the lowering of the walls separating evangelicals from 'the world'" (p. 211). 5 Only the 1997 book was available and used for reference. Al l subsequent quotations from Hanson are taken from this source unless otherwise indicated. 32 Burkinshaw (1995) offers several reasons. He explains that when the B.C. Evangelical Free churches applied to the Free Churches of Canada (FCC) to establish their own bible institute, their proposal was rejected on the grounds that Canada had enough bible institutes and instead suggested the need to accommodate the growing demand among Christians for university education. While the majority of the congregations resisted the idea of university education, Burkinshaw claims, the backers for a college recognized clearly that the university-educated, urban segment of society was becoming increasingly significant in Canada and that the Bible institute orientation of the Evangelical Free Church was not as appropriate in the growing cities and suburbs as it had proved to be in less sophisticated, rural, and small-town settings. Something of the same missionary zeal [Burkinshaw continues}, so pervasive in the Bible institute movement of which they were a part, motivated members of the committee recommending the establishment of the college. They urged its acceptance, arguing, 'We believe He would have us utilize every means possible for strengthening and enlarging our outreach for lost souls'. The school's backers also recognized that the career plans of increasing numbers of their own people would create the need for university education, and they thus sought to provide a 'safe' environment in which these ambitions could be realized: 'With these two years of schooling, which would also include Bible, one need not fear so much the influence of schools and teachers who might seek to destroy the faith of the youth'. Burkinshaw suggests that the careful hiring of faculty who adhered to the fairly standard evangelical statement of faith of the Evangelical Free Church and the enforcement of a conservative code of personal conduct on the students were used to accomplish this goal. Another crucial reason, explained by Burkinshaw (1995) that the small Evangelical 33 Free Church was persuaded to undertake the project was that the larger American wing was devoted to the idea of establishing a college in Western Canada as a kind of missionary outpost and they provided and supported both its founding president, a former EFC missionary based in Japan, and most of the needed financial resources. Many American evangelicals had for decades supported the concept of Christian liberal arts colleges, and the Evangelical Free Church of America operated such a college, Trinity, in Deerfield, Illinois. Burkinshaw cites Hanson (pp. 80-100) to explain that in the first decade of TWC's existence, the bulk of the funding and the majority of the administrators and faculty came from the United States, and in several academic years the enrolment of American students exceeded that of Canadians. That the Evangelical Free Church of Canada would be the one to sponsor Canada's largest evangelical liberal-arts colleges is, in the words of Hanson, "an inscrutable enigma until you think in terms of miracle, divine guidance, and the initiative and support of the larger body of the Evangelical Free Church in the United States" (Hanson, 47). Other factors that contributed to the successful establishment of Trinity Western identified by Burkinshaw (1995) include a favourable location on the West Coast and a supporting population. It was far enough away from well-known evangelical liberal arts colleges in the American Midwest, but close to relatively large populations of evangelicals in the Fraser Valley bible belt in the suburbs of Vancouver. Also, because the Evangelical Free Church as official sponsor and owner of the college is committed in its philosophy to transcend denominational differences and facilitate Christian involvement from a wide range of denominations, this has attracted a wide range of Christian students and faculty to Trinity which, according to Burkinshaw (1995), were part of the evangelical ecumenism. 34 At the same time, there was a strong enough political support in the public environment for the development of Trinity Western. Burkinshaw (1995) explains that, initially, the pre-1972 Social Credit government of W . A C . Bennett -despite significant evangelical influence—had not been fully supportive of the school. As well, the 1972-75 New Democratic government was philosophically opposed to the concept of private, church-supported education. However, the Social Credit government of Bill Bennett, elected in 1975, expressed greater support. Ideological, pragmatic, and political factors explain the Social Credit member's support for Trinity. Burkinshaw (1995) claims that while only a few Social Credit members at the time were self-declared evangelicals, as right-of-center politicians they ideologically supported the concepts of private initiative and individual choice in education. Higher Education Minister, Dr. Pat McGeer, after becoming a convert to Trinity's cause, gave voice to the "free enterprise" view of education, arguing that the college would have to face the traditional test of academic standards: "If the academic quality of the school does not attract enough students to meet its expenses, then it will fail" (Guenther cited in Burkinshaw (1995) p. 214). Burkinshaw continues to explain that, pragmatically, the fact that Trinity provided education that fully met the academic requirements of the provincial universities without receiving any provincial funds appealed to the government members for the simple reason that each student the college educated saved the government thousands of dollars. Politically, the support of the Social Credit members provided a measure of significance of the "evangelical vote" in the province. This was particularly true, Burkinshaw says, in the Fraser Valley ridings, which were bastions of both Social Credit and evangelical strength, but it was also a factor in other constituencies. The thin margin of electoral victory 35 for many Social Credit members made the solid evangelical support for the party politically significant to them, and for this reason alone they would have been more inclined to support the evangelical college. While Burkinshaw's (1995) informative analysis of the factors underlying evangelicalism in B.C. and Trinity's founding is well-grounded in the positivist tradition, and thus takes its place among the respected scholarly literature on social and religious history of B.C, it is, by virtue of that tradition, incomplete with what might be considered the most important factor of all in the founding of Trinity by its membership. It is TWU's strong and committed religious conviction that the public environment has become "atheistic, hedonistic, secularistic" and offers little hope for its membership or for "lost souls". T W U was established as a bastion for protecting its membership against the secular influences of the public environment as well as a base from which "the divine work of God" through higher education could be carried out. This determination is strongly articulated in the conclusion of The Raw Edge of Faith: I have a feeling that the design God has for Trinity Western College is so beautiful and meaningful that could we see it emerge out of the mists of the future none of us would have faith to regard it as anything but a mirage! I B E L I E V E THAT THE M I R A C L E S OF TRINITY WESTERN'S PAST A R E JUST A P R E L U D E TO WHAT GOD IS GOING TO DO IN THE DAYS THAT ARE AHEAD! But, on one score I have more than a feeling—it is bedrock conviction borne out of experience— and it is this: the atheistic, hedonistic, secularistic spirit of our age militates against schools as Trinity Western. While those who have personal faith in Jesus Christ see the value of this kind of higher education which stakes its theme and purpose in Christ himself, the godless forces of our society find no delight in its life changing impact. The 'raw edge of faith' will doubtless remain as jagged and real as ever and Trinity Western College will continue to draw its lifeblood from resources unseen, human and divine, as the Spirit of God unites them to uphold the college 'To the praise of His glory!'. (Hanson, p. 194) (emphasis by Hanson) 36 These factors, then, account for the underlying force behind TWU's establishment and the means through which it began to flourish. When it began as the first college in British Columbia to offer two-year university transfer courses, its enrolment sharply increased from 17 in the first year to 350 in 1970, 670 in 1980, and over 1000 by the mid-1980s (Burkinshaw, 1995, p. 209). Many of its faculty members initially had few degrees beyond the master's level. Most faculty now currently possess doctoral degrees earned at public universities. With respect to student performance, students who had transferred to the University of British Columbia in the 1970s consistently ranked above the average ('Graduate Performance Attests to Trinity's Excellence' in Trinity Western World 3 (Special edition, 1979): 12, cited by Stackhouse, 1993, p. 146). This was one reason that Trinity Junior College was granted the right from the province to provide four-year programs since 1977 and grant degrees since 1979 (President Snider, TWU, interview, February 24, 1998). The reason for changing the name to include 'university' in 1985 was explained by Snider in 1979: In Canada "college" implies only community colleges; "university" is used to describe the postsecondary institutions which have the power to grant degrees. So [Trinity] would qualify in that sense. But we wouldn't want to be presumptuous... 'university' [also] carries the idea of graduate programs, so probably the best designation for TWC is that of a "university college:" we are of university calibre with an undergraduate program leading to a baccalaureate degree, (cited in Stackhouse, p. 276) Since January 1975, the college has been responding to both student career aspirations and career market trends in order to attract Christian students to Trinity (Don Page, T W U Academic Vice President, interview, March 2, 1998). While the liberal arts and sciences is considered to be the primary program, programs in business, aviation, nursing, and education 37 have increasingly become highly attractive to students and their parents who are looking for— above and beyond a Christian liberal arts education—"tangible" returns from their investment. Private Characteristics Governance Strictly speaking, A U C and T W U are corporations of higher education that have been established voluntarily by their supporting memberships. Unlike the bi-cameral system of public universities, their missions, purposes and decisions are narrowly controlled by private governing bodies established by their constituencies granted through acts of legislation. AUC' s structure of governance as prescribed by the university's By-laws is described here: A l l congregations of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Canada (the Church) are members of the Corporation whose mandate is the establishment and maintenance of an institution of higher learning, governed in harmony with the Christian faith as taught by the Corporation or its successor. The Officers of the Corporation include the bishop of the Church as president; the duly-elected chairman of the Board of Regents as vice-president; the secretary of the Church as secretary; the vice-president for finance and administration of A U C as treasurer. The general officers of the Corporation, the members of the Board of the Division for College and University Services, which supervises all educational institutions of the Church, and the members of A U C Board of Regents are voting members of the Corporation. The Corporation has the power to provide teachers, campus facilities, specify disciplines and prescribe courses of study and in general do all things necessary to the successful operation of the institution. The management of the business affairs of the Corporation and the supervision of curriculum and instruction is invested in the Board of Regents, whose members —between ten and twenty one in total— are elected by the Corporation for a term not more than six years. The President of the Corporation, the bishop, is an advisory member of the Board of Regents. The Board of Regents along with the Archbishop and Chairman of the Board of the Division elect the president of A U C who, as executive head of AUC, is responsible to the Board. The Faculty consists of the President, the academic officers of the administration, and members of the teaching staff. The Board of Regents, upon nomination by the President, elect teachers, determine their salaries, and establish their rank. The Faculty, with the approval of the Board, establishes the Departments of Instruction, decides upon the courses of study, and determines the requirements for admission. (The By-Laws of Augustana University College, 1991) 38 The nature of the relationship between A U C and the Church has been described as one of mutual support and encouragement (Institutional Self-study, section 2, 1991). The Church provides support through regular budget allocation, encouragement of student recruitment within congregations and the encouragement of support (financial and otherwise) from the members of the congregations of the Church. By comparison, the governance of Trinity Western University as provided by its By-laws consists of: ...a Board of Governors which is made up of twenty-one members: seven elected by the Evangelical Free Church of America (EFCA), seven elected by the Evangelical Free Church of Canada (EFCC). These fourteen elected members must be members in good standing of the E F C A and EFCC. The seven remaining appointed members must be committed Christians and members in good standing in their local churches, but whose appointment is without regard to Free Church membership. Al l members of the Board shall, without reservation, agree to and sign annually the doctrinal statement of Trinity Western University. The Board manages the affairs of the University in four broad ways: 1) appointment or recall of the President; 2) establishment of University Policy; 2) representation for public and community relations; and 4) financial support. The Board may, upon recommendation of the President, appoint the Academic Dean, the Dean of Students, the librarian, the registrar, the bursar, the professors, the lecturers, the instructors, and all such officers as deemed necessary for the purposes of the University. Al l tenure-track faculty shall be appointed by the Board on the recommendation of the President in consultation with the Vice President for Academic Affairs and following an interview with a sub-committee of the Board. Unless otherwise provided, questions arising at any meeting of the Board are decided by a majority of votes. The President of the