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At the intersection : migrant students' Canadian identities and the social studies curriculum Horton, Todd Arthur 2002

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AT THE INTERSECTION: MIGRANT STUDENTS' CANADIAN IDENTITIES AND THE SOCIAL STUDIES CURRICULUM by TODD ARTHUR HORTON B.A., University of Toronto, 1987 B.Ed., University of New Brunswick, 1990 M.A., University of New Brunswick, 1992 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Centre for the Study of Curriculum and Instruction We accept this thesis as conforming to th^equired standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA November 2002 © Todd Arthur Horton, 2002 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Centre far the Study of^Curriculum and Instruction The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date 3 J o o J ABSTRACT This study examines the diverse ways students perceive Canada, Canadians, and themselves as Canadians, in an effort to contribute to ongoing theory-building about Canadian identity. This study also evaluates social studies curriculum documents and textbooks in order to gain insights that could contribute to ongoing efforts for improvement of such resources. This is done by using students' Canadian identity as an entry point to analysis of a social studies curriculum document and three textbooks. Fifteen students from a Vancouver secondary school are selected as instrumental case studies. Using multiple forms of data collection including questionnaires, individual and group interviews, their perceptions are thematically categorized into three dimensions that form Canadian identity (sentiment, citizenship, and values). Each dimension is further sub-divided into a number of features. The dimensions and features are also used as organizers for text analysis of British Columbia's grade eleven social studies Integrated Resource Package (IRP) and three textbooks suggested as resources for grade eleven social studies. Using "reflect", "expand", and "enhance" as sensitizing concepts, the text analysis focuses on whether or not the IRP and textbooks offer the potential for students to engage their perceptions. Findings suggest that students have an overall positive perception of Canada, Canadians, and themselves as Canadians in all three dimensions, particularly with regard to sentiment. However, students' perceptions are also laced with significant tensions, particularly with regard to citizenship and values. Findings also suggest that the IRP and textbooks do reflect and expand students' perceptions and consequently offer the potential for engagement, but that textbooks largely do not enhance students' ability to confront tensions. The results of this study underscore the complex nature of Canadian identity and the need to be sensitive to diverse conceptions of Canada and what it means to be Canadian. Further, it contributes to ongoing efforts to improve the potential of curricula and textbooks to engage students more fully in constructing their Canadian identities. Recommendations are offered for further research. ii T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S ABSTRACT ii TABLE OF CONTENTS iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v CHAPTER 1: Introduction . 1 1. Thesis Questions and Brief Outline of the Study 3 2. Contributions to Knowledge 7 3. Limitations of the Study 8 4. Summary 10 CHAPTER 2: Literature Review 12 1. Social Studies 12 2. Nation and National Identity 23 3. Textbook Studies 33 4. Summary 39 CHAPTER 3: Conducting the Research: Type, Approach, and Methods ..41 1. Students and their School: Gathering the Data 41 2. Framework for Analyzing Canadian Identity 55 3. Analyzing the Curriculum and Textbooks 65 4. Reliability and Validity 71 5. Summary 73 CHAPTER 4: Canadian Identity as Sentiment 75 1. Sense of Land, Territory, Landscape, and Location 75 2. Sense of Commitment to Distinctive Symbols 98 i i i 3. Sense of Historical Uniqueness 112 4. Sense of National Sovereignty 131 5. Sense of Belonging ....143 6. Conclusion 157 CHAPTER 5: Canadian Identity as Citizenship 161 1. Civil Rights and Responsibilities 161 2. Political Rights and Responsibilities 177 3. Social Rights and Responsibilities 194 4. Cultural Rights and Responsibilities 208 5. Conclusion 221 CHAPTER 6: Canadian Identity as Values 227 1. Acceptance of Diversity 227 2. Non-Violence in Interactions with Others 252 3. Care for the Natural Environment 265 4. Conclusion 278 CHAPTER 7: Conclusion 283 BIBLIOGRAPHY 293 APPENDICES 308 iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The 17tn century author John Donne wrote that "no man is an island" and though this statement has become somewhat of a cliche, its meaning still rings true. The journey through a thesis is not done alone. There have been many people with me along the way. Most importantly, I want to express my gratitude to and for my parents, Connie and Lloyd. They always had faith that the day of completion would come and I dedicate this to them. I also want to recognize the support of my friends Kelly, Ross, Jan, and Cath. They were beside me throughout. They lifted me up when I was down, grounded me when I flew too high or reached too far, and most importantly offered me a respite when it seemed like it all might never end. Finally, I want to extend special thanks to the members of my thesis committee. Drs. Peter Seixas, Walter Werner, and Penney Clark provided me with guidance, insight, and patience. I am very grateful. CHAPTER ONE Introduction In the early years of the 21 s t century, the "nation" remains a contested concept. Among the ways it is understood is as a geopolitical unit, independent and sovereign and as a way of understanding groups of people who have developed common bonds based on shared values, cultural practices, and history. Nations evolve or are established in a number of ways. Nations such as France or Japan evolved over time, coalescing French and Japanese peoples together and administering them through independent state systems. Others such as Nigeria or Tanzania became nations following their organization into colonies by imperialist nations. The boundaries and apparatus of state established to administer the colony served as a basis for the new nations when the imperialist nation withdrew or was cast out in revolution. Nations have also been the product of peace treaties following war. In this case, the victors, and occasionally the vanquished, negotiated the establishment of new nations for geopolitical reasons. Examples of this include Yugoslavia and Turkey following World War I and the Federal Republic of Germany after World War II. As well, many nations exist as associations of people who do not have sovereign state systems but remain bound together by common descent. Examples include the Kurds and Kosovar Albanians. Regardless of how nations are understood or how they came to be, a nation's survival depends on its people being inspired to believe in the nation. Birch (1993) contends that nations are constantly being pulled in three opposing directions by the forces of globalization (integration of the economic, political, social and cultural systems of nations), fragmentation (disintegration of nations into smaller political, economic, social and cultural entities), and consolidation (maintenance and strengthening of the status quo). It is the forces of consolidation that inspire a sense of national community in the people of the nation, helping them to believe they are members of a group that is worthy of commitment and loyalty. The forces of consolidation are most often evident in the initiatives and workings of the state (the nation's governing and administrative 1 systems) but are also used by others who believe it to be advantageous to promote the development of national identity. The topic of Canadian national identity has been the subject of numerous books, articles, conference presentations, and research projects over the past few decades. Authors and presenters have, at various times, lamented the lack of a coherent, unifying Canadian identity and the continuing dominance of the white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant, male in Canadian cultural, economic, and political discourse (Isajiw, 1999). However, any effort to define Canadian identity in fixed or immutable terms has been an exercise in futility. It is futile because no Canadian identity has or ever will exist in such terms. Identity is a way of talking about the self, and the self in relation to others (Shotter and Gergen, 1989). People exist in a constant and dynamic state of being and becoming who they are. Their identity, and in this case their Canadian identity, is provisional, always changing with each new experience, idea, or piece of information. As Hiller (1996) states, "it is not that Canadians once had an identity and lost it, or that they never had an identity and are searching for it, but that the shape and strucPire [of Canadian identity] is changing over time" (317). This notion should not be interpreted to suggest that individuals change so rapidly or so radically that the attributes of Canadian identity can never be identified. Rather, it suggests that any examination of Canadian identity must acknowledge individual interpretations as those of a person constructing meaning and/or understanding in the midst of change. Canadian identity, like all identities, is contingent. It is socially constructed, shaped through interactions with others (Berger and Luckmann, 1966) its meaning can be highly individual and for some, deeply personal. This makes it contested terrain and always open for debate. Hiller (1996) entreats Canadians to embrace the debate, suggesting that the debate is a sign of strength, vitality, and dynamism, and not one of inadequacy or self-doubt. Indeed, when identities are questioned, people and societies have the flexibility to confront challenges, uncover concealed beliefs and, if need be, alter perspectives. One of the places where the forces of consolidation suggested by Birch (1993) are at work is in schools. Public schools are entities of the state and as such one of their mandates is to promote the nation. They try to inspire students to see themselves as 2 members of a national community worthy of commitment and loyalty. There are many ways in which schools fulfill this mandate. In most parts of Canada, students learn about the nation and what it means to be Canadian through social contacts such as teachers and friends, school rituals like the playing of the national anthem or readings on Remembrance Day, and celebrations such as multicultural festivals or sporting tournaments. Social studies is the school subject where topics and issues related to Canadian identity are perhaps most often addressed. Here, students learn, question, and occasionally debate what Canada means to them and to others who are a part of the national community. Formal curriculum materials such as the official curriculum document and textbooks are also key parts of the discourse in social studies and they, in their own ways, contribute to consolidation of the nation through the promotion of Canadian identity. However, no single or fixed Canadian identity results from the promotion of the nation in social studies classrooms. Despite the messages conveyed by teachers, curriculum documents or textbooks (and these may vary widely), students are individuals who often have differing perceptions of Canada and Canadians, and understandings of themselves as Canadians. Students are exposed to messages about the nation but accept, internalize, remember, ignore, forget, or reject those messages based on their backgrounds, experiences, ideas, beliefs, and circumstances. Yet, the notion of schools and social studies curriculum materials more specifically, promoting Canadian identity is not in conflict with students interpreting messages about Canada and what it means to be Canadian in different ways. Rather, it is part of the dynamic social construction of identity and ongoing debate between others and self about what it means to be Canadian. 1.1. Thesis Questions and Brief Outline of the Study This study explores Canadian identity in an effort to contribute to ongoing theory-building about Canadian identity. I map the contours of a select group of students' Canadian identity through the diverse ways students perceive Canada, Canadians, and themselves as Canadians. A second purpose is to evaluate social studies curriculum documents and textbooks in order to gain insights that could contribute to ongoing efforts to improve them. I do this by using students' Canadian identity as an entry point to 3 analysis of a social studies curriculum document and three textbooks. The thesis questions are as follows: 1) What are students' perceptions of Canada, Canadians, and themselves as Canadians? 2) Do the social studies curriculum document and textbooks offer the potential for students to engage their perceptions? Perceptions are observations and feelings to which one ascribes meaning (Zebrowitz, 1990; Tuan, 1977). Combining students' observations of and feelings about Canada, other Canadians, and themselves as Canadians, offers insight into the meaning they ascribe to the national community of which they are a part. Students' perceptions may be positive, negative, or neutral, as well as banal, sophisticated, clear, confused, ambiguous, accurate or erroneous. Regardless, they are part of students' dynamic and ongoing efforts to understand themselves and their world, and for this study used as evidence of their Canadian identity. Ascertaining what students' perceptions are of Canada, Canadians, and themselves as Canadians also includes examining perceptions that elicit feelings of tension. Tensions exist when there is a difference between what a student believes is or ought to be and what a student observes others to be doing, feeling, saying, believing, etc. They are often expressed with anger, anxiety, confusion, or feelings of dissatisfaction or pause. Tensions are expressed in three distinct ways: 1) Students believe, value, observe, act, or feel differently about some aspect of Canadian life than they believe others in Canada generally do. They direct their feelings anger or dissatisfaction outward toward society generally and/or toward specific persons with whom they associate their tension. 2) Students believe, value, observe, act, or feel differently about some aspect of Canadian life than they believe a particular group of persons in Canada do. In this case, they direct their feelings of anger or dissatisfaction outward toward this particular group. 3) Students believe, value, observe, act, or feel differently about some aspect of Canadian life than they believe others in Canada generally do. They direct their feelings of anger, angst, or confusion inward on themselves, feeling they are "out of sync" or somehow asynchronous with their perception of Canadian norms. 4 In order to answer the first thesis question, I selected fifteen migrant students as case studies and obtained their perceptions using three different data gathering methods. I chose migrant students because of their heightened sensitivity to the world around them as they acclimatize to new surroundings. I analyzed students' perceptions using a framework for Canadian identity adapted from one developed by Hughes (1997). The framework included three dimensions of Canadian identity: sentiment, citizenship, and values. Each of these dimensions was further sub-divided into a number of features. In order to answer the second thesis question, I used students' perceptions as an entry point into an analysis of a selected social studies curriculum document and three textbooks. I analyzed sections of these curriculum resources to see if they offer the potential for students to engage with their perceptions. This question and approach to answering it are based on fundamental beliefs about what social sftidies curriculum documents and textbooks that focus on Canada should offer students. I accept that social studies curriculum documents and textbooks with a Canadian focus will convey messages to students that attempt to inspire loyalty, commitment, and support for the nation. These messages are part of the forces of consolidation which seek to maintain and strengthen the nation. However, in order for social studies to grow as a vital subject area of interest and relevance to students, efforts must be taken to improve the curriculum resources used. One of the ways of doing this is to evaluate whether curriculum resources provide a context that is rich in possibilities for students to enter into and participate in the ongoing debate about what Canada is and/or ought to be, and what it means to be Canadian A rich context is open to multiple interpretations, layered meanings, ambiguity, critique, questioning, and problem-solving. It is flexible enough for all students exposed to the curriculum document or using a textbook to engage with their perceptions of Canada, Canadians, and themselves as Canadians. One way such a context can be created is by making the curriculum documents and textbooks inviting for students. This means including a variety of topics, issues, personalities, and events that are relevant to students to the extent that they broadly form part of their evolving Canadian identity. It means offering diverse perspectives on topics and issues which inform but may support and/or 5 challenge perspectives already held by students. Further, creating a rich context means expecting and providing opportunities for students to question the veracity of perspectives or arguments presented, as well as providing opportunities for students to answer questions and/or engage in tasks in which students resolve issues for themselves. So how do I evaluate whether the social curriculum document and textbooks offer the potential for students to engage with their perceptions? First, I ascertain whether or not they reflect the dimensions and features of students' Canadian identity. This means reflecting the perspectives, topics, issues, personalities, and/or events that are identical or similar to those that are part of students' perceptions. In this way, students "see themselves" represented in the curriculum document and textbooks potentially making them more inviting, interesting, and relevant to students and perhaps increasing the possibility of them engaging in the debate about what Canada and being Canadian means. Second, while students are impacted by curriculum documents they interact more directly with textbooks (Venezky, 1992). Thus the textbooks have a more prominent role in this shady than do curriculum documents. Social studies textbooks should also expand students' understandings about the dimensions and features of their Canadian identity. Textbooks are considered to have potential when they "push" students into new territory, encouraging them to consider that which they may not have encountered before. This includes introducing personalities, events, topics, issues, and/or perspectives that students didn't communicate as part of their Canadian identity. Students also have knowledge, beliefs, and/or perspectives that are undeveloped or poorly developed and a textbook has potential when it offers richer, broader, and deeper information about that which students do communicate as part of their Canadian identity. Finally, a textbook has potential when it challenges perceptions that are erroneous or without merit and invites students to challenge the textbook. Textbooks with these attributes offer the potential for students to expand their understanding of Canada, Canadians, and themselves as Canadians. Third, a textbook is considered to offer the potential for students to engage with their perceptions if there is evidence of efforts to have students enhance their ability to confront their tensions and arrive at self-developed resolutions. To do this, identical or similar topics and issues that reflect students' tensions are needed, along with questions or tasks that require students to make decisions. The potential for students' enhancing 6 their ability to confront tensions is further aided by the inclusion of suggested strategies or approaches to use in answering questions or responding to tasks. As well, suggestions of how the results can be presented and what constitutes successful accomplishment should also be provided. By allowing students to confront their tensions and assisting them in arriving at resolutions there is increased potential for students to see relevance in the textbook's content and the development of decision-making skills, as well as learning, questioning, and debating about what Canada and being Canadian means to them and others. In this study I illustrate the varied perceptions that form the Canadian identities of migrant students and demonstrate the ways that experiences, family, friends, the media, and school informs their perspectives. I argue that the curriculum document and textbooks do offer the potential for students to engage with their perceptions as they reflect the various dimensions and features students' Canadian identity and the textbooks also expand students' understandings. However, I also argue that the textbooks offer only limited potential because they do not always enhance students' ability to confront their tensions by including topics and issues that reflect students' tensions or questions and/or tasks that are supported as suggested. 1. 2. Contributions to Knowledge How does this study contribute to knowledge? The answer to this question is intricately related to why this study should be pursued in the first place. Canada, like other nations, is a dynamic construct. As time passes and new circumstances emerge the meaning of Canada changes for its people. If Canada is to continue to have meaning and remain a vital entity in peoples' lives it is important to "stay in touch" with how it is understood. This study examines the perceptions of a small segment of Canada's population and makes a contribution to the ongoing discourse and theory building about Canadian identity. Stated another way, this study builds on what came before and provides a possible starting point for what will come next. Secondly, this study is one of the only studies to analyze social studies curricula and textbooks using migrant students. With modern forms of transportation at our disposal, migration is an age-old phenomenon that is increasingly affecting societies all 7 over the world, including the national identities that develop and continue to develop (Boyle, Halfacree, and Robinson, 1998). Approximately 250,000 people immigrate to Canada and thousands more migrate within Canada every year (Statistics Canada, 2000). Many of these are young people who become new students in social studies classrooms, beginning or continuing the formation of a coherent Canadian identity. This study contributes new information on and insight into the perceptions that form part of the Canadian identities of students in this understudied segment of the Canadian population. Thirdly, it is imperative for educators to continue to research the subjects that are taught in schools and the curriculum resources that inform those subjects. By doing so, they can consider the possible rationale, content, and direction of a subject and the ways that curriculum resources support or inhibit those possibilities. Further, it behooves educators to conduct research on and assign judgments to those resources based on criteria. This study contributes to ongoing research in social studies and evaluates the potential offered by social studies curriculum documents and textbooks. Finally, other studies have examined students' Canadian identities (Hughes, 1997) and aspects of Canadian identity in curriculum documents (Rempel, 2000) and textbooks (Clark, 1995; Bailey, 1975), but none has offered an approach to analyzing social studies curricula and textbooks based on students' Canadian identity. I do not wish to suggest that the social studies curriculum should be beholden to or strictly guided by the perceptions of students. Indeed, there is much to be offered from the expertise and experience of other stakeholders such as historians, politicians, community leaders, and parents, along with that of teachers, curriculum designers, and textbook authors and publishers. However, if students are also considered important stakeholders in the educational enterprise then it is of value to devise approaches to research that permit the input of students. This study includes such an approach, one that can be used to analyze other curriculum documents and/or textbooks. 