University is elected by the Board for three-year renewable terms and reports to the Board. The President is supported by an Advisory Council compromising the President as Chairman, the Chairman of the Board of Governors, the Vice President for University Advancement, and the Vice President for Strategic Planning. The role of the Advisory Council is to provide expertise for the President and staff in areas of university finance, management and development. (By-Laws of Trinity Western University, 1985) 39 Finance AUC's financial support comes mainly through tuition fees, which are currently $4,600, approximately $1000 more than the tuition at the University of Alberta; government operating grants ~ through the same key performance indicators formula applied to the public institutions; and through fund-raising campaigns (Dahle, interview). The resources from the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Canada have been limited. By virtue of its size and the number of institutions it owns, it has, in addition to the regular budget support, conducted one major capital appeal within the last 23 years for all of the educational institutions of the Church. The total financial commitment from the Church is approximately $30,000 per year, which is not enough to support a single faculty position (Dahle, interview). When A U C began to offer university transfer courses in affiliation with the University of Alberta in 1959, at a time when the demand for higher education had been escalating and the community college system had yet to be implemented, A U C was provided with provincial operating grants. All four private degree-granting colleges in Alberta began receiving operating grants during different phases of the development of their undergraduate programs. They negotiated with the Deputy Minister of Advanced Education to move the operating grants to 75% of what the provincial universities received for their undergraduate programs, but because of provincial funding cuts the funding only reached 71% and then was frozen at that level. In order to deal with the provincial funding cutbacks of 21%> between 1994 and 1997, A U C responded in the same way that the public institutions had done, by downsizing departments, offering early retirement packages, and seeking to establish cooperative ventures with other educational institutions. 40 T W U has taken quite a different course to secure funding. Part of the agreement for the passing of the University Act was that T W U would never ask for government financial support (Academic Vice President, Don Page, interview, March 2, 1998). One reason, according to Page was that UBC and UVIC were very concerned that they would lose funds to a new competitor. Consequently, TWU's tuition fees are comparatively high at $13,000 per year. The university seeks the remaining funds needed through charitable donations raised mainly by the Board of Governors, from the evangelical church community, Christian-owned businesses, and even non-Christian operations, such as Imperial Oil, which donated the T W U campus sign. It also secures funding by providing executive leadership training programs across North America. Mission. Academic frameworks. Ethical standards. Faculty and Students A U C Mission AUC' s mission clearly indicates that Augustana is rooted in a faith-knowledge epistemology. A U C is a liberal arts and sciences university of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Canada. The university is a community where, in the tradition of Lutheran higher education, the Christian faith and free academic inquiry coexist in creative tension. It is committed to excellence and open to students of all traditions. The mission of A U C is to prepare women and men intellectually, morally, and spiritually for leadership and service in church and society, liberating and inspiring them with the Christ-like model of the leader as servant. Through attention to the development of the whole person, A U C seeks to graduate individuals who have acquired the characteristics listed in the following seven categories: 1) Knowledge; 2) Inquiry; 3) Reasoning and Creativity; 4) Critical thinking and good judgement; 5) Communication; 6) Social responsibility; 7) Personal Values. (AUC Faculty Handbook, 1991) 41 The idea that "faith" and "academic inquiry" should "co-exist," conforms to the Lutheran distinctiveness in Christian higher education of "duality" or "paradox" which, in turn, are rooted in Luther's "Two Kingdoms" doctrine (Solberg, 1985). It is centered on the belief that the earthly kingdom, which includes education, is secular and that only the heavenly kingdom is divine. The aspect that is particular to Augustana is the idea that faith and knowledge should be in "creative tension." A U C Academic Framework In what way are these notions of "co-existence" and "creative-tension" manifested in Augustana's framework? Dr. Marvin McDonald, former associate professor of Psychology for five years at AUC, who also writes on the relationship between Christianity and academics, explains AUC's academic framework with respect to its underlying Lutheran doctrine: At Augustana, academic disciplines, including theology, work within secular world views, secular paradigms and could do things that the Church would not countenance. Non-Christians [currently 40% of the student body and growing] on campus are not expected to be comfortable with Christian faith as a tradition. Also, if Christianity or religion were merely an object of study and the discipline the authority, then that would be considered an unbalanced relationship, or vice versa. If religion, faith, or some such ideology were some kind of overarching control mechanism and the disciplines were twisted to fit it, then that would be considered inappropriate. (McDonald, interview, March 23, 1998) These descriptions, however, may be more theoretical than actual. In practice, religion and academia at Augustana are quite separate with emphasis given to academia: Faculty are more committed to the liberal arts than they are to their church-related tradition...and they are more likely to be here [Augustana] because this is a place where the liberal arts are promoted than to be here because this is a Christian college...Religion here is what happens in the chapel...Faculty are on the learning side and the chapel represents the religious life of the institution. 42 (Faculty interview, February 27, 1998) Religious studies courses explore feminist and Marxist critiques on religion (faculty interview) and in the fine arts department, students are encouraged to explore and appreciate the human form through drawing and painting of nude models (field note). On the question of the meaning of "creative-tension" at Augustana, McDonald explains: What is intended here is a lively dialogue with both [faith and knowledge] having some legitimacy in the conversation where conflict or tension is almost always inevitable...or should be inevitable. Conflict between the secular and religious voice is often demonstrated whenever decisions are being made, for example, over priorities for what student services funds would be spent. There could be a tension for any particular person of faith in relationship to the larger intellectual realms, and that the intellectual realms are not to be subsumed, or controlled, or ideologically distorted into a theological framework, but that nonetheless theological and church or values perspectives is to speak to all of these realms with a recognizably Christian voice. (McDonald, interview ) 6 McDonald (interview) contends that what was intended as an environment of creative interplay of diversity of opinion among a wide range of theological and ideological persuasions, often became, in practice, an environment with conflict or very strong tension. Part of the reason, he thought, had to do with the fact that approximately 60% of the faculty, including himself, were Lutheran and that many of the non-Lutheran faculty had the feeling of being second-class citizens. He felt that "as a community we did not know how to celebrate that diversity as a gift even though in principle, we said, 'yes, that is what it is'." On the other hand, while this sentiment was shared by at least one non-Lutheran 6 This quote was put together from different parts of the narrative in order to flesh out AUC's academic framework with respect to its mission. 43 faculty member at A U C (faculty, interview), all three faculty members involved in the same interview felt that "creative tension" mainly refers to what should take place given Augustana's integrated and interdisciplinary team-taught liberal arts core curriculum. A U C Ethical Standards The other distinctive feature of AUC's mission is the spiritual and moral development of students, although it is important to note that it states the development of "personal values" not "Christian" or "Lutheran" values. This is administered through the "Second Curriculum" by the Dean of Students, although the Chaplain does provide assistance if requested (interview, February 26, 1998). "The main objective," he says, " is to provide a variety of programs and activities—academic, spiritual, social, cultural, and recreational—and facilitate student participation in leadership, decision-making, volunteer work, and career planning." The Dean of Students' role as counsellor, it seems, is to help students learn to take responsibility for their actions and direct them to whatever support services they may need when they run into difficulties. AUC's community code of conduct appears to have no strict rules on campus or in residences other than dormitory visiting hours and alcohol prohibition, which exists for pragmatic rather than religious reasons. Overall, student behaviour appears as liberal as one would see on any secular campus (site visitation, February, 1998). In one instance, a first year student explained that he preferred to "hang out" at the senior residences because "they [the freshman dormitory staff] were trying to cut down on the premarital sex in [his] dorm." One faculty member suggested that "the kinds of activities conducted at A U C would not be strict and fundamental enough for some individuals who would expect the church affiliation to have 44 more influence" (faculty, interview). A U C Students According to the Director of Admissions (interview), most of the students at Augustana are from the surrounding rural farm area. They choose Augustana because of its proximity and because it is small, supportive and personal. In some ways it is similar to the community college function in that it provides an easier transition for students intending to study at a large public university. Few students come to Augustana because of its religious affiliation. Less than 10% claim to be Lutheran and less than 40% claim to be Christian at all (Institutional Self-study Review, 1991). In this sense, Augustana, as suggested in its mission statement, is "open to students of all traditions". A U C Faculty and Research A U C faculty do not seem to be distinctively different than faculty found elsewhere. Almost all are graduates of public universities and nearly half are holders of PhDs (calendar, 1998). A U C tries to recruit practicing Lutherans, but because they are in short supply, about half of the faculty are Lutheran (faculty, interview). The rest are expected to be practicing Christians (Faculty Handbook). Most faculty are attracted to A U C because of its commitment to the liberal arts tradition and interdisciplinary teaching and research, its collegiality, as well as the support and personal character that comes with a small college (faculty, interview). On the other hand, a few expressed a concern of feeling top isolated from the wider academic research community. They also noted that a small college like A U C cannot afford to pay salaries as high as those provided by public universities. Faculty, whenever possible and given the resources available, are expected to conduct 45 scholarly research, particularly interdisciplinary research, with the assistance of the AUC's Center for Interdisciplinary Research in Liberal Arts (CIRLA) and AUC's journal publication (DIANA). However, according to the chair of the A U C research committee, it is difficult to do research along with the heavy teaching loads because the university simply cannot afford to fully support it (Emmett, interview, February 27, 1998). Several faculty members have received grants of up to $30,000 from SSRCC but cannot receive funding from NSERC because A U C is not considered to be primarily an institution for conducting research. AUC, in general, according to Emmett, has relegated research to the margins, given its primary function as a teaching institution and the financial constraints it faces. The library policy, for example, is very explicit in that it supports undergraduate education. This has made it difficult for some of the newer academics who are used to working in comprehensive research universities. In summary, AUC's research activities are narrowly focussed and interdisciplinary because the main purpose of A U C is to provide excellence in undergraduate liberal arts teaching and also because it is too expensive for such a small university college to provide the facilities and resources needed for in-depth research activities. T W U Mission Compared with AUC's mission statement, TWU's appears to be more purposeful and "missionary" in its orientation: The mission of Trinity Western University as an arm of the Church is to develop godly Christian leaders: positive, goal-oriented university graduates with thoroughly Christian minds; growing disciples of Jesus Christ who glorify God through fulfilling The Great Commission, serving God and man in the various market places of life." The heightened features that Trinity Western strives for, as outlined in its 1998-99 Calendar are "to develop an integrated world view through faith and learning; to develop leadership skills; and to develop a purpose for life. Students are 46 exposed to a wide range of beliefs and perspectives, but are taught "unapologetically" from a Christian world view. (Calendar, 1998) As its mission suggests, T W U strives not only to integrate faith and knowledge, but also to provide practical leadership training for "transforming culture through Christ." This orientation is taken up in depth in the literature on evangelical higher education and the progressive and conversionist nature of evangelicalism in general (Bebbington, 1989, pp. 2-3; Hamilton (in Hughes 1997); Holmes, 1997; Wolterstorff, 1984). T W U Academic Framework A T W U Associate Professor of Psychology explains that "the issue at Trinity Western and this transformation and Christian world-view notion is that the institution goes on paper and very explicitly says that the whole intellectual enterprise itself is transformed by its relationship to the context of faith." There's supposed to be some sense in which, as Christians, what happens in one's living out of one's life should impact all the domains of life, and that's supposed to be true at the personal level of each student and academic scholar; at the corporate level of the institution of the church or university or other institutions, and also on a broader cultural level. (TWU Associate Professor, McDonald, interview) Every class, whenever possible, exposes students to the Christian view, along with other disciplinary views on the subject matter at hand (TWU Associate Professor, Burkinshaw, interview, February 20, 1998; Vice President for Academic Affairs, Page, interview, March 2, 1998). The practical dimension at T W U is provided in two main ways: 1) the emphasis throughout the curriculum is on the development of leadership skills, especially skills in decision-making; and 2) through vocational preparation (Calendar, 1998). The former was 47 developed by Vice President Don Page who was a Senior Policy Analyst and Speech Writer in the Department of External Affairs for sixteen years, the author of the Mulroney government's policy on foreign affairs, as well as a trainer of entry-level foreign services officers (interview). He says that his experience of having witnessed many extremely bright and highly-qualified civil servants fall into corruption and fail at their work fuelled his interest in leadership development at the university level. He felt that Trinity Western offered the best foundation to support his initiative when he accepted the position of Academic Vice President in 1989. He challenged every faculty member to take the leadership principles that he provided and to demonstrate how they could be developed, in every class, so that students received plenty of hands-on group-work experience and direct training on how to identify problems, how to explore issues and moral dilemmas from an interdisciplinary and Christian point of view, and how to formulate and express informed opinions or decisions. "These skills," he says, "also happens to be what most employers are looking for as indicated by reports by the Economic Council of Canada and professional associations and T W U encourages students to explicitly market these skills upon graduation." T W U is seeking to be a specialist in this area and has developed with Page's initiative the successful and popular "Challenge Course" for CEO's for team-building and leadership development for corporations and organizations. T W U also places a strong emphasis on career and professional development: Have a vision. Picture the person you want to be and take steps to become that person...[While] Trinity Western's strong academic program and liberal arts core will instill in you the kind of knowledge, skills, and character necessary for any vocation, we also realize that career planning and relevant work experience are essential. (Calendar, 1998) 48 The business program is the largest major followed by psychology, education and nursing. Only approximately one quarter of the students major in either the arts or science program. The Career Center, one of the most developed and impressive student support centres on campus, located across from the President's offices, provides professional services in career planning and career placement. T W U Ethical Standards TWU's mission and academic framework is reinforced by the institution's stated commitment to core values and community standards. "What's really clear about the institutional formulation of T W U and its standards of faith is that it is the commitment that holds us together as the kind of lowest common denominator and common bond" (McDonald, interview). These commitments to which McDonald refers are high-lighted on TWU's statement of faith document "Responsibilities of Membership," and include the following core values: the inspiration and authority of the bible; the pursuit of personal holiness; the university's mission; and community [standards] (See Appendix G). This requirement is probably the most distinctive feature of TWU. Each person, before being permitted to join the community of T W U is asked to read and understand the "Statement of Faith" and agree to it by signing as prerequisite for becoming a member of the community (Burkinshaw, interview; Lee, Director of Admissions, interview). This appears to be the essential method used to ensure that the T W U community is kept distinctively Christian as defined by the governing board of its membership. Community standards are well-defined and monitored through a peer-support mechanism. 49 T W U Students Unlike students at Augustana, students who choose to study at Trinity Western University are committed Christians from a wide range of denominations (Lee, interview, April, 1998). They have specifically chosen to study at T W U because of its Christian environment, and often as an alternative to studying at one of the public universities nearby. T W U attracts students who do not like to be pressured into partying and drinking (Burkinshaw and Lee, interviews). It also offers the advantage of being smaller, more personal and more community-oriented than the public universities (all respondents, interviews). T W U Faculty and Research Faculty are attracted to T W U for similar reasons and are hired on the basis of excellence in research, teaching and Christian commitment (Burkinshaw, interview, February 20, 1998). Most faculty members hold doctoral degrees. While T W U requires as much as possible that tenured faculty teach at the first year level (and expects strong positive feedback from student surveys and colleagues), T W U also expects full professors to balance their teaching loads with scholarly research. They are expected to have an international reputation unless the field is specifically related to Canada. The person must be highly regarded in the field by those who are considered experts in that field. Several examples can be given (Burkinshaw, interview). One T W U political science professor has written the most highly regarded book on Canada's Food Aid Policy, according to a University of Toronto expert, and he received a grant for $30,000 for the next phase [from whom, Burkinshaw did not indicate]. Another T W U professor is known as an expert 50 on eastern European history and has won silver medal awards. Still, another faculty member in psychology received a $75,000 SSHRC grant for research on the views of women in different cultures and settings. Burkinshaw's work on religious history in British Columbia was published by McGill-Queen's University press and is reviewed in all the major journals. There are difficulties in conducting research, particularly in the science department because of the amount of money needed for equipment. Some faculty, therefore, form research partnerships with colleagues at U B C or SFU. Overall, says Burkinshaw (interview), the financial support for research at T W U is not ideal, but most faculty members have been able to conduct an adequate amount of research. Survival in a Public Environment How have T W U and A U C survived in their public environments on issues related to achieving degree-granting status, quality control, academic standards and public perception? Achieving Government Authorization to Grant Degrees In an interview with TWU President Neil Snider (February 24, 1998), Snider explains that when he was invited to take the job as president in 1974, the board felt that a two-year program was not enough for the university, because many of the students who had transferred eventually ended up losing their spiritual orientation. He told the board that Trinity could effectively work through the establishment to become an authentic university, like Wheaton in Illinois, a university he believed had retained its spiritual roots and had become known around the world for its academic excellence. There were two options: by government mandate and funding, or by affiliation with an existing university before eventually becoming autonomous. Neither of these approaches were desirable for TWU, Snider said, since T W U would not have 51 been able to maintain control of its "faith affirming" mission "to develop Godly Christian Leaders" using the liberal arts academic framework while avoiding the strictly doctrinaire missions of bible colleges. Becoming an "authentic" university was approached solely on the basis of its academic quality, Snider says. He explains that when Trinity was still a two-year liberal arts transfer institution in 1974, it had already established a good reputation and 125 universities had accepted its credits for transfer through articulation agreements. Right from the beginning, Snider says, the Registrar at U B C had the senate approve the idea that if students transferred to U B C from Trinity College and did well at UBC, then they would be given credit for what they took at Trinity. When Snider approached the Universities Council for assistance, its chairperson came to the conclusion that it was out of the Council's jurisdiction to assist Trinity with the process of becoming degree-granting because it was a private institution. Snider then felt that there was no alternative but to lobby members of the provincial legislature to agree to a passing of a private member's bill that would authorize degree-granting powers to TWU. The details describing the steps and obstacles leading to government authorization are provided here. As Snider remembers it, on the evening before the Bill was to be passed in 1978, and after having received the support of the caucus, Pat McGeer, the Education Minister of the Social Credit government, called Snider into his office to tell him that he had to withdraw the "degree-granting" section of the clause because he feared that the Opposition would certainly reject the bill on the grounds of what had happened to Notre Dame University in Nelson, B.C, when it fell into financial ruin and was left to the government to manage and 52 eventually close down. Provisions for allowing four-year programs were kept intact, but the "degree-granting" section was removed. The Bill was passed fairly quickly in 1978 with the initial promise given to Snider by the Education Minister and his Deputy that degree programs could be worked out with UBC or The Open Learning Institute. When it became apparent to Snider, in the summer of 1978, that this promise was not going to be fulfilled, he began another large campaign of lobbying "everyone" in government to support a Bill granting degree-granting status for TWU. When his lobbying efforts became more public, "it was awful for us" explained Snider. "The newspaper head-lined stories with 'Trinity Does an End-run on Universities Council'; 'Fundamentalist College Condemns Non-believers to Hell' and 'No Panty Raids or Drinking at Trinity' with the intention of belittling us for the fact that we had community standards." However, this kind of publicity, Snider says, caused quite a backlash, as letters started flowing from across Canada to the newspapers and to Trinity from people saying that it was about time that there was an institution that had some high standards, some discipline, integrity and honesty in getting back to the basics of education. The political support for Trinity had gained momentum, Snider explains, and just before the last day the House was sitting in July of 1978, word came down from the Premier's office that the Trinity Bill had to be passed because it was promised. The Cabinet overturned the Education Minister's decision—a very rare occurrence—and they said that they had made a commitment to Trinity and had to support this Bill. In 1979, "just before the House closed and the Bill was passed to give Trinity Western degree-granting status," Snider says, "the Minister himself rose to speak on behalf of the government and on behalf of this Bill and said to the effect, 'It's time we had a private institution. My own children went to a private 53 institution. Who knows what this could become—a Harvard of Canada'." The push-pull factors that led to Augustana achieving state recognition to grant degrees were entirely different. When Augustana was only a residential parochial high school in the early 1900s for serving the Scandinavian settlers at a time when the public school system in the Alberta rural area had not yet been established, its curriculum, which was initially developed by American Lutheran missionaries in the tradition and vernacular of Lutheran schools based in Minnesota, was continuously revised to meet the standards of the Alberta public school system so as to continue to attract new students from all backgrounds who could be assured that their academic credits would be recognized and transferrable within the province (Eriksson, 1986). By 1959, at a time when the demand for university education in the rural area around Camrose increased and the community college system had not yet been developed, C L C applied to the province and was the first private college to be given the right to offer first-year university level courses under the affiliation of the University of Alberta (U of A). Al l of the courses and the professors who taught them had to be approved by the relevant departments of the U of A, and most students who took these courses transferred to the U of A to complete their degrees. This relationship with the U of A was the basis for establishing the credibility needed for eventually gaining degree-granting status (Dahle, interview). When C L C and several other private colleges in Alberta which had similar affiliation agreements—notably Canadian Union College, Concordia College, and the King's College-began to lobby the Province to grant them charters which would enable them to grant degrees, there was severe opposition from the provincial universities (Dahle, interview). The Province, 54 however, whilst being sensitive to the concern that the meaning and status of the baccalaureate be protected, was convinced that these colleges should be included in its policy of extending access and alternatives in postsecondary education (Private Colleges Accreditation Board, March, 1990). By its "Proclamation of the Universities Amendment Act" in 1983, the Private Colleges Accreditation Board (PCAB) was established by the Ministry of Advanced Education, which made it possible for CLC and other private colleges to apply to grant degrees. The board consisted of four academic staff members of the universities, four academic staff members of the private colleges, and four members of the public, with a chair appointed by the Minister. CLC, its status, quality, standards, and recognition as a liberal arts and science degree-granting institution, fell under the auspices and regulation of PCAB. The Universities Act gave the Board the powers to determine minimum standards for the approval of programs of study leading to bachelor's degrees that may be granted by private colleges in Alberta, to establish and implement procedures for the consideration of applications by private colleges to offer such programs, and to establish procedures for the periodic evaluation of approved programs