1. 3. Limitations of the Study One of the foci of this study was the Canadian identities of migrant students. The number of students selected to participate is relatively small and cannot be considered a sample of any population. Thus the claims that are made in this study are limited to the 8 students involved and are not generalizable to any other population. This limitation does not detract from the value of the study however. Generalizations are not its intent; rather it is to develop insight into these students' perceptions and contribute to the ongoing discourse and theory building about Canadian identity. Societies and nations are comprised of many particulars, each important in their own right, yet informative in generating a picture of the greater whole. Feagin, Oram, and Sjoberg (1991) and Yin (1984) caution that generalizations should not be emphasized in all research suggesting that there is much to be learned from the study of the particular. Secondly, another focus of this study was the way students' Canadian identities intersected with a particular social studies curriculum document and three textbooks. The claims that are made in this study are limited to these curriculum resources and do not refer to or represent any others. Thirdly, this study is limited to the extent that it cannot be replicated exactly. The Canadian identities of the migrant students in this study are interpretations based on their perceptions of Canada, Canadians, and themselves as Canadians. The information gathered is temporally, spatially, and contextually bound. It is improbable that were students to engage in the same research process today identical data would result. Similarly, because the data analysis is mediated through me, the researcher, and I have changed since the study began, it is possible, if not probable, that were I to engage in the same research process today different interpretations of the data would result. This limitation does not detract from the value of the study but simply illustrates the infinite diversity of people, knowledge and knowledge construction. Fourthly, this study does not examine teachers and their implementation of the social studies curriculum or use of textbooks. These are worthwhile foci for research and would undoubtedly offer important information as to the ways the curriculum-in-use and textbooks-in-use inform students' Canadian identity. However, this study focused on the theoretical rather than actual intersection of the social studies curriculum, textbooks and students' Canadian identity. This permitted a broader analysis of students' Canadian identity as related to the curriculum resources than would have been logistically possible were students to have engaged with them directly. 9 Finally, this study does not explore students' actual reading of the textbooks. While this type of research would contribute much needed data on whether the potential of textbooks is fulfilled, it is also worthwhile to conduct pre-assessments of curriculum resources prior to or apart from student's readings. Students deserve to have as much thoughtful and considered analysis conducted on the resources as possible. Thus this study evaluated the potential of the social studies textbooks (and curriculum document) to engage their perceptions. It is left to future researchers to conduct studies on students' readings of the textbooks. 1. 4. Summary In this chapter, I establish the connection between nation, national identity, schools, social studies, and social studies curriculum resources. As well, the two thesis questions to be answered are provided along with a brief outline of the study. I outline how this study offers a contribution to knowledge followed by an explication of the study's limitations. The following is an outline of the chapters that follow. Chapter 2 reviews the literature in social studies, nation and national identity, and concludes with an examination of textbook studies. Chapter 3 presents the students selected to participate in this study, their school, and the methods used in gathering data on students' Canadian identity. This is followed by an outline of the framework used in analyzing students' Canadian identity. Next, I explain the selection of the social studies curriculum document and textbooks and the methods used in analyzing them. Finally, issues of reliability and validity are explored. Chapters 4-6 present the findings and are organized according to the dimensions that form students' Canadian identity. Chapter 4 focuses on Canadian Identity as sentiment and is sub-divided into five features: 1) sense of commitment to land, territory, landscape or location, 2) sense of commitment to distinctive symbols, 3) sense of historical uniqueness, 4) sense of national sovereignty, and 5) sense of belonging. Chapter 5 focuses on Canadian Identity as citizenship and is sub-divided into four features: 1) civil rights and responsibilities, 2) political rights and responsibilities, 3) social rights and responsibilities, and 4) cultural rights and responsibilities. Chapter 6 10 focuses on Canadian identity as values and is divided into three features: 1) acceptance of diversity, 2) non-violence in interactions with others, 3) care for the natural environment. Within these dimensions and features, students' perceptions of Canada, Canadians, and themselves as Canadians are analyzed. As well, the selected social studies curriculum document and textbooks are analyzed as to whether they have offer student the potential to engage with their perceptions. In chapter 7,1 reiterate the purpose of the study and how it was conducted, as well as summarize the results. This is a followed by a discussion of Canadian identity and what this study contributes to theory-building about Canadian identity. As well, I consider questions that remain outstanding which could be used to guide future research. Finally, I discuss improving the potential of curriculum documents and textbooks, what this study offers such efforts. 11 CHAPTER TWO Literature Review This chapter reviews the relevant literature related to 1) social studies, 2) nation and national identity, and 3) textbooks studies. In the course of reviewing the literature in each section, I position this study within the ongoing discourse in these fields and suggest how the literature relates and contributes to this study. 2.1. Social Studies Social studies is "an American invention", introduced to educators for the first time in the 1916 publication The Social Studies in Secondary Education and adopted as a curricular subject by a committee of the National Education Association (Hertzberg, 1982: 5). It referred "to all subjects of study concerned with human relationships" and < was created in response to new conceptions about student learning (van Manen and Parsons, 1985: 2). Educators suggested that optimal learning does not occur within rigid disciplinary structures but through construction of interdisciplinary connections (Parker, 2001). Indeed, early conceptions of social studies "denoted 'correlated' or 'fused' subjects, mainly geography, history, and civics" (Tomkins, 1985: 12). The definition of social studies has changed little in the decades since, only extending the disciplines to be integrated into this school subject. The National Council for the Social Studies (1992) defines social studies as, the integrated study of the social sciences and humanities. Within the school program, social studies provides coordinated, systematic study drawing upon such disciplines as anthropology, archaeology, economics, geography, history, law, philosophy, religion, political science, psychology, and sociology, as well as appropriate content from the humanities, mathematics, and natural sciences (cited in Wright, 2001: 4). The definition is currently accepted by many Canadian social studies educators as well. An example is offered in the official curriculum documents for British Columbia which defines social studies as "a multidisciplinary subject that draws from the social 12 sciences and humanities to study human interaction and natural and social environments" (British Columbia Ministry of Education, Skills, and Training, 97: 1). Penney Clark (1997) states "the introduction of social studies in Canada was associated with the child-centred focus promoted by the progressive education movement in the United States" (70). Beginning in the late 1920s, social studies became a term used in programs of study and by the 1930s was being introduced into the elementary and/or secondary curricula in many Canadian provinces. The primary purpose of social studies has been, and continues to be, education for citizenship (Clark and Case, 1999). George Tomkins (1985) states that "the goal of citizenship probably comes closer than any other to identifying the process that Canadians have usually believed that the social studies should serve" (15), while Alan Sears (1994) claims that citizenship education is the "primary focus of social studies" (6). Nevertheless, "citizenship education" is broad and vague, and provides enough room for contending interpretations, of which there have been many. Ken Osborne (1997) points to four potentially, but not necessarily, competing themes in citizenship education: identity, political efficacy, rights and duties, and social and personal values. A sense of national identity consolidates the nation, promoting "a feeling of being one people different from all other people" (McLeod, 1989: 6). Osborne (1997) suggests that schools, and by extension social studies, are "vehicles by which national identity and consciousness could be created, the national language taught, and national traditions disseminated" (43). Students not only learn about their country but are encouraged to support it (Sears, 1996). The creation of a single national identity has always been something of a problem in Canadian citizenship education. Regional cultures, the English-French-Aboriginal triad that is part of the Canadian experience, and the cultural pluralism encouraged by policies of multiculturalism have precluded any unified and consensus notion of Canadian identity. However, within the recognition of questions and paradoxes posed by multiple identities (ethnic, regional, class, gender, etc.) citizenship education continues to help Canadians enhance their self-knowledge. It encourages Canadians to question and ponder ".. .who we are; what we want at this time and in this place; where we have been; where we are going; how we can get from one to 13 the other; what, as a people we have and what we need; what our responsibilities are to ourselves and to others" (Symons, 1975: 17-18). Political efficacy refers to "the belief that people can make a difference in the political process" (Osborne, 1997: 49). An important part of citizenship education, it carries with it the assumption that citizens should demonstrate a "commitment to the ideals of...democracy" and be politically active (Sears and Hughes, 1996: 123). Political activity can take place in either the formal institutions of state or the ostensibly non-political life of civil society, providing society with vital voices that are skilled in holding office, dealing with disagreement, exercising tolerance, and working with others. Political activity has to be learned. It is based on a body of knowledge, skills, and values that among other things encourages in students the ".. .desire to participate in the political process to promote the public good and to hold public authorities accountable" (Kymlicka, 1995: 175). In democratic nations such as Canada, citizenship education also involves the teaching of knowledge about rights and duties. Osborne (1997) suggests that rights "are what make [citizenship] valuable" as they provide citizens with opportunities to live their lives fully as individuals and as part of the larger society. They include rights to freedom of expression, to vote, and to live free of physical abuse. Duties refer to a corresponding set of "obligations" which may or may not be required as part of being a citizen but are conducted out of a sense of conscience and principle (Sears and Hughes, 1996). They include the obligation to pay one's taxes, to obey the law, and to vote in elections. Part of citizenship education also involves learning how to negotiate between rights and/or duties that may come into conflict. For example, how does one deal with pornography as a right to free expression when it violates community standards of decency, with abortion when the rights of an unborn child are weighed against the rights of the mother, or with laws that are believed to be unjust and/or immoral. Finally, citizenship is a value-laden concept that entails more than "just knowledge and skills, behaviour and action based on values" (Osborne, 1997: 57). Though they may differ from nation to nation, some set of values is always informing the conduct of individuals and society. In Canada where there is no one officially sanctioned ideology at work, values are more diffuse and open for debate, yet there are still sets of 14 values that are widely accepted by the population. With regard to social values, Keith Spicer (1995), through the Citizen's Commission he chaired in connection with the Charlottetown Accord in 1992, identified equality and fairness, respect for minorities, consultation and dialogue, accommodation and tolerance, compassion and generosity, respect for Canada's natural beauty, respect for Canada's world image of peace, and freedom from violent change as "core Canadian beliefs" (18). Though there may be wide disagreement over values, citizenship education involves some teaching of and about values. While Osborne's citizenship education themes seem, for the most part, mutually compatible, other theorists have attempted to map the disjunctions and differences in conceptions of the field. The most influential among those schemes was that devised by Robert Barr, James L. Barth, and Samuel Shermis (1977, 1978). They saw a subject divided among three traditions: citizenship transmission, social science and, reflective inquiry. The aim of social studies as citizenship transmission is to instill in students the knowledge and values thought necessary for good citizenship. Based on the assumption that there are dominant societal values that students ought to accept; and that wisdom from the past must be passed to future generations, students study history, geography, civics, and other disciplinary fields to learn the virtues of being responsible, honest, loyal, patriotic, and respectful citizens. Children are understood to be born as tabulae rasae or "blank slates" onto which the knowledge and values of citizenship are written. The basic instructional approach is didactic as teachers pass on knowledge selected from an external authority through lectures and activities based on students reading the textbook and answering questions. Social studies as social science is based on a belief that students become effective citizens by acquiring knowledge from the social sciences and the skills of social scientists. Content includes the concepts and research methodologies that students apply to problems derived from these disciplines. This tradition is academic in focus, believing that the social sciences can best explain human behaviour and that students can use these explanations in becoming good citizens. 15 Social studies as reflective inquiry aims to develop rational decision makers in the socio-political context. Students engage in structured and disciplined inquiry into the problems and issues that children face everyday as well as problems that are faced in the wider world. In this tradition, values are not absolute but changeable as is knowledge which is constructed by students through interaction with content. The assumption is that if students are presented with relevant problems they can be taught to develop their rational thinking and apply these skills to make their own decisions. Penney Clark and Roland Case (1999) created a four-part model of purposes of citizenship education. It is an adaptation of the conceptual framework developed by Barr, Barth, and Shermis (1977, 1978) for Canada's educational context and differs in a number of ways. The first purpose is citizenship education as social initiation. Cited as the "most common and long-standing view of the purpose of social studies" (20), social initiation promotes a core body of knowledge, skills, and values deemed necessary for students to function in and contribute to society. Students are socialized into society by internalizing a perspective or "... 'received' conception or image of our society, our history and the model citizen" (Clark and Case, 1999: 21). Historians like Jack Granatstein (1998) would espouse this perspective, believing that there are "basic details about their nation and their society that every thinking citizen requires" (66). Citizenship education as social initiation should not be confused with indoctrination. Though early manifestations did have indoctrinary and assimilationist qualities, more recent versions of this perspective offer broader conceptions of society's values. However, students are not taught to question the foundations of the received worldview. This purpose is similar to the citizenship transmission tradition devised by Barr, Barth, and Shermis (1977,1978) but differs in that it is a narrower notion. Citizenship transmission, as outlined by Barr, et. al. includes any form of transmission of a worldview, both mainstream and obscure. Clark and Case (1999) focus exclusively on mainstream perspectives. The citizens cultivated through social initiation are knowledgeable about their nation and the world. As well, they know and respect the norms and values of their society and feel a sense of connection to their fellow citizens. Still, they may also be parochial in their worldview, limited in their perceptions of who constitutes a citizen, mired in national mythology, less likely to raise critical questions, and less skilled in answering them. 16 The second purpose is citizenship education as social reformation. Clark and Case (1999) identify perspectives that "focus on encouraging a better society [and seeking]... to help students acquire the understandings, abilities and values that will launch them on this path" (21). Similar to social initiation, social reformation teaches students about the history and workings of the nation and the world, but rather than accepting a received perspective, entreats students to critique society and institute changes. This approach to citizenship education empowers students to engage actively in critical thinking for the betterment of society. It embodies the sentiments expressed by S. H. Engle and A. S. Ochoa (1988) who believe that "in a democracy, citizenship consists of two related but sometimes disparate parts: the first socialization, the second countersocialization" (16). Jerome Bruner (1971) became a proponent of this perspective believing that disciplines such as history ought to be taught in the context of problems facing society (21). Canadian supporters include Max van Manen (1980) who encourages teachers to suggest to their students that being a "socially conscious person" includes "social criticism of all forms of hegemony" (114), and Osborne (1996), who believes that citizenship had to be activist in nature and citizens "had to be involved in the issues confronting them" (52). The type of citizen cultivated is one that is knowledgeable about their nation's history and society, skilled at critical analysis, and activist in bringing about change. However, this perspective may also lead to the undermining of social and political cohesion, and encourage excessive skepticism. The third purpose is citizenship education as personal development. Clark and Case (1999) suggest that the conceptual framework developed by Barr, Barth, and Shermis (1977, 1978) neglects a student-centred vision. In Clark and Case's four-part model, citizenship education as personal development espouses that a "good society will follow from creating well-adjusted individuals" (Clark and Case, 1999: 22). In seeking to meet students' needs and educate what Dewey might have termed the whole child, the understandings, abilities and attitudes to be developed are those needed for students to make sense of their own lives and experiences. Having it's origins in the progressive movement of the 1930s, and related to what D. L. Brubaker, L. H. Simon, and J. W. Williams (1977) call the student-centred tradition, the activities and projects evident in this type of social studies classroom are those of importance to society and the interests 17 of the child (Jenness, 1990). The type of citizen cultivated is self-assured, makes connections between self and the world, and is actively engaged in constructing their own beliefs and positions on issues. However, there is the risk that students may not obtain depth of knowledge or be interested in and thus engage in learning about things beyond their immediate interests. The fourth and final purpose is citizenship education as academic understanding. This perspective suggests that the "acquisition of the understandings, skills and attitudes of social scientists and historians is thought to provide the best preparation for citizenship in a complex world" (Clark and Case, 1999: 23). The focus is not concerned with students completing tasks of personal interest or about confronting problems of social significance, but is about learning important concepts and skills necessary to draw "intellectually defensible conclusions" (Clark and Case, 1999: 23). Drawing on the social science tradition outlined by Barr, Barth, and Shermis (1977, 1978) and similar to Brubaker's, et. al. (1977) social studies as structure of the disciplines, it is a form of academic understanding advocated by Bruner (1960) early in his career, believing that students had the capacity to learn disciplinary concepts, methods of reasoning, and techniques of inquiry. Although Kieran Egan (1997) is not concerned with the creation of mini-historians, he advocates the teaching of an academic history that seeks to "understand the past in its own terms, in its uniqueness, for its own sake and the sake of the pleasure of such understanding" (13). Peter Seixas (1997) has advocated another form of academic understanding in his conception of "historical thinking" (119). Historical thinking seeks to help students not only learn historical facts, but make sense of the past through a focus on concepts such as significance, epistemology and evidence, continuity and change, progress and decline, empathy as historical perspective-taking and moral judgment, and historical agency (119-125). Each is viewed as a central tenet of history teaching and essential for historical understanding. The type of citizen cultivated in the academic understanding perspective is one that has mastered the knowledge, methods of reasoning and techniques of inquiry of particular disciplines. Further, s/he can use these to draw defensible conclusions about issues related to the disciplines. However, the citizen may not be exposed to or make the interdisciplinary connections necessary to confront the world's problems. 