that have been accredited. Academic Quality. Control and Standards Snider states that Trinity Western had to prove that its academic training and standards are as high as those at other public university in order for its courses and degrees to be recognized and transferable to any other university (interview, February 24, 1998). "It was a conscious choice of ours that we wanted to be an institution of integrity... and we were not taking short cuts. We were not going to be a degree mill, and we were going to prove ourselves in academic terms as an institution as part of the establishment" (Dr. Snider, 55 interview). The means by which quality control is maintained in TWU's programs is similar to the way it is done at public universities (Dr. Page, Academic Vice President, interview, March 2, 1998). Every few years, each department must go through a review process by inviting in external experts from other universities to see whether the department is keeping up to recognized university standards. It also monitors the acceptance of its graduates into graduate programs at other universities. Moreover, Burkinshaw; emphasizes that because T W U places a great deal of importance on excellence in teaching as part of its mission statement, and because a great deal of accountability is in the hands of students and parents who pay high tuition fees, student exit surveys are taken very seriously (interview). One of the most important steps that T W U took to gain recognition for its academic standards was to become a member of the Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada (AUCC). This was a real test as to whether T W U would survive in the public environment or conversely, whether the public academic establishment would accept and accommodate TWU. The events leading to its acceptance, as President Snider describes them, were not without a great deal of initial opposition from representatives of other universities (interview). When the A U C C examining committee had applied all the criteria for membership application—examining the students, faculty, administrative structures, the library and other facilities—they reported that, while T W U had met all the criteria, they were concerned with how the membership would respond to TWU's requiring all of its faculty to sign a faith statement. At the first A U C C meeting there were, Snider states, two essential issues to the debate over TWU's membership application: first, whether faith statements and academic 56 freedom can be mutually inclusive; and second, whether extra academic criteria are permissible. There were several people who entered the debate. Dr. Snider recalls one university president immediately standing up and saying, "Are you trying to tell us that this institution would not hire a Sikh or a Jew? Preposterous!" and then sat down. He also recalls another president saying that he did not know very much about Trinity Western, but that it was very clear to him that A U C C ought not to be accepting institutions with faith statements. Many of the comments were along the same line, until the Chairperson stood up and said, "There are lots of religious institutions. Do any of them have to sign?" One president stood up and said, as Snider phrases it, "No, our faculty don't have to sign anything, but, —and this is how the Achilles heel of the whole issue came out—if one of our priests who was a professor with us chose to leave the priesthood and marry, he could no longer teach with us." This immediately caused a fair amount of murmuring since, as Snider points out, this was clearly an example of extra-academic criteria being applied at an A U C C institution. When someone moved that there was too much unsettled feeling and that the issue be tabled, the motion was seconded, and a vote was cast that declined TWU's application by a narrow margin. Immediately after the meeting, a member of the examining committee came to apologize to Dr. Snider and encouraged him to keep trying. Dr. Snider raised alarm in him by saying, "Trinity Western was not on trial here today. The A U C C was! ...Especially when the word goes out that the A U C C has discriminated against a religious college that met all the criteria for membership." Shortly after that day, the Executive Director of A U C C invited Snider to meet with him, his executive and the A U C C lawyer to discuss the dilemma they 57 were in. As Snider phrases it, the A U C C lawyer stated, "Either we have to accept Trinity Western or we have to examine all of our colleges—our religious colleges—because, in fact, there are many that have extra-academic criteria, and why would we be able to discriminate against this one." Thereupon they agreed to a press release that stated something to the effect that, "Trinity Western's application for membership had come up, some questions had been raised, and it would come back to the floor again." The lobbying process resumed, Snider continues, especially with presidents of the B.C. universities with whom he said he had not spent much time. He sent literature to them and invited them to the campus. By the next A U C C meeting in March, there were approximately eight people that Snider remembers who were ready to speak on behalf of Trinity Western. According to Snider, here's what the first speaker said: "I was misled into thinking that Trinity had done an end-run on the University's Council. Since then I have met with the President and Dean and have visited their institution and I find them very credible. They have bright, keen students. And the faculty...I find very credible. They would be a credit to any of our institutions. Another president got up and said, according to Snider, that he had visited Trinity and found it to be very positive, but because he still did not agree with the notion of having religious institutions, he would abstain from the vote. Snider also said that another president spoke very positively about how religious institutions have proved themselves academically and Trinity seemed to meet this sense of worth. The only negative statement that Snider recalls was from someone who said, "Now I would like to ask the members of the committee, if you had some questions about this faith statement, why on earth did you bring it to us here?" There was a question about TWU's Statement of Academic Freedom and it was 58 read again. Snider claims that it was difficult to dismiss it because all academic freedom statements have certain boundaries. "Trinity simply makes it clear up front what it's boundaries are for both prospective and existing membership." When the vote was cast, only a few declined to support TWU's application. Unfortunately, little data were provided by Augustana to describe how it also became a member of the A U C C . However, according to Dr. Dahle (interview), the Private Colleges Accreditation Board mechanism was critical to enabling Augustana to be fully prepared for its application for membership in the AUCC, which it easily achieved in 1987. Moreover, Snider, who was present at the A U C C meeting for voting on AUC's application, recalls that one of the first statements heard was, "We have investigated thoroughly the matter of academic freedom in this [Augustana] religious institution in the tradition established by Trinity Western University." It appears, then, that after T W U had gone through the process, AUC' s application was fairly easily accepted. However, because A U C does not explicitly require its membership to sign faith statements, there would not have been an obstacle to its acceptance in this respect. Quality control was more central to the issue of its acceptance. Quality control at Augustana is not, strictly speaking, a matter of choice but a requirement by the Private College Accreditation Board. This includes a submission of an Annual Report for consideration by the Board, and a Comprehensive Evaluation which normally occurs during the sixth and eleventh years from the time the college was awarded degree-granting status (PCAB, 1998). The Comprehensive Evaluation involves preparation of an institutional self-study of the following eleven areas: 1) Purpose and Objectives; 2) Organization and Administration; 3) Financial Structure and Fundraising; 4) Curricula and 59 Instruction; 5) Faculty; 6) Library; 7) Academic Policies and Records; 8) Student Services; 9) Physical Plant and Facilities; 10) Institutional Publications; and 11) Continuing Education (Camrose Lutheran University College, Institutional Self-Study, Table of Contents, 1991). The Self-Study is prepared by representatives of the administration, wherein faculty, students and staff are appointed by a Chairperson to serve on committees. CLC successfully completed its first review in 1985 and was awarded the right to grant B.A. and B.Sc. degrees for specified three-year and four-year liberal arts programs. This mechanism has been critical to establishing Augustana's credibility and reputation as a quality liberal arts and science institution (Dahle, interview). Academic Freedom Issues Academic freedom at T W U is limited, as in all universities, by the definitions and beliefs maintained by its membership, whether or not these beliefs are stated up front. At TWU, the limits of academic freedom are clearly bound by its Statement of Faith, which all members voluntarily agree to and sign before becoming members of the community. Crossing this boundary means acting outside of the mission and purpose of Trinity Western. A "world-view" that integrates faith and knowledge is complex and challenging, for one realm cannot be addressed without consideration to the other. Dr. McDonald explains how this problem is approached: If I'm a committed Christian, and I take revelation seriously, how can I nevertheless be a viable academically respectable mathematician, physicist, historian, or whatever? The idea is that there has to be mutual criticism. Faith commitments have to in some sense be able to criticize disciplinary methodology, paradigms, formulations and so on. By the same token, in order to avoid the type of narrow parochial anti-intellectualism which conservative Protestantism is familiar with historically, there has to be the capacity for one's 60 science, literary theory, and politics to critique the theology of the community which tries to hold to certain truths. That's the tension. (McDonald, interview) This can present problems in practice, according to a former faculty member of TWU. " T W U is always looking for ways in which religion and learning or scholarship can be reconciled... and if they can't be reconciled, then something is considered to be wrong with the scholarship and there may be a need to develop a new paradigm or else reject that paradigm in favour of something else" (interview, February 26, 1998). From McDonald's statement, it appears that one is free, in principle, to "critique the theology of the community," yet, the limit to just how critical one can be is implied in TWU's statement on academic freedom: [While] T W U maintains that arbitrary indoctrination and simplistic, prefabricated answers to important questions are incompatible with a Christian respect for truth, a Christian understanding of human dignity and freedom, and quality Christian educational techniques and objectives, T W U rejects as incompatible with human nature and revelational theism a definition of academic freedom which arbitrarily and exclusively requires pluralism without commitment; which denies the existence of any fixed points of reference; which maximizes the quest for truth to the extent of assuming that it is never knowable; and which implies an absolute freedom from moral and religious responsibility to its community. Rather, for itself, T W U is committed to academic freedom in teaching and investigation from a stated perspective, but practised in an environment of free inquiry and discussion and of encouragement to integrity in research. Students also have freedom to inquire, a right of access to the broad spectrum of representative information in each discipline, and assurance of a reasonable attempt at a fair and balanced presentation and evaluation of all material by their instructors. Truth does not fear honest investigation. (Faculty Handbook, 1997) It appears then, that one may explore, but never go so far as to depart from one's (and the community's) core set of beliefs or fixed point of reference. Within AUC's Faculty Handbook (1996), "academic freedom is defined as the right 61 of the individual to hold whatever opinion he or she considers reasonable on any subject and to publish such subjects from any point of view in suitable circumstances. Freedom of action is limited by the faculty member's responsibilities to the institution, to the community, and of course, by the laws of the land." Academic freedom at A U C does not appear to be much different than what it would be at a public university. An interesting test on A U C policy took place in 1985 when a professor of religious studies got involved in the highly controversial and very public "Jesus Seminar." Although the Lutheran as well as the other church communities waged strong complaints against the university, the university refused to dismiss or discipline the professor. Most complaints regarding freedom to teach and learn have come from devout Christian students who feel that professors or courses are not sensitive enough to scriptural beliefs (Dahle, interview). This tends to happen in religious studies courses, despite the fact that they are critical in design. Luther's "Two Kingdoms" doctrine may also be used here to explain the degree of tolerance shown in a Lutheran university such as AUC. Just as academia operates clearly within the confines of the secular, worldly kingdom, so too, academic freedom operates there as well, and is not fettered by the heavenly realm of faith and scriptural knowledge. At the same time, however, because A U C has a history of becoming secularized as a matter of survival, academic freedom may not have been understood and practiced as widely as it is today. The problem of academic freedom at Augustana is not so much tied to religion. It is, rather, as one faculty member points out (faculty interview), tied to the same sort of issues debated at public universities. 62 CHAPTER V S U M M A R Y OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS A N D RECOMMENDATIONS Summary of Findings The purpose of this study was to look into how Trinity Western University (TWU) and Augustana University college (AUC) were established, in what sense they are "private", and how they survive and flourish as "private" universities within their predominantly public provincial environments. The specific questions for research were as follows: 1. What were the conditions that enabled T W U and A U C to take root and flourish as distinctive implants in their public environments? 2. In what way and to what extent are T W U and A U C "private" in their governance, financing, mission, academic framework, faculty, students, and ethical standards? 3. How have T W U and A U C survived in their public environments on issues related to achieving degree-granting status, quality control, academic standards and public perception? This section provides a summary analysis of the findings that address each of these three questions. Distinctive Implants in a Public Environment T W U and A U C were transplants from religious (and ethnic in the case of AUC) ecologies that transgress national, provincial, and local boundaries: the North American Norwegian Lutheran community and the North American Free Evangelical community. The 63 American side was directly involved in transplanting Evangelical Free Church and Evangelical Lutheran models of American private Christian liberal arts and science undergraduate colleges to their Canadian brethren. There are striking parallels in the way faith, perseverance and volunteer action were essential to the establishment and development of both institutions. T W U and A U C environments had at least one feature in common that provided a favourable climate for their planting. Both universities were supported by politically conservative governments whose ideology extolled the virtues of private initiative, individual choice, and a "free enterprise" view of education. The B.C. Social Credit government, particularly the 1975 government of Bill Bennett whose bastion of support resided in the evangelical Fraser Valley bible belt where T W U resided, supported the idea of private higher education. This must have been also true of the Social Credit government of the bible-belt province of Alberta, the province that invented Social Credit through the initiative of the famous "Bible Bil l" Aberhart in the 1930s and governed Alberta for decades. Conservative politics, free-enterprise ideology, and rural-based Christian values have characterized much of the culture of Alberta. These values have been influenced over the years by the north-south trade and migration patterns in the large cattle and oil patch industries and the large Mormon migration settlements. This helps explain, then, why Alberta would be receptive to not only Augustana but also to three other private Christian liberal arts and science colleges. B.C.'s reception to a private college such as T W U was limited mainly to the bible-belt Fraser Valley rural settlement whose niche is limited by a surrounding population that has. been historically transient and unsettled. There were, however, different conditions that contributed to the establishment of 64 T W U and AUC. In Alberta, with a large number of isolated and rural communities spread around the province, providing access to higher education would have indeed been challenging for the Alberta government. Its efforts, at least until 1960, were confined primarily to the large urban centers. An important reason that A U C may have been established was due to the inability of the Alberta government to provide access to higher education in the rural areas. In the case of TWU, it is clear that only a private initiative could have established a university of this type. It would have been unconstitutional for a provincial government to provide access to an institution of higher learning whose membership was limited by that institution to a particular religious interest group with distinctive religious motivations. T W U was not created because of government failure to provide enough access to higher education, despite the increasing demand for expansion at that time. It was established by private initiative to provide access for a special-interest group. Evidently, A U C , having a much longer history than TWU, has had to go through more adaptation as a means of survival compared with TWU, which flourished exponentially right from the start. One advantage that has certainly worked in TWU's favour is the rapid urbanization of the Fraser Valley and the increasing numbers of Evangelical Christians settling there. AUC's original purpose of providing a Christian education for Norwegian Lutheran settlers did not last very long, and even then, the evidence appears to be that the college had more of a practical rather than a religious orientation. A U C has always served a very rural and spread out population across an 80 kilometre radius centered in the small town of Camrose, which might have been a suitable location for any small community college during the early 1960s, if A U C had not already been established there. A U C had been "adopted" by 65 the Camrose community as "their" college, as an integral part of the community (Dahle, interview). This also may explain why A U C started receiving government subsidy as soon as it became eligible to provide university-level courses, as a practical initiative on the part of the government to support existing institutions. Given the decline of its role as a parochial school, AUC's opportunity for gaining subsidy by choosing to expand on providing university education would have been a practical one. By the same token, because it was never very zealous in its religious orientation, it was able to attract a variety of students, and thus the willingness on the government's part to provide subsidy. Both A U C and TWU, as liberal arts and science colleges, are currently under pressure to survive or flourish by providing more practical and applied professional programs. In this respect they are facing the same pressure as public universities. T W U has been quite progressive in this adaptation while A U C has been either fairly conservative or much slower in its response. Nevertheless, both A U C and TWU, as distinctive implants within public and homogenous environments, have successfully taken root and continue to survive and flourish. "Private" as a Matter of Degree In what way and to what extent are T W U and A U C essentially "private" with respect to their governance, finance, academic frameworks, faculty, students and ethical standards? At least in comparison to public universities, the distinctive features of the structures of governance of both A U C and T W U is that they are vertically-structured and closely-knit, with their presidents being closely tied to their boards. This has a direct bearing on the way these institutions are managed. The core decision-makers can set policy without responding to wide and conflicting interests both within and outside of their institutions. Decisions can be 66 made quickly and easily in the interests of its membership and institution. The structure facilitates both cohesion and stability. The presidents have a great deal of authority to make both academic and business decisions. In fact, the presidents of T W U and A U G have been in office for over twenty years and so would have more than a professional interest in maintaining both the academic and financial viability of their institutions: there is a strong degree of personal attachment, pride, and concern. Moreover, there would probably be the added moral and religious obligation to exercise leadership not only on behalf of the university but also on behalf of the sponsoring membership. However, because A U C and TWU's governing bodies are narrowly tied to their supporting constituencies, there are obvious ramifications for their accountability. Their accountability is not as wide as public universities. It is narrow and deep, and bound clearly to their internal memberships. Unlike public universities, their accountability is not nearly so tied to the local community, even if the majority of the students are from the local community. Moreover, T W U and A U C differ in their degree of accountability based on the way they are structured and governed. On the one hand, T W U appears, at the board level, to have a wide representation of membership in several ways. One third must be from the Canadian Evangelical Free Church; another third from the American counterpart; and the remaining third must be Christian, EFC-affiliated or not. Accountability, then, stretches across a wide constituency. The thread that ties the evangelical inter-denominational representation together is a statement of faith that must be agreed to and signed by not only the board members but all members of TWU. By the same token, however, even though the sponsoring Evangelical Free Churches have 67 small congregations compared to most mainstream Protestant denominations, accountability at T W U extends deeply and widely into a constituency of evangelical students, parents, and faculty. In this important respect, T W U is very private in its system of governance. It is also very private in another way. With at least half of its governors residing outside of the nation, there is a great distance between them and the student body to which it is accountable. In the case of AUC, by comparison, because all congregations of Evangelical Lutheran denominations of Canada are members of the Corporation, A U C is buttressed by an over-arching authority, the final authority being invested in the Archbishop as President. Accountability extends widely and deeply to Evangelical Lutheran denominations in Canada, together described as the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Canada (ELCC). What is unusually significant about AUC, however, is that less than 10% of the student body claims to be Lutheran, and less that 40% identify themselves as Christian (Institutional Review document, 1994). Therefore, there must be a certain amount of deliberation within the sponsoring membership over how the E L C C continues to justify its commitment to A U C considering that its "obligations" extend significantly into the public realm. It can be justified, it is suggested here, only if there is some form of public financial support. T W U and A U C are rather opposite in their financial profiles. A U C can hardly be defined as a private university in terms of its financial arrangements. In fact, it is very similar to public universities. This is largely related to the policies of the Alberta government and its acceptance and even support for private institutions. Alberta's decision to provide operating grants to A U C (as well as to other private degree-granting colleges), in the amount of 71 percent of what public universities receive, might have been part of the government's solution 68 to providing as much access to postsecondary education as possible during a period of high demand. Because of this "subsidy", AUC's accountability is clearly extended to the public realm. The province, by implication, is also obligated to assist A U C should it fall into a financial crisis. TWU's finance, by contrast, fits the profile of being a very private university by virtue of it receiving no public support and charging relatively high tuition fees. This has at least two important ramifications for accountability. First, with high tuition fees, student and parent expectations for high quality Christian education should also be high. Access by the poor Christian student would certainly be a concern, although wealthy students are not the norm. The T W U director of admissions believes that students and their mostly middle-class parents are looking for the particular kind of education that T W U has to offer are willing to make the necessary investment (interview, March, 1998). The other important ramification for being fiscally independent is that T W U can retain its distinctive mission, and especially its faith statements and community standards requirements with "no strings" attached. A strong secular strand ties together AUC's mission, underlying belief system, academic framework, community code of ethics, faculty and students. Part of the reason might be attributed to the underlying "Two Kingdoms" doctrine that permits the Lutheran sponsors, governors, and much of the faculty, to conduct their affairs quite comfortably within a secular environment. Another reason may be that AUC's leaders belong to the liberal end of the Lutheran spectrum. The most likely reason, however, is that A U C has made some practical decisions to secularize as a matter of survival; that is, the need to sustain enrollments to secure government operating grants. Regardless of what the reasons might be, the point to 69 be made here is that A U C can hardly be described as a "private" university, at least when compared with TWU's mission, academic framework, ethical standards, students and faculty. TWU's mission, academic framework, ethical standards, students and faculty are cohesively buttressed by the university's underlying system of beliefs. It is truly a "private" university in the sense that it is "up front" about teaching "unapologetically from a Christian point of view." It is clearly distinguished from A U C (as well as from public universities) by virtue of its extra-academic criteria of requiring its membership to sign and agree to abide by its statement of faith and community code of conduct. This is not to say that the public postsecondary system does not have its own extra-academic criteria and codes of conducts. Nevertheless, in order for TWU's programs and degrees to have any value and to be recognized as such, its survival depends on convincing the postsecondary system that it meets the conventional criteria for academic excellence. Survival in the Public Environment How have T W U and A U C survived in their public environments on issues related to achieving degree-granting status, quality control, academic standards and public perception? The essential similarities and differences in the way T W U and A U C gained recognition by their provincial governments to grant degrees had to do with how congruent their distinctive missions and institutional developments were with the needs and flexibility of their postsecondary and political environments. Both T W U and A U C were permitted by the B.C. and Alberta governments respectively to offer university-level courses at a time when both provinces were responding to demands to provide more access to postsecondary education. Both T W U and A U C took initiative to gain credibility with their neighbouring provincial 70 universities. However, T W U was able to develop as a degree-granting university whilst keeping arm's length from other universities. A U C was required to operate through affiliation agreements with the University of Alberta. Given the distinctive mission of TWU, the idea of affiliating with a public university was not seen as an option and, instead, it used the clout of its political constituency and Social Credit support to get a Private Members Bill passed. It is possible that this event might have caused the Alberta government to take precautions against similar developments in Alberta by developing the Private Colleges Accreditation Board. As it is now, Alberta has established a mechanism by which both the public and private sector can effectively manage private higher education, a system of quality control that was adapted from U.S. models of accreditation and which is wholly unique in Canada (PCAB, 1990, p. 5). No such development