18 The four related themes of citizenship education identified by Osborne (1997), the three traditions created by Barr, Barth, and Shermis (1977, 1978), and the four purposes outlined by Clark and Case (1999) show the multiplicity of philosophies that fall under the rubric of citizenship education. It is possible, however, to point to certain landmarks and trends that have shaped the field, as taught, as conceptualized, and as researched in Canada in the last half-century. As suggested earlier, social studies became part of many provincial curricula during the 1930s, emerging out of the child-centred progressive education movement in the United States. By the late 1950s questions were being raised about the effectiveness of progressive education (Clark, 1997). Debate coalesced around Hilda Neatby's (1953) So Little For the Mind: An Indictment of Canadian Education. She questioned the intellectual aimlessness of progressive education and suggested the superiority in the classic distinctions of geography, history, and politics, as well as the logical arrangement of place, time, and causation inherent in these disciplines. The structure of the disciplines approach to teaching social studies was further aided by the international political climate that saw the launching of the Soviet satellite Sputnik in 1957, inspiring a rejection of progressivism by American educators in favour of the intellectual rigor of the social science disciplines. Jerome Bruner's (1960) The Process of Education declared that the goal of education was to give students "an understanding of the fundamental structure of whatever subject we choose to teach" (11). Throughout the 1960s, the disciplines were harnessed in an effort to help students learn how to analyze and solve problems. Students were encouraged to master key concepts, inquiry skills, and a substantive body of disciplinary knowledge. There was an increase in emphasis on history and geography as separate disciplines in Canadian schools. Teaching materials involved students in the use of primary documents, maps and other data sources to draw conclusions. Edwin Fenton (1966), inspired by Bruner's beliefs, developed an inquiry model that enjoyed some prominence in Canada during this period. His model explicitly taught methods of inquiry and encouraged the treatment of history as a series of problems. The publication of A. B. Hodgetts' What Culture? What Heritage? in 1968 had a significant impact on social studies in Canada. The result of concern about American 19 cultural domination and the loss of Canadian identity, the publication was the final report of a two-year, comprehensive survey of civic education for the National History Project. With data drawn from interviews, questionnaires, student essays, curricula, courses of study, textbooks* and other literature, as well as visits to 847 classrooms in all provinces and in both official languages, Hodgetts concluded that the state of civic education in Canada was abysmal. He related a picture of stifling teaching methods, students suffering from boredom and apathy, textbooks that offered a chronological story of uninterrupted political and economic progress and bland consensus interpretations of the Canadian experience. The main recommendation that emerged from Hodgetts' study was for the establishment of a Canadian Studies Consortium based on an inter-provincial network of regional centres involving persons from every level of education. The Canada Studies Foundation was formed in 1970 and was organized into three curriculum development groups: the Laurentian Project in Ontario and Quebec, Project Atlantic Canada focusing on the Maritime provinces and Newfoundland and Labrador, and Project Canada West involving the four western provinces. It also was part of the profusion of Canadian social studies materials that appeared on the educational market in the 1970s and 1980s, producing 150 publications alone. According to Tomkins (1986), the emphasis of the Foundation's work was on the development of programs at elementary and secondary school levels "designed to encourage interdisciplinary course content, innovative teaching methods and the kind of intellectual skills, attitudes and value systems that civilized living in a country like Canada requires" (331). The Foundation sought to promote a form of citizenship education that conveyed a national, pan-Canadian identity with the intent that".. .questions and inquiry issues relevant to 'continuing Canadian concerns' should be based on the essential characteristics of Canadian society,-its bilingual, culturally diverse, regional, vast, exposed, northern, industrialized, urbanized, democratic and federal nature" (Tomkins, 1986: 331). It sponsored issues-oriented materials which included "...case studies of current Canadian social issues for analysis and discussion. Students were expected to explore the various perspectives on these issues and come to a decision as to their own positions" (Clark, 1997: 86). 2 0 By the time the Canada Studies Foundation folded in 1986 researchers had begun to ask about the results of its efforts. A. D. Bowd (1978) conducted a study in response to Hodgetts' and other's claim that Canadian students were ignorant about Canada, and that poor Canadian studies programs were to blame. He argued that many of these studies compare the knowledge of Canadian students about their country's history and political institutions with similar knowledge for American students and this comparison was unfair given the different political institutions of Canada and the United States. Instead, Bowd compared Canadian students with students from another parliamentary democracy, Australia. He concluded that despite differences in performance on parts of the instruments, "the similar level of knowledge about their own political institutions is more striking than the differences that exist with respect to some items" (Bowd, 1978: 7). Two studies were undertaken to assess the effects of the emphasis on Canadian studies. The results of the first study conducted by K. Kirkwood and W. Nediger (1983) were combined with the results of a second undertaken by Kirkwood, S. Khan, and R. Anderson (1987). The first reported the results of a survey of 10, 821 students in grades 7 and 10 from across Canada. The second study used the same survey questions on 3, 230 grade 12 students in British Columbia a year later. The survey included questions that ask whether "every Canadian should know the words to O Canada" and "we are fortunate to be living in Canada" (Kirkwood, et. al., 1987: 204). The authors concluded that "findings concerning the attitudes of students toward Canada and issues concerning Canadians were heartening" and largely "positive" (Kirkwood, et. al., 1987: 208). Charles S. Ungerleider (1990) surveyed 3,161 randomly chosen students from grade 8 through 11 in British Columbia. The survey "sought to determine how much knowledge the students had about the rights and freedoms contained in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and whether they were in agreement with the rights and freedoms granted" (15). He found that students' knowledge of freedoms contained in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms included a mean of 52.7% for democratic rights, 57.2% for legal rights, 66.9% for fundamental freedoms, 67.5% for equality rights, and 74.8% for language rights, and that the level of knowledge in each area corresponded closely to the level of agreement with the rights. Ungerleider (1990) stated that "we can take pride in the fact that we have created the conditions for students of all backgrounds to learn their 21 rights and freedoms and to willingly accord those rights to others", however he suggested that low scores in knowledge and support of democratic rights along with evidence that immigrant students whose first language is not English "do not value themselves as highly as their Canadian-born, English-speaking...counterparts" is cause for concern (17). Similar conclusions were evident in research conducted by Sears (1994) who suggested that students express "moderate support of human rights", though not at a level researchers hoped (34). Carl Bognar, Wanda Cassidy, and Pat Clark (1998) from Simon Fraser University conducted a study involving 135,000 British Columbia students in grades 4, 7, and 10, in both English and French. They measured attitudinal outcomes of the B. C. social studies curriculum in terms of students' tolerance/appreciation of others and their willingness to participate in citizenship activities. The results revealed positive attitudes toward multiculturalism, creating a sustainable environment, and equity for women. A small core of boys exhibited negative attitudes and the number of boys with negative attitudes grows as students move through the grades. Across all grades, more boys than girls wish that they could vote and as they move through the grades, both genders report increasing levels of discussion about political and international issues. The study also found that students fail to demonstrate many of the citizenship attitudes and practices envisioned by social studies education. While the studies of the 80s and 90s continued to ask questions about knowledge and citizenship, rights and responsibilities, it was impossible to miss the impact on the citizenship education field of a broader concern with the "politics of identity." How were students interpreting their own social locations, as they related to those located elsewhere? Studies like Stephane Levesque's (2001), probably inconceivable a couple of decades earlier, were thus conceptualized around group differences. He conducted a study that detailed "how regional, multicultural, and national divergences in Canadian politics and education have contributed to the emergence of different forms of nationalism, identity, and citizenship in Canada" (ii). He gathered data from social studies classrooms in two multi-ethnic high schools, one in Montreal and one in Vancouver. He discovered that citizenship education is understood to be raison d'etre of history and social studies in both provinces and students share many similarities with 2 2 regard to their understandings of citizenship rights, pluralism, and participation, but because of different cultural and historical contexts differences emerge in their understandings of identity. The emphasis of research on student identity and how diversities are reflected in student populations has been based on the belief that differences between groups provide knowledge about the complexity of Canadian identity. Research in citizenship education, however, has yet to tackle the cultural, geographical, regional, and historical diversities among others that are inscribed within individual identities. More textured analyses of individual student's identity as opposed to broad group comparisons have not yet received much attention. My study is designed to address this problem. 2. 2. Nation and National Identity As stated in the introductory chapter, the concept of "nation" is contested. An understanding of Canadian identity involves reviewing the concepts that are most related to it, nation and national identity. In this section, I review the literature on nation beginning with definitions and distinctions from the related concept of state. Johnson, Gregory and Smith (1994) call a nation "a community of people whose members are bound together by a sense of solidarity rooted in a historic attachment to territory and a common culture, and by a consciousness of being different from other nations"(404). Nations define themselves according to criteria of what constitutes the community of people and delimit themselves to those people who meet the criteria. As Johnston (1991) states, "clear boundaries need to be defined and defended, so that people not only know that they are.. .of a place.. .but who is not of it" (187). Using these definitions, Canada is a nation based on its historic attachment to the northern portion of America and a common culture to the extent that Canadians share many of the same expressions, behaviours, and beliefs. Perhaps most importantly, Canada is a nation because most of its people think of it as such, and distinguish themselves from all other nations in the world. It must be noted that some groups of people living in Canada view themselves sharing their Canadian-ness with other aspects of their identity such as ethnic heritage. Others do not view themselves as Canadians at all, thinking of themselves in other terms. 23 The concept of nation is sometimes used interchangeably with that of state and while all independent and sovereign nations are also states, the concept of state has a specific meaning. Weber (cited in Sack, 1986) calls the state, "the pre-eminent power container of the modern era" (18), developing rational structures of governance and the means of violence to enforce its authority. Johnson (1995) supports this definition of state claiming that states are "a social institution that holds monopoly over the use of force [which] defines its authority to generate and apply collective power" (275). Giddens (1985) concurs by stating that the state is "a political organization whose rule is territorially ordered and which is able to mobilize the means of violence to sustain rule" (20). In other words, the state is vested and/or assumes the authority to use its power to create, develop, and enforce various forms of law (e. g. policies, rules, edicts, and acts) over the nation. Gellner (1983) suggests that all nations strive to become independent and sovereign, developing their own state apparatus. This occurs when people, or possibly groups of people, evoke feelings of nationalism in the larger population in an effort to consolidate the national community and establish authority over the community through the instruments of state. The state further cultivates a national consciousness and, if necessary, defends the nation against competing or threatening forces (Brodie, 1999). In short, people who think of themselves as a nation aspire to the formation of their own internationally recognized state. Canada's democratically elected government is the keeper of the instruments of state, and it works to foster a collective sense of nationhood in all Canadians. It seeks to consolidate the unity of the nation through its signaling to Canadians that they are living in and are a part of Canada. Billig (1995) refers to this as "banal nationalism" (6) whereby the taken-for-granted signing of Canada through symbols (e. g. flags, stamps, coins, logos, official names, and personages) constantly affirms this to Canadians. The Canadian government also does this in more overt ways through its orchestration of Canada Day celebrations, establishment of a Canada Heritage office, and development of educational resources used in provincially administered school systems (Sears, 1996). The complicated aspect of nation and state is readily apparent when it is recognized that nations and states do not always occur simultaneously. There are nations 2 4 all over the world that have not achieved statehood. The Kurds, for example, perceive themselves to be a people forming a national community but they have not established their own instruments of state. Instead, they are a nation scattered throughout a number of other nations, forming a minority in Turkey, Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan, Georgia, and Armenia (United Nations, 2000). Though the Magyars largely live in Hungary, forming 97% of Hungary's population, the greater Magyar nation comprises significant populations in surrounding Yugoslavia, Romania, Slovakia and Czech Republic (United Nations, 2000). Conversely, most nations who have established their own instruments of state have multiple nations living within their borders. For example, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland have, in addition to people who think of themselves as British, significant populations that think of themselves as Scottish, Irish, Welsh, and to a much lesser extent English. Canada is also another example of a nation comprised of multiple nations. There are a significant number of Quebecois, as well as Aboriginal peoples, who consider themselves to be nations, distinct from all others (Kymlicka, 1995). It must be noted that simply because a group of people form an ethnic minority within a sovereign or internationally recognized nation, they do not necessarily think of themselves as a nation (Kymlicka, 1995; Hall, 1999). For example, Hispanics in the United States do not think of themselves as a nation, but rather consider themselves Hispanic-Americans or simply Americans. Likewise, people of Japanese ethnicity living in Canada do not see themselves as part of a larger Japanese nation. Instead, they consider themselves Japanese-Canadians, Canadians, or possibly Japanese people who live in Canada. In these cases, Hispanic-Americans or Japanese-Canadians are examples of the multi-ethnic and multi-cultural character of the United States and Canada. This distinction is an important one because for people who consider themselves to be a nation but form a minority in larger geopolitical entity, the aspiration for independence can be powerful (Hobsbawm, 1992). Many minority nations find their status intolerable, often feeling diminished or persecuted, and actively engage in consolidating a sense of national cohesion with the aim of legitimating themselves as an independent nation and member of the world order of nations with their own instruments of state (Breuilly, 1993; Smith, 1995; Hroch, 1985). However, Gellner (1983) believes that "our planet...contains room 25 for a certain number of independent or autonomous political units.. .the.. .number of potential nations is probably much, much [italics in original text] larger that that of possible viable states" (2). Thus, nationalist struggles continue unabated throughout the world. Ignatieff (1993) suggests these nationalist struggles range from the relatively peaceful (Quebecois of Canada, Corsicans of France, and Tibetans of China) to the incredibly violent (Tamils of Sri Lanka, Basques of Spain, and Chechnyans of Russia). It should be noted that not all minority discontent involves the desire for independence in the conventional sense. Canada's aboriginal peoples have a consciousness of being different from other people, but rather than seeking their own independent nation with instruments of state many desire a form of self-government with continued economic, political and social ties to Canada. This idea is akin to what the Catalans have achieved in Spain and the proposal for sovereignty association originally put forth by Quebec's former premier Rene Levesque (Cairns, 2000). The conceptions of nation and state described thus far are a western construct that emerged out of the nation-building1 era of the 18th and 19th centuries. Also called the Staatsnation or self-determined political community (Meinecke, 1970, cited in Miller, 1995), Alter (1994) and Kohn (1955) refer to the type of nation that emerged during this period as the western or civic nation. The western or civic nation is a socio-political entity in which membership is based on a set of laws enacted by the state, laws that the people develop, believe in and adhere to and usually includes democratic institutions such as those in Great Britain, France, Switzerland, and the United States (Calhoun, 1997). Along with its political-legal basis, this model, according to Miller (1995), incorporates the elements of active representation, historical continuity, common territory or geographical space, and a common public culture. The first element of the western or civic nation is the notion of active representation. Nations are, according to Miller (1995) "communities that do things together, take decisions, [and] achieve results" (24). The nation "becomes what it is because of the decisions it takes" (Miller, 1995: 24). This is done through proxies who 1 See Hobsbawm (1992) for a more extensive examination of this point, but briefly stated the nation-building era involved the movement to formalize state structures and assert jurisdiction over territory. Generally speaking, prior to the 18* century the state governments of western European nations had a 26 are seen as embodying the national will—politicians, judges, police, and the military. These people, as instruments of state, become the active representatives of the nation. Concurrent to this is the idea of apatria, a community of laws with a single political will. It entails some common regulating institutions to give expression to common political sentiments and purposes. It confers on citizens of the nation a sense of political and legal equality (Smith, 1991; Johnson, 1995). In short, citizens have civil, political, and social rights and duties that are not conferred on outsiders. Miller (1995) suggests that the second element of the western or civic nation is that it embodies "historical continuity" (23). Nations stretch backward into the past and though the national origins may be lost, forgotten, or shrouded in the mists of mythology, there is a sense the group has a common genesis. This sense may come from commonly celebrated military victories, revered monuments, or a feeling of pride about heroic deeds of particular forebears. Places and people of veneration and exaltation contain "inner meanings who can be fathomed only by the initiated, that is, the self-aware members of the nation" (Smith, 1991: 9). Miller (1995) insists that historical continuity also stretches forward in time through a collective belief in a common future. Therefore, contemporary members of the nation are custodians who maintain and consolidate the nation for future generations. The third element of the western or civic nation model is the idea of a common territory or geographical space. Not any space or stretch of territory will do however, nations must have their "homeland" (Miller, 1995: 24) or "historic land" (Smith, 1991: 9). It is a territory that embodies and in many ways defines the people. The cradle of the people is the land "where terrain and people have exerted mutual, and beneficial influence over several generations" (Smith, 1991: 9). The fourth element is the idea of a common public culture. A nation "requires that the people who share it should have something in common" (Miller, 1995: 25). Smith (,1 991) states that a "demarcated homeland.. .presupposes a measure of common values and traditions among the population, or at any rate its 'core' community" (11). The nature and content of common values and traditions is highly disputed. However, most models, tenuous claim over much of their territory with few border controls, state officials to administer the laws, or local military regiments to enforce the law. 27 to varying degrees of emphasis, suggest symbols, myths, and social practices such as national language(s) are significant to the nation (Smith, 1991; Gellner, 1997). Contrasting the western or civic nation model is what Alter (1994) and Miller (1995) refer to as the eastern or ethnic nation model. This model is based on Meinecke's (1970, cited in Miller, 1995) discussion of the Kulturnation or passive cultural community. The eastern or ethnic nation model shares some of the same elements as the western or civic model, including historical continuity and, to a much lesser extent, common territory or geographical space and a common public culture. However, the eastern or ethnic nation model is based not on a belief in or adherence to a set of laws developed by citizens, but rather a community of common descent. This notion emerges from Eastern Europe and Asia and is intricately tied to the primordialists (Kedourie, 1993; Geertz, 1963; Minogue, 1967) who view nations as extensions of pre-modern ethnic communities. Members of this type of nation are bonded together by a common genealogy, one that is inherent and irrevocable. Nationalist projects, under this model, are the struggle to bring to fruition centuries long bonds which are "in the blood" (Kedourie, 1993). As Smith (1991) states "whether you stayed in your community or emigrated to another, you remain ineluctably, organically, a member of the community of your birth and are forever stamped by it" (11). Outsiders are differentiated from members of the nation because they are not included in the extended "family tree" (Smith, 1991: 12). Nationalist mobilization is possible through appeals to the "fictive super-family" and the need to protect and defend the family can substantiate almost any claim. Common language, customs, and the folklore of art, music, and dance further inspire unity and provide for the visceral expression of the family bond that is the nation. These two models of the nation have inspired differing political communities in different parts of the world. Canada is largely an example of the western or civic nation model despite it being a multi-national state, while Israel is largely reflective of the eastern or ethnic nation model despite it being one of the approximately 200 fully independent and sovereign states in the world today. Still, models that outline objective criteria for what constitutes a nation have proven incredibly controversial and somewhat problematic. Hobsbawm (1992) says, "no 28 satisfactory criterion can be discovered for deciding which of the many human collectivities should be labeled this way" (5). Every attempt to establish objective criteria for what constitutes the nation has failed because "exceptions can always be found" (Hobsbawm, 1992: 6). Theorists emphasize that nations are largely based on belief. Miller (1995) states that "nations exist when their members recognize one another as compatriots, and believe that they share characteristics of the relevant kind" (22). Smith (1991) adds that the nation is a "faith achievement" (17), while Gellner (1983) writes that nations are "the artefact of.. .convictions, loyalties, and solidarities" (7). Each of these theorists differs on many points but they share the conviction that members of the nation must perceive themselves as such for the nation to exist. Renan (1882; translation 1994) suggests that though the nature of nations may be bound up in territory, history, and a common public culture, nations essentially depend on a "daily plebiscite" whereby members reaffirm their desire to maintain community bonds and move forward into the future. Anderson (1991) refers to the nation as an "imagined community" based on a belief that all members, whether they will ever be known on a personal level or not, are compatriots. His thesis expands on Renan's century old treatise by suggesting that belief in the nation is transmitted through cultural artefacts which are available to everyone who belongs—books, newspapers, pamphlets, and more recently the electronic media. Anderson (1991) does not suggest that nations are spurious inventions, but that they depend for their existence on collective acts of imagining which find their expression through such media. If nations are in important ways subjectively constructed, so too, do they construct the subjectivity of their members. Here we confront the concept of "national identity." Castells (1997) views the nation as "people's source of meaning and experience" (6) and agrees that national identities are subjective, contingent, and transformative. Calhoun (1994) explains this notion further when he states, "we know of no people without names, no languages or cultures in which some manner of distinctions between self and other, we and they, are not made... Self-knowledge—always a construction no matter how much it feels like a discovery—is never altogether separable from claims to be known in specific ways by others" (9-10). Here, groups of people form an identity by which they know and 2 9 understand themselves and can be known by others. This identity binds them to others that share this identity while distinguishing them from those who do not. Identity is constructed and given meaning on the basis of ".. .a cultural attribute, or related set of cultural attributes, that is/are ... sources of meaning" (Castells, 1997: 6). The nation offers a variety of cultural attributes that can serve as a source of meaning including language, religion, practices, beliefs, and shared history. Castells (1997) hastens to add that "for a given individual, or for a collective actor, there may be a plurality of identities" (6). These would include what Ghosh (2002) identified as gender, race, ethnicity, religion and sexual orientation, but does not include what sociologists have called roles such as mother, neighbour, union member, hockey player, churchgoer, etc. (Calhoun, 1994). The reason for the distinction, according to Castells (1997) is that roles are .. .defined by norms structured by the institutions and organizations of society. Their relative weight in influencing people's behaviour depend upon negotiations and arrangements between individuals and organizations. Identities are sources of meaning for the actors themselves, and by themselves, constructed through a process of individuation (7). This is a distinction that Tilly (1996) contends is artificial given that the lines between roles and identities are fluid. Nevertheless, a plurality of identities does not necessarily mean that identities exist in conflict or competition. Billig (1995) claims that "in different contexts, different identities become salient" (69), while Hutnik (1991) claims that "self-categorizations act as switches that turn on (or off) aspects of.. .identity" (164). For example, when a discussion on motherhood occurs a person's gender identity is active in making meaning of the discussion contents (mothers being female, therefore understandings of what it means to be female are active). Other identities such as race or sexual orientation remain in, what Billig (1995) calls, a state of "latency", as they may not be pertinent in the context of the discussion (69). However, if for example, racial or sexual identities are significant to the discussion and helpful in constructing meaning they can become active. Further, understandings of what it means to be a mother (role) and female, white, and gay (identities) may change because of the discussion. Likewise, multiple national identities can co-exist. A person can simultaneously view him or herself 3 0 as Quebecois and Canadian, identifying each label as a national identity. Such is the flexible, dynamic, and socially constructed character of identity. Also of note is national identity as it relates to immigrants. Kymlicka (1995) and Habermas (1996) suggest that nations based on the western or civic model have the flexibility to confer citizenship on those who migrate to and assume residency in the nation. As Miller (1995) states, "it is by no means essential that every member should have been bom there.. .immigration need not pose problems, provided only that the immigrants come to share in a common identity, to which they may contribute their own distinctive ingredients" (26). Immigrants can begin to develop common bonds with their adopted nation and begin developing a new national identity, one that does not necessarily conflict with any other national identities that may be part of their sense of self. No one can clearly ascertain when an immigrant begins to share in a common identity with others of the nation, but the immigrant students who participated in this study had been living in Canada for a number of months, learning new social and cultural practices, establishing relationships with friends, making connections with others through school, community organizations, and jobs, and indicated an intention to obtain their Canadian citizenship when able to do so. This can reasonably be interpreted to be evidence of they are establishing bonds with Canada and are at least beginning to develop a Canadian identity. Unquestionably, their Canadian identity differs from those of the students who were born and raised in Canada, but then all of the students differ in a number of ways, illustrating the dynamic, individual, and flexible nature of national identity. There is a growing body of literature interested in how national identity is manifested and how it interacts with other roles and identities. Castells (1997) suggests national identity can be conceptualized as being informed by three other identities. These include 1) legitimizing identity, 2) project identity, and 3) resistance identity. The legitimizing identity "generates a civil society [through] a set or organizations and institutions, as well as a series of structured and organized social actors, which reproduce, albeit in a conflictive manner, the identity that rationalizes the source of domination" (Castells, 1997: 9). The source of domination being the nation itself, a concept that, through the instruments of state and those with vested interests, works to consolidate its 31 existence and to maintain the status quo of a geo-political world order based on a system of nations. A person's national identity explicitly and implicitly legitimizes the nation. Billig (1995) claims that nations are "daily reproduced within the wider world... [and] a whole complex of beliefs, assumptions, habits, representations and practices [are] also reproduced. This complex must be reproduced in a banally mundane way" (6). Billig (1995) calls mundane reproduction "banal nationalism" or "flagging" of the nation (6). Through this and explicit national celebrations, remembrances, and mythologies, a person's national identity, becomes a powerful, perhaps even "primary" force of meaning construction in the lives of people (Hughes, 1997: 21). This is not to suggest that all people view the nation as a primary, significant, or purposeful source of meaning for their identity structure. Particular life roles such as churchgoer or housewife may be far more important to people. However, Billig (1995) would claim that national identity continues to be present, even in its latency ready to be activated when called upon, while Castells (1997) would claim that national identity is a manifestation of the domination of nation as the basis of the geopolitical world order. While legitimizing identity consolidates and reproduces the nation, the project identity transforms the nation. The project identity requires individuals to become subjects (collective social actors through which individuals develop holistic meaning of their experience). The transformation of individuals into subjects results from the combination of "individuals against communities, and... individuals against the market." An example of a project identity is that of feminists redefining their position in society and, by so doing, seeking to transform the overall social structure in which the nation has been historically based. This notion is evident in a number of studies in which gender, race, ethnicity, religion, and sexual orientation intersect with nation and national identity and results when "an individual.. .creating a personal history, of giving meaning to the whole realm of experiences of individual life" (Touraine, 1995: 29). Resistance identity does not consolidate, reproduce or transform the nation, it undermines the nation. Resistance identities can be formed by any group who oppose the social, cultural, political, or economic norms of the nation. They resist by engaging in the "the exclusion of the excluders by the excluded" (Castells, 1997: 9). Examples of resistance identities are apparent in some religious fundamentalists, gay communities, 32 and people living in ghetto neighbourhoods. In these cases, people's religious, sexual, and socio-economic identities are identified as being repressed and marginalized by the state and in their mind this de-legitimizes the nation itself. People who develop resistance identities believe that the liberation of their other identities is more important than the nation itself. A particularly potent example of resistance identity is found in nationalist based separatist movements. Scheff (1994) claims that nationalist movements of this variety "arise out of a sense of alienation from the nation on the one hand and resentment against unfair exclusion, whether political, economic, or social on the other" (281). When national minorities activate their national identity in a separatist or independence movement, a potent form "collective resistance" develops (Etzoni, 1993: 14). The resistance identity of the national minority seeks to de-legitimize the nation with the desire to form a new nation with the instruments of state. A resistance identity that manifests itself in a nationalist separatist movement is at once a force of fragmentation for one nation and a force of consolidation for another. There is also a growing body of literature concerned with the relationship between national and global identities. Though the two can theoretically co-exist, issues surrounding environmental degradation, as well as increasing economic, political, and cultural integration strengthen the forces of globalization and raise questions about the continued viability of distinct nations and national identities (Kennedy, 1993; Ohmae, 1995; Horsman and Marshall, 1994). The literature on national identity informs my belief that people create a language with which to understand themselves and to understand themselves in relation to others. Through shared cultural attributes the group forms bonds that are the basis of a nation and the nation becomes a source of meaning, of identity. National identity is contingent, subjective, and transformative, being daily reproduced through the banal and overt forces of consolidation as well as constantly being threatened by forces of globalization and fragmentation. 2. 3. Textbook Studies The official curriculum documents are the "vehicle by which organization and structure of intended learnings are communicated" (Eash, 1991: 71), encompassing 33 ".. .the content of instruction in a subject area. [It is] an overall plan of goals, subjects... materials, and intended learning outcomes of institutionalized teaching and learning as expressed in official [form]" (Bailer, 1991: 138). According to Eash (1991), curriculum documents usually consist of five widely agreed on components. These include: 1) a framework of assumptions about the learner and society, 2) aims and objectives for learning, 3) content or subject matter with its selection, scope, and sequence, 4) modes of transaction, including methodologies and learning environments, and 5) evaluation. The authority of the curriculum document rests in its production by persons vested with jurisdiction over education. In Canada that role was constitutionally assigned to provinces in the British North America Act of 1867 and the provincial states have established ministries of education to develop and administer educational policy. The purpose of curriculum documents is to "provide direction to teachers while ensuring a level of consistency and standard across student populations" (Franklin, 1991: 63). Not all five of the components noted by Eash (1991) are provided in every curriculum document but implicit assumptions and decisions are made on the way subject matter and learning activities are to be organized (Bailey, 1988). Again, depending on the jurisdiction and the time period, flexibility accorded teachers in making decisions about what to teach, how to teach, and how to evaluate have varied significantly. Some curriculum documents are very prescriptive, clearly outlining topics, and teaching and evaluation methodologies, while others allow the teacher significant decision-making power (Molnar, 1985). Textbooks are a key classroom manifestation of the curriculum (Woodward, Elliott and Nagel, 1988). Indeed, Doyle (1992) states that textbooks are "an important means by which the curriculum is made manifest in teaching episodes" (493). According to Clark (1997) they have been "central to the quality and content of education since the inception of public schooling in Canada. They are ubiquitous in classrooms and have formed, and continue to form, the basis of instruction" (7). Westbury (1991) claims that textbooks "surround and support teaching of all kinds, at all levels of instruction [and are] the central tools and objects of attention in all schooling" (74). A significant amount of research has been conducted on textbooks over the years including analyses of textbook production, distribution, and authorization (Parvin, 1965; 3 4 Apple and Christian-Smith, 1991) and the cognitive strategies employed to assist students in learning (Armbruster and Anderson, 1980; Baker and Brown, 1983; Dansereau, 1983; Bransford, 1984). Studies have examined the ways textbooks are actually used in the classroom by teachers (Patton, 1980; Alverman, 1989), their content quality (Hodgetts, 1968; Fitzgerald, 1979) and structural or organizational quality (Beck, McKeown, and Gromoll, 1989; Mikk, 2000). As well, research has been conducted on textbook bias and ideological selectivity with regard to ethnicity, race, social class, gender, and political values (Dewar, 1972; Anyon, 1979; Luke, 1988). Osborne (1996) suggests that from such research several conclusions can be made, particularly in relation to social studies textbooks. First, textbooks are "not objective, non-controversial, magisterial statements of objective truth... [and] are far from value neutral" (150). Secondly, textbooks are "to a greater or lesser extent vehicles for the transmission of ideology" often over- or under-representing certain groups of people and conveying particular values while ignoring or condemning others (150). Thirdly, textbooks, especially those in the social sciences, are "often bland and boring" rarely offering more than superficial treatment of topics, as they are "written to cover a programme of study that has to be completed in a set period of time" (150). Finally, "students do not pay that much attention to their textbooks...[and] reading is much more passive than active. [They] are used rather than enjoyed. The information they convey has a very short life, being retained only till the next test or examination" (151). Of the many areas of research conducted on textbooks, studies that analyze the ways the nation and various groups in the nation have been represented in textbooks have the most relevance. The various representations of Canada, and various groups in Canada, are evident in the following chronology of Canadian textbook studies. This review is not exhaustive but it shows what textbooks studies have found with regard to representations of who is present/valued or present/diminished or invisible/unvalued; what cultural values are to be embraced, debated, or rejected; what events are worth including/omitting and to what end; and how much or little diversity of the Canadian population is evident in Canadian social studies and history textbooks. 35 Hodgetts' (1968) What Culture? What Heritage? examined a number of textbooks from across Canada and noted the presentation of opposing views of Canadian history in the textbooks of English and French Canada. According to the report, English Canadian textbooks presented a "white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant political and constitutional history" while "saintly, heroic figures motivated by Christian ideals and working almost exclusively for the glory of God" were most evident in French Canadian textbooks (Hodgetts, 1968: 20, 31). Marcel Trudel and Genevieve Jain (1970) also noted different realities being presented to Anglophone and Francophone students. They concluded that different historical periods were emphasized, with the period of French colonization (pre-1663) given extensive emphasis in French-language texts but only limited notice in English-language texts. However, the English-language texts tried to give an overall history of Canada but the French-language texts focused almost exclusively on Quebec. Also noted was concern with the survival of French culture in French-language textbooks and the prominence of religion, particularly the Roman Catholic Church. Using quantitative analysis, Garnet McDiarmid and David Pratt (1971) noted in Teaching Prejudice that in the 143 authorized social studies textbooks in Ontario there were many examples of bias in favour of Christians and Jews and prejudice against certain groups, particularly Indians, Negroes, and Muslims. This study had an impact on the creation of guidelines to help eliminate racial, ethnic, cultural, and religious bias in future Ontario textbooks (Ontario Ministry of Education, 1980). Other studies conducted by various provincial human rights commissions, ministries of education, and cultural organizations in the following decade obtained similar findings, especially with regard to Aboriginal peoples, (Paton and Deverell, 1974). Ken Dewar (1972) examined six Canadian history texts published between 1960 and 1962, discovering that the texts romanticized Canadian history for the purposes of socializing the reader into conservative nationalist values. Indeed, "by their portrayal of Canada as [the] best of all possible worlds they constitute, in effect, a defence of the essential features of the present status quo in Canadian society, and thereby uphold the interests of the contemporary ruling classes" (127). 