exists in British Columbia. A U C and T W U are quite different in the way their academic standards are formally maintained as per the different policies required by their provincial postsecondary systems. A U C is strictly accountable to the PCAB, and in effect, to the postsecondary system in Alberta. Not even the academic standards of public universities are monitored as stringently as this. TWU, like public universities, is not required by the postsecondary system to undergo any systematic audit. TWU, like public universities, requires each of its academic departments to conduct an internal review and an external audit of their programs approximately every four years. While a Private Postsecondary Education Commission exists to authorize and accredit private postsecondary institutions, degree-granting institutions, as yet, fall outside of its purview. In British Columbia there is no formal mechanism through which private institutions can apply for degree-granting status, be subject to any review or 71 regulation, or be formally accommodated by the postsecondary education system. The other interesting point to be made here is related to the issue of T W U and AUC's being recognized by the university "accrediting" body in Canada, the Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada (AUCC). Based on the evidence provided by President Snider, there had already been at least one other university in the A U C C membership that had been applying extra-academic criteria. It is important to note that any interpretation here is grounded only on the accounts provided by President Snider. Assuming that they are correct, however, it confirms that the Canadian academic establishment, that is the A U C C , has not made a clear break from its Christian higher education roots. The "secular" academic establishment is still within the confines of its old church-affiliated tradition. To not have accepted T W U into its membership would have given argument for expelling several of the old members, a choice that the A U C C would probably not have been prepared to exercise. T W U may have been accepted into the A U C C because the A U C C itself was not as public or as secular as it had presupposed. One of the critical issues as to whether A U C or T W U would be accepted by its public postsecondary environment was whether it meets the "conventional" criteria for academic freedom. The principle of academic freedom at A U C is not that distinctively different from what one might find in public universities. There has been at least one incident in which A U C protected the right of its professors to research and teach according principles that were highly contentious among the Christian and Lutheran community. This tolerance may very well be explained by the nature of the underlying Lutheran "Two Kingdoms" doctrine. This doctrine makes a fairly sharp distinction between the "secular world" and the "heavenly 72 world", and thus, also, a distinction between "secular knowledge" and "scriptural knowledge". T W U is quite different in this respect because of its evangelical "world-view" commitment that integrates faith and knowledge. Because applicants for T W U membership— whether faculty or students—are required to know, understand, and voluntarily agree to the presuppositions set out by the university as a condition for entrance into the university, the likelihood of a member finding his or her academic freedom violated is rather low. There have been cases where faculty or students found that they could not maintain their faith and simply left the community, but there have been no reported cases of faculty going beyond the discretion of the university and being disciplined to the point of expulsion (Burkinshaw, interview, February 20, 1998). Despite its acceptance into the AUCC, T W U still receives a fair degree of scrutiny by the local academic community on the issue of its faith statements. In 1996, when T W U proposed that it was ready to begin offering Bachelor of Education degrees without the customary ten-year affiliation agreement with Simon Fraser University, requiring its students to complete their final year at SFU, the B.C. College of Teachers (BCCT) rejected its application. "The College's refusal to approve TWU's teacher education program was based on TWU's policy of discriminating against homosexual persons; a policy expressed in the contracts that T W U requires students and faculty to sign" (British Columbia College of Teachers, Report to Members, Vol 9, No. 2, Winter, 97/98). The policy and contract to which the BCCT referred is the TWU's Community Standards statement, specifically the clause that states, "...employees are expected to...Refrain From Practices Which Are Biblically Condemned...including such matters as...sexual sins including..., homosexual 73 behaviour... (Responsibilities of Membership in the Community of Trinity Western University, 1998). While the B C C T feared that TWU's graduate teachers would be biased against homosexuals in the classroom and actively teach against homosexuality, T W U took the issue to court in September, 1997, claiming that the BCCT's position was unsupported and discriminatory. The B.C. Supreme Court ruled that the BCCT's premise was, "inherently flawed because it requires many unfounded assumptions...and that since large numbers of T W U graduates are teaching in the public school system, it would have been possible to determine if there had been any incidents of intolerance" (TWU On-line, September 17, 1997). The BCCT decision appears to have been based on the disagreement with the University's beliefs about homosexual behaviour. Snider's comment to this was, "To deny people their rights based only on what they believe is the very essence of discrimination... Will the BCCT— and possibly other public agencies overseeing such services as health care and social assistance—now begin to examine the religious convictions of Canadian citizens who seek to serve in public offices and professions, and deny approvals if these convictions do not agree with 'politically correct' views of the moment?" (TWU On-line, February 15, 1998). Robert Kuhn, a Trinity Western alumnus and the lawyer who heads the University's legal team declared, "The BCCT decision is not only a threat to Trinity Western's unique place in the pluralism of the other universities, but a direct attack on the relevance of the evangelical Christian community in Canada" (TWU On-line, February 15, 1998). While the BCCT launched an Appeal which was scheduled to be heard June 15, 1998, TWU's Board of Governors, concerned that the BCCT decision established a risky precedent, filed a petition on October 18, 1996, for a judicial review of the role and mandate of the BCCT. 74 Augustana's struggle for more favourable perception by the public is a different challenge. It appears to be striving to be recognized as a largely secular university and more than just a local college. With a commitment to being recognized for its academic quality, and to reflect its changing character, aims and purposes, the board in 1989 changed the name "Camrose Lutheran College" when the Minister of Advanced Education authorized insertion of the word "university' to include "university-college," a title that in Alberta can only be used by institutions who offer baccalaureate degree programs that have been accredited by PCAB. So far, this also includes Concordia, The Kings, and Canadian (formerly Canadian Union College). David Dahle explains that it was also necessary to drop the word "Camrose" from the college name to make it clear that A U C was not just a community college of the town of Camrose and mandated in the same way that community colleges were. The word "Lutheran" was also dropped in favour of "Augustana" in order to maintain its Lutheran and Scandinavian heritage but mainly to clarify that Augustana was neither a bible college nor a seminary, and that it was distinct from the bible institute in Camrose called the Canadian Lutheran Bible Institute. As a small liberal arts and science university college committed to academic excellence in teaching, Dr. Dahle explains, Augustana has established a positive reputation among many Christian and non-Christian students from rural backgrounds who live within a 200 kilometre radius of Camrose. The Faculty at Augustana and the Director of Admissions believe that a major reason that its enrolment is only 775, about two thirds of its capacity, is due to much misconception among the public and the academic establishment as to what Augustana is all about (interviews, February 24, 1998). They still often encounter perceptions that Augustana is 75 some kind of bible college, and even the idea that "[Augustana] must have some kind of fanatical religious affiliation or hidden agenda." By the same token, many students assume that because Augustana is a Christian-affiliated college, it must have a fairly religious environment and a strict code of conduct (Director of Admissions, Tim Hanson, interview). This misunderstanding has caused many complaints and disappointments among students who are devout and conservative Christians. It has been difficult, says Hanson, to attract students, both Christian and non-Christian, without being misleading. Conclusions This comparative case-study research of Trinity Western University and Augustana University College has provided some insights into not only how private universities can take root in predominantly public environments, but also how different they can be in terms of their mandate and survival mechanisms within those environments. Even though T W U and A U C are both faith-affirming liberal arts universities and are committed to academic excellence, the way they have survived within their public environments are quite different, mainly because the underlying beliefs of their supporting evangelical and Lutheran constituencies toward the public environment are also quite different. AUC's values are more in step with the public, secular realm. Its mechanism of survival has been somewhat like a chameleon's, by adapting to its environment and continuing to adapt to the extent that its "private" characteristics have become mainly historical and no longer descriptive of its actions and structure of dependence or independence. T W U and its supporting evangelical constituency, by comparison, stands in opposition to the "material" and secular beliefs of the public realm. It protects itself, like an armadillo, with its traditional beliefs, and thus preserves of the university's relatively self-76 determined but outward-looking mission, governance, finance, and academic framework. These essential differences between T W U and A U C as private universities can also be applied to our understanding of the term "private" as a matter of degree, as well as to our understanding that the acceptance by public environments toward private initiative is also a matter of degree. T W U and A U C are not "private" to nearly the same extent. A U C , in order to survive, was willing to give up much of its autonomy and faith-affirming characteristics. By the same token, because the Alberta government was willing to take pragmatic measures to bring A U C into the postsecondary fabric in order to help meet the increasing demands for postsecondary education, a strong public secular strand was woven into AUC's mission, governance, financial arrangements, academic framework, and community standards. A U C became formally accountable to and part of the fabric of the postsecondary education system of Alberta through the provincially-created Private Colleges Accreditation Board. That A U C continues to be considered as a "private" university is somewhat misleading. By contrast, TWU's commitment to having complete control over its own governance and finance in order to protect its faith-affirming mission, academic framework and community standards for its supporting constituency, gives it the distinctiveness of a "private" university. Indeed, with its values being out of step with the public secular environment, its academic credibility has been challenged by the Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada as well as by the British Columbia College of Teachers. To date, in British Columbia, unlike in Alberta, there is no provincially-created mechanism by which Trinity Western and other private degree-granting institutions can be subject to any review or regulation to be formally accommodated by the postsecondary education system. 77 Trinity Western offers a unique example of what a truly viable private university looks like. Its vitality depends on its maintaining its distinctiveness and autonomy whilst maintaining recognition and acceptance by its environment. By the same token, Augustana, compared with Trinity Western, offers an example of what a publicly-supported private university looks like. Over time, a "private" university can evolve into a "public" one with similar characteristics and ramifications for accountability. Implications and Recommendations Private higher education is relatively new and unfamiliar, particularly in traditionally "welfare" states, such as Canada, that are beginning to allow the market to operate more freely in postsecondary education. Caution should be taken when assessing a university in "private" or "public" terms, and when making judgements about its place and value. Generalizations about "private" universities versus "public" universities can easily be misleading, and, at worst, discriminating, prejudicial, and even counterproductive. Just as societies cannot usually be described in absolute political-economic terms, so "private" universities as opposed to "public" universities should not be viewed as opposite ends of a spectrum. This only fosters ideological camps of persuasion without pointing to facts or experience. Some private universities may not be private-like at all. So, too, some public universities may be more private-like than commonly assumed. The degree of autonomy of Canadian "public" universities, for example, is greater than that of "public" universities in, for example, Germany and France. The private-public policy issue might be better viewed as a matter of degree. Private universities, like public universities, do not exist in isolation. They serve the public interest, even if they serve just a segment of the population. The graduates 78 and research activities of private universities eventually enter the public environment and contribute to its leadership and development. Any generalizations about the academic quality and standards of "private" universities in relation to public ones should also be scrutinized. Unlike Augustana University College, Trinity Western University is not accredited by a provincially-created regulatory body, but neither are any of the public universities across Canada, since the A U C C is not, properly speaking, an accrediting body that conducts periodic reviews and evaluations of its membership. The motivation for quality at public universities