36 In 1975, Patrick Babin examined 1,719 textbooks listed in Ontario's Circular 14 for bias. Rather than discovering bias in the representation of minority groups Babin concluded that there was bias in the omission of minority groups from textbooks. Gordon Bailey (1975) analyzed 123 Canadian elementary social studies textbooks to determine their contribution to the socialization of Canadian students. This socialization process was examined in terms of the development of a sense of national identity. He concluded that textbooks presented the physical parameters of social experience, defining community in terms of its geographic features rather than social dimensions. As well, dominant assumptions about the environment, technology, and progress were largely unquestioned and unexplored. Osborne (1980) conducted a historical study on 29 Canadian history textbooks published between 1886 and 1979 to determine how Canadian workers were portrayed. He concluded that the textbooks had very little to say about the Canadian working class and that the textbooks conveyed a message of acceptance of the status quo, emphasizing the virtues of hard work, moderation, perseverance, and determination. Valerie Murray (1986) researched five elementary social studies textbooks in British Columbia and organized the content into three dimensions: social conflict, social discourse, and social knowledge. Murray concluded that the textbooks promote a consensus view of society and fail to address societal tensions. Beth Light, Pat Staton, and Paula Bourne (1989) focused on the portrayal of women in 66 Canadian history textbooks. They concluded that women were represented much less than men, their activities were not treated seriously by the authors, and that there was a tendency to blame female family members for men's faults and failures. Marshall Conley (1989) examined excerpts from Canadian history textbooks used throughout the 20 th century and concluded that they were used to promote particular kind of Canadian identity. He observed an idealized picture of Canadian life and culture, one that was united and free from conflict. Indeed, the ideal Canadians were "people who intend to better themselves, who will work hard without complaint, who can make a virtue out of necessity, who are moderate, self-reliant, respectable, and temperate" (147). Clark (1995) conducted a historical study of citizenship education using British Columbia textbooks. The study analyzed 169 social studies textbooks, approved for use 37 in British Columbia schools from 1925 to 1989, following three significant events in education: the Putman-Weir Report (Putman and Weir, 1925), the Chant Report (British Columbia, 1960), and the inauguration of the Canada Studies Foundation in 1970. The purpose of the study was to examine the different views of Canadian identity evident in the textbooks and how these views changed over time (through the three eras). A profile was created for each textbook examining eleven aspects of Canadian identity. These aspects were categorized under three themes: the conception of the ideal Canadian in the texts, the conception of Canada as a nation in the texts, and the conception of the student reader. Clark (1995) discovered that the vision of Canadian identity changed considerably over time, in terms of each of the themes explored. In the Putman-Weir era, the predominant feature of Canadian identity in the textbooks involved an increasing sense of independence combined with a continuing sense of allegiance and commitment to Great Britain and the British Empire. Characteristics of good citizenship included loyalty to Canada and Great Britain. Canadian identity was also gendered as women were excluded from this portrait. So too, were Asians and aboriginal peoples, while more desirable immigrants were included because they were needed to populate the land. The Chant era offered a vision of Canadian identity that took for granted Canada's independence from Great Britain. The relationship with the United States became more central, as did Canada's role on the international stage. According to Clark (1995), Canadian identity in textbooks was defined as not-being-American. Textbooks during this era become more inclusive of women, though in roles presented as peripheral (housekeepers, child-rearers). Asians and aboriginal peoples continued to be presented in negative ways while other immigrants were characterized as contributing significantly to the progress of the nation. Finally, in the Canada Studies era, textbooks promoted Canadian nationhood and greater inclusiveness. Women, aboriginal peoples, and immigrants of all origins, along with the elderly and physically challenged people, were included in the texts, and generally presented positively. Finally, Tim Stanley (1995) conducted a cultural and historical examination of British Columbia textbooks in the 1872 to 1925 period. He suggested that early textbooks extolled the virtues of British patriotism, enterprise and skill, and depicted Asians as the 38 inferior and backward. Indeed, they "fostered an 'ideology of difference' which legitimated the white occupation of the province as both natural and morally necessary, at the same time it rendered the First Nations and Asians as 'Other'" (39). There has been little recent research published in this area but the studies included here suggest that changing constructions and representations of Canada and Canadians have and continue to be part of social studies and history textbooks. These studies contribute information to the ongoing discussion of what content and representations of Canada and Canadians ought to be in textbooks. What these studies do not explicitly consider are the representations of Canada and Canadians in textbooks relative to the Canadian identity of students who engage with them. Students bring perceptions of Canada and Canadians to their reading of textbooks and use these in constructing an understanding of what the nation is, while simultaneously learning more about the nation. My study addresses this issue by analyzing an official curriculum document and social studies textbooks to determine how they address Canada and Canadians in reference to the Canadian identity of students. 2. 4. Summary I examined the literature related to social studies, demonstrating that its primary purpose has been and continues to be citizenship education. This is followed by an outline of themes apparent in social studies and of approaches to the field. I concluded my examination of social studies with an overview of literature and studies conducted in social studies since it became a school subject in Canada during the 1930s. I argued that recent research has focused on conceptualizations of identity and citizenship within groups while this study maps the terrain of individual's identities, specifically Canadian identity. I also explored the literature related to nation and national identity. National identity is contingent, subjective, and transformative, being daily reproduced through the banal and overt forces of consolidation as well as constantly being threatened by forces of globalization and fragmentation. I argued that Canadian national identity is largely of the western or civic variety and is flexible enough to include immigrants as members of the nation. 3 9 Finally, I reviewed a number of textbook studies conducted in Canada that related to various aspects of Canadian identity and citizenship. I suggested that unlike previous studies this study considers the representations of Canada and Canadians in textbooks relative to the Canadian identity of students who engage with them. 4 0 C H A P T E R T H R E E Conducting the Research: Type, Approach, and Methods In this chapter, I discuss the type and approach to research as well as the methods used in conducting this study. The chapter is divided into sections that proceed as follows: 1) the students and their school: gathering the data 2) a framework for analyzing Canadian identity, 3) analyzing the curriculum and textbooks, and 4) reliability and validity. The chapter concludes with a summary. 3.1. The Students and their School: Gathering the Data Qualitative inquiry encompasses many approaches including constructivism (Lincoln and Guba, 1998), interpretativism (Denzin, 1992; Smith, 1989), naturalistic inquiry (Lincoln and Guba, 1998), and post-positivist inquiry (Quantz, 1992). Al l share "an interpretative...approach to its subject matter... attempting to make sense of, or interpret, phenomena in terms of the meanings people bring to them" (Denzin and Lincoln, 1994: 2). Case study design is also interpretive, allowing for holistic description of a "specific phenomenon such as a program, an event, a person, a process, an institution, or a social group" (Merriam, 1988: 9). R. E. Stake (1998) notes that "the case" is a bounded system, identifiable and delimited, selected because it is an example of some issue, concern, or hypothesis. By focussing on the particular, the researcher can "uncover the interaction of significant factors characteristic of the phenomenon" (Merriam, 1988: 10). Case studies have been categorized and used in a number of ways. The way that has the most relevance for this study is a categorization based on purpose. Stake (1998) identifies instrumental case studies as those that "provide insight into an issue or refinement of a theory" (Stake, 1998: 88). Interest in the case itself is secondary to the study's ultimate purpose. The case plays a supportive role, facilitating understanding of something else. The case may be looked at in depth and its contexts may be scrutinized, but only because it helps the researchers pursue an external interest. Here, students are the instrumental cases as they provide insight into and offer refinement to a theory of 41 Canadian identity. As well, the cases are instrumental for conducting analysis of an official social studies curriculum document and three social studies textbooks to discover how they address students' Canadian identity. I chose to focus on a segment of the student population for which there has been little research conducted, specifically recently migrated students. Though migration has been a constant feature of human history, advances in transportation and communication mean that people can move further and with more ease than ever before (Hardwick and Holtgrieve, 1996). Migrants are increasingly changing the demographic nature of nations and impacting the competing forces of consolidation, fragmentation, and globalization (Birch, 1993). Unlike people who have never migrated from one place to another, the act of moving one's permanent residence impacts on perceptions (Boyle, Halfacree, and Robinson, 1998). Migrants move from being immersed in the culture of one location to living in the culture of another. They are exposed to new ideas, perspectives, and practices in their new location, assimilating, adapting, and/or rejecting as they deem necessary (Boyle, Halfacree, and Robinson, 1998). Some of the new ideas or perspectives that migrants are exposed to in their new location are those related to the nation. Though they may share many similarities, people living in different locations develop different ways of understanding the nation based on their geographical situation, historical experiences, and demographic composition (Hiller, 1996). In short, locations develop unique cultural milieus. If a person visits St. John's, Newfoundland, it does not take long to recognize that the Canada understood by the people of St. John's differs from the Canada understood by the people of Trois Rivieres, Regina, or Vancouver. One can reasonably expect that the dynamic, always in progress, and never complete nature of Canadian national identity would be affected by migrating from one location or cultural milieu to another. This point is magnified for migrants who have migrated to Canada from another nation. For these migrants, they are not only being exposed to new ideas, perspectives, and practices related to the nation, they are also developing a new understanding of the nation to which they have migrated, developing a new national identity that they reconcile with their other identities (Boyle, Halfacree, and Robinson, 1998). 42 Subjects in this study: 1) were students enrolled in a school in Vancouver, British Columbia, 2) had migrated to Vancouver within the previous 24 months, and 3) indicated they were Canadian citizens or intended to obtain Canadian citizenship. The first criterion was based on Vancouver having an extensive population comprised of migrants from other parts of Canada and the world (Statistics Canada, 2000); as well, Vancouver was the city from which I conducted the study. The second criterion was developed to ensure a change of cultural milieu with change of location. Eyles (1985) posits that migration from one location to another involves attuning oneself to a new place, developing a sense of that place, and part of that involves an understanding of the nation from that place. I wanted students who were likely to have contemplated their perceptions of Canada, Canadians, and themselves as Canadians. Steele (1981) suggests that migrants have heightened sensitivity to their surroundings and that information gathering is optimal in the first 6 to 12 months after arrival in a new location. However, the period of recent migration was extended to 24 months to ensure that a sufficient number of students could qualify for this study. The third and last criterion was included to ensure data would be suggestive of Canadian identity. Though students' may also have other national identities and that identities are dynamic, contingent, and provisional, I wanted some indication of a bond between students and the nation of Canada. The students selected for participation in this study were enrolled at Portage Secondary School in Vancouver. Burgess (1984) suggests that sites from which research participants are drawn should be selected based on their potential to afford persons who meet the criteria for participation, who are willing to participate, and where the researcher has established contacts. Portage Secondary School met the criteria. I consulted Statistics Canada (2000) to ascertain which areas of Vancouver had the highest percentage of recent immigration. By entering the postal codes of various secondary schools into the Statscan website, a detailed profile of immediate school vicinities emerged1. Portage Secondary School was chosen as the site from which students could be drawn because its census profile suggested significant potential for contacting recently migrated students. 1 When a postal code is entered, a census profile results based on data from streets with the same postal code prefix (first three characters). 43 The area surrounding Portage Secondary School was relatively affluent in comparison to other sections of the city, with an average annual income of $47,566 per taxpayer and had undergone significant demographic change since 1991 with a 35.5% increase in immigrants. No information was available concerning the settlement patterns of migrants from other parts of Canada. The racial breakdown was 56% white, 34% Asian, 4% South Asian or Indian, 2% Black and 4% other (Statistics Canada, 2000). The ethnic composition was difficult to ascertain, however the self-identification method used by Statistics Canada suggests that the figures are as follows: 60% view themselves as Canadian, 11% identify as hyphenated Canadians with the most prominent ethnicities being Chinese, British, and Irish, 20% identify as Chinese (including Hong Kong) solely, 4% view themselves as Taiwanese, 2% identify as Korean, 1% view themselves as Indian, while 2% identify as other ethnicities. A second reason Portage Secondary School was selected was because I had a contact in the school. Through a liaison, I had been introduced to the school principal and forwarded him a description of the study for his consideration. I arranged an informal interview with him for April 1, 1999, which lasted for approximately one hour. The principal expressed interest in having his students participate, stating "it would be good for Portage" (Field Note Book #1, 04-01-99: 1). Satisfied that both the University of British Columbia and the Vancouver School Board had approved this study (see Appendices #1A and IB respectively), the principal gave permission for me to proceed. During the one hour interview with the principal, I learned about the school's structuring of grades, classes, programs, extra-curricular activities and scheduling. Further information was gathered from a publication on student engagement in which Portage Secondary School participated as an anonymous case study (Smith, Donahue, Vibert, 1998). As well, a grade 12 history teacher took me on a school tour. This information was combined with that gleaned from student interviews and my own observations over the next six weeks to construct a school profile. The school reflects the area of which it is a part in many ways. Located in a part of Vancouver that was settled by British immigrants of considerable means, the school opened in the early part of the 20 th century. The principal indicated that the school had 44 "about a thousand" students, but the administrative assistant confirmed an enrolment of 1,174 students from grades seven to twelve for the 1998-99 school year. The principal stated that the mandate of the school was focussed on "scholastic achievement" balanced with "elite programs of sport and the arts." He wanted the students to graduate as "well-rounded individuals" and be able to enter "any university they desire." One way the school acted on this philosophy was through the development of the "advanced-classes" concept during the 1980s. Gifted and high-achieving students could apply for a limited number of spots in an enriched program of study. The application process involved interviews and a written composition for entry in either grade eight or ten. Students could enter at other grades if openings became available due to students leaving the program for various reasons. The advanced-classes concept organized students into grade cohorts that stayed together throughout their secondary school career, though in grade twelve there were classes that mixed students in the advanced-classes with students in the regular school program. The advanced-classes featured smaller class sizes, more independent study, flexibility in topics for study, increased one-on-one interaction with teachers, and field trips that ranged from outdoor orienteering to theatre trips to New York. The school, especially advanced-classes, had significant parental involvement. Parents raised funds for programs and frequently chaperoned at school events and on field trips. A couple of students indicated that there was a sense of elitism that pervaded the advanced-classes and jealousy from the regular school program. However, they said this did not affect sportsmanship on school teams or the formation of friendships. One of the observations I made during my time at the school was the segregation between Asian and non-Asian students. Though not universal, a high proportion of Asian students interacted only with other Asian students. Non-Asian students did the same, though this group was more racially diverse. Early in the interview process, a student noted for me that the Asian students eat together in the cafeteria while the other students eat their lunch in the halls, outside, or off school grounds. As well, the Asian students park their "nice cars" in a particular section of the parking lot while other students park their cars on the side streets around the school. The student did not think this was intentional or that it was because either group disliked or was fearful of the other. She 45 said, "it's just the way it is." During a tour of the school one of the teachers also noted this aspect of the school's culture. When referring to the class graduation pictures hanging on the wall he noted the changing "face" of Portage over the years. He said the increasing number of Asian students to "about 50% of the school" was having an impact on student relations "both good and bad" (Field Note Book #1: 15). He did not elaborate. This point aside, principal, teachers, and students said how much they liked Portage Secondary School. Students noted their feelings of safety and the better education they were receiving, especially when compared to another local secondary school that many of their friends attended. With the site chosen and a profde of the school developing, the selection of recently migrated students began. It was suggested by the principal that the chances of finding recently migrated students that fit the criteria were greater in the senior grade (grade 12) because their backgrounds were more diverse than students in the other grades. Further, the senior students had more time available to engage in data gathering and had more flexibility in their schedules. Since this study examines the theoretical intersection between students, curriculum document, and textbook, it was not imperative that the cases or students actually have completed grade 11 social studies in British Columbia and encountered the SS-11 IRP, or used the three social studies textbooks being analyzed in this study. Indeed, selecting cases from a pool of students that met the criteria and were accessible was more important that ensuring congruence with grade level of the social studies curriculum document and textbooks. To begin the selection process, I offered a written questionnaire to 105 grade 12 students on April 6-7, 1999 (see Appendix #3 A for the questionnaire, and Appendix #3B for the same questionnaire with questions referenced by numbers). It was introduced at the beginning of history, geography or law classes and took about 15 minutes to complete. Students chose whether or not to complete the questionnaire and could withdraw from participation at any time. Al l questionnaires were collected before students left the classroom. Based on the information provided, those who met the criteria and indicated interest in participating in this study were contacted in order to obtain their written consent and the written consent of their parent or guardian (see Appendix #1C). Of the 105 students who completed questionnaires, 16 met the criteria and were selected 46 to participate further. Al l submitted consent forms before one student asked to withdraw from the study for personal reasons; this left 15 students, 8 girls and 7 boys. The nations students migrated from included Taiwan, Korea, Jamaica, United States, Hong Kong, Russia, and Greece, while other students migrated from places within Canada, including Winnipeg, Calgary, Ottawa, Whitehorse, Whistler, Edmonton, Prince George, and Richmond Hill. Three methods were employed to gather data on students' Canadian identity: 1) questionnaire, 2) individual interviews, and 3) group interviews. Each method is nested in the subsequent one, revealing perceptions of and tensions with Canada, Canadians, and themselves as Canadians, and contributing to a greater understanding of students' Canadian identity. This written questionnaire was one page in length and included 13 questions (see Appendices #3 A-C). This questionnaire served a number of purposes. First, it provided information necessary to identify students who met the criteria; of the total 105 questionnaires completed, 89 did not meet the criteria. Secondly, it provided students with insight into the topic of this study, allowing them to make a more informed decision about whether or not to participate if selected. Thirdly, the questionnaire provided the first data set concerning students' Canadian identity. The questionnaire was piloted to ensure that the questions were clear, spelling and grammar were correct, and that the design or layout of the questionnaire was coherent and easy to follow. Suggestions for revision were offered and incorporated into the final edition of the questionnaire. Nevertheless, this questionnaire was flawed in two ways. First, in an effort to keep the questionnaire to a single page compromises were made concerning the font size and the spaces provided for written responses. Two students complained that there was not enough room to write on the sheet. I encouraged them to write on the back of the sheet if necessary. However, if the questionnaire were to be used again I would enlarge the font and extend the questionnaire to two pages in order to provide adequate space for written responses. Secondly, the wording of Question# 9 was problematic for one student. She was an aboriginal student and felt that the three pre-established choices did not apply to her. She felt that to identify herself only as Canadian erased her aboriginal heritage, while 47 identifying herself as a hyphenated Canadian made her feel "almost Canadian" but not quite, which she adamantly disavowed (Field Note Book #2: 2). I encouraged this student to use the back of the sheet and identify herself in a way that she felt most comfortable. However, if this questionnaire were to be used in the future I would include a space for respondents to identify themselves as they feel appropriate. The second method of data gathering used in this study was the semi-structured individual interview. The purposes of interviews are to establish "...a human-to-human relationship with the respondent and the desire to understand rather than explain" [italics in original] (Fontana and Frey, 1998: 57). Unlike structured interviews that have pre-established questions and frequently have pre-established category options for responses, and unstructured interviews that are more free-flowing or conversation-like, semi-structured interviews allow the interviewer to maintain focus on the topic and address the established questions, yet they allow the respondent to respond at length, deviate from the topic, and reshape the focus if desired (Denzin, 1989). Rather than playing a neutral role in the interview process, the interviewer is a partner in the dialogue, infusing his or her opinions, perspectives, and personal stories as one might in a conversation (Mischler, 1986). The strength of this type of interviewing is its lack of formality. It provides the opportunity for respondents to reveal dimensions and aspects of the topic that the interviewer might not or could not have anticipated. Further, because the interviewer is perceived to be a conversation partner rather than cordial but distant researcher, a sense of trust is more likely to be developed, potentially leading to richer data. In other words, the interviewer is no longer perceived to be an intruder or voyeur in the respondent's world, but rather an interested and involved participant (Fontana and Frey, 1998). The difficulty with semi-structured interviewing