in Canada is driven by its obvious merits, not because it is required by an external regulatory body. It is the same motivation that governs Trinity Western University in order to ensure its own recognition and survival. The assumption that private universities require regulation and control of their academic standards, simply because they are not public, is erroneous. Careful consideration has to be made to judge a private university in terms of its academic quality and not in terms of the values it holds, whether they are religious, neo-conservative, radical, or other. It is the same principle that applies to distinguishing the art from the artist. One may not agree with the values and lifestyle of the artist, but that should not cloud one's appraisal of the art work and its contribution to society. Trinity Western was established by a minority group whose beliefs are not widely supported or recognized in public universities. T W U provides a supportive environment for individual members of the evangelical culture who might otherwise feel alienated or discriminated against within the secular public universities because of their values and practices. The assumption that private universities and their programs and graduates should be subject to some control because the 79 values of their membership may be "out of step" with the public environment is the basis for discrimination. More research is needed to help more clearly distinguish private universities from one another as well as those from public universities, and not just in the narrow sense of finance and control, but also in terms of mission, academic framework, faculty and students, as well as contributions made in the public interest. These variables could be used as a further attempt to illustrate the false dichotomy between public and private universities by developing a typology that depicts "private" and "public" universities in terms of their relative mix of private and public characteristics. With the development of a typology, we could more adequately classify universities according to their "public" and "private" characterisitics. For example, we could define and analyze universities that are fiscally independent but are constrained in their decision-making authority, as illustrated by the majority of Japanese universities, which are private, yet whose undergraduate curriculum is controlled by the Ministry of Education (Mombusho). Obviously these universities are quite different from both Trinity Western and Augustana with respect to governance and financing. We could also include in this typology a classification developed by U.S. reseachers in the 1970s who began using the term "independent" for "private" institutions such as Harvard, Princeton and Stanford, which receive well over half of their funding from federal and state governments if we take into account student aid and research support. It is a term that might be appropriately applied to institutions such as Augustana, whereas the term "private" would still be appropriate for institutions such as Trinity Western which maintain complete control over their governance and finance. 80 Private versus public policy debates are quickly becoming a "red herring" and rather irrelevant to the kind of practical, proactive research that is needed to assess the impact of private higher education in predominantly public environments. With the growing number of off-shore private universities being established in British Columbia, Alberta and the rest of Canada, more research needs to be done to accurately identify, describe and analyze private and public forces and trends in higher education and what effects they are having on access, equitability, standards and quality. Research also needs to be done on government-related accrediting and regulatory models with attention given to their presuppositions and mandates within the overall postsecondary education framework. The provincially-created Private Colleges Accreditation Board of Alberta (PCAB) appears to be quite unique and different from the American self-regulatory accreditation bodies. It was established and is buttressed by the provincial government, and thus, it may fall well within the Canadian spirit and tradition of keeping the "common Canadian good" at the forefront of Canadian interests. The Province of British Columbia appears to be taking similar directions, and is encouraging the public sector to adapt accordingly to market-driven initiatives. This was clearly articulated in its latest stategic plan: The Minister [of Education] strongly favours an approach of revitalized partnerships. New alliances [must] be developed with business, labour and other education providers to develop a seamless learning system, providing the flexibility, inclusive outcomes-based learning required by modern society. (Charting a New Course, 1996, p. 28) As a result of this policy, a Working Committee was convened for the purpose of: providing advice to the Minister on all parts of the college, institute and agency system on how to move toward a greater degree of "fit" between the public and 81 private providers of education and training. Specifically, the Working Committee was asked to recommend a policy framework and criteria to guide and encourage credential recognition between public and private providers. (Report of the Working Committee on Public-Private Articulation Agreements, 1997) The accreditation role of the Private Postsecondary Commission of British Columbia will likely be expanded and depended on to help facilitate greater student access and enhanced flexibility to the postsecondary system with no compromise in the standards of teaching and learning. Practical research could be of assistance to the "seamsters" and their work, but we should also reflect on how private higher education and privatization in higher education fits into the unfolding tapestry of higher education in general. Research needs to be done to develop a bird's eye perspective that would demarcate, illustrate, and analyze some noticeable periods and "seamless" shifts in higher education during this century: first, the denominationally-affiliated period up until approximately the 1950's; second, the government-affiliated period up until approximately the 1980's; and finally, the market-affiliated period as we approach the new millennium. BIBILIOGRAPHY 82 Augustana University College. (1991). Constitution of Augustana University College. Augustana University College. (1996). Faculty Handbook. Augustana University College. (1998). Augustana University College 1997-98 Calendar Bebbington, D.W. (1989). Evangelicalism in Modern Britain. London: Unwin Hyman. Berghofer D. and A. Vladicka. (1980). Access to Opportunity 1905-80: The Development of Postsecondary Education in Alberta. Edmonton: Alberta Educational Communications Corporation. British Columbia College of Teachers . (1997/98) . Report to Members. Vol. 9. No. 2. British Columbia, Ministry of Advanced Education, Training and Technology. (1991). Ministry Plan "Partners for the Future." Victoria, B.C. British Columbia, Ministry of Advanced Education, Training and Technology. (1995). Training for What? Victoria, B.C. British Columbia Ministry of Education, Skills and Training . (1996). Charting a New Course. A Strategic Plan for the Future of British Columbia's College. Institute and Agency System. British Columbia Ministry of Education, Skills and Training and the Centre for Curriculum, Transfer and Technology . (December, 1997). Report of the Working Committee on Public-Private Articulation Agreements. British Columbia, Private Post-Secondary Education Commission. (1997). Annual Report. 1997 (Vancouver, B.C: 1997). Bowan, H R . (1980) . The Costs of Higher Education. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Burkinshaw, R.K. (1995) . Pilgrims in Lotus Land: Conservative Protestantism in British Columbia. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press. Camrose Lutheran College. (1991). Institutional Self-study. Cobban, A.B. (1975). The Medieval Universities. London: Methuen & Co Ltd. 83 Dennison, John D. (1992). "Higher Education in British Columbia: 1945-1992. Diversity and Opportunity." Research Office Working Paper Series. Available from the Faculty of Education, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, B.C. Eriksson, V. (1986). A Seventy Fifth Anniversary History of Camrose Lutheran College. Camrose, Alberta: Office of College and Church Relations. Freitag, W. (1963). Lutheran Tradition in Canada. The Churches and the Canadian Experience. Ed. J.W.Grant. Toronto: Ryerson Press. Geiger, R. (1986). Private Sectors in Higher Education: Structure. Function and Change in Eight Countries. Michigan: The University of Michigan Press. Geiger, R. (1991). Private Higher Education. International Higher Education: An Encyclopedia. Ed. P.G. Altbach. New York: Garland Publishing. Hanson, Calvin B. (1977). On the Raw Edge of Faith. Edmonton: Evangelical Free Church of Canada. Free Church of Canada. Edmonton: Evangelical Free Church of Canada. Holmes, A.F. (1975). The Idea of a Christian College. Michigan: Eerdmans. Hughes, R T . (1997) . Models for Christian Higher Education. Ed. R T . Hughes. Michigan: Eeerdmans. Jones, D.R. (1992) . Privatization. The Encyclopedia of Higher Education. Vol. 2. Eds. B.R. Clark and G. Neave. New York: Pergamon Press. Jones, G.A. (1997) . Higher Education in Canada: Different Systems. Different Perspectives. Ed. G.A. Jones. New York: Garland Publishing. Levy, D.C. (1992). Private Institutions of Higher Education. The Encyclopedia of Higher Education. Vol. 2. New York: Pergamon Press. Marsden, G . M . (1994). The Soul of the American University. New York: Oxford Press. Maxwell, J. A. (1996). Qualitative Research Design. London: Sage Publications. Merriam, S.B. (1998). Qualitative Research and Case Study Applications in Education. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers. 84 McDonald, J.B. (1962) . Higher Education in British Columbia and a Plan for the Future. Vancouver: The University of British Columbia. McLeod, M.S. (1992). Making God Dance: Postmodern Theorizing and the Christian College. Christian Scholar's Review. XXI-3 275-293. Niebuhr, R.H. (1951) . Christ and Culture. New York: Harper and Row. Pelikan, J. (1992) . The Idea of the University: A Re-examination. London: Yale University Press. Private College Accreditation Board (1998). Annual Publication. (On-line). Edmonton, Alberta. Private Colleges Independent Board (March, 1990) . Private and Independent Colleges in Alberta. Edmonton, Alberta. Rae, P. (1996). New Directions: Privatization and Higher Education in Alberta. The Canadian Journal of Higher Education. X X V I - 2 59-80. Report of the Royal Commission on Education in Alberta (1959). Edmonton: Queen's Printer. Sheehan, N . M . (1985). History of Higher Education in Canada. The Canadian Journal of Higher Education. XV-1 29-38. Sloan, D. (1994) . Faith and Knowledge: Mainline Protestantism and American Higher Education. Kentucky: Westminister John Knox Press. Skolnik, M . L . (1987). "State Control of Degree Granting; The Establishment of a Public Monopoly in Canada," Governments in Higher Education: The Legitimacy of Intervention. Watson. Ed. Ontario: The Higher Education Group. The Ontario Institute for Studies in Education. Solberg, R.W. (1985) . Lutheran Higher Education in North America. Minneapolis: Augsburg Press. Stackhouse, J.G. (1993) . Canadian Evangelicalism in the Twentieth Century. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Trinity Western University. (1985). By-Laws of Trinity Western University. 85 Trinity Western University. (1996). Faculty Handbook. Trinity Western University. (1998). Trinity Western University 1988/89 Academic Calendar. Trinity Western University. (1998). B.C. Supreme Court Upholds Trinity Western Standards and Orders B.C. College of Teachers to certify T W U Teacher Education program. (On-Line) . Http://www/ Wolsterstorff, N . (1984). Reason Within the Bounds of Religion. Michigan: Eerdman's Press. Yin, R.K. (1994). Case Study Research. London: Sage Publications. A P P E N D I X A Interview/Question Guideline 86 Title of Study: "Developments in Private Higher Education in British Columbia and Alberta" Researchers: Hans Schuetze, Ph.D, Faculty Advisor & Principal Investigator Paul C. Maher, M A Candidate & Co-Investigator Centre for Policy Studies in Education, and Department of Educational Studies Tel: 604-822-4860 Fax: 604-822-4244 E-mail: schuetze@unixg.ubc. Personal background and Experience 1. What is your current position at this university? 2. How long have you been working in this capacity? 3. What were you doing before? 4. How did you get involved with this university and why did you join it? Foundations of this University 1. Why in your opinion was the university established when it began as a college? 2. How was it established? Who were the main people involved in its establishment? 3. What were the barriers to its establishment? 4. To what extent did the college succeed in overcoming those barriers? 5. Why and how did this university achieve degree-granting status? 6. What were the barriers to its achieving degree-granting status? 7. To what extent has this university succeeded in overcoming those barriers? University Structure and Governance 1. How is the university structured? , 87 2. What are the strengths and weaknesses of this structure? 3. How is the university governed? What are the strengths and weaknesses of this system of governance? How is it different from other institutions you are familiar with? The attributes of a University and its Mission and Purpose 1. What, in your opinion, are the attributes of a university? 2. To what extent, in your opinion, does this university facilitate those ideals? 3. What in your own words is the mission of this university? 4. Why do students choose to study at this university? 5. Why do faculty and administration choose to study and work at this university? 6. To what extent does the university succeed in fulfilling its mission, objectives and goals? 7. What are the strengths and weaknesses of studying at and graduating from this university as opposed to others? 8. What are the strengths and weaknesses of working at this university as opposed to others? 9. What, if any, are the limits to academic freedom within the university? How is this determined and regulated? Accessibility 1. What are the criteria for admission to the university? Academic? Non-academic? Financial? 2. What other factors may affect access to students? Faculty? 3. Are there any other barriers or obstacles to entrance? Quality Control 1. How is quality-control ensured at this university? 88 Relationship with environment 1. To what extent and in what way has the university become an accepted member among the public universities in Canada? What have been the obstacles? 2. What formal linkages (academic or otherwise) does the university have with other universities in Canada and the United States? Can you describe and comment on student transfer arrangments that have been established? 