is the possibility of being distracted from the purposes of the interview. Interviews can go astray, leading to the accumulation of data that, while interesting, may be of little use. Another difficulty is the potential to overly influence the interview. In an effort to develop a trusting relationship and put respondents at ease with a friendly attitude, interviewers sometimes contribute too much to the dialogue, unwittingly becoming directors of the interview rather than facilitators or co-participants (Creswell, 1994). This difficulty can be addressed using 48 "active listening" techniques such as rephrasing the respondent's words in order to obtain greater clarity, asking for examples, or offering counter-examples in an effort to explore his or her points further (Wiersma, 1986). Though the interviewer is free to insert her or himself into the interview, s/he must not forget that it is respondent's words that are most important. I chose to interview each of the 15 students individually because of the benefits that come from conversing with one person at a time with no one competing for attention. The only voices heard are those of the researcher and the researched, one facilitating and one supplying data. This allows the interviewer to follow up on responses in an effort to gain greater clarity, obtain further examples to illustrate what is meant by a particular comment or statement, and in some cases offer counter-examples for the interview respondent to consider. A second benefit to individual interviews is that it alleviates the respondent's potential concern about embarrassing him or herself in front of peers or other persons who have a greater influence on their daily lives (Holstein and Gubrium, 1996). The individual interviews were conducted April 20-May 3, 1999 at the school (see Appendix #2 for the interview schedule) in the corner of the school cafeteria. The principal had suggested that by enclosing an area of the cafeteria with portable dividers the students and I would have the necessary privacy and quiet to conduct interviews. I walked to the student's classroom to meet them for our pre-arranged interview and walked back with them to the cafeteria. The walk to the cafeteria, which often involved going between different buildings, enabled me to engage the student in casual conversation, discover a little about their lives, perceptions of the school, and put them at ease. Each interview lasted at least 60 minutes and was tape-recorded. Several interviews lasted longer because students wished to continue, and had the flexibility of schedule to do so. At the conclusion of the interview, I recorded observations and impressions about the student, pace of the interviews, areas of concern with regard to questioning, and comments made by the student that might be used in the group interview segment of the data gathering process. The individual interview served three purposes. First, it provided the second data set concerning students' perceptions and tensions. Secondly, it was an opportunity to 49 clarify and explore information that students provided on the questionnaire, enhancing the validity of the data. Thirdly, it provided data used in the subsequent group interviews. Since I wanted to ask questions that elicited information on students' Canadian identity I had to have a sense of what constitutes Canadian identity in the first place. Hughes (1997) developed a framework of Canadian identity based on interviews with 150 high school students. I used this framework as a starting point for designing questions that would bring forth students' perceptions of Canada, Canadians, and themselves as Canadians. The questions served as a guide to ensure that I maintained focus, had a sense of direction, pushed the interview forward toward a conclusion, and obtained the type of information desired (see Appendix #4 for a list of individual interview questions). Questions were not always asked in exactly the order shown in Appendix #4. Occasionally the student would answer a question before it was asked, precipitating a move onto other questions. Sometimes questions would be asked, answered, and then revisited again later. Although this part of the study is concerned with students' Canadian identity, I did not ask about this directly. Concepts such as Canadian identity are difficult to grapple with and requests to have students "describe your Canadian identity" would likely have met with blank faces and confusion. As McCracken (1988) states "most questions cannot be asked directly. They can be answered only by asking other questions, and piecing answers together" (73). The questions in Appendix #4, Part A: Biographical Information, provided the opportunity to learn more about aspects of students' lives. Students were put at ease talking about a topic with which they were familiar. Feelings of trust were also enhanced as the interviewer shared similar information about him self (e.g. you're an only child too!). Learning more about the contexts in which students lived their lives also provided important information for interpreting students' perceptions. The questions in Appendix #4, Part B: Migration, explored the circumstances that led to their migration to Vancouver. As well, feelings about the migration potentially coloured perceptions and interpretations of Canada and Canadians and thus provided important information. The questions in Appendix #4, Part C: Official Citizenship, Self-Perception, and Home, verified citizenship status. As well, the questions moved beyond official status 50 into self-perception (i.e., do they or do they not see themselves as Canadian) and feelings of being at home (i.e., where they feel most connected). Appendix #4, Part D: Perceptions of Canada and Canadians explored what the nation and other members of the national community meant to students, how they perceived tensions that may exist. Through the topics they emphasized, words they used to describe and explain, and tone of voice employed, a greater understanding of identity was possible. The questions generated much data, but also had weaknesses. There were a fair number of questions to be covered in a 60-minute interview, especially as these questions were asked in a two-way conversation. Though each interview covered all of the questions, on at least two occasions the interview seemed rushed. In retrospect, were these interviews to be conducted again I would reduce my input into the interview, reduce the number of questions to be asked, or extend the length of time. The third method of data gathering was the semi-structured group interview. Group interviews entail questioning several individuals simultaneously in formal or informal settings. They are not meant to replace individual interviewing, rather they provide "another level of data gathering or a perspective on the research problem not available through individual interviews" (Fontana and Frey, 1998: 53-54). Several people are brought together in an effort to more closely approximate a group discussion or conversation. Like the individual interview, the group interview can be designed with a structured, unstructured, or semi-structured format For the semi-structured group interview, the interviewer acts as a partner or participant in the discussion, remains aware of the topic, and maintains the focus, direction, and pace as the interview unfolds. However, the interviewer must also be mindful of the group dynamic during the interview. Merton (1956) notes that the interviewer .. .must keep one person or small coalition of persons from dominating the group; second he or she must obtain responses from the entire group to ensure the fullest possible coverage of the topic. In addition, the interviewer must balance the directive interviewer role with the role of moderator, which calls for the management of the dynamics of the group being interviewed (cited in Fontana and Frey, 1998: 55). 51 Researchers must also remain aware of the possibility that "the emerging group culture may interfere with individual expression" meaning a form of "group think" may result (Fontana and Frey, 1998: 55). The strength of this method is that rather than focusing on a single respondent attention is dispersed among a number of respondents. This has the potential to reduce any feelings of intimidation respondents may experience (Creswell, 1994). As well, respondents do not have to respond to only the interviewer's questions and comments, they can respond to each other's. This offers more catalysts for discussion, alleviating the possibility of the conversation stagnating or winding down prematurely. The difficulty with this data gathering method is that since respondents are constantly interacting with each other, time is easily consumed reducing the possibility of the interviewer accessing each respondent's perspectives. Using this method in concert with others, especially the individual interview can mitigate this difficulty. Five group interviews were conducted from May 5-13, 1999 at the school (see Appendix #2 for the interview schedule). Al l students had completed their individual interviews by the time group interviews began. Every effort was made to have gender balance and an equal number of students in each group interview. However, differing student schedules made this impossible within the confines of the school day, thus the group interview conducted on the morning of May 6, 1999 had four students, while the last group interview conducted on the afternoon of May 13, 1999 had only two students. This may have affected the group dynamic of the interview but it did not unduly affect the content of the discussion itself. The setup and location were similar to those of the individual interview. Each interview was scheduled to last 60 minutes though most lasted longer as students became very interested and involved in the discussion. On two occasions one student in the group had to leave after 60 minutes due to classes or obligations elsewhere in the school. The remaining students continued with the interview. Group interviews were tape-recorded, and field notes were logged into a notebook after each group interview. The group interviews served three purposes. First, they provided additional data concerning students' Canadian identity. Secondly, they provided an opportunity to clarify responses offered on the questionnaire and in individual interviews, enhancing the 52 validity of the data. Thirdly, they provided an opportunity for students to respond to statements made during the individual interviews, exploring their thoughts in greater depth than would be possible if relying only on the questionnaire or individual interview. The third purpose highlights a difference in design when compared to the first two methods. Rather than pre-establishing questions to facilitate responses I used statements made by the students during their individual interviews. I felt that further questions would not elicit additional or richer data from students but responding to their own statements might. As well, having students respond to their own statements enhanced the perception that they were involved in a conversation, able to critique, challenge, change, or affirm themselves and others. Following each of the individual interviews I listened to the taped recordings. Five to six provocative statements were extracted from these recordings and compiled onto a list. As each individual interview was completed the list of extracted statements grew longer. When individual interviews were completed May 3, 1999, final statements were added to the list bringing the total number to 78. From this list, 15 statements were chosen to be catalysts for discussion during group interviews (see Appendix #5A-B). Every effort was given to choose statements that represented the breadth of topics discussed in the individual interviews. As well, attention was given to choosing statements that represented positive, negative, and neutral perspectives. The 15 statements used in group interviews came from 13 students. The statements of two students were not included because they were similar to statements made by other students. At the beginning of each group interview I informed students they would be responding to statements made by them and other students participating in the study. In an effort to deter students from searching for their own words and simply justifying them for the sake of consistency, I told them that not all students' statements were represented and that a statement made by them may or may not be present. I gave each student in the group a sheet of paper containing the 15 statements placed in random order, and asked them to choose the two they agreed with the most and circle the statement numbers. I then asked them to choose the two they disagreed with the most and place an X through the statement numbers. Starting with the student to my left, the first statement with which 53 they agreed was read aloud. If other group members chose the same statement they usually chimed in with agreement. Students were encouraged to do this as it reduced the procedural feeling of the interview and helped ignite discussion. I sometimes challenged statements, offering alternative perspectives, always careful to move the discussion throughout the group. The same procedure was followed with subsequent statements of agreement and disagreement until everyone had had the opportunity to share their choices and offer responses. This process was not without a limitation. The statements used were selected as the interview process unfolded. This was necessary because of time constraints (i. e., exams, graduation, and the conclusion of the school year). Ideally, analysis of the individual interview data would be completed before statements are selected for group interviews. Nevertheless, the group interviews served their purposes. They provided additional data concerning students' Canadian identity and offered an opportunity to clarify and further explore responses offered on the questionnaire and in individual interviews, enhancing the validity of data analysis. In preparation for the data analysis process, students were assigned a pseudonym to protect their confidentiality. Tape recordings from individual and group interviews were assigned a tape number and transcribed during June-August, 1999 (see Appendix #2 for pseudonyms and corresponding tape recording numbers). As an initial step, I consulted the categories developed by Hughes (1997) in his framework of Canadian identity. I compared his categories to those suggested by the data to see if there were similarities. I wove back and forth between Hughes' framework and the data several times, using some of his categories and developing new ones that were more suggestive of the data. Tesch (1990) calls this process "segmenting" (22). Each segmented parcel of data deemed to reflect a particular category was colour coded with a thematic sticker. The same parcel of data was saved on a thematically titled computer file. Bogdan and Biklen (1992) call this process "coding categories" (64) while Marshall and Rossman (1989) call it "generating categories, themes, or patterns" (133). The themes or categories that developed from this process formed what are called the "dimensions" of students' Canadian identity. Three dimensions were evident: Canadian identity as 1) sentiment, 2) citizenship, and 3) values. These dimensions were 54 further sub-divided into a number of "features." The data for each case were coded and categorized into the feature(s) that they most related. Data analysis proceeded by interpreting each parcel of data for meaning based on what was stated, how it was stated, how it related to other data gathered from that student, and the meaning that could be interpreted given what is known about the student and the contexts in which they lived. Given that there were 15 students, not all of the data analyzed could be used. In order to facilitate presentation of results, selected perceptions and tensions of each student were merged together under the dimension and feature headings. Since students often had similar perceptions and tensions, the person(s) who expressed the point most clearly are included herein along with an indication of how many others shared these perceptions and tensions. If, however, the perceptions and tensions differed between students within the same feature, then as many different perspectives are presented as necessary to convey the diversity in students' Canadian identity. The results of the data analysis are presented in chapters 4-6 under dimension and feature headings. 3. 2. A Framework for Analyzing Canadian Identity In this section, I present an explanation of the three dimensions, sentiment, citizenship, and values that comprised students' Canadian identity. As stated earlier, these dimensions are broad categories developed in a process of weaving back and forth between pre-established categories presented in Hughes' framework of Canadian identity and the data gathered from the 15 case studies. Each dimension is further sub-divided into features. 3. 2.1. Canadian Identity as Sentiment "Sentiment" is often associated with tender feelings of sentimentality and a tendency to sentimentalize. That is not my intent when using the term. Rather, sentiment means, a mental attitude or response to a person, object, or idea based on feeling instead of reason (Ginsberg, 1973). Here, sentiments are the affective part of identity, conveying the perceptions and feelings a person has about the nation. They can range from rapturous sentimentality to feelings of indifference or non-commitment to rejection, anger, disgust 55 or frustration. In this dimension I explain the sentiments that form the basis of what people perceive and feel about Canada. This dimension is comprised of five features: 1) sense of commitment to land, territory, landscape or location, 2) sense of commitment to distinctive symbols, 3) sense of historical uniqueness, 4) sense of national sovereignty, and 5) sense of belonging. Sense of Commitment to the L a n d , Territory, Landscape or Location The ways that people understand their nation are many. One of the most significant is in a sense of commitment to the land. People can express sentiments that range from a deep, visceral, connection to the land whereby the very soil, mountains, rocks, rivers, and trees are the nation to feelings of detachment or perhaps viewing the land as something to be conquered, owned, and used to satisfy wants and needs. A second part of this feature involves sense of commitment to the territory. People have a mental map in their heads of what their nation looks like, its extent, its shape, the features of the land, and the positioning of bodies of water. Borders between their nation and others are significant because they indicate where fellow citizens live as insiders as opposed to non-citizens or outsiders. Some have strong feelings about what territory is or must be considered part of the nation, while others are disinterested or willing to consider alternative visions of the nation's territory. A sense of commitment to the landscape is the third part of this feature. For some, the natural landscape (or cityscape) becomes the image of Canada itself, indelibly connected in the mind of Canadian and tourist alike. The images symbolize the character or essence of Canada and Canadians. For example, people might consider the Canadian Shield as synonymous with Canadians' vigour, hardiness, and perseverance or Toronto's skyline as representative of the urbane Canadian. For others, the natural landscape in Canada is perceived as an empty wilderness, harsh, cold, and unforgiving, a sign of Canada's lack of development and a source of distance between human communities to be overcome in an effort to alleviate feelings of disconnectedness and isolation. Cityscapes might be perceived as symbolizing corporate domination or groups of people living side by side yet unknown to each other. 56 The fourth and final part of this feature is a sense of commitment to location. Hughes (1997) suggests that particular locations in the nation are "distinguished by myths, legends or key historical events, and become national shrines" (31). These locations become a focal point for feelings about the nation. Examples might include Parliament Hill as the centre of political power or Craigellachie in British Columbia as the site where the fabled "Last Spike" in the Canadian Pacific Railway was nailed. Some people focus on locations that evoke feelings of sadness as they are sites of events perceived to be tragic or unjust. An example might be the Plains of Abraham in Quebec where the French were defeated by the British in 1759. Sense of Commitment to Distinctive Symbols Canadian identity as sentiment includes a sense of commitment to distinctive symbols. Though the land, territory, landscape and locations are distinctive symbols in their own way, others must also be considered. Hughes (1997) states, apart from a national flag, anthems, currency and passport; nations will develop other rituals and institutions to express their nationhood. These include capital cities, war memorials, national monuments, oaths of allegiance, national holidays commemorating key events or people, folk costumes, festivals, aerobatic performance teams, military pageants and parades, national sports, national airlines and national souvenirs (33). These symbols become part of peoples' national identity. As Smith (1991) states, symbols, customs and ceremonies lie at the core of identity.. .they embody nationalism's basic concepts, making them visible and distinct for every member, communicating the tenets of an abstract ideology in palpable, concrete terms that evoke instant emotional responses from all strata of the community (77). Symbols can also be a source of discomfort, frustration, and anger. For some, the maintenance of the British monarch as Canada's symbolic head of state evokes negative sentiments. Others deem the displaying of national flags, fireworks during national celebrations, and the use of symbols on everything from key chains to beer steins as excessive, gaudy, and inappropriate. Anxieties about jingoism are often raised as are concerns about the cheapening of the meaning behind the symbols used. 57 Sense of Historical Uniqueness Part of what defines a nation in the identity structure of its people is historical uniqueness. This refers to identification with parts of a nation's ongoing story that tells us who we are, how we should live, and what we ought to believe. It is a story (or stories) that has emerged from the past and is distinctive from those of all other nations (Calhoun, 1994). Smith (1991) states, collective cultural identity refers not to a uniformity of elements over generations but to a sense of continuity on the part of successive generations of a given cultural unit of population, to shared memories of earlier events and periods in history of that unit and to notions entertained by each generation about the collective destiny of that unit and its culture (25). As well, it refers to the perception that we are part of the nation's story, the current generation in a long history of people who were part of our national community. It is a belief that we are contributing to that story while sharing it with others of our generation. It is a perception that each person of previous generations, along with the events of their lives illustrate in some way what it means to be of this nation (Alter, 1994). People and events deemed to be of particular significance are called heroes and historically significant events. Occasionally, they are mythologized, in order to provide current and future generations with "a moral map" (Smith, 1991: 140). In Canada, examples might include Agnes MacPhail, Jacques Cartier, Samuel de Champlain, or Alexander Mackenzie as their accomplishments come to represent the moral and meritorious character of Canada as it continues its journey through time. Their lives, however mythologized, reaffirm to contemporary Canadians that this is a nation or "collectivity for which predecessors have made sacrifices and that contemporaries can take pride in emulating" (Birch, 1993: 221). Events like the Charlottetown conference, completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway, and the battles of Vimy Ridge and Ortona, also fulfill this role. They exemplify that this nation has participated in the march of time in worthwhile and often heroic ways, and teaching current and future generations valuable lessons about who and what Canadians are (Francis, 1997). Occasionally people and events of the past evoke feelings of shame, embarrassment disgust, or anger. They are people and events that are remembered because they demonstrate the difficult road Canadians have taken, exemplify beliefs and attitudes that some believe should not be 58 repeated, while challenging Canadians to do better in the future. Examples might include the expulsion of the Acadians from the colony of Nova Scotia in 1755, the banning of the aboriginal ceremony known as the potlatch through the Indian Act of 1876, and the internment of the Japanese camps in the interior of British Columbia during World War II. In some cases people that are revered as heroes by some Canadians are perceived to be villains by others. Such is the case with Louis Riel, a Metis leader who led two western rebellions in 1870 and 1885. He remains a controversial figure in Canadian history eliciting positive sentiments as a leader who represented the interests of his people against a national government perceived to be remote and unjust, and negative sentiments as a traitor and murderer for opposing the authority of the Canadian government and killing Thomas Scott. Sense of National Sovereignty National sovereignty is premised on the belief that nations should be masters of their own house, establishing the instruments of state, and achieving international recognition of their independence. Independence or sovereignty offers the opportunity to make decisions on behalf of the nation while determining the future of the nation. As a form of sentiment, a sense of national sovereignty is figuratively analogous to becoming an adult with sovereignty over one's economic, political, and socio-cultural decisions. In the Canadian context, it has come to mean defending the right and ability to make those decisions free from the influence of other nations, specifically the United States. Canada has enacted many policies and spent significant amounts of money asserting independent jurisdiction over its territory, borders, waterways, airspace, natural resources, while creating a national airline, a system of national banks, and media outlets and other cultural businesses all subject to Canadian laws (Bashevkin, 1991). Others are less concerned with issues of national sovereignty, encouraging integration of Canada's political, economic, cultural, and defence institutions with those of other nations through the United Nations, the World Trade Organization, or NORAD. 59 Sense of Belonging The previous five features of Canadian identity as sentiment are examples of how a person perceives Canada and Canadians. This feature is concerned with how a person feels about her/himself as a member of the national community in Canada. When a person has positive perceptions of Canada and other Canadians, there is an increased sense of belonging. Hellman (1999) states that, to feel a sense of belonging one must feel at home.. .not necessarily within the strict confines of one's domain of residence.. .but in a time and place which psychologically and emotionally fulfills that deepest human need to be one with the universe.. .cosmically connected to something outside one's corporeal self...to feel a sense of peace and contentment (73). A sense of belonging also refers to the ways a person relates to others in the national community, whether they accept or reject their membership. In the case of Canadian identity, a sense of belonging is intimately connected to perceptions of and debates about who is and is not a member of the nation. When one is considered a member of the nation there is the potential for increased feelings of connection to others in the nation. If a person is not considered a member of the nation by society or does not perceive him or herself to be a member of the nation, feelings of alienation, homelessness and placelessness can result. Some people might feel as if they are members of the nation but for various reasons also express feelings of discomfort. Recent immigration from another nation, migration from one region to another, or encountering policies or social interactions where one's race, ethnicity, religion, gender, sexual orientation, socio-economic status, marital status, or age are perceived to be "problematic", can elicit feelings of marginalization and alienation. 3. 2. 2. Canadian Identity as Citizenship The second dimension of students' Canadian identity is citizenship. As a concept, citizenship has been interpreted in many ways. Educators have made it the purpose of schooling and the focus of social studies. Canadian educators have interpreted citizenship education to include the development of a sense of national identity and patriotism, political efficacy, rights and responsibilities, and social values (Sears, 1997). American 60 educators have also have also espoused these goals while further incorporating character or moral development (Marker and Mehlinger, 1992). While character or moral education is a part of citizenship education in Canada, it has been more implicit than explicit. In this framework, citizenship is exclusively focussed on the relationship between citizens and the state. Students potentially offer a range of perceptions about the four features that comprise this dimension of Canadian identity. They are: 1) civil rights and responsibilities, 2) political rights and responsibilities, 3) social rights and responsibilities, and 4) cultural rights and responsibilities. Civil Rights and Responsibilities Civil rights are those that a person possesses simply by being a citizen of the nation. These rights are considered inalienable and are the cornerstone of individual liberty and freedom. Marshall (1950) described civil rights as "composed of the rights necessary for individual freedom—liberty of person, freedom of speech, thought and faith, the right to own property and to conclude valid contracts, and the right to justice" (8). Civil responsibilities refer to the judicious and prudent exercise of civil rights in ways that do not infringe on the rights of others. For example, some believe we have a responsibility not to use the right to freedom of religion to impinge on the right of others to freedom of thought, speech, or association. Some people believe that people have a responsibility to exercise one's rights in support of the economic, social, or political order rather than applying them in ways that undermine the established order. Others would disagree with this point saying that it behoves people to exercise their rights in ways that allow the individual to live the best life possible. In Canada, laws are established to clarify rights, responsibilities and their limitations, but it is a source of ongoing debate and legal interpretation. Political Rights and Responsibilities Political rights are those that individual citizens exercise in the governance of the nation. Marshall (1950) described political rights as "the right [of individuals] to participate in the exercise of political power, as a member of a body invested with political authority or as an elector of the members of such a body" (8). Political 61 responsibilities refer to the insuring that political rights are extended to all persons deemed to be members of the nation and to the exercise one's political rights when called on to do so in elections. Here, students might offer perceptions about representation in political institutions such as parliament, as well as the right to vote and run as a candidate in elections. Social Rights and Responsibilities Social rights refer to the provision of services and amenities that ensure life and promote livelihood. Marshall (1950) believed that social rights are important for the exercise of civil and political rights. He stated, If you.. .explain to a pauper that his property rights are the same as those of a millionaire, he will probably accuse you of quibbling. Similarly, the right to freedom of speech has little real substance if, from lack of education, you have nothing to say that is worth saying, and no means of making yourself heard if you say it (Marshall, 1950: 21). Here, students offer perceptions on social rights that might include the provision of state funded and accessible education, health care, employment insurance, and social assistance, along with subsidized housing, minimum wages, and job search and work placement programs. Students also offer perceptions on social responsibilities. These focus on whether the state and other agencies should provide social assistance to people and if everyone has a responsibility to ensure that social assistance or welfare system is maintained through judicious use and funding by all citizens. Cultural Rights and Responsibilities The rights of cultural expression are generally assumed to be in place for individuals who comprise the cultural mainstream. However, for people who comprise groups that are or have been outside the mainstream other considerations are possible. Cultural rights are opportunities for greater representation of views afforded groups of people who, because of their gender, race, ethnicity, language, or other characteristics, have been economically or socially disadvantaged in mainstream society (Taylor, 1994). Kymlicka (1995) and others suggest that "communities of interest" should be granted a 62 political voice in government through the guaranteed apportionment of seats in parliament, committees, federal commissions, and in the case of Quebec, on the Supreme Court and in the Senate (176). Students offer perceptions on these cultural rights as well as others that might include the provision of second language programs, minority language television and radio stations, special education programs for the physically and mentally challenged, and affirmative-action employment programs for women and visible minorities, and publicly funded cultural festivals. Students also consider what, if any, cultural responsibilities might exist to provide recognition, representation, and services to disadvantaged groups. 3. 2. 3. Canadian Identity as Values The third dimension of students' Canadian identity is values. Values, according to Brislin, Cushner, Cheerie, and Young (1986) "are the constructs, the groupings, and the orientations by which people decide what is normative, preferred or obligatory of members of their society" (299). Value constructs are culturally and contextually bound. Rockeach (1973) defines values as the "core conceptions of the desirable within every individual and society" (2). Values are a part of culture, whether the culture of the family, school, neighbourhood, workplace, city or nation. Rockeach (1973) and Brislin, et al. (1986) suggest that deeply held values do not change easily however. Indeed, there is a relative continuity of values that is historically based. Values are passed on from person to person, and generation to generation. Kallen (1995) states, "the most important part of culture is that it is a learned phenomenon; it is acquired, for the most part, through the ordinary processes of growing up and participating in.. .daily life" (20). According to this perspective, members of a particular group whether it be a family, school, ethnic, racial, or national group, are "likely to share certain patterns of living [and values] with other members who identify themselves, or might be identified, with the group" (James, 1999: 21). In short, values connect the members of the group and become part of the group's identity. Unlike the previous two dimensions where students offered a range of perceptions on features, here students were asked to identify values they perceived to be shared by Canadians and whether or not they also shared these values. Students identified three 63 values they believed in and they also believed were shared by other Canadians. They are: 1) acceptance of diversity, 2) non-violence in interactions with others, and 3) care for the natural environment. Acceptance of Diversity All nations are populated by a diversity of peoples. There are people of differing genders, ethnicities, religions, sexual orientations, languages, socio-economic classes, ages, weights, and heights, physical and mental abilities. These are aspects of peoples' identity, informing how they think of themselves, others, and the world at large (Ellsworth, 1997). Such diverse aspects of identity also inform differing conceptions of how people can and should live, how diversity can and should be perceived, and how to best to govern a diverse society. Acceptance of diversity forms a part of some people's national identity, their understanding of what they and their nation believes and/or ought to believe. As well, it is a value that informs their perception of how they and their nation ought to act and the type of society that is worth cultivating. Here, students offer their perceptions of this value. Non-Violence in Interactions with Others One of the basic needs that all humans share is security of person (Weiner, Zahn, and Sagi, 1992). Al l people want to feel safe, to be free from the threat of violence and possible death. Nations also share this need. They want to feel, in a collective sense, safe from attack, whether internally or externally initiated. Nevertheless, violence does exist. Some people and nations use violence, whether in acts of aggression or in self-defence. Here, students contribute their perceptions to the social debate about how to live a life that recognizes that violence exists while trying to cultivate a society that is non-violent in its interactions with others, what are appropriate responses to and punishments for violence, and when, if ever, violence is acceptable. Care for the Natural Environment If the natural environment is defined as the air we breathe, the water we drink, and the soil that grows our food and provides foundation for our homes, then we all live 64 in the natural environment. The natural environment supplies all people with resources needed for human life. However, as human beings live their lives they alter the natural environment in a number of ways. Some of them are benign such as footprints in the sand on a beach, while others are less so, including the release of toxic chemicals into the air, water and soil. Students offer their perceptions to the ongoing debate about care for the natural environment, what it means to "care", and the value and purpose of the natural environment. 3. 3. Analyzing the Curriculum and Textbooks This study explored the intersection between student identities, curriculum document, and textbook. More specifically, it analyzed the curriculum and textbooks through the prism of students' Canadian identities. As stated in chapter one, I do not wish to suggest that the social studies curriculum should be beholden to or be strictly guided by the perceptions of students. Indeed, there is much to be offered from the expertise and experience of other stakeholders such as historians, politicians, community leaders, and parents, along with that of teachers, curriculum designers, and textbook authors and publishers. However, it is students who must learn within the requirements of a curriculum document and it is students who hopefully learn from the use of textbooks. By exploring the dimensions and features of students' Canadian identities and using them as an entry point into an analysis of a social studies curriculum document and textbooks we are considering the curriculum from the perspective of those who have the most to gain from improvements. In text analysis, many researchers employ a quantitative approach, engaging in frequency counts to help ascertain meaning and to construct theory. However, R. Gilbert (1989) suggests that analyzing textbooks using only a quantitative approach is "reductionist and methodologically superficial", pointing out that frequency counts that focus on a unit of analysis, such as a word or phrase, oversimplify the way a reader constructs meaning (63). First, this approach ignores the way the reader progressively constructs meaning through processes such as repetition and anticipation. Second, this approach does not take into account the way in which a text is sequenced and organized, aspects that are as important to meaning construction as individual elements of the text. 65 Third, it assumes that the meanings of semantic units such as words and phrases do not vary according to context. The meaning of semantic units varies depending on the location within a discourse. For example, if environmental sustainability is the chosen term and is highlighted as a term of importance but it is discussed near or at the end of the textual passage, claims about its importance are undermined. Gilbert (1989) also points out that the fact the categories for and units of analysis must be chosen by the researcher detracts from the objectivity of this approach. He states, "the apparent objectivity of [quantitative] content analysis is, even in its own terms, spurious, as the highly controlled frequency counts can be based only on earlier arguments of interpretation" (62-63). The text analysis conducted in this study is qualitative in nature and uses what Clark (1995) calls a "descriptive analysis approach", acknowledging that official curriculum documents and textbooks are authored in particular social, cultural, and political contexts, while interpreting how they address the features that comprise the dimensions of students' Canadian identity. One of the most important documents that intersect with students in school is the official curriculum known in British Columbia as the Integrated Resource Package (IRP). I chose to analyze the grade 11 social studies (SS-11) IRP because it focuses on Canada's domestic and international relations in the 20 th century. Here, students are encouraged to develop as "thoughtful, responsible, active citizens...able to acquire the requisite information to consider multiple perspectives and make reasoned judgements", to "critically reflect upon events and issues in order to examine the present, make connections with the past, and consider the future", and "develop an appreciation of...what it means to be Canadian" (SS-11 IRP, 1997:1). These statements indicated that the SS-11 IRP had the potential to address the array of dimensions and features of students' Canadian identity of the courses offered in the British Columbia social studies program. The SS-11 IRP was introduced into the public schools of British Columbia in 1997 and is the last in a series of IRPs that form the kindergarten to grade 11 social studies program (B. C. Ministry of Education, Skills, and Training, 1997: 1). It was 66 piloted in various classrooms throughout British Columbia before becoming the officially mandated curriculum in September, 1999. A project team co-ordinated by former social studies teachers Ron Basarab and Richard Lord, and Greg Smith of the Curriculum Resources Branch, authored the SS-11 IRP. They worked with evaluators and reviewers, British Columbia B. C. Ministry of Education, Skills, and Training personnel, and other educators working in school districts, teacher associations, and the British Columbia Teacher's Federation. Its development was informed by, The Kindergarten to Grade 12 Education Plan, teacher-practitioners and educators, representatives of education partner groups, the 1989 BC Assessment of Social Studies Provincial Report, the 1992 Social Studies Needs Assessment Summary, the 1992 Scholarly Review, the 1993 Social Studies Curriculum Assessment Framework, the 1996 BC Assessment of Social Studies Provincial Report, and curriculum resources from other jurisdictions and BC postsecondary institutions (SS-11 IRP, 1997: 1). The SS-11 IRP was organized around ten themes or strands called curriculum organizers. The curriculum organizers are Skills and Processes I and II, Social Issues I and II, Cultural Issues, Political Issues I and II, Legal Issues, Economic Issues, and Environmental Issues. Under each strand were four components. The first component included all the provincially prescribed learning outcomes (PLOs). PLOs are the "knowledge, enduring ideas, issues, concepts, skills, and attitudes" the province expects students to know and be able to do in a particular subject and grade. They are stated in observable terms completing the phrase: "It is expected that students wil l . . ." (SS-11 IRP, 1997: III). In SS-11, there are a total of 50 PLOs for students to accomplish. The second component included a number of suggested instructional strategies (SISs). These are techniques, activities, and methods a teacher can choose to use in meeting the diverse needs of their students as they address the PLOs of the IRP. The third component was a number of suggested assessment strategies (SAS). These are ways a teacher can choose to gather information about student performance. Finally, the fourth component listed a number of provincially recommended learning resources (RLR). These are resource materials that have been reviewed and evaluated by teachers in British Columbia in collaboration with the provincial B. C. Ministry of Education, Skills, and Training. 