3. How did the university become a member of the Association of Universities and Colleges in Canada? What were the obstacles? 4. What formal linkages does the university have with government agencies? Does the provincial government require that the university follow any mechanism of academic and/or financial accountability? If so, please describe and comment on these mechanisms. 5. In what way and to what extent has the state provided financial support to the university —to its students, faculty research, and university operations? Which of this funding is being given on an ongoing basis and what is the reason for that funding? 6. Do any researchers receive funding from any of the Research Councils? 7. To what extent and in what way have other agencies provided financial or any other support to the university? 8. What formal linkages does the university have with professional associations? Please describe and comment on the nature of these linkages? A P P E N D I X D T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A 92 Department of Educational Studies Mailing address: 2125 Main Mall Vancouver. B.C. Canada V6T 1Z4 Tel: (604) 822-5374 Fax: (604) 822-4244 Invitation to Administration and Faculty at Augustana University College To Participate in a Research Study "Developments in Private Higher Education in British Columbia and Alberta" Hans Schuetze, Ph.D, Faculty Advisor & Principal Investigator Paul C. Maher, M A Candidate & Co-Investigator Centre for Policy Studies in Education, and Department of Educational Studies Tel: 604-822-4860 Fax: 604-822-4244 E-mail: The purpose of the study is to contribute to the knowledge of private higher education in Canada by looking at examples of two degree-granting universities that are recognized by the Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada: Augustana University College, Alberta, and Trinity Western University, British Columbia. Specifically, we would like to learn how and why Trinity Western and Augustana were established; how they are structured and governed; what their relationships are to the state; and what their links are with its environment, especially with other higher education institutions, professional and accrediting bodies. A critical analysis of both universities will be conducted with reference to their provincial contexts and critical policy issues on institutional diversity, accessibility, academic freedom and quality. You are invited to participate in an interview about Augustana University College. It will be arranged at your convenience and will take place at Augustana. The interview will take approximately an hour and a half and will be audio-taped. Please find enclosed a consent form and postage paid return envelope. If you agree to be interviewed, we ask that you provide your current address, telephone number and any name change, and return the consent form to us at your earliest convenience. Upon receipt of your consent, you will be contacted by Paul Maher, Co-investigator, to arrange an interview time. Title of Study: Researchers: APPENDIX E T H E U N I V E R S I T Y OF B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A 94 Department of Educational Studies Mailing address: 2125 Main Mall Vancouver. B.C. Canada V6T 1Z4 Tel: (604) 822-5374. Fax: (604) 822-1244 Consent to Participate in a Research Study Title of Study: 'Developments in Private Higher Education in British Columbia and Alberta" Researchers: Hans Schuetze, Ph.D, Faculty Advisor & Principal Investigator Paul C. Maher, M A Candidate & Co-Investigator Centre for Policy Studies in Education, and Department of Educational Studies Tel: 604-822-4860 Fax: 604-822-4244 E-mail: I acknowledge receipt of a letter entitled "Invitation to Administration and Faculty at Trinity Western University or Augustana University College to Participate in a Research Study." I understand that the purpose of this research is to contribute to the knowledge of private higher education in Canada which involves a study of two degree-granting universities: Augustana University College in Alberta, and Trinity Western University in British Columbia. Specifically, the study includes learning how and why Trinity Western and Augustana were established; how they are structured and governed; what their relationships are to the state; and what their links are with its environment, especially with other higher education institutions, professional and accrediting bodies. A critical analysis of both universities will be conducted with reference to critical policy issues on institutional diversity, accessibility, academic freedom and quality. My participation in this study entails a face-to-face interview which will be approximately an hour and a half in length. The interview will be audio-taped. I have been assured that the data from the interviews will be treated in a confidential manner; that is, only the Principal Investigator and the Co-Investigator will have access to interview data. I will not be identified on tapes or transcripts or in any reports or publications resulting from this study if I specifically request in writing not to be so. During the interviews I am entitled to receive answers to any questions that I may have regarding the interview process. I may refuse to participate or withdraw at any time during this research project. If I have any questions or concerns, I may contact Dr. Richard Spratley, Director of the UBC Office of Research Services and Administration, at 604-822-8598. I, (name) , (position) . at (university) , have received a copy of this consent form and I agree to-participate in this study. Signature Date: t 96 R E S P O N S I B I L I T I E S O F M E M B E R S H I P I N T H E C O M M U N I T Y O F T R I N I T Y W E S T E R N U N I V E R S I T Y PREAMBLE Trinity Western is a Christian university distinguished by a clear mission: The mission of Trinity Western University, as an arm of the church, is to develop godly Christian leaders: positive, goal-oriented university graduates with thoroughly Christian minds; growing disciples of Jesus Christ who glorify God through fulfilling The Great Commission, serving God and people in the various marketplaces of life. In order to accomplish this mission, members of the community need to engage in an unhindered pursuit of knowledge, personal growth, and spiritual maturity (Hebrews 12:1-3). Consequently, the University strives to maintain a distinctly Christian living and learning environment conducive to a rigorous study of the liberal art^ s and sciences from the perspective of a biblical world view. Membership in the Trinity Western community is obtained through application and invitation. Those who accept an invitation to join the community agree to uphold its standards of conduct. In return, they gain the privilege of enjoying the benefits of community membership and undertake to work for the best interests of the whole community (Phil. 2:4). Compliance with these standards is simply one aspect of a larger commitment by students, staff, and faculty to live together as responsible citizens, to pursue biblical holiness, and to follow an ethic of mutual support, Christian love in relationships, and to serve the best interests of each other and the entire community. Individuals who are invited to become members of this community but cannot with integrity pledge to uphold the application of these standards are advised not to accept the invitation and to seek instead an employment situation more acceptable to them. C O R E V A L U E S A N D C O M M U N I T Y S T A N D A R D S The Community Standards reflect our University's core values and help preserve its distinctly Christian character. These core values include: • THE INSPIRATION AND AUTHORITY OF THE BIBLE Members of the community voluntarily submit to its teaching. • THE PURSUIT OF PERSONAL HOLINESS Members of the community strive to live distinctly Christian lives. • THE UNIVERSITY'S MISSION Members of the community are determined to let nothing stand in the way of becoming "godly Christian leaders." • THE COMMUNITY Members of the community place the welfare of the community above their personal preferences. APPENDIX G TRINITY WESTERN UNIVERSITY Y 97 These core values are easily transformed into principles of Christian conduct or Community Standards that all members of the community are expected to follow. Because the Community Standards are intended to reflect a preferred lifestyle for those who belong to this community rather than "campus rules," they apply both on and off campus. Al l members of the community are responsible to: • CONDUCT THEMSELVES AS RESPONSIBLE CITIZENS. • E N G A G E IN A N HONEST PURSUIT OF BIBLICAL HOLINESS. • M A K E T H E UNIVERSITY'S MISSION THEIR OWN MISSION. • LIMIT T H E EXERCISE OF THEIR CHRISTIAN LIBERTY IN ACCORDANCE WITH T H E UNIVERSITY'S MISSION AND THE BEST INTEREST OF OTHER MEMBERS OF T H E COMMUNITY. A P P L I C A T I O N OF T H E C O M M U N I T Y S T A N D A R D S TO F A C U L T Y , S T A F F A N D A D M I N I S T R A T I O N The University asserts from the outset that the existence of separate application statements is not for the purpose of creating different standards for different community groups. Thus, the same core values and biblical principles underlie both statements. This portion of the Community Standards statement applies these common values and principles in an appropriate manner to the situations which present themselves to employees which may differ from those of students. Employees will at all times affirm and support the application statement for students. Consistent with the Preamble and Core Values of this document, employees are expected to: • O B E Y THE L A W AND CONDUCT THEMSELVES AS JUST AND SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE CITIZENS WHO SEEK TO CONTRIBUTE TO THE W E L F A R E OF THE G R E A T E R C O M MUNIT Y OF WHICH THE UNIVERSITY IS A PART (Rom. 13:1-7). This expectation includes both legal prohibitions such as the illegal use of drugs or careless use of one's vehicle, as well as biblical admonitions such as the careful stewardship of all resources, both natural and material, on behalf of their Creator and Giver. • OBEY JESUS' COMMANDMENT TO HIS DISCIPLES (Jn. 13:34-35) ECHOED B Y T H E APOSTLE PAUL (Rom. 14; 1 Cor. 8,13) TO L O V E , CHERISH, AND SERVE T H E NEEDS OF ONE ANOTHER. This command requires total respect for all people regardless of race, gender, location, status, or stage of life and of course, precludes harming another person physically or maligning another's character through gossip, slander, or careless talk. It also includes making a habit of edifying others, showing compassion, demonstrating unselfishness, and displaying patience. • REFRAIN F R O M PRACTICES W H I C H A R E B I B L I C A L L Y CONDEMNED. These would include such matters as drunkenness (Eph. 5:18) and other forms of substance abuse, use of profane or unedifying language (Eph. 4:29, 5:4; Jas 3:1-12), all forms of harassment (Jn 13:34-35; Rom. 12:9-21; Eph. 4:31), all forms of dishonesty, including cheating, stealing and misrepresentation (Prov. 12:22; Col. 3:9; Eph. 4:28), abortion (Ex. 20:13; Ps. 139:13-16), gluttony, involvement in the occult (Acts 19:19; Gal. 5:19), and sexual sins including immodesty, the viewing of pornography, premarital and extramarital sex, common law relationships, and homosexual behaviour (I Cor. 6:12-20; Eph. 4:17-24; I Thess. 4:3-8; Rom. 2:26-27; I Tim. 1:9-10). Furthermore, married members of the community agree to maintain the sanctity of marriage and to take every positive step possible to avoid divorce. Page 2 © TREAT WITH UTMOST SERIOUSNESS THE POSITION OF TRUST AND INFLUENCE y c WHICH A N E M P L O Y E E HOLDS IN HIS/HER RELATIONSHIPS WITH STUDENTS, AND TO M O D E L AT A L L TIMES WISE, DISCREET AND RESPECTFUL BEHAVIOUR. This is especially important for faculty whose direct relationship of authority with students must be exercised with an attitude of integrity and service. Employees agree as well to affirm the application of the University's Community Standards to students. • UTILIZE C A R E F U L JUDGEMENT AT A L L TIMES IN THE EXERCISE OF PERSONAL F R E E D O M , PARTICULARLY W H E N ASSOCIATED WITH T H E UNIVERSITY AND/OR R E L A T I N G TO STUDENTS, EITHER PUBLICLY OR PRIVATELY. The University recognizes that employees come from various communities of faith which hold to opinions and practices on certain lifestyle issues that differ from one another, e.g., use of tobacco, consumption of alcohol, and social dancing. Furthermore, the Bible to which we attribute the ultimate authority for all Christian life, is not explicit on every issue which has been controversial among conservative Christians. Nevertheless, many Christians have historically condemned the use of alcohol and the tragic consequences of its abuse, in particular, and more recently the use of tobacco. Lifestyle issues are complicated further by the reality that society members tend to place Christians under special scrutiny by virtue of their profession and may hold expectations of Christians which they do not of themselves. Therefore, with respect to issues such as the use of alcoholic beverages, tobacco products, food, entertainment, gambling and other behavioural matters which are open to abuse, misuse and misunderstanding, the following biblical principles must be followed: • The Bible condemns self-indulgence while commending self-control. • The Bible commends respect for one's body. • Community interests are to be put ahead of self-interest. • Personal liberty is to be set aside: • when its exercise could hinder a brother or sister's spiritual development; • when its exercise could be misunderstood in such a way as to hinder one's own witness, or that of the University; • when cultural abuse suggests the need for Christian leaders to exercise self-restraint; • when an action could endanger another person's safety or well-being. This application of the Community Standards is not offered as a legalistic definition of right and wrong. Rather, it provides concrete examples of a commitment to the mission of Trinity Western University and a commitment to fellow members of this academic community. Furthermore, it provides principles to limit the exercise of Christian liberty which explains why members of the community do not use alcohol or tobacco products. Certain expectations that may not be commanded by Scripture and yet follow from relevant biblical principles are, nonetheless, normative and are to be followed in order to preserve the distinctly Christian character of the University community. Therefore, all employees are required to commit themselves to follow this application of the Community Standards and maintain the integrity of that commitment. If employed by Trinity Western University, I agree to abide by these Responsibilities of Membership in the Community of Trinity Western University. Date : Signed Page 3 o 


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