67 Teachers can choose whether or not to use these resources as they address the PLOs for their particular grade. I focused my analysis of the SS-11 IRP on the PLOs and SISs. The PLOs are the part of the curriculum or IRP that is mandated; teachers must address these in their given grade and subject. This is the part of the social studies curriculum that intersects with students most. SISs support the PLOs and though optional give an indication of what is possible in the classroom. I decided that the suggested assessment strategies (SASs) were for assessing student performance and would not be useful for an exploration of students' Canadian identity. Save for the three social studies textbooks chosen for specific analyses and outlined later in this section, I did not focus on the recommended learning resources (RLRs). There was insufficient information on each resource to adequately analyze how they might be helpful in addressing students' Canadian identity. Using Appendix A in the IRP, a chart listing all of the PLOs together, each PLO was categorized according to the feature of students' Canadian identity they could reasonably be interpreted to reflect. All PLOs were categorized at least once though some were interpreted to reflect more than one feature. The same process was completed for the SISs. Once categorized, the PLOs and SISs were interpreted as to the ways they reflect the features of students' Canadian identity and how they could be used in social studies classrooms. The results are presented in the data analysis chapters (chapters 4-6) under dimension and feature headings. I also analyzed three textbooks approved as RLRs for use in SS-11. They are three of the resources most widely available in British Columbia's social studies classrooms. The first textbook, Canadian Issues (CI) was authored by Daniel Francis, Jennifer Hobson, Gordon Smith, Stan Garrod, and Jeff Smith. CI was published in 1998 by Oxford University Press and was 396 pages in length. As per the title, this textbook is structured around issues deemed to be relevant to Canada and Canadians. Issues are defined as "ideas, values, events or problems that give rise to different points of view or interpretation" (1). They may be social, cultural, political, legal, economic or environmental or any combination thereof. The book is comprised of an introduction, table of contents, 11 units of study, glossary and index. The units of study follow a decade by decade chronology through the 20 th century. At the beginning of each unit, the 68 issues are listed in a matrix with specific titles and page numbers assigned. As well, there is a checklist provided to assist teachers in focusing on social, cultural, political, legal, economic or environmental issues as desired. Each issue in a unit is given two pages of space for various types of text including titles, sub-headings, textual content, pictures, document reproductions, tables, biographies, alternative viewpoints, and so on. Two teaching aids are provided with each issue. "Keywords" highlight new and important vocabulary related to the issue and used in the textual passage. "Making Connections" offers questions or tasks to complete in an effort to mine the information presented. Also included in each unit of study is one "Skill Builder." This is a deviation from the issues that comprise the unit, and is an effort to develop skills deemed important to help students think through challenging questions or tasks, or use in other contexts. The second textbook is Canada: A Nation Unfolding (CNU) and is authored by Diane Eaton and Garfield Newman. Published in 1994 by McGraw-Hill Ryerson Limited, it is 436 pages in length. The textbook is structured around historical events deemed salient to the development of Canada in the 20 th century, and incorporates issues considered significant to the development of Canadian identity. As the introduction states, "the book and the topics within enable you to appreciate Canada's past and present and.. .help you define what it means to be Canadian" (1). Special emphasis is placed on Canadian-American relations, French-English relations, Canada's international role, Canada's multicultural heritage, and native culture in contemporary Canadian society. This book also examines the Canadian economy, government and legal system. The layout of the textbook includes a prologue, table of contents, 7. units of study, epilogue, photo and text credits, and index. The units of study follow are a chronological march through the 20 th century and each unit is comprised of 2 or 3 chapters on a specific theme. The chapters are approximately 20 pages long and are filled with various types of text including titles, sub-headings, pictures, picture text, graphics, tables, textual inserts, cartoons, maps, and document reproductions. At the end of each chapter four teaching aids are provided. The first is "Knowing The Key People, Places and Events", offered to highlight new and important names, places, events, and vocabulary related to the chapter. Second is "Focus Your Knowledge" and includes questions or tasks for students to complete to ensure they obtained the main points of the chapter. "Apply Your 69 Knowledge" contains questions or tasks designed to have students explore the main points by making connections to their perspectives and histories. Finally, "Extend Your Knowledge" includes thinking tasks whereby students make and justify decisions and create new products using their newly acquired knowledge. At the end of each unit is a "Skills Focus" section whereby students can learn skills and are introduced to strategies that are deemed important from thinking through questions and tasks, can be used in future careers, and be applied to other contexts. The third textbook was titled Canada Today (CT), authored by Carl F. Smith, Daniel J. McDevitt, and Angus L. Scully. This 3 r d edition was published in 1996 by Prentice-Hall Canada, Inc. and is 492 pages in length. The textbook is structured around topics and issues deemed to be salient to the development of Canada in the 20 th century and is designed to "help young Canadians understand that people make a difference... [and] shows how Canadians in the past have dealt with issues and found solutions" (ix). The book is comprised of preface, table of contents, skills development section, 4 units of study, glossary, credits and index. The units of study do not follow a chronology. Instead, they are clustered around broad titles called "Who We Are", "Geography and Economy", "Government, Law, and Politics" and "Canada In The World." Each unit is sub-divided into 4 chapters for a total 16. The chapters are focused on specific topics or issues related to the broad unit title. The chapters are approximately 30 pages long and are filled with various types of text including titles, sub-headings, pictures, picture text, graphics, tables, textual inserts, maps, and document reproductions. Each chapter has three teaching aids. The first is called "Focusing On The Issues" and is positioned at the beginning of the chapter. This teaching aid introduces the chapter topic and suggests some of the major questions raised by the content of the forthcoming chapter. The second is "Reviewing The Issues." It appears at the end of the chapter as a summary, attempting to put the topic of the chapter in perspective for the future. A third teaching aid is positioned throughout the chapter and includes a number of titles that appear with varying degrees of frequency. The most prominent are "Reading Better", a section asking students specific facts from the chapter, "Thinking It Through", a section requiring students to analyze information learned, and "Using Your Knowledge", which are critical tasks designed to have students engage in synthesis and decision-making. 70 To assist in the analyses of the textbooks, I developed charts. I charted each sub-heading provided in CNU and CT, and issue title used in CI, separately (see Appendix #6 for a sample text analysis chart). To assist in tracking, the chart identified the textbook title, sub-heading or issue title, and page number(s). I constructed columns for interpretation of the text message found in the written passages, description and analysis of pictures, and other forms of text such as maps, timelines, textual inserts, cartoons, questions, and tasks. A fourth column identified the feature(s) of students' Canadian identity the sub-heading or issue could reasonably be interpreted to be related. Not all of the sub-headings or issues analyzed could be presented. Indeed, many sub-headings and issues communicated similar messages. I selected those portions of the textbooks that best reflected and expanded students' Canadian identity, or reflected and enhanced students' ability to confront their tensions for presentation herein. The results are presented in chapters 4-6 under dimension and feature headings. 3. 4. Reliability and Validity Al l research is concerned with producing reliable and valid knowledge in an ethical manner. Case studies and text analyses are no exception. They must be believed and trusted as well as present insights and conclusions that are reasonable to readers, educators, and other researchers, given the data collected. In this section, I address the specific concerns of reliability and validity as they relate to this study. A concern of any inquiry is its reliability. Reliability in research is understood to mean the extent to which one's findings can be replicated. Early qualitative researchers felt compelled to relate traditional notions of reliability used in quantitative research to procedures used in qualitative research (see Goetz and LeCompte, 1984). Later qualitative researchers have, according to Creswell (1994), "created their own language to distance themselves from positivist paradigms" (157). This was done because traditional notions of reliability are based on the assumption of one reality that, if studied repeatedly, will offer the same results. This is a problematic notion in the social sciences because humans are involved and their contexts and behaviours are never static. In the case of education, what is being studied is understood to be dynamic, multifaceted, and highly contextualized. As Merriam (1988) states, "achieving reliability in the traditional 71 sense is not only fanciful but impossible" (171). Lincoln and Guba (1985) and more recently Erlandson, Harris, Skipper, and Allen (1993) suggest thinking about trustworthiness, dependability, and consistency of the results, rather than reliability. Al l can be considered viable stances on the question of reliability. Merriam (1988) proposes three techniques to ensure that results are dependable. Firstly, the researcher should clearly explain the assumption or theory behind the study, his or her position, and the social context from which the data were collected. Secondly, triangulation or multiple methods of data collection and analysis should be used. Thirdly, an audit trail whereby independent judges can authenticate the findings of the study by following the trail of the researcher. In this study, dependability is apparent in my communication of what I believe constitutes evidence of students' Canadian identity, as well as my conception of the role of official curricula and textbooks in social studies education. As well, different methods of data collection were used including questionnaires, individual, and group interviews, and curriculum document and textbook analysis. I have explained what was done in each step of the process and have left an audit trail that can, within the confines of student anonymity, be verified. The second element of concern in any inquiry is validity, specifically internal and external validity. According to J. W. Cresswell (1994), internal validity is understood to be the extent to which results are accurate and match reality. However, this type of validity is based on the assumption that there is a single reality to which the results can be compared in order to ensure accuracy. J. W. Ratcliffe (1983) suggests that accuracy should not be the concern because "data do not speak for themselves; there is always an interpreter, or a translator"; data do not exist separate from their interpretation (149). Merriam (1988) states internal validity in qualitative inquiry is "to uncover the complexity of human behaviour in a contextual framework, and to present a holistic interpretation of what is happening" (168). In this sense, it is better to consider internal validity in terms of the reasonableness of data interpretation and cogency of analysis presented. Still, Creswell (1994) suggests there are three strategies that can be used to increase internal validity. Firstly, find convergence among sources of information, different investigators, or different methods of data collection. Secondly, receive 72 feedback from informants or "member checks" (158). Thirdly, include peer examination of the findings. In this study, the dimensions and features of students' Canadian identity were derived from a weaving back and forth between a framework on Canadian identity posited by a fellow researcher and data gathered from students. Opportunities were provided for the verification, clarification, and expansion of data gathered from students in each stage of the interview process. Finally, members of my thesis committee as well as several educational colleagues discussed my analysis of students' perceptions and tensions as well as the analysis of the SS-11 IRP and the social studies textbooks throughout the research process. External validity is often understood to mean the generalizability of findings from the study. Again, this notion is problematic. Researchers choose case study and text analysis in qualitative inquiry because they want to understand the case and the text in depth, not because they want to make claims that are generalizable to all populations or texts. Eisner (1998) argues that "readers will determine whether the research findings fit the situation in which they work" (204). Generalizations are possible if the reader associates or finds significance in the results for his or her own environment. The logic is therefore analogical. Generalizations need to be thought of as "tentative guides" or ideas to be considered not prescriptions to follow (Eisner, 1998: 209). 3. 5. Summary Fifteen students enrolled at Portage Secondary School in Vancouver, British Columbia, were selected because they had migrated within the previous 24 months, and either had official Canadian citizenship status or intended to obtain it. Their perceptions of Canada, Canadians, and themselves as Canadians were used as evidence of their Canadian identity. Data were gathered using a questionnaire, individual and group interviews, and supplemented with contextual information about the school. Analysis of the data defined three dimensions of students' identity as sentiment, citizenship, and values. The dimensions were sub-divided into features. The SS-11 IRP for the province of British Columbia and three textbooks sanctioned for use in classrooms were selected to see how they address the features of the 73 dimensions that form students' Canadian identity. Using these dimensions and features the IRP and textbooks were analyzed based on how they reflect and expand students' Canadian identity, as well as how they reflect and enhance students' ability to confront their tensions. 74 CHAPTER FOUR Canadian Identity as Sentiment Sentiment is often associated with tender feelings of sentimentality. However, in this study sentiment refers to the feelings expressed by a person or group of people with regard to another person, object, or idea. The feelings are infused with emotions which may be positive, negative, mixed, or neutral in character. Sentiment is the affective part of national identity, expressing how a person feels about the nation. Students' perceptions of Canada, Canadians, and themselves as Canadians that are most indicative of the affective part of their national identity are presented as five features that include: 1) sense of commitment to land, territory, landscape or location, 2) sense of commitment to distinctive symbols, 3) sense of historical uniqueness, 4) sense of national sovereignty, and 5) sense of belonging. These features are also evident in the IRP and social studies textbooks. 4.1. Sense of Commitment to the Land, Territory, Landscape and Location This feature of Canadian identity is based on students' perceptions of the land, territory, landscape, and locations of Canada. A sense of commitment to the land involves connections between land and person. A sense of commitment to territory is defined as a person's feelings about the nation's physical shape, position of its physical features, and extent of political and legal jurisdiction. A sense of commitment to the landscape entails feelings about the physical features such as snow-capped mountains, rivers, lakes, and waterfalls. Finally, a sense of commitment to location refers to perceptions concerning specific places that are considered representative of the nation. An analysis of diverse perceptions that characterize this feature of students' Canadian identity is introduced by Karen, a 19 year-old of mixed white and aboriginal heritage. She was born in Lethbridge, Alberta and was the only child of an American-born white mother who studied anthropology and worked as a First Nations cultural worker. Her father was aboriginal and serves on a band council in Alberta. Karen's parents divorced when she was a year and a half old and her early childhood was itinerant. Her mother traveled the United States and Canada giving classes to aboriginal 75 women on creating First Nations cultural products. Karen spoke of living in Arizona, New Mexico, and Chicago. Mother and daughter eventually settled in a small community in Montana but Karen also spent many summers with her father in Alberta. Karen migrated to Canada alone twenty-one months prior to our first interview, only moving to Vancouver eight month previously following a short stay in a small community on the British Columbia-Montana border. Karen was a student in the regular school program and couldn't wait to complete her studies. She said, "It's all right here. Nothing wrong with it, I guess. I just hate being in one place too long and I'm ready to get on with my life". She felt isolated and alone at Portage Secondary School as her friends didn't attend the school and she did not participate in any extra-curricular activities. Karen lived with her boyfriend and had a part-time job at a clothing store. She worked many hours but found time to exercise at Tae-Bo classes and "hang out" with her friends. Karen was uncertain about her future but was considering attending acting school or a local culinary institute in the fall. Karen identified herself as a Canadian who is also a "Blood squaw" on the questionnaire (Appendix 3B: Question #9). She stated that her home was either the Blood reserve in southern Alberta or the small community in Montana where she grew up (Appendix 3B: Question #11). When asked about her response during the individual interview Karen replied, "I'm definitely a Blood.. .1 really take pride in that part of myself... I don't feel American even though I said my home is X, Montana. I think only of that little place and my friends there, not America. Do you see? I'm Canadian. I was born in Canada and I live here now. My mother is American but I don't feel connected to that country at all". This author's impression of Karen was of a strong, self-assured young woman who had witnessed diverse ways of living and encountered a great deal of prejudice. Yet, she had not permitted it to make her bitter or angry. Rather, Karen used her life experiences to press for greater awareness, understanding, and compassion. Karen spoke frankly, refusing to use politically correct terminology or avoid controversial perspectives especially when discussing relations between aboriginals and non-aboriginals. 76 What are students' perceptions of Canada, Canadians, and themselves as Canadians?1 With regard to a sense of commitment to land, only Karen offered perceptions that could be interpreted as such. Part of her response to the request to describe Canada to a stranger on a train (Appendix 4, Part D: Question #1), included the following, Canada has many Indians. They're my people. That sounds weird.. .We've always had a deep connection with the land. It is part of what sustains us. We know that we are a part of it. We don't own it or feel that it is to be conquered and used for whatever. Instead we (pauses) we live with it. (Tape #2) Karen perceived a relationship between her "people" and the land, calling it a "deep connection". She didn't see the relationship as one of ownership, rather she perceived "Indians" to be symbiotically entwined with the land, of the land. She stated at one point that "you grow up learning that it is important to never forget that it is the land that gives life" (Tape #2). This perspective had been passed down to her from her parents, other family members, and people on her father's reservation in southern Alberta. This belief or sense of commitment to the land was part of her aboriginal heritage but it is unclear if she associated her feelings about the land in any direct way with Canada. Indeed, her sense of commitment to land may be an expression of her aboriginal identity, her Canadian identity, or both. Regardless, Karen did not express tension with her sense of commitment to the land but revealed tension with what she perceived to be a lack of commitment to the land in others. At various points in the interview process Karen expressed tension with the way Canadians and Americans use 1It is important to note that in the data analysis chapters, statements made by students are separated from the data analysis text. Students' statements are single spaced and indented twice. Further, it is clearly indicated if the words are from the written questionnaire, individual interview, or group interview. Statements taken from the interviews are referenced using the number assigned the tape recording (see Appendix #2). Occasionally statements made by a student are in reference to something said by another student or myself. In such cases, the interjection is enclosed in [square brackets] and the speaker is indicated either by my first name or the pseudonym assigned another student. Finally, the speaking patterns of students are laced with idiomatic sounds and words. They tended to use a wealth of sounds and words like "ummm", "like", "right", "okay", and "yeah". These sounds and words, while a key part of the students' quest to express him or herself, distract the reader when placed in written form. Most idiomatic sounds and words have been removed unless considered important in conveying emotion, personality, or used as a form of emphasis. 77 and abuse the land, treating it as if it were a storehouse of resources to be extracted, manufactured, and consumed. At one point in the group interview Karen complained, You people don't get it. We can't live this way. Taking all the time. There's going to be nothing left. I'm not talking about five hundred years from now, I'm talking about now. We're running out of trees, fish, air, everything. It doesn't have to be this way. (Tape #16) Though other students were deeply concerned with the way the environment was being treated, none expressed their concern in a way that suggested they perceived thernselves to be of the land, that it was a part of their identity or sense of self. Karen believed that people ought to care for the land in a way that demonstrates stewardship rather than dominance and exploitation. She spoke with great passion and with a deep sense of frustration at Canadians she believed treated the land poorly and with a lack of respect. While Karen was the only student to demonstrate a sense of commitment to land, all students expressed perceptions of Canada that indicated a sense of commitment to territory. In response to the request to describe Canada to a stranger on a train (Appendix 4, Part D: Question #1) students took great joy in sharing their knowledge of Canada. Some recited the names of all the provinces and territories; others offered elaborate descriptions of Canada's physical regions, while others talked about the Canada being a "northern nation". Karen illustrated this point when she shared her knowledge of Canada's territory. She said, Canada is totally great. You have the Rockies in B.C. and Alberta, the wheat fields in Saskatchewan and Manitoba, the forests and minerals of Ontario, Quebec, and all the farmland out in the east, up north there are minerals too but very few trees. It is so diverse here. I've always felt connected to Canada, maybe it is my father's family, I don't know. I'm not sure, but I feel a part of this place, you know? (Tape #2,) Dorion, a recent immigrant from Jamaica, took great pride in talking about this aspect of Canada. In response to the same question, she said, Well Canada is huge, like really big. It has ten provinces, B.C., Alberta, Ontario, umm Newfoundland, you know, and two territories in the north [TODD: there are now three territories] That's right! What is the new one called, Noona? Nonnasomething? [TODD: Nunavut] Is that how you say 78 it? Nunavut. Yeah, and there's all the oceans and stuff. It's an incredible country. (Tape #5) Comparisons between former homelands and Canada abounded. For Dorion, the enormity of Canada's size was overwhelming, especially in comparison to Jamaica. She said, There is so much space in Canada. You can go for miles and still be in the same country. It's shocking when you compare Canada to Jamaica. Jamaica is very small. You learn to live differently on a small island. Nothing is wasted if you can help it [TODD: Do you think land is wasted in Canada?] Maybe a little but we have so much. (Tape #5) Even the possibility that land might be being wasted was not enough to bring forth tension. In Dorion's mind, people can be excused for being a little wasteful when they live in such territorial vastness. However, two students expressed tension with Canada's size and climate. Paul said, Canada is so big. It has so much space. I find this a little difficult maybe. I don't leave the city much because it is so boring when you are not in the city. Al l there is are trees and emptiness